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 Ney - Memoirs 
 
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MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 MARSHAL NET. 
 
 71 , YyWik I . i 1 ‘ 
 
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 PUBLISHED BY HIS FAMILY. 
 
 TWO VOLUMES IN ONE. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 E. L. CAREY AND A. HART— CHESNUT STREET. 
 
 BALTIMORE: 
 
 CAREY, HART & CO. 
 

 

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 CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME 
 
 BOOK THE FIRST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 First years of Ney’s life. — Characteristic Anecdotes - 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Generosity. — Ney’s character 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 , , Continuation of the preceding 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Ney’s first feats of arms. — He takes the command of a column of 
 flankers. — Different excursions r 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Divers feats of arms by Adjutant-general Ney. — Battle of the Roer 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Capture of Dusseldorf. — Affair of Neuss. — Siege of Maestricht 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Passage of the Rhine, and pursuit across the mountains - 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Battle of Alterkirchen. — Retreat of the Army of Sambre-et-Meuse 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Passage of the Sieg. — Battle of Altenkirchen. — Capture of Dierdorf 
 and Montabaur 
 
 8 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 ^Action at Herborn. — Battle of Ukerath 
 
 a CHAPTER V. 
 
 Kjrhe army of the Rhine begins operations. — That of Sambre-et-Meuse 
 |> resumes its movement - - 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 t^The Army of Sambre-et-Meuse resumes its movement. — Feats of arms 
 W by General Ney 
 
 fcj) , CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Continuation of the preceding 
 
 ^ CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Occupation of Nuremberg. — Capture of the Fortress of Rotheinberg. — 
 Various engagements at Sulzbach 
 
 & 
 
 G> 
 
 EFfc 
 
 Page 
 
 9 
 
 16 
 
 22 
 
 27 
 
 34 
 
 41 
 
 49 
 
 56 
 
 61 
 
 66 
 
 70 
 
 77 
 
 82 
 
 92 
 
 35878 
 
IV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK THE THIRD. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Page 
 
 Action at Amberg. — Affair of the Military Chest. — Death of Mar- 
 ceau. — Bournonville 101 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Distress of the French troops. — The Government Commissary. — The 
 Magistrates of Wipersfurt 108 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Hoche takes the command of the Army of Sambre-et-Meuse. — His 
 policy, and opinion of the Administration attached to the Army 115 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Ney is appointed to the command of the Hussars. — He assembles them 
 upon the banks of the Simmern. — Interview between General Hoche 
 
 and Field-Marshal Kray - -- -- -- - 124 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Battle of Neuwied. — Ney taken Prisoner /- - - - - 129 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Invasion of Helvetia. — Views of the Directory. — General Brune and 
 the calumnies attached to his name 138 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Second Coalition. — Ney appointed to the Army of Observation. — Sur- 
 prise of Manheim. — Attempts upon Philipsburg - 145 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Ney refuses the rank of General of Division. — Flattering observations 
 made to him by Bernadotte. — He at length accepts it - 151 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Battle of the Thur. — Action at Winterthur. — Ney’s first wound. — 
 
 The soldiers bind it up. — Ney wounded a second and third time 164 
 
 BOOK THE FOURTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ney appointed to the Army of the Rhine. — Capture of Heilbrorm. — 
 March upon Stuttgard 169 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Ney appointed to the chief command of the Army. — How this appoint- 
 ment was received. — Divers operations ----- 177 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 General Lecourbe hesitates to accept the command. — Ney presses him 
 to do so. — Different Engagements 184 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Historical Documents 
 
 197 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Marshal Ney was perhaps, next to Napoleon, the greatest of the 
 generals produced by the French Revolution. When the French peo- 
 ple, goaded to desperation by the minions of a long line of besotted and 
 voluptuous monarchs, the oppression of an overbearing and privileged 
 aristocracy, and the arrogance of a proud and dissolute hierarchy, at 
 length threw olf the yoke under which they had groaned during so many 
 centuries, and proclaimed an equality of political rights, all the other 
 powers of Europe united to put down the principles which had led to this 
 event. The revolutionary spirit, thus pressed upon and hemmed in on 
 all sides, acquired tenfold energy, #nd burst like a torrent through the 
 barriers opposed to it, over-running the whole of continental Europe, 
 throwing down the longest established thrones, and sweeping away, in 
 its impetuous course, the very foundations of the most ancient social 
 edifices. This ill-judged opposition to the rights of between twenty 
 and thirty millions of people, changed the aspect of the whole civilized 
 world, and from it sprang a race of warriors who, seconded by the mili- 
 tary spirit inherent in the French nation, subdued every country in 
 Europe, save only Great Britain, protected by her navies and her insular 
 situation. Among the “first and foremost” of these warriors stood 
 Michael Ney, the son of a cooper at Sarrelouis, a small towiKon the 
 Rhine. He was born in 1769, when the debauchery of Louis XV. had 
 exhausted the finances of his country — when the mistresses of this mo- 
 narch appointed his ministers, his ambassadors, and his generals, and 
 made the government of a great and high-minded people pander to their 
 profligacy. Ney became a soldier in 1787, a short time before the meet- 
 ing of the States-General, and the wonders effected by the astounding 
 eloquence of Mirabeau. 
 
 From ' the moment the privileges of the aristocracy were abolished, 
 and military promotion was opened to all classes of the community, Ney’s 
 career was as rapid as it was brilliant. He gave proof of surpassing 
 genius throughout the French campaigns in Germany and in Switzer- 
 land; lie displayed diplomatic talents of a high order, under the gui- 
 
vi 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 dance and instructions of the celebrated Charles Maurice Talleyrand, 
 then minister for foreign affairs to the French Republic — and certainly 
 the greatest diplomatist of this or perhaps any former age. 
 
 Michael Ney was appointed Marshal of the French Empire, in his thirty- 
 fifth year; and from that period he shared, day by day, in all the glories 
 and perils of Napoleon. As he was no party man, but devoted wholly 
 to his country, whatever its form of government, he lent his sword and 
 talents to the chief whom it had chosen. This was his principle through 
 life, and it accounts for his serving Louis XVIII. in 1814, as well as for 
 his joining his former master and friend when he found his efforts to 
 oppose him unavailing — when the whole of his army had gone over to 
 Napolean, and the positive will of the nation, afterwards put down by 
 the united armies of Europe, recalled the exile of Elba to the imperial 
 throne. 
 
 The talents, the dauntless valour, the high-minded generosity, and the 
 considerate kindness of Ney, are proverbial in the French army ; and he 
 dwells in the memory of the veterans who served under him, like one 
 of the heroes or demigods of old. 
 
 From Ney’s activity and daring spirit, combined with consummate 
 skill and prudence, and from his particular talent in providing for the 
 wants of the troops, without oppressing the inhabitants of the countries 
 overrun by the French armies, he was generally employed in the van- 
 guard — a circumstance which has led to the error, in which even many 
 of his own countrymen share, that he was a mere soldier of action, ex- 
 cellent in leading an attack, but devoid of the high acquirements, exten- 
 sive knowledge, and strategic skill so necessary to wield and manoeuvre 
 large masses of soldiers. This mistaken notion has beem strengthened 
 by some of his old companions in arms, who now attempt to vituperate 
 his memory, because he would not allow them, when under his com- 
 mand to practise that system of robbery and plunder which disgraced 
 the French armies in the countries through which they passed, whether 
 as friends or foes, and by means of which some of Napoleon’s generals 
 acquired immense wealth. These men, since Ney’s death, have attempt- 
 ed to undervalue his talents as a commander. Others, with a view of 
 elevating themselves, have sought to found a military reputation at the 
 expense of his ; and among the latter, is a certain General Jomini, aide- 
 de-camp to the late Emperor Alexander, a Swiss by birth, and a flippant 
 writer about campaigns and battles. Ney, having met with him in 
 Switzerland in an almost destitute condition, made him enter the French 
 service, brought him rapidly forward, and ultimately placed him at the 
 head of his staff. Jomini now pretends that, while filling this situation, 
 he was Marshal Ney’s providence; that he constantly directed all the 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Vll 
 
 brilliant achievements of which his general obtained the credit, and got 
 Ney out of all the scrapes into which his deficiencies as a commander 
 were continually leading him. Now, supposing this contemptible rho- 
 domontade to be true, how happens it that this same General Jomini has 
 never distinguished himself by his military talents since he left Ney to 
 enter the service of Russia ? His name is quite unknown, even among 
 the third and fourth-rate generals of the day. Surely he cannot allege 
 the want of opportunity; for in the service of no European state is 
 high military talent made more available than in that of Russia. 
 
 The truth is, Ney never asked the advice either of his staff collec- 
 tively, or of any of its officers in particular, on those grand and extraor- 
 dinary movements by which he often baffled and defeated an enemy of 
 vastly superior force. They were the rapid inspirations of his own in- 
 stinctive genius, and to this may perhaps be attributed the almost un- 
 varied success that attended them. With regard to his skill as a 
 theoretical as well as a practical warrior, he was unquestionably supe- 
 rior to every other officer in the French service, even to Massena, by 
 many considered the best of Napoleon’s generals. This may appear, 
 to some, a very hazardous assertion ; it is nevertheless true. Marshal 
 Ney was second only to the Emperor, who, on many important occasions, 
 even yielded to his opinions. 
 
 Ney’s retreat from Russia, in 1813, was a masterpiece of strategy ; it 
 is equal to any thing of the kind ever performed by the greatest generals 
 of ancient or modern times, and will hold a prominent place in the mili- 
 tary annals of the nineteenth century. That Ney united profound science 
 to the experience of a life of active warfare, is placed beyond a doubt by 
 the manuscripts left in his own hand writing, containing his observations 
 upon the various campaigns in which he served, and also his military 
 studies for the use of his own officers, when he commanded the camp at 
 Montreuil. To this we may add, that he first improved upon the old 
 system of military tactics, and founded the system now followed by the 
 French armies. 
 
 In defiance of a solemn capitulation, Marshal Ney was imprisoned as 
 a traitor, and adjudged to die by the members of a faction who had sold 
 their country. These men had fixed his doom before they came to the 
 judgment-seat; it was sealed by their iniquitous sentence, and “the 
 bravest of the brave” was judicially murdered at the back of the Luxem- 
 bourg, on the 7th of December 1815. He died as he had lived, a man of 
 heroic courage and unshaken firmness. He death will ever remain a 
 foul blot, not only upon the then government of his country, but upon 
 those foreign governments which might and ought to have interfered to 
 prevent such a catastrophe. This view of the case will doubtless be de- 
 
Vlll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 dared erroneous by men of the present day, imbued with the blind vin- 
 dictiveness of party feeling; but it will surely be the one taken in after- 
 ages, when time shall have effaced every vestige of such feeling. Then 
 will the name of Marshal Ney rise pure and imperishable, and justice 
 be done by the whole world to the memory of one who died a felon’s 
 death, only because he loved his country too well, and the person of its 
 king less. 
 
 The present memoirs are founded upon the papers and documents 
 which he left behind him, consisting of anecdotic and biographical frag- 
 ments, accounts of his divers missions and campaigns, and the substance 
 of many extraordinary secrets entrusted to him as a general and a states- 
 man. All these materials throw great light upon the history of the 
 French empire more especially upon that part of it which relates to the 
 invasion of Spain and the disastrous expedition against Russia. 
 
 The work has been put together under the direction and management 
 of the Duke of Elchingen, Marshal Ney’s second son, who has affixed 
 his signature to every sheet sent to press. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OP 
 
 MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 BOOK THE FIRST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Michael Ney was born at Sarrelouis, on the 10th of January, 1769. 
 At an early age he evinced a decided taste for a military life. He 
 received his education at a school kept by the monks of St. Augustin, 
 where, although he applied himself sedulously to his studies, he dis- 
 played a remarkable turbulence of disposition. He constituted him- 
 self the avenger of wrongs among his school -fellows, and, like the 
 general of an army, trained and disciplined them. His father had 
 been a soldier ; and after the seven years’ war, had retired to his 
 native village, where he exercised the calling of a cooper. He had 
 unintentionally fired the inflammable imagination of his son, by ac- 
 counts of battles in which he had participated, particularly that of 
 Rosbach, where he had distinguished himself ; a circumstance he 
 always contrived to introduce in his tales of fields lost and won. 
 He used to observe, however, that courage was not alone sufficient to 
 insure the success of a military man; that to obtain command, noble 
 birth was also requisite, and that the son of a poor mechanic had 
 nothing but humiliation to expect in a profession where every thing 
 was obtained by favour and family interest. The recollection, he 
 added, of the perils he had encountered, and the glory of his personal 
 achievements, were the only rewards of him who could not boast of 
 high lineage. 
 
 The trade of the elder Ney, though considered respectable on the 
 banks of the Rhine, was not however very lucrative, and he was 
 anxious that his son should embrace some other calling. M. Valette, 
 
 VOL. i. 2 
 
10 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 a notary, whom the youthful pursuits of Michael had interested, offered 
 to take the latter into his office. This appearing eligible, it was de- 
 termined that young Ney should' study the law.* 
 
 Docile to the wishes of his parents, Ney consented without difficulty 
 to this arrangement. Nevertheless, the duties of a notary’s office did 
 not exactly harmonize with a mind yearning for the bustle of a mili- 
 tary life ; he therefore soon became disgusted with them, and obtained 
 an appointment of clerk to the Procureur de Roi. But this was still 
 worse ; for if he must be pinned to the desk, he by far preferred copy- 
 ing deeds and contracts, to conducting criminal proceedings. 
 
 Time however sped on, and Ney completed his fifteenth year. He 
 had now a presentiment of his future greatness, and was burning to 
 follow the bent of his inclination. His father, unable to appreciate 
 these workings of a master spirit, or to share in the hopes which they 
 raised, endeavoured to suppress them. Peter Ney, his eldest son, was 
 already a soldier. Michael’s deference to his father’s wishes was 
 extreme, and the latter succeeded for a time, not in subduing this 
 irresistible feeling, but in giving a momentary impulse to his mind in 
 a different direction. The mines of Apenwerler were then in full pro- 
 duce ; and young Ney was sent thither as an overseer. The works, 
 and the bustle attendant upon them, at first captivated him ; he loved 
 to watch the change in the ore, and to study the different processes it 
 underwent in its transformation. But this knowledge was soon ac- 
 quired, and his imagination relapsed into its former dreams of cam- 
 paigns, and battles, and military fame. The entreaties of his father, 
 and the tears of his mother, though they affected him much, could 
 not alter his determination. His vocation was however again checked 
 for a short period, by his thoughts being directed to another channel. 
 Though young, he was well informed, punctual, active, and zealous. 
 An offer was made him to superintend the iron works at Saleck ; 
 which he accepted. Besides the new direction which the novelty of 
 this occupation gave for a time to his ideas, it offered him a prospect 
 of future competency, which he never had before ; he therefore applied 
 himself cheerfully to the fulfilment of its duties. 
 
 Two years were spent in this manner; but his military propensities 
 strengthening every day, the duties of his office became insupportable 
 to him. The very place in which he lived contributed to develope 
 the passion which consumed his life-springs. Almost every town on 
 the Rhine is fortified, and has a garrison. If the superintendant of 
 the Saleck works went to Treves, to Bergheim, or to Deux-Ponts, he 
 was sure to see soldiers performing the platoon exercise, and those 
 military movements in which he longed to participate as a mere pri- 
 vate, although he already felt the instinct of command. His resolu- 
 tion to conform to the wishes of his parents was not powerful enough 
 to remain proof against the impulse of his soul. 
 
 * The minutes in Ney’s hand-writing are still preserved in this office as 
 valuable relics. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 11 
 
 Ney resigned his humble situation, and set out for Metz, where the 
 regiment of hussars, called the Regiment de Colonel-General, was 
 then quartered. The grief with which this sudden and decided step 
 was likely to afflict his parents, gave him considerable uneasiness, 
 and he long hesitated before he paid them a parting visit ; but filial 
 affection triumphed over every other feeling, and quitting the high 
 road, he directed his steps towards Sarrelouis. 
 
 The meeting was very painful, and he had to encounter reproaches, 
 tears, entreaties, and even threats. The scene which took place was 
 heart-rending, and he could only put an end to it by abruptly resum- 
 ing his journey on foot. Though without clothes or money, worn 
 out with fatigue and anxiety, his shoes in holes, his feet lacerated and 
 bleeding — still his courage did not desert him; and by his perse- 
 verance at this early stage of his career, he already displayed that 
 energy of purpose which, in after life, would yield to no obstacle. 
 
 Many years elapsed ere he returned to Sarrelouis. Fortune had 
 then rewarded his courage with high rank and honours. When he 
 again visited his birth-place, the cannon roared, and the troops were 
 under arms. The inhabitants of Sarrelouis ran in crowds to behold 
 their illustrious townsman. On perceiving the road over which, thir- 
 teen years previous, he had travelled on foot to become a soldier, 
 Marshal Ney, with emotion, related to the officers who surrounded 
 him the history of his first departure from his family. 
 
 On his arrival at Metz, on the 1st of February, 1787, Ney, then 
 eighteen years of age, enlisted in the Regiment de Colonel-General, 
 afterwards the 4th hussars. He entered this regiment under the 
 auspices of one of his countrymen, but who, being only a lieutenant, 
 could be of no service to him in the way of promotion. This how- 
 ever was of no consequence at that period. Promotion belonged only 
 to the aristocracy ; interest was therefore of no use, and he must wait 
 until better times should widen the field of glory through which he 
 was destined to run. But he commenced his military career not 
 without certain advantages. He had some knowledge of business, of 
 practical natural philosophy, and of the resources of industry. His 
 good conduct, his application, and the rapidity with which he made 
 himself master of his duty, attracted the attention of his officers ; 
 whilst his patient submission to discipline and his orderly conduct 
 elicited their good-will ; and as he wrote a beautiful hand, he was 
 soon employed in the quarter-master’s office. This gave him some 
 leisure time, which he devoted to qualifying himself for his new pro- 
 fession. 
 
 He distinguished himself among his comrades by his fine, soldier- 
 like appearance, his great dexterity in the use of his weapons, and by 
 the ease and boldness with which he rode the most dangerous horses, 
 and broke in those hitherto considerered unmanageable. On this 
 account, every regimental affair of honour was confided to him. The 
 fencing-master of the Chasseurs de Vintimille, a regiment also quar- 
 
12 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 tered at Metz, was, like most regimental fencing-masters of those 
 days, a dangerous duellist, and as such dreaded not only by young 
 recruits but by old and experienced swordsmen. This man had 
 wounded the fencing-master of the Colonel-General, and insulted the 
 whole regiment. The non-commissioned officers having held a meet- 
 ing for the punishment of this bully, Ney, just promoted to the rank 
 of brigadier, was selected, as the bravest and cleverest swordsman, to 
 inflict the chastisement deemed necessary. He accepted the mission 
 with joy, but just as the duel was about to commence, he felt some 
 one pull him violently by the tail. On turning his head he perceived 
 the colonel of his regiment, who immediately put him under arrest. 
 
 Duelling was at that period punishable with death, and Ney was 
 taken in the very act. The matter could not well be more serious ; 
 but the young brigadier was much liked by his officers, and besides, 
 there was no personal quarrel, he having been delegated to fight for 
 the honour of the regiment. The non-commissioned officers waited 
 on the colonel in a body to solicit his pardon, which was soon made 
 an affaire de corps. Revolutionary ideas already prevailed in the 
 army to such an extent that a too great severity of discipline was al- 
 ways eluded, lest it should exasperate the men. A long confinement 
 therefore saved Ney from a court martial ; but he had scarcely ob- 
 tained his release ere he judged it necessary to satisfy what he deemed 
 a point of honour. The danger he had incurred could not turn him 
 from his purpose ; for he scorned to be protected from the peril of a 
 meeting with his formidable adversary, by any other means than his 
 own skill and courage. The interrupted duel now took place, proper 
 precautions being taken to keep it secret. Ney was the conqueror ; 
 he disabled his adversary by a wound on the wrist, which subsequently 
 led to the discharge of the bully fencing-master from the service. 
 The latter was afterwards reduced to great poverty ; and Ney, who 
 had become rich, sought him out and settled a pension upon him. 
 
 Marshal Ney never forgot his origin. When at the very climax 
 of his fortune, he loved to call to mind the point from which he had 
 started. It grieved him, during his career, to see old errors revived, 
 the principles of equality lost sight of, and the bearers of ancient 
 names and titles loaded with favours, without any personal merit to 
 justify such partiality. He was much displeased at the eagerness 
 shown to court such individuals ; and he required numerous proofs of 
 courage and talent ere he could overcome the unfavourable impres- 
 sion which he at first conceived of officers forced upon him by policy, 
 and in opposition to his own glorious recollections. When in their 
 presence, he always made a point of speaking of his early life. If 
 any officers talked before him of their noble birth, of the pecuniary 
 allowances they received from their families, or of their expectations 
 of hereditary wealth, he would say, “ I was less fortunate than you, 
 gentlemen ; I received nothing from my family, and I thought myself 
 rich at Metz when I had two loaves of bread upon my shelf.” 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 13 
 
 Soon after he was raised to the rank of Marshal of the empire, 
 being at a large party, every one crowded round him to offer con- 
 gratulations on the event. Interrupting the flattering speeches of the 
 company, he addressed an old officer who kept himself at some dis- 
 tance from the rest of the party, “ Do you remember, captain,” he 
 asked, “ the time when you used to say to me, as I made my report to 
 you , 1 Very well, Ney ; continue as you are now going on, and you 
 will make your way, my lad V ” — “ Perfectly well, Monsieur le Mare- 
 chal,” his old captain replied ,* “ I then had the honour to command 
 one better than myself. Such things are not to be forgotten.” 
 
 The satisfaction which Ney felt in recalling the events of his youth, 
 arose as well from the noble pride of having owed his rise solely to 
 his own exertions, as from the recollection of family attachments. 
 He loved to talk about the tender affection of his mother, and the 
 paternal advice of his father.* And when he yielded to the impetuosity 
 of his courage, he carefully concealed from his parents the dangers 
 to which he exposed himself. When he led the van of Collaud’s 
 division, a destructive action had just taken place. On his return, 
 worn out with fatigue, he related the events of the day to a friend, 
 who blamed what he termed Ney’s imprudence. “ True,” the latter 
 replied, “ I have had a narrow escape again to-day ; for I was four 
 times quite alone in the midst of the Austrians.” — “ You have been 
 more fortunate than your poor brother,” his friend observed. — 
 “ Good God!” said Ney in alarm, “What has happened? Is my 
 brother dead? Oh ! my poor mother !” 
 
 Ney’s friend then informed him that his brother, Peter Ney, officer 
 in the 55th demi-brigade, had been killed in a sanguinary conflict 
 which had just taken place in Italy. Unable to restrain his tears at 
 this afflicting intelligence, “What would have become of my poor 
 mother and sister,” he exclaimed, “ if I had fallen to-day ! Write 
 to them, but conceal from them the risks I run, lest they should feel 
 the alarm of losing me also.” 
 
 War and the stagnation of trade had created a general distress 
 throughout France, and the operative classes were more particularly 
 affected by it. At that period a general officer received only eight 
 francs a month, and Ney was only a subaltern. His circumstances 
 were therefore far from flourishing. Nevertheless he submitted to the 
 severest privations, and contrived out of his pittance to send pecuniary 
 
 * Marshal Ney’s father died a few years since, having lived almost a cen- 
 tury. He loved his son with tenderness and respect. Though a man of 
 great physical strength, taking long walks and violent exercise, it was 
 feared th,at a knowledge of the events of 1815 might prove fatal to him. 
 He was therefore kept in ignorance of them ; but the mourning dress of 
 his daughter with whom he lived, as well as of her children, convinced 
 him that some great family misfortune had happened. He dared not to ask 
 what it was ; but from that period he fell into a gloomy melancholy, and 
 but seldom pronounced his son’s name. His death occurred in 1826. 
 
14 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 aid to his mother, then confined to her bed by a disorder which car- 
 ried her off after four years of suffering. 
 
 Ney had just been made an officer. Poor, disinterested, and 
 generous ; the most intense feelings of honour and delicacy had taken 
 such deep root in his soul, that he would have scorned to acquire 
 wealth at the expense of the enemy, by taking advantage of the 
 chances of war. Some blamed him for not profiting by a chance 
 which the following anecdote will explain, and thus punishing a base 
 insult ; others admired his inflexible rectitude of principle. 
 
 He was with the army of the North. Encounters with the British 
 cavalry were frequent, and sometimes valuable captures were made. 
 Ney had just been promoted to the rank of captain ; ardent, daring, 
 and eager to distinguish himself, he one day charged with such im- 
 petuosity, that with his small detachment he passed the British lines 
 and camp. A squadron of English cavalry appeared ; he attacked 
 and dispersed it, and eagerly pursued an English general officer 
 whom it was escorting. The latter surprised at this determined pur- 
 suit, made no attempt to defend himself, but preferred treating: 
 “ Here,” said he, is a purse full of gold ; take it and let me go,” — 
 the French captain smiled at the proposal, and this encouraged the 
 English general to press his offer. — “ You are surrounded by our 
 forces,” he continued, “ and you must be taken prisoner. Do better ; 
 remain with us, and your fortune shall be made ; your promotion 
 shall be rapid, and you will serve your own princes.” 
 
 “ Really, this is going too far,” Ney replied with indignation, plac- 
 ing his sword upon the other’s breast ; “You offer me money, and 
 propose that I should desert my colours. Now, you shall desert, and 
 that too in the presence of your own army. You must charge with 
 me through your own ranks, and if you attempt to escape, that mo- 
 ment shall be your last. Follow me, my lads,” addressing his hus- 
 sars ; “ forward !” So saying he gave his horse the spur, overthrew 
 every one who opposed him, and passed once more through the 
 English ranks, thunderstruck at seeing one of their own officers 
 charging side by side with the French captain. Ney brought his 
 prisoner in triumph to the head-quarters of the French army ; the 
 latter quite confounded at his silly adventure. “ Keep your money,” 
 said Ney to him ; “ I might perhaps be justified in taking it from you, 
 but you will want it more than I shall. Another time, however, be 
 more circumspect when you attempt to parley.” 
 
 Ney, although submissive to those in command over him, was 
 neither obsequious nor a flatterer. He did his duty with zeal and 
 enthusiasm, because he loved his profession. Never did the idea of 
 pleasing his superiors or purchasing his promotion by meanly cring- 
 ing, enter his mind. From his very entrance into the service, he had 
 no feeling but that of the most entire devotion to his country. He 
 had made to it the offering of his dearest affections, and even life 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 15 
 
 itself. He knew how to elude too great severity, as well as to resist 
 what he considered unjust. 
 
 The character of Kleber is well known. It will be shown hereaf- 
 ter with what kindness and regard he treated Ney, from whom, how- 
 ever, neither the violence of Kleber’s temper, nor his anger, nor even 
 his friendship could obtain any improper concessions. 
 
 Kleber was sometimes the slave of passion. Having once taken a 
 dislike to an officer to whom he had formerly been attached, he wanted 
 to get rid of him. Having ordered his aide-de-camp, Ney, to make a 
 minute of an order to this effect, “ You are going to send him away,” 
 the latter observed, “ because ” 
 
 “ Because,” replied Kleber with violence, “ I don’t like him.” 
 
 “ Well then,” said Ney, “ you may get somebody else to write the 
 minute, for I would cut my arm off rather than be the instrument of 
 recording such an order.” 
 
 Kleber, speechless with astonishment, looked for a considerable 
 time at the presumptuous aide-de-camp without speaking a word ; 
 then mildly said, “ Well, let him remain ! You desire it, and so let 
 it be.” 
 
 Though this was an open resistance to the will of his imperious 
 commanding officer, yet it was the honest feeling of one brave soldier 
 candidly expressed to another* There was much greater danger 
 in braving the will of the representatives of the people, who, by ap- 
 palling examples, had cemented their authority by blood, and could 
 strike terror into the bosoms of the bravest men. 
 
 The emigrants having crucified some volunteers of the republican 
 army, the latter had used reprisals ; and as it always happens, one 
 cruelty led to another, until the victims were allowed to choose the 
 mode of their own death. Strict orders had been given to execute 
 with the utmost rigour, the decrees of the convention against the 
 emigrants. Nevertheless, some of the latter had laid down their arms 
 and called for quarter. Ney, then a general officer, would not injure 
 those whom his soldiers had spared. He treated them with kind- 
 ness, mingled them with the foreign prisoners, and sent them to the 
 depots of the latter. The representatives were indignant at this ; but 
 as they had not full evidence of the fact, they were afraid to bring 
 the matter forward in the shape of an accusation, and contented 
 themselves with watching the offending General more narrowly. 
 The latter, informed of the suspicion attached to him, became more 
 circumspect. His scouts, however, brought in, one evening, some 
 priests whom they had found wandering through the country. These 
 prisoners were half dead with fright, hunger, and fatigue. Ney de- 
 termined' to save them. In the presence of those who captured them, 
 he affected to speak with great violence, and to threaten them with 
 the full penalty of the law ; but after he had dismissed his men, under 
 pretence of examining the prisoners in private, he altered his manner, 
 gave them food and money, and sent them the same night under a 
 
16 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 disguise to a town through which he knew the army would not pass.* 
 Next morning, Ney affected violent anger at their escape, which was 
 publicly announced to him. Although he endeavoured to keep as 
 secret as possible the share he had in this flight, it nevertheless be- 
 came known to the representatives. But the measures of blood, so 
 rife a short time before, were now beginning to be less frequent, and 
 political hatred was rapidly subsiding. The representatives were 
 therefore afraid to act against the kind-hearted General. One of 
 them, however, loudly exclaimed against so flagrant a violation of the 
 law ; the other, more generous, admired Ney’s magnanimity in risk- 
 ing his own life to save those of his prisoners. “ Your friend Ney,” 
 he observed to Kleber, “ knows how to spare the blood of his coun- 
 trymen.” 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Before we begin our recital of the Marshal’s military deeds, let us 
 pause an instant to complete the sketch which we have already com- 
 menced of his personal character. 
 
 It is well known with what extraordinary energy and power he 
 manoeuvred large masses of soldiers and brought them to bear upon 
 the enemy. Bold and impetuous when he led his troops to a charge, 
 still he evinced the most imperturbable coolness and presence of mind. 
 Many persons, dazzled by the splendour of his extraordinary courage, 
 have overlooked his other qualities as a commander ; but they who 
 have served under him, will relate other things of him than ‘those mere 
 bursts of enthusiastic valour by which the common soldiers were 
 captivated, and led on to the most dangerous assaults. Calm amid 
 showers of grape-shot, unmoved by the most terrific discharges of 
 artillery, by the balls which dealt death and destruction around him, 
 Ney appeared unconscious of the danger, — he seemed as if he bore a 
 charmed life. This calm rashness, which twenty years of peril did 
 not overcome, gave to his mind that freedom of thought, that prompti- 
 tude of decision and execution so necessary amid the complicated 
 manoeuvres of war and battle. This surprised the officers under his 
 command, still more than that courage of action in which they all 
 shared. One of the latter, a man of tried valour, asked him one day 
 if he had ever been afraid ; thus summing up in a single word that 
 profound indifference to danger, that forgetfulness of death, that ten- 
 sion of mind, and that mental labour so necessary to a general-in- 
 
 * One of these very priests was, a few years since, cur£ of the parish of 
 St. Symphorien at Versailles. , 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 17 
 
 chief upon the field of battle. “ I have never had time,” was the 
 Marshal’s reply. 
 
 This indifference, however, did not prevent him from noticing in 
 others, those slight shades of weakness from which very few soldiers 
 are wholly exempt. An officer was one day making a report to him ; 
 a cannon ball passed so close to them, that the officer bent his head 
 as if by instinct to avoid it : nevertheless, he continued his report 
 without betraying any emotion. “ Very well,” said the Marshal ; 
 “ but another time don’t make so low a bow.” 
 
 Ney had a high respect for courage, and loved to bring forward 
 those who displayed it. Whenever a man distinguished himself in 
 the field of battle, and showed capacity and talent, the Marshal be- 
 came his patron, and never ceased his good offices until his protege 
 had obtained the promotion to which his valour entitled him, or was 
 placed in a situation to make his talents available. 
 
 We will not here name the individuals whose courage and abilities 
 Ney was instrumental in bringing to light. They who owe their rise 
 to him will do him justice; — they will acknowledge that he never 
 failed to discover merit, and raise it from obscurity, even were it con- 
 cealed in the lowest ranks of the army. Press of business at head 
 quarters, was sometimes the cause of his recommendations being over- 
 looked ; but he always renewed them, for he was determined that 
 reward should be bestowed upon such as deserved it. His division 
 well knew the quarrels he had, in 1800, with Lahorie and Moreau, 
 on account of a simple hussar who had not been duly promoted. 
 
 General B # * # , known by his courage and honourable services, 
 as well as by the persecutions he endured in 1815, was captain of 
 grenadiers in the 103d demi-brigade. During the campaign of Ho- 
 henlinden, Moreau had himself appreciated the bravery and zeal of 
 Captain B * * # . Nevertheless, others were rapidly promoted, 
 whilst the Captain was passed over. Ney attempted to overcome 
 this injustice, which had its origin in secret enmity, and he recom- 
 mended B * * * to the Commander-in-chief, to whom he stated the 
 Captain’s services, and the necessity of giving the demi-brigade an 
 officer who could restore its discipline. The recommendation was 
 unsuccessful ; — there was an evident repugnance to promote B * # *. 
 “ I will get the better of it,” said Ney to the latter; and he kept his 
 word. He united the grenadier companies of the 103d, and gave 
 the command of them to B * # # , who performed so many brilliant 
 feats that the enemies of this officer, so eager, before, to darken his 
 prospects, were now forced to acknowledge his services, and yield to 
 Ney’s determination to bring him forward. 
 
 Anxious as he was to make known the services of those especially 
 under his command, the Marshal would also seek out and patronise 
 men of superior talent, whose power to render useful services exposed 
 them to envy. The following is an instance of this : To vast infor- 
 mation, the author of the “ Traite des grandes operations militaires,” 
 
 vol. i. 3 
 
18 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 added the art of observing and the power of putting his observations 
 upon paper. His talents having become known to Ney, the latter 
 appointed him to his staff, and thus restored him to a profession from 
 which the act of mediation in Switzerland had cut him off,— he being 
 a Swiss by birth. This officer turned his leisure hours to account ; 
 but the difficulties attendant upon the publication of military works 
 are well known. The Marshal however came to his assistance, and 
 not only overcame the obstacles to the publication, but promoted the 
 sale of the work, and obtained a just reward for its author. Jealousy 
 was again excited against the latter; again did Ney support him. In 
 a word, from the day on which General Jominiwas admitted into the 
 French army, until he quitted it to fight under another banner, Mar- 
 shal Ney was his warmest friend, and supported him with all his in- 
 fluence. This was not forgotten by Jomini in the bitter days of Ney’s 
 adversity ; for when the latter was hunted down by a cruel and highly- 
 excited faction, backed by foreign armies, the then aide-de-camp of the 
 Emperor Alexander took sundry steps in Ney’s favour, and had the 
 courage — for in those days it was an act of courage — to publish a 
 pamphlet in favour of his former general. 
 
 We regret, however, that General Jomini seemed to think that his 
 noble conduct on this occasion had relieved him from the burthen of 
 gratitude towards his old patron and friend. His last works evince in 
 general a wish to depreciate the character of Ney, which must sur- 
 prise those who know the place which General Jomini held on the 
 Marshal’s staff. Can we suppose that the silence of the tomb has 
 encouraged this writer to raise accusations which he hopes no one 
 will be able to refute ? How is it that General Jomini, with his acute- 
 ness of intellect and powers of perception, does not feel that there is 
 a want of tact in thus coming forward to denounce errors committed, 
 as he dares to allege, against his opinion, and in opposition to his pru- 
 dent counsels, and in thus arrogating to himself, with the most singu- 
 lar assurance, the successes obtained by his General ? A foolish de- 
 sire to increase Ney’s celebrity, which required not such aid, has 
 doubtless misled him, and he will probably be surprised to hear that 
 he himself, the chief of Ney’s staff, was ignorant of Ney’s orders, and 
 did not even comprehend military operations upon which he was 
 never consulted. We might here begin to remark upon those narra- 
 tives in which General Jomini tries to place himself in so advantageous 
 a light ; but, not to tire the reader, we prefer keeping such observa- 
 tions for another part of these memoirs. GeneraLJomini is an adver - 
 sary of too great talents for his assertions to remain unnoticed. It is 
 to be regretted, however, that it should be necessary to refute them in 
 such a work as this.* 
 
 * “ It is to the sagacity with which he (Jomini) drew up in 1805, the or- 
 ders for the movements of the 6th corps, that the capture of Mack’s army is 
 to be attributed.” • * * 
 
 “At Jena, Marshal Ney, impatient at being in the reserve, threw himself 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 10 
 
 Far from suffering himself to be thus influenced by his officers, the 
 Marshal, on the contrary, never allowed any one to offer him un- 
 asked-for counsels. He did not consider himself in need of them. 
 Such a thing, in his view of the matter, would have impeached that 
 belief in a superiority of talent which inspires an army with confidence 
 in its commander. An officer of his staff presented to him, one day, 
 a paper on the affairs of Switzerland, saying, “ This, General, is what 
 you should do.” So disrespectful a pretension to superior wisdom 
 was treated as a piece of impertinence, and the giver of advice dared 
 not again evince, in the presence of his General, the faith he had in 
 his own sagacity. The lesson was not lost upon others, and it im- 
 posed upon them a line of respectful deference, which none afterwards 
 ventured to pass. 
 
 Nevertheless, Ney lived upon terms of great intimacy with his 
 officers. He never made them feel his superiority of rank. He 
 treated Lorcet like a brother — Ruffin like a valued friend ; but in the 
 course of time these were replaced by men less discreet. One of the 
 latter was once guilty of improper familiarity ; Ney noticed it, and 
 determined not to expose himself to such a thing in future ; he there- 
 fore became more reserved and silent, limiting his confidential inter- 
 course to those only with whose character and habits he was well 
 acquainted. This resolution was strengthened by the following event : 
 
 On his entrance into Switzerland, he had received with great kind- 
 ness a colonel who had been dismissed from the service. This man 
 
 with his van guard, composed of three thousand picked men, into the vil- 
 lage of Vierzenheiligen, where he was overpowered by the whole army of 
 Prince Hohenlohe. Colonel Jomini, seeing the danger of his General, left 
 the Emperor aVd ran into the thickest part of the m£l£e to defend with his 
 own arm the audacious Marshal, who, after losing half his men, and three of 
 his aides-de-camp, owed his victory to Jo mini’s opportune assistance.” * * 
 
 “ They were near undergoing, in the mud of Pultush, the fate anticipated 
 in the contemned memoir (that of Jomini.) They got out however ; but the 
 diverging road pursued by Marshal Ney, led them to the brink of a fresh 
 abyss. Napoleon saw but one remedy, which was to send Colonel Jomini to 
 look for the Marshal. Although extremely unwell, he (Jomini) flew to the 
 place where Ney’s division was, and not only was the Marshal’s corps got out 
 of danger, but likewise that of the Prince of Ponte-Corvo.” * * 
 
 “ At a later period in Spain, although he (Marshal Ney) had an exagger- 
 ated idea of the importance of Corunna and Ferrol, the chief of his staff per- 
 suaded him to evacuate Galicia.” * * 
 
 (And in reference to the battle of Bautzen,) “Ashe (Marshal Ney) could 
 not comprehend this eccentric movement, the chief of his staff pointed out 
 to him, that it was sufficient to show the head of a column,” &c. 
 
 The above quotations from M. Jomini’s article in “ La Nouvelle Biogra- 
 phie des Contemporaires,” and which may be found in some of his other 
 works, give an idea of the manner in which that officer speaks of his old 
 commander, and of the personal share which he took in that commander’s 
 feats of arms. Perhaps M. Jomini had the modesty not to write these 
 praises of himself ; but in that case he certainly “ aided with his counsels” 
 the person who did write them ; for the same feelings and pretensions per- 
 vade the last of his works published by himself. 
 
20 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 had formerly distinguished himself as a soldier ; he was, moreover, a 
 pleasant companion, a man of talent, and every sentiment he uttered 
 seemed to stamp him a man of honour. General Ney tried to get 
 him restored to the army. The cantons were in violent agitation ; 
 Ney sent this officer to inquire into its causes. Colonel C * * * had 
 great knowledge and address. He quieted the obstinate mountaineers, 
 and drew up a very lucid report of their motives for being discontented 
 with their new institutions, pointing out, at the same time, that which 
 they regretted in their old. This able report confirmed Ney in his 
 determination to serve the author, and he transmitted it with the Co- 
 lonel’s name, to the minister, strongly recommending that C * # # 
 should be restored to his rank. But the minister had information 
 with regard to this individual, of which Ney was ignorant, and the 
 recommendation was not attended to. 
 
 But Ney always persevered in an act of kindness ; and on his ap- 
 pointment to the command of the camp at Montreuil, sent for C # # 
 and strongly insisted upon his being reinstated. In doing this, he at 
 the same time energetically censured what he considered a great in- 
 justice. Though devotedly attached to the head of the state — though 
 a strenuous supporter of a system which promised to protect the in- 
 terests of all, and allay political excitements — he did not, however, 
 consider himself bound to forego his personal opinions, and he con- 
 tinued to express them freely. Unsuccessful in his application to the 
 War Minister in favour of C * # he applied to the First Consul. 
 Surprised at his request being coldly received, he urged it with some 
 warmth. The First Consul listened to him with surprise, but refused 
 to give him an answer. Such conduct only rendered Ney more 
 pressing. “ There, read that paper,” said at length General Buona- 
 parte, “ and you will then know what kind of man you have admitted 
 to your confidence.” The paper was a denunciation by C # * * 
 against Ney. It gave an account of the private conversations of the 
 latter, perverting every sentence he had uttered in confidential inter- 
 course, and accusing him of being an enemy to the First Consul, a 
 dangerous man, and one whose actions ought to be carefully watched. 
 The treacherous C * # * was disgracefully exposed ; but the circum- 
 stance dwelt long upon Ney’s mind, who became more reserved, and 
 altered those habits of confidence which harmonised so well with his 
 noble character and goodness of heart ! # 
 
 Ney was severe, but just. Of an irritable temper, he sometimes 
 
 * In 1815, when Marshal Ney was arrested, C * * *, who was likewise a 
 prisoner, requested to see the Procureur du Roi, having, as he stated, an im- 
 portant revelation to make. The object of this request was to offer evidence 
 against his former benefactor, and he actually made a deposition to this effect. 
 Will it be believed that this very individual applied, a few years since, to 
 Ney’s family for pecuniary assistance upon the strength of the Marshal’s for- 
 mer regard for him ? We withhold the name of this wretch for the sake of a 
 member of his family, who has done great and brilliant services to his country. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 21 
 
 gave way to anger, but as readily offered reparation to those he had 
 offended. He was inspecting, in 1813, a regiment of heavy cavalry 
 belonging to his division. Surprised at seeing a deficiency in the sol- 
 diers’ fund called the masse , he was informed by the men that they 
 had not received their balances, which, however, had been entered in 
 the pay-books as if issued to them. He sent for the colonel of the 
 regiment, and censured him severely. In vain did the latter attempt 
 to justify himself by explaining that he had only obeyed superior 
 orders ; Ney, who saw in this circumstance an injustice to the men, 
 would not listen to him. The Marshal had invited the field-officers 
 of his corps to spend the evening with him ; all were present but the 
 colonel whom he had reprimanded that morning. On perceiving that 
 the latter was absent, Ney went to his quarters. “ I was wrong this 
 morning,” said he, taking the colonel by the hand ; “ pray think no 
 more of it, and come and join our party.” 
 
22 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Prompt in the repression of excesses, Marshal Ney always exerted 
 himself to prevent their occurrence. Having himself begun as a pri- 
 vate, and being consequently well acquainted with the privations en- 
 dured by the men, he was the better able to sympathise in their suf- 
 ferings, which he did his utmost to alleviate. He knew that soldiers, 
 though generally grateful to the officers who showed them kindness 
 and paid attention to their personal wants, were nevertheless difficult 
 to keep in subjection when those wants were not supplied, or when 
 they perceived that their commanding officer did not share in their 
 fatigues and privations. Ney loved those masses of men, composed 
 of such a variety of minds, of elements so diversified, and which each 
 day co-operated spontaneously in the same object, rushing upon dan- 
 ger as with one mind and with an equal contempt of death. The 
 French troops, inured at that period to the toils and perils of war, and 
 accustomed to laugh at danger, were of ruder manners and sterner 
 bearing than those of the present day, who lead a pacific life in their 
 garrisons ; and discipline, at times lost sight of for a moment, would 
 afterwards resume its sway with more unbending rigour. Amid 
 dangers constantly overcome and as constantly appearing in a new 
 shape, obedience must be prompt, and command is sometimes un- 
 avoidably harsh. Bad weather, dearth, or reverses, affect the tempers 
 of all ; and as authority has always its engine of punishment — guard- 
 mounting out of turn, arrest, and solitary confinement — the forgetful- 
 ness of a moment is often expiated by a lengthened severity in their 
 application, which the ill-humour of an officer, nay, perhaps an in- 
 jurious epithet, may have provoked. Ney carefully strived to prevent 
 such abuses of power, and convince the officers under his command, 
 that by raising the soldier in his proper estimation, treating him as a 
 rational being, and combining equitable firmness with kind and con- 
 siderate attention to his wants, they would more easily obtain from 
 him that blind obedience, and sacrifice of individual will, which form 
 the strongest link of military power. He had always an exact report 
 made to him of the moral state of his corps, and often when the gene- 
 rals and colonels under him least expected it, would question them 
 upon a case of individual punishment which they had long since 
 forgotten. 
 
 Anxious to give his men as little useless labour as possible, he never 
 loved, from vain ostentation, to be attended by brilliant escorts, or the 
 mummeries of military pageantry. He always endeavoured to di- 
 minish, as much as possible, the soldier’s fatiguing duties, and not 
 
MARSHAL NEV. 
 
 23 
 
 weaken the strength of his regiments by sending detachments from 
 them. This solicitude was remarked by the men, as well as the carG 
 and perseverance with which their General attended to their means of 
 subsistence ; and it secured their enthusiastic gratitude. We shall 
 hereafter show the wonders he effected in providing food for his forces 
 during the Portuguese campaign, in a country ravaged by war, where 
 by almost superhuman exertions he succeeded in meeting not only 
 the consumption of the 6th corps which he commanded, but that of 
 the whole army, during the six months it remained upon the banks 
 of the Tagus. Constantly advancing towards the Mondego, and 
 sending forward columns in every direction, he managed to obtain 
 leather, cloth, and provisions sufficient for every demand. These 
 recollections are indelibly imprinted on the minds of the soldiers who 
 served under him ; and when his quarrel with Marshal Massena made 
 him resign the command of the 6th corps, the grief and murmurs of 
 the men, and the first ferment of a mutiny, which a single word would 
 have caused to burst forth with the utmost fury, proved to him that 
 his services were appreciated, and had gained him the warm attach- 
 ment of the troops which he commanded* 
 
 Although so attentive to the least thing that concerned the comforts 
 and welfare of his men, he nevertheless maintained the severest dis- 
 cipline, and punished every kind of excess among them. 
 
 A skirmish had taken place near Darmstadt. The Austrians having 
 been repulsed, had formed again near Zwingemberg, where they were 
 again routed. The action had been warm, and the French troops, 
 excited by the resistance of their opponents, forcibly entered and 
 pillaged some houses. Although circumstances might have excused 
 this, it was considered an act of oppression, and an abuse of victory. 
 By it, the unfortunate peasants had been forced to pay for the acts of 
 the sovereign. Ney was not satisfied with inflicting military punish- 
 ment upon the delinquents ,* he had an estimate made of the damage, 
 and an adequate indemnity given to the victims of this spoliation ; and 
 in order that the estimate might be a just one, he directed that it should 
 be made by the landgrave himself. 
 
 “ I am grieved to learn,” he wrote to that Prince, “ that excesses 
 have been committed at Zwingemberg by some of the troops under 
 my command. The village was carried by main force, a circum- 
 stance which no doubt led to the disasters which its inhabitants have 
 experienced. Nevertheless, I neither will, nor ought I to tolerate 
 such excesses. My soldiers have disobeyed the orders which they 
 received ; the unfortunate villagers have had their cottages plundered ; 
 and it behooves me, not only to punish the perpetrators of this outrage, 
 but to repair the damage they have caused. Let the village magis- 
 trate draw up an estimate of the losses incurred, and I will take 
 measures for its amount being paid. 
 
 Both soldiers and villagers had reason to remember this act. The 
 former were taught by it what they had to expect from their General’s 
 
24 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 severity, and the latter, the confidence they might place in his honour. 
 The inhabitants of the banks of the Neckar, who had taken up arms 
 to resist pillage, again resumed their usual avocations, and the ap- 
 proach of the French troops no longer inspired the same dread as be- 
 fore. Other acts of justice strengthened this confidence. Heavy 
 contributions had been imposed, and the local administrations, eager 
 to elude the payment of them, had thrown the burthen almost wholly 
 upon Eberfeld. This town, which had been almost wholly destroyed 
 by fire during the preceding campaign, was unable to meet so heavy 
 a charge, and sent a remonstrance to the States. The latter, how- 
 ever, persisted in imposing upon it a burthen which ought to have 
 been borne in equal shares throughout the country. Ney was more 
 equitable than the States. He remembered the misfortunes of this 
 little town, and felt for the situation of its active and industrious in- 
 habitants ; and he notified to the commissaries of his army, who were 
 taxing it without mercy, that, as it had twice been laid waste by war, 
 it had already paid its share of war contributions, and should there- 
 fore, in the present instance, be exempt from contribution. 
 
 Warring only with armies, and respecting the inhabitants of the 
 countries through which he passed, and whom he considered already 
 unfortunate enough in having the territories they inhabited made the 
 seat of war, the Marshal defended such countries against the wants of 
 his soldiers, and the injustice of their own rulers. Inexorable towards 
 those who took advantage of the disorder of conquest to oppress the 
 natives, he was more than once obliged to exercise the utmost vigi- 
 lance, and display a necessary severity in repressing such abuses. 
 Not that such things were of frequent occurrence. Honour and deli- 
 cacy generally accompanied the French armies ; and if complaints 
 were sometimes made, it was because they who bear the burthens of 
 war are apt to exaggerate their sufferings, often increased by the 
 avidity and selfishness of their own rulers. Doubtless there are many 
 extortions which cannot be avoided. The soldier is a burthen to the 
 individual upon whom he is billeted ; detachments sometimes pilfer 
 rations from the villages in which they are quartered ; and vanguards 
 now and then take a few heads of cattle from the owners. Buf this 
 is merely striking the surface of the water ; the rulers of these coun- 
 tries alone draw it off; — war offers them none but lucky chances. 
 They impose contributions, and shamelessly rob those whose interests 
 they are bound to defend. If complaints are made — if there is any 
 deficiency in the supplies, the enemy is there to bear the blame ; — the 
 enemy has given orders which must be obeyed. It is still worse when a 
 country passes under a new domination. Some of the former rulers cloak 
 their own robberies under an exaggeration of the burthens they have 
 borne ; others magnify these burthens in order to obtain indemnities. 
 And in justice we must add, that if exactions which the French officers 
 had not made, were sometimes imputed to them ; they were, on the 
 other hand, often taxed with spoliations of which they were really 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 25 
 
 guilty. But in such cases, punishment never failed to overtake the 
 offending parties, no matter who they were. A general officer, whose 
 opinions on the rights of conquest were such as to remove more than 
 ordinary scruples, had appropriated to his own use, two horses which 
 had struck his fancy. The peasant to whom they belonged, and 
 whose whole fortune they constituted, complained to Ney. The 
 Marshal, in a severe and peremptory order, commanded that they 
 should forthwith be returned to the owner. The officer at first re- 
 fused. He next endeavoured to substitute a couple of bad horses for 
 the valuable ones he had taken; then altering his mind, he complain- 
 ed of the harshness of the Marshal’s order. “ If my order appears 
 strange to you,” wrote Ney, “ what must I think of your obstinacy 
 in keeping that which does not belong to you? Your mode of acting 
 does not suit me, and I have applied for your recall. You will no 
 doubt be soon removed to another division ; but in the mean time, you 
 must restore the horses.” 
 
 The following will give an idea of the severity with which the 
 Marshal visited these shameful robberies. It is a letter which he ad- 
 dressed to another general officer, who was apt to forget the difference 
 between that which did, and that which did not belong to him, but 
 who in other respects was an able and valuable officer. 
 
 “ January , 4 th, 18 ## 
 
 “ I cannot but express to you, my dear General, my surprise at 
 your now stating that it was only at St. John’s, on your march upon 
 Salzburg, that your secretary left you to negotiate the Botzen bills ; 
 whereas at Greusbranth you pledged your word of honour to me that 
 you would remit seventy-five thousand francs to the paymaster (being 
 the amount of these bills, together with the sums you received in 
 cash,) the moment your aide-de-camp returned, who had left Botzen 
 for Basle. 
 
 “ You have not answered the letter which I requested General 
 Dutaillis to write to you on this subject ; and you avoided seeing me 
 when you passed through Clagenfurth. All this justifies my suspect- 
 ing your good faith, until I am certain that you have fulfilled that 
 which is most sacred to a military man — I mean his word of honour. 
 
 “ I have hitherto deferred laying the matter before the Emperor, 
 in consideration of the services you have rendered during the present 
 campaign ; and in the hope that you would not — to use your own 
 words — destroy, for the sake of money, the good opinion which peo- 
 ple ought to entertain of your delicacy. But I now declare to you, 
 General, that I will lay the whole affair before his Majesty, unless, in 
 six days from the present date, you fulfil your promise either by 
 paying in the sum, or by sending to the caisse your acknowledgment 
 for the amount. 
 
 “ I beg also to inform you, that your name is upon the list of gra- 
 tuities granted by the Emperor ; that your gratuity amounts to eight 
 
 VOL. I. 4 
 
26 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 thousand florins ; and that this sum shall be carried to your account 
 as part of the payment which you are bound to make.” 
 
 These two generals were thus forced to disgorge their plunder ; 
 and neither forgot or forgave Ney’s share in the transaction. The 
 one showed his recollection of it in the field of battle ; and the other 
 during Ney’s trial. By these severe measures, the Marshal made 
 himself many enemies ; for he spared no plunderers ; he exposed 
 them to shame, and at the same time forced them to disgorge their 
 ill-gotten wealth. No personal considerations could deter him from 
 the performance of what he considered a sacred duty. With this 
 severity for others, it is needless to state that Marshal Ney never 
 reaped any personal advantages from his commands in foreign coun- 
 tries. His whole conduct was guided by the principles which he had 
 imbibed in his infancy ; and he persevered in the same line of conduct 
 throughout his life, as at the outset of his career. 
 
 General Ney having taken Eberfeld, whose manufactures of steel 
 had rendered it opulent, the magistrates, dreading its occupation, of- 
 fered him a large sum of money if he would maintain the strictest 
 discipline among his soldiers. “ Yes,” he replied, <c I thankfully 
 accept the conditions you offer ; not, however, for myself, for I want 
 not your money — but for my soldiers, who are in want of everything. 
 They are destitute of clothing and shoes. Employ the money you 
 offer me in providing them with these riecessaries, and I promise you 
 they shall give you no reason to complain.” The magistrates, in sur- 
 prise, readily subscribed to these terms. Under similar circumstances 
 Turenne evinced the same disinterestedness. But Turenne belonged 
 to a rich and noble family, and Ney was very poor ; nevertheless, 
 the action of the former is trumpeted forth by every one, — that of the 
 latter, forgotten. Such is worldly justice — such the even-handed 
 distribution of fame. 
 
 Galicia, and Salamanca, provinces particularly hostile to the 
 French, have, nevertheless, preserved the recollection of Ney’s integ- 
 rity whilst governor of them. One only spoil of a conquered coun- 
 try did Ney bequeath to his descendants ; this is a relic of St. James 
 of Compostello, with which the monks of St. Jago presented him, in 
 testimony of his humanity towards them. 
 
 Marshal Ney was tall, athletic, well made, and broad-chested. 
 Each attitude and motion denoted health and strength of muscle. A 
 soul of fire seemed contained in a frame of iron. His somewhat pale 
 complexion, his large forehead, his under lip and chin rather promi- 
 nent, and his strongly marked, though not harsh features, gave a 
 manly and severe character to a countenance strongly depicting the 
 workings of his mind, and the rapid impressions it received. The 
 play of his features expressed strongly the feelings by which he was 
 excited. 
 
 The fatigues of his profession during the last years of his life, had 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 27 
 
 made him almost bald. His hair, of a fiery auburn, had caused the 
 soldiers to give him the nicknames of Peter the Red, and the Red 
 Lion, as they gave the Emperor that of the Little Corporal. And 
 when from afar off they heard the thunder of his cannon, they would 
 exclaim among themselves, “ courage! the Red Lion is roaring ; — All 
 will soon be right, for Peter the Red is coming.” 
 
 Having given these personal details of the Marshal, we shall now 
 proceed to narrate the events of his life. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Equality of rights had been proclaimed ; privileges and exclusion 
 no longer existed. Each was thenceforth what his own deeds made 
 him ; no man could acquire any other importance than that which 
 resulted from courage and talents, neither of which are confined to 
 gentle lineage. Men of high descent, however, from one end of 
 Europe to the other, refused to acknowledge these pretensions of the 
 plebeian race. Those beyond the Rhine prepared to combat them 
 by war ; and in France, a portion of the aristocracy joined in this 
 unholy crusade against the people, whilst the remainder sought refuge 
 in their feudal residences. 
 
 The officers of noble birth having abandoned their colours, the 
 vacancies which they left were filled up by men of ability. Ney was 
 appointed sub-lieutenant, then lieutenant, and soon after placed upon 
 the staff of the veteran General Lamarche, a good and respectable 
 officer, who had spent a great portion of his life in the subaltern 
 grades of the army. The revolution raised him to the rank which 
 his talents merited. He had appreciated Ney, whose activity and 
 courage he admired, and he appointed him his aide-de-camp. Thus 
 Ney, almost at the outset of his military career, found himself in a 
 situation to study the art of war, without being subjected to the pain- 
 ful drudgery of the lower grades. Being placed upon an eminence, 
 whence his eye could embrace the whole field of military tactics, he 
 was thus initiated into the secret of grand movements, which he was 
 in a situation not only to study and comprehend, but at times to direct 
 in person ; and he soon proved that the lessons he received were not 
 thrown away. 
 
 War had been declared, and Ney, who accompanied General La- 
 marche into Belgium, shared with that officer the glory and perils of 
 the brilliant debut of the French army in that country. But unhap- 
 pily the reverses of the French troops were as sudden as their sue- 
 
28 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cess had been rapid. They were beaten at Aldenhoven, and at 
 Nerwinde, and defection having co-operated with the disasters of their 
 defeat, they were near being annihilated, ere the acclamation on 
 their victory had well ceased. Mayenne had opened its gates, Va- 
 lenciennes had surrendered, Conde was beleaguered ; and the Depart- 
 ments, in a state of insurrection in consequence of the violent acts 
 of the 31st of May, were on the eve of overthrowing the power 
 that governed them. The situation of the country was critical, 
 but never did it display greater energy. Kings were preparing 
 to stifle the revolution, which, nevertheless, assembled its forces, and 
 went forth to do battle with kings. Men and materials had been 
 placed at the disposal of the revolutionary General, whilst armed 
 masses were inundating the frontier. Nevertheless, this prodigious 
 armament was far from being so formidable as it appeared. These 
 general risings, these levies en masse, had undergone the commofi fate 
 of things, which become less affective in proportion as they are multi- 
 plied, and degenerate with each repetition. Experience proved this 
 in the present instance. Three great levies had taken place, the first 
 of which was incontestably superior to the second ; as was the second 
 to the third ; and the latter, it cannot be denied, was much more 
 effective than the corps raised by the decrees of the National Assem- 
 bly, and which that body had ordered to the frontier. Nor could it 
 be otherwise. The first battalions of volunteers had almost all been 
 commanded by officers whom the love of their county, an abhorrence 
 of slavery, and, no doubt, the illusions of military glory also, had col- 
 lected round the national standard. Disciplined and led on by men 
 of experience, they did not strive in the field of battle without reaping 
 some laurels. But their career was as short as it was brilliant. 
 They were swept from the face of the earth, and recourse was had 
 to new levies ; composed, it is true, of young men full of valour ; — 
 strong, robust, and devoted, like those who had fallen, but who had 
 not experience for their load-star — no veteran and tried courage to 
 direct and render their ardour available. And what is a body with- 
 out a point of impulse — what power has a mass, when deprived of 
 simultaneous action? We must not imagine that patriotism alone, 
 whatever be its intensity, can overcome fatigue, and obviate the dis- 
 gust attendant upon warfare. War is marked with sufferings too 
 acute, with privations too great, for the soldier to support it, where he 
 not fettered by habits of discipline, which were easily given to recruits 
 by incorporating them with old soldiers. 
 
 By so doing, the energy of the young soldiers, which the want of 
 good officers had for a moment paralyzed, was again excited ; and 
 the thousand battalions of which the army was composed, were 
 reduced to six hundred. This was still a great number ; for men 
 able properly to command a battalion, are not so numerous as people 
 suppose. But at all events, the army now formed a flexible and 
 compact mass ,* and if, as Feuquieres alleges, God is always on the 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 29 
 
 side of great squadrons and numerous battalions, then might the 
 army of the French people have reasonably calculated upon Divine 
 
 aid. 
 
 These changes left thirty thousand officers without employment ; 
 and it must be confessed that many of them were men of great 
 talents. But if the measure was attended with some evils, it never- 
 theless obviated others much more dangerous. For whatever is done 
 by popular choice, is always carried to extremes ; in such cases a 
 certain exaggeration always accompanies the most prudent measures. 
 Doubts having been raised concerning the opinions and talents of 
 officers belonging to the aristocracy, the people seemed suddenly 
 convinced that to lead the French armies to victory, it required only 
 to be a sans-culotte. Neither the science nor tjhe practice of war 
 seemed worthy of a moment’s consideration ; and it was asserted in 
 the tribune, that if Duguay-Trouin had not been an ignorant man, he 
 never would have proved victorious. This idea was embellished and 
 adorned like an embroidered garment, and a swarm of patriots had 
 left the desk to buzz forth their pretensions in the army, which they 
 filled with trouble and confusion. The incorporation of the battalions 
 was a favourable opportunity to get rid of them, and it was taken 
 advantage of. This was doing a great deal, doubtless ; but it was 
 now necessary to replace these would-be commanders with real war- 
 riors, and the latter had, for the most part, been either dismissed or 
 suspended. Brilliant as were the services of General Barthelemi, 
 that officer had been sent to the Abbaye for his independent principles ; 
 and the brave and devoted Tharrau was expiating his noble modera- 
 tion in another prison. 
 
 The latter had been convicted of an act of humanity. Some dis- 
 turbances having taken place in the vicinity of Chimey, neither the 
 troops nor the gendarmerie had succeeded in apprehending the authors 
 of them. This was sufficient for Saint Just to raise the cry of con- 
 nivance and want of energy ; and in his anger he issued the following 
 strange order : — 
 
 “ Generals Balland and Desjardins are hereby enjoined to kill, 
 within three days, all the brigands in the country of Chimey. They 
 shall answer with their lives for the execution of the present order.” 
 
 The wording of this sanguinary order being vague, Tharrau took 
 advantage of that circumstance to elude its execution. He knew that 
 reflection often calms the workings of anger ; and he endeavoured to 
 provoke reflection, by writing to know whether the order included 
 women and children. But this, instead of softening, only increased 
 the fury of the ferocious representative, who sent back Tharrau’s 
 letter, with the following words written under it : — “ A stupid question 
 requires no answer.” Notwithstanding this harshness, Tharrau, to 
 avoid spilling innocent blood, determined that the question should be 
 repeated ; but this time he made Desjardins write. Saint Just was 
 furious at this resistance to his order ; and being aware that Tharrau 
 
30 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 directed every thing, he dismissed him from the service. Some offi- 
 cers were also dismissed for having served under Houchard ; others 
 for having been appreciated by Custine ; and all were replaced by 
 men who had never seen a shot fired. Fortunately, Pichegru was 
 sent to assume the command of this new and unorganized army. 
 Not that he was himself very able ; for he had only been promoted 
 to the rank of lieutenant-colonel six months before, and possessed no 
 very clear notions, on the art of war. But he had tact and discern- 
 ment, and had, moreover, a decided aversion to those saturnalia which 
 demoralized the army, from which he expelled luxury and effeminacy, 
 and allayed the uneasiness that pervaded its ranks. His intimacy 
 with Saint Just enabled him to overcome all opposition ; and he exer- 
 cised over the representatives the same influence as they had heretofore 
 exercised over the generals of the army. He was thus enabled to 
 remove such individuals as were useless, and appoint those whom 
 public opinion pointed out as most worthy of command. His first 
 choice fell upon Scherer, a veteran officer, well versed in the art of 
 war, who being of plebian extraction, had been obliged to seek in 
 foreign countries the reputation which his humble birth had prevented 
 him from acquiring in his own. He had served in Hungary and in 
 Holland — had bled in the cause of freedom and civilization, and hav- 
 ing learned the art of war on the field of battle, had also written upon 
 it. In a clever work he had pointed out and examined the faults and 
 manoeuvres which led to the reverses of the Austrians and the suc- 
 cesses of the Turks. Entrusted with the defence of the Higher 
 Rhine, he had kept a very considerable force in check with only a 
 few battalions, and had evinced much talent in his instructions to the 
 troops sent against Landau. With such claims, Pichegru was delighted 
 to attach this able officer to the army he commanded. 
 
 Men experienced in practical warfare were scarce at this period. 
 Pichegru was sensible of his own deficiencies; he knew that he 
 wanted counsel and support, and he sought out those who were able 
 to afford them. Friant, though still a novice, was a man of mind 
 and of action ; having evinced talent at the battle of Kayserslautern, 
 he was appointed to the command of a brigade. Kussel, equally 
 distinguished by talent and courage, was put at the head of another. 
 Thus, if the subordinate generals were not men of great military 
 reputation, they were men likely soon to earn renown. Providence, 
 moreover, supplied the army of the North with what was still want- 
 ing, by giving it two officers of surpassing merit. These were 
 Marceau and Kleber ; the one short, delicately formed, and in the 
 spring of life ; the other tall, strong, and of heroic stature. Both, 
 under this contrast of form and appearance, displayed equal ardour 
 and ability; both had won laurels in the field of battle, and both had 
 already given proofs of those great military talents which they after- 
 wards more fully developed. But if the composition of the army 
 was such as to afford reasonable hope, the state of the military stores, 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 31 
 
 provisions and artillery, were little calculated to inspire it. There 
 was a lamentable scarcity of powder, muskets were also scarce, and 
 the issuing of rations always uncertain. Measures were never taken 
 to secure provisions for even a fortnight together ; and often it was 
 not known at night how the wants of the following day were to be 
 supplied. Such a state of things cramped the energies of the army ; 
 no movement could be undertaken, no attack conducted with a pros- 
 pect of success. The want of bread and of ammunition disconcerted 
 the best combined operations ; and if the soldiers yielded to the 
 workings of a rash and thoughtless courage, hunger and famine soon 
 avenged the attempt. It was for want of powder that the French had 
 lost the battle of Arlon during the preceding year ; and at the begin- 
 ning of the campaign the want of provisions had delayed for the 
 space of two whole days, the bold march so ably conducted through 
 the Ardennes, and caused the loss of the battle fought on the third of 
 June, under the walls of Charleroy. It is true that this scarcity had 
 not always been attended with such deplorable results, but want is 
 never felt in an army without producing murmurs and insubordina- 
 tion. Even the most simple measures had often failed for want of 
 provisions. 
 
 Nevertheless, battles were fought and victories gained. The ene- 
 my was defeated, because valour supplied the place of all that was 
 wanting. Such success seemed the precursor of plenty. But two 
 armies had penetrated into Belgium ; the civil administrations which 
 they dragged in their train seemed to vie with each other in adding to 
 the privations which the soldiers were forced to endure. They dis- 
 puted the territory with each other, laid villages under contribution, 
 and opposed force and violence to each other’s exactions. A line was 
 attempted to be drawn to limit their several pretensions ; but it was 
 respected by neither. At length the two administrations were united 
 into one, to which the provisioning of both armies was entrusted. 
 But this change proved by no means advantageous. The agents no 
 longer appeared in behalf of such and such an army ; but some acted 
 in the name of one ordonnateur , others, in the name of another. One 
 would have orders to carry into effect a partial, another a general 
 requisition ; and each, exclusively occupied in the execution of his 
 separate instructions, would embarrass the proceedings of the others. 
 Sometimes these men would even stop the delivery of provisions to 
 their colleagues, and forbid the inhabitants to supply the latter with 
 any thing. Such unworthy dissensions ruined the country,* and 
 
 * TO THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE PEOPLE, AT BRUSSELS. 
 
 Cologne , \7th of Vendemiare, (8 th of Oct.) 
 
 My Dear Colleagues, 
 
 The agents sent to issue requisitions, have proceeded in a manner revolt- 
 ing to every body. On entering a town, they put every thing in requisition 
 — every thing . absolutely every thing. From that moment no inhabitant can 
 
32 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 kept the army in a state of painful excitement. The cavalry were in 
 want of forage, the infantry of rations. Each corps was obliged to 
 supply its own wants, and do for itself that which the administration 
 did not do. Horses were turned into meadows, and the little which 
 had been left to the inhabitants was taken from them. The soldiers 
 lived by violence, and were worn down with privations. This state 
 of things lasted during the whole campaign. It must, however, be 
 stated, that the blame did not wholly attach to the administration ; for 
 many of its agents were incompetent, dissipated, avaricious, or more 
 attentive to their pleasure than to their public duties. Besides this, 
 the resources of the country had been greatly over-rated. It was 
 firmly believed that they would prove sufficient for the support of the 
 two armies which had entered it, over and above the consumption of 
 its inhabitants. But Luxemburg and Campen do not produce much ; 
 Guelderland, the Duchy of Cleves, and the county of Meurs, are not 
 very fertile ; and the resources of the Duchy of Juliers, as well as 
 those of the electorate of Cologne, had been exhausted by the Aus- 
 trians. Thus Hainault, Brabant, West Flanders, and that part of the 
 territory of Liege which is situated on the left bank of the Meuse, 
 were the only parts of the country which offered the least appearance 
 
 either buy or sell. All trade is suspended ; and that for an indefinite lapse 
 of time : some requisitions having been made for more than a month, whilst 
 nothing is wanted, and in the mean time the inhabitants are unable to pur- 
 chase the very necessaries of life. If such measures be not counter-revolu- 
 tionary — if they be not vexatious and likely to raise the whole country against 
 us, I should be glad to know what they are. 
 
 Unfortunately the whole territory is subjected to similar requisitions ; they 
 succeed each other rapidly, and blow upon blow is struck. 
 
 Let the articles we want be put in requisition — nothing is more proper ; 
 and this I direct to be done by the commissaries of the army, when there are 
 no other agents. But let the quantity of each article be specified, and the 
 inhabitants have the faculty of disposing of the remainder. No inhabitant 
 will find fault with such an arrangement, provided the articles are paid for. 
 
 But that all should be put in requisition, and for months together, without 
 stating what is really wanted, and without even paying for what is taken, is 
 absurd and disgraceful, Citizens Colleagues. The agents caused Belgium 
 to rise in the time of Dumourier, and alienated from us the love of its in- 
 habitants. If we do not take good care, the same thing will again occur, 
 and we shall have to wage war with the Belgians, as well as with the 
 Austrians. 
 
 You are on the spot, and the principal agency is under your control. In- 
 stitute then a rigorous inquiry into these measures, and endeavour to apply 
 a prompt remedy to acts which may otherwise be attended with fatal con- 
 sequences. 
 
 What is necesary must be obtained ; at the same time sufficient must be 
 left for the wants of the inhabitants. Every article put in requisition, must 
 be immediately paid for and taken away. With regard to issuing requisi- 
 tions that are not executed, it is unnecessarily vexatious. 
 
 Health and fraternity. 
 
 Gillet. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 33 
 
 of plenty ; but these places had their centres of consumption, and were 
 unable to provide food for so sudden an increase of population. It 
 was the same with regard to forage. Brabant, Juliers, and Cologne 
 had only artificial meadows ; Limburg, whose crops are more con- 
 siderable, had been partly drained of its supplies ; whilst the army of 
 Sambre-et-Meuse had seventy thousand horses, and that of the North 
 thirty thousand. Thus both infantry and cavalry were forced to suf- 
 fer the most trying privations. 
 
 Such were the difficulties against which the republican troops had 
 to contend ; — such were the first obstacles they had to overcome. 
 
 At the end of July 1794, soon after the battle of Fleurus and the 
 taking of Mons, Kleber, still excited by his victory, was preparing to 
 follow it up. The Austrian army was at some distance from him. 
 Anxious to reconnoitre its position, he set out with an escort picket, 
 and on the road entered into conversation with the officer who com? 
 manded it. He was so pleased with the clear and judicious observa- 
 tions of the latter, that he determined to appoint him to his staff. 
 Pajol, aide-de-camp to Kleber, delivered the order of appointment to 
 this officer, who turned out to be Ney. He had just joined the 4th 
 regiment of hussars. Promoted to the rank of captain after the affair 
 of Famars, which proved so fatal to the 'respectable Lamarche, he had 
 returned to his regiment with the intention of not again leaving it. 
 He therefore declined the General’s offer. But Kleber had appre- 
 ciated his talents, and was anxious to have him. Detachments of 
 Austrian troops overran the country ; the inhabitants were in a state 
 of increasing agitation, and Kleber resolved to organize a band of 
 partisans, who might dislodge the Austrian detachments, keep the 
 population in awe, secure a regular supply of provisions, and open 
 safe communications throughout the territory. 
 
 This service required to be conducted by a man of superior talent 
 and tried valour, and Ney was selected. Meantime, the army was 
 debouching on Pellemberg. The Austrian forces were numerous ; 
 and the French vanguard, which followed them close, was by no 
 means strong. An action had begun, and the hostile forces soon be- 
 came warmly engaged. Ney, on hearing the cannonading, changed 
 ' his route, and proceeded in haste to the scene of action. The Adju- 
 tant-General Bouquet had just given way before a squadron of Aus- 
 trian cavalry. His ranks were broken, and himself was covered with 
 wounds. Ney came up, but the detachment under his command, 
 worn out with their march, were unable to follow him. He however 
 put himself at the head of a few dragoons, rushed on the imperialists, 
 and succeeded in routing them. Kleber, who was an eye-witness to 
 this daring act, mentioned it in his despatch to the representative, 
 in the following terms : — “ Captain Ney, acting Adjutant- General, 
 performed prodigies of courage. At the head of thirty dragoons, 
 and a few chasseurs acting as orderlies, he charged two hundred 
 
 VOL. I. 5 
 
 
34 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of the Blanckestein hussars, and threw them into the greatest dis- 
 order.” 
 
 Gillet, delighted with this act of heroism, appointed Ney to the 
 rank of which he was provisionally performing the duties ; namely, 
 that of Adjutant-General.* 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The vanguard had recrossed the Meuse, and Jourdan was endea- 
 vouring to protect his rear, and render his position more secure. Lan- 
 drecy had surrendered, but Quesnoy seemed determined to hold out. 
 Kleber also had advanced and invested Maestricht ; but this place was 
 difficult of approach, and provisions were daily becoming scarcer. 
 Ney resumed his excursions, and extended his detachments towards 
 Peer. He left Diest on the 26th of August 1794, reached Peer on the 
 same day, and captured a convoy of twenty-three wagons, which 
 were immediately directed towards the French army. The following 
 day was not attended with the same good fortune. A French trooper 
 who had deserted, gave the enemy information regarding the strength 
 and position of the detachment which was harassing their rear. Ney, 
 who from some neglect had not been made acquainted with this cir- 
 cumstance, was quietly pursuing his march. He surprised the village 
 of Achel, carried off the stores which the Austrians had collected 
 there, but lost them immediately after. The hussars of Blanckestein 
 and the dragoons of Latour suddenly appeared, recaptured the con- 
 voy, and made the escort, who were conveying it to the army, 
 prisoners. 
 
 Ney however knew nothing of the imperial cavalry being on the 
 alert ,* he was totally ignorant of what had passed, and quietly pro- 
 ceeded onward towards Werdt. But he had not yet reached Hamont, 
 ere he perceived the imperialists threatening his flanks and his rear, 
 and preparing to make a charge upon his detachment. His situation, 
 and the desertion of the trooper, of which he had just received notice, 
 
 * Gillet, Representative of the people attached to the army of Sam- 
 bre-et-Meuse, 
 
 In consequence of the report made to him of the military talents and 
 patriotism of citizen Ney, captain in the 4th regiment of hussars, hereby ap- 
 points the said citizen Ney to hold the rank of adjutant-general, and chef de 
 bataillon, the duties of which grade he is already performing under General 
 Kleber, commanding the left wing of the army. 
 
 14th Thermidor, Year II. (August 1st, 1794.) Gillet. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 35 
 
 showed him the perils that surrounded him, and he began to retreat 
 towards Eyndhoven ; but his scouts soon reported to him that this 
 road was also beset — that the enemy’s cavalry flanked it right and 
 left, and it was impossible to pass. 
 
 “Impossible!” Ney exclaimed; “sound the charge!” And he 
 attacked the Austrian squadrons sword in hand with such impetuosity, 
 that he broke their ranks ; then pursuing his march with rapidity, and 
 avoiding the villages, he gained the woods, and escaped from the 
 detachments of the enemy placed to cut him off. 
 
 But the plain was covered with the Austrian forces. At almost 
 every step he was forced to halt, and either receive or head a charge. 
 At one place he was under the necessity of forcing a bridge, at another 
 of making a long circuit, further on of attacking a post ; every where 
 he was beset with dangers and difficulties. He at length came in 
 sight of Eyndhoven. His flankers had sent a patrol in advance, 
 which had cleared the approaches. 
 
 The prisoners which they brought in, as well as the inhabitants he 
 met, having informed him that the place had but a feeble garrison, he 
 hoped to surprise and carry it by a coup-de-main, and with this ex- 
 pectation he rapidly advanced. Unfortunately a body of cavalry 
 which had come to its assistance, debouched as Ney appeared with 
 his little army. The surprise at this unexpected obstacle was great, 
 but the French soldiers were as determined as their leader. They 
 charged the Austrians without regarding their numbers; threw 
 themselves headlong into the midst of the enemy’s ranks, broke and 
 dispersed them, took their commander, the Baron Homspech, prisoner, 
 and returned with him to Diest. 
 
 Jourdan was not less pleased with the manner in which this expe- 
 dition had been conducted, than with the capture of the Austrian com- 
 mander. He knew the noble baron well, and strongly suspected him 
 of having exercised some influence over the determinations of the old 
 French Generals, and mixed himself up with various untoward nego- 
 tiations. He therefore advised the committee to have the baron sent 
 to Paris. With regard to Ney, the representative Gillet appointed 
 him chef-de-brigade, in which capacity, “ he for his part, purposed to 
 employ him with great advantage.” 
 
 Towards the end of September, the column which had reduced 
 Conde and Valenciennes, prepared for the pursuit of fresh victories, 
 and began a general movement. Meantime, the enemy beaten at 
 Sprimont on the 18th, and defeated at Clermont on the 20th, were 
 endeavouring to rally behind the Roer. A sad reverse of fortune had 
 now dissipated their illusion. The French army, which at the begin- 
 ning of the campaign was intrenched, in almost hopeless despair, 
 behind the Scarpe, was now on the eve of reaching the Rhine. The 
 Northern army had penetrated into the heart of Holland ; the English 
 had disappeared, and on all sides victory had crowned the French 
 arms. 
 
36 
 
 ME Moms OJt 
 
 Clairfayt was, however, not discouraged by these reverses. He 
 retreated, but without ceasing to fight ; and he ably availed himself of 
 the advantages which the nature of the ground offered him. Neither 
 the rugged banks of the Ourthe, nor those of the Ayvaille, had been 
 able to shelter him from the attacks of the republicans ; but the Roer 
 was in a deeper bed, was more rapid, and had higher and more rug- 
 ged and precipitous banks than the former rivers. He therefore took 
 advantage of these obstacles, and fell back upon the Roer. 
 
 The French army pursued him with all the ardour inspired by vic- 
 tory. Scherer commanded the right, Jourdan the centre, and Kleber 
 the left. Each pressed forward upon the retreating enemy, each 
 emulous to outvie the others. Divers encounters took place, all of 
 which turned out in favour of the French, and the Austrians were in 
 full retreat. Kleber however was not yet satisfied. 
 
 Bernadotte led the van. This officer had been recently promoted 
 to the rank of general ; he combined with the courage which charac- 
 terized the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, an experience seldom found at 
 that period in the French ranks. He had been a soldier from the age 
 of fourteen ; had seen service in America as well as in Europe ; and 
 had evinced on the banks of the Delaware, as he then did on the 
 Sambre, that eagle eye, and velocity of manoeuvre, which few of his 
 colleagues then possessed. He added to the ascendancy which the 
 habit of warfare had given him, many qualities not less precious in a 
 soldier. He was enterprising, intrepid, and as ardent in action as in 
 the expression of his opinions. His enthusiasm delighted the men 
 under his command; his fine, soldierlike appearance, and his confi- 
 dence, warmed their imaginations. There was nothing too difficult 
 for them when led on by him — nothing they would not undertake at 
 his bidding. But every thing has its limits ; valour even meets with 
 obstacles which it cannot overcome. 
 
 Bernadotte pushed on towards Heinsberg. He was desirous of 
 attacking the enemy’s rear-guard without allowing it time to breathe ; 
 but the hostile forces 'were numerous, and being favoured by the na-" 
 lure of the ground, made an obstinate stand. 
 
 Kleber had already sent reinforcements ; but as the battle seemed 
 to last much too long, he became impatient, and despatched Ney to 
 Bernadotte’s assistance. Ney advanced with rapidity towards Stock- 
 heim, but had scarcely got half way ere he perceived a number of 
 boats making the most strenuous exertions to reach Maestricht in as 
 short a time as possible, In these boats he could discern wheels and 
 gun-carriages, and he had no doubt that they contained guns and 
 stores for the defence of that place. He therefore wheeled round, and 
 gained the banks of the river, for the purpose of intercepting them. 
 His half-naked chasseurs prepared to swim towards the boats and 
 attack them ; but the boatmen not daring to run the risk of such a 
 conflict, sank their boats, and with them the guns, powder, and pro- 
 jectiles which they contained. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 37 
 
 This incident was fortunate in itself, but it soon became still more 
 so. Ney had resumed his march ; his men were congratulating each 
 other' on having destroyed a part of the means intended to be em- 
 ployed against them in the defence of Maestricht, when a flotilla ap- 
 peared at a distance. Ney ordered them to press forward, and seize 
 a prey which could not escape them. A body of them soon reached 
 the banks of the river, threw themselves into it, and swam to the 
 boats, on board of which they succeeded in getting, in spite of the 
 determined resistance of the crews. Here a desperate conflict ensued. 
 Ney, anxious to take a share in it, pressed hastily forward, and soon 
 reached the banks of the river ; but his appearance put an end to the 
 action, and the crews of the boats instantly submitted. Having con- 
 tinued his march, he joined Bernadotte at Tranquemont, which the 
 news of this double encounter had already reached. It was also 
 known that Maestricht, deprived in the morning of part of the supplies 
 intended for its defence, had in the last capture lost a portion of the 
 provisions intended for the subsistence of its garrison ; and this raised 
 a hope that, being disappointed in these means of prolonging its de- 
 fence, it would the more readily surrender on reasonable terms. 
 
 Bernadotte had likewise obtained some advantages. His troops 
 were proud of his success, and he determined to push forward. Nuth 
 was not far distant ; and as the enemy seemed resolved to defend it, 
 he purposed to meet them there. But the Austrians had already be- 
 taken themselves to flight ; and as the French came in sight of the 
 place, their last patrols could just be perceived gaining the woods. 
 Bernadotte did not think proper to pursue them in person, but ordered 
 Ney upon this service. “ See,” said he to the latter, “ they are pro- 
 ceeding towards Gangelt, where they probably expect peacefully to 
 pass the night ; overtake and harass them ; let them fall before you 
 like corn before the reaper’s sickle.” 
 
 Ney did overtake them, but they were numerous and resolute, and 
 he was obliged to send for reinforcements. An officer who has since 
 highly distinguished himself, Maurin, then assistant adjutant-general, 
 came to his assistance at the head of the 2d hussars. The pursuit 
 was hot, skirmishes frequent, and at length Ney, accompanied only 
 by his chasseurs and a few companies of light infantry, reached 
 Heinsberg. The enemy occupied it with a strong force; the town 
 was barricaded, and embrasures appeared on all sides, ready to pour 
 death and destruction upon its assailants. But Ney had communi- 
 cated his own impatient ardour to the troops who had kept up with 
 him. The infantry scaled the walls, the sappers broke open the 
 gates, and in a moment every point was carried. The Austrians, 
 thus driven from the place, made an attempt to form under shelter 
 of the wood ; but with no better success. Ney’s troops pursued them 
 closely, and forced them to throw themselves in the greatest disorder 
 into Wassembem. 
 
 O 
 
38 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The Austrians were thus driven to their last resources. The French 
 army debouched upon the Roer, and were already in front of the for- 
 midable obstacles raised to oppose them. 
 
 The main body had taken up its position between Heinsberg and 
 Drumen. Bernadotte pushed forward towards Rutten at the head of 
 the vanguard. Rutten is a village situated on the left bank of the 
 Roer ; it stands upon an eminence, from which might be fully seen 
 all the difficulties which the army had to encounter. There was in 
 view a long line of redoubts, bristling with chevaux-de-frise, and broad 
 intrenchments defended by deep ditches. In one place, there appeared 
 a batterie rasante ; at another were guns of large calibre, and behind 
 these formidable works a numerous infantry was drawn up, motion- 
 less, and waiting only for the appearance of the French forces to open 
 a destructive fire. These works, and this attitude of defence, were 
 calculated to inspire caution. But for six months past the Austrians 
 had in vain attempted to regain their lost ground. Beaten in every 
 action, they were constantly compelled to retreat, and as constantly 
 driven from the positions which were to have stopped the progress of 
 the republican armies. The French troops could now perceive them 
 intrenched and fortified in the midst of rocks, and behind ravines and 
 coppices. Such obstacles only increased the audacity of the republi- 
 can soldiers, who were eager to advance, cross the river, and encounter 
 hand to hand the troops they had so often put to flight, and who now 
 dared to face them only because they were protected by their position 
 and works. Excited, like his men, by a series of victories, Bernadotte 
 participated in their enthusiasm. But the Roer was deep and rapid, 
 and the rain, which fell in torrents, increased every hour the impetu- 
 osity of its waters. Unwilling to expose his troops to the torrent and 
 to the enemy’s grape-shot, without first ascertaining the precise diffi- 
 culties they would have to overcome, he sent forward the light infantry 
 to reconnoitre ; but scarcely had they appeared in front of the river 
 ere the Austrian batteries began to play. The fire was returned from 
 the other bank, and in a moment the two armies were engaged. It 
 was however impossible to meet, and neither would retire. For a 
 long time death was dealt out on either side with an unflinching hand, 
 and the hostile forces moved not from their positions. At length a 
 fresh battery being unmasked, and the Austrians exposed to a mur- 
 derous cross fire, they began to give way. The 71st seized the oppor- 
 tunity, and rushing into the river, succeeded in gaining the opposite 
 bank. Bernadotte immediately reported this success to Kleber. 
 “ Great praise,” he wrote, “ is due to the brave Ney. He seconded 
 me with the ability which you know he possesses, and I am bound to 
 add, in strict justice, that he greatly contributed to the success we have 
 obtained.” 
 
 By the time the French troops had crossed the river, it was dark, 
 and no bridges could be constructed till the morrow, or other neces- 
 sary preparations made to follow up this success. The enemy with* 
 
xMARSHAL NEY. 
 
 39 
 
 drew during the night, and on the following morning nothing remained 
 but the marks of their defeat. 
 
 Similar operations, attended with similar results, took place along 
 the rest of the line. On this occasion the following report was ad- 
 dressed by Gillet to the Committee of Public Safety : 
 
 “ I have delayed until now giving you an account of the most re- 
 cent successes of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, in order to be able at 
 the same time to announce to you a victory, together with the capture 
 of a fortified town, a citadel, sixty pieces of cannon, and a great quan- 
 tity of stores and ammunition. 
 
 “ The Austrian army, beaten in detail at Sprimont and Clermont, 
 on the 2d and 3d sans-culott:de, had intrenched themselves upon the 
 banks of the Roer, where they still formed a force of * from sixty to 
 eighty thousand men. On the 1st instant, we took Aix-la-Chapelle, 
 and our army encamped on the plains of Aldenhoven, the left close 
 to Worms, and the right towards Scherweiller upon the Dinse. 
 
 “ The enemy intending to defend the passage of the Roer, and keep 
 open a communication with Maestricht, a considerable portion of their 
 army was stationed on the right bank of that river, in a position just 
 behind Aldenhoven, and in front of Juliers. This position, naturally 
 strong, was moreover fortified with lines and redoubts which defended 
 it on all sides. 
 
 “ Determined to follow up our successes, Jourdan resolved to force 
 the enemy in their last intrenchments. To succeed, it was necessary 
 to attempt one of those bold manoeuvres which render the most diffi- 
 cult enterprizes possible when executed by able officers and intrepid 
 soldiers ; for the Roer, though fordable in many places, was swollen 
 by the rain which had fallen during the last ten days. The fords, in 
 themselves difficult, were covered with chevaux-de-frise, the bridges 
 were destroyed, and the heights which extend along the right bank 
 of the Roer, from its source to Buremonde, were covered with lines 
 and redoubts, and defended by a formidable artillery. 
 
 “ Jourdan divided his army into four corps. Scherer commanded 
 the right wing, General Kleber the left, and General Lefebre the van. 
 Jourdan retained the command of the centie, forming the corps-de- 
 bataille, having under him the generals of division, Hatry, Morlot, 
 Championnet, and Dubois. Scherer was ordered to force the passage 
 of Dueren ; Kleber to attack on the left at Heinsberg, and the van- 
 guard, at Limnich, whilst the corps-de-ba:aille was to attack the camp 
 in front of Juliers. 
 
 “ Yesterday, at five o’clock in the morning, every column was in 
 motion, and all commenced the attack with equal bravery. In less 
 than two hours, the camp in front of Juliers was forced, and the re- 
 doubts carried with unexampled intrepidity. The enemy’s cavalry 
 appeared to cover the retreat of their army. Ours charged and routed 
 it, pursuing it even to the glacis of Juliers ; and it owed its safety, as 
 
40 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 did the whole Austrian army, solely to the guns of that place, which 
 prevented our troops from continuing the pursuit. The other columns 
 were equally successful, but they met with difficulties of another kind. 
 When the vanguard reached Limnich, they found that the enemy had 
 destroyed the bridge, and set fire to the town. Every point of approach 
 having been rendered impracticable, it became necessary to construct 
 bridges under a dreadful fire of artillery and musketry. This was 
 however executed under the protection of our artillery, which on this 
 occasion, as on every other, showed its great superiority over that of 
 the enemy, who were obliged to withdraw and abandon their redoubts. 
 The bridges, however, could not be constructed before night, so that 
 it was impossible to complete the passage of the river. Every thing 
 was ready to execute it this morning, when the clearing up of the fog 
 showed us the enemy in full flight. 
 
 “ Several redoubts had been raised in front of Juliers, and a battery 
 of mortars erected to bombard the place. This battery had already 
 begun to produce great effect, when a white flag appeared on the cita- 
 del, and a deputation of magistrates came to deliver up the keys of the 
 town, which had been evacuated by the enemy during the night, and 
 now surrendered at discretion. 
 
 “Yesterday must form a memorable epoch in the arms of the 
 republic. An army of from sixty to eighty thousand men defeated 
 under the shelter of a most formidable position ; a place stronger than 
 Landrecy — with a good citadel, fosses full of water, and in the best 
 possible state of defence — with an arsenal full of stores, and contain- 
 ing more than fifty thousand pounds of powder — evacuated, taken 
 without a struggle. Such, my dear colleagues, are the fruits of this 
 brilliant day. 
 
 “ The enemy’s loss is immense. On the other side of the Roer 
 the ground is covered with slain, even within the Austrian lilies. 
 This we were able to verify this morning, and it proves the precipitancy 
 of their retreat. Every thing denotes the most complete rout. Several 
 columns of cavalry, light artillery, and grenadiers, are in pursuit of 
 them ; and I have just llearnt that General Dubois, at the head of 
 six regiments of cavalry, has overtaken their baggage wagons to 
 the right of Cologne. We have made upwards of six hundred 
 prisoners. 
 
 “ It would be out of my power to notice every act of heroism by 
 which this day is honoured \ for I should have to mention by name 
 every corps, every general, every officer, and every soldier, because 
 all have shown themselves heroes : I shall therefore designate only 
 two. The first relates to the vanguard of the divisions under the 
 command of General Kleber. The brave soldiers who composed it, 
 impatient at the delay which the construction of a bridge would cause, 
 threw themselves into the river, swam across it, attacked the enemy’s 
 works, and carried them at the point of the bayonet. The second 
 relates to two squadrons of chasseurs, commanded by General d’Haut- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 41 
 
 poul. These brave men, having met four squadrons of the enemy’s 
 hussars, charged them without counting their numbers, and drove 
 them into the river. Almost the whole were either killed, drowned, 
 or taken. “ Health and Fraternity. 
 
 “ Gillet.” 
 
 “ Head Quarters, Juliers, 12th Vendemiaire, 
 
 Year III. (3d October, 1794.)” 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Austrian army was in a deplorable plight. Both generals 
 and soldiers, struck with consternation at their successive defeats un- 
 interrupted by the slightest success, were now only desirous of re- 
 crossing the Rhine. The courage of Werneck himself was at length 
 shaken. This general, habitually so firm and decided, had now lost 
 all confidence. Having made arrangements for the supplying of 
 Maestricht with provisions, he left upon his table a duplicate of the 
 orders he had issued. Bernadotte having come upon him unawares, 
 found this document, and perceiving in an instant the full importance 
 of the information it afforded him, despatched Ney to take the best 
 advantage of it. 
 
 “ The General who commands an army in which you are employ- 
 ed,” he wrote to the latter, is a fortunate man. I have that good 
 luck, and I fully appreciate it. Continue to pursue and hussar the 
 enemy, and I will second you to the utmost of my means. You shall 
 have by to-morrow the 4th hussars and the 16th chasseurs. I will 
 likewise send you a body of infantry, and will ride over and consult 
 with you on the best means of supporting you with the dragoons. 
 
 “ I must inform you, my dear friend, that there is something of 
 great importance to be attempted. The honour of the attempt is re- 
 served for you, and to you shall be attributed all the merit of its suc- 
 cess. You must, if possible, obtain possession of the flour which 
 Field Marshal Werneck is sending, under an escort, along the heights 
 on the other side of Vegoiig, whence it is to enter the high road, for 
 the purpose of reaching Neuss and Dusseldorf. The undertaking 
 will be, perhaps, hazardous — but no matter ; the convoy is not far off, 
 and we can make the attempt. 
 
 “ I am going to take a few hours’ rest ; I advise you to do the same, 
 for I fancy we shall have no time for sleep to-morrow. 
 
 Bernadotte.” 
 
 “ Guerack, 12th Vendemiaire, 
 
 Year III. (3d of October 1794.)” 
 
 VOL. I. 6 
 
42 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Ney set out to intercept the escort, which the report of his approach 
 prevented from leaving Neuss ; he therefore resolved to make him- 
 self master not only of the provisions, but of the town which con- 
 tained them. From a thousand to twelve hundred horse defended 
 the approaches to the place. He braved and endeavoured to provoke 
 the latter to an action, but the greater his ardour, the more determin- 
 ed were they to avoid a conflict ; thus every effort to bring them to 
 battle was vain. Under these circumstances, he came to the resolu- 
 tion of instantly storming the town. 
 
 This bold resolve was singular, inasmuch as he had not with him 
 a single foot soldier, and the ramparts of Neuss were covered with a 
 numerous body of infantry. Nevertheless, the coup-de-main suc- 
 ceeded. Scarcely had he fired ten shots, ere the garrison set fire to 
 the storehouses, and escaped in great disorder with the flour wagons, 
 which they still attempted to save. Ney pursued them closely, and 
 seized a number of the wagons, dispersing the remainder, and for- 
 cing them towards Dusseldorf. The night was however very dark, 
 and his hussars being overcome with fatigue, he was obliged to halt, 
 and allow the men and horses a few hours’ rest. 
 
 The silence of the bivouac, which was on the banks of the Rhine, 
 having succeeded the tumult of the pursuit, an indistinct sound was 
 shortly after heard, then a confused noise of human voices and oars. 
 
 Ney’s men now felt that they were about to effect the object for 
 which they had been striving, and this idea inspired them with fresh 
 vigour. They ran to their arms, and resumed their march; but 
 Dusseldorf sided with the Austrians, and no sooner did the French 
 hussars appear before it than it thundered its projectiles upon them. 
 Ney took no notice of this aggression, but continued his route, over- 
 took the portion of the escort which had escaped from him under cover 
 of the darkness of the preceding night, and after dispersing it, took 
 possession of the wagons. Nor was this all. He knew that the 
 diplomatists of the river were sending away their treasure ; this he 
 intercepted, and with the riches he expected some valuable despatches 
 which he certainly did not expect, fell into his hands. 
 
 Kleber, greatly irritated at the aggression of Dusseldorf, determin- 
 ed to avenge both the insult offered to his vanguard, and the partiality 
 which the citizens seemed to entertain towards the French emigrants. 
 This was, however, by no means easy. His soldiers were without 
 clothing, his wagons without cattle, and the season was becoming 
 daily more unfavourable. But he was not to be turned from his pur- 
 pose; and that which he needed, he purposed making the enemy 
 supply him with. This was perhaps the first time that an army 
 wanting the means of taking a fortified town, had attempted to force 
 that town to supply such means against itself. However, Kleber 
 had resolved upon it, and the attack began. The batteries of the 
 French army soon set the town on fire. The general sent for Ney. 
 
 “ Do you see,” he said, “ the ravages made by our shells? Well, 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 43 
 
 take a trumpeter, proceed to Dusseldorf, and tell the magistrates, that 
 if I am not put in possession of the place forthwith, together with a 
 million of francs, I will destroy every thing in it.” 
 
 Ney went, threatened, intimidated, and performed his mission so 
 well that Dusseldorf opened its gates. It contained an immense 
 quantity of artillery, stores, and provisions. 
 
 Having resumed his excursions, Ney pushed on towards Cleves, at 
 the head of four hundred horse ; defeated the enemy, carried the place, 
 and immediately advancing upon Nimeguen, carried that also. Mean- 
 time Kleber had resumed the siege of Maestricht. The waters of the 
 Sambre being low, he had been unable to receive the artillery and 
 ammunition necessary for his operations, and the garrison, embolden- 
 ed by the failure of the former attempts, feared not to attack the be- 
 siegers in their trenches. Kleber, irritated at this, urgently demand- 
 ed Ney ; whilst Jourdan, who had employed him elsewhere, was in 
 no haste to comply with the demand. But Gillet having approached 
 the place at the head of a reconnoitring party, put Ney’s services in 
 requisition. He kept him, as he stated in his despatch* to the Com- 
 mander-in-chief, “ at the request of General Kleber, who was anxious 
 to bring the besieged to reason, and sicken them of making sorties.” 
 And in truth they were soon confined within their walls. The 
 artillery at length came down the Sambre, and the siege began under 
 the direction of General Bollemont, a brave and able officer, who, 
 though advanced in years, had preserved all the fire and energy of 
 youth. He ordered the engineers to erect nothing but incendiary 
 batteries upon the first parallel, reserving the siege batteries for the 
 second. Such a thing had never been heard of before, but General 
 Bollemont having directed that it should be done, the body of engi- 
 neers determined to do their best to reach the second parallel without 
 the support of artillery. In carrying their works along the right flank of 
 Mont St. Pierre, they discovered the mouth of a deep cavern, which 
 according to the statements of the country people, had branches ex- 
 tending under the fortress. In verifying this fact, a subterraneous 
 city was discovered, which proved the exact counterpart of the city 
 above. The circumstance was a singular one ; the dark city became 
 the sole topic of conversation, and inquiries were set on foot to ascer- 
 tain the cause of its existence, and the use to which it was applied. 
 
 All this gave great uneasiness to the besieged, who sprang a mine 
 in order to encumber the principal entrance, and prevent the besiegers 
 from satisfying their curiosity'. The explosion, though terrific, did 
 not produce the effect intended. It occasioned only the fall of a great 
 quantity of earth, leaving an opening like a vast funnel, which about 
 sixty of the French soldiers immediately entered. Considering, from 
 what had just taken place, that there existed a passage communicating 
 with the fortress, they resolved to ascertain that fact. They therefore 
 
 * Dated 22d Vendemiaire, Year III. (13th October, 1794.) 
 
44 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 \ 
 
 penetrated into the cavern, and proceeded onward to a considerable 
 distance without hearing the least sound, or seeing any thing extraor- 
 dinary. At length a great noise struck their ears, and they thought 
 they had discovered the passage. Under the excitement of this 
 pretended discovery, they made oath never to see the light again 
 except through th£ opening which led to the town. But what was 
 their surprise on advancing, to find that the enemy, whom they 
 expected to encounter hand to hand — the foes whose voices they 
 fancied they heard, turned out to be a flock of sheep which the inha- 
 bitants had concealed in the cavern. The adventure ended in 
 their finding abundance of food, but no communication with the 
 fortress. 
 
 As the place could not be carried but by a regular siege, an attempt 
 was made to obtain its surrender by negotiation. The governor was 
 summoned, pressed to this effect, and the reverses of the coalition 
 very forcibly urged to hasten his compliance. Although his courage 
 was shaken by such a train of disasters, he would come to no deci- 
 sion until he had first communicated with the Hague, and received the 
 instructions of his masters. Kleber replied that the governor would 
 soon have no master but him, and pushed on his works with vigour. 
 The allies had shown, at Lille, Thionville, Valenciennes, and Lan- 
 drecy, what they were capable of doing. They had added the 
 horrors of fire by bomb-shells to the ravages of their artillery ; and 
 it was resolved to use reprisals on this occasion. Three mortar 
 batteries were accordingly erected, and a considerable quantity of 
 shells thrown into the place. 
 
 Still the governor persisted in his resistance. His fortifications 
 were injured ; his parapets and covered ways no longer presented 
 any thing but a mass of ruins ; and still he remained firm. The 
 citizens were less determined ; and Kleber was anxious to open a 
 communication with the magistrates. Ney suggested a very simple 
 plan : it was to summon the Austrian commander to allow the French 
 to negotiate with the citizens, threatening him with the displeasure of 
 the whole army if he refused. The expedient seemed good ; and 
 Ney being despatched to the gates with a flag of truce, displayed 
 such confidence, and managed matters so well, that he intimidated 
 the Austrians into compliance. He was accordingly conducted to 
 the Town Hall where the City council were sitting. The latter, 
 however, pretended that the constitution deprived them of all right of 
 interference in the defence of the place. It therefore became neces- 
 sary, after all, to batter in breach ; and the works of the besiegers 
 were continued with great vigour. Nevertheless, Kleber felt conside- 
 rable repugnance to destroy this noble fortress, and determined on 
 making a fresh attempt at negotiation. He again directed his 
 adjutant-general to offer new matter* for consideration to these 
 haughty magistrates. Ney again appeared before them, and a dis- 
 cussion commenced which became - harsh and animated. The 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 45 
 
 governor exaggerated his resources ; the council relied upon the 
 strength of their ramparts; and all were bent upon running the 
 chances of their resistance. 
 
 “ If this be your ultimatum,” said the adjutant-general, “ I am 
 bound to accept it. Your city will be destroyed, but the people you 
 govern shall know to whom they are indebted for this cruel treatment. 
 History will say that it was caused by your indifference to their inte- 
 rests, and your blind devotion to Austria. It will also say that a 
 generous enemy wished to save your citizens and their property ; but 
 that you, their natural protectors — you, who are bound to defend 
 them, have sacrificed them without remorse to the pride of a govern- 
 ment deaf to the voice of humanity, and which only seeks the vain 
 glory of making a good but useless defence.” 
 
 This speech produced an excellent effect. The governor himself 
 was moved ; he protested that so far from desiring to build his military 
 reputation upon the misfortunes of the citizens, he would readily 
 yield the place the instant he had proof that further resistance was 
 useless. 
 
 “ And have you not that proof?” replied Ney, with vivacity. 
 “ Can your armies, defeated at Aldenhoven, at Juliers, and at La 
 Chartreuse, and whom the terror of our arms is now driving upon 
 the higher as upon the lower Rhine, come to your assistance ? And 
 will the Dutch or the English effect that which is beyond the power 
 of your own forces? Defeated on the Wahl, overthrown on the 
 Escaut, they have been unable to defend either Grave or Venloo. 
 Bois-le-Duc and Crevecoeur have just opened their gates to us, and 
 neither the Austrians nor the English can henceforward do any thing 
 for you.” 
 
 Ney spoke with vehemence, and the governor and magistrates 
 forcibly admitting the truth of his account of the campaign, assumed 
 a milder tone ; the negotiations were resumed, and that which force 
 had been unable to effect was obtained by address. 
 
 This was a noble termination to a campaign already unequalled in 
 the annals of warfare. The French army had assembled on the 3rd 
 of June, 1794. Though deficient in artillery, and almost without 
 stores, it had marched against the hostile forces which covered the 
 frontiers of France and occupied many strong holds ; it had beaten 
 and driven them from the French territory; nay more, it had pursued 
 them across the Sambre, and defeated them in seven pitched battles. 
 On the 10th and 26th of June they were beaten at Fleurus ; on the 
 1st of July at Mont Palissel, in front of Mons, and at the camp of 
 Roeulx ; on the 6th at Waterloo; on the 7th at Sombref ; on the 18th 
 of September at the passage of the Ourthc ; and on the 2d of October 
 at Juliers. During these operations the French army had not re- 
 ceived a single check, nor lost a single piece of ordnance; so far 
 from this, it had begun the campaign with a park of only sixteen 
 pieces, and had taken with these pieces, Charleroy, Landrccy, Qucs- 
 
46 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 noy, Valenciennes, Conde, Namur, Juliers, Maestricht, Mons, Ath, 
 Hall, Brussels, Louvain, Tirlemont, Tongres, St. Trond, Liege, Aix- 
 la-Chapelle, Cologne, Bonn, Coblentz, Creveldt, Gueldres, and 
 Stephenwerth. It had captured nine hundred and ninety-five pieces 
 of cannon, one hundred and five howitzers, and one hundred and 
 fifty-eight mortars. It possessed at the end-of 4he-campaign four 
 hundred and fifty field-pieces, stores for a whole year, besides twenty 
 millions of cartridges ; and its parks contained one thousand three 
 hundred and sixty-eight pieces of ordnance. Such were the fruits of 
 six months of peril and fatigue. 
 
 It might have been expected that such labours would have insured 
 quiet winter-quarters : no such thing. The Austrians still kept open 
 their outlets upon the Rhine, and had, consequently, the power of 
 again spreading over the Palatinate, and of perhaps repossessing 
 themselves of the rich plains from which the republican army had 
 driven them ; it was therefore deemed expedient to prevent the possi- 
 bility of such an irruption, by laying siege to Mayence. Kleber, who 
 commanded this expedition, selected the corps and officers he wished 
 to have with him. Ney was not forgotten, but the general-in-chief 
 also claimed his services, and to elude the orders of the latter to this 
 effect, it was deemed necessary again to have recourse to Gillet. 
 Being thus driven to invoke the good offices of the representative, 
 Kleber did not confine his demand to Ney, but requested also to have 
 Marescot, Chasseloup, Duclos, Floyes, and the whole of the bande 
 joyeuse who had assisted at the siege of Maestricht. Gillet felt a 
 delicacy in deciding the question between the commander of the left 
 wing and the general-in-chief, and referred it to the committee ; but 
 he took advantage of his despatch to the latter to say a word in 
 favour of the brave men whose services the two commanders were 
 so anxious to secure. 
 
 “ “ I know them all extremely well,” he wrote to his colleagues, 
 “ and have seen them in actual service. They belong to a good and 
 energetic school, by whose precepts they have profited. They display 
 great zeal, and I urgently recommend them to your notice. It is but 
 justice to these brave young men. As for Ney, you will determine 
 whether or not he is to remain with Kleber. For my own part, I 
 think he would be very useful in the army before Mayence. He is a 
 distinguished officer ; and is necessary to our large body of cavalry. 
 Men of his stamp are not common.” 
 
 The question which Gillet dared not decide was already settled. 
 Ney had seen with indignation the enemy sally forth from their ram- 
 parts, crown a redoubt erected in haste, and brave the efforts of the 
 French soldiers. The corps-de-siege was composed of troops partly 
 from the army of the Rhine and partly from that of Sambre-et- 
 Meuse. Anxious to show the former how to fight, he assembled a 
 few dragoons, saw that the horses were rough-shod, so that they could 
 not slide upon the ice, and begged a few voltigeurs from the chef de 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 47 
 
 bataillon Molitor. “ I am going,” he said, “ to show you a trick 
 after the manner of Sambre-et-Meuse.” 
 
 Having put his voltigeurs in motion, they attacked the redoubt in 
 front, whilst he got on the other side and brought up his dragoons 
 against the pass it defended ; but the latter hesitated and dared not 
 follow him, so that he penetrated alone into the redoubt. Surrounded 
 by the enemy, single-handed he cut his way through them, recrossed 
 the ditch, and escaped under a shower of balls ; but he received a 
 wound in his arm, the pain of which was increased by the motion of 
 his horse. A species of lock -jaw ensued, and he became restless and 
 desponding ; at one moment under the excitement of burning fever, at 
 the next weakened by the sufferings he endured, he refused all surgi- 
 cal aid. His friends, uneasy at the strange turn his disorder had 
 taken, hit upon an expedient to bring him to himself. Having as- 
 sembled the musicians and young girls of the village, with Kleber 
 and the representative Merlin at their head, they all went in proces- 
 sion to Ney’s quarters, and danced the farandolle round his bed. 
 The noise was at first unpleasant to him, but by degrees he joined in 
 the hilarity it occasioned. He then laughed at his gloomy thoughts 
 and gave up his arm to the surgeons; his only uneasiness being now 
 about the length of time his cure would take, — his only anxiety that 
 of knowing how soon he should be able to return and face the enemy. 
 Being informed that he had been appointed general of brigade, this 
 promotion was only a source of uneasiness to him. He did not thinly 
 he had done enough to merit that rank ; and wished to leave it to 
 those who, as he said, had better claims than his. In vain were his 
 scruples laughed at — in vain was he urged to accept the promotion ; 
 it was impossible to shake his resistance or overcome his modesty. 
 The chief of the staff came to his assistance on the occasion. 
 
 “ If you persist,” wrote the latter, “ in refusing the rank of Gene- 
 ral of Brigade, to which you have been appointed by the representa- 
 tive Merlin, I think you had better write to the board of organization 
 of the land forces. This would be the more advisable, as the repre- 
 sentative Merlin is not yet returned from his journey to Paris. 
 
 “ Health and Fraternity. 
 
 * “ Bourcier, General of Division, and 
 
 Chief of the General Staff.” 
 
 “ Head-quarters, Gandowblam, the 13th of Pluviose, 
 
 Year III. (1st February 1795. ” 
 
 Ney acted upon this suggestion, wrote to the board, and by dint of 
 entreaty succeeded in getting his excuses accepted. As his wound 
 continued painful, the representative Merlin recommended him to try 
 his native air. 
 
 “ My brave friend,” he wrote, “ go and complete your cure at 
 
48 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Sarrelibre,* your birth-place. 1 have despatched an order to the sur- 
 geon of first class, Bonaventure, to send one of his pupils with you. 
 Return soon, and lend us your powerful aid against the enemies of 
 your country. 
 
 “ Health and Fraternity. Merlin.” 
 
 « Head-quarters at Oberingelheim, the 18th Nivose, 
 
 Year III. (7th January, 1795.)” 
 
 Kleber, also desirous of giving Ney a proof of his regard, and the 
 value in which he held the services of that officer, addressed him the 
 following document : 
 
 “ Head-quarters of Observation, Ingelheim, 22nd Nivose, 
 Year III. (February 10th, 1795.) 
 
 “THE GENERAL OF DIVISION KLEBER, COMMANDING THE CORPS 
 D’ARMEE BEFORE MAYENCE, 
 
 “ Hereby certifies that Citizen Ney, adjutant-general, chef-de-bri- 
 gade, commanded with distinction various bodies of cavalry during 
 the campaign of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse ; that in every opera- 
 tion entrusted to him, he displayed the most consummate skill and 
 bravery, particularly at the siege of Maestricht, where by his valour 
 he did eminent service to the commonwealth ; that having volunteered 
 his services to the army before Mayence, in co-operating towards the 
 capture of that place, he received, in a sortie, a gun-shot wound which 
 has suspended his activity of service until his perfect cure. 
 
 Kleber.” 
 
 * The name of Sarrelouis was changed by the Jacobins to that of Sarre- 
 libre. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 49 
 
 BOOK THE SECOND. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The spring was advancing, active operations were about to be re- 
 sumed, and Ney’s wound was not yet healed. With anxiety, though 
 resigned, he watched the slow progress of his convalescence. His 
 hopes were still buoyant, and he trusted that his youth and the ap- 
 proaching season would speedily restore him to health, and that in the 
 mean time the want of necessaries, unforeseen military combinations, 
 or some other incident, might delay for a little while the passage of 
 the Rhine. A note from Kleber, however, put these notions to flight. 
 The General ordered him to join the army the moment his wound 
 would allow of his doing so; and Ney, supposing that the campaign 
 was immediately to commence, set out forthwith for head-quarters, 
 without regard to the state of his wound, and in spite of the remon- 
 strances of his surgeon. 
 
 The month of May had already commenced. It had been intended 
 to send detachments to many parts of the Duchy of Berg, invest 
 Mayence, force Ehrenbreitstein, and by occupying the rich valley of 
 Maine, make the war feed itself ; the ultimate object being to impose 
 terms of peace upon the enemy. But the troubles in France became 
 daily more serious. The faction, defeated on the 9th of Thermidor, 
 attempted to excite fresh insurrections. Beaten on the 12th of Ger- 
 minal, it had arisen on the 1st of Prairial more formidable and more 
 violent than ever ; and the Government, in open rupture with the Ja- 
 cobins as well as with the companies of Jesus, and embarrassed be- 
 sides by domestic troubles, had scarcely leisure to bestow its attention 
 upon dangers threatened from abroad. Weariness and disgust had 
 likewise crept into all ranks ; and the people would have no more 
 contests, no more battles, and, above all, no more sacrifices. 
 
 The committee would willingly have yielded to the general wish, 
 for nothing could be more pacific than the feelings of the men who 
 composed it ; but peace was a blessing which the “ kings of the 
 earth” would not suffer the French people to enjoy. The governors 
 of the republic were therefore compelled to push on the war ; and 
 ' Richard, the representative attached to the army of the North, was 
 
 VOL. I. 7 
 
50 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 directed to collect the means of constructing bridges, in order that the 
 army of Sambre-et-Meuse might cross the Rhine. 
 
 Meantime Luxemburg had surrendered ; an event which ought to 
 have given fresh activity to these preparations. It only served, how- 
 ever, to delay them. No sooner was the garrison of that city freed 
 from the iron discipline which had ruled it, than the licentiousness of 
 the Austrian soldiery burst forth. Clairfayt’s battalion immediately 
 disbanded itself; the men indignantly pulled the metal plates from 
 their caps, trod the imperial insignia under foot, and ran tumultuously 
 through the streets, crying, “ Vive la France !” — “ Vive la liberte !” 
 This unexpected explosion, attended with such a profession of prin- 
 ciples, created no little surprise. It led to the supposition that 
 the Austrians were impatient under the yoke of despotism ; and the 
 republican government flattered itself that the Aulic council, too 
 prudent to prolong a crisis which might prove fatal to itself, would at 
 length submit to put an end to a contest whose dangers were not 
 wholly confined to cannon-balls. This supposition was plausible 
 enough, and a whimsical incident occurred to give it some appearance 
 of consistency. 
 
 Luxemburg, as we have just stated, had opened its gates. The 
 representatives, persuaded that henceforward it would continue to be- 
 long to France, ordered a fete “ in honour of the marriage of this 
 place to the French republic.” Field Marshal Bender, who had sur- 
 rendered it, was invited to this fete. He was an old soldier, of a 
 lively and amiable disposition. The ceremony seemed to him a good 
 joke, and he attended it at the head of his staff. Jourdan was also 
 present with his. This was the first time any of the hostile forces 
 had met in amity, and such a meeting seemed to afford pleasure to 
 both parties. The conversation soon became confidential ; no one 
 on either side disguised his opinions or antipathies. The Austrians, 
 full of esteem for the French, looked upon the Prussians with an 
 aversion which existing circumstances tended to increase ; and they 
 were impatient to put an end to hostilities with a nation who had 
 fought them nobly, in order to call an unworthy ally to account for 
 the reverses caused by his defection. 
 
 The representative Talot, struck with the sentiments of his guests, 
 reported them to the committee. A French agent at Vienna also 
 gave an account of some confidential sayings which had escaped cer- 
 tain Austrian generals, as being the sentiments of the council. The 
 committee took fire at these vague communications, and persuaded 
 themselves that the war with the Empire was on the eve of termina- 
 tion. The preparations for the campaign were therefore suspended, 
 the transmission of supplies stopped, and the government, without 
 calculating the distance, now thought only of transferring the armies 
 of the Rhine to the Pyrenees. And as an imprudent measure always 
 requires a pretence to excuse or mask its object, the want of means 
 was alleged, and the deficiency of arms and ammunition. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 51 
 
 Thus were the preparations making in the North entirely stopped. 
 In vain did Pichegru complain of want of supplies in all the fortified 
 towns — in vain did Jourdan urge the weakness of his muster-rolls ; 
 the former received no supplies, the latter no recruits. The armies 
 destined to cross the Rhine were on the eve of dissolution on the left 
 bank of that river. Nothing was doing, nothing in progress ; and to 
 fill the measure of evil, the remainder of the season was about to be 
 employed in useless marches. In vain was a cry raised against such 
 an error in judgment ; — the committee had all the sensitiveness at- 
 tached to power, and would not change their measures. Much time 
 was lost in hesitation, in discussion, and in again mooting a question 
 already disposed of. Gillet, who deplored this cruel uncertainty, suc- 
 ceeded at length in putting an end to it. He had long remained, as 
 we have already shown, with the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, and was 
 well acquainted with its feelings, and opinions, and wants. He also 
 knew what there was to expect and what to fear from the Austrians. 
 He pointed out to the committee the fallacy of the hopes they nur- 
 tured, and the danger of the measures they seemed resolved to adopt 
 in consequence. If the army, he observed, wanted means of con- 
 veyance or stores, the enemy must be made to supply them. The 
 Rhine must be crossed, horses must be obtained, and the service of 
 the army organized at the expense of the riverain princes. In short, 
 that which had been done during the preceding campaign, must be 
 repeated, and the enemy forced to pay the expenses of the war which 
 they had declared. But to withdraw from the Rhine when ail was 
 ready to cross it — when two hundred thousand imperialists were 
 pressing towards its banks, was at once to decline a battle, and ex- 
 pose the French provinces to the chance of an invasion. Besides, 
 what an unfavourable impression would such a resolution make upon 
 the army, whose battalions loudly demanded and fully expected to be 
 led against the Austrians ! And, indeed, this expectation alone had 
 prevented the soldiers from deserting, like those of the army in the 
 South. Surely such a consequence was not to be risked ; for, if even 
 a defensive warfare were adopted, it would surely lead to the im- 
 mediate dissolution of the army. 
 
 “ Our armies,” he continued, “ bear no resemblance to mercenary 
 troops. Each individual composing them, fights to obtain peace. 
 This is the reason why, with soldiers like ours, the enemy must often 
 be attacked. The more numerous the battles, the greater is the satis- 
 faction of the men ; because, being excited by the hope of peace, they 
 can better ascertain the precise period at which it will reach them, 
 and when they shall be able, in consequence of it, to return to their 
 families. ,If you keep them unoccupied, each individual soldier will 
 think that you can have no occasion for him if he is to remain idle, 
 and this will induce him to desert. 
 
 “ Our intestine commotions are greatly exaggerated ; but admitting 
 them to exist to the extent alleged, do you think to appease them by 
 
52 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 exposing yourselves to reverses on the frontiers ? Gain victories over 
 the foreigners who attack you, and you will deprive our factions at 
 home of all hopes of support. Would you acquire respect at home 
 and abroad ? — strike terror into your enemies by the splendour of 
 your victories. 
 
 “ I have, I confess, no particular attachment to the principle that 
 the Rhine should form our limits ; but I should consider it an act of 
 high treason to restore the Austrian provinces on this side of that 
 river. There are likewise portions of territory, and electorates, 
 which must at all events be ceded to us. Should this question be de- 
 bated some day, I will lay before the committee a paper upon the new 
 frontiers which would suit France, and the points on which they 
 should be defended.” 
 
 These reasons were unanswerable, and the government yielded to 
 them. The project of sending to the Pyrenees the troops collected on 
 the Rhine was abandoned, whilst that of passing this river and carry- 
 ing on the sieges of the fortresses beyond it was resumed. Richard 
 had yielded to the same illusions which had seduced the Committee 
 of Public Safety ; like them, he had relied too implicitly upon confi- 
 dential communications made to mislead him. He also had suffered 
 himself to be deceived by false overtures, and now that the construc- 
 tion of bridges was to be resumed, he demanded six weeks to get 
 every thing ready. This was too serious a delay ; and as there were 
 numerous boats on the Meuse and the Moselle, it was decided that 
 they should be used for the passage of the Rhine. But this was at- 
 tended with no little difficulty ; for how were the boats to be conveyed 
 from one of those rivers to the Rhine ? — and how were they to be 
 lowered into it from the other, and brought to the point where they 
 were to be used ? The project was beset with difficulties ; nevertheless 
 there was good hope of its success. The work was begun ; trucks 
 served for one operation and an inclined moveable bridge for the 
 other ; — the rest was left to Providence. Every thing succeeded with- 
 out accident, and the boats reached the river for which they were 
 destined. But here the danger began. 
 
 The fort of Ehrenbreitstein commands the mouth of the Moselle, 
 and batteries had been erected all along the right bank of the Rhine. 
 It was a fine moonlight night, not a breath of air was stirring, and the 
 enemy were anxiously watching for the boats to come within the 
 range of their guns. The danger was certainly great, but there was 
 still greater in hesitation, and the boats, trusting to Providence, dashed 
 on towards Neuwied. The enemy’s forts and works along the river 
 thundered their artillery at the little vessels, which received a shower 
 of grape-shot as they passed. But in a moment of peril there is some- 
 thing that elevates the soul. The French mariners braved death with 
 as much coolness as if they were exposed to no danger whatever. 
 Each successive battery, as they appeared before it, took up and con- 
 tinued the fire which those already passed had discontinued, causing 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 53 
 
 considerable damage to the boats. The brave crews, however, unit- 
 ing their exertions to the force of the current which carried them 
 along, at length peaceably anchored behind the dikes. Neuwied then 
 opened its fire. That beautiful city, so highly embellished by art, 
 and lately enjoying all the blessings of peace, was now transformed 
 into a fortress, raining its murderous projectiles, without mercy, upon 
 the French boats. This aggression was vigorously answered ; but 
 long did the French carefully abstain from injuring the city. They 
 even exposed themselves to great risk with this kindly feeling; but 
 the greater their forbearance, the hotter was the fire from the fortress. 
 Their patience became at length exhausted ; they threw shells into the 
 town, and in a few hours reduced it to ashes. 
 
 Every thing was now ready, and the boats assembled. The re- 
 publicans could now land on the opposite bank, reach the enemy, 
 and force them back. But this was not enough for Kleber, whose 
 plan was not merely to beat them, but to dislodge them from the 
 positions they had so long occupied. He proposed turning them with 
 his right, cutting off their retreat with his left, routing them, and de- 
 priving them of every other means of escape except across the moun- 
 tains. 
 
 This was a great undertaking ; for it was necessary to force a line 
 of redoubts which, connected with each other, and palisaded and pro- 
 tected by covered ways, left but little chance of attacking them with 
 success. Dusseldorf must likewise be again taken, and the Count of 
 Erbach defeated, who was waiting for the republicans at the head of 
 twenty thousand picked men. Kleber however had confidence in 
 his plans ; he had already erected batteries on the left bank, and his 
 men were eager to come to blows. His preparations were soon made. 
 Lefebvre led the left, Championnet the centre, and Grenier, who com- 
 manded the right, was directed to force Dusseldorf. These comman- 
 ders were calculated to inspire their corps with courage ; officers and 
 men threw themselves into the boats, braved the Austrian grape-shot, 
 and landed on the opposite bank. On the 5th of September, at day- 
 break, the republicans occupied the approaches to the river on both 
 sides. 
 
 The Rhine once passed, the two wings of the army began offensive 
 operations. The town of Dusseldorf and the line of redoubts being 
 battered by a formidable artillery, seemed to totter. Legrand ad- 
 vanced upon Dusseldorf, and Lefebvre pushed on to Portz, encroach- 
 ing a little as he proceeded, upon a neck of land confided to the 
 charge of King William. The Prussians endeavoured to stop the 
 one, the Palatine forces to make head against the other ; but Lefebvre 
 was not a man to lose time in discussion. He allowed the officer of 
 Hohenlohe to say what he pleased, and pushed on towards Opladen, 
 which the enemy occupied in great force. Lefebvre charged and 
 drove them in great disorder into Eberfeldt. Ney, pursuing them 
 with ardour, soon appeared before that place. The town was opu- 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 *54 
 
 lent ; its riches had awakened the cupidity of the retreating Austrians, 
 and it had undergone every act of violence that a routed army could 
 attempt. The French forces were however at the heels of their de- 
 feated opponents. Naked, hungry, and in the excitement of victory, 
 they were expected to commit much greater excesses ; at least so the 
 Austrians had said. They had stated that a French army of a hun- 
 dred and fifty thousand men was in pursuit of them ; and that the 
 republicans spared neither women nor children, but ravaged every 
 place they reached with fire and sword. The alarmed inhabitants 
 therefore feared their total destruction was at hand. 
 
 Although the French had been represented as insatiable, the ma- 
 gistrates did not despair of averting the tempest which threatened them. 
 They went out to meet the French columns., and endeavour to con- 
 ciliate their kindness by the most lowly supplications and the most 
 splendid offers. Ney, ignorant of the cause of their terror, was as 
 surprised at their abject bearing as at the means they employed to 
 obtain his good will. “Money!” said he; “I did not expect such a 
 proposal ; but since you have more than you require, employ it in 
 relieving my men, who are in want of every thing. You cannot 
 make a better use of it. The soldier is never unruly but when his 
 wants are not satisfied.” 
 
 The dread of the magistrates gave way to astonishment. They 
 had expected to see the town pillaged by a swarm of barbarians, and, 
 instead of the acts of violence announced by the Austrians, they found 
 disinterestedness in the commander, and amenity and moderation in 
 his men. The latter were relieved ; they obtained clothes and shoes. 
 Meantime the imperialists were precipitating their retreat, and Ney 
 resumed his pursuit. Leaving the town, he again followed them into 
 the mountains. The ravines were deep; whilst rocks and trees 
 thrown across the road continually interrupted his progress. But 
 success doubles a man’s power ; and Ney’s corps, after crossing tor- 
 rents and climbing precipices, overtook the enemy, and was on the 
 point of forcing them to lay down their arms. But the French forces 
 had been unable to attack them on the left, in consequence of the line 
 of neutrality ; and the Austrians, less scrupulous than the French, 
 threw themselves into the county of La Marche and escaped. 
 
 Ney might have followed them ; but he considered himself bound 
 to respect a solemn convention, although the Austrians had violated 
 it, and he took the road to Sollingen, an immense manufactory of 
 arms, which in time of peace rivalled with those of France. In time 
 of war Sollingen supplied arms to the enemies of the latter country. 
 It was important to obtain possession of this place, and to apply to 
 the use of the republicans that which was intended to effect their de- 
 feat. But Ney had scarcely occupied Sollingen ere the Austrians 
 again appeared. 
 
 The Prussians having loudly complained of the violation of their 
 territory, the Count of Erbach dared not persevere, and returned to 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 55 
 
 the pyint whence he entered it. Ney, informed of his motions, joined 
 him behind Lenap. Each was soon ready for action. The Aus- 
 trians were six thousand strong ; but Ney having only a few hundred 
 men with him, could not with such numerical inferiority risk an en- 
 gagement. He extended the heads of his columns in one direction, 
 sent patrols in another, and managed his manoeuvres so well, that 
 Erbach dared not attack him. But such circumspection nearly 
 proved fatal to him, and only rendered his situation more distressing. 
 The Count being intimidated, had rallied all the forces he could con- 
 trol, and General Rise had brought him considerable reinforcements. 
 General Fink was also about to debouch, and the situation of the 
 French was becoming very critical ; for the Austrians might force 
 them, reach Mulheim, and again open the line of communication 
 which the republican troops had intercepted. 
 
 From the offensive, Ney was obliged to assume the defensive ; his 
 forces were so out of proportion with those of the enemy, that he was 
 obliged to find, in the quickness of his manoeuvres and the difficulties 
 of the ground, a substitute for the reinforcements he wanted. He 
 destroyed the bridges, cut up the roads, and, sometimes giving way, 
 sometimes fighting — employing by turns prudence and the most dar- 
 ing courage — succeeded in foiling his numerous foes, and in prevent- 
 ing the defeat of the plan of operations laid down by the commander 
 of the French army. The Count of Erbach, despairing of being able 
 to force Ney’s small body, again crossed the neutral territory, and 
 reached Frankfort. Ney was less scrupulous this time, and prepared 
 to follow him ; but Jourdan still considered himself bound to respect a 
 neutrality of which the Austrians seemed to take so little account. 
 
56 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER 11 
 
 The right wing and centre had crossed the Rhine ; the different 
 corps of the army were united, and orders given to advance : Lefebvre 
 led the van. The Prince of Wirtemberg, Wartensleben, and Erbach, 
 had reached the mountains, where they were occupied in rallying 
 their men and taking up positions. They placed detachments in ad- 
 vance of the republican forces to impede their progress, but did not 
 succeed in their object ; the only effect they produced was to make 
 the French columns press forward. The latter moved on towards 
 the Sieg, and debouched upon the points they were to occupy ; the 
 enemy dispersing every where at their approach. The heights being 
 still crowned by a body of French emigrants, Ney attacked and drove 
 the latter from their positions ; after which, nothing farther opposed 
 the passage of the French army. The Sieg being crossed, the ground 
 was found extremely bad; the troops, however, pushed forward. 
 Whilst they were taking up their positions, the Austrians rallied, and 
 concentrated their forces in front of Hennef. Being attacked on the 
 following day by the whole of the French vanguard, they received 
 the shock without being moved, and, notwithstanding all Lefebvre’s 
 exertions, he was more than two hours ere he could break them. 
 Even then, these valiant soldiers gave way only to rally upon the 
 neighbouring heights ; where, having formed under the protection of 
 a redoubt, they opposed the most determined and intrepid resistance. 
 Ney arrived in the midst of the action, stormed the work which 
 covered them, and artillery-men, infantry, emigrants, and Austrians, 
 were all trampled under the horses’ feet. 
 
 As the French army pushed forward, they found that the country 
 became more rugged and impracticable. Here was a dark forest, 
 there a deep glen ; a torrent roared in one direction, a mountain 
 crossed in another. The republicans found an obstacle at every step 
 they took : at one place they had to cut a passage through a wood, at 
 another to construct a bridge, at a third to attack and carry a defile. 
 They, however, triumphed over all difficulties, and came within sight 
 of Altenkirchen. 
 
 The Austrians having employed in re-forming their columns, the 
 time which their opponents had occupied in overcoming the difficulties 
 of the ground, had taken up a strong position upon the heights. They 
 were drawn up in line of battle, under cover of a formidable artillery ; 
 an open attack might therefore have been foiled, and recourse was 
 had to stratagem. Ney took a demi-brigade of light infantry, with 
 three squadrons of hussars, and, ascending the Sieg, advanced upon 
 Ruppichterod. The time was calculated with precision, and Lefebvre 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 57 
 
 marched up to the enemy ere, according to his judgment, Ney could 
 have reached the heights. The ground was cut up and extremely 
 difficult, and he could use neither his cavalry nor his artillery, which 
 reduced his forces to a few thousand men ; he advanced nevertheless, 
 and the action commenced. All along the line, from right to left, 
 the troops were in a moment engaged ; but it was impossible to over- 
 power a whole army with a handful of men. These were repulsed, 
 brought up again to the charge, and might, perhaps, have suffered 
 severely, had not Ney fortunately succeeded in his movement ; his 
 appearance having thrown the Austrians into disorder, Lefebvre’s 
 men were again brought up, and the imperialists completely routed. 
 
 Fortune continued to crown the French arms with success. The 
 republican forces were about to reach the Lahn, and perhaps cut off 
 the retreat of the defeated Austrians ; the army was in high spirits at 
 this prospect, as well as at the idea of seeing the complete success of 
 those combinations which had been on the point of being frustrated at 
 the very outset. Mayence was about to be invested, and the Austri- 
 ans could no longer maintain themselves upon the left bank of the 
 Rhine. The French frontiers were settled, and the republican armies 
 on the eve of reaping the fruits of their labours ; but the advantages 
 to be derived from the prodigies that had been performed, were not 
 to be enjoyed for a long time to come. The success of armies, which 
 on all other occasions produces abundance, far from relieving the 
 wants of the French soldiers, tended only to increase them ; for the 
 committee in their wisdom had imagined that the war was to pay its 
 own expenses, and had confiscated to their own profit the provisions, 
 cloth, iron, and horses, found in the conquered territories. 
 
 This measure, which, as they said, was “ to provision their own 
 forces, and disprovision those of the Austrians,” only partially pro- 
 duced this effect. It ruined the Duchy of Berg, without benefiting 
 the soldiers of the republic, or filling its warehouses. The feeble 
 cattle, which before had dragged on the provision wagons, were now 
 taken away under pretence of evacuations and transports, and were 
 sacrificed to the cupidity of that swarm of vampires which followed 
 in the train of the French armies. The whole country was given up 
 to plunder, and the rich booty which was to have insured success, 
 served only to counteract it. No escort now brought to the soldier 
 the humble ration which secured him from the horrors of famine ; no 
 wagon now appeared to receive the wounded. Almost naked, with- 
 out food, and barefooted, the French soldiers still held themselves in 
 readiness to follow up their victories. But if courage is inexhaustible, 
 physical want has likewise its limits of endurance. Condemned, in 
 the midst of a country of abundance, to live upon a single ration of 
 bread, the French soldier had borne it without a murmur ; but even 
 this feeble subsistence was now taken away. At first the troops were 
 reduced to half a ration, then to a quarter, and during the last ten 
 days they had received none at all. Jourdan, cut to the soul at this 
 
 VOL. I. 8 
 
58 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cruel conduct, and deeply affected at the admirable fortitude of his 
 men, dared not, under such circumstances, risk sending them in pur- 
 suit of the enemy. Nevertheless, it was necessary to commence a 
 pursuit, in order to conceal the state of destitution to which the French 
 troops were reduced ; and the general selected for this service the 
 men and horses least weakened by famine. All the provisions that 
 remained were distributed among them ; and one part of this body 
 was directed upon Freysingen, the other upon Hachenburg. 
 
 At the same time patrols were sent to the different villages, and 
 flour and bread collected in sufficient quantity for a first consumption. 
 But time had been lost ; and in war, time is the most valuable of all 
 things. Nevertheless, the troops advanced, and pushed on towards 
 the Lahn, which they purposed crossing ; but the bridges were either 
 broken or barricaded, and the Austrians drawn up in an attitude of 
 defence. To force the passage was a measure of some difficulty ; 
 but both soldiers and officers were animated with the most generous 
 courage. Bernadotte carried Nassau, Championnet obtained posses- 
 sion of Limburg, and Poncet throwing himself into the river at the 
 head of a small body of troops, swam across, and took Dietz. On 
 all sides were the Austrians broken, and thrown into the greatest con- 
 fusion. Night came, and the French army halted. They remained 
 masters of the field of battle, and resolved on the morrow to renew 
 their operations. Grenier occupied Weilburg, Lefebvre had estab- 
 lished his quarters at Wetzlar, and Ney, scouring the country accord- 
 ing to custom, seized a convoy of provisions, and captured a consider- 
 able quantity of stores and clothing ; there was consequently abundance 
 to meet the most pressing wants of the army. 
 
 The enemy beaten during the day, dared not renew the contest. 
 They raised their camp and disappeared as soon as they saw the re- 
 publicans take up their position for the night. The latter pursued 
 them, pushed them upon Mayence, and themselves debouched upon 
 Hochheim. Mayence was now on the point of being completely in- 
 vested ; and the French hoped ere long to see the whole of the left 
 bank acknowledge no flag but theirs. 
 
 Whilst they were indulging in such hopes, the Austrians were 
 taking means to disappoint them. The latter had extended their line 
 from Frankfort to Aschaffenburg. The river alone separated the two 
 armies ; but for want of provisions and ammunition* the French were 
 unable to go over to attack them. Better provided than the latter, 
 the Austrians assumed the offensive in their turn, and crossed the 
 river to attack the French, but were very cautious in their attempts. 
 They imitated the very manoeuvre that their adversaries had before 
 used at Elkamp, requested the Prussian safeguards to shut their eyes, 
 and directing towards Friedberg the masses which Pichegru’s inaction 
 allowed them to dispose of, threatened to turn the left wing of the 
 republican army. The movement was well conceived, executed with 
 courage, and the French were forced to make a retrograde movement. 
 
MARSHAL. NEY. 
 
 59 
 
 The latter had advanced without marking their progress by any 
 pitched battle, and they now retired without any serious battle mark- 
 ing their retreat. They were unable to maintain their conquests, to 
 repossess which seemed the only object of the Austrians ; and all this 
 took place almost without fighting. But success engenders boldness; 
 and Clairfayt, who was in sight of the Hunsdruck hills, was anxious 
 to occupy the mountain gorges. The contest accordingly recom- 
 menced with violence, and General Marceau carried it on with vigour. 
 His attitude and manoeuvres soon showed the Austrians that they had 
 a most formidable adversary in this officer. Admiration is expansive ; 
 they conveyed to him the expression of their sense of his talents, and 
 he received the compliment with courtesy. Words of peace were then 
 exchanged ; nay more, proposals for an armistice were ventured upon. 
 But we will extract Pichegru’s account of the manner in which it was 
 concluded, and under what feelings. The following is a letter which 
 that general wrote to Moreau : 
 
 “ Herxheim, January 10th, 1796. 
 
 “ You surpassed yourself in writing to me immediately on the 28th 
 of Frimaire and the 4th of Nivose. At present you have a right to 
 accuse me of idleness ; but the public papers have amply made up for 
 it with regard to ourselves, and if I do not say enough on the subject, 
 it is because they have said too much, and even propagated some 
 errors. I must in the first place offer a few words concerning our 
 operations, in order that you may understand me. 
 
 “ The last actions in which both the army of Sambre-et-Meuse and 
 this were engaged, took place during the last days of Frimaire. They 
 were not very important ; but the right wing of Sambre-et-Meuse, 
 which had been defeated on the 21st, took its revenge by a marked 
 success of from four to five hundred prisoners and two pieces of can- 
 non. It then marched once more upon the Nahe, from which it had 
 been forced to withdraw. It was immediately after this action that 
 General Clairfayt proposed to General Jourdan a cessation of hostili- 
 ties, in order to give the troops some rest. Jourdan replied that he 
 would consent to suspend hostilities provisionally ; but that he could 
 make no definitive arrangement on the subject without my concur- 
 rence. He then sent me an account of what had passed ; and General 
 Wurmser having likewise despatched to me an officer of his staff, we 
 drew up together the document of which I enclose a copy. General 
 Jourdan having done the same, we sent our act for the approval of 
 government. The public papers have informed us that the govern- 
 ment is not pleased with it ; and without believing that it has called 
 forth all the indignation which some pretend, I can see by the answer 
 we have received that the act has not been approved of', because we 
 had no right to make it. I think ? however, I have read — perhaps in 
 one of our preceding constitutions — that the General-in-chief of an 
 army has the power of granting armistices. 
 
60 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 “ However, whilst the form has been disapproved of, the subject 
 matter has been ratified, and the armistice is maintained till further 
 orders, according to the tenour of the enclosed paper. I am therefore 
 about to enable the troops to take the rest that will be allowed them, 
 by placing part of them in cantonments. I shall leave but a slight 
 cordon upon our line, whose right is at Linguenfeldt beyond Ger- 
 mersheim, and its left at Homburg. The army of Sambre^et-Meuse 
 will leave twenty thousand men in the Hunsdruck, and the remainder 
 will occupy the cantonments in the territory of Juliers. The cordon 
 in the Hunsdruck will support its left at Bacharach, its centre upon 
 the Nahe at Kirn, and its right at St. Vendel, in ascending the same 
 river. 
 
 “ I do not count upon being employed in the renewal of hostilities ; 
 for I have, six different times, demanded my recall. I desire it more 
 and more, and shall not cease to urge it. The levity and injustice 
 with which I have seen the commander treated who does not always 
 succeed, have excited in me a feeling of disgust which it will be diffi- 
 cult to overcome. Be that however as it may, it shall never alter my 
 friendship for you. 
 
 PlCHEGRU.” 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 61 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 PrcHJsGRu’s resignation, so often tendered, was at last accepted, 
 and Moreau, who had already succeeded him in his command in 
 Holland, again succeeded him on the Rhine. But this choice, judi- 
 cious as it was, proved but an imperfect remedy to the evil ; the troops 
 still remained in the same state of destitution, and the different 
 branches of the service in the same disorder. The cavalry and ar- 
 tillery were without horses ; and the provisions supplied by Belgium, 
 which had obtained permission to pay its contributions in kind, could 
 not be sent to the Moselle for want of the means of carriage. Ammuni- 
 tion was as scarce as food ; in short there was a deficiency of every 
 thing, and the stores were completely exhausted. 
 
 The campaign in Italy was just opened, and Bonaparte had beaten 
 the Austrians at Montenotte and Millesimo. His brethren in arms 
 on the Rhine were impatient to share in his glorious undertakings ; 
 but it was necessary to reap the first-fruits of his victories, in order to 
 procure the means of doing so. The government had at last become 
 more generous. Provisions, horses, and clothing, formerly obtained 
 with great difficulty, were freely granted at the present juncture. The 
 French forces now endeavoured to gain time, in order to collect these 
 new resources, but Prince Charles, who had just assumed the com- 
 mand of the Austrian army, was not over anxious that his adversa- 
 ries should increase their strength ; he, therefore, on the 21st of May, 
 gave notice of the rupture of the armistice. Though too soon, this 
 notification gave general satisfaction to the French army; the irrita- 
 tion produced by suffering was now added to its natural enthusiasm, 
 and the close of its inaction was hailed with joy. 
 
 The Austrians had assembled the greatest part of their forces upon 
 the Nahe. Their right wing, commanded by the Prince of Wirtem- 
 berg, was distributed between the Lahn and the Sieg. The French 
 prepared to meet them. Kleber occupied Dusseldorf with the divi- 
 sions of Lefebvre and Collaud, and had concentrated his forces to- 
 wards Opladen. On the 31st of May 1796, at day -break, he began 
 his march. The Austrians were themselves preparing to commence 
 operations ; but Kleber wished to be beforehand with them. He ad- 
 vanced rapidly upon the Acher, a stream issuing from the Sieg, from 
 which it is separated ^>y a narrow strip of land interspersed with 
 woods, ravines, and all the obstacles generally to be found in moun- 
 tainous districts. Four battalions, with artillery and a few horse sol- 
 diers, defended this neck of land, which was protected on the second 
 line by a deep river, and a numerous army. The Prince of Wirtem- 
 berg came and strengthened the latter. Kleber having determined to 
 
62 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 force this point, crossed the Acher on the 1st of June, overthrew the 
 troops he met on his way, and reached the Sieg. Here the danger 
 began; and here indeed lay the whole difficulty of the undertaking. 
 
 The enemy in strong force occupied Siegburg ; the columns which 
 the Prince of Wirtemberg was bringing from Neuwied, were begin- 
 ing to debouch, and the situation of the French became every instant 
 more critical. Nevertheless, there was no alternative ; — the passage 
 must be surprised, and the troops dispersed who were preparing to 
 defend it. Lefebvre was already before Siegburg; and Collaud, 
 whose van was commanded by Ney, had reached Minden. The 
 enemy were attacked with the most irresistible impetuosity. On the 
 right, the bridge, together with the artillery which defended it, was 
 carried in a moment ; to the left, the river was forded, its steep banks 
 climbed, and the forces which guarded them separated into two parts, 
 one of which Collaud drove upon the Rhine after dispersing and nearly 
 destroying the other. Meantime the fire was becoming brisk toward 
 Siegburg, where Lefebvre’s corps was warmly engaged. Collaud 
 despatched two battalions in pursuit of the body of the enemy which 
 he had cut off, and marched to the assistance of his colleague. 
 
 This act of foresight was most fortunate. The Prince of Wirtem- 
 berg had pressed his movement; his last columns had reached the 
 field of battle; the action had become warmer every instant, and 
 Lefebvre was in danger of being overpowered. D’Hautpoul, however, 
 had just debouched. This officer had the eye of an eagle, and was 
 endowed with an intrepidity which shrank before no obstacle. Every 
 thing, therefore, might be expected from him : but his cavalry was 
 fatigued, the horses were out of breath, and two successive charges 
 had scarcely been sufficient to stop the progress of the Hulans. The 
 position of Lefebvre was therefore becoming more and more critical, 
 when Collaud appeared. Ney led the hussars, and Ormansey the 
 chasseurs. Their arrival seemed for an instant to surprise the enemy, 
 who however soon recovered. The success which the latter had 
 already obtained, and the laurels they still expected to reap, had 
 wound up their courage to a high pitch of excitement, and they re- 
 sisted for a considerable time without flinching, the shock of these 
 fresh troops. But violent fatigue always follows such exertions. The 
 Austrians were tired of fighting without conquering, and were aston- 
 ished at not being able to break the French ranks. The Barco hus- 
 sars hesitated to make another charge, and there was some confusion 
 in their ranks. Ney took advantage of this, and charging them with 
 impetuosity, put them to rout ; then despatching part of his force in 
 pursuit of them, threw himself with the remainder upon that swarm 
 of cavalry which the disaster of one of the wiilgs of the Austrian army 
 had just put into motion. But what Ney had already done, had 
 changed the aspect of affairs. Ormansey rushed with fury upon the 
 squadrons that resisted him ; Richepanse broke into the ranks opposed 
 to him ; and the melee became furious ; — death was dealt on either 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 63 
 
 side with an unflinching hand, and its victims uttered not a cry. The 
 Austrians, overpowered, sought in vain to evacuate the field of battle ; 
 flight was still more murderous than resistance. Driven in one direc- 
 tion, overwhelmed in another — wherever they appeared, and what- 
 ever obstacles they opposed to the French, they found nothing but 
 shame and defeat. 
 
 Richepanse, following up the victory, spread death in the midst of 
 their terror-struck cavalry. A column of infantry attempting to stop 
 him, he halted, exhausted his fire upon them, then charging, over- 
 threw and dispersed them even to the last man. 
 
 The main body of the Austrian army soon encountered a similar 
 fate. Nev, Richepanse, and D’Hautpoul returned, and came upon 
 it at the head of a body of cavalry, eager for fame, and elated by the 
 day’s victory. The Austrians dared not meet the attack, but retreat- 
 ed and gained Ukerath, leaving two thousand four hundred prisoners 
 in the hands of the French. 
 
 Ukerath was an intrenched position covered with artillery, and 
 could be attacked only in front ; neither could it be turned except by 
 a very long circuit. The men were worn out; the fatigue of the 
 march, together with that of the battle, had exhausted their strength, 
 and it was found necessary to halt. They however prepared to assail 
 the Austrians in the rear, no longer daring to attack them in front ; 
 but the latter had no greater confidence in their means of resistance 
 than the French had in their means of attack ; and as soon as the night 
 set in, they began their retreat. At daybreak the French discovered 
 that they had decamped. 
 
 The republican forces forthwith crowned the heights, and advanced 
 beyond Ukerath ; but having left their quarters without provisions or 
 stores, they had no supplies ; and the convoys of provisions not ap- 
 pearing, they were forced to delay their pursuit. It was important 
 however to ascertain not only the road the enemy had taken, but the 
 position they occupied ; and reconnoitring parties were directed upon 
 Dierdorf, and detachments despatched to Altenkirchen. The country 
 having been explored during the preceding campaign, it was presum- 
 ed that the Austrians had divided their forces, and were occupying 
 both these places in considerable numbers. The conjecture was right ; 
 they had spread their light infantry along the banks of the Wittbach, 
 and occupied the heights of Altenkirchen with from twenty to twenty- 
 two thousand men. This position, naturally strong, became almost 
 impregnable from the forces and artillery by which it was defended. 
 Kleber had recourse to his usual manoeuvre on this occasion ; he re- 
 solved to turn it and attack it in front at the same time. Ney was 
 ordered to threaten it in the rear, Lefebvre to force it in front, and 
 Collaud to station his men on the second line, ready to support either 
 of the two that should require his assistance. Fortunately it was 
 needed by neither. 
 
 Lefebvre had drawn up his forces in three columns ; Soult led the 
 
64 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 left, Brunet, commanding the 25th demi-brigade, the right, and Leva! 
 the centre. The action began on the 4th of June. The French sol- 
 diers seemed to fear neither the grape-shot nor the obstacles arising 
 from the nature of the ground, but rushed upon the batteries, and 
 climbed the heights, deterred by neither the fire nor the steepness. 
 
 The Austrians, on the other hand, displayed the most admirable 
 courage; attacking and attacked by turns, their resistance was most 
 obstinate, and was overcome only with great difficulty. They were at 
 length obliged to give way ; heavy charges of cavalry completed that 
 which the bayonet had begun. Two hours sufficed to decide the 
 contest — in that short period all was over. It is true that never did 
 infantry display more order and method, or cavalry more fearlessness 
 of death, than those of the French. Richepanse animated the latter 
 with his own energy ; covered with blood, and his arm in a sling, he 
 constantly brought his men to the charge, and unceasingly stimula- 
 ted their courage. This noble conduct led to an act which must have 
 proved highly flattering to his feelings: promotion still depending 
 upon the election of the soldiers, the army conferred upon him the 
 rank of General, which promotion was sanctioned by Kleber. 
 
 The French made three thousand prisoners, took twelves pieces of 
 cannon and four stands of colours ; — no victory could be more splen- 
 did. But this was not all ; Ney had also made his captures. Not 
 content with spreading confusion in the rear of the enemy, and facili- 
 tating the success of the troops who were attacking Altenkirchen, he 
 had obtained advantages which belonged exclusively to himself. He 
 had defeated the columns that defended Schomberg, and overthrown 
 the forces which covered Dierdorf ; he had also put to flight and pur- 
 sued the enemy’s flankers upon the Whittbach. But the country was 
 intersected, hilly, and covered with light troops, and for the space of 
 two hours he had to encounter detachments constantly succeeding each 
 other. During this time, his front, his flanks, and his rear, were 
 successively attacked ; but, firm a s a rock in the midst of the enemy, 
 he succeeded in routing some, keeping others at bay, and, continuing 
 steadily his march, fighting as he advanced, he thought he had at 
 length reached the term of these annoyances : a still more dangerous 
 attack, however, awaited him. A column of infantry, supported by 
 a body of hussars, had placed themselves on his passage, and as 
 soon as he appeared, they poured their fire upon his troops. This 
 sudden explosion, however, made no impression upon the latter, who 
 rushed upon these new foes. The infantry fled to the woods, and 
 the horse gained Dierdorf. Ney pursued them, took some prisoners, 
 pressed the others, and entered with them into the town, which he 
 found well stored with hay, oats, flour, and all kinds of supplies. 
 
 Meantime Lefebvre was marching upon Oberhadamar ; the Prince 
 of Wirtemberg had betaken himself to flight ; General Finck was on 
 the eve of being surrounded at Neuwied ; and the French were about 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 65 
 
 to reap the benefits of their labours and trials, and of the fatigues 
 they had encountered in these bleak mountains. 
 
 Ney continued his movement. Montabaur had served as a place 
 of refuge for General Finck’s retreating corps ; it contained provisions 
 and noble warehouses full of supplies. Ney advanced towards it ; 
 the troops who covered the place endeavoured to stop him ; but he 
 soon routed them, and made a capture still richer than that at Dier- 
 dorf. Twelve hundred and forty quintals of flour, four hundred sacks 
 of oats, and two hundred thousand rations of hay, were the fruits of 
 this feat of arms. 
 
 The Austrians, ashamed, however, of having been forced by a 
 handful of men overcome with fatigue, determined to take advantage 
 of the night to carry off or at least destroy the stores they had proved 
 unable to defend. The night was dark, the French soldiers were 
 plunged in a death-like sleep, and the garrison of Ehrenbreitstein was 
 advancing to attempt this coup-de-main ; but Ney, having penetrated 
 their design, went out, charged them, and sent them back to their 
 quarters in the greatest confusion. 
 
 Finck having reached Nassau, and the Prince of Wirtemberg hav- 
 ing crossed the Lahn at Limburg, the French lost the advantages 
 which they had anticipated from their exertions. They had 
 captured, it is true, abundance of stores, and were thus sure of sup- 
 plies for some days to come ; but they had no means of conveyance, 
 for the peasantry, who had withdrawn to the mountains, had left 
 neither cattle nor wagons. Thus the republicans experienced a 
 real famine in the midst of plenty, and were forced to undergo great 
 hardships. 
 
 The French soldiers, nevertheless, displayed all the enthusiasm 
 which victory inspires. Jourdan had crossed the Rhine, Marceau 
 was in observation before Mayence, Bonnard surrounded Ehrenbreit- 
 stein, Grenier was coming up, and Bernadotte and Championnet were 
 on the point of debouching. Such a state of things encouraged hope, 
 and the French were justified in anticipating success. But the aspect 
 of affairs had sadly altered with the Austrians. Wartensleben had 
 succeeded the Prince of Wirtemberg, and fresh troops from the left 
 bank had come to encourage and support those which had been 
 beaten. These first reinforcements not being deemed sufficient, the 
 archduke had ordered part of the force commanded by Wurmser to 
 join him ; and putting himself at the head of the masses he had thus 
 assembled round Blaumholder, had advanced upon the Lahn. He 
 had made his movement by Mayence, whilst Jourdan was accom- 
 plishing fiis by Neuweid. The archduke having sixty-four thousand 
 rank and file, and the French only forty-eight thousand to oppose 
 them, he resolved to bring the latter to action, and accordingly pushed 
 on to Wetzlar. The engagement was warm, and long obstinately 
 contested by so inferior a force ; but the archduke’s columns continued 
 to debouch, night-fall was approaching, and Lefebvre w^as severely 
 
 VOL. i. 9 
 
66 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 bruised by a fall from his horse. The republicans were therefore 
 obliged to fall back to their former position. 
 
 This check was of little consequence, and scarcely deserving of 
 attention; for the archduke had been forced to evacuate the left bank, 
 and Wurmser deprived of part of his force, was not in a situation to 
 oppose the passage of the Rhine. Thus the object of the movement 
 of the French army was obtained, and its general -in-chief did not 
 think proper to commit the result of his combinations to the hazard 
 of a battle. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 In the mean time, Kleber, who was not yet aware of this determi- 
 nation, nor of the check which had led to it, was preparing to cross 
 the Lahn. He had sent for Ney, and was examining with him the 
 approaches to this river, when the news reached him. Instantly 
 perceiving the danger incurred by the troops he had despatched to 
 the left, he ordered this general to join them with a reinforcement of 
 some hussars who happened to be at hand. 
 
 “ Go,” said he; “ you cannot arrive too soon. Perhaps Soult has 
 already a swarm of Austrians upon him.” 
 
 Nor was he wrong in this conjecture. Scarcely was the van- 
 guard in retreat ere the imperialists pushed forward to Herborn, and 
 prepared to attack the feeble force that occupied it. The hussars of 
 Caneville and the legion of Bussy were at the head of the assailants. 
 Soult, in ignorance of what had occurred, sallied boldly forth to meet 
 them ; but large bodies of emigrants were collecting on the plain. 
 Six thousand men had already debouched, fresh columns were still 
 coming up, and Soult was soon surrounded, and summoned to lay 
 down his arms. Men who once called themselves Frenchmen, were 
 about to slaughter their own countrymen for the benefit of Austria. 
 The French General and his soldiers were indignant at such conduct. 
 The firing commenced and caused great havoc among the emigrants ; 
 but no sooner was one squadron dispersed than another took its 
 place, and the action became every instant more destructive. Seven 
 charges made by the imperialists completely failed ; but the ammuni- 
 tion of the republican troops was nearly expended, and the men ex- 
 hausted with fatigue. The dragoons of Bussy and the emigrants 
 were therefore preparing to make a last, and probably fatal charge, 
 when a column of cavalry unexpectedly appeared upon the field of 
 battle. This was Ney and his detachment, who, guided by the firing, 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 67 
 
 had reached the scene of action, where attacking and penetrating 
 through the ranks which pressed upon Soult, they at length reached 
 him and his handful of intrepid soldiers. 
 
 The Austrians soon formed again, and renewed the attack with 
 fury; but in the mean time Ney and his men had taken breath. 
 Their movements were calm and precise. They broke the shock of 
 a tumultuous charge of the enemy’s cavalry, and acting on the offen- 
 sive in their turn, drove it back with great slaughter. But this was 
 not sufficient ; some squadrons still preserving their ranks, Ney de- 
 termined to attack and disperse them ; but in coming up to the charge, 
 a grape-shot struck his horse, and he was dismounted. Three emi- 
 grants immediately rushed upon him, and ordered him, as he valued 
 his life, to cry “ Vive le Roi !” 
 
 “ Vive la Republique !” the General cried, and with a blow of his 
 trusty sword, he cut down one, sprang upon his horse, and attacked 
 and put the two others to flight. But fresh squadrons continuing to 
 make their appearance, it became necessary to rally, receive their 
 charge, and protect Soult’s infantry, which the enemy still persisted 
 in trying to overpower. Ney advanced to meet them, and a fresh 
 collision took place. Emigrants and Austrians were all obliged to 
 give way. Soult, still fighting, and marching, and manoeuvring, at 
 last effected his junction with General Bastout, whilst Ney’s carried 
 to Kleber an account of the noble defence made by his brother in 
 arms. 
 
 The army retreated by the same road it had taken in its advance. 
 Jourdan reached Neuwied with the divisions of Grenier, Championnet, 
 and Bernadotte, whilst Kleber fell back upon Dusseldorf with those 
 of Lefebvre and Collaud. This occurred on the 15th of June. The 
 march was orderly, the retrograde movement simultaneous in each 
 division of the army, and the Austrians seldom made any attempt to 
 harass the republican forces in their retreat. 
 
 The left wing, however, operated alone. On the 18th June it was 
 abreast of Ukerath, and had taken up a position upon the road lead- 
 ing to Weyersbuch. Collaud stationed his right against a precipitous 
 hillock, at the foot of which ran a deep ravine, occupied by light 
 troops. Lefebvre’s division extended as for as the Sieg, and two of 
 its battalions occupied Blankenberg. The rear-guard established itself 
 upon the heights which separated the camp from Weyersbuch. Soult, 
 stationed upon the right bank, protected the rear, and the army seemed 
 in a perfectly secure position ; but strong patrols of Austrian hussars, 
 guided by the country people, penetrated into the midst of its advanced 
 posts. The night was dark, and the road by which the enemy had 
 come, being almost impracticable, their app roach t was not perceived, 
 and they succeeded in putting to the sword a whole guard of infantry. 
 
 Two men only escaped from this butchery, and gave the alarm to 
 the van-guard. Kleber immediately set out with some officers, re- 
 connoitred and visited the advanced posts, and found all in a state of 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 68 
 
 apparent calmness and security. The Austrian patrols had disap' 
 peared with the same celerity as they had displayed in their approach, 
 but their guides being still in sight, were immediately seized. How- 
 ever, no further motion being perceived, or noise heard, the men re- 
 turned to rest, and the remainder of the night was passed without 
 accident. Soon after daybreak, the Austrian columns again made 
 their appearance, preceded by a numerous artillery. Kleber sent 
 General Richepanse to keep them in check, whilst he took his mea- 
 sures to oppose them. 
 
 The cavalry being already mounted, General Richepanse advanced 
 to meet the enemy, received several charges, and made some himself ; 
 but the numerical superiority of the Austrians being too great, he was 
 obliged to evacuate the avenues of Wassemberg, and fall back upon 
 the camp. The enemy continued bringing up fresh forces, until the 
 woods and heights were covered with their columns, and their inten- 
 tion of bringing the French forces to action was made evident. 
 
 Kleber resolved to be beforehand with them, and strike the first 
 blow. Having sent for Richepanse, Collaud, Ney, and Sorbier, he 
 gave his instructions to each of these officers. He directed the latter 
 to bring the artillery as fast as possible to bear upon the Austrian 
 columns. Ney was to attack their left with a demi-brigade and three 
 hundred horse ; Collaud was to take the command of the reserve, and 
 remain in the camp ready to cover a retreat, should it become neces- 
 sary ; Richepanse was to put himself at the head of the 11th and 12th 
 dragoons, and the 6th and 7th chasseurs, and rush upon the flank of 
 the Austrians the instant it should be exposed ; and Laval was im- 
 petuous^ to attack their right with the 105th demi-brigade and some 
 cavalry. Lefebvre’s battalion of grenadiers and the 96th were to 
 remain in close columns ready to proceed wherever they might be 
 wanted. 
 
 The parts thus distributed, each general took his station, and the 
 action soon commenced. 
 
 Ney, with a body of dragoons, trotted down the ravine which 
 separated the republican army from that of the imperialists, and 
 ascended the height upon which the latter seemed to intend waiting 
 for their opponents. As if from emulation, they pushed forward to 
 meet him. The conflict was sanguinary and obstinate ; the contend- 
 ing forces broke, formed again, and fought with fury. Richepanse 
 arrived on the field of action with the remainder of the cavalry, and 
 the Austrians likewise sent for reinforcements. The action became 
 more extended, and the troops on both sides fopght with fluctuating 
 chances of success. By degrees the French gained a decided ascen- 
 dancy. Ney had already overthrown a squadron of hussars, the 
 hulans were about to give way, when Kleber perceiving the indecision 
 of the latter, took immediate measures to force them. 
 
 The adjutant-general, Cayla, formed the 96th ; Leval headed the 
 left wing, Bastout the right, and the general-in-chief put himself at 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 69 
 
 the head of the 83rd. The action was now general from one ex- 
 tremity of the line to the other. The enemy soon began to give way, 
 and the French were about to snatch the victory from them. Un- 
 fortunately for the latter, the ground was so rugged and difficult that 
 the cavalry could not follow up its advantages. The Austrians there- 
 fore regained confidence, and their battalions, which an instant before 
 had betaken themselves to flight, now took up formidable positions, 
 and waited without flinching for their opponents. Nevertheless, the 
 latter had gained some advantage ; their infantry were under cover in 
 ravines and patches of wood, whence they supported the cavalry with 
 their fire. Having attacked an Austrian battery, which spread de- 
 struction through their ranks, a large body of Hungarians was sud- 
 denly unmasked, and opposed a desperate resistance, which it took a 
 considerable time to overcome. Kleber, tired of this ineffective mus- 
 ketry firing, brought up his artillery, and Sorbier, by turns com- 
 mander, gunner, and grenadier, directed and animated all around 
 him ; but the enemy, whose numbers increased as they retreated, 
 directed their cavalry upon the right of the French, and were about 
 to break its line, when Ney, perceiving the movement, put himself at 
 the head of the 14th dragoons, and charged the hostile squadrons, 
 without, however, being able to stop them. • His clothes were pierced 
 with balls, he was obliged to retreat, and it was a miracle that the 
 flank of the French army was not turned. But the Austrians, afraid 
 to trust to fortune, were fearful of endangering their success ; they 
 therefore halted. Kleber, on the other hand, who only wished to 
 maintain his position, made no attempt to resume the attack, but con. 
 tinuing his movement, on the 31st entered Dusseldorfi 
 
70 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Kleber’s stay at Dusseldorf was but short. The Directory, to 
 whom Jourdan had reported the enemy’s proceedings, did not con- 
 sider them so serious and so important as they really were, but im- 
 agined that the army at Sambre-et-Meuse, turned on its left wing, 
 would at most have fallen back upon the Sieg. Meanwhile Bonaparte 
 was pursuing the course of his unparalleled triumphs in Italy. Each 
 day was marked by a fresh victory ; — on each day was some fortress 
 carried, some river crossed, some position surprised, or some treaty 
 concluded. His army constantly in action, marched, fought, and left 
 the enemy hot a moment to breathe. Victorious at Borghetto on the 
 30th of May, this extraordinary man carried Peschiera on the 1st of 
 June, occupied Verona on the 3rd, and invested Mantua on the 4th. 
 Seldom was his army found in the morning where it had taken up its 
 quarters the night before. This continued series of movements — this 
 succession of battles and manoeuvres, had produced the effect that 
 might naturally be expected. The Aulic Council, which had a stronger 
 partiality for Italy, where its power was established, than for the 
 conquests that might eventually be made upon the Rhine, despatched 
 Field-Marshal Wurmser to collect the scattered remnants of the Au- 
 strian forces, then wandering in the mountain passes of Tyrol and 
 Carinthia. Wurmser was an old warrior, whose career had been 
 rendered illustrious by more than one act of prowess. Slow and 
 methodical, but resolute, able, and fruitful in resources, — if he had 
 not always commanded with success, he had at all events always 
 evinced courage and talent. The undertaking now entrusted to him 
 was one of great magnitude ; but he began it at the head of thirty 
 thousand practised soldiers, accustomed, like himself, to all the chances 
 of war, and like -himself stimulated by their successes on the Rhine. 
 They reached Tyrol full of hope, which was, however, soon cruelly 
 destroyed. On the other hand, Wurmser’s departure with this force 
 had raised the spirits of the Directory ; for a diminution of thirty 
 thousand brave men in the enemy’s force, offered many favourable 
 chances. 
 
 General Bonaparte’s victories had raised the courage of every 
 French soldier; like him, all determined to conquer. The Directory 
 participated in the enthusiasm which his successes had inspired, and 
 Moreau was directed to press and harass the enemy, and to imitate 
 the rapid marches of his competitor. 
 
 “ By transferring the seat of war to the further bank of the Rhine,” 
 said the Directory in one of its despatches to Moreau, “ you must not 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 71 
 
 expect to maintain yourself there except by the destruction of the 
 enemy. Pursue and engage them therefore without intermission, and 
 by rapid and unexpected marches, give them no time to look about 
 them and combine their movements. Endeavour on all occasions to 
 give them battle, until they are not only broken and repulsed, but ut- 
 terly defeated. It is to this wise policy that the glorious successes of 
 the army of Italy are due. The example of preceding campaigns, 
 and the impetuosity of republican courage, enable you to make a con- 
 stant and energetic application of this principle to the decisive circum- 
 stances under which you are placed. 
 
 “ The army of Sambre-et-Meuse acts upon the same plan of cam- 
 paign as that under your command. Thus, after having beaten 
 Wurmser, and dispersed the wreck of his army, threaten the rear of 
 Prince Charles ; you will thereby make General Jourdan resume the 
 offensive, which he has ceased to do only for a time, in consequence 
 of having drawn upon himself forces which might have added to the 
 difficulties of your glorious undertaking, with the success of which all 
 Germany must resound. Affect to talk loudly of marching upon 
 Vienna, and let public report represent you as at the head of a hun- 
 dred thousand men, a portion of whom is on its march to take Beau- 
 lieu in the rear, whilst the other is proceeding to effect its junction 
 with the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, towards Franconia, thence to 
 proceed to the Danube. 
 
 “ The terror which always precedes a victorious army, is a pow- 
 erful engine that must not be neglected, any more than all that can 
 revive and stimulate the courage of the generous defenders of the 
 republic. Above all, let discipline be attended to ; for it is apt to be- 
 come lax during success, particularly in conquered countries. Severe 
 examples at first, and watchful care afterwards, are sufficient to 
 maintain it.” 
 
 The French government, to whom Jourdan’s retreat did not appear 
 to lead to the serious consequences we have pointed out, was still 
 more pressing with this general. According to the Directory, this 
 retreat had only caused a removal of part of the forces which covered 
 Brisgau. Moreau had crossed the river, and the army of Sambre-et- 
 Meuse had halted upon the Sieg. The offensive they said, must now 
 be resumed, and the armies act in concert, and proceed without inter- 
 mission until the enemy were annihilated. This project, though a 
 good one, was built upon facts which had never occurred. Jourdan, 
 far from having taken up his position upon the Sieg, had, as we have 
 already shown, been obliged to recross the Rhine; whilst Moreau, on 
 the other hand, was far from being able to cross it. The French 
 revolution had produced a profound sensation upon the inhabitants of 
 the territories on the further side of that river. Every generous heart- 
 had been moved by the declaration of rights ; all had felt a revival of 
 that passion for equality which sometimes sleeps, but is never eradi- 
 cated from the human breast; all accordingly wished to proclaim the 
 
72 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 principles of the republicans, and effect the same reforms as had been 
 effected in France. They therefore applied to the French for assist- 
 ance to obtain that which the latter had already succeeded in obtain- 
 ing ; but although they agreed upon the principle, they differed on the 
 mode of proceeding. Some proposed to have recourse to arms ; 
 others fancied they had discovered means still more effective ; each, 
 in short, conspired according to his own views. The Directory re- 
 solved to let them do as they pleased, and accept the assistance of all 
 parties. The French government had an agent in Switzerland — a 
 doubtful one perhaps, but active and cunning — who represented an 
 insurrection at Brisgau as infallible. 
 
 Orders were despatched to Moreau, to wait for and support it,* and 
 not to cross the Rhine until it had broken out. 
 
 * Citizen Minister, 
 
 Since my return from Berne, I have not ceased my exertions in execution 
 of the plan for the furtherance of which you sent me the necessary powers, 
 and you may rely upon it that nothing shall be wanting on my part fully to 
 realize the expectations of the Directory. Pray give this assurance to Ge- 
 neral Carnot. 
 
 General Laborde has communicated to me the letter he has received, ac- 
 quainting him with the undertaking in contemplation. Hence I have thought 
 it right to enter with him into a confidential communication respecting the 
 contents of the letter addressed, as I have before informed you, to the King 
 of Verona, who first raised in my mind doubts with regard to that General. 
 I am satisfied with the explanation which has taken place, and the General 
 will derive this advantage from it, that it will lead him to examine with more 
 attention the extremely suspicious individuals by whom he is surrounded, 
 and to take care of himself. 
 
 I have already undertaken a journey with the General, to examine the 
 course of the Rhine from New Brisack to this place, fix upon a spot to cross 
 it, and ascertain at the same time the feeling which exists among the soldiers. 
 I think we have fixed upon the passage at Huningen, because the insurgent 
 inhabitants, directed and seconded by us, will be in sufficient force to destroy 
 at once the Austrian posts, put the men to death, and spike the guns. With 
 regard to the troops I have seen, I am perfectly satisfied with the spirit that 
 exists among them, notwithstanding the hardships they still endure. It would 
 be an easy matter to make them embrace our views in a very few days. I 
 compare their moral situation to a loaded cannon, which I have no doubt that 
 with a little address it would be easy to fire. 
 
 I dined to-day with our conspirators of the Margravate. I am satisfied 
 with their report, and the ardent zeal they display in the cause. I afterwards 
 visited the right bank of the Rhine, and the enemy’s batteries opposite 
 Huningen, accompanied by an adjutant-general, whom I intend to put at the 
 head of the peasants, to lead them during the commencement of the insur- 
 rection. To-morrow I have an appointment with General Laborde, to ex- 
 amine where we can place our bridge, and have the cartridges and flints 
 made, of which the inhabitants are in want, and which in a few days we shall 
 be able to send to them. 
 
 We are waiting for General Moreau to decide definitively upon our mea- 
 sures, and fix the day for the attack. I am desirous that it should take place 
 as speedily as possible, for there is money in the Margrave’s exchequer, and 
 ! am apprehensive it will be removed. If General Moreau can supply us 
 with from five and twenty to thirty thousand men, there will be no limits to 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 73 
 
 ,c The Directory is informed, citizen General,” wrote Carnot, 
 “ that an insurrection is preparing in the Margravate and at Brisgau. 
 
 our success. Assure the Directory of this fact ; state also from me, that if I 
 am left master of my actions, I will never importune it with details, nor tire 
 it with calls for provisions or money. I can already perceive that from the 
 very day of our passage, if I am not thwarted in my schemes, the army will 
 be paid and fed by our friends, and supplied with horses by our enemies. 
 There are ecclesiastical domains which will reimburse the former. We have 
 already taken our measures for the organization of a provisional government. 
 Whilst I am occupied with the means of execution, Bassal is busy about a 
 plan of regulations, and his zeal is not inferior to my own. We have already 
 collected a portion of the necessary documents ; and as soon as the troops 
 arrive, and we have every thing else we want, we shall begin to act, and 
 that, I can assure you, in so rough a manner, that our enemies shall not 
 easily forget it. If our debut be serious, as 1 trust it will, and as indeed, 
 from the precision of our calculations, we have a right to expect it will, 
 every Austrian, from Fribourg in Brisgau, and Old Brisach, to Constance, 
 will be exterminated, and all their guns and stores captured. Next, accord- 
 ing to the steps adopted by General Wurmser, we shall take measures either 
 to enter Suabia by the valley of Keusch, and get them before him in the 
 event of his retreat ; or to harass to excess his left wing, whilst our new re- 
 public will be quietly forming, and we shall be revolutionizing on a grand 
 scale in that portion of Germany which we are occupying. 
 
 May I beg, citizen minister, you will not forget that in my last I requested 
 you would obtain for me from the Directory sufficient authority for my re- 
 quisitions to be obeyed, and that you would also place some funds at my dis- 
 posal, which I am unable at present to do without. You must be aware that 
 I have a great deal to lay out, not only for the travelling expenses of my 
 agents, but in the necessary preparations for action. Once settled on the 
 other side of the Rhine, if I have sufficient authority to give the impetus and 
 personally to direct this great undertaking, I shall ask you for no further 
 supplies ; and if you hear of us, it will be only the recital of our success, 
 which, when operations are once begun, will be rapid in spite of the efforts 
 of the malignants who overrun the country. 
 
 You will receive, by the next express, the first set of maps of Switzerland 
 that has been found. A sheet is wanting to complete the collection, but it 
 will arrive to-morrow. 1 will forward at the same time a more detailed ac- 
 count of the intrigues of our enemies. Switzerland is the principal seat of 
 all their plots. Take care at Lyons and in the South. I expect to receive 
 some valuable information respecting all these atrocities. 1 have gained an 
 intimate friend at Wickham; and shall make good use of all this, at least I 
 hope so. 
 
 The second letter which you had delivered to the Canton has produced an 
 admirable effect. All Switzerland trembles at it. Be firm, and above all 
 things take advantage of this first moment of alarm to insist upon the removal 
 far beyond the frontier of all the banished priests and emigrants, without 
 exception. Fix a term of eight days at the utmost, and I will answer for 
 your obtaining all you ask. 
 
 Adieu, Citizen Minister; receive with your usual kindness the assurance 
 of my fraternal and respectful attachment. 
 
 POTERATZ. 
 
 P. S. Allow me to offer you a piece of good advice. Whilst the whole of 
 Italy is in a state of alarm, why should you not signify officially to all neutral 
 and allied powers, without exception, that not only they who shall admit 
 
 VOL. I. 10 
 
74 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 It is acquainted with the chiefs of the intended revolt, and has directed 
 the minister for foreign affairs to entertain relations with them through 
 the medium of citizen Poteratz, charged at Basle with this mission. 
 This circumstance seems to offer a great and favourable opportunity 
 for introducing freedom into Germany, and making a powerful diver- 
 sion upon the Rhine. This patriot party expect to raise twenty thou- 
 sand men in the Margravate, and ten thousand in the Black Forest, 
 with arms, provisions, and every thing requisite for an army. 
 
 “ The plan of operations laid down by the Directory for the forces 
 under your command, is very proper to second the insurrectional ex- 
 plosion, and to impart to the operations of the patriots all the import- 
 ance which they have a right to expect from us. 
 
 “ General Laborde, who commands on the Upper Rhine, must re- 
 ceive confidential instructions from you on this head, and must be 
 authorized to concert measures with citizen Poteratz. 
 
 “ The fatter announces the certainty of making the passage of the 
 Rhine easy by means of a rising which will break out on the other 
 side of the river, and also of making it easy to force the enemy’s bat- 
 teries and works, which are but feebly guarded. 
 
 “ You will easily perceive, Citizen General, the full importance of 
 this undertaking. Its execution, like that of all important enterprizes, 
 requires secrecy, vigour, and despatch. The Directory, in which 
 you have a just confidence, relies upon you for the prudence and 
 activity of the means you will employ to carry its intentions into 
 effect. 
 
 “ Carnot, President.” 
 
 “ Paris, 14th Prairial, Year IV. (3d May, 1796.)” 
 
 Such were the instructions that kept Moreau upon the left bank, 
 and such was the attempt he was to support. That which was pre- 
 paring in central Germany was of another kind. The minds of the 
 population in that part of the country were more cultivated ; notions 
 of justice and freedom more prevalent. The aim here was to proceed 
 without violence, and to act in the name of the law. The movers of 
 the intended revolution, uncertain at first with regard to the place to 
 be selected as the seat of the insurrection, fixed at length upon Fran- 
 conia. Almost touching the frontiers of the republic on the one hand, 
 and on the other mixed up with all the dissensions which agitated 
 Germany, this circle derived from its situation a high degree of 
 importance, greatly increased by the good feelings of its inhabitants. 
 Nor was this its only advantage. It possessed rich abbeys, and an 
 
 English vessels into their ports, but also individuals of whatever nation com- 
 ing from the ports of England, shall be treated as enemies? By such a mea- 
 sure you would force the squadrons of that scoundrel nation to leave the 
 Mediterranean, where they would no longer find a place to refit their ships. 
 By attacking their commerce, you will soon reduce them to submission. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 75 
 
 assembly of the states, formerly holding sovereign power, but which 
 no longer met nor was any longer consulted. 
 
 Franconia therefore had all the necessary elements for effecting a 
 change in its form of government ; they only required putting into 
 action. The means of doing this were very simple. It was only 
 necessary to impose heavy contributions — which the Directory was 
 always ready to do — and invest the states with the power which the 
 law gave them. The latter would then distribute these charges, 
 always attendant on war, among the inhabitants. They would fix 
 with equity, and without respect of persons, the share which each 
 individual was to pay. The people, delighted at finding they were 
 not to be utterly despoiled, would naturally support an order of things 
 that afforded them protection. The nobles, on the other hand, could 
 not dispute the power vested in the states without appearing to throw 
 upon the poor the full burthen of the impost ; they would therefore 
 be forced to bend their necks and assent to the change. They would 
 also, no doubt, affect disinterestedness, and patriotism, and being 
 frightened into justice, would themselves ask to be taxed, and claim 
 to bear their share of the common burthen. 
 
 The assembly would in this manner be acknowledged ; and its 
 legality once established, the sanction given to its proceedings on this 
 one point, would soon extend to others, and thus the change of gov- 
 ernment be consummated. 
 
 The resources raised by the contribution would however prove in- 
 sufficient, and other means must be devised to meet the expenses of 
 the occupation. Neither nobles nor plebeians would like an additional 
 impost, and the possessions of the clergy would naturally be thought 
 of. The abbeys would consequently be secularized, the prebends 
 alienated, and the priests, confined to their spiritual duties, would 
 henceforward be without influence in public affairs, whilst their lands 
 would once more become alienable. The seigniories would then be 
 subject to imposts ; and the people, freed from tithes and average,* 
 would pay no further dues, and each would furnish his contingent of 
 taxes in proportion only to the extent of his property. 
 
 Suabia, agitated by the same feelings and passions as Franconia, 
 would naturally become a sharer in the destiny of the latter. Lower 
 Saxony would follow the same example, and the Germans once in 
 arms, would perhaps of themselves drive the Austrians beyond the 
 Ems. 
 
 Such was the plan, and such the means of execution, intended to 
 be adopted by the chiefs of the insurgents. These magnificent views 
 produced, however, no alteration in the preparations already made. 
 They required neither the movement of troops, nor a display of force ; 
 they merely formed, in the great drama that was preparing, an inci- 
 dent which was accepted with all its chances. 
 
 * Labour due by the peasant to the lord. 
 
70 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 There was, however, some advantage in the project, for such 
 enterprizes always conciliated a portion of the inhabitants, and 
 spread uneasiness in the enemy’s rear. But this advantage, this 
 uncertain co-operation, could not counterbalance the increase of force 
 added to the enemy’s ranks. Each day brought swarms of fresh 
 recruits from the hereditary states ; each day fresh columns came to 
 occupy the place of those which Wurmser was leading towards the 
 Brenta ; and what was still more serious, the Archduke Charles was 
 invested with the command of the whole of the Austrian forces. — 
 Empowered to act as he thought proper, taking counsel from himself 
 alone, and guided only by events, this prince was about to impress a 
 uniform direction, and simultaneous impulse upon the armies of the 
 Upper and Lower Rhine; whilst the different bodies of troops opposed 
 to him, carried on their operations independently of each other, and 
 according to instructions from which they could not depart. 
 
 Unable to remedy this evil, the French general-in-chief had taken 
 his measures against any attempts to harass his rear, and secured his 
 line against attacks from the garrisons of Mayence and Ehrenbreit- 
 stein. General Moreau, who had once before kept these places in 
 check, was again sent upon the same service. But Jourdan was able 
 to spare him, for this difficult undertaking, only twelve thousand eight 
 hundred infantry, and fifteen hundred horse. This was but an inade- 
 quate force for the service required to be performed ; but Moreau well 
 knew how to make up for the weakness of his means by the vivacity 
 of his attacks, and the rapidity of his movements. The general-in- 
 chief trusted therefore to his courage and well-tried talents. 
 
 Every thing was ready, time sped on, and yet operations were not 
 begun. Jourdan complained of this to the Directory, to whom he 
 exposed the weakness of his force, and the danger which must inevi- 
 tably result from delay ; but appearances had already changed. Ten 
 battalions of infantry and eight squadrons of cavalry suddenly arrived 
 from the army of the North. The conspiracy of Brisgau had been 
 discovered, and Moreau, no longer detained by any of the considera- 
 tions which had stopped him so long, had begun the campaign. He 
 had alarmed the enemy at Manheim, and scarcely were they grouped 
 upon the Neckar, ere, by a sudden and masterly manceuvre, he sur- 
 prised the passage below Strasburg. This skilful movement having 
 succeeded, the army of Rhin-et-Moselle peaceably crossed the river, 
 and on the 24th was engaged with the Austrians. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 77 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Moreau being now in line, the army of Sambre-et-Meuse had no 
 longer to contend single-handed against the archduke’s forces, and 
 the French general began to execute their instructions. Kleber had 
 been already seven days in the entrenched camp at Dusseldorf ; his 
 two divisions had rested themselves, and were once more eager for 
 battle. He therefore began his march, rallied the troops under the 
 command of Grenier, who had crossed the Rhine at Cologne, and 
 proceeded towards the positions which the republicans had twice be- 
 fore taken and as often lost. Lefebvre was sent to occupy Siegen. 
 The country was wild, and intersected with lofty mountains, almost 
 impracticable for artillery and cavalry; and this general had the 
 greatest difficulty in executing his movement. He accomplished it 
 nevertheless, and selecting the road which seemed the easiest, at 
 length reached the river he was to cross. Collaud had arrived at 
 Troisdorf, Grenier had advanced towards Minden, and the whole of 
 the left wing was in position. But neither the Acher nor the Sieg 
 was fordable, and the troops were impatient to encounter the enemy. 
 Ney took advantage of this impatience ; and putting himself at the 
 head of the 6th hussars, attacked the Austrians, drove them from one 
 river to the other, and pursued them fighting as far as Siegberg. The 
 bridge still existed, and whilst the enemy were endeavouring to set 
 fire to it, he charged and overthrew them, and succeeded in saving it 
 from destruction. 
 
 The infantry having thus the means of crossing the river, con- 
 tinued its movements ; but the Austrians having rallied, came boldly 
 to meet it. Twelve hundred Austrian troopers prepared to charge the 
 four hundred chasseurs by which it was accompanied. The chances 
 were unequal ; but as usual, this disproportion of numbers was coun- 
 terbalanced by superior ability. Ney ordered the charge to be sound- 
 ed, and rushing upon this formidable body made it break ground. 
 Rallying immediately upon the heights, the Austrian troopers were 
 prepared to resume the attack; but this attempt was not more 
 successful than the former. Nevertheless, there were dangers and 
 difficulties attached to the situation in which Ney was placed ; he had 
 a river in his rear, and in front, forces which, by returning continually 
 to the attack, must in the end overpower him. Obliged therefore to 
 temper courage with prudence, and feeling the necessity of giving the 
 infantry time to come up, he extended his front, paraded, and amused 
 the Austrians with useless manoeuvres. At length he contrived to 
 take them in the rear, at the same time that the infantry appeared and 
 formed in front of them. They perceived their error too late ; they 
 
78 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were broken and completely overthrown. Such as escaped the edge 
 of the sword were either dispersed or taken prisoners. 
 
 The imperialists being thus routed, and the French generals anxious 
 to ascertain the numbers and positions of the forces which covered 
 Ukerath, Kleber ordered the movement to be continued. The dra- 
 goons marched in front, and with such promptitude that they were 
 enabled to seize upon the avenues leading to the place. But this 
 rapidity had weakened them ; the engagement, which had lasted three 
 hours, the length of their march, and more particularly the obstinate 
 resistance made by the enemy, had exhausted their remaining strength, 
 and they were forced to halt. The road was very narrow ; for the 
 space of a whole league it presented only wood and naked rocks, and 
 there was not in the whole of this exsent a single spot where a body 
 of troops might be drawn up in line. Ney advanced nevertheless at 
 the head of his chasseurs, whom he stimulated, so as to make them 
 forget their fatigue and danger. They attacked the enemy with a 
 vigour increased by the resistance offered, and drove them upon 
 Ukerath. But the imperialists, who had been constantly defeated in 
 the mountains, now sought their revenge upon the plain. The French 
 horses were spent with fatigue ; those of the Austrians were fresh, 
 their forces numerous, and Ney tried to avoid an action which must 
 prove fatal to him. He headed one charge, eluded another, and 
 alarmed the enemy without committing himself. The French columns 
 at length appeared, the Austrians withdrew, and the position was 
 gained solely by skilful manoeuvring. 
 
 Jourdan had crossed the Rhine, and the army was in line. The 
 movement was continued, and the whole force directed upon Alten- 
 kirchen. The enemy occupied it in strong force; but they were 
 wavering and undecided. It did not appear that they now intended 
 to defend those heights which during the preceding campaign they had 
 so obstinately disputed. The position was soon carried, and the forces 
 which attempted to cover it, put to the rout. 
 
 Jourdan had received instructions to keep as far from the Rhine as 
 possible — reach the Upper Lahn — push towards the Kentzig, the 
 Maine, and the Rednitz — harass Wartensleben’s right without inter- 
 mission, and if he could not beat him, drive him into Bohemia, or force 
 him upon Ratisbon. The latter, on the other hand, had orders to 
 avoid coming to action, and to dispute the ground foot by foot, but 
 without endangering his forces. To counteract the plan of his oppo- 
 nents and yet avoid a battle, was the object he had in view. 
 
 Jourdan, thinking that the Austrian army was assembled at Lim- 
 burg, advanced thither with all his forces, directing his left wing upon 
 Wetzlar, in order to turn the enemy. Lefebvre debouched by Siegen ; 
 Collaud having reached Dillenburg, advanced to meet the latter, but 
 instead of his colleague, with whom he expected to effect a junction, 
 he encountered the Austrians, whom he was certainly not seeking. 
 This unexpected meeting might have proved fatal, but for the intre- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 79 
 
 pidity of the commander of the van-guard. The instant Ney per- 
 ceived the enemy, the charge sounded. The action was hot and 
 obstinate, and the victory long remained doubtful ; but the skill and 
 courage of Ney triumphed over a force vastly superior. The French, 
 about to consummate the victory, were already in pursuit of the flying 
 enemy, when heavy columns of the latter again appeared to receive 
 them. It happened that Wartensleben was not at Limburg, but at 
 Neukirchen, and the forces of the latter now made their appearance. 
 The preparations for the attack were soon changed, and those for the 
 defence were not less rapidly made. The forces routed by Ney in 
 front of Dillenburg were again overthrown by Lefebvre behind 
 Wildendorf. They were beaten in front and in flank; and for fear 
 of being surrounded they precipitately recrossed the Lahn. 
 
 The republican troops were however worn out with fatigue ; the 
 weather was very unfavourable, for it had not ceased raining during 
 a whole week ; but the Austrians were retreating, it became necessary 
 to pursue them, and the movement was continued. Lefebvre pushed 
 on to Giessen, Bonnard to Lein, Collaud to Wetzlar, and Ney, ad- 
 vancing by the road to Frankfort, soon overtook the enemy’s rear- 
 guard. 
 
 This was now commanded by General Kray, one of the best offi- 
 cers in the Austrian army. It had halted in the plain of Butzbach ; 
 its infantry was placed between Obermarle and the Witter ; its cavalry 
 extended in front of Windermarle. It could not have chosen a more 
 favourable position than this, which offered every advantage of 
 ground. 
 
 Formidable as it was, Ney did not hesitate to approach. He 
 attacked the enemy on the 9th of July, and obtained at first some 
 advantage ; but Kleber, who considered this action only a skirmish, 
 did not support him. He had not one-fifth of the numerical forces 
 opposed to him, and he was therefore obliged to give way. The 20th 
 light infantry appearing on the field, Ney again formed his men, 
 once more attacked the Austrians with this reinforcement, and 
 obliged them to abandon the position. They retired in confusion, and 
 were eagerly pursued. They rallied, nevertheless, for they had 
 reached a formidable esplanade, connected with the position occupied 
 by the main body of the army, which now made an attempt to save 
 its routed rear-guard. The action was renewed with increased 
 vigour, and Kleber feared it would become general ; he therefore 
 directed Ney either to discontinue or slacken his fire. But Kray, 
 indignant at the flight of his rear-guard, determined to avenge its 
 defeat, and recover the ground it had lost. Every man in his camp 
 accordingly prepared for action. Collaud, who perceived what was 
 doing, also got ready for the contest, and in a very short time his 
 arrangements were made. Ney overthrew with the light cavalry 
 the hulans who covered the esplanade, and who soon after fell into 
 an ambuscade, of which we shall give an account. On their being 
 
80 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 routed, the 6th chasseurs who had put them to flight, were sent in 
 pursuit of them, and with the 11th dragoons overtook their dense 
 columns, now forming Kray’s only hope. They attacked and threw 
 them into confusion, then retreated as if seized by a sudden panic. 
 The surprised Austrians uttered cries of triumph, and having formed 
 again, eagerly and tumultuously pursued their assailants. But the 
 retreat of the latter was only a feint, which was soon made manifest 
 to their pursuers by dreadful explosions of artillery, which showed 
 them the snare into which they had fallen. A murderous fire of 
 grape-shot and musquetry was opened upon them, and to complete 
 their misfortune, their mutilated squadrons were again beset by the 
 intrepid dragoons, whom they fancied they had just conquered. The 
 rout was complete, and the men who escaped death were dispersed in 
 the woods. 
 
 From that period the left wing was more peaceable ; but on the right 
 the warfare became more and more animated. The republicans had 
 taken the village of Obermarle, and thereby intercepted the high 
 road. The Austrians, anxious again to open the communication, 
 pushed both infantry and cavalry towards this point. The shock 
 appeared irresistible. Unable to repulse them in front, Ney had re- 
 course to stratagem. He allowed the enemy’s masses to come in 
 collision with a few battalions intended only to keep them in check, 
 and attacking them in the rear as soon as he saw them engaged, he 
 routed and dispersed them. Though the ground was covered with slain, 
 and his loss tremendous, Kray, irritated at his want of success, urged 
 his troops to fight to the death. Scarcely had one attack failed, ere 
 he headed another. Repulsed three times, he returned to the charge 
 a fourth time without having any better success. He yielded not, 
 however, to discouragement; but having again formed his men, 
 brought them up against the village with such renewed energy and 
 impetuosity, that he succeeded in carrying it. But Ney, throwing 
 himself into the midst of the French infantry, rallied them, scolded 
 the men, and succeeded in communicating to them their former 
 impulse. They again attacked the enemy with all the fury arising 
 from the shame of a defeat, overthrew their forces, and drove them 
 back to the heights. The conquerors, however, did not follow up this 
 success as they might have done. 
 
 Kleber hoped that such a lesson as this would not be lost upon the 
 Austrians ; but the latter, little affected by it, maintained their posi- 
 tions. Next morning it was perceived that if they were making no 
 preparations for attack, neither did they appear to avoid an engage- 
 ment. Lefebvre, who was on the right bank of the Wipper, received 
 orders to cross the Wetzlar and attack the enemy on their flank and 
 rear. Collaud was directed to engage them in front ; but not to fire 
 a shot nor make a single movement, until the firing announced to 
 him that Lefebvre was first engaged. The Austrians, thus attacked 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 81 
 
 in their communications, could not fail to move immediately ; and 
 Ney was then to harass them without intermission. 
 
 Every thing occurred as Kleber had anticipated. So soon as the 
 enemy perceived the French columns debouch, they fell back and 
 yielded two leagues of ground ; but on reaching Rosbach, and finding 
 the position good and well sheltered, they halted, determined once 
 more to try their fortune. The French columns pressed hard upon 
 them, and they exerted all their resources to prevent the latter from 
 debouching. Charges of cavalry and the effect of artillery were 
 both tried ; but this display of force only tended to excite the French, 
 who climbed the heights, carried the positions, overthrew the columns, 
 and spread confusion and disorder through the Austrian ranks. The 
 latter, taken in the rear by Lefebvre, were still pressed in front by 
 Ney, who had given no respite to the column opposed to him, and 
 constantly attacking and attacked, had driven it as far as Hoostadt. 
 But here the contest assumed a different aspect. Ney had only two 
 pieces of artillery, and fifteen were opposed to him ; he therefore 
 thought it expedient to endeavour to gain time, until the Arrival of 
 some of the columns in his rear. The Austrians, aware of his de- 
 sign, determined not to leave him this chance. But he charged, 
 manoeuvred, gave way, and rallied by turns, and succeeded by his 
 boldness and prudence in stopping the massess which were constantly 
 debouching upon him. General Jacopin having at length arrived at 
 the head of the 43rd infantry and 11th dragoons, the Austrians were 
 driven back, and their assailants appeared before Friedberg. The 
 gates of this town were closed, and the Hungarians, who defended 
 it, opened a destructive fire upon the French. The latter advanced 
 nevertheless, and without summoning the garrison to surrender, broke 
 and beat down the herses with cannon-balls, and hatches, and crow- 
 bars — with every thing in short they could find. They succeeded at 
 length in getting into the place, where their muskets and bayonets 
 soon avenged the rash resistance they had encountered. Those of 
 the garrison who were not put to the sword fled far away. 
 
 Ney pursued the fugitives, and was soon engaged in a fresh action. 
 But his guns were dismounted, and his van, exhausted by marches 
 and combats, and unable to head the storm about to burst upon them, 
 were about to give way, when Bonnard came up with the reserve. 
 The men were again formed, after giving them little rest, and the 
 pursuit of the enemy resumed. The movement of the columns, the 
 impetuosity of the several attacks, and more particularly the approach 
 of the last jcorps, which threatened their line of battle, at length 
 threw the Austrians into dreadful confusion. They hesitated, gave 
 way, and only thought of saving themselves. Ney pressed them 
 with vivacity, Richepanse harassed them without respite, and both, 
 stimulated with the same ardour, drove them back, and did not stop 
 till the darkness of the night and fatigue forced them to halt. The 
 Austrians had two thousand killed ; the French only six hundred , 
 
 VOL. II. 11 
 
82 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 hors de combat. The latter lost an officer of great promise,, Captain 
 Rouilly, one of General Lefebvre’s aides-de-camp. This young 
 officer had displayed the most daring intrepidity, and his zeal could 
 only be eompared to his modesty and elevation of mind. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The retreating Austrians were driven to Frankfort, a place by no 
 means prepared to sustain a siege, though its ditches, the artillery 
 which covered its approaches, and the troops which had sought refuge 
 within its walls, gave it some importance. Kleber, wishing to 
 economise his resources as much as possible, appeared before it as if 
 with the intention of immediately storming it. Having made a dis- 
 play of his mortars and scaling-ladders, he summoned the population, 
 consisting chiefly of timid traders, to open their gates. The Aus- 
 trians, whom they had received into the town, did not however allow 
 them to comply with this demand, and a sort of bombardment was 
 begun by the French. Adjutant-general Mortier followed up the 
 effect produced by the shells ; the place surrendered, and the French 
 took possession of all the stores which it contained. 
 
 The inhabitants of Frankfort had always evinced a feeling of aver- 
 sion towards the French. In 1792 they had welcomed the emigrants 
 with unusal kindness, and received the republican troops with dislike, 
 soon followed by an act of base treachery. Whilst the latter were 
 engaged with the Prussians, the citizens of Frankfort sallied forth and 
 assailed them in the midst of the action with knives and hatchets, — 
 an act of perfidy to which their defeat may be attributed. Again, in 
 1795, the French forces, obliged to retreat, had been several days 
 without bread, or rations, of any kind, when they arrived under the 
 walls of Frankfort. They applied to the merchants and magistrates 
 of this city for sixty thousand rations. The application was favourably 
 received, and the provisions ready for delivery ; but as there were no 
 funds in the military chest, and the rations could not be paid for in 
 ready money, they were 'withheld. These same rations were after- 
 wards sold to the Austrians. In vain did the French general remon- 
 strate, state the wants of his men, and offer an undertaking to pay ; 
 the merchants and magistrates were inexorable, and the army was 
 forced, for want of provisions, to cross over to the left bank of the 
 Rhine. In the present instance the French appeared as conquerors. 
 
 During the war, Frankfort had amassed immense wealth, and had 
 not ceased to supply the Austrians with clothing, provisions, and am- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 83 
 
 munition. The French now thought that they also had won the right 
 of sharing in that which was so prodigally lavished upon their ene- 
 mies. Their soldiers were in rags; Frankfort possessed in abundance 
 every thing they stood in need of, and the inhabitants were called 
 upon to supply it. Lenient, however, towards a population that had 
 behaved so ill, Jourdan did not exact all that he was instructed to do ; 
 he even protected the inhabitants of Frankfort against the demands 
 of the Directory,* the turbulence of his soldiers, and the industrious 
 
 * “ Frankfort has always been rich, and has increased its wealth by the 
 present war. It has not ceased to assist our enemies, it ought therefore to 
 make some exertions in our favour. The Directory leaves it nevertheless 
 to your discretion to augment or diminish the amount of its contributions. 
 
 “ Frankfort contains immense stores of leather, cloth, provisions, and other 
 objects necessary to an army. We naturally presume therefore that you 
 will, at the expense of the city, supply the French troops with every thing 
 they are now in need of, or of which they may be in need hereafter. 
 
 “ All the stores you do not want, you will immediately send to the left 
 bank of the Rhine, where we shall find them when they are required. 
 
 For the due payment of the contributions which the Directory has just 
 mentioned, and to put it out .of the power of the malignants of the city of 
 Frankfort to form a second plan for betraying us, you will demand and send 
 to France a very considerable number of hostages. The Directory does not 
 fix the number ; but you cannot send too many, or select them with too 
 great care from amonj* the richest of the families most devoted to the Aus- 
 trians. 
 
 “ The Directory, ever anxious to collect on the territory of the French 
 Republic the most noble works of art, requests you will forward to the Min- 
 ister of the Interior, the most celebrated pictures and every other object of 
 art which may be worthy of a place either in our museum of arts, or in that 
 of natural history. Among the pictures, the Directory deems it sufficient 
 to mention only that by ‘Piazzetta representing the twelve apostles. 
 
 “ The Directory further directs that you will send to Paris such of the 
 jewels used in crowning the emperors, as may have been left at Frankfort, 
 together with the original of the Pope’s golden bull, and the register con- 
 taining the names of the citizens of Frankfort. 
 
 “You will entirely disarm the city of Frankfort and its inhabitants; and to 
 this effect you will use the promptest, and if need be, the most rigorous 
 measures. You will send to France the powder, guns, and muskets you do 
 not want. 
 
 ** You will give the command of the place to General Marceau, as also 
 that of the blockading force at Mayence, Ehrenbreitstein, and Konigstein; 
 and if the division now under the command of that general is not sufficient 
 for this service as well as that he was before performing, you may increase 
 its numbers to any extent you think proper. He must have a sufficient 
 force to keep the enemy’s garrisons and the inhabitants themselves in awe, 
 and establish a firm point of support for the army. Frankfort must, in some 
 degree, become our central point. 
 
 “ Put no garrison in Frankfort; let. there be no troops in the city but those 
 which you send in, daily and successively, to guard the gates and prevent 
 all individuals of the army from entering, who are not bearers of a formal 
 order from you. The troops composing these guards must be taken from 
 a camp which you must form in the vicinity of Frankfort, and make of suffi- 
 cient strength to keep the population of that city in awe. 
 
«4 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cupidity of the swarm of employes and speculators who always follow 
 an army. These he did not allow to enter the place. He levied a 
 contribution upon the city of eight millions of francs ; upon the terri- 
 tory between the Sieg and the Lahn, he levied one million ; and three 
 upon that extending from the Lahn to the Maine. The military chest 
 was beginning to fill, and the troops thought they had reached the 
 term of their privations ; but the chest was always open to receive 
 money, but never to pay any. The troops, who had filled it with the 
 fruits of their victories, were left in the most deplorable state of desti- 
 tution, and the officers were worse ofif even than the men. The ad- 
 ministration issued no clothing to them, and the assignats, in which 
 they received their pay, were of little value ; so that they had neither 
 food, clothes, nor pay, and were obliged to exist upon a share of the 
 plunder which they received from the privates. Their situation could 
 not well be worse.* They, however, became resigned to it for a time 
 longer ; and the movement was resumed. 
 
 “ No employe in the military administrations must be allowed to enter the 
 city, with the exception of the chief-commissaire-ordonnateur, and any six 
 or eight individuals whom he may select. You will give orders to the Jews 
 of the city to behave with the greatest circumspection, on pain of severe 
 punishment. They are not to be allowed to visit the camp.” 
 
 Instructions to General Jourdan. 
 
 * THE GOVERNMENT COMMISSARY OF THE AHMY OF SAMBRE-ET-MEUSE, 
 
 TO THE DIRECTORY. 
 
 JYeuwied , September 14th, 1795. 
 
 There is a point to which I cannot too strongly draw your attention; 
 namely, military discipline. Since I have been attached to this army, I have 
 had too many opportunities of observing its extreme relaxation. Excesses 
 of all kinds have been committed, and many corps have dishonoured them- 
 selves by pillage. It is true that the reprimands of the general officers, and 
 the example of several battalions sent to the rear, have produced some 
 effect; whilst a severe regulation of my colleague Gillet, remedies the evil 
 in part, and makes up in some degree for the insufficiency of the military 
 laws during actual service. But these palliatives do not eradicate the cause 
 of the evil, namely, the dependence in which, from their wants, the officers 
 are placed with regard to the privates. The latter have resources arising 
 from the portion of their pay which they receive in cash. The officers have 
 none whatever; for it cannot but be evident that their pay is of no value to 
 them. They therefore deem themselves fortunate when the privates come 
 to their assistance, admit them to their meals, and share with them the 
 vegetables and other provisions which can be procured with ready money. 
 The officers are consequently obliged to overlook the misdeeds of marau- 
 ders, such as thefts of provisions, poultry, and other stock. Were they not 
 to do so, they would be reduced to the most dreadful necessities and the 
 most wretched existence. 
 
 Under circumstances such as I have described, the soldier shows no re- 
 spect to the officer in distress, who lives in some measure at his expense, 
 and is thereby driven to the necessity of tolerating the most monstrous 
 abuses. No law that could be framed would prove any more than a weak 
 palliative to this evil. There is only one remedy for it, which is to relieve 
 the officers from this wretched state of destitution, which degrades them in 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 85 
 
 Wartensleben, taking advantage of the halt which the French had 
 made at Frankfort, had collected his forces, and established his posi- 
 tion at Wurtzburg. The Maine, after running from the north, turns 
 suddenly towards the south, and again alters its course at Schwein- 
 furt ,* the French army would therefore have been obliged to appear 
 before this river, without the means of constructing bridges to cross it. 
 To avoid this obstacle, Jourdan marched upon Gemunden. As soon 
 as Frankfort had opened its gates, Collaud and Lefebvre proceeded 
 towards the Kentzig, where Grenier and Championnet effected a junc- 
 tion with them. Bernadotte likewise advanced upon Aschaffenburg, 
 and the French army was then in line. This was effected on the 
 20th of July. The heat of the weather was excessive, the country 
 mountainous, and provisions had for some time been growing scarce ; 
 but the enemy were junable to make a formidable resistance on any 
 point. • The moment the)*- perceived the French forces, they would 
 take pp a position, fire a few shots, and then run away. Their re- 
 verses had annihilated the courage, and destroyed the confidence* of 
 the Austrian soldiers. The movements of W artensleben now seemed 
 nothing more than a prolonged defeat — one continued act of pusillan- 
 imity. Fifteen hundred deserters joined the French in the space of 
 three days ; others were still coming over, when Ney, suddenly de- 
 bouching upon a column, heard very unusual exclamations, and saw 
 a portion of the men composing it violently throw down their arms. 
 
 These were Turks, formerly made prisoners of war; and having been 
 
 + 
 
 the eyes of the soldiers, places them in the most humiliating 1 dependence 
 upon their subordinates, and forces them to take no notice of the disorders 
 which occur even in then* presence. 
 
 If an officer received at least eighteen francs a month in cash, he could 
 live honourably without depending upon his men. He could, moreover, 
 make a decent appearance, and resume, with a dignified demeanour, that 
 ascendancy without which all discipline is at an end. It would then be easy 
 to repress the lamentable excesses which disgust the inhabitants, drive 
 them from us, and deprive us of those means of subsistence which the coun- 
 try might otherwise supply. 
 
 I am aware how difficult this plan is of execution, in the present state of 
 the republic’s finances ; but I am positive — and such is the opinion of all the 
 generals of the army — that it is the only means of restoring discipline, and 
 preventing the disorganization of the army. If the state could support this 
 increase of expense for two or three months, 1 have no hesitation in assuring 
 you, that it would have the most happy influence upon the issue of the cam- 
 paign. However brilliant our success, we have always reason to fear that 
 disorder, pillage, and the disbanding of the troops — consequences attendant 
 upon a want of discipline — might bring reverses upon us. 
 
 On the right bank of the Rhine we find the greastest difficulty in procur 
 ing supplies of provisions; for hitherto we have only passed though unfruit- 
 ful and exhausted countries. I am about to employ all means in my power 
 to collect the few resources which the country affords. There is greater 
 abundance on the banks of the Lahn. 
 
 Health and Fraternity. 
 
 Joubeut. 
 
86 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 forced to serve in the Austrian ranks, they took this opportunity of 
 claiming to be sent back to their native country. Ney restored them 
 to freedom ; another French general afterwards liberated Austrians 
 and Bavarians, whom a similar vicissitude had thrown among the 
 militia of Mourad Bey. 
 
 The discouragement to which the Austrian army gave way, in- 
 spired the French troops with fresh confidence. On the 23d of July 
 the latter arrived at Arstein. Their position reached from Schwein- 
 furt to Carlstadt. Bernadotte marched upon Wurtzburg; the hostile 
 forces came in sight of each other, and both expected an engagement ; 
 but Wartensleben, little disposed to run such a risk, recrossed the 
 Maine. Unable to get at the imperialists, Ney made an attack upon 
 Wurtzburg. He had only a hundred horse with him; but his attitude 
 was so threatening, and his movements so rapid, that the governor 
 lost all confidence, and capitulated.* 
 
 Wurtzburg was certainly not a place of importance, but it con- 
 tained ammunition and a great many pieces of cannon ; it was like- 
 wise well calculated for a depot, and could receive both stores and 
 sick. All the advantages, however, which had been anticipated, were 
 not derived from it. Bernadotte had not finished his movement; he 
 knew not where the army of Rhin-et-Moselle was, and the troops 
 whom victory had led to the Maine, were disheartened at the pro- 
 longed distress in which the government left them. Jourdan was 
 obliged to halt and endeavour to relieve the intolerable distress of 
 his men. 
 
 Providence fortunately came to his assistance. The Austrians had 
 then upon the Rhine numerous convoys of provisions and stores, part 
 of which Championnet captured, and Bernadotte the remainder. By 
 such means the French forces obtained flour, forges, and bedding. 
 They took all that was useful to them, but unfortunately they had no 
 means of conveyance ; and, what was still worse, General Ernouf had 
 entered into an unaccountable convention with the deputies of the 
 
 * TO GENERAL CLARKE, DIRECTEUR OF THE CABINET TOPOGRAPHIQ/UE. 
 
 Mi dear General, 
 
 Wurtzburg is ours. It surrendered yesterday, the Austrians having 
 evacuated it on the 5th. There only remained in the town the prince’s 
 garrison, consisting of about two thousand infantry and three hundred horse. 
 Adjutant-General Ney appeared before the place, and having driven* back 
 some detachments of the legion of Bussy, he manoeuvred so well with a 
 hundred cavalry, that his forces seemed doubled. His bold movements 
 having intimidated the garrison, he advanced, and formally summoned the 
 Governor to surrender. A capitulation was asked for; the General-in-chief 
 sanctioned it, and to-day we took possession of the place. The appearance 
 of Championnet’s division, which arrived during the negotiation, assisted in 
 hastening the^Governor’s decision. 
 
 The surrender of this place is of the greatest importance. It secures the 
 right bank to the army, and affords facilities for marching to the Upper 
 Rhine. Ernouf. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 87 
 
 circle. We have already stated the hopes in which the latter in* 
 dulged, and the measures they purposed pursuing ; — Ernouf adopted 
 all their views, and entered into their combinations. Like them, he 
 was desirous that the revolution should be legal, that it should break 
 out on a fixed day, and that it should not be disgraced by excess. 
 To secure its marvellous results, he feared not to abandon the police 
 of the army to the direction of the deputies, whom he authorized to 
 apprehend and punish any soldiers who should stop their patrols, and 
 to whom he even left it to fix the time and decide upon the mode of 
 acting towards Prussia. He thus sacrificed the interests of the army 
 to chimerical schemes, and injudiciously raised state questions in a 
 military convention. The general-in-chief was obliged to annul these 
 untoward arrangements ; but such an act, though necessary, was not 
 the less attended with deplorable consequences. The people con- 
 sidered it a denial of justice, the magistrates, an act of servility 
 towards the King of Prussia, and they all became hostile to the French. 
 
 Meantime, stores and provisions had been collected to a certain 
 extent, matters had assumed a new aspect, and the enemy had 
 provided the republican troops with the means of subsistence. 
 The army of Rhin-et-Moselle, whose fate had remained so long 
 unknown, was now about to debouch. The position of the French 
 army had therefore become free and secure, and the latter was 
 preparing to advance in pursuit of Wartensleben. This general had 
 established his quarters beyond Zeil ; his reserve occupied Camburg, 
 and his light troops extended along both banks of the Maine. All 
 seemed to indicate that he had made up his mind to encounter the re- 
 publican forces. His position was difficult of access, and his cavalry 
 numerous. The French therefore advanced towards him with cir- 
 cumspection ; but this was a needless precaution, for before they had 
 debouched, he had broken up his camp and retired. They pursued, 
 pressed him, tried every thing to induce him to give battle; but in vain 
 did they force him to take up a position ; his ground was always so 
 well chosen* and his forces so well distributed, that he could not be 
 got at without running too great a risk. 
 
 It being impossible to reach him in front, an attempt was made to 
 attack his wings. Manoeuvres were tried on his right flank, and the 
 left of the French advanced; but the mountain passes became more 
 rugged and difficult of access; and, on the other hand, Wartensleben 
 attempted to turn the left of his opponents. Thus it was found -im- 
 possible to bring him to battle. 
 
 The French continued to harass his forces. Jourdan, attacked 
 with a violent fit of illness, delivered over the command to Kleber, 
 who pushed forward to the Rednitz. The fortress of Konigshofen 
 was at a short distance. General Soult, taking with him a picket of 
 hussars, and a company of carabineers, went and summoned the 
 commandant to surrender. The latter was far from desirous of 
 gathering laurels in an honourable defence ; but annoyed at its being 
 
88 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 supposed that he would yield to a single escort,, he haughtily replied that 
 he had provisions and ammunition, and would see what he should do 
 when a larger force appeared ; but until then he would keep the place. 
 The fact is, he only wanted a pretence, which was immediately fur- 
 nished him; — Lefebvre appeared with his division before the fortress; 
 the gates were immediately opened, and all parties were satisfied — 
 he at having saved appearances, and the French at being masters of 
 the fort. 
 
 The left-wing of the French army was now secure; the enemy 
 could no longer surprise or injure it. Konigshofen was, moreover, 
 easy of defence, it being surrounded by marshes and extensive inun- 
 dations. It was truly a valuable capture ; but had it been less so, it 
 was certainly worth what it cost. 
 
 Things were conducted less peaceably at Zeil. Collaud, who had 
 advanced thither to support his colleague, as we have already stated, 
 had no occasion to assist him. Ney was in front, and had brought 
 the enemy to action, which was obstinate on both sides, without, for 
 a long time, any decided advantage on either. Ney was in very 
 inferior force ; he had only four hundred horse against double that 
 number. He again availed himself of his superior talents, to give a 
 new character to the engagement ; he charged less, manosuvred more, 
 and taking advantage of every mistake of the enemy, at length suc- 
 ceeded in routing them. 
 
 This defeat did not, however, destroy the courage and resolution 
 of the latter. Thrown in disorder upon Obelsbach, they had joined 
 a body of infantry, and immediately rallied. But Ney was in close 
 pursuit ; and the 20th light infantry debouching, he formed them, and 
 supporting them with his cavalry, made a furious attack upon the 
 village, overthrowing all that opposed him. The imperialists again 
 betook themselves to flight, and cavalry and infantry scrambled, pell 
 mell, to the opposite bank of' the Maine. Four boats, laden with corn 
 and flour, were coming down the river ; Ney sent some chasseurs 
 after them, and they were captured. 
 
 The Austrians, beaten upon the right bank, still kept up a power- 
 ful resistance on the left, which Championnet’s vanguard could not 
 overcome. The adjutant-general, Cacate, who commanded it, had in 
 vain exhausted his means of attack ; the Austrians, occupying a po- 
 sition defended by the river and the mountains, counteracted all his 
 efforts. Masters of Eltemann, and of the bridge across the Maine, 
 they stationed on either bank dense masses of troops supported by 
 artillery. Ney, informed of the dangerous situation in which his 
 colleague was placed, hastened to his assistance, and by his presence 
 restored the confidence of the exhausted troops. The action was then 
 resumed, and the enemy completely overthrown. 
 
 At Burg-Eberach also, the Austrians were defeated. Unable, un- 
 der such disasters, to maintain themselves at Bamburg, they crossed 
 the Wiessent, and on the 6th of August took up a position at Aich. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 89 
 
 Their right was protected by the river, their left, at Rednitz, was 
 covered by Forcheim. Situated at the conflux of the two rivers, 
 Forcheim derives further importance from its proximity to the neigh- 
 bouring mountains, which makes it both difficult of capture and easy 
 to succour. Numerous bastions, half-moons, counter-guards, deep 
 ditches, and the waters of the Rednitz, render it, if not a strong hold 
 of the first magnitude, at least a place of sufficient strength not to 
 apprehend either a coup-de-main, or the attack of any number of 
 troops unattended by a powerful artillery. In this position, protected 
 by rivers, and by such advantages of ground, Kray seemed fearlessly 
 to await Kleber’s arrival. He had not to wait long : the French had 
 crossed the Wiessent in the morning ; before night Grenier, Berna- 
 dotte, and Championnet, debouching upon the Reich-Eberach, drove 
 in the Austrian light troops, whom Lefebvre and Collaud forced to 
 fall back upon the left bank of the Wiessent. Kray’s field of opera- 
 tions was thus narrowed, and the French vanguard was about to 
 reach him, when its commander received intelligence that Eberman- 
 stadt was occupied by a column of the enemy, consisting of twelve 
 hundred infantry, six hundred horse, and several pieces of artillery. 
 Such a force seemed formidable, and Mortier was directed to march 
 against it. This he did at the head of a battalion of infantry, four 
 squadrons of horse, and two pieces of cannon. The action was hotly 
 contested, but it lasted only two hours. 
 
 The French having remained masters of the field of battle, were 
 now able to continue their operations on both banks of the river, 
 prolong their patrols, and carry even to the enemy’s rear. 
 
 Whilst Mortier was forcing Ebermanstadt, Collaud was advancing 
 upon Forcheim. He had orders to drive back whatever forces ap- 
 peared on the plain, and dislodge all that covered the place. This 
 was a difficult undertaking ; for all the approaches, the outlets, and 
 the heights were carefully occupied, and Wartensleben exhorted his 
 men not to suffer themselves to be driven from positions which ought 
 to be impregnable. And, in truth, these positions were defended by 
 all kinds of natural obstacles ; the ground was precipitous, tortuous, 
 covered with wood, and intersected with deep ravines. To these 
 natural defences were joined those of art ; — masses of soldiers were 
 placed upon one peak, batteries upon another ; infantry at the bottom 
 of the gorges, and cavalry at their entrance. But Ney was not in- 
 timidated by these formidable obstacles ; and advancing at the head 
 of a handful of men, he began the action. He had only two pieces 
 of artillery ; the enemy unmasked fourteen. Ney’s men were broken 
 for an instant, but inured to all the mishaps of war, and undismayed, 
 they re-formed almost immediately, continued the attack, and after 
 an obstinate contest, succeeded in throwing the Austrian’s ranks into 
 confusion. Meantime, reinforcements having successively arrived, 
 the Austrians were at length driven from their strong holds. 
 
 VOL. I. 12 
 
90 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The imperial army having betaken itself to flight, the garrison 
 were terror-stricken, and Ney, taking advantage of this feeling, sum- 
 moned them to open the gates to the French. They hesitated to 
 obey, and Ney getting angry, talked of bombarding the place if they 
 did not comply. The commandant was an irresolute and pusillani- 
 mous man, who wished to avoid the consequences of an attack, and 
 at the same time those of a too easy surrender. Intimidated by Ney’s 
 threats, he imagined a mode of reconciling these clashing interests. 
 He consented to surrender the fortress ; but, as Wartensleben was 
 still in sight, he wished to delay doing so until the latter was entirely 
 gone. Ney refused to accede to any such arrangement ; he knew 
 the value of time, and was anxious to pursue the flying enemy. 
 Bursting into a violent rage at such useless obstinacy, he swore he 
 would put the whole garrison to the sword if the surrender were de- 
 layed another instant. Such a menace had the desired effect ; the 
 alarmed commandant capitulated, and delivered up the town and 
 fortress of Forcheim to the French, together with arms, ammunition, 
 and a considerable store of provisions. 
 
 Kleber, delighted with this display of energy, expressed his satis- 
 faction to Ney in the highest terms. In the presence of his men, he 
 said the most flattering things respecting his activity and courage ; 
 and suddenly interrupting himself, he added : “ But I shall not com- 
 pliment you upon your modesty ; because, when carried too far, it 
 ceases to be a good quality. In sum, you may receive my declara- 
 tion as you please, but my mind is made up, and I insist upon your 
 being General of Brigade.” 
 
 The chasseurs clapped their hands in applause, and the officers 
 warmly expressed their satisfaction at the general’s determination. 
 Ney alone remained thoughtful. He seemed still in doubt whether 
 he should accept a promotion which he had already declined, and he 
 uttered not a word. 
 
 “Well!” said Kleber, in the kindest manner, “ you appear very 
 much grieved and confused ; but the Austrians are there waiting for 
 you ; go and vent your ill humour upon them. As for me, I shall 
 acquaint the Directory with your promotion.” 
 
 He kept his word in the following terms : 
 
 “ Adjutant-general Ney, in this and the preceding campaigns, has 
 given numerous proofs of talent, zeal, and intrepidity ; but he surpassed 
 even himself in the battle which took place yesterday, and he had two 
 horses killed under him. 
 
 “ I have thought myself justified in promoting him, upon the field 
 of battle, to the rank of general of brigade. A commission of this 
 grade was forwarded to him eighteen months ago, but his modesty 
 did not allow him then to accept it. By confirming this promotion, 
 Citizen Directors, you will perform a striking act of your justice.” 
 
 Ney again set out in pursuit of the Austrians, as Kleber had 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 91 
 
 directed him* Championnet and Grenier put their divisions in mo- 
 tion, and forming a junction, pressed the enemy on all sides, drove 
 them from the heights, and pursued them down the hills. But still 
 they kept possession of the villages, and poured upon the French a 
 destructive fire from their batteries. Kray watched with anxiety the 
 vicissitudes of the combat. He animated his men, led them on to the 
 attack, boldly faced every danger, provided against every check, and 
 displayed, in short, the great talents, of which he had before given 
 numerous proofs. But whilst his attention was divided betwixt all 
 these cares, Bernadotte debouched on the right, whilst Bonneau, at 
 the head of his cavalry, turned the Austrians on the left. All this 
 was executed with a precision seldom seen on the field of battle. 
 Kray, disconcerted, no longer knew what manoeuvre to oppose to 
 that of his skilful adversaries. He hesitated and wavered, and the 
 French columns, stimulated by his indecision, of which they could 
 perceive the effect, rushed upon his forces with irresistible impetu- 
 osity, overpowered, broke, and obliged them to retire with the utmost 
 precipitation. 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 92 . 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Ney pursued them with equal rapidity, and drove them close to 
 Nuremberg, a great and beautiful city, containing a noble-minded 
 population, still smarting under recently inflicted injuries. Prussia, as 
 heir to the power of the ancient burgraves, continued to assume the 
 rights which the latter had formerly enjoyed. Sometimes she would 
 claim a toll, sometimes a portion of territory ; and by successive pre- 
 tensions and usurpations she had extended her limits even to the gates 
 of Nuremberg. As a free city, Nuremberg protested against these 
 encroachments, and appealed to the Imperial Chamber at Wetzlar; 
 but Prussia being strong, harassed the city, impeded its commerce, 
 and did, in short, all that great powers are wont to do when they wish 
 force smaller ones to merge into them. The daily vexations inflicted 
 by Prussia, not however producing the effect she anticipated, she had 
 recourse to more decided measures. She seized upon the suburbs, 
 levied tolls at the gates, and intercepted all communication with the 
 neighbouring country. The inhabitants thus shut up within their 
 walls, were obliged to call for mercy. In despair they intreated that 
 they might negotiate with Prussia; but the haughty and harsh aristo- 
 cracy which governed that kingdom, was insensible to the sufferings 
 of the humble citizens of Nuremberg. They turned over to Austria 
 those who had been the spokesmen in detailing the popular sufferings, 
 and treated the proposals of the latter with the greatest contempt. 
 
 Ney knew the feelings of the inhabitants of Nuremberg ; and that 
 the citizens were greatly irritated at the ambition of Prussia and the 
 insensibility of their own magistrates. Desirous of profiting by these 
 circumstances, he left the pursuit of the Ausirians, and pushed on to 
 that city. The place was open ; and he took possession of it without 
 opposition, but without any appearance of welcome from the inhabi- 
 tants. The latter had just been informed that General Ernouf ’s con- 
 vention was nullified, and that instead of the eight millions of francs 
 imposed upon the circle, Nuremberg alone was to pay two million five 
 hundred thousand francs in money, and supply three hundred horses, 
 fifty thousand pairs of shoes, ten thousand pairs of boots, fifty thou- 
 sand pairs of gaiters, and fifty thousand shirts. Such a contribution 
 was unreasonable, and the inhabitants were thinking how they should 
 elude it. There was only one mode of doing so. The possessions 
 of the King of Prussia being free from war contributions, they resolved 
 to become Prussians, and raise the standard of Prussia. Ney having 
 assembled the deputies of the circle who took the lead in this project, 
 endeavoured to bj*ing them to more reasonable views ; but he among 
 them who had hitherto shown himself the most zealous and liberal in 
 
MARSHAL NEY, 
 
 93 
 
 the cause of freedom, seemed now totally to have abjured his princi- 
 ples, and to be the most eager of all to submit to Prussia. Ney ex- 
 pressed his astonishment at so sudden a change. 
 
 “ It is, however, very easy to conceive,” the German replied ; “ I 
 thought I was escaping from that most iniquitous constitution be- 
 queathed to us by the middle ages — I mean that which now governs 
 us ; and I thought that the French, by grafting freedom upon their 
 victories, would save us from a power about to put a yoke upon our 
 necks ; but as such expectations are not to be realized — as all my 
 hopes are annihilated, and the indignant populace about to rally 
 round the aristocracy whom I wished to destroy — I shall now give 
 myself up to Prussia ; for hitherto, at least, Prussia has protected 
 freedom of thought. That she has her obscurantins , I am well 
 aware ; but they are about to give up the ghost ; whereas in Austria, 
 the taste for warped ideas and stupid measures still prevails.” 
 
 “ What cruel treachery!” cried another. “ We were on the eve 
 of conferring upon Germany the same institutions as govern France, 
 and that without trouble or exertion. A simple operation of finance 
 would have made the legislative power pass into the hands of the 
 people ; — a war contribution would have sufficed to overthrow feoda- 
 lity for ever. But now, instead of a moderate tax that would have 
 made Germany a confederation of free and independent states, an 
 impost is laid which crushes the people, and places them once more 
 in the hands of that proud aristocracy which ought to have been lop- 
 ped off as a useless excrescence. How can men love an order of 
 things that ruins them 1 How can they cherish reforms which inflict 
 upon them charges beyond their means of endurance ?” 
 
 Ney was obliged to dissolve this noisy meeting ; but the people 
 were in a still greater state of exasperation than the deputies. They 
 knew that an offensive alliance was in agitation ; and that the French 
 were not insensible to the pleasure of seeing those who had fought 
 against them, now arm in their favour. They trembled lest their terri- 
 tory should become the price of a useful co-operation, and in their 
 blind fury they seemed ready to commit every kind of excess. 
 Another circumstance contributed to increase this feeling. The 
 Prince of Hohenlohe commanded the Prussian forces in the territories 
 of Anspach and Bareuth. This Prince, being directed to protect the 
 possessions of his master, and keep them free from the charges 
 attendant upon war, pretended that the territory of Nuremberg formed 
 part of those possessions, and claimed for it the benefit of the treaty 
 of Basle. This pretension threw the whole weight of the contribution 
 upon the city, and raised the already irritated inhabitants to the high- 
 est pitch of excitement. Nor was this all. The reader may recollect 
 the march of Clairfayt upon Wetzlar, and the unfair manner in which 
 the Prussians had lent themselves to his violation of the line of neu- 
 trality. Hohenlohe, who then commanded them, was still at their 
 head. Fortune was now favourable to the French, who were in the 
 
94 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 centre of that Prince’s possessions, and the Directory, still indignant 
 at his base conduct, had transmitted orders to demolish his castles, 
 and give up his domains to plunder. 
 
 Hitherto this order had not been acted upon ; but Hohenlohe now 
 came forward in an official capacity. He described the situation of 
 his estates, claimed for them the Prussian “ safeguard,” and claimed 
 an extensive territory for his liege lord. It was therefore no longer 
 possible to elude the orders of the Directory ,* they must be executed, 
 and the question decided between the King of Prussia and the Nurem- 
 bergians. Ney was as little desirous of ministering to the vengeance 
 of the latter, as of discussing the pretensions of the former. Fortu- 
 nately, the general-in-chief cut the matter short. “ He had,” he 
 said, “ personally to complain of Hohenlohe ; for he thought that, 
 during the last campaign, the latter had not behaved towards him 
 with the honourable feelings of a gallant soldier. Nevertheless, to 
 demolish castles might indispose the King of Prussia, and could 
 answer no good purposes.” He therefore changed this measure 
 to a war contribution, and would listen to no remonstrances on the 
 subject. 
 
 The population were thus freed from a part of their burthen ; 
 nevertheless they became not a whit more tractable. Ney was under 
 the necessity of recurring to threats to keep them within bounds ; but he 
 soon after received orders to resume his pursuit of the Austrians ; and 
 after delivering over the place to Bernadotte, he set out on this 
 service.* 
 
 Having pushed on beyond Lauffen, he found the enemy in the act 
 of taking up their positions. Wartensleben had already extended his 
 line on the one side to the river Pegnitz, and on the other to the fort 
 of Rottenberg. This fort, situated upon a hill, commanded the plain, 
 the high road to Bareuth, and that to Bamberg. It gave a sort of 
 consistence to the Austrian columns. Wartensleben had concentrated 
 all his forces, and united all his detachments. The French general- 
 in-chief, who had just joined the army, fancying that his opponent 
 wanted again to try his chance in a battle, took his measures accord - 
 
 * JOURDAN, GENERAL ^OMMANDKIMN-CHlfcT OF THE ARMY OF SAMBHE-ET- 
 MEU8K TO GENERAL COLLAUD. 
 
 Head-quarters, Buchembach, 22nd Thermidor, 
 Year IV. (August 9tb, 1796.) 
 
 I return you, Citizen General, the letter written you by Adjutant- general 
 Ney, to inform you that he is in possession of Nuremberg. General Ber- 
 nadotte, as you may have perceived in the general orders for to-morrow, is 
 to march to that city with the whole of his division ; consequently, you 
 must direct Adjutant-general Ney to remain at Nuremberg until relieved 
 by the troops under the comand of General Bernadotte, and then pro- 
 ceed upon the service which you shall direct him to undertake, in exe 
 c.ution of my order of this evening, for the movement of to-morrow, Ney 
 must reconnoitre Lauffen. 
 
 Health and Fraternity. Jocrban. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 95 
 
 ingly ; but the instant the Austrians perceived this they acted precisely 
 as they had done before at Zeil and at Wurtzburg ; they raised their 
 camp during the night, and at daybreak only their rear-guard was to 
 be perceived pushing into Hersbruck. 
 
 Ney again set out in pursuit of them ; but fearful of not overtaking 
 them, he attacked the fort with his small body of cavalry. The 
 approaches being rugged and precipitous, he had some difficulty in 
 climbing them ; but having at length surmounted the ascent, he was 
 preparing to summon the commander, when he perceived a flock of 
 sheep proceeding towards the place. An idea instantly entered his 
 mind, and seizing the opportunity the moment he saw the bridge 
 encumbered, he sent his adjutant, at the head of a few hussars, among 
 the sheep which were crossing it. The adjutant and his men passed 
 through the gate, and boldly demanded the surrender of the fort. It 
 contained a garrison of two hundred men, together with provisons 
 and ammunition sufficient to enable it to hold out a long time. But 
 such was the stupor with which the officer in command was seized, 
 that he opened the gates and surrendered. 
 
 Ney immediately resumed his pursuit of the Austrians. The 
 country was hilly and difficult ; it was intersected with deep ravines, 
 narrow roads, and impenetrable forests. He had no map, neither 
 could he obtain any useful information from the inhabitants. He 
 proceeded onward nevertheless, and after exploring rugged mountains, 
 — after surveying defiles, and glens, and gorges, — after leaving no 
 wood unexplored, no path unexamined, he transmitted to head- 
 quarters a report of his long excursion. The general -in -chief, much 
 pleased with what Ney had done, forwarded to him the following 
 flattering note, an enclosure contained in a despatch from the War 
 minister. 
 
 “ I enclose you, General, your commission of general of brigade, 
 which I have just received from the War minister. Government has 
 thus discharged a debt which it owed to one of its worthiest and most 
 zealous servants ; and it has only done justice to the talents and 
 courage of which you daily give fresh proofs. Accept my sincere 
 congratulation. Health and Fraternity. 
 
 “ Joukdan.” 
 
 “ Head-quarters, Hersbruck, 28th Thermidor, 
 
 Year IV. (15th August, 1796.)” 
 
 Nothing could be kinder than this letter, and Ney determined in 
 his next action with the enemy to prove the value he set upon the 
 praises of his commander. He continued to lead the van ; and 
 pushing forward, came within sight of Sulzbach. The army followed 
 the movement ; Lefebvre was approaching Neukirchen, Collaud pur- 
 suing the road to Hohenstadt, Grenier advancing by Pachetzfeld, 
 Championnet marching upon Heinfeld, whilst Bernadotte, who had 
 
96 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 been directed to effect a junction with Moreau, and at the same time 
 to keep in check the archduke’s cavalry, which was beginning to bear 
 upon the right flank of the French columns, was proceeding to 
 Neumarck. The whole army was in march, and converging upon 
 Sulzbach. 
 
 Ney was in the van, and debouched in front of a range of plat- 
 forms, and hills strongly fortified and covered with numerous forces. 
 The artillery commanded the road, ready to thunder death and de- 
 struction upon the French as soon as they should appear ,* whilst the 
 Austrian cavalry was likewise prepared to receive those who might 
 penetrate within the line of fire, and attack and cut to pieces such of 
 the French columns as might be thrown into confusion by their 
 artillery. To reach the positions occupied by the main body, a swarm 
 of sharp-shooters must first be driven in, and the light infantry over- 
 thrown which filled the larch groves spread along the foot of 
 the hills. The fire of the latter must be braved, that also of the field- 
 pieces which defended the road, that of the batteries protecting the 
 plain, and lastly that of the troops formed along the skirts of the 
 wood. 
 
 The obstacles were immense, but Ney hesitated not to attempt 
 forcing the position. After halting and resting his men, he formed 
 them ; then making a short but energetic harangue, he ordered the 
 charge to be sounded. The light infantry advanced upon the wood, 
 the flankers towards the hill ; and this mode of operation, by dividing 
 the enemy’s attention, rendered the chance less unfavourable. Hohen- 
 lohe, however, was at the head of his men, whom he stimulated by 
 the most energetic appeals. The French were received with a 
 tremendous fire, which took them in front, in flank, on all sides in 
 short, and made a dreadful havoc in their ranks. But they remained 
 firm, and rushing impetuously towards the wood, at length reached 
 the imperialists. The onslaught now became dreadful ; the men 
 fought hand to hand, and the earth was strewed with corpses. At 
 last the Austrians fell back, and left the French masters of the field. 
 The Prince of Hohenlohe attempted to rally his troops ; but Ney 
 came suddenly upon them, overthrew them, and galloped towards 
 their commander, who was exhorting them to resistance, and who 
 escaped only by the fleetness of his horse. 
 
 The French now prepared to follow up their success. Masters of 
 the outer positions, and the enemy being in full flight, they were about 
 to crown the heights ; but Kray’s columns were already in motion, 
 and the ground becoming more and more rugged and difficult, they 
 were forced to halt and prepare to receive the attack of that general. 
 This was impetuous, and great courage was displayed on both sides. 
 The French obtained at first some slight advantage, forced back the 
 Austrians on the left, and ably maintained their ground in the centre ; 
 but fresh forces were constantly coming up to the assistance of the 
 imperialists, and the republicans were pressed on one side by General 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 97 
 
 Fink, on the other by Montfort, whilst General Elsnitz, at the head of 
 a heavy column, threatened to flank them. They could therefore no 
 longer maintain their ground, and were forced to fall back. 
 
 The general-in-chief now arrived upon the field of battle, and sent 
 reinforcements to the troops engaged. The republicans again moved 
 forward, manoeuvred on their wings, and changed the aspect of the 
 battle. Lefebvre advanced by Neukirchen ; Grenier penetrated into 
 the wood which covered the opposite flank of the mountains ; and 
 whilst the one endeavoured to turn the right of the enemy, and the 
 other the left, Ney, supported by troops withdrawn from the main 
 body, attacked the centre. Between the point of action and Sulzbach 
 the ground is covered with woods, intersected with small plains and 
 furrowed with deep ravines ; consequently no manoeuvre could be 
 executed with rapidity, nor could the marching be simultaneous. 
 Grenier drove back the enemy without being able either to shut them 
 up in the gorges, or confine them within the passes they were defend- 
 ing ; — so far from it, that they fell back from post to post, and from 
 peak to peak, until they occupied the last and most formidable of the 
 hills. 
 
 In front of Sulzbach is a rock covered with larch firs, whose sum- 
 mit forms a platform upon which five or six hundred men may be 
 drawn up. Inaccessible in front j it was defended on every other side by 
 troops and artillery. The high road runs along its left flank, which 
 forms an easy ascent, and is covered with fir trees. Further to the 
 left is a little plain surrounded with wood, which could not be entered 
 from the side on which the French forces were, except through a nar- 
 row defile. In the middle of the plain was a hamlet, with plantations 
 containing trees and hedges. The enemy having no fear for their 
 left, had neglected to occupy either this position, or that part of the 
 wood which extended beyond the plain in the same direction. This 
 fault soon became fatal to them. General Olivier, an active officer, 
 with an excellent eye and tried valour, who led the van of Grenier’s 
 division, threw himself into the wood and occupied it. The enemy 
 then perceiving the error they had committed, sent an overwhelming 
 force to retake the position ; but their efforts were vain : Olivier main- 
 tained himself in it, and assuming the offensive in his turn, drove his 
 assailants back upon the rock. Nor was this the most serious of 
 their checks : Ney, as well as Olivier, had taken advantage of their 
 oversight, and whilst they were endeavouring to retake the road, he 
 occupied the hamlet, and fined it with infantry. This movement had 
 escaped them, and they fell into the snare so ably laid. 
 
 A few companies of chasseurs debouched from the hamlet, and the 
 Latour dragoons hastened to meet them; but perceiving that they 
 hesitated and seemed little disposed to receive the charge, the dragoons 
 charged full gallop upon the hamlet, where, instead of an easy vic- 
 tory, they found only confusion and death. The infantry allowed 
 them to come within twenty paces, and did not fire until the horses 
 
 VOL* I. IS 
 
98 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were close to the bayonet-points. Men and horses bit the earth, and 
 they who escaped reached in great disorder the rock whence they had 
 set out. It was now seven o’clock in the evening, and the combat 
 had never ceased since the morning ; it was, on the contrary, increas- 
 ing in vehemence, and both parties redoubled their efforts. No artil- 
 lery could approach to aid the republicans ; — it might, it is true, have 
 been brought up on the right flank ; but on the left it was impossible, 
 for the enemy occupied the heights commanding the road ; the con- 
 test, therefore, remained to be settled at the point of the bayonet. 
 Tired of fighting without success, the French grenadiers attempted to 
 scale the rock. It was soft, its projecting parts gave way, and they 
 got only scratches and contusions for their pains. At length General 
 Lefebvre, having completed his movement, debouched and attacked 
 the heights. The engagement now became an act of desperation on 
 both sides. Night came on without ending the struggle ; the firing 
 continued, and the hostile forces sought each other in the dark. 
 
 At eleven o’clock, the French made a fresh charge ; their opponents 
 fell back upon the glacis of Sulzbach, and, covered by a ravine which 
 separated them from the rock, took up a position still more formida- 
 ble than that from which the French had found so much difficulty in 
 dislodging them. At this unexpected movement, the republicans 
 made a desperate charge, succeeded in breaking the Austrians, killed 
 great numbers of them, drove the remainder among the precipices, 
 and Ney accomplished his attempt to reach the road which leads to 
 Sulzbach. Here he sent forward his chasseurs, who charged the 
 flying enemy, and brought in a whole column of them as prisoners. 
 This was the end of French success on that memorable day. The 
 night was dark ; and General Championnet, engaged with the enemy 
 on the heights, was unable to debouch. 
 
 The Austrians retreated ; the French pursued them, and took pos- 
 session of Amberg. This town is situated at the foot of a hill, on the 
 right bank of the Wills, and is surrounded by a beautiful plain, in- 
 terspersed with gardens and orchards, and bounded by woods. The 
 road from Amberg to Ratisbon leaves this plain on the left, runs 
 through pines and larch firs, and then branches off into two parts, 
 pne leading to Bohemia, the other to Ratisbon. Wartensleben fol- 
 lowed the first of these branches, and took up his position with his 
 left on the Naab, and his right against the wood-crowned heights 
 behind Wolfering. This latter wing and the centre were protected 
 by morasses and felled trees. Numerous batteries commanded the 
 openings of the wood, and covered the other wing. The position was 
 formidable, and Collaud attempted to turn it. He despatched Ney to 
 Nabburg, and proceeded in person against Wolfering, which Kray 
 occupied with a considerable force. The action was long and ob- 
 stinately contested ; Grenier and Lefebvre were obliged to come up 
 with their forces. 
 
 Ney, stationed in the rear, beheld with anxiety an engagement in 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 99 
 
 which he could take no share. We have already stated that he oc- 
 cupied Nabburg, and the heights of Wolfering commanded a full view 
 of the plain. In vain did he attempt several times to debouch upon 
 Schwartzenfeldt ; an overwhelming force always came to meet him, 
 and obliged him to suspend his movement. One of his charges at 
 length succeeded ; the Austrian lines were broken, and he hoped to 
 be able to reach the field of battle. But Kray had taken precautions 
 to foil this attempt, by placing troops at short distances ; and the coun- 
 try was moreover covered with woods and ravines ; — so that with all 
 his exertions, Ney could not overcome the obstacles opposed to him. 
 His attacks, however, gave the Austrians great uneasiness ; and War- 
 tensleben, already assailed in front, and anticipating an attack upon 
 his flank, retreated, and the French army reached the Naab. 
 
 The republicans, now on the confines of Bohemia, and about to 
 assail Austria in its very vitals, were sanguine in their hopes of soon 
 bringing to a close the obstinate war which, during the last six years, 
 had caused so immense a loss of human life. Their long and tedi- 
 ous march had yet procured them no decided advantage, the Aus- 
 trians having always declined a battle ; and their progress was mark- 
 ed by no brilliant victory, nor by any striking success. But fortune 
 had not deserted them. They had entered upon their campaign with- 
 out provisions, and almost without the means of carriage; and in 
 their state of destitution, they showed what men can achieve under 
 the inspiration of courage and patriotism. They never received 
 rations of food until they had first fought for them ; they never ob- 
 tained necessaries, such as shoes and clothing, until they had taken 
 them from the enemy. Obliged to exist upon what the countries sup- 
 plied through which they passed, they were often reduced to the 
 most painful extremities. Frequently in want of cattle for their wag- 
 ons, they were even sometimes destitute of ammunition ; yet notwith- 
 standing all this, they attacked the enemy with the most admirable 
 courage, and pursued them with an intrepidity which nothing could 
 resist. In much less difficult situations, many celebrated armies had 
 been on the point of dissolution. The army of Sambre-et-Meuse dis- 
 played extraordinary firmness : it had called the Austrians to account 
 for the privations it endured, attacked them with the feelings of ex^ 
 asperation, roused by unmerited suffering ; and it had never encoun- 
 tered them, without achieving a victory. It had defeated them on 
 the 4th of July at Wildendorf, on the 9th at Butzbach, on the 1 Oth 
 at Friedberg, on the 5th of August at Zeil, on the 17th at Sulzbach, 
 and on the 20th at Wolfering. It had taken Siegan, Frankfort, 
 Friedberg, Wurtzburg, Schweinfurt, Konigshofen, Forcheim, and 
 Rottemberg. It had occupied Bamberg, Aschaffenburg, and Nu- 
 remberg. Although without the means of 4 constructing bridges, it 
 had never been stopped by any of the numerous streams which in- 
 tersect the difficult country in which the scene of its operations lay. 
 It had crossed the Sieg, the Lahn, the Nidda, the Maine, the Kentzig, 
 
100 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the Reich-Eberach, the Wiessent, the Rednitz, the Aurach, the 
 Schwalbach, the Pegnitz, and the Wills. Always in pursuit of a 
 retreating enemy, it may almost be said never to have beaten them, 
 but with the produce of a former defeat. The ammunition found at 
 Frankfort enabled it to conquer upon the Wiessent ; that which it 
 took at Nuremberg and at Forcheim, aided its triumph at Sulzbach 
 and at Wolfering. It had been supported by its conquests, which 
 had provided stores for its artillery, and funds for its military chest. 
 It had taken four thousand muskets, ten flags, nine hundred and 
 thirty-three pieces of ordnance, and it had now ammunition sufficient 
 for several battles. 
 
 These results were certainly not very great for six weeks of 
 marches and warfare ; but the Austrians had constantly declined giv- 
 ing battle, and the army could only seize such opportunities to distin- 
 guish itself as fortune offered. 
 
 t J a 
 
 
 i 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 101 
 
 BOOK THE THIRD. 
 
 . y . 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The Austrians had retreated to the other side of the Naab, pursu- 
 ed by the French, who were on the point of reaching Ratisbon, when 
 an untoward event completely altered the aspect of affairs. The 
 archduke, keeping Moreau in check with a portion of his forces, un- 
 expectedly debouched with the remainder upon the river Lahn. 
 Bernadotte fought valiantly; but neither the resistance of the latter at 
 Teining, nor the skill and bravery he displayed at Neumarkt, could 
 stop the progress of the Austrian Prince. The French army was 
 threatened in its rear ; and it became necessary to halt, make the 
 advanced columns fall back, and keep the communication open. 
 The artillery was immediately directed towards Sulzbach, and it be- 
 gan to retreat on the morning of the 23rd of August. The troops 
 followed at ten o’clock the same evening. They were now pursued 
 in their turn by Wartensleben ; and the archduke was coming upon 
 them by the road leading to Amberg. The former pressed upon 
 their rear, the latter threatened their flank, but the movement, though 
 in danger of being stopped, was nevertheless accomplished. 
 
 The whole army had crossed the Wills, with the exception of Ney, 
 who was alone with his brigade qn the left bank, when the enemy 
 came in sight. For a long time he fought and manoeuvred to secure 
 tfle retreat of the division to which he belonged. His men were worn 
 out with fatigue, and his instructions not very pressing.* The Aus- 
 
 * “Collaud’s division shall begin their march this evening at ten o’clock, 
 follow the high road, and encamp upon the heights behind Amberg. The 
 rear-guard' of this division, commanded by General Ney, shall set out at mid- 
 night, and cover the march of this division, and also that of Grenier’s division. 
 General Ney shall halt at the extremity of the wood behind Freyholtz, to 
 give the two divisions time to gain an advance upon him ; he shall then con- 
 tinue his march, and take up his position upon the heights in front of Am- 
 berg, where, by posts and patrols, he shall keep open a communication with 
 General Lefebvre. Collaud’s division shall leave a battalion at Amberg for 
 the defence of the town .” — Order of the 23rd of August. 
 
 The instructions for the following day were not more pressing than these. 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 1 02 
 
 trians, broken in ftiree successive charges, did not seem disposed to 
 renew the attack, and Ney thought he might give his men some rest. 
 He accordingly halted amid the groves and gardens with which the 
 plain, extending to the left of Amberg, is intersected ; but scarcely 
 had he quitted his stirrups, ere a host of Austrians poured upon his 
 small force. Kray himself had come up to give a fresh stimulus to 
 the exertions of the Austrian van ; and infantry, cavalry, and artillery 
 crowded in appalling numbers upon the French. 
 
 As there was nothing to be gained by a further contest, Ney wish- 
 ed to avoid coming to action, or at all events to circumscribe the at- 
 tack of the Austrians. He had with him two battalions of the 23d 
 light infantry ; these he ordered to retreat, whilst at the head of his 
 hussars he advanced upon the debouching columns ; but these were 
 so numerous, and at the same time so impetuous, that he found it im- 
 possible to keep them back’ They poured in, and spread like a tor- 
 rent upon the plain, and in a short time surrounded the French force 
 by which it was occupied. The contest was soon reduced to a hand- 
 ful of brave men contending for a passage through the ranks of their 
 enemies, whose masses became every instant more dense. Neverthe- 
 less, Ney did not lose confidence : his soldiers fully appreciated their 
 very critical situation ;— -they were silent, attentive, prompt in obedi- 
 ence to the word of command,— in a word, they were such as French 
 soldiers always are in the hour of imminent peril. Ney was obliged 
 to defend himself on the one side, and attack on the other. He fought 
 and manoeuvred with the most extraordinary coolness, and for an in- 
 stant succeeded in disengaging his cavalry ; but a ball having killed 
 his horse under him, his ranks were thrown into momentary confu- 
 sion. The Austrians took immediate advantage of this circumstance, 
 formed afresh, and succeeded in surrounding the two battalions of re- 
 treating infantry. In vain did Ney attempt to extricate them; the 
 hostile columns, by which they were assailed, rapidly increased in 
 numbers, and he was forced to leave them to their fate. They were 
 commanded by Dehay, an able and intrepid officer. As extreme 
 courage sometimes commands fortune, Ney still hoped that they might 
 be able to force their way. They attempted to do so by forming 
 themselves into a square and continuing their march. The Austrian 
 cavalry made a charge upon them ; they received it with calm firm- 
 ness ; and having repulsed it, continued their movement. The impe- 
 rialists charged again ; Dehay and his little force halted and again 
 drove them back. These repeated attacks exhausted the men; but 
 Dehay encouraged them and raised their drooping spirits. Having 
 formed in front of this square a rampart of the bodies of the slain and 
 the carcases of horses, he boldly awaited the attack. The Austrians 
 dared not approach this living citadel, and therefore, instead of men, 
 determined to employ grape-shot for its destruction. They brought 
 up their artillery to batter it in breach; they furrowed it with their 
 missiles — they poured their projectiles upon its ranks; — and when 
 
marshal ney. 
 
 103 
 
 those ranks were broken~when the brave men composing them were 
 nearly swept away by the artillery, the Austrians rushed upon them. 
 All who escaped the sword’s edge were trod to death by the Austrian 
 cavalry; but the rear-guard had in the mean time cut a passage 
 through the enemy, and the honour of the French arms still remained 
 untarnished. 
 
 But the republican army was in a very critical situation. The in- 
 habitants of countries forming the theatre of warfare, always wreak 
 their revenge upon defeated armies for abuse of power when victori- 
 ous. The French, after raising the most flattering hopes in the 
 countries they had conquered, had, instead of giving them reform and 
 freedom, oppressed them with intolerable burthens. There was, on 
 this account, a general exasperation throughout the country. They, 
 who had called for the French with the greatest impatience, were now 
 the most incensed of their enemies. The Count de Sodres appealed 
 to the mass of the population ; and this titled sans-culotte, whose ima- 
 gination had before run wild with the anticipated delights of revolu- 
 tion, now represented the French as ferocious invaders, who ought to 
 be hunted down and exterminated — as a race of oppressors who de- 
 served to be massacred without pity. Memorandes, on the other 
 hand, had much less regard for the rights of man than for his own 
 independence. He saw that Prussia was about to subdue his coun- 
 try ; the French had refused either to interfere or to treat with the 
 circle, and he could not forgive them for. their conduct on this occa- 
 sion. His reputation stood very high — he was extremely popular, 
 and he used these advantages to the detriment of the French, with a 
 vehemence which betrayed feelings of personal, not public interest. 
 
 il You see,” he cried, in the midst of a multitude by whom the 
 name of the King of Prussia was held in execration — “ you see what 
 we have to expect from the French. They promised assistance to 
 nations* and support to freedom. Behold them now the obsequious 
 courtiers of an insatiable despot, to whom they betray a generous 
 people. They destroy the hopes which themselves excited ; they re- 
 fuse to treat with the circle ; and that tyrant who attempted to strangle 
 French liberty in its birth — that tyrant who raised all Europe against 
 them, who nearly destroyed their republic, exhausted its treasure, and 
 immolated the best blood of its youthful citizens, is now the object of 
 their courtesy and predilection, to whom they would fain sacrifice and 
 betray us.” 
 
 Harangues like this, the exactions of the soldiery, and more parti- 
 cularly the number of hostages carried off each day, excited a lamen- 
 table spirit of hostility throughout the whole country ; a feeling of 
 opposition and dislike to the French was every where manifested. A 
 portion of Prince Charles’s forces had continued to advance upon the 
 Pegnitz, whilst the other pushed on towards the Naab. The com- 
 munications of the French army were cut off; it was forced to throw 
 itself into the mountains,, and trust solely to the information and indi- 
 
104 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cations furnished by the inhabitants. It could not, hpwever, place 
 much reliance upon the latter ; still, as the country was difficult, and 
 the gorges of the mountains deep and extensive, it was sometimes 
 necessary to use the information given by these peasants ; but, when- 
 ever this was the case, the republicans had ample proofs to what ex- 
 cess of perfidy a people may be led by disappointment. At one time 
 the French army was led into a defile, from which it had great diffi- 
 culty in extricating itself ; at another it was diverted from the only 
 good road which the country afforded. It nevertheless continued to 
 advance ; but reverses and misfortune destroy the confidence of sol- 
 diers in their commanders, and some of the troops obeyed but imper- 
 fectly, others slowly maVched on with listless apathy. Jourdan, who 
 was never acted upon by personal motives, thought himself called 
 upon to resign the command, and he did so with noble candour. He 
 addressed the following despatch to the Directory. 
 
 “ As, in accepting the chief command of an army, I was actuated 
 by no other ambition than that of serving my country to the best of 
 my humble abilities, and so long only as I could, in my own judg- 
 ment, do it with advantage, it is my duty to make known to you, that 
 the good of the service requires I should no longer retain the com- 
 mand of the army of Sambre-et- Meuse. I have lost the confidence of 
 the Generals under me, and have no doubt that they consider me un- 
 worthy of being at their head. Nevertheless I think they will do 
 justice to my probity, zeal,. and readiness in every thing relating to 
 the service, and that on these points I enjoy their esteem. 
 
 “ You, must feel, Citizens Directors, that as I have lost the confi- 
 dence of the Generals under my command, I shall soon lose that of 
 the subordinate officers, and ultimately of the common soldiers. My 
 recall is therefore urgent, as well as the appointment of a commander- 
 in-chief whose military talents will inspire the confidence which 1 
 have no longer the power of inspiring. I think the Generals would 
 be pleased were they to see General Kleber at their head. 
 
 “ You will doubtless perceive, Citizens Directors, that in this step I 
 am actuated solely by my devotion to the public weal, and the desire 
 of being useful to my country, even when I quit her service.”* 
 
 The army had struggled during seven days among rugged and bar- 
 ren mountains ; both officers and men were worn out with fatigue and 
 want ; yet the privates haj not, like the Generals, lost confidence in 
 their leader. Still actuated by the same ardour and courage, they 
 could not bear to be driven back by troops whom, during the last 
 three years, they had been accustomed always to beat. On the other 
 hand, Latour had been defeated on the banks of the Lech ; the dis- 
 proportion of the hostile forces might change from one instant to an- 
 other; and a rapid march might carry back the French army to 
 Nuremberg : Jourdan consequently halted. The archduke continued 
 
 Schweinfurt, September 1, 1796. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 105 
 
 to follow the republican army with his whole force. The battle of 
 Wurtzburg only aggravated the situation of the latter : the French 
 were defeated ; and all the peaceable inhabitants of the country took 
 up arms, cut off the French detachments, and surprised their convoys. 
 
 The woods and defiles were equally fatal to the republicans, who 
 never approached a glen without being assailed with a thunder of 
 musquetry and cannon. They nevertheless overcame every difficulty, 
 crossed the Lahn, and debouched upon the Acher ; but the rapidity 
 of their march tended to increase the hostility evinced by the inhabit- 
 ants of the country, who, supposing the French completely lost, aimed 
 only at securing the spoil of what they deemed a discomfited army. 
 A detachment had nearly reached Attendorn. A report was spread 
 that it escorted the military chest, and such was truly the case. The 
 people ran to arms ; bailies and burgomasters co-operated in the at- 
 tack, and the chest was captured. But the country authorities, though 
 united for the attack, did not agree in dividing the spoil. One thought 
 his share too small, another cried out with indignation at the portion 
 assigned to a third. The public treasury interfered, the nobles set 
 up claims, and the whole country was thrown into confusion. Ney, 
 knowing the cause of this turmoil, took his measures for bringing the 
 quarrel to an issue. He was aware that the burgomaster, who had 
 led the attack, was an old miser, whom the hope of booty had ren- 
 dered valiant ; and that the principal accomplice in the feat was a 
 manufacturer of steel, who likewise had become warlike upon specula- 
 tion. Both were men of considerable property. He therefore turned 
 back, routed the troops that covered Attendorn, and succeeded in car- 
 rying off these two men, whom he forced to return to the military 
 chest fourteen hundred thousand francs, which they had taken as 
 their share of the booty. 
 
 The Austrians were but lukewarm in their pursuit of the columns 
 they had defeated at Wurtzburg. But they did better; they followed 
 the chord of the arc they had been forced to describe in their pro- 
 gress, and proceeded to meet the French force under the command of 
 Marceau. They hoped to beat the latter as they had done his col- 
 league, and by interposing betwixt the two armies, and preventing 
 their junction, either to annihilate the French entirely, or to drive 
 them across the Rhine. 
 
 Marceau’s situation was critical. With only an effective force of 
 seventeen thousand men, he saw an immense army, flushed with vic- 
 tory, debauch upon him. But he displayed equal talent and intre- 
 pidity. He raised the siege of such places as he could no longer ex- 
 pect to carry, concentrated his force, marched towards the Austrians, 
 routed the first detachments he fell in with, fought, manoeuvred, and 
 gained time. He at length effected a junction with Jourdan ; and if 
 the French army had undergone reverses, it nevertheless withdrew 
 without having encountered any fatal defeat. But it met with an ir- 
 reparable loss in the death of one of its generals. Marceau received 
 
 VOL. I. 14 
 
106 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 a gun-shot wound which in a short time assumed so dangerous ail 
 appearance that he could not be removed. But a wounded enemy is 
 always treated as a friend by soldiers of honour. The Austrian 
 Generals showed how much they were touched at. his misfortune. 
 The archduke paid him a visit ; and the brave and venerable Kray, 
 much more afflicted than Marceau himself, did not quit him until he 
 had breathed his last. Marceau expired amid the homage paid by 
 his noble enemies to his great qualities as a man and a general. All 
 commanders have not been so fortunate. 
 
 The army had reached the Sieg when Bournonville joined it. He 
 found the men almost naked, and in the disorder and discouragement 
 attendant upon defeat. The task he had undertaken was one of 
 alarming responsibility, and it quite appalled him. Brave, but with- 
 out experience in war, he saw in the tumultuous state of the retreating 
 columns only the most irremediable disorganization, and in the petty 
 pilfering produced by starvation, nothing but the most profound im- 
 morality. He treated the common soldiers like a mob of Vandals, 
 and included in the same reprobation officers and generals. Some of 
 the latter could not repress the disgust excited by their long sufferings, 
 and resigned. He treated these in the most outrageous manner, 
 threatened to have them led at the head of the army with their hands 
 tied behind them, and then shot as cowards deserting their colours at 
 the moment of danger. 
 
 Ernouf and Jourdan persisting in their resignation, his anger ex- 
 ceeded all bounds. Imagining that they wanted to make away with 
 the papers they were to deliver up to him, he uttered the coarsest 
 invectives against them, and in his despatches to the government, 
 brought charges against both. 
 
 “ Not,” he wrote, “ that I attach great importance to the services 
 of Ernouf; for what can be expected from a staff officer who always 
 keeps himself at a distance of thirty leagues from the field of battle, 
 mislays his correspondence, and loses even his orderly book ? But I 
 will not, however, suffer him to retire from the service until he hands 
 over to his successor all the documents he possesses. Jourdan seems 
 to participate in these criminal intentions, and I shall consequently 
 adopt the same line of conduct towards him as towards Ernouf. I 
 will not allow him to withdraw from the army until he has delivered 
 up to me a true list of every thing he leaves behind, and furnished 
 authentic evidence of the state of the troops on my assuming the com- 
 mand. I must confess, Citizens Directors, that I expected better 
 things from this general. I proposed to him to share with me the 
 command of the two armies ; he should have kept the right, and I 
 would have taken the left. Not only has he declined this offer, but 
 he will not even retain the command of the army of the North. Al- 
 though he has not been quite candid in his communications to me, 
 since we have been brought into connexion with each other, l would 
 nevertheless have made it my glory to preserve his reputation. But 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 107 
 
 I cannot with decency ask of you any thing for a general who for- 
 sakes his army at the period of a complete rout and total disorganiza- 
 tion-.”* 
 
 Nor in truth could he ask for any thing ; for what could be offered 
 to a man devoid of ambition, who had disinterestedly devoted his whole 
 life to the service of his country, and who, raised by fortune to the 
 command of an army, had only accepted it at the cost of his personal 
 feelings ? 
 
 “ During five years,” Jourdan wrote to the Directory, “ I have 
 served the republic in different ranks, and I have neglected nothing 
 in my power for the fulfilment of my duties. I know not by what 
 chance I was raised to the rank of general of brigade, and succes- 
 sively to that of general-in-chief. I never solicited such promotion, 
 and I have always declared that I was not qualified for such an im- 
 portant office as the latter. Having, however, been forced under 
 peculiar circumstances to accept it, I have worked day and night to 
 acquire military talent, and have endeavoured to make up for want 
 of experience by the greatest activity. If my endeavours have net 
 always been successful, I have at least done all in my power to make 
 them so. I have been supported, in the toilsome career I have run, 
 by my earnest love of freedom. I have ever proved myself a friend 
 to order, and an obedient slave to the law. The feelings of my heart 
 have led me to command by the confidence of friendship ; and from 
 the moment I perceived that these feelings were not reciprocal, I did 
 not hesitate to sacrifice my military renown and my personal interest, 
 by demanding my recall. I never belonged to any faction ; and 
 whenever any internal commotion has occurred in the republic, being 
 too far off to be able to appreciate its causes, I have always calmly 
 awaited the result, occupying my mind only with the means of de- 
 feating the foreign enemies of my country. Such, Citizen Directors, 
 has been my military conduct ; if you think it merits your approba- 
 tion, I should be proud to receive an intimation of it. At all events 
 I beg to assure you, that although I have returned to the rank of 
 simple citizen, the republican government will ever find in me a sin- 
 cere and zealous defender. I shall busy myself, in my retirement, 
 with studying the art of war ; and shall seek to acquire the know- 
 ledge necessary to a general who would perform his duties worthily ; 
 and if, when I have joined a careful study of the theory to the expe- 
 rience acquired during a practice of five extremely active campaigns, 
 I could be usefully employed in the service of the republic, I would 
 then with pleasure accept such employment. 
 
 u I have likewise the honour to inform you that Citizen Marceau 
 has died of his wounds. The zeal, military talents, and bravery of 
 this officer must make his loss severely felt by every true patriot, 
 whilst the qualities of his heart must render him an object of true re- 
 
 * Bournonville’s letter to the Directory, dated September 20th, 1796. 
 
108 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 gret to his personal friends. The Austrian generals have done justice 
 to his military merit. During the short time he lived after his 
 wound, they showed him the most distinguished attention and kind- 
 ness, and the Archduke Charles allowed his body to be brought back 
 to the army by the officers I had left with him. . He will be buried 
 with military honours, of which he is in every respect worthy, at the 
 camp of La Chartreuse near Coblentz. 
 
 “ Health and Respect. 
 
 “ JoURDAN.” 
 
 “Cologne, September 25th, 1796.” 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 Bournonville’s debut was not a happy one ; but the enemy were 
 at hand, and his conduct was overlooked in the occupation caused by 
 their progress. The different corps were nearly assembled, and had 
 been joined by fresh generals with reinforcements. The masses were 
 organized anew, the different commands distributed, and each took 
 possession of his post. 
 
 With the right wing, General Ligneville covered the Moselle and 
 the Sarre ; the centre, commanded by Kleber, formed a corps of ob- 
 servation along the Rhine from Bingen to Cologne ; and Macdonald 
 took up a position with the left upon the Strunderback. The latter 
 is a torrent, which was each day swollen by the rain ; but its volume 
 not being considerable enough to stop an enterprising enemy, it was 
 fortified and intrenched ; and as it was intended to secure from incur- 
 sions the plains of the Duchy of Berg, which still offered some re- 
 sources, Ney was directed with a corps of flankers to keep the ap- 
 proaches clear and protect them against the enemy. This corps, 
 consisting of the 6th and 9th chasseurs, the 20th light infantry, and 
 a battalion of the 105th was assembled at Opladen. Ney assumed 
 the command on the 25th of September, and on the following day 
 began his march towards Sollingen. He immediately extended his 
 patrols along the banks of the Sieg, thereby spreading uneasiness in 
 the Austrian cantonments. His object was less to fight than to ob- 
 serve — less to join the enemy than to penetrate their intentions. He 
 pushed his parties through their lines of posts, sent his agents among 
 their rear, explored their works and establishments, and discovered 
 at last that the earth which they were moving at Ukerath, and their 
 pretended works at Neukirch, had no other object than that of keep- 
 ing the French in a state of alarm; that, suffering like the latter 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 109 
 
 from famine, the imperial army was unable to attempt any offensive 
 operation. 
 
 This was of some consequence, no doubt ; but the enterprizes and 
 exertions of the enemy were matters of but secondary importance. 
 That which rendered the situation of the French army more compli- 
 cated was, the irremediable want of the first necessaries of life — the 
 cruel state of deprivation which accompanied it every where. The 
 republicans had performed a march of three hundred leagues ; men 
 and horses, both equally exhausted with fatigue, required to have 
 their strength recruited, and they found, upon the banks of the Acher, 
 the same deplorable abandonment which they had encountered on 
 those of the Wiessent. There were neither stores, nor provisions, 
 nor pay ; yet the enemy were at hand, and the cold weather was 
 becoming daily more intense. The troops could not withstand this 
 excess of wretchedness, and Ney was forced to come to their assist- 
 ance. 
 
 He seized the forage which was still in the fields, and levied im- 
 posts upon the villages, demanding bread from some and cattle from 
 others. In this manner he contrived to collect the provisions which 
 ought to have been provided by the civil administration attached to 
 the army. The latter was at that period under the charge of a man 
 who pretended to principle, who supplied the troops with nothing, and 
 yet would not have them become a burthen to the country in which 
 they were. He charged the former to exact nothing, and the latter 
 to supply nothing. Strange as this may seem, it was nevertheless 
 the plan he pursued. The commanders of the army, persuaded that 
 he had the means of providing necessaries for the troops, suspended 
 their demands upon the inhabitants of the country. For two days 
 they expected that rations would be issued ; but as none came, they 
 had recourse to their former expedients. The burgomasters, however, 
 had now a pretext for eluding the charges of the occupation, and 
 availed themselves of it with the most inflexible cruelty. If a soldier 
 invoked their humanity in his own behalf, they opposed to his solici- 
 tations the order of the government commissary ; if he begged a 
 handful of hay for the animal which had shared his dangers and often 
 saved his life, they threatened to sound the alarm-bell. The men 
 were reduced to live by their industry, and the horses either to feed 
 upon rye straw, or browse in the woods. Dreadful as such a situa- 
 tion was, neither the commander of a wing nor any other general 
 officer on duty dared to put an end to it. Each feared to commit 
 himself with the stern proconsul, who, himself well sheltered and well 
 fed, coldly condemned the poor soldiers to starvation. 
 
 Ney, less timid, allowed the government commissary to pursue his 
 philanthropic course, and once more made his flankers live at the ex- 
 pense of the country. This the inhabitants most strenuously resisted ; 
 — both peasants and magistrates refused to bear the burthen ; rigour 
 became necessary to enforce it, and, thanks to the imprudent measure 
 
110 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of the proconsul, the troops which had at first been well received in 
 every village, were now in open hostility with the population. Ney 
 persisted nevertheless, for the necessities of the army were imperious. 
 He assembled the burgomasters, laid before them the exact state of 
 things, and persuaded them to grant with a good grace the supplies 
 they could not ultimately avoid contributing. The meeting took 
 place at Huckeswagen, and the magistrates immediately proceeded 
 to fix the amount of contribution which each was to bear, assessing 
 indiscriminately those who had suffered by the war and those whom 
 it had not touched. This cold indifference roused the indignation of 
 Ney, who, merciful even amid such trying circumstances, demanded 
 that such as had been ruined by passing events, should be exempted. 
 The magistrates of Wipperfurt seemed little disposed to yield to this 
 demand ; but Ney took a pen and wrote a few lines, which he handed 
 to them, to the following effect. 
 
 “ In consideration of the losses which a great portion of the citizens 
 of Wipperfurt sustained at the period when that commune was almost 
 entirely destroyed by fire, the magistrates and burgomasters of the 
 town are hereby enjoined not to include, under any pretence what- 
 ever, any inhabitant who suffered by the fire, either in the charges of 
 provisions and forage to be supplied to the troops of the republic, or 
 in the share of contributions imposed upon the said commune of Wip- 
 perfurt. The villages, farms, and hamlets shall alone support the 
 expenses of the war.” 
 
 “ Huckeswagen, 3rd Frirnaire, Year V. 
 
 (November 23, 1796.)” 
 
 This lesson of humanity was not lost. The magistrates felt that 
 the general who watched over the interests of those whom they go- 
 verned, had a right to force them to provide the necessaries of life 
 for his soldiers. They therefore collected cattle, bread, and forage ; 
 and if they did not supply all that circumstances required, they at 
 least saved the troops from starvation. On the other hand, Ney 
 sought the means of indemnifying them for their supplies. Some of 
 the inhabitants of Attendorn were still in possession of the funds of 
 which they had robbed the military chest. This hostile population 
 supplied the Austrians with provisions and forage ; they were filling 
 the storehouses which Elsnitz had built at W eyerbusch ; and Ney 
 thought it not impossible to recover from them what remained of their 
 spoil, and to exact from their villages the provisions of which the 
 French army was still in need. 
 
 The sky was clouded, and the rain fell without intermission. 
 This appeared to him the most favourable moment, and he accord- 
 ingly sent out parties and detachments in all directions. These glided 
 through the woods, took advantage of the inequalities of the ground. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 Ill 
 
 and alternately prudent and daring, succeeded in debouching on the 
 other side of Attendorn. They dispersed the guards, seized the pro-, 
 visions, and spread confusion and terror among the inhabitants. 
 
 On receiving intelligence of this coup-de-main, Elsnitz ran to arms : 
 withdrawing his forces from the spot where his forage was, in order 
 to carry assistance to those who had supplied it, he advanced to At- 
 tendorn, accusing the French of having violated the line of neutrality; 
 but this was not the case, for the latter had passed Attendorn under 
 cover of the fog and rain. It was of some importance, however, to 
 remove this imputation. As the French had been beaten, Prussia, 
 always disposed to side with the strongest, only wanted a pretence 
 for hostility, and Ney was anxious not to give her one. He there- 
 fore combated and discussed the complaints made to that power, and 
 proved that he had neither violated its territory nor its rights. In 
 explaining away, however, a grievance of which the King of Prussia 
 might take advantage, he did not neglect his own interests. The 
 sudden movement made by General Elsnitz, and the rapidity with 
 which the latter had brought his forces towards Attendorn, had re- 
 vealed his weakness, and the indication was not lost. A blow, more- 
 over, had been already struck ; the Austrian cavalry had been driven 
 back upon the rear, and the infantry Was deserted in the midst of the 
 mud. Ney prepared to attack and force it back upon the Sieg ; but 
 Bournonville being himself about to attempt a diversion for the pur- 
 pose of relieving Moreau, who was still exposed to the brunt of Aus- 
 trian masses, this operation was deferred. The General-in-chief 
 exaggerated to himself the importance of his own undertaking, and 
 in his dispatches to Ney spoke of nothing but the difficulties which it 
 presented. 
 
 “ They are less than you seem to think,” Ney wrote to him ; “and 
 if I had notice in time of the movements you intend to make, I could 
 render them still more easy. I could without trouble attempt a use- 
 ful diverson, force the enemy upon Attendorn, and carry off, or at 
 least destroy, the stores collected at Weyerbusch. This coup-de- 
 main would render the passage of the Acher and that of the Sieg 
 much easier, should the enemy attempt to defend them, and perhaps 
 it would bring us by a single leap to the Maine.” 
 
 Bournonville did not aspire to such high renown. Waiting or 
 planning was now impossible ; it was necessary to act immediately. 
 The enterprise was however beyond the strength of that general, and 
 he thought only of resigning the command, or at all events of sharing 
 it with some other officer. He now offered to Pichegru what he 
 had formerly proposed to Jourdan ; but Pichegru having become 
 odious to the Directory, Bournonville was informed that such a 
 thing was out of the question, and he must cross the Lahn and proceed 
 to the Rednitz. This despatch threw him into a dreadful state of 
 anxiety. 
 
 “The Lahn!” he wrote in consternation, “ the Lahn ! I can doubt- 
 
112 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 less reach it, provided 1 have bread to enable me to cross the desert 
 which separates me from it, and wagons for my wounded, that I may 
 not leave them to the ravens of the forest. But the Rednitz ! No, 
 Citizen Minister, that can never be. I have neither bread, hay, meat, 
 nor oats, and I cannot push on to the Rednitz. Confide the enter- 
 prise to some one who fears not being beaten. Appoint Kleber, or 
 Scherer, or Hoche. You will kill me if you insist upon my perform- 
 ing this painful pilgrimage.”* 
 
 The Directory gave the preference to Kleber ; but the latter, who 
 enjoyed the embarrassment of his commander, and delighted in laugh- 
 ing at him, declined the proffered honour. 
 
 “ I know,” said he to Bournonville, “ the influence you have had 
 in this flattering appointment. But can I accept it ?” 
 
 “ Why not?” inquired Bournonville. 
 
 “ I will tell you,” Kleber replied, with his habitual irony. “ To 
 be a commander-in-chief requires qualifications which I am far from 
 possessing ; the leader of an army like ours must be able to unite 
 to the talents required for the practice of war, those of administration ; 
 and I am a mere soldier.” 
 
 The government commissary, who was present, uttered an eulo- 
 gium upon Kleber’s modesty, and called to mind the courage and 
 ability of which he had given so many proofs. 
 
 “ This is all very fine,” said Kleber ; “ perhaps I might be able to 
 command one or two divisions ; nay more — perhaps with such a force 
 I might obtain some success, — at least I have done so before.” And, 
 looking hard at Bournonville, he added : “ To carry on operations with 
 the courage and audacity which lead to victory, is easy to one who 
 is attentive to his duties; but to combine manoeuvres, and make all 
 their different parts proceed simultaneously, it is necessary to be a 
 great man,— -one peculiarly gifted by nature.” 
 
 Bournonville, at first disconcerted by these ironical remarks, soon 
 recovered himself. He had the conviction of his own incapacity, and 
 was particularly anxious to lighten the burthen under which he was 
 sinking. Unable to shift it entirely from his own shoulders to those 
 of Kleber, he endeavoured to make the latter share it with him. 
 But in this he was not more successful, and all that he gained by the 
 attempt was a fresh eulogium upon his talents as a commander. 
 The Commissary now thought proper to add his entreaties to those 
 of Bournonville, but let slip some unhappy expressions relative to the 
 perseverance and discipline of the army. Kleber stopped him at the 
 very outset of his speech. 
 
 “ The army,” said the latter, “ has given proof that it can fight 
 and suffer. I do not think that any one can attribute its reverses to a 
 want of either discipline or courage. If our troops have given way, it is 
 because human suffering has its limits, and that the bravest men 
 
 • Letter dated October 4th. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 113 
 
 cannot long contend against hunger. Make for the soldier but one 
 half of the sacrifices which he daily makes for you ; let him be suf- 
 ficiently clad to brave the inclemency of the weather — let him have 
 now and then wherewith to drag on his painful existence — let him see 
 in his rear a wagon to carry him off the field when wounded, and 
 you will then perceive what he is capable of doing, and to what a 
 pitch of heroism he can elevate himself. The insubordination to 
 which he has for an instant given way is the result of the culpable 
 indifference with which he is treated, and the constant want in which 
 he is kept. Obviate the dreadful penury which overcomes and exas- 
 perates him — force the people in your own department to perform 
 their duties, and your contractors to fulfil their engagements, and you 
 will then obtain victories, and no more have to reproach the troops 
 with defeats caused by your own negligence.” 
 
 Kleber had waxed wroth. In vain did the commissary protest that 
 he had collected a store of clothes and shoes, and that for the last 
 three days there had been no want of bread. Kleber withdrew, 
 censuring his culpable neglect of his duties, and Bournonville was 
 obliged to retain a command in which he could find neither a succes- 
 sor nor a colleague. The time for action was thus consumed ; Moreau 
 reached the left bank, and there was no further necessity for pushing on 
 towards the Lahn. But inaction was soon succeeded by disgust. 
 Some of the generals retired from illness and disappointment, and for 
 these it was necessary to find successors. Grenier and Championnet 
 recommended some generals to fill up these vacancies, whom Bour- 
 nonville proposed in the following despatch. 
 
 GENERAL BOURNONVILLE TO THE MINISTER AT WAR. 
 
 “ Bonn, January 10th, 1797. 
 
 “ You inform me, -Citizen Minister, in your letter of the 6th instant, 
 that General Lefebvre, commanding the van-guard of the army of 
 Sambre-et-Meuse, is to join the army on the coast under the command 
 of General Hoche, and you direct me to transfer the force under his 
 command to another officer. 
 
 General Kleber likewise quits this army the day after to-morrow, 
 and General Bernadotte has already left it with a column proceeding 
 to Italy. Lastly, General Ligneville, whose constitution is destroyed 
 by a disorder of the chest and the fatigue of the service, has just 
 been obliged to retire, for the recovery of his health, behind his line 
 of cantoriment. 
 
 “ The following, Citizen Minister, are the changes I beg to suggest 
 to you under these circumstances, and I likewise beg leave to add my 
 observations upon those who abandoned' me prior to the armistice, 
 and whom, on my arrival at Paris, I should have proposed to you to 
 intersperse among the other armies. 
 
 “ General Kleber has real talent ; but it would be difficult to find a 
 
 VOL. I. 15 
 
114 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 vainer man, or one more susceptible of offence and fonder of domi- 
 neering. I think him badly qualified for subordination ; but as he 
 knows how to enforce* it, I proposed him to you as general-in-chief. 
 Had he accepted this nomination, he would doubtless have performed 
 brilliant feats. It is, however, bad policy to retain a man so disgusted 
 with the service, and I protest that I have neglected nothing to raise 
 his courage. 
 
 “ Generals Lefebvre and Bernadotte are entirely devoted to Kleber. 
 They are two valiant soldiers who have been withdrawn from this 
 army. It was perhaps necessary for us to separate, and I should 
 have brought this about had I resumed offensive operations ; but it is 
 too bad at present to deprive of such men an army so deficient as this 
 is, in able generals. 
 
 “ It is very probable that the delicate state of General Ligneville’s 
 .health will henceforth prevent him from pursuing any very active 
 mode of warfare. I consider this officer one of the best commanders 
 of a column which this army contains. He is brave, prudent, and 
 bold when requisite. He possesses real talent, is acquainted with the 
 art of war, and is well qualified to command a military division. 
 
 “ The following, Citizen Minister, are the appointments which I 
 venture to suggest, in consequence of the changes that have taken 
 place as above stated. 
 
 “ I recommend your proposing to the Directory that brigadier- 
 general Ney be appointed general of division, to command the van- * 
 guard in the place of General Lefebvre. This officer, intrepid in 
 action, has during the campaign, covered himself with glory. He 
 has always commanded corps in the van-guard, and is the only one I 
 know who could efficiently command that of the army of Sambre- 
 et-Meuse. 
 
 “ I have provisionally appointed General Bonnard successor to 
 General Bernadotte ; but this officer, who has been taken from the 
 artillery, is better qualified to command a fortified place. 
 
 “ I would propose to you, as commander of a wing, General 
 Souham, commanding the ‘24th division. This officer, who has often 
 asked to serve in line, greatly distinguished himself in the North ; I 
 can send General Ligneville to succeed him at Brussels. 
 
 “ By this arrangement Generals Souham, Ney, and Bonnard, 
 would take the places of Generals Kleber, Lefebvre, and Bernadotte. 
 General Moreau can determine, when he arrives, whether or not 
 he will retain General Bonnard, who has also evinced military 
 talent. 
 
 “ May I request, Citizen Minister, that you will propose the above 
 promotions and changes to the executive Directory ? I must observe that 
 1 remain alone with Generals Grenier and Championnet, and that, 
 under the circumstance of the army being so weakened, it is indis- 
 pensable that no vacancy should be left unfilled. It is moreover 
 
MARSHAL NEW 
 
 115 . 
 
 urgent that every General should be at his post to organize the 
 several divisions, and put them in a fit state to enter upon the 
 campaign. 
 
 “ Health and Fraternity. 
 
 “ Bournonville.” 
 
 Such was the opinion which Ney had raised of his abilities and 
 courage, and such the destiny allotted to him. But the Directory 
 now felt how dangerous it would be to impose upon a commander a 
 task which by his own confession was beyond his power ; Bournon- 
 ville was therefore recalled, but the other appointments were made as 
 he had recommended. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The rigour of the season increased daily, and the consumption 
 of each day rendered the supplies of the morrow more uncertain. 
 The sensitiveness of the Directory was therefore unattended to, and 
 a suspension of arms concluded. The army, peaceably reposing 
 in its cantonments, imposed no very arduous duties upon its com- 
 mander, and Moreau was directed to add to the duties of his own 
 command that of directing the several corps under the command of 
 his colleague. He accordingly set about making such changes in 
 the latter as accorded with his own views. He organized them 
 afresh, and gave them new commanders ; he sent Ney from the left 
 wing, which had now no active duty to perform, to the right, which 
 was to be ready for sudden and energetic attack on the renewal of 
 hostilities. But the Directory was too jealous to leave so large a 
 force under the control of one man ; and Hoche, who had just been 
 prevented by contrary winds from landing in Ireland, was despatched 
 to take the command of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse. 
 
 This general now appeared on the banks of the Rhine after an 
 absence of four years. He had in the mean time overcome the 
 emigrants, pacified La Vendee, and alarmed England : he was there- 
 fore received as a man ought to be, who united the genius of a 
 statesman to his military talents. Lefebvre, Championnet, and 
 Grenier, his lieutenants of the army of Moselle, were delighted to 
 be under his command, and the veteran soldiers exclaimed, as when 
 he first appeared upon the Saare, “ Courage and confidence, fellow 
 soldiers ; we shall* now awake from our trance. Our new commander 
 
116 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 is young as the revolution, and robust as the people. He will lead 
 us as Frenchmen ought to be led.”* 
 
 General Hoche arrived at Cologne on the 23d of February, where 
 he found Championnet and Moreau. Though bound to the former by 
 ties of the closest friendship, he had never seen the latter ; but both 
 had entered the service at the same period, and both were among the 
 most famed of the French generals. Their first interview was highly 
 gratifying to both. “ Hoche was delighted, Moreau evinced real sa- 
 tisfaction, and each had no other wish than worthily to beat the ene- 
 my.” The former, nevertheless, was anxious to ascertain the feel- 
 ings of the troops, and the events which had led to so unaccountable 
 a retreat. It appeared that all who composed the French forces were 
 not particularly fond of the field of battle ; but the real patriots had at 
 length gained the upper hand, the disorganization had been checked, 
 and, thanks to the exertions of Championnet, the whole army had 
 been preserved from ruin. 
 
 These details naturally led to painful communications. The sources 
 of the evils against which the army was struggling, were pointed out, 
 and all the frauds and artifices of the civil administration attached to 
 the army, laid open to General Hoche, who resolved to reform all 
 abuses. He had an explanatory correspondence with the Directory 
 on the subject, whose attention he again called to the complaints 
 which had already been made against the agents for provisioning the 
 troops. He determined to do without those administrations always 
 attached to the French armies, and who seem to consider it their duty 
 to leave the men in want of the very necessaries of life. The com- 
 plaints against them were general, and every one loudly exclaimed 
 against the excesses in which they indulged. 
 
 Had such administrations been composed even of the most honest 
 of men, Hoche would still have been of opinion that they ought to be 
 suppressed. They were, in his judgment, very expensive without 
 doing any real service. Most of the individuals employed in them 
 were ignorant of the language of the country, and had no knowledge 
 whatever of the productions of the soil or of the fortunes of the differ- 
 ent inhabitants. They were moreover opinionated, unreasonable, and 
 devoid of talent. Their imprudent exaggerations — their bad political 
 and administrative notions, seemed to the general calculated to injure 
 the cause of the revolution, and cast odium upon the republican go- 
 vernment. 
 
 Instead of the multitude of rapacious men then employed, it seemed 
 to Hoche much more advisable to restore to the inhabitants their na- 
 tural administrators, the bailies, and to place the church property 
 once more in the hands of the chapters, by whom it had been so long 
 administered. 
 
 Journal of the army of Moselle. 
 
MARSHAL NET. 
 
 117 
 
 Economy seemed to dictate these measures, and he did not think 
 that good policy would disavow them. Administration, he observed, 
 is a family matter ; and no one can well administer that with which 
 he is unacquainted. To distribute equitably the charges which each 
 is to bear, it is necessary to know the personal resources of each in- 
 dividual — to have an exact notion of what he possesses. The bur- 
 then is much lighter when it's weight is properly distributed ; the po- 
 pulation remain peaceable, and the supplies derived from them arc 
 more abundant. The chapters had shown the superiority of a well 
 understood administration of property. Such among them — and as 
 an instance let us adduce Closterbock* — as could not provide food for 
 seven or eight hundred men when their estates were in the hands of 
 the French agents, fed ten thousand when the same estates were ad- 
 ministered by the monks. 
 
 This seemed decisive to Hoche, and he resolved to adopt a plan 
 sanctioned by experience. He therefore purposed to restore to the 
 inhabitants, their own government, tribunals, and magistrates, and 
 direct the chief Commissaire-Ordonnateur, under his (the general’s) 
 own inspection, to demand the supplies which the troops might re- 
 quire. This project seemed strange to many with whom the old sys- 
 tem of French exaction was in especial .favour, but it was a wise 
 one. 
 
 Hoche, in his personal opinions, had already yielded to influence 
 from which no one is exempt, that of* time ; he no longer displayed 
 that tender solicitude which he had formerly shown in favour of the 
 sans-culottes, whom he did not now think of clothing in “ satin waist- 
 coats and velvet breeches.”f He had no longer “ the mania of mu- 
 nicipalizing Europe. Experience had corrected him ; and he now 
 scarcely thought that the Palatinate, the Archbishoprick of Treves, 
 and the Duchy of Berg, ought to enjoy the constitutional regime. He 
 had discovered that men do not become republicans in a day ; and 
 
 * An abbey in the neighbourhood of Coblentz. 
 f Citizen Hoche, Commander qf the Army of Moselle, to the Minister 
 
 at War. 
 
 Deux-Ponts, 1st Frimaire, Year II. 
 
 (November 21st, 1793.) 
 
 I have to inform you that, unwilling to lose an instant, I employ the lei- 
 sure moments which my military occupations allow me, in making requisi- 
 tions. The consequence is, that horses, cattle, church plate, cloth, linen, 
 leather, shoes, and a multitude of other objects, are all brought to the camp. 
 
 We have plenty of emigrants, and 1 think that, without inconvenience, we 
 may despatch looking-glasses, clocks, mattresses, and other pieces of furni- 
 ture to the interior. 
 
 The poor sans-culottes ought not always to work without profit. They 
 will have freedom; and the velvet breeches, satin waistcoats, and coats with 
 large sleeves, shall clothe them. 
 
 All the tailors and shoemakers are at work. Do you not approve of what 
 I am doing? Hochf.. 
 
118 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 that when despotism is without taxes, nations do not care to exchange 
 it for an expensive freedom.* 
 
 Tired of war and insurrection, Hoche was anxious to settle the con- 
 dition of his country, and crush the league of Kings which for five 
 years past had forced its inhabitants to shed their best blood upon the 
 field of battle. Prussia no longer inspired him with that sovereign 
 contempt which he had formerly shown towards her generals ; nor 
 did he now feel any repugnance to correspond with Brunswick, or 
 communicate with Kalkreuth. f The interests of Prussia and those 
 of the republic were the same, and he proposed forming an alliance 
 with that power. He was not however blind to the ambitious views 
 of Prussia, whose government, he knew, was sedulously watching 
 events, and would take advantage of every turn of fortune. But he 
 thought that for some time to come, King William would not be able 
 to resume his connexion with the Emperor, who had submitted their 
 differences to the Germanic confederation. But the French might 
 easily overcome the irresolution of the Prussian monarch by making 
 him a sharer in their successes — by giving up to him Wurtzburg, 
 Bamberg, Nuremberg, and Schweinfurt, and thus forming a province 
 for him of which Erlangen should be the centre, and in which even 
 Frankfort might be included. King William, who had long coveted 
 these territories, would not resist such an offer. When once engaged, 
 he would remain attached to France, and a continental peace would 
 be secured ; for if the Prussian eagles were but united to the tricolour 
 standard of the French republic, all the other powers of Europe would 
 lay down their arms. The only thing necessary was to strike the 
 first blow with a firm hand, and commence hostilities with some great 
 and brilliant feat of arms. Moreau was of the same opinion, but he 
 hesitated as to the means to be employed, and the place where this 
 first blow should be struck. Before fixing upon any plan, Hoche 
 was desirous of making himself well acquainted with the resources at 
 his disposal ; he therefore carefully inspected the army. In the in- 
 
 * Letter from Hoche to the Directory, dated 14th of Pluviose, Year V. 
 (February 2nd, 1797.) 
 
 f To General Vincent. 
 
 I am not sorry that you put the brigands before you on the alert. The 
 day of vengeance is coming; and remember that it must be terrible. 
 
 I forbid your corresponding with Kalkreuth in any other way than with 
 cannon balls and fixed bayonets. The object of the letter which you sent 
 me yesterday is, to ascertain who commands this army. I will make myself 
 known to him on the field of battle. Would that vile slave of tyranny at- 
 tempt to employ means which have been but too successful l)o 
 
 not you condescend to reply to this Kalkreuth, who is every man’s humble 
 servant. 
 
 The moment you receive the order from me, pounce upon the enemy like 
 the eagle upon its prey. Let us smite the satellites of kings so lustily that 
 none who escape shall attempt to meet us again the field, Take your mea- 
 sures accordingly. IIoche. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 119 
 
 fantry, the men were in good health, their arms in excellent order, 
 and their clothing, without being good, still serviceable; all were 
 eager for war and battle, and he was highly satisfied with their ap- 
 pearance and bearing. The state of the cavalry was much less 
 satisfactory. The horses were there, effective, able, and in excellent 
 condition, it is true ; but fatigue and the want of forage had destroyed 
 a great number at the end of the preceding autumn, and the squad- 
 rons in effective force did not amount to a third of their complement. 
 Ney explained to the general -in -chief the appalling privations they 
 had undergone, and the means to which he had been obliged to resort, 
 in order to alleviate their sufferings. Hoche listened to these details 
 with emotion. 
 
 “ Well,” said he, “ you have lightened sufferings which you could 
 not possibly have foreseen, and as usual, you have deserved well of 
 your country. But you have still much to do. We require horses, 
 provisions, and money, which I shall not ask government to supply, 
 but which we must find somewhere. You know to whom I must 
 entrust the care of providing these things.” 
 
 As Hoche was speaking, many of Ney’s men appeared, some car- 
 rying branches of trees, others pushing before them rickety carts 
 groaning under the weight of a few logs of wood. The general-in- 
 chief stopped short in what he was saying, and seemed trying to guess 
 the meaning of what he saw. Ney explained it. The commissaries 
 for providing fuel, who cost the country several millions of francs 
 annually, had supplied none for several years past. He was there- 
 fore obliged to find his own fuel ; and as on his arrival on the Rhine, 
 his brigade had been deprived of the wagons which it had preserved 
 during the retreat, he sent his hussars a league and a half for the 
 wood they wanted, rather than suffer the hedges in the neighbour- 
 hood to be destroyed, and the trees cut down. The men generally 
 carried the fuel on their shoulders ; but they took it from the govern- 
 ment forests ; and if the duty was hard, it had at least the effect of 
 diminishing the charges of the occupation. 
 
 This information, together with the complaints which Bournonville 
 had not ceased making against the carriage agents, roused the anger 
 of the general-in-chief. He desired to know the nature of this agency 
 to which both the army and the inhabitants paid so much deference ; 
 and the information he received was even worse than he had antici- 
 pated. Three chefs-de-service had formed this establishment in the 
 following manner : Bournonville being in want of carriages in order 
 to resume the offensive, a requisition for nine hundred carts was made 
 in the country between the Meuse and the Rhine. The peasants 
 obeyed it, but had scarcely reached the place of rendezvous, ere 
 means were found to make them abandon their carts and teams. 
 Thus nine hundred carts and eighteen hundred horses were obtained, 
 and appropriated by these chefs-de-service to their own purposes. 
 
 They >vere let to the government on favourable terms, as may be 
 
120 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 easily supposed ; and at a rate indeed which in a few days covered 
 the first expenses in fitting them for immediate service. The profit, 
 however, not appearing sufficient to these rapacious men, they resort- 
 ed to means whereby its amount might be still increased. Among 
 the horses so easily procured, there were many strong and service- 
 able ones ; these were exchanged for such as were worn out and 
 unserviceable, and the pretended damage carried to the account of 
 government. This seemed but fair to the Commissary-General, who 
 was ignorant of the trick ; and it was agreed that Mullens, the indi- 
 vidual put forward in this affair, should receive four hundred francs 
 for every horse that died. The mortality after this arrangement was 
 very rapid ; three hundred horses expired in a few weeks ; and the 
 funds intended to provide subsistence were soon exhausted in these 
 indemnities. The treasury of the conquered country was then re- 
 sorted to, and thus was the money which was to have supplied the 
 wants of the army, continually diverted to another channel. 
 
 General Hoche was indignant at such acts of dishonesty, and Ney 
 having informed him that there was a fresh interruption in the ser- 
 vice of the forages, he sent for the contractor, whom he received very 
 harshly. But the latter, cold and unmoved, at first opposed the phlegm 
 of a calculating speculator, to the general’s impetuosity. To the 
 harshest reproaches he only made this laconic reply : “ I have no 
 funds.” 
 
 “What!” said Hoche, “ have all been employed in paying for the 
 supplies? You never furnish any thing yourself, yet you constantly 
 oblige the commanders of corps to make requisitions ; and your sole 
 employment seems to be to buy up their receipts. These you obtain 
 from the unfortunate peasants at a discount of eighty per cent, and 
 your worthy partners at home receive the full amount from the trea- 
 sury. I shall know how to put an end to such disgraceful specula- 
 tions.” 
 
 The contractor now became alarmed, and altered his tone, pro- 
 testing that he never participated in such culpable transactions, and 
 that the want of funds alone prevented him from fulfilling his engage- 
 ments. 
 
 “ That is singular,” said Hoche. 
 
 “ And yet true,” the Munitionnaire replied. 
 
 “Are you sure of it?” retorted the General,* opening the lists be- 
 
 * It was easy to make the calculation. The company of contractors were 
 to have commenced their supplies on the 1st Pluviose, (January 20th, 1797,) 
 and they had then reached the 15th Ventose (March 5th). Thus they were 
 supposed to have met the consumption of forty-five days. The army of Sambre- 
 et-Meuse contained 15,000 horses, and 55,369 men; but to cover losses and 
 double rations, the number of men were taken at 65,000. 
 
 There were therefore of bread, per diem, 65,000 rations, 
 
 or 65,000X45=2,925,000 
 of meat do. =2,925,000 
 
 h 
 
 850,000. 
 
 Forage, 15,000 rations per diem, or 15,000X45=675,000. 
 

 MARSHAL NEY. 121 
 
 fore him, which showed him the strength of the army in Alsace and 
 in Holland. He knew the amount of the advances made by the 
 treasury, and also of the proceeds of the requisitions issued on Bel- 
 gium. He therefore took a pen, made out an account of receipts and 
 
 The army of Rhine and Moselle had 18,000 horses, and 75,193 men. Let 
 it stand 80,000 men, to cover losses and double rations. Thus, there were 
 80,000 rations of bread, X 45=3, 600,000 ? onn 
 Meat - - ditto 3,600,000 5 
 
 Forage, 18,000 rations, X 45=810,000. 
 
 The army of the North contained 12,000 horses, and 48,082 men; but 
 part of this army was employed in garrisons in Holland, and consequently 
 paid by that state. Another part had joined that of Sambre-et-Meuse; so 
 that there only remained to provide for 15,000 men and 4,000 horses. 
 
 Thus 15,000 rations of bread, per diem, x 45,000=675,000? nnn 
 Ditto meat ditto 675,000 5 
 
 Forage, 4000x45 .... 180,000. 
 
 C 5, 850, 000 T 
 
 f Bread and rfleat< 7,200,000 V 14,400,000. 
 
 General total I 0,350,0003 
 
 of rations. ] C 675,000 A 
 
 IJForage - 1 810,000 C 1,665,000. 
 
 C 180,0003 
 
 The compary had received a considerable stock of provisions. A cwt. of 
 corn was considered to contain 75 rations of bread, and the same weight of 
 meat, 50 rations. The consumption of a horse per diem was fixed at 10 lbs. 
 of hay, 10 lbs. of straw, and three-quarters of a bushel of oats; or 30 lbs. of 
 hay in lieu of all. 
 
 The price of the ration of bread was fixed at 4 sous 10 deniers; which 
 for the army of Sambre-et-Meuse made 15,708 francs, 6 sous, 8 deniers, or 
 in round numbers - - - 15,708X45=706,860 francs. 
 
 The ration of meat was fixed at the same price, thus 
 making ...... 706,860 fr. 
 
 The ration of forage was fixed at 1 franc. 
 
 Thus, 15,000X45=675,000 fr. 
 
 Total 2,088,720 
 
 The expenses of the army of Rhine and Moselle during the same period 
 amounted to - - - - - 2,549,970 fr. 
 
 Those of the army of the North were less considerable, 
 amounting only to - 506,250 fr. 
 
 Total 3,056,220 fr. 
 Which together with the other total of 2,088,720 fr. 
 
 Made a general total of 5,144,940 fr. 
 
 Now, the company had received the following advances: — 
 
 1st Pluviose, from the 4th quarter of the sale of national 
 property ...... 1,600,000 fr. 
 
 24th Pluviose, from the arrears of contributions - 4,500,000 fr. 
 
 5th Ventose, from the customs - - - 500,000 fr. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 16 
 
122 
 
 MEMOIRS OK 
 
 disbursements, and found that this company, without funds when any 
 thing was to be supplied, had still in their hands a sum of two mil- 
 lions of francs, which was without employment. 
 
 Hoche was thunder-struck at the result of his investigation. 
 Harshly dismissing the contractor, he immediately sent for the Chef- 
 d’administration, not doubting that the skill of the one fully corres- 
 ponded with the industry of the other. His surmises were but too 
 just, and he determined to unravel the tissue of fraud which had been 
 so fatal to his unfortunate soldiers. His questions were concise and 
 positive, and he soon discovered that the administration yielded not 
 the palm of roguery to the members of the agencies. It had not 
 only issued illegal requisitions, and committed arbitrary acts, but it 
 had appropriated to its own use the proceeds of the imposts. The 
 contribution of the Archbishopric of Treves, for instance, amounting 
 to 300,000 francs a month, was not sufficient to cover the emolu- 
 ments of those who administered this archbishopric, and recourse was 
 had to the public treasury. “ ’Tis well !” said Hoche to the Chef- 
 d’ad ministration ; “but every dog has its day, and I am determined 
 to do things at a much less expense. I will form a new administra- 
 tion, which I warrant you, shall not cost 15,000 francs a year, in- 
 cluding every thing. Nobody, indeed, shall make a fortune, on pain 
 of being shot ; but then the army will profit by the subsidies which 
 the country supplies, and the inhabitants will no longer be shamefully 
 plundered.” 
 
 When they began, they found in the warehouses of the 
 Rousseau company, and in those of the republic, corn, flour, 
 biscuit, and forage, valued according to estimate at 
 
 They received from contributions in kind, and from the 
 national domains, provisions, value 
 
 On the 17th Nivose a requisition on Belgium produced: — 
 
 1,500,000 fr. 
 1,500,000 fr. 
 
 Hay 
 
 1 ,060,000 cwt. 
 
 Straw 
 
 60,000 ditto. 
 
 Oats 
 
 410,000 ditto. 
 
 Wheat 
 
 850,000 ditto. 
 
 Rye 
 
 28,000 ditto. 
 
 All had not yet come in, it is true; but several departments 
 
 the wants of the troops, kept on the move. Thus the immediate consump- 
 tion, and what was still to come, might be valued at 2,500,000 francs. 
 
 Thus:- 
 
 1,600,000 
 
 4.500.000 
 500,000 
 
 1.500.000 
 
 1.500.000 
 
 2.500.000 
 
 Make the general total of receipts 
 Total general of consumption 
 
 12,100,000 fr. 
 5,144,000 fr. 
 
 Difference 
 
 6,956,000 fr. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 123 
 
 General Hoche said this with emotion. The impunity with which 
 this system of plunder had been carried on, and the long suffering of 
 the soldiers, had excited his deepest indignation. The administrator 
 had disappeared, long ere Hoche recovered from his astonishment at 
 the soldiers not having risen and inflicted summary justice upon the 
 herd of depredators who were fattening upon their misery. This feel- 
 ing was manifested even in his despatches. 
 
 “ I have read,” he wrote to the Directory, “ that the King of Prus- 
 sia, of venerable memory, built palaces with the money gained by 
 war ; and I could not comprehend how, after so many conquests, we 
 were obliged to sell our houses to cover the expenses necessary for 
 the defence of freedom ; but I am now better informed. What trea- 
 sures, what mines of gold could suffice for the scandalous extrava- 
 gance qf some of our military officers, the splendid equipages of our 
 army contractors, the magnificent houses of our commissaries of all 
 classes, and employes of every rank ! Is the luxurious opulence in 
 which these men live, to be wondered at ? The public fortune has 
 passed into their hands, whilst our country’s defenders go bare-footed, 
 lie sick in the hospitals which are unprovided with the necessaries of 
 life, and die for want of broth or ptisan. Oh virtue ! how great is thy 
 power over the heart of a French soldier !” 
 
124 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 It required time for the useful reforms of the general-in-chief to 
 produce their full effect. The season was however advancing, the 
 first days of March were already passed, the weather was mild, and 
 the snow had disappeared ; Hoche therefore took measures to open 
 the campaign. He did not now pursue the method he had hitherto 
 adopted in the distribution of his forces ; he did not mix the divers 
 corps, and associate horse and foot soldiers ; but he grouped together 
 troops of the same arm, united those men who had similar views and 
 feelings, and formed distinct masses. His object was to try the effect 
 of emulation. We give his views in his own words, in a letter ad- 
 dressed to Genera] d 5 Hautpouh 
 
 “ My dear General, 
 
 “ As you have accepted the command of the cavalry permit me to 
 make you a few necessary observations. 
 
 “ The cavalry generals, Ney, Richepanse, and Klein, have re- 
 ceived their several instructions relative to the command of the divi- 
 sions, to which I have appointed them. 
 
 “ General Ney, with his hussars, will clear the march, cover the 
 wings of the army, and perform the general reconnoitring service, in 
 conjunction with the engineers and adjutants-general appointed to this 
 duty. He will also levy contributions, and force the inhabitants of 
 conquered countries to comply with the demands made upon them. I 
 shall generally employ his corps when I myself reconnoitre. 
 
 “ The corps of chasseurs, quite unconnected with the hussars, will 
 be attached to the van-guard of General Lefebvre’s division, which, 
 properly speaking, will, in the line of battle, form the right wing of 
 the army. I deem it for the good of the service not to separate Gene- 
 ral Richepanse, commanding the division of chasseurs-a-cheval, from 
 General Lefebvre, who esteems and honours him. 
 
 “ General Klein, in command of the dragoons, is attached to the 
 service or’ the reserve, commanded by General Championnet, whose 
 f riend he is ; and as heretofore, this corps, in the present order of the 
 army, will form its left wing. 
 
 “ The four divisions of infantry of the main body will each have 
 only one regiment of horse ; and these will be chasseurs. The divi- 
 sion of cavalry will generally remain with the centre of the army, 
 under the command of General Grenier. May I beg that you will 
 place, under the personal orders of that officer, either Brigadier-gene- 
 ral Palmarole, or Brigadier-general Oswald. You will attach Adju- 
 
MARSHAL NEY, 
 
 125 
 
 tant-general Becker to the corps of hussars, and the corps of chasseurs ; 
 Becker (of the North) whose letters of service I enclose, you will at- 
 tach to the division of dragoons, and Adjutant-general * * # shall 
 remain with the cavalry division. From your command, my dear 
 comrade, you will be the general commandant of all these corps. 
 When in winter quarters, you will pay attention to their drilling, their 
 appearance, their discipline, and to the goodness and salubrity of their 
 cantonments. When in the field, you will station them, and give 
 them such orders as you may think fit. If it be my intention in the 
 field to applaud deeds of valour, it is also my intention to reward such 
 deeds. When an officer loses his horse, it shall either be replaced or 
 he shall receive its value in money. No man, whatever be his rank, 
 shall take cannon, colours, or standards from the enemy, without re- 
 ceiving a reward upon the field of battle. You cannot, my dear 
 General, make these my intentions too public ; they are engraven on 
 my heart, and I will never depart from them. 
 
 “ The friendship you have shown me, and your attachment to the 
 government, convince me that your constant exertions will tend to the 
 good of the service. Believe me, my dear General, when I say that 
 I shall neglect no opportunity of making known your own services to 
 the French people, both in past and in future campaigns. 
 
 “ L. Hoche.” 
 
 “ Head-quarters, Cologne, 18th Yentose, Year V. 
 
 (March 8th, 1797.”) 
 
 Ney had already received his instructions.* The general-in-chief 
 concluded his despatch with some flattering expressions, and Ney 
 
 * Head-quarters, Cologne, 17th Ventose, Year V. 
 (March 7th, 1797.) 
 
 Gkneiiai., 
 
 I have to inform you, that it being my intention to form, from the different 
 arms composing the cavalry of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, so many distinct 
 divisions, I have given you the command of the division of hussars. You will 
 accordingly organize it on the banks of the Simmern, and place the different 
 corps which the chief of the general staff has received directions to send you, 
 in such cantonments as you may deem most eligible with regard to provisions 
 and military order, and which offer the greatest facilities for effecting an im- 
 mediate junction, whether for the purpose of encountering the enemy, or for 
 the mere drilling and exercising of the different regiments. 
 
 The corps under your command will consist of the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 5th 
 regiments ; and you will take from the depot of each, every serviceable man 
 mounted and equipped for actual service, and give orders to the councils of 
 administration to forward to the commissary-general an abstract of the arti- 
 cles the men are most in need of, — so that whatever is ready may be imme- 
 diately issued from the stores. 
 
 You are to be attached to no particular division, and you will receive your 
 orders either from General d’Hautpoul, who commands the cavalry of the 
 army, or from myself. Allow me, general, to express my satisfaction at 
 serving with you, whose military merit is so generally known and appre- 
 ciated. L. Hoche. 
 
126 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 professed equal confidence in the talents of his new commander. “ f 
 sincerely participate,” he wrote to the latter, “ in the delight of all my 
 comrades at your arrival among us. The confidence with which 
 your presence inspires the whole army, is a sure presage of your suc- 
 cess. I shall be too happy if I can at all contribute in bringing your 
 undertakings to a successful issue, and thus deserve your esteem.” 
 
 Ney proceeded to the Simmern, cantoned his hussars on both banks 
 of this stream, and applied himself to give them the necessary con- 
 sistence. Most of them had seen service, but having been constantly 
 engaged in contending either against the enemy or against famine, 
 they had had neither time nor opportunity to become skilful in ma- 
 noeuvring or in making evolutions in line. Another inconvenience of 
 the long marches of the army, was the dispersion of the men, a great 
 many of whom had been taken from their regiments. 
 
 One hussar had been forced into one direction, another into a dif- 
 ferent one ; this man had served as orderly to a general officer, the 
 other had been attached to the baggage trains, to the store wagons, or 
 to the artillery. In this manner the men had been dispersed, and the 
 corps which ought to have had their full complement, were, in fact, 
 mere skeletons. 
 
 Ney soon remedied this. He sought out and brought back the 
 soldiers to their respective regiments, and began exercising them in 
 manoeuvres. Personally inspecting, and often directing their evolu- 
 tions himself, he soon imparted to his division the simultaneous action 
 and suppleness which triumphs over superior masses deficient in the 
 same discipline. Unfortunately there was something more to be done 
 than to put his corps in a situation to appear with credit in the field : 
 it was necessary to provide arms and provisions for the men, and 
 forage for the horses ; and the barren mountains around them, de- 
 vastated by four years of war, could scarcely supply them with the 
 most scanty fare. Ney, unwilling to add to the already excessive 
 distress of the inhabitants, had tried to make his own resources suf- 
 fice, by putting up to auction all that was unfit for service in his divi- 
 sion. But the proceeds of sale of the unserviceable horses were not 
 sufficient to pay even the expense of shoeing the horses of the war 
 squadrons. Necessity was therefore imperious, and he was forced to 
 have recourse to the usual measures. He issued requisitions, levied 
 imposts, and by patience and menaces succeeded, not only in obtain- 
 ing from these barren mountains wherewith to feed his troops, but in 
 forming reserves, and laying in provision and forage to meet the con- 
 sumption which must follow the breaking off of the armistice. 
 
 The other generals followed Ney’s example, and like him, assem- 
 bled and disciplined their troops. Both officers and privates were 
 impatient for battle. The imperialists however did not share in this 
 eagerness ; they were tired of warfare and sighed for peace. The 
 difficulty of proposing it when fortune is uncertain, and the engage- 
 ments into which they had entered, had long prevented them from 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 127 
 
 making overtures ; but at length the voice of reason and humanity 
 was listened to. They applied to Marceau, and that ill-fated general 
 was about to transmit their proposals to the Directory, when he was 
 cut off by death.* 
 
 Hoche, like Marceau, was noble, generous, and magnanimous, and 
 Kray did not despair of renewing with him the negotiations which 
 had been broken off by the death of his predecessor, or at least of 
 slackening the preparations of the French army, and thus gaining 
 the time he wanted. Hoche had inspired him with real esteem ; he 
 had often expressed a wish to see the French general, and express to 
 him in person the high estimation in which he held his activity and 
 military talents. Kray, who had just arrived at Coblentz, proposed 
 a meeting ,* Hoche acceded to the proposal, and set out for the place 
 of appointment, accompanied by Lemoine, Lefebvre and Championnet. 
 The interview took place at Neuwied, and was pleasing to all parties. 
 The conversation naturally turned upon the war, and upon those 
 events in which each had been an actor. Kray, who was a profound- 
 admirer of daring acts of heroism, was loud in his praises of the 
 undaunted valour displayed by the French troops. They had, he 
 said, shown themselves ardent and intrepid in their successes, and 
 had nobly borne their reverses. They had won the glory attendant 
 upon both good and evil fortune, and their names were now imperish- 
 able. But the glory in which they delighted, had not the same 
 charms for him, because it reached him amid grief and mourning, 
 and the vapour of blood tarnished its splendour. Hoche was much 
 of the same way of thinking. Like Kray, he deplored the blindness 
 of men in granting admiration only to those among their fellow- 
 creatures who slaughter or betray them. He regretted that he had 
 no authority to accept the overtures made to him ; he contented him- 
 self therefore with endeavouring to pave the way for their success, 
 and with ascertaining the real feelings of his adversary. This was 
 
 * General Hoche to the Directoiit. 
 
 Cologne, March 15th, 1797. 
 
 Citizen Directors, 
 
 1 am informed that the Austrians have long wished for peace. Their 
 generals offered it confidentially to Marceau, who was about to apply for 
 your orders on the subject when he was killed. Prince Charles has forced 
 us to retreat in spite of himself, for he was in hopes of encountering greater 
 resistance. He is furious against the Bourbons since the marriage of the 
 daughter of Louis XVI. to the Duke of Angouleme ; and he wishes for 
 peace at any price. Nevertheless the preparations for war are great, and 
 continue to be carried on with great activity. I have these facts, Citizens 
 Directors, from one who is well informed on the subject. 
 
 After this information do you not think it necessary to instruct me as to 
 the line of conduct I am to pursue, in the event of proposals being made to 
 me } I have reason to expect that proposals will be made, as I march to- 
 wards the Maine, which the enemy cannot defend against the army under 
 my command. In a short time, Citizens Directors, we shall know what we 
 are to expect on this head. L. Hochi. 
 
128 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 easy enough ; for Kray was really anxious for peace, and could not 
 understand why it should not be forthwith concluded. Was it, he 
 asked, on account of the treaties which bound his government to 
 Russia? Why, policy had made them, and policy could also annul 
 them. Was it on account of Belgium? His cabinet cared little for the 
 loss of those rebellious provinces ; and the bishopric of Bamberg, or 
 Saltzburgh, or some other, might form an equitable indemnity. The 
 course of the conversation led them to mention Prussia. Kray be- 
 came warm, and was very vehement against King William, whom 
 he accused of endeavouring to destroy the Germanic confederation. 
 Hoche now interrupted him. 
 
 “ Where would be the evil,” the latter said, “ if it were made 
 advantageous to the emperor ; — if you obtained Bavaria, and Belgium 
 were given in exchange to the Elector?” 
 
 “ Then,” replied Kray in the same tone, “ matters would be 
 bearable ; — we would suffer violence and say nothing.” 
 
 The conversation again reverted to the Prussians, and Kray re- 
 sumed his invectives against them. 
 
 “ They are deceiving you,” he repeated several times; “ they are 
 deceiving you. The day shall come when you will rue the weakness 
 you are showing in their favour. Things have already come to such 
 a pass, that we cannot conclude a peace with you without immediately 
 declaring war against them.” 
 
 Hoche had nothing to do with such a quarrel, and merely observed 
 that if the Prussians were troublesome to Austria, the English were 
 equally so to France. Kray, who had, no doubt, his instructions 
 from Prince Charles, whose friend and counsellor he was, said he 
 cared as little about England as Hoche cared about Prussia. He did 
 not therefore go out of his way to laud those islanders, but stuck to 
 the object he had in view. His mode of argumentation was powerful, 
 intellectual, and full of point. He demanded with a species of ascen- 
 dancy in his manner, that the armies should remain in statu quo, or 
 at all events not resume the campaign until the harvest was over. 
 He urged the state of exhaustion of the right bank, and insisted upon*the 
 necessity of awaiting the result of the negotiations begun in Italy. 
 Hoche took good care not to yield to such arguments. He knew 
 that the Austrian government was making levies, and that recruits 
 were reaching the Rhine from all parts ; he therefore resolved not to 
 give his adversary time to bring them into line. 
 
 The conference had lasted four hours, when Hoche put an end to 
 it, and expressing to the Field Marshal the esteem he had for his noble 
 character, took his leave. 
 
MARSHAL, NEY. 
 
 129 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 This long conversation revealed to Hoche the anxiety with which 
 the Austrians contemplated their future prospects, and the little confi- 
 dence they had in their own resources. He therefore hastened his 
 preparations, which were nearly complete. Ney having laid in stores 
 of forage, and Championnet collected some provisions, the army was 
 put in motion, and the left wing crossed the Sieg on the 17th of 
 April. The remainder of the forces assembled round Andernach, 
 crossed the Rhine at Neuwied, and debouched, on the 18th, at day- 
 break, in front of the formidable positions occupied by the Austrians. 
 Kray, who for some days past had constantly talked of peace, and 
 had even proposed an armistice, thought that Hoche would become 
 more complying when he saw the obstacles he had to encounter. 
 The two armies were within cannon shot of each other, and the 
 Field Marshal again proposed to suspend the attack, and see if they 
 could not come to an accommodation. Hoche consented ; but insist- 
 ed upon the surrender of Ehrenbreitstein and the evacuation of the 
 Upper Lahn, as a preliminary measure. The bearer of the Austrian 
 flag of truce rejected such conditions, and both parties flew to arms. 
 
 The front of the imperialists was covered with redoubts friezed and 
 palisaded, and their two wings occupied strongly fortified villages: 
 the right Hellesdorf, and the left Bendorf. The little river Seyn in- 
 creased the strength of a position already covered with works. Hoche 
 however determined to attack it, and pointing out the redoubts 
 whence the enemy dealt death and destruction upon their ranks, “ A 
 thousand francs for each piece of cannon,” he exclaimed. “ Agreed,” 
 the soldiers replied. The infantry was formed, and the cavalry and 
 artillery occupying their respective stations, advanced in the same 
 order with the infantry, and soon came to close action. Bastoul was 
 at the head ; Olivier and Bonnet supported the movement. The attack 
 was fearfully impetuous, and the bayonet was soon resorted to ; it 
 overcame all resistance, and in a very short time the right wing of 
 the Austrians was overthrown. On the left, the action was longer 
 and more obstinate. Lefebvre, Gratien, and Spital threw the ranks 
 of the imperialists into disorder, without, however, being able to break 
 them. Ney was more fortunate : he had taken up a position in front 
 of Neuwied, and having despatched the 2nd hussars to the space be- 
 tween the redoubts at the tete-de-pont, he threw himself with the 3rd 
 and 4th into that between the redoubts at Heltershorf, cut to pieces 
 the infantry which guarded the intervals, made a great many prison- 
 ers, and took several pieces of cannon ; then falling with the same 
 impetuosity upon the masses which covered Hellesdorf, drove them 
 VOL. i. 17 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 iao 
 
 into the defiles of Braunsberg. But scarcely were the Austrians dis- 
 lodged from the village, ere they became aware how critical their 
 situation was. Having perceived the impossibility of maintaining 
 themselves upon the line they had formed, they immediately took 
 measures for occupying the woods and defiles leading to Neuwied. 
 Heavy masses of their troops advanced for this purpose ; and two co- 
 lumns with a numerous artillery were about to attain the position 
 they sought ; but Ney, who perceived all the importance of the move- 
 ment, and that if it were successful, the fortune of the day would 
 again become dubious, did not hesitate with his comparatively small 
 force to attempt counteracting it. Notwithstanding the fatigue which 
 his men had already undergone, he divided them into two bodies, and 
 marched boldly to the attack. Though the nature of the ground, and 
 the exhaustion of his troops, gave him but slender hopes of success, 
 both men and horses seemed on a sudden to arouse at his voice, 
 charged the Austrians with irresistible spirit, and spread destruction 
 through their ranks. They gave way, and those who escaped death, 
 being stopped in their flight by the baggage-wagons with which the 
 road to Neuwied was covered, were obliged to call for quarter. The 
 whole of the Austrian column was either taken or destroyed ; Ney 
 established himself on the plain, and took up his position upon the 
 road to Dierdorf at the entrance of the mountain gorges. 
 
 His attitude was threatening ; and the enemy, broken throughout 
 their line, perceived that they were in danger of being shut up in the 
 plain of Neuwied. They therefore resolved upon a fresh attempt to 
 occupy the woods. Columns of infantry, much stronger than the 
 former, advanced under the support of a numerous body of cavalry 
 and artillery, but were unable to debouch. Ney’s hussars, stimulated 
 by victory, kept them in check, and drove them back each time they 
 attempted to force their way. The battle had now lasted many hours, 
 and the manner in which the French troops behaved was fully appre- 
 ciated by their general-in-chief, who did ample justice to the decision 
 Ney had shown, and the ability of which he had given such proofs. 
 In his despatch, Hoche thus speaks of him : — 
 
 “ Ney proceeded with rapidity to Dierdorf, where he found the re- 
 serve of the Austrians, six thousand strong, and still untouched. 
 With less than five hundred hussars, he engaged this body during 
 four consecutive hours, and by his skill and energy succeeded in 
 gaining time until the arrival of our infantry and reserve of cavalry.” 
 The French were now a match for their adversaries, whom they 
 overthrew on every point. Ney pressed upon them, and allowed them 
 no time to breathe. He had already driven them from Dierdorf and 
 Steinberg, and was preparing to force them beyond the Lahn, when 
 they again sounded the charge, and came towards him. Unable to 
 account for this sudden change, he advanced and soon discovered its 
 cause. The French hussars had forced an Austrian column to lay 
 down their arms, but wore still stopped by a line of sharp shooters. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 131 
 
 Anxious to disperse the latter, and drive them from the heights which 
 they occupied, they employed a field-piece to effect this. The Blank- 
 estein hussars, perceiving this fault, hastened to take advantage of it, 
 and returned to the charge supported by the Coburg dragoons. The 
 troops advanced on both sides, fought round the gun, and both par- 
 ties struggled for it as the prize to be won. 
 
 The ground was bad, and the numbers of the Austrians very supe- 
 rior; but Ney succeeded in throwing their ranks into confusion, and 
 they gave way. The French were now in hopes that they would be 
 unable to return to the attack, and were congratulating themselves on 
 their victory, when fresh squadrons came up to the assistance of the 
 Austrians. The republicans were now broken in their turn, and it 
 was in vain for Ney to resist the torrent which swept his forces along. 
 His horse fell, and rolled with him into a ravine. He was covered 
 with bruises and blood, and to complete his disaster, his sword snap- 
 ped in twain. The enemy surrounded him, and he had no further 
 hope of escape. He resisted, nevertheless ; for he perceived the 4th 
 about to make a fresh charge, and he was anxious to give them time 
 to come to his assistance. He therefore used the stump of his sword, 
 struck, parried, and kept in check the crowd that pressed upon him. 
 Such a struggle could not last long ; — the ground was slippery, Ney’s 
 foot slid, he fell to the ground, and the Austrians succeeded in seizing 
 him. He wac thus made prisoner, and conveyed to Giessen. 
 
 The fame of his capture had preceded him thither, and every one 
 was eager to behold a man whose deeds seemed fabulous. The wo- 
 men, more particularly, could not imagine how he had dared to resist 
 a whole squadron, and, for a time, with some appearance of success. 
 As they were taking him to head-quarters, through a by-street, these 
 fair admirers of courage begged that he might be led through the 
 public square. 
 
 “ Really,” said an Austrian officer, annoyed at their importunity, 
 “ one would suppose that he was some extraordinary animal.” 
 
 “ Extraordinary indeed,” replied one of the ladies, “ since it re- 
 quired a whole squadron of dragoons to take him.” 
 
 This sally put every one in good humour, and each yielded to the 
 admiration which Ney’s heroism inspired ; — some among the fair 
 Germans calling to mind his valour on one occasion, — others the 
 humanity and disinterestedness with which he always treated the peo- 
 ple he conquered. 
 
 Ney was received at the Austrian head-quarters in a manner wor- 
 thy of his high reputation. Each condoled with him on his mishap, 
 
 ' and on the vicissitudes of war. But the conversation soon turned on 
 battles and military manoeuvres ; and the prisoner was discussing each 
 general’s share of merit, when he perceived his horse, with an Austrian 
 upon its back. The animal seemed weak, lazy and obstinate ; in 
 spite of the spur, it would not advance. Ney exclaimed against the 
 awkwardness of the rider, and was answered by a joke about the 
 
132 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 worthlessness of the animal. An officer jestingly proposed to pur- 
 chase it ; and its points and capabilities seeming matter of doubt, Ney 
 approached it. 
 
 “ I will show you,” said he, “ the value of my horse.” 
 
 An opening was immediately made, Ney sprang upon the saddle, 
 and taking the direction of the French army, soon left in the rear 
 those who accompanied or followed him. The horse which had ap- 
 peared so powerless to the Austrians, carried him off like the wind, 
 and he was near escaping ; but the trumpets sounded, and the heavy 
 and light cavalry rode off and soon stopped up every issue. Ney 
 then turned back, and with equal celerity reached the spot where the 
 Austrian generals stood aghast. 
 
 “ Well, gentlemen,” he said, “ what think you of the animal now ( 
 Is he not worthy of his master •?” 
 
 Their scattered squadrons sufficiently proved the affirmative. A 
 little confused at their mistake, they henceforth guarded their prisoner 
 more carefully, and took care not to jest again about his horse. 
 
 A French orderly having been sent to the Austrian head-quarters 
 with intelligence of the preliminaries of peace, signed at Leoben — the 
 news having just reached the army of Sambre-et-Meuse — the atten- 
 tion of the generals of both armies was now turned to the terms of an 
 armistice, in order to stop the effusion of blood. But the communica- 
 tion of this important circumstance was not the sole object of the mes- 
 sage. Hoche was attached to Ney, whose loss he regretted ; and he 
 wrote to the latter expressing his deep regret at his captivity, and the 
 steps he had taken to bring it to a close. 
 
 “ You know me sufficiently, my dear general,” he wrote, “ to give 
 me credit for the affliction I feel at your misfortune. I depend suffi- 
 ciently upon the reciprocity with which the Austrian generals will 
 act, to trust that they will treat you as we have treated those of their 
 colleagues whom we captured in Italy. I have requested M. Elsnitz 
 to send you back on parole, and I am awaiting, in the most anxious 
 impatience, the moment when I shall embrace you. Write to me, 
 and inform me what pecuniary assistance you require. Adieu, my 
 dear Ney ; rely upon my sincere and constant friendship.”* 
 
 Ney required no assistance. Meantime Hoche expressed to the 
 officers under Ney’s command, how highly he was satisfied with their 
 conduct. He gave a horse to one, a sword to another, a sash to a 
 third ; he also insisted upon Ney’s receiving a memorial of his esteem 
 and friendship, and accordingly forwarded to him a magnificent belt, 
 with a letter still more flattering. 
 
 “ In sending you,” he wrote from Friedberg, three days after, “ the 
 belt which the bearer will deliver to you, I do not pretend, my dear 
 General, to reward either your success or your merit. Pray there- 
 
 * Head-quarters, Giessen, 2nd Florial, Yeat* V. (April 1st, 1797.) 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 133 
 
 fore accept it only as a feeble pledge of my personal esteem and un- 
 alterable friendship. Give me news of your health.” 
 
 The Directory, who did not evince less kindness, or less regret, at 
 the accident which had placed Ney in the power of the Austrians, 
 sent him a strong and flattering letter. And indeed his talents, his 
 impetuous valour, and the ability he had displayed before Giessen, 
 made the Government the more sensible of the loss of his services ; 
 but it trusted that one of the most efficient officers in the service would 
 in a short time be restored to the army, and that his future deeds 
 would soon avenge the check which the French cavalry had received.* 
 
 Warneck, who commanded the Austrians, had however no desire 
 to set Ney at liberty. Several communications had taken place on 
 this subject, and the captive, who was expected to return every hour, 
 did not appear. Hoche at length got out of patience ,* he knew that 
 the archduke had forbidden his officers, under the severest penalties, 
 to disoblige the French generals, and he threatened to complain to 
 that prince. The Austrian field-marshal was not proof against this, 
 and pretending to perform an act of courtesy towards his prisoner, 
 sent him back on parole. 
 
 Hoche received Ney with the most lively satisfaction. The share 
 which the latter had had in the victory of Neuwied, and the talents 
 he had displayed before Giessen, were subjects of high eulogy on the 
 part of the commander-in-chief, who, as if these praises were insuffi- 
 cient, determined that his impatience to see such an officer again in 
 activity of service, should be stated in a public 'document. It was so, 
 and in the following terms : 
 
 “ Head-quarteM, Friedberg, 17th Florial, Year V. 
 
 (May 6th, 1797.) 
 
 “ Brigadier-general Ney may retire to Giessen, whenever he pleases, 
 until such time as his exchange, so anxiously desired by the general- 
 in-chief, can be effected. And in the event of his private affairs re- 
 quiring his presence in any other part of the territory occupied by the 
 army of Sambre-et- Meuse, he is at liberty to proceed thither and re- 
 main as long as he may find it necessary. Hoche.” 
 
 The wished-for exchange at last took place. The Directory set 
 General Orelly at liberty, and the Aulic Council liberated Ney from 
 
 * THE DIRECTORY TO BRIGADIER-OENEKAL NET, EMPLOYED 12? THE ARMY OF 
 8AMBRE-ET-MEUSE. 
 
 The Executive Directory is truly afflicted, Citizen General, at the accident 
 which made you fall into the hands of the enemy. The impetuosity of your 
 courage before Giessen, and the brilliant manoeuvres which you executed at 
 the head of the squadrons under your command, make this event still more 
 to be regretted. The Directory trusts that the army will soon again behold 
 one of its bravest general officers, whose absence is particularly regretted 
 by the general-in-chief. Letodrxeur, President, 
 
 Paris, 12th Florial, Year V. (May 1st, 1797.) 
 
134 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 his parole. This negotiation lasted three weeks, and no sooner did 
 Hoche learn its termination than he forwarded the news of it to Ney. 
 
 “ I send you, brave Ney,” he wrote, “ the certificate of your ex- 
 change, which has reached me through the Government. Come and 
 resume your station in the army, and be assured that when we begin 
 again, I will place you in a situation to win the praises of both our 
 friends and enemies.” 
 
 This promise was flattering, and Ney determined to justify its per- 
 formance. Although the campaign had been short, still it had been 
 attended with great loss of life ; and Ney applied himself to repairing 
 the losses among his hussars, by filling up the gaps which the different 
 battles had made in their ranks. He collected horses, mounted and 
 drilled recruits, and in a few weeks his division was more numerous 
 and stronger than at the outset of the campaign. This circumstance, 
 which would have rendered him more formidable in the field, was, 
 rather an impediment to him in cantonments. The general-in-chief 
 had imposed upon the country, contributions in kind, but the bailiwicks 
 were slow in their supplies, and had become much more so since 
 peace had been talked of. The evacuation of their territory by the 
 French seemed at hand ; and they flattered themselves that by delay 
 they might possibly elude the burthens which weighed upon them. 
 The French, moreover, had neither warehouses nor the means of 
 making bread ; and Hoche had just given up to Moreau, the million of 
 francs which the army of Italy had presented to that of the Rhine. 
 The situation of the troops was therefore not very brilliant. But 
 Ney, anxious to avoid extreme measures, had recourse to an expedient 
 which succeeded. He knew that the inhabitants, so averse to the de- 
 livery of their produce, were easy enough on the score of domestic 
 consumption. He therefore treated them accordingly, and in lieu of 
 contributions, quartered his men upon the villagers. The latter are 
 naturally hospitable ; the soldiers did little jobs for them, and every 
 thing went on amicably. The peasants consumed only a little more 
 bacon and vegetables, and an additional quantity of milk and cheese ; 
 whilst the soldiers had abundance of food, and soon regained that 
 strength which lightens the burthen of life, and disposes the mind to 
 acts of daring. 
 
 The negotiations, meantime, dragged heavily on. Royalism had 
 once more reared its head ; it agitated the French nation and reigned 
 in its councils. The revolution seemed again in danger, and Austria, 
 emboldened by the royalist conspiracies, became daily less comply- 
 ing and more haughty. But the armies destined to defend the liber- 
 ties of France against kings, defended them also against treacherous 
 legislators; the emigrants were punished, and the empire, deprived of 
 its auxiliaries, at length signed a treaty of peace. 
 
 The Continent was now undisturbed. Great Britain alone remain- 
 ed hostile, and it was determined to assault her upon her own shores. 
 An army was formed for this purpose, and called the army of Eng* 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 135 
 
 land. The pacificator of Campo-Formio was to lead it ; but obliged 
 to pursue in Germany the negotiations which he had commenced in 
 Italy, he left to Dessaix the care of assembling and distributing its 
 force along the sea-coast. This general, an able statesman and war- 
 rior, was anxious to put an end to the wars which desolated Europe, 
 by destroying the source whence they sprang. He considered this a 
 great national undertaking, and was therefore anxious that all the 
 armies of the republic should share in it. This induced him to select 
 troops from those armies which had fought in the North, as well as 
 from those which had rendered themselves illustrious in the South. 
 
 Ney was put at the head of part of the forces supplied by the army 
 of Sambre-et-Meuse, and accordingly set out for Amiens with his divi- 
 sion of hussars, where he arrived on the 14th of March, 1798. It 
 soon, however, became evident that the means of execution were not 
 adequate to the greatness of the project. The warehouses were 
 empty, the arsenals were without arms or ammunition, and the pay 
 of the troops, which their victories did not afford the means of dis- 
 charging, was ten millions of francs in arrear for the armies of the 
 Rhine alone. General Bonaparte was not discouraged : he considered 
 that a descent in England would secure for many years the peace of 
 the Continent, and he resolved not to forego his intention of trying it, 
 until he had a firm conviction that it was impracticable. He therefore 
 directed General Dessaix to survey the coast from Havre-de-Grace to 
 the mouth of the Loire; and he sent Berthier to survey the coast along 
 the Channel. Both were directed, likewise, to ascertain the number 
 of ships, together with the nature of the stores in each sea-port, and 
 to examine the state of the arsenals. They found distress, neglect, 
 and want every where, and both returned with the conviction that an 
 attempt upon England could not be made with any prospect of 
 success. 
 
 Unable to reach England in a direct manner, General Bonaparte 
 resolved to attack it indirectly. The peace had brought back an ex- 
 pensive army to France, the treasury was empty, and a host of ne- 
 cessitous and enterprising men, whom the war had trained to arms, 
 already tired of peace, displayed the uneasiness attendant upon forced 
 inaction. The Directory was fully sensible of the critical state of 
 things, and felt that it was as impossible to meet the public expendi- 
 ture, as to keep down the effervescence of these men. General Bo- 
 naparte therefore offered to diminish the one and give employment to 
 the other. He proposed, that after the example of Spain, Portugal, 
 and Holland, these individuals without employment should be sent 
 beyond seas in search of adventures, and their activity of mind and of 
 action, which at home might become dangerous to the state, thus 
 turned to its advantage. The Directory accepted the proposal, and 
 the expedition to Egypt was resolved upon. The plan was not, how- 
 ever, suffered to transpire ; on the contrary, every exertion seemed tp 
 be directed towards hastening the expedition to England ; but the 
 
136 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 forces which were to have formed the latter, were distributed for the 
 undertaking they were really to pursue. Some recrossed the Alps, 
 others marched westward and reached the frontier. The hussars 
 were included in this last measure, and Ney was despatched to Lille 
 to take the command of the 6th and 10th dragoons, and 10th chas- 
 seurs, forming the cavalry of General Grenier’s division. 
 
 Every thing was again prepared for a renewal of war. Italy was 
 in violent commotion. The new republics, though disagreeing among 
 themselves, had united to attack and revolutionize Piedmont. This 
 state, supported by all that was still monarchical in the Peninsula, 
 prepared to make a stout resistance ; whilst Austria, on the other 
 hand, daily assumed a more hostile attitude. It had already agitated 
 the Grisons, made military movements upon the Adige, and seemed 
 now prepared to come to extremities, when an incident occurred 
 which placed its intentions beyond a doubt. Bernadotte, who repre- 
 sented the French Republic at Vienna, had received instructions to 
 endeavour to overthrow Thugot, then directing minister. The French 
 general accordingly applied to the Empress, revealed to her certain 
 double dealings on the part of the minister, and the rich reward he 
 was to obtain for certain acts of perfidy. The Empress was indig- 
 nant; but Thugot obtained intelligence of the scheme of the French 
 ambassador, and perceiving his danger,* hastened to put a stop to 
 such dangerous conferences. The French embassy being about to be 
 adorned with a tricolour flag, he seized this opportunity, raised the 
 populace, and directed them towards the house. Bernadotte, indig- 
 nant, demanded satisfaction, but finding it neither prompt nor suffi- 
 
 * BeRNAHOTTE TO GERERAi M * * *. 
 
 26th Florial, Year V. (March 15th, 1797.) 
 
 Thugot, the soul of the coalition, who seeks to renew it, and who is a 
 sworn enemy to the republic, was near falling into the snare which 1 had laid 
 for him. But as a clever and experienced courtier, he felt that my third 
 audience of the Empress would have either totally ruined him, or at least 
 placed him in inaction. To avert the storm, he conceived the project of get- 
 ting me either assassinated or ill-treated. The affair of the flag was adroitly 
 taken advantage of by him for this purpose. This flag had been ordered at 
 the tailor’s three days before, and there was plenty of time to get up the 
 riot. 
 
 The planting of the flag, however, which was done without thought, frus- 
 trated my measures. Nevertheless, Thugot’s perfidy has furnished me with 
 fresh weapons against him. The informations given to me after the danger 
 was over, have fully convinced me that he was one of the principal promot- 
 ers of the disturbance. His silence during five hours, and the tardy arrival 
 of a military force ; the inertness of the latter, and of the police ; — all these 
 circumstances authorise me to cease all communication with him, and to ac- 
 cuse him before the tribunal of public opinion, as well as before the supreme 
 chief of his nation. The sovereign has replied to my complaint through the 
 medium of another minister; — thus Thugot’s credit and respectability are on 
 the wane. The Government has only to pursue the plan laid down by its 
 ambassador,” &c. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 137 
 
 cient, quitted Vienna. This insult, the object and particulars of 
 which were unknown, seemed a declaration of war. Ney left his 
 dragoons to proceed to the army at Mayence, and arrived on the 1st 
 of September, 1798, at Friedberg. 
 
 Nevertheless, the political horizon seemed to clear up a little ; ne- 
 gotiations were opened at Seitz, and the turbulence of the Italian re- 
 publics had been repressed. For a moment there were hopes that no 
 fresh conflagration would burst forth ; but principles, such as gave 
 rise to these commotions, must receive their full developement, and it 
 is impossible to avoid their consequences. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 18 
 
138 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The French were announced as the avengers of nations, and the 
 decision which, as umpires, they had rendered in the affair of Valte- 
 line, had sanctioned this title. It is known that the Valtelinians, 
 having submitted to the Grisons, were soon after abandoned to the 
 latter by the house of Sforza ; but only on certain conditions, and 
 with franchises for which this princely house became guarantee, but 
 which the Grisons had never yet allowed them to enjoy. 
 
 The yoke of the Grisons had therefore become intolerable, and the 
 Valtelinians attempted at different times to shake it off ; but each time 
 that the Sovereign people* had the disadvantage, the federal aristo- 
 cracy came to their assistance, and riveted still more firmly the chains 
 of the poor oppressed mountaineers. 
 
 The popular cause at length triumphed, and General Bonaparte 
 having subjected Italy to his laws, the oppressed Valtelinians sub- 
 mitted to him their cruel grievances. As this affair was closely con- 
 nected with the interests of Switzerland, it might from that very cause 
 endanger the peace of Europe. Bonaparte, therefore, felt repugnance 
 to interfere in these differences ; but having conquered the Milanese 
 territory, he had thereby become invested with the rights of the 
 Dukes of Milan, and could not consistently decline their duties. He 
 accordingly accepted the office of umpire, and having admitted that 
 the stipulations had been violated, decided that a people could not be 
 the subjects of another people, and that the Valtelinians were free 
 from the yoke of the Grisons. This decision soon spread through 
 the valleys of Helvetia ; the sovereign population perceived what they 
 had to fear, and the enslaved mountaineers saw their franchises ac- 
 knowledged and supported by a powerful nation. All was in agita- 
 tion in the Swiss mountains ; some cantons claimed their rights, 
 others defended their privileges, and, as it always happens when 
 states have no confidence in their own strength, and have powerful 
 neighbours, each appealed to the particular government whose politi- 
 cal doctrines favoured its own peculiar views. 
 
 The people of Argau, St. Gall, and the Pays de Vaud, appealed to 
 France ; the aristocracies of Basle, Soleure, Berne, and Zurich, to 
 Austria. Thus the balance was far from even ; the people were in 
 favour of the French, but their rivals were all powerful in the coun- 
 cil. The former only elicited a useless sympathy, the latter wielded 
 the power. 
 
 Such a state of things was not to be endured. France could not 
 
 The Grisons assumed this title. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 139 
 
 allow Austria to obtain such ascendancy in Switzerland, and thus 
 dispose of all the resources of the confederation. The internal strug- 
 gle in the cantons became daily more intense; the Pays de Vaud 
 claimed its rights and privileges, and Berne overran it with troops. 
 This territory was contending against evils of the same nature as 
 those which had afflicted the Valteline. Like the latter, it had been 
 alienated, but on condition that its franchises should be respected. It 
 now only demanded the execution of the solemn treaty made at that 
 period ; it required nothing more than the franchises specified in the 
 declaration of rights guaranteed by France. The Directory could 
 not, under these circumstances, do less than one of its generals had 
 done, and it interfered ; but in a manner worthy of the government 
 of a great people, — with a view only to conciliation. 
 
 The effect of such interference did not answer the expectations of 
 the French government. Battles were fought, much blood was shed, 
 and whole tribes were swept from the face of the e^rth. But these 
 troubles had originated in the noblest feelings ; and if they led to 
 fearful results, it was because foreign ideas, combined with local influ- 
 ence, had obtained but too much weight in the Swiss councils. This 
 is proved by the following despatches, which, though they have no 
 direct connexion with Ney’s life, still point out the causes of a struggle 
 in which he afterwards became an actor. They also show the feel- 
 ings existing in a country which at a subsequent period he was sent 
 to pacify ; and they clear one of his brethren in arms, afterwards 
 proscribed and sacrificed, from the base imputations with which it has 
 been lately attempted to stigmatize his memory. 
 
 I. 
 
 “ GENERAL BRUNE, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN 
 HELVETIA, TO THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY. 
 
 “ Head-Quarters, Berne, March 17th, 1798. 
 
 “ Citizens Directors, 
 
 “ I yesterday saw the deputies of the democratic cantons of Ury, 
 Underwalden, Schweitz, Glaris, and Lower Zug. In their address 
 to me, you will find the expression of the friendship of their constitu- 
 ents towards the French republic. Twenty deputies from Argau 
 came, at the same time, to ask me for authority to form a separate 
 canton. It was granted to them immediately, and they promised me 
 to proceed with activity in constituting new authorities, enlightening 
 the people, urging the neighbouring countries to the same resolution 
 as themselves, and carrying into execution the constitution drawn up 
 by M. Ochs. In these deputies. I perceived great ardour, zeal, and 
 openness. I send you their address ; it contains thanks on the sub- 
 ject of the instructions I sent to them. 
 
 “ The Canton of Zurich, torn by hostile parties, has yet come to 
 no decision : nevertheless the partisans of the new constitution are 
 very numerous there, and will carry it into effect without being obliged 
 
140 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 to secure their triumph by an appeal to arms. At first, Citizens 
 Directors, you desired that Switzerland should form a single republic, 
 one and indivisible ; but on taking into consideration some difficulties 
 in the constitution which was to have served as its basis, — and per- 
 haps on reflecting upon the consequences which might arise from the 
 neighbourhood of a great political machine whose motions would be 
 prompt and uniform, and from whose effects we should have greater 
 occasion to preserve ourselves than to make any use of it, you have 
 come to the conclusion that the whole of Helvetia might form three 
 independent republics. 
 
 “ The execution of this plan is now taking place. One of the three 
 republics, consisting of all those parts of Switzerland in which French 
 is spoken, is almost wholly formed. You will find its composition in 
 the document of which I enclose a copy. 
 
 “ The canton of Berne, already deprived of the Pays de Vaud and 
 Argau, will further lose the whole of the Oberland, which begins at 
 the lake of Thun and terminates on the other side of Mount Grimsel. 
 It will also lose the country between the lake of Brienz, the Sanen, 
 and the Aar, as far as Buren. The territory of the new republic re- 
 quiring width, and it being necessary to secure to France good com- 
 munications with Italy — such communications being more difficult in 
 the south of Switzerland, whose inhabitants are refractory and ill- 
 disposed — it is expedient to form, at the two extremities of the lake 
 of Neufchatel, points of contact which may facilitate our influence. 
 As the Rhone runs through a considerable portion of this republic, 
 and supplies with water, if it does not pass through, the beautiful lake 
 Leman, I have called this country Rhodania. Thus we may say the 
 Rhodanians, and the Rhodanian republic. 
 
 •‘As it is not your intention to trouble the small democratic can- 
 tons of Ury, Schweitz, Underwalden, Zug, and Glaris, their federative 
 form shall not be meddled with. They will compose a confederation, 
 with a central and representative body to watch over its general safety 
 and manage its foreign relations. In this confederation the Grisons 
 may join. There is nothing to prevent this country from being called 
 Tellgau, or Tellgovia, which signifies country of William Tell ; and 
 we may denominate its inhabitants Tellgovites. The capital might 
 be Schweitz, or Altorf in the canton of Ury. 
 
 “ The third republic, the most important in extent, commerce, and 
 population, will consist of twelve cantons or departments. Its metro- 
 polis may be either Lucerne or Zurich. This country may be called 
 Helvetia. It will be easy, after what I have done to prepare the 
 public feelings on the subject, to establish in it the constitution drawn 
 up by M. Ochs ; but with some modifications, — perhaps the same as 
 I have thought necessary for Rhodania. 
 
 “ I must now explain why I have not placed Appenzel among the 
 number of cantons which remain pure democracies. Appenzel 
 touches the hereditary states of Austria on several points ; and by 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 141 
 
 placing it in Tellgovia, Austria would be enabled to exercise a greater 
 influence over that republic, and consequently over Helvetia, than at 
 present. We ought not to neglect warding off* danger, however dis- 
 tant and insignificant it may seem. If the Helvetian republic, which 
 joins our territory in several places, contained Appenzel, we should 
 be able to perceive the action of Austria upon this most important 
 part of the country ; for we may reckon as nothing any attempts of 
 the enemy upon the country of the Grisons, which forms at the back 
 of Tellgovia a rampart of inaccessible mountains. 
 
 “ Health and Fraternity. 
 
 “ Brune.” 
 
 II. 
 
 BRUNE, COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN HELVE- 
 TIA, TO THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY. 
 
 Berne, 1st Germinal, in the evening, (March 21st.) 
 
 “ Citizens Directors, 
 
 “ The resolution I had formed, and which I communicated to you 
 in my despatch of this morning; is no longer practicable. Your last 
 plan was no doubt known to M. Ochs, for he invokes your will, and 
 almost your name, to hasten the return to unity. In yielding to his 
 sarcasms, the people think they are obeying the executive Directory 
 of the French republic, and by this line of conduct he has obtained 
 almost an unanimity of suffrages. 
 
 “ M. Ochs has evinced towards me a degree of cunning which 
 approaches duplicity. After applauding the motives which induced 
 me to delay for some days the execution of your plan, he had no 
 sooner left me than he used the most impetuous haste in precipitating 
 the union ; thus depriving me of the merit of bringing it about myself. 
 He travels as President of Switzerland rather than of the canton of 
 Basle. He has two flags suspended to his carriage : one green, and 
 the other red, white and black ; a numerous escort accompanies him. 
 I must end what I have to say concerning him by stating, that he 
 gave me an almost scandalous account of the formation of his con- 
 stitutional project. 
 
 “ Health and Fraternity. 
 
 “ Brune.” 
 
 III. 
 
 TO THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY- 
 
 “ Head-quarters, Berne, 5th Germinal, 
 Year VI. (March 25th.) 
 
 “ Citizens Directors, 
 
 “ The work of Swiss liberty is in progress, and before I leave I 
 shall have the satisfaction of seeing it sufficiently advanced to make 
 the enemies of the federative system lose all hopes of success. Berne 
 has appointed its electors and its municipal officers ; and the primary 
 
142 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 assemblies have met'without any disturbance. In your last despatch 
 you directed me to complete the overthrow of the Bernaise oligarchy, 
 and prevent the provisional government from publishing the project of 
 a constitution, in preparing which several of its members were occu- 
 pied. I informed you in my last that all this had been done. The 
 exclusion is pronounced. In my last, I also sent you copies of the 
 several decrees which I have felt it my duty to promulgate ; I now 
 transmit you a copy of an explanatory letter I wrote to the commune 
 of Berne, and in which I extend the exclusion even to the families of 
 the oligarchs in office. 
 
 “ There is a difficulty on this head with regard to Zurich. It is 
 well known, that, in the council of that city, ten or twelve members 
 formed, in spite of the aristocracy, an opposition which has resisted 
 the greatest political storms. The courage of these citizens deserves 
 to be rewarded, and the inhabitants of Zurich are desirous that it 
 should be.. The national assembly of Zurich have sent deputies to 
 me, to express a wish that the people should have the power of placing 
 among those whom they intend to honour with their confidence, the 
 men who have earned their share of it by such generous sacrifices. 
 
 “ You will perceive the precautions taken by the assembly of 
 Zurich to prevent this exception from being made an improper use 
 of; and I scarcely know how a general measure, whatever be its 
 rigour, could resist such considerations as these. Besides, the men 
 in whose favour Zurich makes such a demand, have protested against 
 the petition, and declared that, for the term prescribed, they renounce 
 all public employment. This new species of courage renders the 
 members of the Zurich opposition still more deserving of the confi- 
 dence of their fellow citizens, and I have deemed it right to yield to 
 the wishes of the national assembly. 
 
 “ Although the aristocracy of Friburg are not worthy of §o exten- 
 sive an exemption, nevertheless, the citizens of Montenach and 
 Wonderveidt ought to be included in it. Both enjoy the esteem of 
 the friends of liberty ; and I am indebted to the latter for much useful 
 information, given prior to the capture of Friburg. 
 
 “ Claims have also been made in favour of certain members of the 
 council of Soleure ; but as General Schauwenburg is exclusively 
 acquainted with every thing that takes place in that canton, whether 
 political, military, or financial, he will act in this matter to the besf 
 of his judgment. 
 
 “ As for Berne, there may be some patriots among the members of 
 the ex-council, but I regret that I do not know them ; and I am of 
 opinion that, in this part of Switzerland, the exclusion should remain 
 entire. 
 
 « I leave on the 8th instant for Italy, in conformity to your orders, 
 and I therefore do not think it necessary to trouble myself about the 
 aristocracies of Lucerne and SchafFhausen, which can inspire but 
 little interest, as not a single voice is raised in their favour. 
 
MARSHAL NEY, 
 
 148 
 
 “ The small cantons may become alarmed at the reports circulated 
 in spite of my protestations, regarding the necessity which would be 
 imposed upon them of joining the rest of Helvetia, and changing 
 their democracy into the representation system; but I know your 
 intentions sufficiently, Citizens Directors, to be persuaded that the 
 inhabitants of these little states will not be troubled. The openness 
 and even the freedom of their declarations, prove that you may 
 depend upon their attachment to, and faithful observance of the 
 treaties. 
 
 “ The resident Mangourit, who arrived here the day before yesterday, 
 informs me that Valais is extremely averse to form part of Helvetia, 
 and that it would feel difficulty in belonging to any republic of which 
 it did not form the total. This feeling, in the event of its not being 
 overcome by persuasion, would not be in any wise disadvantageous 
 to us, because, by way of the department of Mont Blanc, we have 
 only Valais to cross in order to establish our passage into Italy. 
 Thus the formation of this country into an isolated state, could not, 
 at all events, prove a very great political error. 
 
 “ Generally speaking, the political state of the whole of Helvetia 
 is satisfactory. The different ranks of constitutional authorities are 
 being established there, and an ordinary degree of watchfulness is 
 alone necessary to prevent an injury to the interests of France. 
 
 “ 1 must inform you, Citizens Directors, that copies of the letters 
 and instructions which you send me, are in circulation through the 
 country, and more particularly at Basle and Lausanne. 
 
 “ I am certain that citizen Laharpe has written from Paris — from 
 the Directorial palace, nay, from the very Salle des Drapeaux — that 
 you are about to decide upon the unity of Helvetia, and that no atten- 
 tion is to be paid to any measures that may be pursued by the French 
 ministers and generals in opposition to this determination. You may 
 easily imagine, Citizens Directors, the difficulties which may be 
 raised by these communications, and their effect in delaying the exe- 
 cution of your orders. 
 
 “ I send you all the vouchers of monies due, which I have been 
 able to procure. They are very considerable, and bear not only 
 upon England, but upon Austria, Denmark, and several states of 
 Germany. All these vouchers form a deposit which I send to Paris, 
 and which my aide-de-camp, Captain Guillemot, is instructed to take 
 care of, and deliver into the hands of any person you may appoint 
 to receive them. I despatch at the same time the ex-treasurer and 
 ex-director of the mint at Berne, now military commissary-general 
 of the same canton. His name is Jenner. He is able to give you 
 every information concerning both the vouchers and the mode of 
 converting them into cash ; likewise the amount of the specie at the 
 mint and in the treasury. You will see by the accompanying copy 
 of an abstract of which he wiil deliver to you both the original and 
 
144 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the several proce.s verbaux connected with it, that the sums found in 
 the treasury pretty well correspond with the entries in the books. 
 
 “ The sums which I have applied to the use of the troops, amount 
 to nine hundred thousand francs, taken at two different periods ; 
 namely, five hundred thousand francs the first time, and four hundred 
 thousand the second. I send you the account of the paymaster to the 
 division of Italy, — a document proving the taking and application of 
 this money, and showing that the troops have been paid up to the 15th 
 instant, as you desired. 
 
 “ Sufficient still remains in the treasury to meet the wants of the 
 troops under the command of General Schauwenburg, until contribu- 
 tions, which may certainly be abundant, and the amount of which you 
 will fix, are raised to supply any other exigences that may occur. 
 The surplus of the treasure shall be sent to Mayence ; I will leave in- 
 structions for my successor to this effect. 
 
 “ I likewise send you a list of the vouchers of the canton of Fri- 
 burg, for sums due by the inhabitants of the country, as well as by 
 France and foreign nations. 
 
 “ You will, at the same time receive an account of the cannon taken 
 from the enemy. They amount to two hundred and ninety-three 
 pieces of cannon of different calibres, thirty-eight howitzers, and thirty- 
 two mortars. General Schauwenburg is directed to evacuate these 
 pieces upon Huninguen and Carouge. One hundred and sixty -three 
 are already evacuated. 
 
 “ Health and Respect. - s Brune.” 
 
 This correspondence shows the injustice of the imputations lately 
 raised against Marshal Brune ; it shows how little this General deserv- 
 ed the reproaches of perfidy and cupidity applied to him. It also shows 
 that far from taking an undue advantage of his victories, he constant- 
 ly pleaded the cause of the conquered inhabitants ; that he felt the same 
 confidence in them as he sought to inspire ; and that no one could be 
 more careful, or take greater precautions in verifying and proving the 
 amount of the treasure that fell into his hands. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 145 
 
 CHAPTER VO. 
 
 The French having made an irruption into Switzerland, the Aus- 
 trians penetrated into the country of the Grisons ; and besides increas- 
 ing their force upon the Lech and in Tyrol, sent troops into Brisgau. 
 The attitude thus assumed by them, was formidable : they could, on 
 the one hand, cross the Splugen, reach Chiavenna and Lago Maggiore ; 
 on the other, they had it in their power, by penetrating through the 
 valley of Urseren, to occupy Mount Tavesch, force the St. Gothard, 
 and reach Airolo and Bellinzona. They might further direct a move- 
 ment upon Schaffhausen, spread their forces through the Frickthal, 
 force the valley of Scion, debouch upon Aost, rally the Piedmontese 
 troops, involve the French army in a system of irremediable man- 
 oeuvres, and divide the army of Italy into two parts, cutting them off 
 from each other. The Directory, anxious to provide against the 
 power of producing such serious consequences, seized the strongholds 
 of the King of Sardinia, reinforced the French armies in Italy, in the 
 Roman states, and in the cantons of Helvetia, and organized two fresh 
 armies upon the Rhine. The one intended to operate in Suabia and 
 Bavaria, under the orders of Jourdan, was called the army of May- 
 ence; the other, commanded by Bernadotte, was denominated the 
 army of observation. The latter was intended to protect the forts on 
 the river Huninguen at Dusseldorf, prevent an invasion of the left 
 bank, spread through Hesse-Darmstadt, and takeManheim and Philips- 
 burg. Ney, who had been for several months on the banks of the 
 Lahn, naturally belonged to the latter army, which was to have con- 
 tained forty thousand men, but was reduced to a mere handful of 
 soldiers. Nor were these in a fit state to enter upon a campaign ; — 
 one had no musket, another no bayonet — and what was still worse, 
 the whole of them, worn down by a long agony of want, displayed 
 no appearance of regularity, order, or even primitive organization. 
 Coats in rags, waistcoats of different materials, rent breeches, and 
 gaiters of all colours ; — such was the condition and appearance of 
 these patriotic soldiers, cruelly pinched by hunger, and yet most ar- 
 dently devoted to their colours. In vain did the superior officers in- 
 terfere to alleviate the sufferings of their men ; if their exertions were 
 sometimes successful, and they obtained a little forage from the ad- 
 ministration, the quality of the article was so bad that it was really 
 not worth the trouble taken to procure it. If ready-made articles of 
 clothing were given out, the shoes were not sewn, or the cloth had 
 never been wetted ; thus, the former fell to pieces at the commence- 
 ment of a march and the coats burst on the first shower of rain. If 
 the materials were demanded instead, it was still worse ,• the appli- 
 
 VOL. I. 19 
 
146 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cants were made to come and go, and wait, and the most tedious and 
 painful solicitations often remained unanswered. The stores were 
 distributed throughout the territory of the republic ; each town had its 
 well-filled warehouses, and yet none contained all the different items 
 of a soldier’s dress and accoutrements. At Cologne there were plenty 
 of coats, but neither waistcoats nor breeches ; there was, at Mayence, 
 a large store of stout leather for soles, but no upper leathers. There 
 were shirts at one place, stockings at another, gaiters at a third. 
 
 The same confusion reigned in the ordnance department. At one 
 place there were swords, but no belts ; at another plenty of cartridge- 
 boxes, but nothing to hang them upon. If an officer overcame the 
 disgust he felt at such a system, and made an application in behalf of 
 his men, he would generally receive an order on the stores of Liege, 
 or Brussels, or any other place than the one he was at. If he requir- 
 ed, for instance, fifteen hundred coats, he was obliged to send for them 
 at a great expense ; and then perhaps, instead of obtaining what he 
 wanted, he received only a few yards of cloth to clothe a whole brig- 
 ade ; or blue cloth was perhaps given him for the coats, but no red to 
 make the facings ; or if there were red cloth, there was no white, and 
 nothing for linings ; — in a word, the delivery was never complete. 
 All this was monstrous, but it must in justice be stated that the govern- 
 ment was not alone the cause of it. The conscription had just been 
 adopted; it was the only mode of recruiting the army which the local 
 councils had left to the government, and the formation of the list of 
 conscripts, as well as the examination of all claims to exemption, was 
 entrusted to the communial administrations. Now it is well known 
 what lukewarm zeal is always shown by the municipal magistrates 
 in such cases ; and to this cause of delay was added another equally 
 powerful. The treasury was empty, and the minister, obliged to meet 
 an immense consumption, had only national property and delegations 
 at his disposal. If horses were wanted, a delegation was offered upon 
 the door and window tax ; if new clothes were required, a domain was 
 offered in payment. For arms and stores the same means of purchase 
 were proposed. But be the cause what it might, the state of absolute 
 wretchedness to which the troops were reduced, rendered their situa- 
 tion most deplorable. 
 
 Before appearing on the field of battle, it was necessary that the 
 French army should have the means of doing so with effect. General 
 Ney, who had fought and sojourned in the country, well knew its 
 localities and resources. He commanded men in want of every thing, 
 even the greatest necessaries of life ; but at a little distance from their 
 cantonments, commanderies were to be seen which contained every 
 thing in abundance, and whose superfluities he thought might be ap- 
 plied to the craving wants of his men. His means were, however, 
 greatly out of proportion to the obstacles he had to contend against; 
 but celerity and boldness are likewise powerful means, and he resolved 
 to try his fortune. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 147 
 
 When about to set out with his little force, some unexpected occur- 
 rences increased his danger, though they gave great additional impor- 
 tance to his undertaking. Manheim and Philipsburg were garrisoned 
 by troops who seemed but little disposed to defend them. The French 
 revolutionary principles had penetrated among the soldiers, who had 
 become agitated and uneasy ; they were weary of shedding their 
 blood only to rivet their own chains ; whilst their officers, disgusted 
 with a war in which no personal renown was to be gained for them- 
 selves, only felt a more ardent longing for those generous and liberal 
 institutions, which could alone permanently fasten their colours upon 
 the car of victory. There is always a great advantage in cultivating 
 the favourable dispositions of an enemy, but in the present instance 
 they derived a most powerful importance from their local power. If 
 these two places were carried, Lower Alsace would be covered, and 
 a portion of the Palatinate sheltered from irruptions. The petty 
 princes of the empire would then be forced to subscribe to a treaty of 
 peace, and the French would take the lead in the campaign. This 
 changed altogether the object of Ney’s operations. 
 
 His plan was therefore altered, and he resolved to attempt to sur- 
 prise Manheim, and, if successful, to force Philipsburg. But the 
 troops he had at his disposal were scarcely sufficient for this double 
 undertaking ; and yet an attack upon the one would give the alarm 
 to the other. He resolved, however, to ascertain in person the extent 
 of the difficulties he had to encounter, and accordingly crossed the 
 Rhine under the disguise of a peasant. Plaving entered Manheim, 
 with a basket upon his arm, he proceeded through the streets, made 
 his observations, and obtained precise information as to the force 
 which defended it, and the provisions it contained. The garrison 
 were ill disposed to defend the place, and the duty was carried on in 
 a slovenly and unequal manner. He was about to leave the fortress 
 full of hope, when he perceived a soldier of the garrison supporting a 
 female in the last stage of pregnancy. Having accosted the woman, 
 he expressed an interest in her situation, and his fear that her illness 
 might begin before the night was over. 
 
 “ No matter if it does,” the soldier replied ; “ should this be the 
 case, the commandant will allow the drawbridge to be let down at 
 any hour of the night, so that the instant she is taken ill she can 
 have assistance.” 
 
 This was all Ney wanted to know ; and he soon recrossed the 
 Rhine to make his preparations. 
 
 He selected a hundred and fifty of his bravest soldiers, crossed the 
 river with them in skiffs, went rapidly forward, and concealed them 
 under the walls of Manheim, in the hope that the woman’s labour 
 pains would soon come on. She did not disappoint him : her suf- 
 ferings began, the bridge was lowered, and an instant after Ney 
 and his men took possession of it. The latter, with their general at 
 their head, then pushed forward, and the weakness of their force was 
 
148 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 masked by the darkness of the night. Ney threatened and alarmed 
 the garrison, and succeeded in obtaining a surrender of the place. 
 
 Being master of Manheim, Ney advanced towards Philipsburg. 
 But the garrison of that town having taken the alarm, he was obliged 
 to halt, and wait till fortune should come to his assistance. He 
 established his force in the neighbouring villages, and the garrison 
 having pleaded the negotiations that were open, hostilities were sus- 
 pended. The hostile forces lived at first in the most perfect under- 
 standing ; but the French dragoons at length got tired of seeing the 
 enemy’s patrols going through their quarters. Disputes arose, and 
 the hussars of Bamberg were very roughly handled. The governor 
 immediately took the alarm, and cried out against the aggression. 
 Ney sent to quiet his fears, and mounting his horse, proceeded to 
 ascertain how things were. He pushed on towards Waghausel ; and 
 the enemy’s troops stationed in the villages retiring on his approach, 
 he followed them and came in sight of Philipsburg. Being so near 
 the place, he resolved to demand an interview with the governor, the 
 Rheingrave of Salm, a haughty, reserved, morose, and bigoted aris- 
 tocrat. This proud chieftain did not condescend to see the French 
 general, but despatched a chief of the advanced posts to represent 
 him, with authority + o accept any proposals which Ney might 
 make. This was of good augury. The French general feigned 
 to be desirous of sparing the garrison, and offered a suspension of 
 arms. The chief of the advanced posts at first eluded the proposal, 
 but being a man of weak judgment, and devoid of energy, he soon 
 suffered himself to be led by Ney, and the suspension was accepted. 
 
 Thus was Philipsburg blockaded upon parole, and Ney became free 
 in his movements. During this interview he had found an opportu- 
 nity of ascertaining that every one in the place was not averse to 
 being treated with, and that a little glittering gold was alone requisite 
 to obtain all he desired. Now, his troops had nothing immediately 
 on their hands, and the rich convents of the Necker were not far off. 
 He therefore boldly offered the wealth of these convents to those who 
 would deliver up the place. The proposal was eagerly accepted ; but 
 each estimated himself at a very high price. To save appearances, 
 bridges were to be constructed, a pretended attack was to be made, 
 and a place of retreat provided for the traitor, in the event of failure. 
 A first excursion supplied the means of meeting these expenses. 
 Generals Gudin, Sorbier, and Darnaudat, had assembled the men 
 they Ayanted to secure the passage of the river, and begin their march. 
 Ney, full of confidence, pressed Bernadotte to come and assume in 
 person the direction of the siege, which he required only four hundred 
 horse, four companies of infantry, and two pieces of cannon, to cover. 
 But the Austrians were advancing, and Bernadotte knew .not where 
 Jourdan and Massena were. He feared the coming of the archduke 
 still more than he coveted the possession of Philipsburg; and he 
 adjourned the capture of this place until he had ascertained the mo- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 149 
 
 tions of the Austrian prince. This delay led to other difficulties. 
 Great Britain had her emissaries everywhere ; — burgomasters, editors 
 of newspapers, and postmasters, richly remunerated by that power, 
 embarrassed, and watched the movements of the French army, giving 
 publicity to every attempt made by its generals to open secret nego- 
 tiations. Nevertheless, Ney contrived to keep open a channel of 
 communication with the inhabitants : he had established a sort of 
 agency whose members had explored the country extending from 
 Ulm to Wurtzburg ; thus he was able to allay the apprehensions of 
 the general-in-chief, and he repeated his former demand of troops. 
 
 “You fear,” he wrote, “ that the Austrians will come upon us. 
 They may doubtless do so, and it is a miracle that we have not before 
 now been confined to the walls of Manheim. But you know their 
 tendency to procrastination ; and so slow are they in their operations, 
 that we should have time to take Philipsburg, and afterwards go to 
 meet them. Send me, then, some troops and a few pieces of cannon. 
 As for the money demanded, I will undertake to raise it upon the 
 convents and the seats of the nobles. I will not touch the cottages.” 
 
 This was all well ; but easy as Bernadotte was on the score of 
 funds that came not from his own military chest, was nevertheless 
 not so when troops were to be displaced. He did not consider himself 
 in a state to attempt to carry the place by storm, and he therefore 
 confined his efforts to seduction. 
 
 “ It is very unfortunate, my dear Ney,” he wrote to the latter, 
 “ that I cannot spare a body of troops sufficiently numerous to invest 
 Philipsburg. You know how feeble my means are, and they have 
 not increased since our last interview. I am waiting until the orders 
 which the Government must have given, are executed. 
 
 “ Promise five hundred thousand francs — promise six hundred 
 thousand, or more if necessary ; I pledge my word of honour that the 
 money shall be paid on the very day the fortress is delivered up to us, 
 or at latest within twenty-four hours after, by means of contributions. 
 We will raise funds to meet every thing. Satiate your emissaries 
 with gold. Endeavour to correspond with the most influential among 
 the officers ; for he who is not brave, my dear Ney, will always allow 
 himself to be corrupted with gold. To profit by his weakness, is an 
 art which must be used ; and when once an opportunity has been let 
 slip, another is not easily found. Busy yourself in sowing dissensions 
 among the troops composing the garrison; this might induce the 
 commandant to put us in possession of at least one of the city gates. 
 
 “ Manage this business, my dear Ney, with discretion and fore- 
 sight. It would be striking a great political blow to obtain Philips- 
 burg by our secret negotiations alone; for besides the advantage 
 which our armies on the Rhine would derive from the occupation of 
 that fortress, it would raise suspicion and uneasiness among the leaders 
 of our enemies, and we might thus lay the foundation of a brilliant 
 campaign. 
 
150 
 
 MEMOIRS Ob 
 
 “ It is lawful, my dear Ney, to employ all kinds of means in the 
 service of our country, and in contributing to the glory of its arms. 
 Let me hear from you every day by express. 
 
 “ Yours ever, “ Bernadotte.” 
 
 “ Mayence, 19th Ventose, Year VII. (March 19th, 1797.)” 
 
 This theory may be true enough ; but the governor was also put- 
 ting it in practice, and he was very near obtaining all the advantages 
 of it. He had called the Austrians to his aid, and set the peasantry 
 in commotion. The arms and ammunition were ready, and the in- 
 surrection was about to burst forth, when Ney discovered the plot, 
 and prevented its execution. He was unable, however, to seize the 
 noble emigrant who was to have headed it. The officer to whom he 
 had entrusted that mission failed in address. The Baron escaped in 
 his shirt, and went further off to plot the assassination of his country- 
 men. The governor was unable to deny having participated in the 
 conspiracy ; he was therefore confined to his walls, and the place 
 rigidly invested. He had the assurance, nevertheless, to complain, 
 and inveigh against what he termed an act of hostility. Ney took no 
 notice of his complaints, but so disposed his forces as to intercept all 
 communication with or egress from the town. Certain that he had 
 succeeded in this, he wished Bernadotte to come and judge of the fact. 
 
 “ Come hither,” he wrote, “ and you will much oblige me. Come 
 and tell me whether my position is well chosen.” 
 
 He was less courteous towards the Rheingrave. The latter com- 
 plained bitterly both of his aggression and of his silence. 
 
 “ The aggression,” replied Ney, “ was of your own seeking ; it 
 was a mere act of reprisals ; and my silence is the effect of pure pro- 
 vocation. You wanted to introduce the Austrians into Philipsburg, 
 and commit me with the inhabitants. I have taken measures for my 
 own security. Hostilities are opened with you personally, but the 
 armistice continues with regard to your soldiers. You shall have a 
 proof of this. The prisoners I made this morning shall be set at 
 liberty.” 
 
 Although Ney thus harshly treated the Rheingrave, lie did not the 
 less fellow up his intelligences in the fortress. As appearances could 
 no longer be saved, it was necessary to increase the bribe. Ney 
 again undertook to supply the surplus funds. He resumed his excur- 
 sions, levied an impost upon Heidelberg, and contributions upon the 
 feudal castles and commanderies throughout the country. But whilst 
 he was collecting this money, and purchasing or making requisitions 
 for horses, an act of imprudence divulged the plot which had so far 
 been successfully carried on. The governor was himself applied to, 
 and an attempt made to seduce him, whereby every thing that he 
 should have remained ignorant of, was revealed to him. The con- 
 spirators were seized and shot, and the whole plan frustrated. 
 
 Its execution, so far as it went, was not however without advantage. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 151 
 
 With the proceeds of the contributions levied upon the convents and 
 feudal estates, Ney purchased a considerable number of horses from 
 the peasants. Upon these he mounted recruits, which he had sent 
 for on purpose. Thus his three cavalry regiments, which contained 
 only six hundred men when he first approached the Neckar, now 
 amounted to more than double that number. His soldiers were armed, 
 clothed, and full of ardour. He could now take the field with good 
 effect, and he hoped the time would soon come when he should be 
 again called upon to appear in line. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 This period soon arrived. Austria had invaded the country of the 
 Orisons ; the forces of that power were assembling near the lake of 
 Constance, and upon the Lech in Franconia ; — the imperial govern- 
 ment, in short, had assumed a hostile attitude. Nevertheless the 
 Directory still evinced the same want of energy. The army of May- 
 ence had reached the sources of the Danube ; and this sapient body 
 was content to order that of Helvetia to make the Austrians evacuate 
 the country of the Grisons. Massena forthwith commenced operations, 
 and had overthrown the imperialists, ere Jourdan knew whether he 
 was to support him or not. The odds were however too great against 
 the former general, whose forces Jourdan determined not to allow to 
 be overpowered, for want of receiving instructions to co-operate with 
 him. He therefore resolved to attempt a diversion,, and accordingly 
 advanced towards the archduke’s army. A warm and obstinate en- 
 counter took place at Stockbach ; and the French, after a long struggle 
 against very superior numbers, were forced to give way. They were 
 defeated and driven into the mountains. Had they proved successful, 
 each among them would have been ambitious of sharing the glory of 
 their arms ; but as they were unfortunate, they could scarcely find 
 any one to lead them. One quitted his post whilst the battle still 
 raged ; another, ere he knew that it was lost, was attacked with sud- 
 den indisposition, and withdrew from the field. Of those who did not 
 desert their colours, one could not execute a mission because he had an 
 open wound ; another, because he considered it above his capacity; — 
 each found an excuse for not fighting, and the army seemed on the 
 eve of dissolution. 
 
 If some men are discouraged by danger, there are fortunately others 
 whom it excites and renders capable of the greatest deeds. Massena 
 had great reason to complain of the Directory. Appointed to the 
 
152 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 command of the French army at Rome, he had joined his troops only 
 after they had taken possession of the capital of the Christian world. 
 He was as much a stranger to the disorders of their march, if there 
 were any, as to the excesses committed on their entrance into Rome. 
 The different corps, however, broke out into open revolt, and the in- 
 surgents, at first obsequious towards the General, soon included him 
 in the general reprobation. He summoned them to return to obe- 
 dience ; and they decreed that they no longer acknowledged his au- 
 thority. He took no notice of this decision ; but the moment he 
 attempted to enforce an act of command, the tumult exploded with 
 fresh fury. The Directory gave way, and Massena, abandoned by 
 the arm of power, which ought to have upheld him and punished the 
 leaders of the mutiny, was obliged to withdraw. He afterwards as- 
 sumed the command of the army in Helvetia ; but in spite of his com- 
 mission and the personal talents of which he had given so many 
 proofs, he was never master of his own movements and operations. 
 
 Left to his own resources, when he had to effect all that the ad- 
 ministration should have done, he was under severe control in those 
 matters which ought to have been left solely to his own judgment. 
 His manoeuvres were always subordinate to those of the army of the 
 Danube. Invested in appearance with a chief command, he was in 
 fact only the commander of a wing. He was justly hurt at this con- 
 duct of the Directory towards him, and had already sent in his resig- 
 nation ; but the defeat at Stockbach took place, and all other con- 
 siderations yielded to that of the dangers which threatened his country. 
 Far from deserting the post confided to him, he met the danger in its 
 fullest extent, and generously assumed the command of the wreck of 
 an army which the other generals had abandoned. 
 
 Tharrau, Legrand, Ney, Gozan, and some others remained un- 
 shaken. They did not retreat before the peril under pretence of ill 
 health, nor decline responsibility under that of incapacity ; and Mas- 
 sena, desirous of honouring in them the disinterested bravery of which 
 he had set the example, reported their noble conduct to the Directory. 
 Having had occasion to appreciate the ability and precision of Ney’s 
 manoeuvres, he appointed this officer to the command of the cavalry 
 attached to his right wing. 
 
 The theatre of the military operations of the French being now 
 transferred to Helvetia, Ney proceeded thither, and assumed the com- 
 mand to which he had been appointed. His corps consisted of ten 
 regiments of light cavalry and three of dragoons. As they had been 
 neglected during the peace, he first applied himself to break them into 
 manoeuvring, and familiarize them with movements in line, to which 
 their dispersion and want of horses had made them almost strangers. 
 Their progress was so rapid, that he soon flattered himself he should 
 in a short time lead a formidable body of cavalry to victory, when an 
 incident, which ought to have flattered his ambition, threw him into a 
 strange perplexity. He was appointed, on the 28th of March, general 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 153 
 
 of division ; but his modesty taking the alarm, he considered the charge 
 too much for him, and only received his commission to send it back. 
 He deemed himself qualified to lead a brigade, but not a division. He 
 examined and measured his own powers, and determined that, for his 
 personal advantage, the honour of the French arms should not be 
 placed in jeopardy. , 
 
 “ I have received,” said he in his despatch to the minister, “ your 
 letter of the 8th of Germinal (28th March,) in which was enclosed the 
 decree appointing me general of division. The Directory, in confer- 
 ring this promotion upon me, probably yielded to advantageous re- 
 ports of my conduct ; but it is my duty to be more severe on my own 
 merits. If my talents were truly such as the Directory have con- 
 ceived, I should not hesitate to accept the promotion ; unfortunately 
 such is not the case, and I am forced to decline the honour the Go- 
 vernment would confer upon me. I trust that this refusal will be 
 considered nothing more than a proof of the sincere patriotism by 
 which I am actuated, and of the disinterestedness with which I perform 
 my professional duties. May I beg you will assure the Directory 
 that I shall never have any other aim than that of deserving its 
 esteem.” 
 
 “ Waghausel, 15th Germinal, (April 4th 1799.)” 
 
 Nothing could be more modest or disinterested than this ; but a 
 government cannot always overlook the talents of which the possessor 
 is ignorant. The Directory therefore maintained its decree, and the 
 minister who forwarded Ney’s refusal was directed to make known 
 to him that the Government persisted in its decision. The following 
 was the despatch : 
 
 “ Citizen General, 
 
 “ The executive Directory, before whom I laid your letter request- 
 ing me to tender your refusal of the rank of general of division to 
 which you had been appointed, has directed me to inform you, that it 
 persists in the decree which promotes you to that grade. It sees in 
 your modesty only a stronger claim to reward for the services you 
 have already rendered, and a valuable earnest for those you will 
 hereafter render to the republic. In consequence of which, I here- 
 with again forward the decree of your appointment. 
 
 ' “ Health and Fraternity. 
 
 “ Millet Moreau.” 
 
 “Paris, 15th Florial, (May 4th, 1799.)” 
 
 This despatch was flattering ; nevertheless the new rank to which 
 Ney was raised seemed to him so great and imposing, although he 
 had already performed its duties, that he dared not accept the title. 
 Fortunately he had continued to correspond with Bernadotte, to whom 
 he stated his fears, his conjectures, and the chances offered by the 
 
 vol. i. 20 
 
154 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 field of warfare to which he was called. His forebodings were by 
 no means consolatory. Victory had inspired the Austrians with con- 
 fidence, and, as it always happens, defeat had spread discord through 
 the French ranks. The troops were irritated, discouraged, and 
 deprived of necessaries. Ney made no secret either of the uneasi- 
 ness to which this general want of confidence throughout the army 
 had given rise, or of the perplexity into which he was thrown by his 
 own promotion. 
 
 But Bernadotte did not encourage his scruples with regard to his 
 own promotion. He well knew Ney — he well knew his vigilance 
 and talents ; and he blamed his misgivings still more strongly than 
 Massena had done. 
 
 “ I have received, my dear Ney,” he wrote to the latter, “ your 
 letter of the 16th. The particulars you give me are not of a nature 
 to make my mind easy with regard to future operations. But the 
 spirit of freedom is indefatigable, and will, I trust, still perform mira- 
 cles. You have doubtless read Garat’s speech upon the assassination 
 of our plenipotentiaries.* It reminds me of the most prosperous days 
 
 * The following details concerning that horrible event, are not without 
 interest, and are little known. 
 
 “ The Baron de * * *, minister plenipotentiary of the Elector of Bavaria, 
 came to spend the evening with me. Our conversation naturally turned 
 upon the subject of those men who had exercised more or less influence in 
 the affairs of Germany. 
 
 “The Archduke Charles and M. de Thugot were in the foremost rank. 
 An examination of the political principles of the latter led us to speak of the 
 murder of the French plenipotentiaries at Rastadt, of which I affirmed that 
 public opinion accused M. de Thugot, and acquitted Prince Charles. 
 
 “M. de * * * manifested the same opinon. I had nothing but conjecture 
 to support my belief ; but he offered to give me the most convincing proofs, 
 arising from what he knew and heard from the very mouth of M. de Lerbach. 
 He then related what follows. 
 
 “ A few days prior to the murder, M. de Lerbach, imperial-commissary in 
 Prince Charles’s army, came to Munich, to make arrangements relative to 
 the passage of the Austrian troops through the states of Bavaria. He lodged 
 at an inn which was also inhabited by M. de * * *. The two apartments 
 were separated only by a large but very thin door. M. de Lerbach was out 
 all day upon business, but regularly spent his evenings in his room with 
 M. Hoppe, whom he had seen at Paris, as secretary to M. de Cobentzel. 
 
 “ M. de * * *, who was attached to the mission of the Commander, Jala- 
 bert, minister of the Elector at Frankfort, had been sent to Munich with 
 despatches relative to the matters in negotiation at Rastadt. He was accom- 
 panied by M * * * *, who at present holds an appointment under M. de 
 Mongelas, but was then employed in the chanceilerie of foreign affairs at 
 Munich. 
 
 “ One evening, M. de * * * having perceived that the conversation be- 
 tween M. de Lerbach and M. Hoppe related to the different interests of 
 the German princes, had his candles taken into the next room, whence they 
 could feebly light that in which he sat, without being visible through the 
 door of communication — thus indicating that the room was not occupied. 
 
 “ He then listened in profound silence, and took notes, as did also M ****, 
 yf all that they heard. After each conversation they compared their notes, 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 155 
 
 of LacediL'inonia and ancient Rome. Every man who is a French- 
 man, and above all a republican, must think as he does. It is no 
 doubt more than necessary to destroy parties if they exist, and not to 
 create any if their existence is only ideal. Parties raise factions, and 
 the latter overthrow states, however powerful. 
 
 “ I expect shortly to set out for Paris. After I have nursed my 
 body, and tranquillized my mind for a few days, I shall return and 
 share the toils of our comrades. I shall enjoy a delicious satisfaction 
 if I am able to share in their successes, and if chance is sufficiently 
 favourable to me to enable me to include you among the number of 
 those with whom I shall fight my country’s battles. 
 
 and formed them into a single narrative, which both of them signed, and 
 took each day to the office for foreign affairs. 
 
 “The first conversation gave them the following information : — 
 
 “ M. de Lerbach had gone to Prince Charles, and represented to him that 
 it might prove of the greatest advantage, if the Austrian monarchy became 
 acquainted with the connexion suspected to exist between the Princes of 
 the Empire and France ; that numerous communications had been made on 
 this subject to the plenipotentiaries, and there was no doubt as to the posi- 
 tive existence of such connexion ; but that a moral certainty alone was insuf- 
 ficient ; that the house of Austria, to justify its conduct towards the faithless 
 princes of the German empire, must possess tangible evidence, and that 
 such evidence existed abundantly in the papers of the French ministers ; 
 that under the circumstances in which Europe was placed, and in conse- 
 quence of the personal conduct of these ministers, no measures ought to be 
 kept with them ; that the end was moreover of such magnitude as to justify 
 the means, whatever they might be. From these motives M. de Lerbach 
 requested that Prince Charles would give him an armed force in order to arrest 
 these plenipotentiaries on their way to Seitz, whither they would proceed after 
 the rupture of the negotiations, which was certain of taking place. Prince 
 Charles opposed his repugnance to such a measure, which was only over- 
 come on reading M. de Thugot’s instructions. He yielded to a formal 
 requisition, and placed at the orders of \I. de Lerbach, Colonel Barbaczi of 
 the Szecler hussars, and one Bourchart, who were to receive and implicitly 
 follow the instructions of the imperial commissary. 
 
 “ M. de Lerbach directed these men not only to seize the papers, but 
 at the same time to drub well ( bien houspiller ) Jean de Bry and Bonnier, upon 
 whom he had a vengeance to exercise, for the rudeness of the one, and the 
 insolence of the other. He also recommended to their attention, provided 
 he fell into their hands, the Baron d’Albini, whom in this conversation he 
 talked of in the same manner as of the French ministers. 
 
 “ On the evening of the morrow, the conversation ran upon the same 
 topics. It was interrupted by a messenger, who brought M. dc Lerbach 
 the news of the tragic result of the expedition he had ordered. His delight 
 at the double success obtained by his vengeance and his policy was poisoned 
 by the horrible murder which he must have anticipated, and was therefore 
 guilty of having perpetrated. Remorse and hatred drew from him the most 
 contradictory exclamations. 
 
 “ ‘The unhappy men,’ he exclaimed, ‘they have been murdered! .... 
 That scoundrel, Bonnier, well deserved his fate! .... But poor Rober- 
 jol! . . . . If, however, they had not let Jean de Bry escape! .... 
 
 This evidence of M. Lerbach against himself, put in haste upon paper, 
 and as he uttered it, must now be among the state papers of Bavaria. 
 
MEMOIKS OF 
 
 156 
 
 “ I recommend your not displeasing the Directory by your refusal 
 of the promotion which it persists in conferring upon you. Look 
 around you, my dear Ney, and say candidly whether your con- 
 science does not call upon you to lay aside a modesty which becomes 
 out of place and even dangerous when carried to excess. We must 
 have ardent souls, and hearts as inaccessible to fear as to seduction, 
 to be able to lead the armies of France. Who, more than yourself, 
 is gifted with these qualities ? It would be an act of weakness, then, 
 to shrink from the career that is open to you. 
 
 “ Adieu, my dear Ney. You perceive that, yielding in my retire- 
 ment to the reflections excited by the quietude I enjoy, and the peace- 
 ful banks on which I dwell, I assume somewhat the tone of a Mentor ; 
 but you will, I know, listen to every thing from one who is attached 
 to you by the ties# of the warmest friendship, and the most perfect 
 esteem. 
 
 “ Bernadotte.” 
 
 Simmern, 25th Floreal, Year VII. (May 14th, 1799.) 
 
 Ney yielded to this advice, assumed the rank to which the Direc- 
 tory had raised him, and was preparing to lead his cavalry towards 
 the Thur, when an unexpected event called him to another place and 
 to the command of a different kind of force. The following is the 
 report of the circumstance made by the aide-de-camp of the General- 
 in-chief. 
 
 “ I arrived at Coire on the 13th of Floreal at ten in the evening, 
 and found every body in the greatest consternation. The peasants of 
 the vale*of Disentis, those of the valleys of Medels, and Maderaner- 
 thal, and those of the Italian bailiwicks, had risen in open rebellion. 
 They had assembled in great numbers, and were forcing the peaceable 
 inhabitants of the other villages to join them, on pain of seeing their 
 houses burned and their families massacred. That which was at first 
 only a spark, soon became a dreadful conflagration. The fanatic 
 people followed the torrent, became partners in the excesses of the 
 peasantry, and co-operated in an unheard-of refinement of barbarity. 
 
 “ The vigilance of General Menard, commanding the Grisons at 
 that period, had, so early as the 10th, led to the discovery of the in- 
 tended insurrection. He accordingly wrote to Citizen Salomon, com- 
 manding the detachment at Disentis, calling upon him for details con- 
 cerning the situation of the country, and the agitation which was be- 
 coming manifest. This officer, too credulous and too confident, re- 
 plied, on the 11th, to the General, that it was true a certain agitation 
 had lately prevailed during a few days, but the peasantry had since 
 become tranquil and gave no further cause for uneasiness ; that he 
 answered for every thing, and his care and vigilance would suffice to 
 make the remainder of the storm blow over. 
 
 “ The rapidity with which events succeeded each other, — the at- 
 tack of Lucisteig, that of Davos, and the demonstrations of the enemy 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 157 
 
 upon other points, prevented this affair from being treated with all the 
 importance it deserved. The insurrection was organized without op- 
 position, and on the 13th the insurgents marched toward Disentis. 
 The peasants were armed with muskets, and hatchets, and with long 
 sticks, the ends of which were traversed by two or three sharp-point- 
 ed iron pegs, thus forming a very destructive weapon. In this state 
 they proceeded to the church, where they heard mass with profound 
 respect. 
 
 “ The officer, Salomon, in spite of his confidence, became alarmed, 
 and assembled the municipality, to whom he expressed his surprise 
 and uneasiness at this rising. But he again suffered himself to be 
 deceived by the treacherous mountaineers, and was satisfied with the 
 assurance given to him that this vast assemblage had no political ob- 
 ject, and that the shepherds who swarmed around him had met for 
 no other purpose than to repair the bridges on the Rhine. As the 
 confusion, nevertheless, went on increasing, he once more became 
 alarmed, and again convoked the municipality. It was now only five 
 o’clock in the afternoon, and night was not yet nigh. The protesta- 
 tions made in the morning were therefore again renewed ; Salomon 
 again yielded credence to them, and contented himself with throwing 
 the responsibility of passing events upon those who brought them 
 about. 
 
 “ The soldiers having been invited to the fete, spent the remainder 
 of the day in imprudent libations ; but when night came, some of the 
 insurgents entered the dwelling of the commandant and ordered 
 him to surrender his sword. He then felt how fatal his foolish 
 confidence was likely to prove, and asked a thousand questions, to 
 which no reply was made. As he delayed delivering up his arms, 
 they were taken from him, and he was escorted to the convent. The 
 officer was now in safe custody, and the troops dispersed ; the insur- 
 gents therefore no longer fearing a combined action, or an organized 
 resistance, threw themselves upon the French soldiers whilst they 
 were carousing, and beat and otherwise ill-treated them. Some of 
 them were killed in- defending their arms ; the remainder were placed 
 in the corridors of the convent. 
 
 “ A sub-lieutenant had assembled a dozen men who lodged in this 
 building. They fired from the windows, and for a long time resisted 
 the insurgents who were trying to force it ; but a menial having ad- 
 mitted the multitude through a side-door, the whole of our unfortunate 
 men within its walls were instantly put to death. 
 
 “ Five thousand of the insurgents then marched upon Trons, where 
 half a company was cantoned. These brave men were prepared, met 
 the attack with the greatest resolution, and succeeded in effecting their 
 retreat to Ilantz, which they were likewise obliged to evacuate, leav- 
 ing some of their wounded companions behind them, who were im- 
 mediately butchered. The insurgents continued their movement, and 
 
158 
 
 MEMOIRS 01 
 
 reached Richenau the same evening, where they carried the bridge 
 by storm. 
 
 “ They who had remained behind, arrived successively at Disentis.. 
 All of them were eager to vent their rage upon the bodies of the 
 slaughtered French, and wallow in their blood , and the atrocious mu- 
 nicipality who presided at these cannibal scenes, distributed according 
 to the numbers of the claimants, one or two of the unhappy soldiers 
 who had not yet expired, and whose lengthened death-throes intoxi- 
 cated this ferocious rabble with delight. 
 
 “ Such was the state of affairs when General Menard received inti- 
 mation of what had occurred. He instantly took measures to put a 
 stop to such horrible scenes. Having assembled six companies, he 
 placed them under the command of Citizen Baulard, commanding the 
 109th demi-brigade ; and he begged 1 would join his aide-de-camp in 
 directing the attack, leading the column to Disentis, setting fire to that 
 den of brigands, and sacrificing to the manes of our deceased com- 
 rades, a hecatomb of their murderers. Meanwhile, the General un- 
 dertook to make the report to you of my mission to Engadine. Con- 
 vinced that my duty called me wherever there was danger, I set out 
 to execute these orders. 
 
 “ The number of insurgents had increased very considerably. 
 They crossed the bridge, forced the five companies back, and drove 
 them to the gates of Coire, after wounding a hundred and fifty men. 
 Six companies from Sargans and its neighbourhood had just arrived 
 at Coire. The rebels, to the number of eight thousand, had retired 
 to Richenau, and taken up, a position there. We marched thither. 
 Citizen Baulard had scarcely eight hundred men; but he took his 
 measures with prudence. He formed -his troops in line of battle, and 
 placed his two pieces of artillery, which he supported by two compa- 
 nies of grenadiers, between the corps-d’attaque, and the corps d’eclai- 
 reurs. In this order we reached the platform commanding the 
 bridge, which we cannonaded with all our might. Two companies of 
 grenadiers, who had passed the Rhine to turn the enemy, having 
 reached our parallel, we beat the charge, and rushed upon the bridge 
 with fixed bayonets. The peasants defended it with vigour ; but we 
 had cut off their retreat. Some died at their post, others threw them- 
 selves into the castle, whence they opened a destructive fire; unable, 
 however, to resist our attack, they were forced and put to the sword. 
 
 “ A thousand of these wretches were slain. The night was ap- 
 proaching, and they who survived effected their escape under cover 
 of the woods and of the darkness. As our men were sinking with 
 fatigue, we made no attempt to pursue them; but on the 15th, at 
 daybreak, we resumed our movement, and occupied Ilantz and Trons. 
 But we only followed the insurgents, without overtaking them ; — fear 
 seemed to have given them wings, and they were on the point of 
 escaping from us, when the idea struck us that we had better quiet 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 159 
 
 the alarms of the innocent, by separating them from the guilty and 
 thus we might succeed in putting an end to a contest which had 
 already lasted too long. Wo accordingly issued the following pro- 
 clamation. 
 
 ‘ Your credulity is imposed upon ; and you have proved culpable 
 towards a people who were your friends and allies ; but there are 
 still means open to you of deserving pardon and exciting the clemency 
 of your conquerors. Repentance is all that you have left. Deliver 
 up those who seduced you to this criminal act, and you will find that 
 the French are generous after victory ; that they know how td distin- 
 guish error from crime, and are only to be feared by those who are 
 still in arms. 
 
 ‘ They among you who do not immediately return to their homes 
 shall, from that single circumstance, be considered leaders of the re- 
 volt, and treated as such. Their property shall be destroyed. 
 
 4 Wo to him whom the feelings of humanity and the interests of 
 his fellow citizens shall not induce to return to his duty ! he must ex- 
 pect no mercy — he will become the victim of his own obstinacy. 
 
 4 The inhabitants, at whose houses arms or ammunition are 
 found, shall be immediately shot, and their premises burnt to the 
 ground. 
 
 4 The present proclamation shall, in each commune, be translated 
 into the language of the country. 
 
 Baulard, Chef-de-brigade, Commandant. 
 
 Burthr, Aide-de-camp to Gen. -in-chief. 
 
 Masclary, Aide-de-camp to Gen. Menard.’ 
 
 ‘ Ilantz, 15th Floreal, Year VII, (May 5th, 1797.)’ 
 
 44 This proclamation produced the best possible effect upon the 
 peasants, and before we reached Trons several communes had already 
 submitted. The same thing occurred at Disentis, the municipalities 
 throwing themselves upon our generosity. They expressed regret 
 and repentance for the foul crimes which had been committed. We 
 were here upon the exact spot where humanity had been so cruelly 
 outraged — we were here opposite to that hateful building in which a 
 hundred and eighteen Frenchmen had been slaughtered ; and we 
 could still behold traces of that blood which ought to have been shed 
 only in defence of the commonwealth. I know not what may have 
 been the feelings of our soldiers, but it required all our ascendancy 
 over them, and all the vigilance of their officers, to prevent them from 
 committing the most violent excesses. 
 
 44 This was not, however, the most affecting part of these bloody 
 recollections. The inhabitants, alarmed at our approach, had care- 
 fully put out of sight all that could serve as evidence of their guilt, 
 or even of their participation in the crime which we came to punish. 
 They had taken from their dwellings every thing that denoted an act 
 
160 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of violence. The arms and clothes of their victims were shut up in 
 a cellar of the convent. The door of the building was broken open, 
 and our men rushed with precipitation into the dark passages leading 
 to these relics. Good God ! what a sight ! muskets, clothes, and 
 belts, pell-mell, formed a pile six feet high. 
 
 “ Whilst the soldiers, in a stupor of grief, were contemplating 
 these trophies of the good faith of the mountaineers, six light infantry 
 soldiers appeared who had escaped, as by miracle, from the fury of 
 these barbarians. They had succeeded in gaining the wood, and 
 had eluded every search made to discover them. Having at length 
 perceived us driving before us the ferocious shepherds, they had come 
 from their place of concealment to resume their arms and baggage. 
 
 “ One perceived the coat of a friend slaughtered before his face ; 
 another raised the cap of a grenadier whom he had been unable to 
 defend ; a third recognized a knapsack ,* a fourth a cartridge-box. 
 The silence was profound, the emotion general ; at length an old 
 soldier sprang forward and seizing a belt with a sort of nervous con- 
 vulsion, fell down in a swoon. 
 
 At this instance of grief, no one placed any further restraint upon 
 his feelings, and groans, and sobs, and tears served to express the 
 most painful emotions. The scene was dangerously affecting, and 
 might have rekindled the rage of the men, had I not put an end to it 
 by making them withdraw and ordering the doors of this horrible 
 place to be closed. 
 
 “ On inquiring into the cause of this insurrection, we were informed 
 that it was solely the work of the priests ; that these fanatics had 
 published a statement that the Austrians had taken possession of Lu- 
 cisteig and Davos ; that General Lecourbe had no further place of 
 refuge, and that the last hour was arrived of the French in Helvetia. 
 Among the atrocities committed, we learnt that the French officer in 
 command had expired after several hours of torture ; that his sub- 
 lieutenant had one of his legs broken, that he was afterwards thrown 
 upon a sledge, where he was exposed to the blows and abuse of this 
 savage people ; and that he died after a long and painful agony. A 
 store-keeper had escaped from the fury of the multitude, but his wife 
 still in the confinement of childbed, together with her infant babe, 
 remained in their hands. He returned to deliver them ; but he was 
 perceived, seized, and brutally mutilated. In this state he asked for 
 a priest ; one came, who declared to him that his death was inevita- 
 ble, that the people insisted upon it, and that he could not possibly 
 escape. The unhappy man, still not discouraged, begged that a 
 second priest might be sent to him, and then a third. But neither of 
 these ministers of the gospel would exert any influence to save his 
 life. They all told him, that no kind of subterfuge would avail him, 
 and he must submit to his fate. At length, after thirty-six hours of 
 suffering, he was shot, notwithstanding the supplications of his wife 
 on her knees, who held up to the view of the murderers the innocent 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 161 
 
 babe in her arms. Being repulsed with violence, she was herself 
 dreadfully outraged, and escaped with her life, in consequence only 
 of the approach of our forces. We gave this unfortunate woman a 
 thousand francs, as a first aid in her deplorable situation. 
 
 “ The moment of retribution had now come. An example was 
 necessary, and it was considered that the destruction of the very place 
 where the revolt first broke out would best serve as one. We ac- 
 cordingly assembled such of the inhabitants as had taken but a slight 
 share in the revolt, and these, together with the women, children, and 
 old men, we ordered to withdraw ; we then set fire to the village and 
 convent. 
 
 “We however attempted to save the house of a member of the 
 provisional government of Rhetia, and also that of a widow who had 
 shown kindness to the French. The wind was too high, and we did 
 not succeed ; but we saved the goods of these houses, and put a guard 
 over them. Nothing was missing. 
 
 “ Several leaders of the insurgents, among whom were two monks, 
 were concealed in the village. The fire forced them to leave their 
 place of concealment, and they were taken and shot. The communes 
 were not very severely treated. They had plundered the military chest, 
 and carried off three months’ pay of the soldiers ; they had likewise 
 damaged the corn deposited in the convent. We therefore laid a con- 
 tribution upon the most culpable, and thus forced them to repair the 
 damage they had caused. 
 
 “ Such was the issue of this deplorable insurrection. One hundred 
 and eighteen Frenchmen lost their lives through the confidence they 
 had placed in the hospitality of the inhabitants. Twenty-two perished 
 in avenging this dreadful butchery, and one hundred and fifty were 
 put hors-de-combat in the different actions that took place for this 
 purpose. Of the inhabitants, twelve hundred peasants were killed, 
 and a much greater number bearing musket-shot and bayonet wounds 
 have since been found dead in the woods. Never was such an 
 attempt more severely punished. 
 
 “ Excited by fanaticism, combined with the attacks of the Austrians, 
 this revolt might have been attended with serious consequences, had 
 it not been immediately suppressed. It was necessary to strike at the 
 root of the evil, and thereby prevent a recurrence of such scenes. 
 
 “ This insurrection has been stamped with a character of cruelty 
 never remarked in any other. The cause of this seems to lie in the 
 great influence exercised by the priests and monks, who in the other 
 cantons have had a less share in such risings. 
 
 “ Burthe, Captain and Aide-de-camp.” 
 
 Thus was the insurrection put down at Disentis ; but it had unfortu- 
 nately spread beyond the narrow limits of that valley. Schweitz and 
 Altorf had taken up arms, and there was a rising at Engadine. Gene- 
 ral Loison, unable to make head against the swarms of insurgents that 
 
 VOL. I. 21 
 
162 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 assailed him, evacuated Chiavenna ; whilst Lecourbe, who directed the 
 defence of these valleys, had been obliged to give up Zernest, and was 
 with difficulty retreating towards Lientz. Menard was uncovered ; 
 the road which leads to Coire by Davos offered no defence, and the 
 right wing was placed in a very critical situation. But the measures 
 taken were as prompt as the necessity was urgent. Soult went against 
 the insurgents of Schweitz, Loison pressed hard upon those of the 
 Valteline, and Ney, leaving his cavalry, which could not venture into 
 the deep glens, placed himself at the head of a few companies of light 
 infantry, with which he reached Alberta. Lecourbe, who had pushed 
 towards Bellinzona, decended into the valley of Roveredo, and beat and 
 dispersed the insurgents. The remnant of their forces took refuge in 
 the valley of Missox ; Ney pursued and again routed them ; but that 
 wild country offering great natural means of defence, he soon perceived 
 that he had something better to do than fighting, and must be content 
 to depend upon the measures which his own skill might induce him 
 to adopt. He accordingly went to Claro, studied the ground, and pos- 
 sessed himself of the passes which opened in front of the right wing. 
 He extended his posts from the foot of Mount Bernardin, to the valley 
 of Roveredo. All that pari of the line was thus sheltered from the 
 incursions of the Austrians. The latter, unable to penetrate through 
 the passes, in which, from their being more strongly defended, the 
 obstacles daily increased, threw themselves into the still open glens, 
 and poured their columns into that of Furcula. This was rugged and 
 difficult, and Ney did not resist their entrance into it ; but having 
 seized the defiles, and destroyed the bridges, the moment he saw the 
 Austrians engaged in its intricacies, he fell upon them, broke their 
 ranks, and put them to the rout. But it was impossible to pursue them 
 far, and he was therefore obliged to remain inactive. At length he 
 caught a distant view of the whole Austrian army in full motion ; — 
 he saw it form, extend its line, and ultimately disappear in the woods. 
 Where was it going ? what could be the object of its present move- 
 ment? were questions which naturally arose in his mind. There 
 seemed but little probability of its intending to enter the valley of the 
 Rhine ; and for him to penetrate into the country of the Grisons seem- 
 ed still more hazardous than to remain where he was. He knew not 
 what to conjecture, or what steps to take. His scouts, having reached 
 the summit of Mount Bernardin, discovered the remains of fires which 
 had been lighted there the night before. They reported that the Aus- 
 trian forces had passed, and that was all ; — they could give no intelli- 
 gence as to the road which the Imperialists had taken. He therefore 
 sent out reconnoitring parties, with directions to advance farther on ; 
 but the rain fell in to'rrents, the warmth of the season began to pene- 
 trate among the mountains, and bad weather, hunger, and fatigue, 
 compelled them to return without information. But intelligence of 
 some sort being indispensable, the General took measures for sending 
 out a party with better success. Bread was scarce ; and a small addi- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 163 
 
 tion to the soldier’s ration was an object of* great desire among the 
 troops : he therefore collected all the bread he could dispose of, and 
 adding a few pints of wine to this meagre store, sent forth a third de- 
 tachment among the eternal snow on the mountains. 
 
 This body of men being better provided with provisions than the 
 former parties, penetrated much farther. They reached Splugen, and 
 explored the woods and villages on their road ; but not a trace of the 
 Austrians could they discover. Nevertheless, the successes of the 
 latter were loudly trumpeted wherever the detachment passed. The 
 party returned, and acquainted Ney with what they had heard. They 
 reported that an Austrian column had taken possession of Lucisteig, 
 another had invaded the valley of the Rhine, and that the French ran 
 the risk of being destroyed. This news seemed so improbable that 
 Ney at first would not believe it ; but a despatch from Lecourbe gave 
 him still further particulars. The French had lost not only Lucisteig, 
 but Coire, and the whole country of the Grisons ; and a speedy retreat 
 had become necessary. 
 
 Ney called in his detachments, and reached Urseren. His operations 
 were again becoming more extensive, and his cavalry was about to re- 
 sume its former importance, when he received orders to join the army 
 which he had before left. Lecourbe, who forwarded the despatch to 
 him, would not allow him to depart without expressing satisfaction at 
 his co-operation. He wrote as follows : — 
 
 “ I enclose you, my dear General, a letter from General Massena. 
 I regret not having the benefit of your services for a longer period. 
 Receive the assurance of the esteem and friendship which I feel towards 
 you. Ever yours, Lecourbe.” 
 
 “ Giornico, 3rd Prarial, Year VII. (May 22d, 1797.)” 
 
164 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Ney, having joined his cavalry, took up his position upon the banks 
 of the Thur, in pursuance of his instructions. The Austrians having 
 debouched in strong force, occupied Andelfingen and Frauenfeld ; and 
 fresh columns continuing to advance, every thing denoted their inten- 
 tion of speedily giving battle. 
 
 Massena would not, however, allow them to complete their prepara- 
 tions, but boldly bearing down upon their line, resolved to anticipate 
 them. Paillard led the left, Ney the centre, Oudinot the right, and 
 Soult, with the reserve, was ready to carry his forces to the assistance 
 of any among his colleagues who might require it. The French 
 troops, highly excited, and impatient to avenge their late defeats, made 
 their attack with dreadful impetuosity. The Austrians gave way un- 
 der the shock, but soon rallied, and having taken possession of the 
 heights of Andelfingen, formed on the other side of Altikon, and op- 
 posed a resistance which Paillard and Ney were a long time in over- 
 coming. The danger served but to animate the latter of these gene- 
 rals : he formed his cavalry into a close mass, and threw its full 
 weight upon the columns opposed to him ; still he could not succeed in 
 breaking them. He then rallied his men, brought them up again, and 
 charged with such impetuosity that he broke through the Austrian 
 ranks, and his horsemen penetrated into their ranks, now thrown into 
 confusion. He drove the infantry to the bridges, the cavalry into the 
 Thur, and rapidly pursuing those who had escaped scathless from the 
 battle and from the element into which he had forced them, drove them 
 upon the columns of Paillard, who had just carried Andelfingen. The 
 carnage then recommenced. The adverse troops mingled and fought 
 hand to hand in the narrow streets of that town, until in the course 
 of the action the Austrians found an opening, when they fled tumult- 
 uously, leaving twelve hundred prisoners in the hands of the French. 
 Oudinot was less successful at Frauenfeld. After making himseli 
 master of the place, he was unable to debouch. In vain did he several 
 times renew his attempt ; the difficulties of the ground, and the columns 
 which constantly came up from the field of battle, always prevented 
 him from effecting his purpose: at length, however, Soult came to his 
 assistance, and these generals in conjunction overcame the obstacles 
 against which Oudinot had been unable to contend single-handed. 
 
 Massena’s object was thus attained : the Austrian’s were beaten and 
 driven to the right bank, nor could they for a long time to come hope 
 to be able to re-cross the Thur. But whilst Massena was beating 
 Hotze at Frauenfeld, the archduke reached Schaffhausen. The dis- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 165 
 
 proportion of the two armies now again became too great, and the 
 adoption of other measures by the French generals was urgent : they 
 were soon taken. The Glatt was not far off ; the banks of this stream 
 were more rugged, and easier to be defended, than those of the Thur, 
 and it was determined to retire behind it. This was, however, no 
 easy matter : for Nauendorf was advancing with his forces, and the 
 archduke was ready-fo debouch. But Ney had assumed the com- 
 mand of the van-guard ; great confidence was placed in his firmness 
 of purpose, and the army having begun the movement, soon reached 
 the positions it was to occupy. 
 
 But this was not effected without trouble : — for an instant the troops 
 lost their usual firmness, and the staff-officers forgot part of the orders 
 they were to have transmitted. A demi-brigade upon the Thur was 
 forgotten, and the army was already in its positions on the Glat be- 
 fore it was discovered that this demi-brigade had been left behind. 
 Ney, in anticipation of the accidents of the movement, had assembled 
 his commanders of corps at the advanced posts, and concerted with 
 them upon the measures to be taken. As soon as his preparations 
 were made, he continued his route, and pushed on to Altikon. Great 
 was his surprise when he perceived a demi-brigade in such a situation. 
 The enemy had already thrown bridges across the river, and the firing 
 was beginning to be heard. Ney hastily rallied the men, and ran to 
 make head against the columns which were advancing. He has 
 himself given an account of this fearful action, which we think will 
 be acceptable to the reader. 
 
 “to general massena. 
 
 “ Zurich, 8th Prairial (May 24, 1799.) 
 
 “ My dear General, 
 
 “ In consequence of the orders which I had given to the command- 
 ers of brigades in the division under my command, we proceeded at 
 four in the morning to the front of the positions it had previously oc- 
 cupied. Shortly after the arrival of General Tharrau at Winterthur, 
 the enemy attacked a reconnoitring party which I had sent towards 
 Oberwyl, and pursued it almost as far as Wesindangen. A column 
 of Austrian infantry extended to the right of the high road to Frauen- 
 feld as far as Hegt, and at the same time a second column advanced 
 against my right wing. I immediately directed General Gazan to 
 resume the offensive ; but the weak state of his force did not allow 
 him to do so. The chef-de-brigade, Roger, commanding the centre 
 brigade, whom I had ordered to make a movement to the right, to 
 attack the enemy’s column marching upon Winterthur, probably 
 manoeuvred according to circumstances. I received no intelligence 
 of him during the obstinate action I had to sustain, although he per- 
 fectly fulfilled the instructions I gave him. General Walther, who 
 commanded the reserve, retired behind the Tosz at the moment when 
 the enemy had forced me to retreat. General Tharrau had ordered 
 
16d 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 me in your name to assume the offensive, promising to support me 
 with General Soult’s division ; but whilst I was fighting in front of 
 Winterthur, I saw neither generals nor reinforcements. The gun- 
 shot wound I received in my knee at the gates of that town, forced 
 me for a short time to give up the command to General Gazan, who 
 nobly acquitted himself of the trust. After having my wound dressed, 
 1 ordered a retreat upon the Tosz, which I defended during an hour 
 and a half. The Austrian forces had crossed this river upon different 
 points, and I was obliged to have the heights crowned. Soon after, 
 I received a second gun-shot wound in one of my hands, and I again 
 lost my horse. Being thus personally hors-de-combat, I definitively 
 gave up the command to General Gazan, who will render you an 
 account of the end of the action. I shall only add, my dear General, 
 that the enemy attacked me with at least fifteen or sixteen thousand 
 men, and that I could only oppose to them, before Winterthur, three 
 or four thousand. They have experienced a very heavy loss of men, 
 arising from their obstinacy in making their cavalry and infantry 
 constantly charge. I have from six to eight hundred killed and 
 wounded ; the prisoners made by the enemy do not amount to a hun- 
 dred men. 
 
 “ The minds of the soldiers are singularly affected by our retreat 
 from the Thur ; and the more so, because the column of attack of 
 the chef-de-brigade, Roger, was forgotten and left upon the banks of 
 that river, whilst the columns of General Oudinot and Paillard retired 
 at an early hour. General Tharrau, on the very day of the retrograde 
 movement, wrote to me to proceed to Winterthur, and assume the 
 command of the van-guard. It was fortunate 1 did not think proper 
 to comply with this request ; for when at nine o’clock in the morning 
 I arrived at. Altikon, the corps of citizen Roger had not the least 
 knowledge of the retreat of the army. By this time from twelve to 
 fifteen hundred of the enemy, consisting of infantry and cavalry, had 
 crossed the Thur. I nevertheless reached my former position with- 
 out any loss, and it was on my arrival at Sulzbach that I was made 
 acquainted with the panic which had seized some of our troops at 
 Winterthur, and of which I had the honour to acquaint you last 
 night. 
 
 “ Adjutant-General Lorcet, who was by my side during the whole 
 action, conducted himself with the most distinguished bravery. He 
 had the misfortune to have a rib broken by a musket shot, and he 
 begs you will allow him to remain with me until his recovery. As 
 my wounds force me to retire for a while from the command you 
 have conferred upon me, may I request you will permit me to go 
 either to Colmar or somewhere else, for the benefit of my health ? 
 
 “ Ney.” 
 
 Massena granted Ney’s request without difficulty. He knew that 
 this general had, at the very commencement of the action, been struck 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 167 
 
 with a musket ball, which, after passing through his thigh, had spent 
 itself in the shoulder of his horse, and that he had remained on the 
 field after allowing some of the men to bind up his wound, and 
 staunch the blood with their pocket-handkerchiefs. Massena also 
 knew that at the head of a small body of cavalry Ney had charged 
 a whole squadron of Hungarians ; that being attacked by a foot sol- 
 dier just as he had struck down a hussar, he had not time to turn 
 aside the bayonet, which pierced through the sole of his foot ; that he 
 cut down his rash assailant, who however, in falling, fired his piece, 
 and shattered Ney’s wrist. 
 
 Ney’s services, and the severity of his wounds, rendered it impos- 
 sible for the general-in-chief to refuse him a short leave of absence ; 
 but he did not deem Lorcet entitled to the same indulgence. He con- 
 sidered the wounds of the latter much less dangerous ; but aware of 
 Ney’s friendship for that officer, he allowed him to take Lorcet with 
 him. 
 
 “ I would not have granted this to any other person,” he wrote, 
 “ but I can refuse you nothing. He may go, since you wish it.” 
 
 Both set out together, and on the road both ran a narrow risk of 
 their lives. On their arrival at Sissach, they demanded an express 
 to send to Basle for horses. This demand was sufficient to rouse a 
 population already exasperated by the pressure of war. A mob as- 
 sembled, and were about to offer violence to the French officers. 
 The municipal authorities, far from repressing, rather encouraged this 
 riot. Ney succeeded, however, in keeping the rabble in check ; and 
 he determined that the danger he had run should prove an advantage 
 to the wounded soldiers of the French army, who each day expired 
 under the poignards of this lawless mob. He accordingly, in the 
 following letter, invoked the vigilance of the French authorities, and 
 thus secured a safe retreat for the brave men who were wounded on 
 the field of battle. 
 
 “ TO GENERAL SOUHAM. 
 
 “Sissach, 10th Prairial, (May 29th, 1799.) 
 
 “ My dear General, 
 
 u I am going to Plombieres, in consequence of the wounds I have 
 received, accompanied by Adjutant-General Lorcet, also wounded on 
 the 8th instant. Anxious to reach Colmar this evening, I wished, as 
 I passed through the town from which I now write, to despatch an 
 express to Basle, in order to obtain horses from the commandant of 
 that place. I must now inform you that, after divers insults from 
 Nicholas Ars, municipal officer at Sissach, during the conversation 
 necessary to give this order, that wicked man threatened to have the 
 alarm-bell sounded, and thus assemble all the inhabitants of the com- 
 mune. This threat was followed by the commencement of a revolt, 
 in the course of which the Commissary of the Directory dared to add, 
 that they were a hundred armed men. The revolt will doubtless 
 
168 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 soon be over, by the prudence which I oppose to the mob ; but the 
 fate of our unfortunate brethren in arms, treacherously butchered in 
 other cantons of Helvetia by men calling themselves the children of 
 William Tell, renders it incumbent upon us, for the safety of the 
 wounded who pass here every day, not to leave such threats unpun- 
 ished. Our cruel experience, purchased over the bleeding bodies of 
 our slaughtered countrymen, particularly in the cantons I have just 
 left, makes it our duty to take such precautions as prudence combined 
 with resolution may dictate. I suggest to you no particular measures 
 of repression, but you will adopt those which you may deem neces- 
 sary to put a stop to the evil. Be they what they may, I beg that 
 you will not notice me as connected with circumstances of which, for 
 the safety of all, I have thought it right to give you information. 
 
 “ Health and Friendship. Ney.” 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 16 ^ 
 
 BOOK THE FOURTH, 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Having spent two months at a distance from the held of battle, 
 and his wounds being healed, Ney again joined Massena. The latter 
 was then in a most trying situation. The defeat on the Trebia had 
 taken place ; the allies were masters of all the valleys and mountain 
 passes, and might every moment effect a junction between the columns 
 which had been routed in Italy and those which had -been forced upon 
 the Limath. 
 
 Massena was occupied in preventing this manoeuvre, which might 
 prove fatal to him ; and hailed the return of Ney with considerable 
 satisfaction. He immediately gave the latter the command of a divi- 
 sion ; and as he had no less to defend his troops against the ravages 
 of hunger than against the enterprizes of the enemy, directed Ney to 
 provide against the one, at the same time that he counteracted the 
 other. But this was a difficult undertaking ; for the Austrian forces 
 swarmed upon the banks of the Aar, and the Frickthal, long ravaged 
 by war, was drained of both corn and cattle. Provisions must how- 
 ever be obtained ; for the soldiers, who had received no rations for 
 several days, were starving. 
 
 Ney, having ascertained the resources which the country still pos- 
 sessed, exacted supplies proportionate to these resources ; he lowered 
 the contributions of some, raised those of others, and thus relieved the 
 troops without overwhelming the inhabitants. Under pretence of ser- 
 vices and public works, the forests had been devastated and the woods 
 nearly destroyed by the agents of the French army. Ney put an 
 end to this odious abuse, and severely censured those who had par- 
 ticipated in it. As cupidity does not readily quit its prey, these agents 
 boldly declared their intention of following up the cuttings which they 
 had begun. 
 
 “ You state that you require wood,” said Ney ; “ but have you a 
 warrant from the commander of a wing for cutting it ? Besides, is it 
 
 vol. I. 22 
 
170 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in the forests of a country laid waste by war, or in those of the Em- 
 peror, that you ought to procure it? Go to the latter,” he added, “ and 
 let monarchs alone pay lor their own follies.” 
 
 Whilst Ney was wasting his energies in such obscure duties — 
 whilst he was employed in providing food for the troops, and at the 
 same time protecting the interests of the inhabitants, Lecourbe, en- 
 trusted with a more brilliant mission, had again penetrated into the 
 Upper Alps. His columns, after scaling the most frightful precipices, 
 had simultaneously debouched upon the Mutten, upon Altorf, and upon 
 Urseren. The Austrians, attacked from Zurich to Upper Valais, had 
 been driven beyond the mountains which separate the Reuss from the 
 Lentz. The St. Gothard, together with the valleys whence the Rhine, 
 and the Rhone, and the Reuss derive their sources, were in possession 
 of the French ; and the troops, which the latter had beaten in Italy, 
 could no longer stand against those now before them. 
 
 This admirable expedition had brought the French eight thousand 
 prisoners, but without altering, in any material degree, the dispropor- 
 tion of force between the hostile armies. The Directory was forming 
 an army in the Alps, and another on the Rhine. The several corps 
 which were to compose them, and the generals who were to command 
 their columns, were both selected from among those who had fought 
 the battles of France upon the shores of Egypt. 
 
 Ney was directed to join the second of these armies, and gave no- 
 tice to Massena of the orders he had received ; but the latter was on the 
 eve of encountering a fresh tempest. The Austrians had assembled 
 upon his left wing, and might be expected every moment to cross the 
 Aar, turn the lines of water which covered Massena’s forces, break 
 the latter, cut them off, and perhaps drive them upon the Jura. These 
 circumstances were too serious for Massena to permit the departure of 
 so able an officer, and he therefore begged Ney to remain until the 
 danger was past. 
 
 “ 1 was aware, my dear General,” he wrote to Ney, “ of the order 
 given you to join the army on the Rhine ; but I must request you will 
 defer your departure for some days. Indeed I most earnestly entreat 
 you to do so. You are necessary, nay, indispensable to your divi- 
 sion, and I should feel the most lively regret if you were to leave until 
 the arrival of the general appointed to succeed you. At all events, be 
 assured that it is with great regret I see you taken from an army to 
 whose success you have so powerfully contributed. 
 
 “ Head-quarters, Lentzburg, 2nd Fructidor, Year VII. 
 
 (August 19th, 1799.”) 
 
 No request could be more flattering ; but the storm burst sooner 
 than Massena had anticipated, for his letter had scarcely reached Ney 
 ere the cannonading began. The archduke had taken advantage of 
 the darkness of the night, and' thrown bridges across the river near 
 Dettingen. His columns were supported by heavy batteries. The 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 171 
 
 French troops, having imprudently formed upon the bank, were im- 
 mediately broken and forced to take shelter in the woods. Ney ar- 
 rived in the midst of the confusion, rallied and cheered the spirits of 
 the discouraged soldiers, but could not succeed in making them de- 
 bouch. The effect of the Austrian artillery was terrific ; as soon as a 
 file appeared it was mowed down. Fortunately. Ney had discovered 
 some Helvetian carabiniers in the French army. He knew with what 
 true aim these men used their pieces, and the immense distance at 
 which they could hit their mark. Having placed them behind some 
 sheds which happened to be on the ground, both French and Austrians 
 soon perceived the superiority of a true aim over the noisy detonations 
 of the artillery. Each* ball levelled its victim with the earth — each 
 shot reached the particular person for whom it was intended. Pon- 
 tonneers were soon found wanting, the time passed, the French 
 columns came up, and the operation failed. 
 
 The Austrians being thus foiled in their undertaking, the French 
 were about to set fire to the timbers and boats which their adversaries 
 had collected upon the Aar. But this warm reception having cooled 
 the courage of the latter, they no longer thought of crossing the river ; 
 they were content to return to their cantonments and maintain the 
 positions they already occupied. They accordingly proposed that the 
 French light infantry should cease firing, and they would replace 
 every thing in the same state as before the attempt which had just 
 failed. The French commander having acceded to these terms^the 
 boats were accordingly carried away, the rafters abandoned to the 
 stream, and each army peaceably guarded its own side of the river. 
 Ney then departed for Manheim. 
 
 Although he had devoted only four days to assist in maintaining 
 these important positions, yet this short delay had well nigh led to 
 unpleasant consequences. The organization of the army was com- 
 plete when he arrived ; not a single corps nor a division was without 
 a commander ; and in addition, he found it under the command of 
 Muller, although he had been officially informed that it was to be 
 commanded by Moreau. General Muller was assuredly a worthy 
 man, but he possessed neither the resolution, nor the spirit of enter- 
 prise necessary in the general of an army. Having been unsuccess- 
 ful in his first attempts, he was fearful of committing himself farther, 
 and aspired only to rid himself of # charge he was not qualified to 
 bear. The distribution of the forces composing his army had already 
 taken place, and he dared make no alteration in the columns, nor in- 
 crease the number of their generals. Ney was therefore several days 
 without having any post assigned to him. The army consisted only 
 of demi-brigades, formed from the depots, of men who had neither 
 clothes nor shoes. It therefore became necessary to make the Au- 
 strians minister to the wants of the French soldiers. Provisions must 
 be obtained and so must money ; wagons, cattle, and clothes were 
 likewise wanted ; — a spirit of enterprise must therefore be at work, 
 
172 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 parties must be sent to a distance, and the greatest dangers and diffi- 
 culties encountered. As Ney had already given proofs of his ability 
 in such matters, he was applied to, and a sort of division formed for 
 him, by drafting a certain number of regiments, or portions of regi- 
 ments, from each of the others ; — thus forming a column of fourteen 
 hundred foot and two hundred horse, the command of which was 
 given to him, and with which, on the 27th of August, he pushed on 
 to Heilbronn. This was but a small force to besiege a place, almost 
 open, it is true, but situated in the midst of a vast plain, overrun on all 
 sides by a numerous body of cavalry. Nevertheless Ney did not de- 
 spair of success. The imperialists, strong in cavalry, had at their 
 disposal only a feeble body of infantry, and riot a single piece of ar- 
 tillery. Ney had three field-pieces, a circumstance which seemed to 
 him to make up for his inferiority in numerical strength ; he therefore 
 marched boldly on. An action took place on the 29th. The first 
 shock was terrific ; the Austrian squadrons vied with each other in the 
 impetuosity of their charges. But a well -supported fire was kept up, 
 both of musketry and artillery ; and the attack of the imperialists soon 
 became less fierce, then uncertain, and soon ceased altogether. The 
 three guns had done excellent service, and in every manoeuvre foiled 
 the enemy, who were obliged to evacuate the field and leave Ney 
 master of it. He had defeated them solely by his superiority in artil- 
 lery ; and he did not despair, weak as were his forces, of striking a 
 still, more important blow by the same means. Heilbronn, by sup- 
 plying provisions and paying contributions, had satisfied the most 
 pressing wants of the French army ; Ney’s men were consequently in 
 good trim, and he resolved to push on to Ulm. This expedition was 
 perilous ; but that which he had more particularly in view was the 
 disengaging of the army of Helvetia ; and nothing was so likely as 
 this expedition, to produce such a result. The Austrians had made a 
 depot of Ulm, where they had collected their artillery, built ware- 
 houses, and assembled all their stores. If the attempt succeeded, all 
 these stores would fall into the hands of the French ; if unsuccessful, 
 still it would force the Austrians to advance. In every point of view 
 it offered advantages, and Ney therefore resolved to risk it. Unfor- 
 tunately all the commanders in the French army had not his energy 
 or his talents. The remainder of the army however followed his 
 movement, and a column took up a position at Lauffen. The country 
 was poor, and the troops were obliged to spread themselves through 
 it, in order to find subsistence ; but with generals as devoid of pru- 
 dence as of resolution, the army lost its energy, and no sooner did the 
 Austrian scouts come in sight than this column retrograded. This 
 unexpected movement had well nigh led to the most fatal conse- 
 quences.* Far from being able to push on to Ulm, Ney had great 
 
 * Net to the General-in-chikf Mullkii. 
 
 “ Steinfurt, 15lh Fructidor (September 1st, 1799.) 
 
 “ 1 cannot understand, my dear General, the partial retreat just effected 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 173 
 
 difficulty in maintaining the positions he occupied. The extent of 
 country which the army was obliged to overrun in order to live, had 
 rendered the French odious to the inhabitants, who acquainted the 
 Austrians with all the preparations and measures of their adversaries. 
 
 Sinzheim had been evacuated on the morning of the 1st of Septem- 
 ber, and scarcely had the night fallen ere the Szeckler hussars ap- 
 peared at Hilsbach. Such things were of trifling importance in 
 themselves ,* but they were enterprises undertaken in consequence of 
 information given by the peasants, and from that fact alone they de- 
 rived an importance which they otherwise would not have had. They 
 rendered the inhabitants more bold in their opposition, and less dis- 
 posed to supply the provisions without which the French could not 
 live ; for in the distress which weighed upon them, the most important 
 object was, not victory, but to prevent the men from dying of hun- 
 ger, by providing against the want by which they were worn down. 
 
 Ney took immediate measures to put an end to these understand- 
 ings with the Austrians, and secure his own communications. This 
 he was not long in effecting. The enemy had been imprudent enough, 
 on the 6th, to establish themselves at Lauffen ; on the 8th he attack- 
 ed, broke, and drove them upon Stuttgard. The French column 
 which had before retreated so precipitately, now resumed its line of 
 battle, and the original movement was followed up. But it no longer 
 presented the same advantages : Ulm was now defended by a strong 
 garrison, and it was as impossible to surprise as to force the placed 
 Still there remained another effect to be produced, and never was any 
 operation better calculated to produce it than the movement now un- 
 dertaken. The Austrian columns which had suffered defeat at Lauf- 
 fen, had unsuccessfully attempted to make a stand at Wissloch and at 
 
 by the * * * division. It would seem as if the enemy had pushed it in close 
 columns. The whole country is so well satisfied with this manoeuvre, that 
 the inhabitants would soon attack and expel me with prongs, if I did not em- 
 ploy the means necessary to guard my forces. I should think the above- 
 mentioned division might easily have occupied S ingen without committing 
 itself, even had it sent only a single battalion upon this service. 1 might then 
 have given a useful direction to my excursions and to my reconnoitring of 
 the interior of the country, and I might even sometimes have passed the 
 Necker. But if my rear is to be left open and insecure, I cannot, without 
 being considered a man devoid of common prudence, so readily place my 
 division in. jeopardy. You ask me to send you the two squadrons of the 
 third regiment of hussars, in order that they may join the cavalry reserve. 
 Not only, however, would they be of no use there, but you would disgust 
 these brave men by thus sending them to the rear. Already the Clief- 
 d’escadron, Lenougarede, who commands them, has inquired if he has lost 
 my confidence or committed some fault, as he is to be so disgraced. I told 
 him that the surplus of his regiment being about to join the army, the gene- 
 ral-in-chief wished to see the regiment complete, and he would then return 
 to me. 
 
 “ Be so good, my dear General, as to leave me these men. The 20th 
 chasseurs-a-cheval are doubtless sufficient to do the duty at Bergstadt, and I 
 presume they would have no other to perform. * Net.” 
 
174 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Hoffeim. Being overthrown each time, they were unable to cover 
 the ducal residence, and Ney, in position at Eppingen, carried his 
 excursions even to the walls of Louisburg. Staray was obliged in 
 consequence to hasten up with all his forces, and thus a diversion was 
 effected. 
 
 With so small a force to oppose to them, Ney had now before him 
 from twenty to thirty thousand Austrian troops, and his retreat might 
 at any time be cut off. He accordingly raised his camp, and retro- 
 graded without further delay, but without haste or precipitation. The 
 enemy’s Columns attempted each day to break his lines. They were 
 guided by the peasants, and had therefore the advantage of knowing 
 the country, as well as an overwhelming superiority of numbers. 
 Nevertheless, they were constantly foiled in their attempts. Ney’s 
 troops were patient and devoted ; and his measures being always 
 taken with judgment, the Austrians were beaten each time they came 
 to action. This series of engagements somewhat damped their ar- 
 dour, and they halted, became less troublesome, and the French ge- 
 neral quietly regained the banks of the Rhine. 
 
 The army had already recrossed that river ; and General Laroche 
 alone maintained his position before Manheim. This officer belonged 
 to a species of patriots not uncommon at that period. He was a red- 
 hot democrat, but a cool and intrepid soldier ; — he seized with rare 
 sagacity all the advantages of a position, and skilfully counteracted its 
 disadvantages. The position he occupied excited his apprehensions. 
 He found it too extensive and too open, to be guarded by his skeletons 
 of regiments, against the dense columns which were approaching him. 
 Ney’s opinion of the position was still more unfavourable. Manheim 
 is built upon both the Necker and the Rhine. Being situated upon 
 the right bank of the former, it is at a little distance from the angle 
 formed by the latter. The intermediate space, intersected with woods 
 and canals, was susceptible of a long defence. The approaches to 
 Manheim, on the other hand, offered no means of resistance ; never- 
 theless, it was determined to defend it ; and what is inexplicable, the 
 bridge had been thrown across the fiver at the precise spot where it 
 ought not. to have been placed. The Austrians had only to push a 
 column to the spot where the Necker joins the Rhine, and their suc- 
 cess was certain ; for the French generals would not venture to draw 
 their forces from their position on the Necker. The French troops, 
 thus deprived of the means of retreat, were uncertain and irresolute, 
 or at best devoid of enthusiasm. 
 
 Ney therefore found the position too dangerous, and recommended 
 its being changed. He advised that the bridge should be removed to 
 Neckerau, and that after concentrating all the disposable means within 
 the creek, Manheim and the banks of the Necker should be guarded 
 by posts only. Having submitted his observations to the general-in- 
 chief, they were no better received than those of General Laroche ; 
 and nothing was now left but patient resignation to events. The 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 175 
 
 Austrians attacked the position ; their attack was resisted with spirit, 
 but they were so numerous, and the position so bad, that the French 
 were forced to give way, and after a complete rout, compelled to 
 evacuate Manheim. To complete their disaster, the Austrians 
 attacked their communications. General Vandermassen and Adjutant- 
 general Lefol having collected a few men, threw themselves boldly 
 in front of the enemy ; but being almost immediately surrounded, 
 some of their soldiers were put to the sword, and the remainder called 
 for quarter. The French were now in open flight, and the whole 
 division would have been annihilated, had not Ney come to its assist- 
 ance. He had made his men fall in and prepare to march the moment 
 he heard the first reports of the artillery ; but his cantonments were 
 far off, and the attack had been so sudden and so rapid, that he had 
 not time to reach the spot before the rout took place. 
 
 He debouched at the head of the 16th, drove directly at the enemy, 
 and for an instant threw their ranks into disorder. But his efforts 
 were lost upon this immense mass of troops. All he could do was 
 to stop and keep them in check. Part of the French prisoners 
 rescued themselves ; but the officers, and particularly Lefol, submit- 
 ted to the captivity. Ney was himself twice wounded : he received 
 a musket shot in the chest, and his thigh was dreadfully contused by . 
 a Biscayan. 
 
 The French were now completely beaten. Their opponents might 
 follow them to the left bank in the boats which they had imprudently 
 left, and attack them in the midst of their cantonments. Ney hast- 
 ened to provide against such an occurrence. Having suffered less, 
 he was in a condition to support General Laroche. He accordingly 
 covered Laroqhe’s division, and concerted with him upon future 
 measures. 
 
 The staff officers at head- quarters, who could anticipate or decide 
 upon nothing, were, however, very jealous of their rights. They 
 considered that these rights had been infringed ; and the cantonments 
 as well as the intended measures of Generals Ney and Laroche, 
 were immediately changed. The latter was directed to guard the 
 Rhine from Spire to Neuhaufen no longer, but to face the plain, with 
 his right towards Spire, and his left towards Hanaufen. 
 
 Laroche was thunderstruck at receiving so singular an order. The 
 Austrians might still come up with him, overwhelm his force, and 
 renew the disasters, whose consequences he was then endeavouring 
 to remedy. He immediately wrote to Ney, to acquaint him with 
 the critical situation in which he should be placed by executing this 
 ill-judged order ; nor did he conceal from the latter his opinion that 
 “ it required a strong dose of patriotism not to yield to discourage- 
 ment.” 
 
 “ I admit,” was Ney ’s reply, “that matters are arranged in a most 
 incomprehensible manner. It is impossible to imagine a more painful 
 
176 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 situation than yours. But we are on the eve of an invasion, and 
 must make up our minds to endure its disgusts.” 
 
 And in truth this was necessary. A considerable force was ad- 
 vancing upon Mayence, and another upon Offenburg. Everything 
 clearly showed that the archduke, who had assumed the command of 
 the Austrian army upon the Rhine, had resolved, as report already 
 proclaimed, to act by means of his wings. One was to penetrate into 
 Brabant for the purpose of assisting the British, and the other to make 
 an irruption into Alsace, in order to harass and turn Massena. 
 
 The situation of the French army was indeed critical ; but it is in 
 struggling against evil fortune that true courage shows its greatness. 
 Ney did every thing that circumstances would admit of ; and, fortu- 
 nately for the French, the Austrians did not evince the promptitude 
 he had anticipated. They sent, it is true, five thousand men to Man- 
 heim ; but this movement, caused by the severity of the season, was 
 unconnected with any meditated hostile attempt. But what were they 
 doing, and what were their plans ? Such inaction was not natural, 
 and must therefore have reference to some reverses which they had 
 met with in Helvetia. And then again, such reverses must be great 
 and important, thus to paralyze the movements of so considerable a 
 force. Ney was lost in conjecture ; he had received no intelligence 
 from Massena, and could not at all account for the lengthened halt 
 of the afchduke. It might possibly conceal a snare ; the prince 
 might have conceived the project of passing the Rhine, and extending 
 his force along the left bank ; neither was it impossible that he might 
 descend the Necker, throw troops upon Frankenthal, and, profiting 
 by the advantage afforded by the possession of Manheim, land at 
 Ogersheim. If such were his intentions, he must necessarily threaten 
 Seitz and Brisach, and attempt diversions upon numerous points. 
 But these two places alone offered a real chance of success, and they 
 were therefore the only points which the French general applied him- 
 self to place beyond the power of attack. This he did by inundating 
 part of the environs of the one, and concentrating all his available 
 force upon the other -he then calmly awaited the issue. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 177 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The several garrisons taken from the French army having conside- 
 rably reduced its strength, there remained to carry on the campaign 
 only the skeletons of corps ; and these the enemy might every 
 moment be expected to force. Yet no orders were given, nor any 
 thing decided upon at head-quarters. Ney, uneasy at such a state of 
 affairs, renewed the observations which he had already submitted to 
 the commander-in-chief. But the latter had just received his recall ; 
 and he therefore sent for Ney, to whom he delivered up the command 
 in chief, the Directory having just appointed him to the vacant office. 
 He at first refused to accept it. The difficult situation in which the 
 army was placed, and his own ill health, two wounds being yet un- 
 healed, induced him to do all in his power to get rid of the perilous 
 honour conferred upon him. But the Directory had forwarded his 
 commission; and the generals and other officers unanimously entreated 
 him to put himself at their head. He therefore acceded to their 
 wishes, but rather as a self-immolated victim, than as an officer 
 whose ambition is crowned by fortune. 
 
 His first act was to claim the indulgence of his colleagues, and to 
 invoke the aid of their talents and exertions. 
 
 “ The executive Directory,” said he in his circular, “ has called 
 upon me to assume the provisional command of the army, in the 
 room of General Muller. You are aware of the inefficiency of my 
 military talents for this important station, particularly in our present 
 critical situation. I shall perhaps become the victim of my obedience ; 
 but under the circumstances in which we are placed, I am bound to 
 accept the appointment. I therefore claim your kind solicitude for the 
 safety of the troops under your command, as also your individual 
 kindness towards myself. I must moreover inform you that I have 
 signified to the Directory my intention of not retaining the command 
 beyond ten days.” 
 
 Nothing could be more modest than this address, nor show a 
 stronger pjoof of the most devoted zeal. But every officer in the 
 army had the strongest confidence in Ney’s talents. The different 
 commanders of corps, whose assistance he solicited, had fought with 
 him, some in Helvetia, others in the army of Sambre-et-Meuse ; all 
 knew his .ability and daring courage, and all were delighted at 
 seeing him assume the command. General Gillot congratulated the 
 army upon having Ney at its head and General Legrand, though 
 
 * Head-quarters, Nancy, 8th Vendemiaire, 
 Year VIII. (September 29th, 1799.) 
 
 I have learnt with real pleasure your appointment to the provisional com- 
 
 vol. I. 23 
 
178 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 confined with fever, was impatient to receive and execute his 
 orders.* 
 
 The sincere and candid Leval, so little given to flattery, was still 
 warmer in his congratulations. His letter, which moreover alluded 
 to the difficultes of the situation in which the army was placed, was 
 calculated to give Ney confidence in himself. It ran thus : — 
 
 “ If in the whole course of my life, my dear comrade, I ever expe- 
 rienced sincere satisfaction, it was on receiving the news of your 
 appointment to the chief command of this army. It is, of a certainty, 
 weak, but it is composed of soldiers who greatly esteem you. You 
 are sufficiently well acquainted with my sincerity to be assured that 
 I do not seek to disguise my real sentiments. You are calculated to 
 inspire confidence ; and it is with redoubled zeal that I shall study to 
 execute scrupulously the orders you may give me. I shall, in obe- 
 dience to your letter of the 5th instant, immediately pursue those 
 prompt measures which you direct, concerning the storehouses in the 
 places you mention. I thank you, General, for your approbation of 
 the steps I took to secure two decades of pay to the men under my 
 command, namely the 20th and 43d demi-brigades, and the 17th 
 regiment of cavalry. I feared I had exceeded my powers ; but I am 
 sure you have admitted the purity of my intentions. 
 
 “ To speak candidly, my dear General, I must state that if you 
 would give orders to withdraw the letter, relative to the cutting of the 
 woods and forests belonging to the princes, you would confer the 
 greatest service upon the unfortunate inhabitants of this country. 
 Matters have been so managed, that the Prince of Nassau-Orange is 
 included in the exceptions ; — he who is, at this very moment, one of 
 our most determined enemies. 
 
 mand of the army of the Rhine. The executive Directory, in conferring 
 this office upon you, has calculated upon your talents being equal to the 
 danger ; and your modesty will give an additional value to what it expects 
 from you. 
 
 You may depend, Citizen General, upon my vigilance for the safety of the 
 troops under my command, and believe me when I say, that I will always 
 exert hnyself to deserve your esteem and friendship. 
 
 Gillot. 
 
 * Head-quarters, Metz, 1st Vendemiaire, 
 Year VIII. (September 29th, 1799.) 
 
 The lart courier, my dear General, brought me the news of General Mul- 
 ler’s departure for Paris, and your appointment to the chief command of the 
 army. This gives me the most lively pleasure. I must inform you that I 
 have received from General Muller a leave of absence during two decades, 
 to recover my health at Metz. The fever left me but a few days since, 
 and although I am still very weak, pray let me know if you think my pre- 
 sence would be of service to the army before the expiration of my leave. 
 The promptitude with which I will proceed to whatever post you may assign 
 me, will prove to you how much pleasure 1 feel in serving under your orders, 
 and the sincere attachment of your comrade and friend, 
 
 Legrand. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 179 
 
 “ Believe me, General, when I say that I will neglect nothing to 
 prevent all kinds of oppressibn, and at the same time to promote the 
 interests of the republic. I cannot speak with the same confidence 
 concerning the collecting of contributions, because I have not a single 
 company to spare. Two millions of francs are due, and I have not 
 the means of getting them paid into the treasury of the department. 
 A regiment of cavalry would be of great service to me for this pur- 
 pose ; for we cannot conceal the fact that, in this country, force must 
 be employed on such occasions. 
 
 “ I herewith enclose the last report which has just been made to 
 me concerning the movement of the Prussians. I will take care to 
 send you intelligence of their march, and of the motions of our 
 enemies. 
 
 “ Any commander but you, my dear General, would be displeased 
 perhaps that in this my first letter I should declare that I am entirely 
 without funds. I think you will feel the urgent necessity of placing 
 some at my disposal. 
 
 “ You may rely upon my neglecting nothing to contribute to the 
 success of your undertakings. That is the first proof I will give you 
 of the satisfaction I experience at being under your command. 
 
 “ Rely also upon my sincere devotion and friendship. Leval. 
 
 “ Head-quarters, Coblentz, 7 Vendemiaire, 
 
 Year VIII. (September 28th, 1799.)” 
 
 Ney having assumed the command, it became incumbent upon 
 him to provide for the security of the frontier, by adopting the mea- 
 sures which he had before recommended in vain. But nothing is 
 more variable than the theatre upon which the interests of nations 
 are contended for. The Austrian army, which lately threatened 
 Holland, was now in full march towards Switzerland. Numerous 
 bodies of troops, it is true, were collecting on the banks of the Maine 
 and the Necker ; but these corps were calculated only to cover and 
 threaten fortresses, and not to strike any decisive blow. Every act 
 of offensive warfare was therefore to be undertaken by the army 
 under the command of the archduke. 
 
 The Austrian prince had accordingly assembled his equipages-de- 
 pont, and Lambesc, who had been directed to penetrate into the Low 
 Countries,'was replaced by Conde. The imperial troops were to take 
 no share in this latter adventurous undertaking ; the French emi- 
 grants were alone to run the hazard, and confront the dangers of the 
 attempt. The archduke therefore concentrated his forces on the left 
 bank for no other purpose than to make an irruption into the territory 
 of the Upper Rhine ; for with the French reserve on his right, he 
 could not think of attempting to press upon the centre of the republi- 
 can army. Mayence stopped him on one side, Landau embarrassed 
 him on the other ; and at that season of the year, he could no more 
 blockade those places than he could take them. Seitz, at first a 
 
180 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 point of no importance, was now the only one by which he could 
 reach the French army with any chance of success. The French 
 general, however, had no direct intelligence of the motions of the 
 archduke’s army ; and as in so important a matter mere conjecture 
 was not sufficient, he directed General Nansouty to observe the march 
 and movements of the Austrians, and prevent their establishing them- 
 selves in the Hundsruck hills. This country, the actual possession 
 of which offered the greatest advantages, had acquired peculiar im- 
 portance from the circumstances under which the French were placed. 
 Luxemburg was almost without troops and provisions ; and the arch- 
 duke, if once master of these mountains, would find no further obsta- 
 cle to his progress. He was trying to intercept every communication 
 between the places which the French held on the Rhine, and was 
 pushing on without opposition towards the Moselle. Ney endea- 
 voured to frustrate both measures. 
 
 Having distributed and grouped his forces, he put himself in a 
 situation to strike with vigour on whichever side the Austrians should 
 appear. But his army was so weak, and the line he had to defend 
 so extensive, that he had strong misgivings as to the course of events, 
 which he was watching with the most intense anxiety, when he per- 
 ceived the Austrian general call in his columns, and soon after ascend 
 the Rhine. What could be the cause of so extraordinary a move- 
 ment? Had there been a battle in Helvetia? Were the Austrians 
 defeated, or was it the reverse? Was the archduke himself proceed- 
 ing to consummate the overthrow of the republicans, or was he has- 
 tening to rescue the wreck of the coalition from their hands ? Ney 
 knew not what to think. But he concluded that the march of the 
 Austrian general could only have been undertaken with a view hostile 
 to the French forces; and he resolved, if not to make him suspend it, 
 at least to slacken his movements. But from the point which Ney 
 occupied, he could do nothing : Manheim was no longer in his power, 
 and he had neither bridges nor equipages ; — he had therefore no 
 immediate means of harassing the archduke. To cross the river by 
 main force, was totally impracticable ; and he was forced to remain 
 inactive. But that which it was impossible to do from the position 
 which Ney then occupied, might be effected elsewhere. The repub- 
 licans were masters of Kehl, they had a strong force at Brisach, and 
 he therefore ordered General Col laud to debouch upon these two 
 points. 
 
 Collaud, as may be seen in a formor part of these memoirs, was 
 a cold, reserved man, without ambition or ardour. Too little enter- 
 prizing perhaps, he was unable to create opportunities ; but he well 
 knew how to seize and take advantage of those which offered. This 
 instinctive quality rarely deceived him, and his vigilance was still 
 more rarely at fault. The movements which had aroused Ney’s at- 
 tention, had also excited that of Collaud. His forces were already 
 engaged with those of the archduke, when the order reached him to 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 181 
 
 harass the latter ; but this attack, advantageous as it was when made, 
 proved nevertheless inadequate to the occasion ; and Ney soon became 
 aware of this, by learning the secret of the archduke’s manoeuvres. A 
 pitched battle had been fought under the walls of Zurich, in which the 
 French had beaten and cut the Russians to pieces. Those among the 
 latter who had escaped the sword, had taken refuge in the mountains. 
 The archduke was proceeding to the assistance of the vanquished, for 
 the purpose of assembling and saving the wreck of an army so formi- 
 dable before its defeat ; and Ney determined to do all in his power to 
 counteract the archduke’s intention. 
 
 Success having once more returned to the French arms, each indi- 
 vidual soldier was full of confidence and courage, and each thought 
 that an attempt which he would not have ventured upon a few days 
 previous, could not now be otherwise than successful. But scarcely 
 were the Russians defeated, ere a host of fresh enemies appeared. The 
 population inhabiting the banks of the Necker had taken up arms, and 
 the Prussians seemed disposed again to join in hostilities against the 
 republicans. 
 
 The former, seduced by the enemies of France, affected to appre- 
 hend an invasion of their country by the French armies. The latter, 
 taking advantage of the aspect of affairs in Holland, pretended that it 
 was expedient they should adopt measures of precaution against the 
 British army, which the French did not seem strong enough to keep 
 in check. The forces of the one, increased by the Schwarzenbach 
 militia, were forming in the neighbourhood of Hulsbach ; those of the 
 other were assembling at Vesel, where five battalions of infantry and 
 as many squadrons of horse were already collected. But these were 
 not the only enemies against which the French army had to contend ; 
 treachery and fanaticism were at work in its very ranks. 
 
 Whenever new principles are proclaimed, men of exaggerated opin- 
 ions are to be found who carry such principles to the extreme of ab- 
 stract theory, as well as adroit hypocrites who affect a like exaggeration 
 as the best means of combating them. The army of the Rhine con- 
 tained many individuals of both these classes; the French troops on 
 the left bank as well as on the right, had their fanatics, and likewise 
 their hypocrites in patriotism. Both were equally dangerous ; and both 
 calculated to excite mutiny and dissension among the soldiers. The 
 army required tranquillity ; it wanted a spirit of consistency and con- 
 cord ; and Ney determined to put down the agitation raised by these 
 two classes of men. He refrained however from coercion ; leaving it 
 to time and victory to correct the evil. But time only increased the 
 exaggeration of the one class and the perfidy of the other ; and victory, 
 far from keeping either in check, only hastened the explosion of their 
 violence. The Austrians, as usual, instead of a defeat, had announced 
 a great triumph. This report had reached Bonn, and the people per- 
 suaded that the archduke had crossed the Rhine at Neuwied, crowded 
 to the banks of the river to see him arrive. Some capuchin monks 
 
182 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were at the head of the multitude, whom they entertained with the 
 same fables as they had employed in agitating the country-people in 
 the departments of the Sarre and Mont-Tonnere. In vain was the 
 falsity of their statements exposed, and facts related as they really 
 were ; these fanatics obstinately persisted, during three days, in pray- 
 ing for the appearance of the army which the republicans had defeated. 
 
 Matters were much worse at Coblentz, where General Leval com- 
 manded. This officer, who was somewhat of an invalid, was gener- 
 ous and benevolent, and he equally abhorred both turbulence and per- 
 fidy. Fond of order* and severe in matters of administration, he had 
 managed to keep all parties under control. The pretended and the 
 true jacobins were obliged to contain themselves within just bounds ; 
 but both, impatient of the restraint he had imposed upon them, were 
 only seeking an opportunity to shake it off. The news of Massena’s 
 victory had just reached Coblentz ; the city was illuminated, and the 
 republican soldiers exulting in the event. This seemed a favourable 
 time for appealing to opinions which were now getting out of date. The 
 president of the municipality had been secretary to Prince Charles. 
 He had returned to his native country about eighteen months before, 
 had first glided into the municipal administration, and then subdued 
 the other members to his will : he now reigned over it in despotic 
 sway. His colleagues had adopted his views, were penetrated with 
 his principles, and co-operated in all his plans. Rude towards the citi- 
 zens, and brutal towards the soldiers, these men effected an exaggera- 
 tion of feeling which strangely contrasted with their actions. 
 
 Though this singular patriot calculated his plans with cool delibera- 
 tion, he accused those who daily exposed their lives to maintain the 
 institutions of their country, of coldness and want of energy. His col- 
 leagues, obedient to his beck and call, like him affected exaggeration, 
 appeared thoughtful and uneasy, put on the disguise of stern and un- 
 flinching republicans, and pretended to lament that freedom should have 
 been placed under the protection of guardians who had proved them- 
 selves so unworthy. Popular feeling had just been excited, and they 
 did not let this opportunity for agitation escape them. A great crowd 
 assembled, and, headed by the municipal magistrates, proceeded 
 through the streets crying, “ Long live the jacobins !” They applied 
 the most approbrious epithets to every French soldier they met; the 
 French officers were likewise insulted, termed aristocrats and Ven- 
 deans, and pursued with the cries of “ Down with the Chouans !” 
 To the latter exclamation some among them replied, “ And the jaco- 
 bins likewise!” This they said merely from irritation at the ill usage 
 they received. At this answer, which seemed very natural, the mob 
 rushed upon them, ill-treated them, threw them on the ground, and 
 stamped upon them. The guard, having come to their assistance, was 
 likewise attacked, and with great difficulty succeeded in extricating it- 
 self from the riotous multitude, who, being assailed in their turn, were 
 dispersed. 
 
MARSHAL NEY, 
 
 183 
 
 The aspect of affairs was therefore not very brilliant with the 
 French. On the one hand the Austrians appeared with hostile de- 
 monstrations, on the other the Prussians with equivocal assurances ; 
 in front was an insurrection, and attempts at revolt in the rear. The 
 French army was thus menaced on all sides. If it had only had to 
 face the enemy, or guard against ambuscades, the danger would not 
 have been greater than usual ; but demagogues had suddenly sprung 
 up among its ranks, and transforming the ardour of war into the fever 
 of revolt, threatened to paralyze the feeble battalions which composed 
 it. This, of all the obstacles Ney had to encounter, was the most 
 dangerous. But he little heeded loquacity, and turbulence still less ; 
 those who gave way to them, were severely reminded of their duties. 
 Of two general officers who had fired the train by inflammatory speech- 
 es to the men, one was as bad a soldier as he was a furious jacobin ; 
 and having no letters of service, was dismissed without ceremony. 
 The other though a bustling demagogue, was nevertheless a good and 
 brave officer, and Ney was hesitating as to the steps he should take, 
 when the officer himself put an end to this embarrassment. He had 
 commanded upon the Rhine during the last war, and had had a violent 
 altercation with Moreau. It is known that the latter general blamed 
 the addresses of the army of Italy, and opposed such addresses in his 
 own army. His lieutenant, the officer in question, paid no attention 
 to Moreau’s orders to this effect. The men belonging to the right wing, 
 which was under his orders, having expressed their desire to protest 
 against the project of Clichy, he assembled them, libelled the manifesto, 
 and excited to a pitch of rage the hatred which they already bore to 
 the emigrants. Moreau, provoked at seeing his authority thus slight- 
 ed, suppressed the protest. A violent altercation ensued, and the powers 
 of the too impetuous commander of the right wing were soon taken 
 from him. The speedy arrival at Ney’s army of the officer he accu- 
 sed of this disgrace, being announced, he availed himself of the repug- 
 nance he felt at being under the orders of this individual, to apply for 
 employment in a subordinate rank elsewhere. All dissensions now 
 ceased among Ney’s troops ; the men resumed their warlike habits, 
 and forgetting politics, directed their attention solely to their duties as 
 soldiers. 
 
 The republican forces, reduced to live as it were upon what they 
 could take from the enemy — being without pay, clothing, or shoes — 
 were under that degree of irritation which leads men willingly to the 
 field of battle. Coblentz was in a state of siege, and there were 
 neither revolts nor insurrections to be apprehended in the rear. Ney 
 thought he had reached the end of his difficulties ; but he had only 
 got out of one to fall into another. His forces being so feeble, he 
 endeavoured to supply this defect by courage and promptitude. He 
 organized his army afresh, and placed at the heads of columns young 
 men like himself, all ardent and vigorous, fearing neither fatigue nor 
 peril. He stationed in the rear those whom age and obesity had ren- 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 184 
 
 dered less active. This was enough, however, to set the whole of 
 the field-officers in a rumour. One vehemently (Claimed his place in 
 action; another appealed to the tenour of his commission ; a third was 
 indignant “ at being confined to one place;” a fourth could not sub- 
 mit “ to march in the rear of the ammunition wagons.” Even the 
 members of the commissariat became angry, and invoked their rights 
 of precedence. In the midst of this species of mutiny Lacombe Saint- 
 Michel arrived from the army of the Danube, and having found Sor- 
 bier at the head of the light artillery, “ fancied himself transformed 
 into a guard-general.” He would not countenance such changes, he 
 said, and claimed his station in the line. As he had distinguished him- 
 self both in the field of battle and at the tribune, Ney considered him 
 entitled to an explanation. 
 
 “ Would you wish,” said Ney, “ that the muster-roll should have 
 greater weight than the good of the service ; and that for the sake of 
 complying with vain pretensions of precedence, I should risk the suc- 
 cess of my operations ? — for, in sober earnest, are you active enough 
 to be attached to my suite 1 — are you supple and strong enough to be 
 constantly in the field ? Leave then to Sorbier the fatigues which his 
 youth will enable him to bear ; he will correspond with you, and will 
 not cease being under your orders.” 
 
 Lacombe was convinced. “ It is all right, General,” he cried. “ I 
 had not the honour of being known to you ; and as I possessed the 
 confidence of the whole of France, I thought it hard that you should 
 refuse me yours. All is now explained ; send me your orders, and 
 you know how I can execute them,” 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 185 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The peasantry on the right bank had, as we have already stated, 
 taken up arms, and were tumultuously assembled round Frankfort. 
 They were already twenty thousand strong. As this movement 
 might become serious, Ney resolved to punish these villagers for in- 
 terfering in a quarrel which did not concern them, and at the same 
 time make a useful diversion. Having settled his plans accordingly, 
 General Leval pushed a column upon Limburg, whilst General Rous- 
 sel crossed the Rhine at Seitz, and Nansouty at Frankenthal. The 
 Imperialists, being menaced on their wings, dared not weaken them ; 
 and General Lorcet, who led the real attack, debouched without ob- 
 stacle upon the dense ranks of these unhappy peasants, whom a sort 
 of infatuation had brought to the field of battle. They were estab- 
 lished upon the Maine ; their position was strong and well chosen ; 
 but the French troops were irritated at this rising, and rushing upon 
 them with fury, overthrew and cut them to pieces. They who escap- 
 ed with their lives from this foolish attempt, returned peaceably to 
 their cottages. There remained however about fifteen thousand in 
 arms, whom it afterwards became necessary to punish also. 
 
 This act of energy produced a good effect. Scarcely had the Aus- 
 trian reserves received the news of the rout of their militia, ere they 
 ran to its assistance. Schwartzenberg quitted Manheim with precipi- 
 tation, and threw himself into Frankfort with the ten thousand men 
 he commanded. 
 
 The French thus cleared the approaches of the river ; but the stores 
 which they had hoped to seize, and the contributions they had ex- 
 pected to levy, escaped them with this place. Resignation was again 
 their only remedy, and they were once more reduced to expedients to 
 alleviate their intolerable sufferings. But this was now a more easy 
 task. The Directory had given orders that an active and vigorous 
 diversion should be made, and the reinforcements which it had an- 
 nounced for this purpose were beginning to arrive. Ney had now 
 from eighteen to twenty thousand men at his disposal ; the field of 
 action was consequently larger, and the operations were more ex- 
 tended and more certain. The enemy had established themselves 
 upon the Neckar, and Ney determined to go there and meet them. 
 His columns were put in motion, and he was preparing to follow, 
 when news reached him that Lecourbe had been appointed to the 
 command of the army. 
 
 He had formerly served under this general, whose sagacity, enthu- 
 siasm, and precision in conducting attacks, Ney well remembered, as 
 he did also the praises he had received from Lecourbe. The opera - 
 
 vol. i. 24 
 
186 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 tion which he had planned seemed sure, and he hastened to offer its 
 direction to his new commander. 
 
 “ The Austrian troops assembled upon the Necker,” he wrote to 
 the latter, “ do not amount to half the number of ours. Hasten 
 hither, and put yourself at our head ; every one expects you, and 
 particularly myself, with the most sincere impatience. Your pre- 
 sence will excite fresh ardour among us. We shall, under your 
 command, be more certain of success and proceed with greater 
 confidence.” * 
 
 But in warfare Lecourbe loved only the field of battle. He had 
 just arrived at Strasburg, where he found nothing but want and 
 misery. Having entered the town on the 10th of October, when the 
 weather was cold and rainy, he beheld the soldiers parading about 
 the streets in rags. Nor were their arms better than their clothing : 
 one had no musket, another no sabre ; all bore evidence of the most 
 cruel neglect, and all benf under the weight of distress. Nothing in 
 this deplorable picture flattered Lecourbe’s passion for military glory, 
 and he was on the point of resigning his command. Meantime the 
 army was following u.p the advantages it had gained ; it had taken 
 Grosgerau and Treben, and was advancing upon Heidelberg. A new 
 action was about to take place, and Ney again offered his new com- 
 mander the honour of leading it. He was aware of the hesitation of 
 the latter about retaining the command, and he thought he could 
 overcome this hesitation by giving Lecourbe an account of the vigour 
 with which the troops, represented to him as so weak, had attacked 
 the enemy. 
 
 “ Come quickly,” he wrote ; do not suffer yourself to be influenced 
 by any one respecting the situation of the army. It is capable, 
 whatever some may say to the contrary , of making a vigorous diver- 
 sion.” 
 
 It was impossible to be more pressing or more friendly ; but Le- 
 courbe having met at Strasburg all those whom Ney had sent to the 
 rear, had listened to their statements, and replied with coldness to 
 these kind entreaties. Ney had the Austrians in front of him, and 
 revenged himself on them for the injustice of his commander. He 
 attacked them on the 15th of October in front of Heidelberg, and 
 such was the force of the shock that neither the hussars nor the 
 Bulans could withstand it. Not but that they fought with courage ; 
 indeed their resistance was heroic. Prince Lichtenstein, who com- 
 manded during the action, was overpowered, and Count Esterhazy 
 taken prisoner, before they would give way. The different corps upon 
 the Necker had also been defeated, and Prince Schwartzenberg, who 
 commanded the Austrian army on the Lower Rhine, had made all 
 possible haste to Stuttgard. 
 
 The diversion ordered by the Directory having thus been effected. 
 
 * Mayence, 19th Vendemiaire, Year VIII. (October 10th, 1799 .) 
 
MARSHAL NEY, 
 
 187 
 
 Massena, more at his ease, could now extend his operations. But 
 these successes, far from allaying angry political feelings, tended only 
 to inflame them the more : one did not without rage see his predic- 
 tions fail ; another was angry that the army could do without him ; 
 and wounded vanity being more powerful than a sense of duty, Ney 
 encountered nothing but opposition and malevolence in those who 
 ought to have given him their most strenuous support. This was 
 lamentable; but man is so formed, Ney however was not discou- 
 raged, and only determined to push on his operations with redoubled 
 vigour. 
 
 Philipsburg was still in the hands of the Landgrave, or, more pro- 
 perly speaking, in those of the Austrians ; and he resolved to try 
 whether an attempt to obtain possession of it would not be now more 
 successful than at the beginning of the war. He accordingly marched 
 thither, and found it as little able as formerly to offer an effective 
 resistance. The garrison was badly provisioned, not numerous, and 
 its ranks further thinned by desertion and sickness ; so that the place 
 could not possibly hold out six days after the trenches were opened. 
 Weak as Philipsburg was, it however required a certain display of* 
 force to reduce it ; ammunition, artillery, and from twenty to twenty- 
 five thousand men were requisite to cover the siege. Ney had only 
 fourteen thousand ; he therefore deemed the operation too hazardous, 
 and contented himself w’ith blockading the place. 
 
 His force, however, though insufficient for a siege, was greater 
 than a mere blockade required. He therefore took with him all the 
 troops he could spare, and determined upon a fresh attempt in favour 
 of Massena. 
 
 Stuttgard continued the depot of the Austrians, and he doubted not 
 that, if he threatened that place, Prince Charles would hasten to its 
 assistance. Having made his preparations, he sent for the commis- 
 sary and the chief of his staff. The latter contented himself with 
 eluding the order ; but the former, stung to the quick at Ney’s un- 
 compromising integrity, boldly declared that all connexion between 
 himself and Ney had ceased; that both had now another commander, 
 and that the latter had retained him near his person. So long as this 
 malevolent feeling did not lead to acts detrimental to the service, Ney 
 took no notice of it ; but as such was now its effect, he visited it with 
 the full weight of his displeasure. The staff officer having done duty 
 with the army, Ney was content to treat him as a man who had for- 
 gotten himself. But the commissary, who had done nothing during 
 the whole campaign, had provided nothing, and had left the soldiers 
 in a state of the most’ dreadful destitution, he treated with greater 
 severity, and at the same time with the most cutting contempt. He 
 ordered him to join the army forthwith, and organize the administra- 
 tion attached to it ; and further, to produce the order which authorized 
 him to remain at Strasburg. The commissary had indulged in the 
 
188 
 
 MEMOIRS Of 
 
 opposition which embarrassed Ney’s operations, and given way to his 
 malignant feelings towards the general, under the idea of receiving 
 support from General Lecourbe, who, being dissatisfied, and naturally 
 fond of finding fault, left the burthen of the war to his active prede- 
 cessor, and yet took a secret pleasure in the malevolent reports spread 
 against him. 
 
 Ney could with difficulty endure that Lecourbe should encourage 
 such opposition, and took care to let him know it. But Lecourbe was 
 always wavering ; still undecided whether or not he should accept 
 the command, he nevertheless thwarted Ney in every possible man- 
 ner. Sometimes he said that it was dangerous to cross the Rhine, at 
 others he wanted all operations to be suspended. Thus Ney being 
 pressed on the one hand by government, who directed that the war 
 should be pushed to extremities, and kept back on the other by the 
 general-in-chief, who only sought to throw obstacles in his way, soon 
 became weary of these contradictory instructions, and requested the 
 war minister to put an end to such a state of things. 
 
 “ I beg to inform you,” he wrote, “ that since General Lecourbe’s 
 arrival, I experience nothing but opposition to every thing I under- 
 take. The Commissary-general Lamartelliere, and the Chef-d’Etat- 
 major General Baraguey-d’Hillers, are with him at Strasburg, and 
 are constantly throwing obstacles in my way. Have the goodness, 
 Citizen Minister, to force General Lecourbe immediately to exercise 
 the honourable office with which the executive Directory has invested 
 him, and no longer leave me exposed to the annoyances of men who 
 would do much better in attending to the welfare of the army. 
 
 “ Ney.” 
 
 “Manheim, 29th Vendemiaire, Year VIII 
 (October 20th, 1799.)” 
 
 Ney, having forwarded a copy of this letter to Lecourbe, set out 
 on his expedition. His forces, though far from numerous, were com- 
 posed of steady and experienced troops, each soldier being actuated 
 by one common feeling of hatred to the Austrians and of devotion to 
 his country. The imperialists, with all their numerous battalions, 
 were unable to withstand this handful of brave men, who, on the 29th 
 of October, encountered and drove them back at Hislack. On the 
 following day, as the French columns were advancing upon Slocks- 
 berg, the cuirassiers of Anspach and those of Frantzmailand appeared, 
 to give them battle. The first regiment of French chasseurs imme- 
 diately advanced, the light artillery prepared their pieces, and the 
 action began. The attack of the French was, as usual, dreadfully 
 impetuous ; but the resistance of the imperialists was most determined, 
 and for a long time no advantage was obtained on either side. At 
 length the Chef-d’Escadron, Dubois-Crance, having at the head of his 
 squadron charged the Austrians with extraordinary energy, succeeded 
 
MARSHAL NEY, 
 
 189 
 
 in shaking them. The Prince of Hohenlohe rode forward, rallied his 
 men, and the action was resumed with fresh spirit, and with such de- 
 termined obstinacy that neither party would give way. But the 
 French artillery being brought to bear upon the Austrians, ils fire 
 proved so destructive that they gave way, and the prince himself 
 made off with all haste for Louisburg, in order to effect a junction 
 with the Duke of Wirtemberg, and rally his forces under the walls of 
 Ulm. Ney might have pursued him, driven back the Austrian troops 
 on his right, and seized Stuttgard ; but his cavalry was too weak to 
 venture into the vast and fertile plains through which the Necker 
 runs v 
 
 Meantime Lecourbe had joined the army and assumed the com- 
 mand. He seemed but little disposed to second Ney’s enterprises ; 
 he had not forgotten their late altercation, and it seemed his constant 
 aim to mortify his late locum-tenens, whom he ordered one of his 
 aides-de-camp constantly to follow, under pretence of rendering his 
 communications with head-quarters more rapid. Ney at first treated 
 this measure with silent contempt, and feigned not to perceive the 
 motive in which it originated ; but Lorcet, who commanded one of his 
 brigades, having complained to him of similar treatment, he deter- 
 mined to take the matter up. The fact is, Baraguey, the chief of the 
 staff, pretending to entertain suspicions of Lorcet, sent an officer to 
 observe his conduct, and more particularly to watch his proceedings 
 in levying contributions on the villages. So long as the insult had 
 been confined to himself, Ney had not complained : but the moment it 
 was directed against one of his officers he gave vent to his anger. 
 After expressing his feelings with regard to the chief of the staff, he 
 arrested certain agents or spies which that officer had sent into the 
 villages, and then addressing Lecourbe, bitterly upbraided him with 
 these unhandsome proceedings. 
 
 “ I do not, I know, enjoy your confidence,” he wrote. “Well, be 
 it so ! but then you must send me to the rear, and not subject me to 
 the investigations of your officers ; for you must know that I have the 
 presumption to think I understand my duty and am capable of per- 
 forming it. I am not, it is true, base enough to cringe to or flatter 
 any man ; but my country is the object of my sole and constant soli- 
 citude, and for it I shall find strength to make every sacrifice and 
 support every mortification.”* 
 
 This bold and manly expostulation produced a powerful effect : 
 Lecourbe disavowed the acts of his staff officer, and replied to Ney’s 
 letter with kind and friendly professions. He then seemed to restore 
 his confidence to the latter, and acted upon all his suggestions. Ney 
 having several times complained of the small number of his cavalry, 
 and of the constant delay in pursuing the enemy, Lecourbe now sent 
 
 * Letter of the 10th Brumaire, Yejr VIII. (Nov. 1st, 1799.) 
 
190 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 him the first regiment of cavalry, with an intimation that he was 
 about to direct a march upon Stuttgard. As this movement required 
 stores. of provisions, and means of carriage, he directed Ney to collect 
 all the money and horses still remaining in the villages* This was 
 an unpleasant duty, but it was commanded by circumstances ; Ney 
 therefore directed one of his brigades upon Wimpfen, advanced upon 
 Bruckenheim at the head of the other, and, by alternately fighting and 
 assuming a threatening attitude, succeeded in reaching the Entz, 
 
 This bold and skilful march placed the imperial army in a very 
 critical situation* Massena was at Basie with a heavy column of 
 grenadiers, and Ney had crossed the Necker ; the former was about 
 to make an irruption into Suabia, the latter to penetrate into Wirtem- 
 berg. Both the flanks and the communications of the archduke’s 
 army were thus exposed ; and this prince, if he could not secure his 
 menaced flanks from danger, was anxious at least to keep his com- 
 munications open. He had marched to the assistance of Hohenlohe, 
 and had directed that Heilbronn should be occupied and maintained 
 at any sacrifice. Hohenlohe having pushed forward, and extended 
 his lines from Gross-Botwar to Besigheim, Ney resolved to attempt 
 driving them back. He accordingly threw a part of his left brigade 
 upon Marpach, placed the remainder round Lauffen, and advanced 
 with his right brigade upon the Austrian columns which had taken up 
 their position at the conflux of the Entz. The weather was most un- 
 favourable, and the inhabitants of the country, tired of the presence of 
 the French, and otherwise discontented, were zealously devoted to the 
 archduke ; this prevented Ney from ascertaining the strength of these 
 columns, but on the 3rd of November he formed into line in front of 
 them, with the 1st cavalry, the 10th chasseurs, and two battalions of 
 the 8th demi-brigade. 
 
 When the French debouched, the imperialists were themselves 
 about to march in pursuit of them. The Austrian force consisted of 
 three thousand horse and four thousand foot, and they attacked the 
 French with all the confidence inspired by a greater superiority in 
 numbers. They rushed like an irresistible torrent upon Ney’s little 
 band ; but its brave leader succeeded in checking their career. The 
 French infantry received them with admirable coolness, and the 10th 
 chasseurs made some very effective charges. By degrees the action 
 became more developed, and, notwithstanding the great disproportion 
 of force, the French maintained the contest during six hours without 
 any decided disadvantage. 
 
 Night was however approaching, and strife seemed to become 
 every instant more animated and more deadly. The French artillery 
 fired with admirable precision, and the grenadiers of the 8th demi- 
 brigade evinced an extraordinary degree of courage and fortitude, 
 which the increasing danger seemed only to stimulate to greater dar- 
 ing ; but a body of three thousand Wirtembergians having come up to 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 191 
 
 the assistance of the Austrians, Ney was forced to give way. The 
 retreat of the French was at first conducted with order and precision ; 
 and every attempt of the enemy to trouble it was frustrated. But the 
 imperialists, vexed at seeing so small a force escape from them, made 
 a desperate charge, and fell in overwhelming numbers upon the artil- 
 lery and infantry by which it was supported. The grape-shot of the 
 French artillery stopped the career of the Austrian cavalry, but the 
 infantry of the republicans was not so fortunate. The men were ex- 
 hausted by forced marches and by the fatigue of the action ; they lost 
 their steadiness at the sight of the swarms of cavalry rushing upon 
 them, and gave way in confusion. 
 
 Ney lost six hundred men killed or made prisoners, and could no 
 longer stem the torrent which was sweeping all before it. He there- 
 fore prolonged his movement, and took up a position with his right at 
 Stockberg and his left at Helmstadt. Lecourbe did not think this a 
 good position : he wished that the 8th demi-brigade had crossed the 
 Entz and effected a junction with the right wing under the command 
 pf Legrand. ButJNley had ascertained that the great mass of the 
 Austrian forces were in front of him, and he perceived that their ob- 
 ject was to surprise Sinzheim ; he therefore represented to the com- 
 mander-in-chief the importance of maintaining his position and the 
 latter yielded to his opinion. The confidence he displayed restored 
 that of his troops ; nevertheless it could not prevent the evil conse- 
 quences always attendant upon defeat. 
 
 The reader may remember Ney’s attempt upon Philipsburg at the 
 beginning of the campaign, and the causes of its failure. The Direc- 
 tory was now desirous of repeating this attempt, in the conviction 
 that, with a display of force before the place, the former secret nego- 
 tiations with the inhabitants, which had well nigh placed the town in 
 the hands of the French, might easily be renewed. It was to no 
 purpose that Ney represented that the circumstances were no longer 
 the same ; that the commanding officer of engineers, and the 
 town-major had been changed. The weak and haughty Rheingrave 
 of Salm, so fond of intriguing and plotting against the French, but 
 so little qualified to meet them in the field, was still governor of 
 Philipsburg ; but the Austrians who, prior to the battle of Stockach, 
 were spread through Suabia, had now a considerable force on the 
 Rhine, and Ney feared to risk, on the opposite bank of that river, a 
 train of artillery which he had no adequate means to protect. Hav- 
 ing stated the amount of his own force, and that of the Austrians, 
 together with the number of troops which such an operation would 
 require, and what was necessary more particularly for the opening of 
 the trenches, he showed the danger and probable failure of the enter* 
 prise. But the Directory having persisted in its orders, Ney invested 
 Philipsburg, and defeated part of the forces employed to defend it ; 
 but this led to no advantage. At a former period the French had 
 
192 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 been forced to retire after bombarding the place, and in the present 
 instance a slight check forced them hastily to withdraw their artillery 
 and convey their guns and wagons to the left bank. 
 
 Hohenlohe, at the head of a numerous force had pursued the 
 French, and his columns having ascended the Necker, seemed likely 
 to reach the Elsatz. Ney therefore felt the necessity of stopping 
 their career, and directed Montholon to assume a position in front of 
 Waughenzel. This officer had just been appointed chef-d’escadron.* 
 He possessed daring courage and a good eye ; and he did his best in 
 this emergency. But the Austrians having debouched in great 
 numbers, forced the position, and compelled Ney to a retrograde 
 march. 
 
 The loss on this occasion was very trifling ; nevertheless the check 
 placed the rear of the French in jeopardy, by giving the Austrians 
 possession of the entrance into the valley of the Necker ; and this 
 circumstance made it of some importance. Ney did not conceal from 
 Lecourbe the consequences to which it might lead. 
 
 “ I think, my dear general,” he wrote to tho> latter, “ that you 
 would do well to make your posts fall back from Weinheim, keep 
 only Heidelberg, strongly barricade the bridge communicating with 
 the right bank of the Necker, and send companies of observation to 
 the fords of Helwesheim and Ladenberg. Your forces would be then 
 more concentrated; Necker-Gemund might be preserved by the 
 garrison of Heidelberg, and if the enemy were to attack me in strong 
 force, I could easily effect my retreat upon Wislock. But is the divi- 
 sion of General Legrand not to make a retrograde movement 1 Con- 
 sider of it, my dear general ; — the position of Obstadt, or that of 
 Mengelsheim, keeping Brucksall notwithstanding, might perhaps be a 
 suitable one for him under present circumstances !”f 
 
 This advice, though excellent, was but an imperfect remedy for 
 the evil. The checks which the French troops had undergone had 
 renewed with frightful energy their former destitute condition. They 
 were in rags, without food, and constantly exposed to a beating rain, 
 which a sharp wind rendered cruelly piercing. Discouragement and 
 hunger now extinguished their remaining energy, and they could 
 
 * The General or Division, acting Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 Considering the advantageous reports which have reached me concerning 
 the conduct of Citizen Montholon, captain in the 1st regiment of chasseurs* 
 a-cheval ; considering, moreover, the talents apd bravery which that officer 
 displayed in the action of . . . Vendemiaire, in which he forced and carried 
 the tete-de-pont at ..... . below Frankfort, defended by two thousand 
 Austrians and peasants, I appointed him upon the field of battle, chef-d’esca- 
 dron in the same regiment. Net. 
 
 Head-quarters, Hooescht, the . . . Vendemiaire, Year III. 
 
 f Head-Quarters, Homberg, 16th Brufnaire, Year VTU. (November 7th, 
 1799.) 
 
MARSHAL NET. 
 
 193 
 
 neither fight nor any longer struggle against their wants and privations. 
 Massena was however still at Basle, his preparations were nearly 
 made, and Lecourbe felt unwilling to continue his retreat when he might 
 expect every day to receive succour. But the discouragement evinced 
 by the men was by no means in keeping with his own firmness, and 
 having expressed how deeply he lamented his lot, and that of his sub- 
 ordinate generals, in seeing the soldiers under their command fail in 
 resolution at such a trying moment, he requested Ney to employ his 
 influence in rekindling their courage, rousing the energy they were 
 capable of displaying, and again exciting that confidence in themsfelves 
 which had so often led them to victory. 
 
 Ney had no great difficulty in effecting this. His own men had 
 undergone the same sufferings as the rest of the army, but had always 
 been patient, obedient, and ready to undertake any act of daring pro- 
 posed by their general. The first division had seized upon a convoy 
 of provisions belonging to that of Ney : the men went in a body to 
 their commander and complained of this unhandsome proceeding. 
 
 “ What would you have me do, friends ?” said Ney. “ Our fellow- 
 soldiers have certainly not treated us like friends, and it is no doubt 
 because they know that the Austrians are followed by immense 
 stores of provisions, and that they cannot flatter themselves to attack 
 and capture these stores with the same courage as you.” 
 
 The poor men had however been two whole days without rations, 
 and would doubtless have preferred bread to praises ; nevertheless 
 they resigned themselves to the loss with a good grace, and deter- 
 mined to revenge themselves upon the Austrians for the sufferings 
 they endured. The example of Ney’s division soon restored the 
 energies of the whole army. The Austrians had begun to form in 
 line in front of Herberg, and Ney’s forces marched up to them ; but 
 the imperial columns increased every moment in numbers, and com- 
 pletely turned the position, so that Ney’s division was obliged to fall 
 back, and amid the charges of the Austrian cavalry took up a posi- 
 tion upon the skirts of the wood of Schasthausen. 
 
 Hohenlohe had been unable to prevent the retreat of Ney’s division. 
 He was defeated each time he had attacked it ; but he had always 
 returned to the charge, and from one attack to another had reached 
 Wistock, where there was space to form his columns in line. This he 
 did, and rushed impetuously on the position. It was defended by a 
 very small number of men of the most determined bravery, who 
 being aware of the importance of the position, determined not to 
 evacuate it till the last extremity. The first charge of the Austrians 
 made no impression upon them ; but the numbers of the foe were too 
 unequal and they could not long maintain the conflict. After a most 
 energetic resistance, they were about to give way, when Ney, appear- 
 ing at the head of his division, took the Austrians in flank and dispersed 
 their whole force. But the reserves of the imperial army were formi- 
 
 vol. i. 25 
 
194 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 dable ; they advanced and covered the columns which had just been 
 routed ; these rallied, came up again, and in an instant the action was 
 resumed with ten -fold energy. But the French troops, elevated by 
 the success they had already obtained, fought like lions ; the infantry 
 engaged a part of the enemy’s masses, and kept the remainder in 
 check, whilst the 10th chasseurs, charging the dense columns already 
 crippled w r ith the fire of the French musketry and artillery, overthrew 
 them all, and even the Frantz-mailland cuirassiers, who were pro- 
 ceeding in all haste to their assistance. Ney then pushed forward 
 and re-occupied his position upon the Elsatz. 
 
 This successful combat restored the confidence of the French army, 
 and the hopes of its soldiers revived. They again saw the Austrians 
 flee before them, they again raised contributions, and once more 
 enjoyed the abundance attendant upon victory. But an event of 
 great importance now occupied their attention. Bonaparte, the con- 
 queror of Italy, had returned from the 'expedition to Egypt; and his 
 first act on landing in Europe was one of kindness and benevolence. 
 He had sent assistance to the demi-brigades which occupied Corsica ; 
 he had put an end to their privations, had fed them and covered their 
 numerous scars with warm and comfortable clothing. That which 
 he had done for the troops on a distant and isolated station, he was 
 about to do likewise for all the French forces who were fighting 
 around the circumference of the republic. He was about to renew the 
 wonders of Lodi and of Castiglione, and also to provide for the wants 
 of the brave men who were on the banks of the Rhine fighting the 
 battles of the republic. Both officers and men now gave way to the 
 most flattering anticipations. 
 
 Some of the former thought that an immediate stop would now be 
 put to the cruel agitation which pervaded the interior of the country ; 
 others expected to see the end of that series of reverses which had 
 pursued the French arms upon the Rhine. General Boye who had a 
 command in the army of the Danube, applauded the return of a man 
 devoted to the popular cause, and enjoyed in idea the vexation which 
 it would cause among the royalists. Baraguey, who had come from 
 Malta to the Rhine, congratulated his comrades and the country upon 
 the fortunate results to which Bonaparte’s arrival in France must lead. 
 General Championnet, who was fighting his way among the rocks of 
 Liguria, went further than this : in his opinion Bonaparte alone could 
 restore to the French arms the ascendancy which their continued ill- 
 fortune had made them lose. He hoped to see this general once more 
 at the head of those veteran bands which he had so often led to vic- 
 tory, and he nobly resigned his command in Bonaparte’s favour. The 
 courage of each soldier seemed to increase in a tenfold ratio with the 
 return of this extraordinary man : each felt that his country was on 
 the eve of a great and favourable crisis, and that some striking event 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 195 
 
 was about to take place which would restore the ancient splendour of 
 France and attach fortune once more to her standard. 
 
 Lecourbe, eager to take advantage of this enthusiasm which was 
 general in the ranks of his army, determined to attempt something 
 against the enemy. Having received some reinforcements, and the 
 weather being dry, he was able to spread his forces and keep the in- 
 habitants of the country in check. The country itself was extremely 
 intricate and difficult ; nevertheless he resolved to make a continued 
 series of attacks upon the Austrians. The population evinced the 
 most malignant feelings towards the French who were again reduced 
 almost to starvation, when Ney succeeded in capturing some provi- 
 sions which relieved their most pressing wants, and in routing the 
 imperial generals, who encouraged the hostility of the inhabitants and 
 excited uneasiness and agitation among them. The republican army 
 now prepared to push forward ; for the plots of the Austrians were 
 defeated and could, injure it no longer. The pensioned officers, post- 
 masters, and burgomasters, who, being in constant intercourse with 
 the French troops, had given intelligence of their movements to the 
 Austrians, were unable to do further mischief being all taken prison- 
 ers. The Baily of Hoest, more alert than his colleagues, had at first 
 made his escape. But he was too dangerous to be left at liberty. His 
 extreme cunning, and the influence he enjoyed in the country, ren- 
 dered him a very formidable enemy, and Ney tracked, pursued, and 
 at length succeeded in taking him. The villages, being thus deprived 
 of men capable of exciting and leading their inhabitants, soon resum- 
 ed their wonted tranquillity. The republicans had now no foe to sur- 
 prise their rear, or any one to betray their plans and preparations. 
 They could advance in security, and they took advantage of this cir- 
 cumstance to march up to the Austrians. Bonnet was at the head of 
 the right wing, and Rouyer led the left ; they came up with the impe- 
 rial forces in front of Hoffheim, engaged, and drove them in disorder 
 upon Sinzheim. The obstinacy which Ney had before displayed in 
 defending this position had revealed its importance to the Austrians, 
 and they made great exertions to maintain it. Ney cut off the ap- 
 proaches and crowned the heights near it, but still the defence was 
 most determined, and the French troops were a long time in over- 
 coming it. At length the position was carried, and the dense bodies 
 of Austrian cavalry which defended it, driven to Rohrbach, where, 
 with the aid of a body of infantry already in the place, they endea- 
 voured to make a stand. But the French grenadiers having rapidly 
 pursued them, they were again defeated and sought refuge at 
 Steinfurt. The Austrian reserve now came to their assistance, and 
 the arrival of Prince Hohenlohe restored their confidence ; but the 
 French columns having debouched, attacked them again, and a san- 
 guinary action was the result. For a long time the fortune of the 
 day remained equally balanced ; but Ney, at length, made an attempt 
 
196 
 
 MEMOIRS OF MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 to fix it to the republican standard. He manoeuvred on the left and 
 prepared to make a tremendous charge. This the Austrians dared 
 not withstand, but fell back and retreated towards Heilbronn. Ney 
 was about to pursue them, when proposals for an armistice were made 
 at head-quarters. Having in consequence received orders to stop all 
 pursuit, he halted and took up a position. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 No. I. 
 
 GILLET, REPRESENTATIVE ATTACHED TO THE ARMY OF SAMBRE-ET- 
 MEUSEj TO THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY. 
 
 Head-Quarters, Poetershem, October, 1794. 
 
 My dear Colleagues, 
 
 Adjutant-general Ney does not spare the enemy’s equipages. A 
 few days since he captured all those of a foreign minister upon the 
 Rhine. They contained a great deal of silver plate, which I have 
 handed over to the paymaster. 
 
 Near Cleves also, he captured the courier of Holland and Vesel, 
 who was the bearer of several letters from emigrants, and others, 
 relating to the affairs of the day. I enclose some of them. 
 
 You will observe that several of these letters relate to La Vendee. 
 Is it not possible to destroy this last hope of our enemies ? 
 
 The traitor, D’Artois, has, it appears, just embarked for England. 
 Is he not a mannikin which the atrocious government of London in- 
 tends to thrust forward for the purpose of rekindling that execrable 
 war of La Vendee? 
 
 I am well persuaded, my dear colleagues, of your eagerness to 
 extirpate this political cancer. But recollect that this war has become 
 serious only from the bad choice of those selected to put an end to it. 
 It has been perpetuated by their incapacity and corruption, and by 
 the perfidy of some among them. Send hither well-intentioned, ac- 
 tive, and able generals, and all will be safe. How is it that Finis- 
 terre, when revolt had burst out in so alarming a blaze, did not 
 become a second La Vendee? Why, because Canclaux, who then 
 commanded at Brest, put himself at the head of fifteen hundred brave 
 soldiers, and pursued the rebels until they were dispersed and exter- 
 minated. The revolt lasted only a fortnight. 
 
198 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Pardon me, dear colleagues, for these observations ; but the subject 
 interests me in every way. I am indignant that a handful of rebels 
 should dare still to lift up their heads in our country, when the whole 
 of Europe is trembling before our victorious armies. 
 
 Health and Fraternity. Gillet. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY TO THE REPRESENTATIVE GIL- 
 LET, DELEGATED TO THE ARMIES OF THE NORTH AND SAMBRE-ET- 
 MEUSE. 
 
 Paris, September 21st, 1795. 
 
 Dear Colleague, 
 
 The national convention, and we ourselves, have learnt with the 
 most lively satisfaction the constant success of the army to which 
 your mission attaches you, since it has crossed the Rhine. We could 
 have wished that all the brave men composing that army had wit- 
 nessed the expressions of delight which burst forth at almost every 
 sentence uttered by the reporter. But if the defenders of the republic 
 were deprived of such enjoyment, the published report, the bulletin 
 of the convention, and public papers, will furnish them with the proofs 
 of esteem and gratitude which the whole nation feels towards them. 
 
 Doubtless, after such constant fatigue, the officers and men must 
 have rest ; but never let us, citizen colleague, lose sight of this fact, 
 that nothing is yet accomplished while any thing remains to be done. 
 Above all, let us not forget that the blows struck up to the present 
 day are only preparatory ; for our duty is less to humble the princes 
 of the empire, than the house of Austria, which has at all times shown 
 itself the bitterest enemy of the French nation. And indeed, the 
 princes of the empire must, sooner or later, throw themselves into our 
 arms. We are necessary to their existence. But as for the house 
 of Austria, the more we mulct it, the farther we advance towards re- 
 pose and happiness. It is therefore against the armies and dominions 
 of that power that our efforts must be directed. We must march 
 without delay upon Suabia, after terminating what remains to be done 
 upon the Lower Rhine ; that is to say, after having taken Ehren- 
 breitstein, driven the enemy beyond the Maine, and blockaded May- 
 cnce. Then, dear colleague, it will remain for the army of Rhin-et- 
 Moselle, strengthened by its junction with that of Sambre-et-Mcuse, 
 to ascend the river in its turn and carry the war into the dominions 
 of our real enemy. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 199 
 
 We have learnt with much pleasure that the newly conquered 
 territory produces more than you expected, and promises to yield still 
 more. The time for mildness is gone by ; our enemies must posi- 
 tively be deprived of the resources which they might one day find in 
 these territories, and we must be provided with what we require. 
 The English have for a time closed the sea against us ; therefore the 
 land must supply that which we cannot obtain by means of the other 
 element. Although we have no reason to fear being forced to recross 
 the Rhine, still let us bring within this boundary of the republic all 
 that is not indispensable to the daily wants of the army. Yes ! citizen 
 colleague ; to take Ehrenbreitstein, blockade Mayence, seize the states 
 of the house of Austria situated upon the right bank, convey to France 
 all the provisions and stores not absolutely indispensable to the wants 
 of the inhabitants of the countries under the rule of the princes of 
 the empire, and carry off all the produce of every kind from the 
 hereditary provinces of the houses of Austria — such is our plan, which 
 nothing must frustrate. There lies the glory of our undertakings, 
 and there lies the road to peace. Point out forcibly these two great 
 objects to the generals and soldiers to whom you are delegated. 
 Render unanimous every opinion and every will, and you will see 
 that we shall execute with facility that which, in other times, no one 
 would have dared to plan. 
 
 Rely upon it, citizen colleague, that the committee will neglect 
 nothing to secure the due execution of an undertaking which alone 
 can lead to a speedy and lasting peace. 
 
 Health and Fraternity. 
 
 Cambaceres, 
 
 Letourneur, 
 
 Merlin. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY TO THE REPRESENTATIVES AT* 
 TACHED TO THE ARMY OF SAMBRE-ET-MEUSE, COLOGNE. 
 
 September 15th, 1797. 
 
 Citizens Colleagues, 
 
 You are aware that one of the first principles of military admini- 
 stration is to make the war supply the wants of the war. 
 
 If ever circumstances imperiously required the strict execution of 
 this principle, it is at the present time. No doubt we must spare as 
 much as possible the countries we have conquered, and alleviate, as 
 
200 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 far as we are able, the evils which conquest always drags in her 
 train ; no doubt, we must make the inhabitants suffer the least we 
 possibly can for the folly of its rulers ; no doubt, we must make a 
 distinction between the countries under the dominion of our most 
 inveterate enemies, and those whose governments are ready to effect 
 a reconciliation with us ; no doubt, we must also separate from the 
 former those which have only shown timidity or weakness : but all 
 are not the less bound to help us with their contributions to support 
 the burthen of a war which either their malevolence or their weakness 
 has excited against us. 
 
 We are unable, dear colleagues, to determine either the quantity 
 or the species of contribution which you are to exact from the con- 
 quered countries. Your decision on this head must depend, first, 
 upon the political considerations above mentioned ; secondly, upon the 
 wants of your army ; and, thirdly, upon the wealth of the conquered 
 countries. 
 
 And generally, let us not forget, that it is the unjust distribution of 
 a military impost which makes its burthen more severely felt. 
 
 Let us not forget either that a dilapidation of the articles supplied 
 by such contributions renders them of no use to those who receive 
 them, and a grievous burden to those by whom they are paid. 
 
 Let us always remember that the poorer classes, and those who 
 owe their existence solely to manual labour, have the greatest claim 
 upon republican commiseration. 
 
 Let us always have this truth present to our minds ; that the 
 greatest enemies of the French republic, throughout Europe, are the 
 nobles and the priests. 
 
 Let us likewise never lose sight of this principle, that when a con- 
 quered country has paid the contribution imposed upon it, both the 
 persons and property of its inhabitants ought to be held as sacred as 
 in the centre of the republic. 
 
 Besides the contributions which you are to impose, either in pro- 
 duce or in money, you will doubtless take measures for securing, by 
 right of pre-emption, all the provisions for men and horses which the 
 conquered country can supply, without ruining its agricultural inte- 
 rests, and depriving its inhabitants of the articles necessary for their 
 own consumption. By these means we can pass our assignats, and 
 economise the produce of our own agriculture and manufactories. 
 We want peace, and it is refused to us ! Well then ! let us provide 
 for a continuance of the war by laying in great stores of provisions, 
 and taking away the supplies of our enemies. 
 
 You will no doubt think it right, dear colleagues, after having 
 provided, by means of storehouses built upon the right bank of the 
 Rhine, for the momentary subsistence of the army, to send the sur- 
 plus of your purchases to the left bank of that river. In so doing, 
 we shall have nothing to fear from the enemy, nor from those mis- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 201 
 
 fortunes to which the chances of war sometimes lead. Even were 
 we to take up our winter quarters on the right bank, still this precau- 
 tion would be advisable. 
 
 Letourneur. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 THE REPRESENTATIVE JOUBERT, ATTACHED TO THE ARMY OF SAMBRE- 
 ET -MEUSE, TO THE COMMITTEE OF PUBLIC SAFETY. 
 
 Hadamar, October 15th, 1795. 
 
 Dear Colleagues, 
 
 In vain did we flatter ourselves that we could maintain the position 
 which the enemy’s manoeuvres had obliged us to assume on the right 
 bank of the Lahn. The retrograde march of the army on this occa- 
 sion has convinced us of the necessity of resuming our position on the 
 left bank of the Rhine. It is no doubt painful to be forced to give up 
 all idea of success in so brilliant an expedition ; but instead of con- 
 tinuing to yield to illusions, it has been the first duty of the generals, 
 and my own, to endeavour to preserve for the republic one of its 
 strongest and most formidable armies, which would surely have been 
 lost, but for the steps we have taken, and upon which we have not 
 hesitated to stake our responsibility. 
 
 The following are our reasons for doing as we have done : 
 
 In the first place we could not but admit that the retreat upon the 
 Lahn, regular and well combined as it was, very deeply affected the 
 feelings of the men, who, accustomed as they were to advance, were 
 unable to account for this retrograde movement. They could not 
 conceive the reason for retreating without having been beaten ; and it 
 must be confessed, that there exists not among the French that blind' 
 confidence in their officers which makes soldiers look with indifference 
 upon the various movements of an army. Exclamations were heard, 
 taxing their commanders with treason ; and, as during the first days 
 of the war of liberty, the disorder and disorganization attendant upon 
 defeats were greatly to be apprehended. 
 
 There has been no difficulty, it is true, in bringing the army to a 
 proper state of feeling, by reminding it of its victories, and the fidelity 
 and talents of its generals ; and the unfavourable impressions, arising 
 from the natural effect of an unusual movement, were soon eradicated. 
 But the movement itself has convinced us of the extreme weakness 
 of our means, and the dreadful penury we are in with regard to the 
 articles most necessary for the march of an army. 
 vol. i. 26 
 
202 
 
 APPENDIX, 
 
 It was only with the greatest difficulty, and by the most violent 
 means, that we were able to provide food for the troops on the banks 
 of the Maine. The soldier’s ration was reduced to a pound, three- 
 quarters, and often half a pound of bread, and oftener still the army 
 was three or four days without receiving any rations. 
 
 The attitude of victory, and the hope of acquiring fresh resources 
 by enlarging the circle of its conquests, had, until the moment of our 
 departure, kept the men within bounds, and their patience was not 
 less admirable than their courage. On the other hand, the hope 
 of seeing the wagons arrive which had so often been asked for, 
 and so often promised, and the want of which alone was the cause 
 of all our sufferings; the prospect of being seconded by a move- 
 ment of the army of Rhin-et-Moselle, which would have driven 
 the enemy from the territory of Darmstadt, and opened to us fertile 
 countries abounding in resources of every kind ; the facility which 
 this operation would have given to the navigation both of the Rhine, 
 and of the Maine as far as Mayence, and the communication which it 
 would thus have been easy to open between the left bank of the Rhine 
 and the Palatinate ; — all these grounds of hope, I must confess, made 
 us participate in the confidence of the troops, and imparted to us, 
 under the painful circumstances in which we are placed, that patient 
 perseverance which famine alone could overcome. My correspond- 
 ence, my dear colleagues, that of the generals, and that of the chief 
 commissaire-ordonnateur, must have proved to you the extent of our 
 resolution and firmness on this point. 
 
 Rut the inaction of the army of Rhih-et-Moselle has rendered our 
 energy of no avail ; and the fruit of our crossing the Rhine and of our 
 rapid marches has been lost. 
 
 I know not whether an absolute impossibility be the cause of the 
 inaction of the army of Rhin-et-Moselle. I am ignorant of the 
 resources of that army, and must not therefore hazard an opinion ; but 
 it has been clearly shown that the passage of the Rhine could not be 
 attended with good results, and procure for the republic the advan- 
 tages anticipated from it, except with the co-operation of the army of 
 Rhin-et-Moselle. All the projects of government, and the ultimate 
 plans of our military operations, were combined under this supposi- 
 tion ; and it was Pichegru’s place to carry the terror of the French 
 arms into Brisgau and Suabia, cut off all communication between the 
 armies of Wurmser and Clairfayt, force those two generals, whose 
 troops were struck with consternation, to seek an asylum towards 
 the Danube, yield us all the provinces bordering upon the Rhine, and 
 give us an opportunity of surrounding Mayence by the occupation of 
 the territory of Darmstadt. Such, it appears to me, was the duty of 
 the army of Rhin-et-Moselle ; and had this duty been performed, the 
 enemy would have been ruined, and peace have been the fruit of this 
 series of victories ! I know not, I again repeat, whether that army 
 was in a state to pursue this plan. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 203 
 
 Be that as it may, Clairfayt’s corps was reinforced with nineteen 
 chosen battalions of infantry, and twenty-three squadrons of cavalry, 
 from the army of Wurmser. 
 
 Having nothing to apprehend in his rear, he bore with rapidity 
 upon our left, crossed the Rhine at Selingenstadt, and, as I stated to 
 you in my last, instead of risking a battle, which we impatiently 
 expected, and in which we should have beaten him, he contented 
 himself with a simulated attack, and with rapidly passing our left 
 wing through the neutral territory, threatening at the same time to 
 turn us with his numerous cavalry. We had therefore no other alter- 
 native than to retreat upon the Lahn. This measure would have 
 produced no further consequences, had it not had the double effect of 
 shaking, as I have before stated, the confidence of the army in its 
 commanders, and of showing us the insufficiency of our means, par- 
 ticularly in provisions and wagons. 
 
 From our mode of living on the banks of the Maine, and in the 
 event of our being able to make further progress, no danger would 
 have resulted from our penury ; but a retrograde movement has laid 
 open and made us sensible of all its consequences. 
 
 That which more particularly struck the troops, and has made a 
 deep and lasting impression upon them, is, the obligation under which 
 we found ourselves to leave behind us, for the want of the means of 
 carriage, five hundred and fifty of our wounded, who are in the hands 
 of the enemy, — and this after having put them to flight in their simu- 
 lated attack upon us near Redda and Hochst. 
 
 The retreat was well managed, and executed with admirable pre- 
 cision. The firm bearing of our troops prevented the enemy from 
 giving us much uneasiness ; but some artillery wagons, four pieces of 
 cannon and howitzers, and several tumbrils, have fallen into their 
 hands from our want of horses, and because those which we had left, 
 worn out with fatigue and want of forage, could not render us the 
 service we expected, and the country could not supply our deficiency 
 in this respect. 
 
 The troops being obliged to live by requisitions, experienced on 
 this march the most dreadful privations. The discipline which the 
 salutary law on the police of the army had restored, gave way to the 
 necessity of living. The most dreadful and irremediable disorders 
 were the oonsequence : many of the horses fell from fatigue, whilst 
 many others, having lost their shoes, which there were no means of 
 replacing, became lame, and were of no further use. 
 
 Such was our situation when we reached the banks of the Lahn, 
 and it was aggravated by the want of provisions, — an inevitable result 
 of our being without the means of carriage. 
 
 Under these circumstances, it was found impossible to maintain 
 this position without exposing ourselves to lose every thing. The 
 enemy are aware of our want of means, but they are also acquainted 
 
204 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 with French valour. It would have been too imprudent for them to 
 have risked a battle, as they had with them the most certain means 
 of completely destroying us, which means they seemed to be employ- 
 ing. An endeavour to turn us with a large body of light troops, and 
 cut off our communications with the countries whence we derived our 
 subsistence : — such would have been their tactics towards an army 
 whose provisions are so precarious, and which has no store-houses 
 within reach of its rear, and can get nothing for want of wagons. 
 
 These points were discussed by the generals in my presence. 
 The chief commissaire-ordonnateur declared that he knew no means 
 of providing for the wants of the army ; the commander of the artil- 
 lery repeated what he had already stated as to the utter impossibility 
 of bringing into play the numerous artillery belonging to this great 
 army. Every combination was discussed, in order to find one which 
 could secure the position of the army upon the right bank ; and all 
 were unanimous in the opinion that to persevere any longer would 
 only lead to the absolute loss of an army which had hitherto sus- 
 tained no loss, and experienced no reverses, but was forced to give 
 way before a host of untoward circumstances which no power could 
 alter. 
 
 If the army resumes its position on the left bank of the Rhine, it may 
 be saved for the republic, and may there await the reinforcements at^ 
 solutely necessary to establish its means of carriage. Its artillery may 
 likewise be repaired, whilst the army itself will cover the conquered 
 territory by opposing an invincible force to every attempt the enemy 
 may make to cross the Rhine. 
 
 However painful our situation, do not imagine, dear colleagues, that 
 courage has deserted the soldiers of the republic. These can make 
 their colours respected ; and this very evening the enemy had proof 
 that their audacity is of no avail against our brave men. 
 
 A body of Austrian troops pressed a little too closely on the column 
 of retreat commanded by General Lefebvre. Our troops charged it, 
 and the enemy left upon the field of battle a somewhat considerable 
 number of slain, and three pieces of cannon. There exists this differ- 
 ence between the enemy and us, that if we lose a few ammunition 
 wagons and a few guns, the weakness of our means of carriage is the 
 cause of it ; whereas we only obtain their artillery sword in hand, and 
 after having beaten them. 
 
 Citizen Dufalga, whose talents are known to you, is charged by the 
 general and by me to deliver this despatch into your hands. He will 
 give you full particulars of our situation, for in the present despatch it 
 is impossible for me to enter into them fully. 
 
 I feel, my dear colleagues, the impression which this event must, 
 make. 1 feel, and the thought painfully affects me, that the enemies 
 of the republic may derive some advantages from it ; but it must be 
 made known to Europe, that if the army of Sambre-et- Meuse has been 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 205 
 
 obliged to yield to the force of circumstances, its glory has not been 
 tarnished by a single check. It remains wholly to our country, and 
 so soon as its means are restored to it, will become only more formida- 
 ble to the enemies of France. 
 
 Health and friendship, Joubeet. 
 
 P. S. I had forgotten to say that the army will preserve the beauti- 
 ful tete-de-pont which Dusseldorf affords it. This place, the repairs of 
 which will be made with the greatest expedition, will be in a state to 
 oppose a resistance of greater power, because it will be supported by 
 the army upon the left bank. By thus preserving the two tetes-de- 
 pont of Manheim and Dusseldorf, we may be able, the moment the 
 armies are filled up, to establish ourselves without difficulty upon the 
 right bank, or at all events keep the enemy constantly in check, and 
 frustrate every attempt they may make to cross the Rhine. 
 
 No. V. 
 
 TO THE GENERAL-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY OF SAMBRE-ET-MEUSE. 
 
 Paris, 2nd Messidor, Year IV. 
 
 (June 20th, 1796.) 
 
 Citizen General, 
 
 The Directory has received your letter, dated Montabaur, the 29th 
 of Prairial. The retreat which you have ordered from the Lahn to 
 the Seig, may not prove disadvantageous to our arms, provided it draws 
 a portion of the enemy’s forces upon you, so as thereby to disengage, 
 for a time, the army of Rhin-et-Moselle, and enable General Moreau 
 to cross the Rhine at Strasburg, as he purposed doing in the event of 
 this operation, which he hoped to be able to execute on the 30th of 
 Priarial (18th of June,) not having taking place at this present time 
 when we are writing to you. But the retreat of the left wing of the 
 army of Sambre-et- Meuse would have an injurious effect if the confi- 
 dence of its soldiers were shaken, and the enemy succeeded in making 
 us abandon the entire right bank of the Rhine. It is a truth which it 
 is important you should bear in mind, and which the experience of the 
 last campaign has sufficiently proved, that you ought carefully to avoid 
 taking up positions exactly parallel to the Seig or the Lahn, and ap- 
 proaching too near the Rhine on its right bank, because by so doing 
 you would give the enemy an extreme facility in extending their front 
 beyond our left wing, and of bringing forces on that side sufficiently 
 strong to drive us from our positions. 
 
206 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Another consideration deserves our most serious attention : it is that 
 by boldness and extreme celerity alone in our military operations we 
 can become successful in Germany. To this we owe our victories 
 and our conquests in Italy. A single day of rest given to the enemy 
 when defeated, often enables them to resume offensive operations, 
 which their numerical superiority always renders them impatient to 
 do. It is only by a succession of defeats following close upon each 
 other that we may hope to exterminate their armies, and dictate terms 
 of peace in the midst of astonished Germany. 
 
 The armies of Sambre-et-Meuse and Rhin-et-Moselle must likewise 
 act together. Their combined operations must prevent the enemy from 
 directing the whole of their force, at any time, against either, as during 
 the last campaign. 
 
 The Directory sees all the advantages which, by forming in itself 
 a central point of military operations, it derives in bringing about this 
 simultaneous action of the two republican armies upon the Rhine ; and 
 it hereby instructs you as to the measures it has determined to adopt, 
 and the execution of which it confides to you and the General-in-chief, 
 Moreau. 
 
 The left of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse will resume the offensive 
 on the receipt of this despatch. If the movement of the enemy should 
 have forced it back upon the Wupper, which the Directory does not 
 apprehend to be the case, it will immediately approach the Sieg, place 
 its right against that river, and keep as far from the Rhine as it pos- 
 sibly can without danger. It will take up a position nearly parallel 
 to the Acher, which will prevent the enemy from turning it by throw- 
 ing a strong force upon its left flank. 
 
 It will remain as short a time as possible upon the Sieg, and ad- 
 vance with rapidity towards the Lahn, occupying positions almost 
 parallel to that I have just mentioned. On its arrival near the latter 
 river, it will place its right at Weilburg, or in preference at Wetzlar, 
 and extend its left as far as Marburg, and even beyond it. At the 
 time of executing this movement, it will be joined by the French 
 troops occupying the line of the Rhine, which begins opposite to the 
 mouth of the Sieg, at its conflux, and extends as far as Coblentz, as 
 well as by such other troops as you may think proper, Citizen Gene- 
 ral, to call to the right bank for the purpose of reinforcing this wing. 
 A sufficient force must keep the garrison of Ehrenbreitstein in awe, 
 and a small corps of observation be placed upon the right bank of the 
 Lahn, from Wetzlar to its mouth, to prevent the enemy from crossing. 
 
 That part of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse now acting upon the 
 right bank of the Rhine, will, as soon as possible, change its position 
 from Wetzlar to Marburg, attack the enemy with impetuosity, and 
 keep towards the Kintz, with its right upon Hanau. The small corps 
 of observation which it had upon the Lahn will, after receiving rein- 
 forcements from the left bank, seize upon Frankfort and Offenbach, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 207 
 
 whilst the portion of the army of Sambre-et-Meuse remaining upon 
 the left bank of the Rhine, shall, after having occupied Kreutznach 
 and Bingen, march upon Seitz, in sufficient strong force to keep the 
 garrison of Mayence in awe, and shall throw upon the heights of 
 Hocheim a sufficient number of troops to observe this place, situated 
 upon the right bank of the Rhine. 
 
 The army of Sambre-et-Meuse shall next enter Franconia, for 
 which orders will, at a future period, be sent to it by the Directory. 
 
 The army of Rhin-et-Moselle will cross the Rhine at Strasburg. It 
 will leave a corps of observation on the Pfirmm to keep the garrison 
 of Mayence in check, and troops in front of Manheim to resist the at- 
 tempts of the hostile forces which occupy that place. It will then 
 advance with rapidity upon the Upper Necker, after having detached 
 a sufficient force to occupy the mountain gorges of the Black Forest. 
 
 Such are the formal instructions which the Directory thinks it right 
 to give you, and the General-in-chief, Moreau ; the fate of the present 
 campaign depends upon their being implicitly followed. 
 
 It is the intention of the Directory not to suffer the French armies 
 to undertake any siege. Its wish is that they should seek the enemy 
 on the right bank of the Rhine, and encounter them with that bold- 
 ness and impetuosity which characterize the warriors of the republic, 
 and are sure pledges of victory. 
 
 The plan we have adopted is one of great magnitude, and requires 
 vigour of execution. It cannot be confided to soldiers more worthy 
 of so glorious an undertaking, or to generals who better deserve the 
 national esteem. You have long, Citizen General, been held in the 
 highest estimation by the Directory, and no misfortune could make 
 you lose it. Thus the Directory places its confidence in your probity, 
 your patriotism, and your military talents. With a certainty of the 
 support of the Directory, and the good wishes of all the friends of free- 
 dom, you have now only to act with boldness and rapidity, and reap 
 those laurels which will prove harbingers of an honourable and lasting 
 peace consequent upon our successes in Germany. 
 
 The Directory has just received intelligence that the army of Rhin 
 et-Moselle obtained a marked advantage on the 26th of Prairial, be- 
 fore Manheim ; also that the Austrians had detached twenty-five thou- 
 sand men from their armies on the Rhine, to reinforce General Beau- 
 lieu in Italy. Carnot, President. 
 
208 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY TO ADJUTANT-GENERAL NEY. 
 
 Paris, 5th Messidor, Year IV. (June 23rd, 1796.) 
 
 The passage of the Sieg, Citizen Adjutant-general, and the affair at 
 Altenkirchen, must have raised some anticipations of your success at 
 Montabaur. The General -in-chief, Jourdan, has made a most satis- 
 factory report concerning you to the executive Directory, which has- 
 tens to express its satisfaction at your conduct. 
 
 A true copy. Carnot, President. 
 
 By order of the executive Directory, 
 
 Letourneur. Secretary-general. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 kleber, general of division, commanding the left wing of 
 the army of sambre-et-meuse, to general of division, COL- 
 
 LAUD. 
 
 Head-quarters, Bornheim, 25th Messidor, 
 Year V. (July 13th, 1796.) 
 
 My dear General, 
 
 Your men must fall in at four o’clock this afternoon, leave their 
 camp, advance, and at nightfall take up a position before Frankfort, 
 so as to be perceived in their full developement. You will form the 
 battalions in two ranks, making a wide interval between them ; and 
 if the ground should prevent any of the battalions from being seen 
 from the city, you will place the second line at a distance of three 
 hundred paces from the first. Let all the men stand at ease, but 
 without stirring from their ranks. 
 
 The companies of sappers shall be immediately assembled at the 
 toll-tower, and placed at the disposal of the artillery officers. 
 
 A true copy. Kleber. 
 
 Collaud. 
 
 From the above order, my dear Ney, you perceive that your men 
 are to fall in at four o’clock, and that you also will have to make a 
 demonstration. Do not, however, expose your cavalry to lose horses ; 
 but shelter it as much as you can from the enemy’s artillery. 
 
 Collaud. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 200 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 KLEBER, GENERAL OF DIVISION, TO GENERAL COLLAUD. 
 
 Head-quarters, Lohrhaupton, 1st Thermidor, 
 Year IV. (July 19th, 1796.) 
 
 My dear General, 
 
 I have just read with considerable interest the report that you have 
 sent me from Adjutant-General Ney, who may remain at Lohr until 
 he is relieved by the divisions of the right wing ; for our plan is to file 
 off on the left upon the Schweinfurt. 
 
 I hereby authorize Ney to levy a military contribution of one hun- 
 dred Iouis, on account of the sum to be hereafter exacted from that 
 town. He will give a special receipt accordingly, which, in the event 
 of a fresh impost, may be returned as cash. This sum shall be 
 handed over to you for secret service money, and other extraordinary 
 disbursements. 
 
 Direct Ney, I beg of you, to obtain the most precise information 
 concerning Gemunden, Wurtzburg, Schweinfurt, and the nature ol 
 the roads leading to these places ; and to try to discover the position, 
 strength, and motions of the enemy. 
 
 It is stated by mistake, my dear General, that on the ground pointed 
 out to you, your van-guard is to cover your left, wing, since it is to 
 communicate by the right with General Grenier. I am convinced 
 that you have rectified this error, which indeed is rectified by the fact 
 itself, since Ney is at Lohr. 
 
 Health and friendship, Kleber. 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 THE EXECUTIVE DIRECTORY TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL NEY, ARMY OF 
 SAMBRE-ET-MEUSE. 
 
 Paris, 27th Thermidor, Year 1Y. 
 (August 14th, 1796.) 
 
 In the battles of Zeil and Ebersbach, you have shown, Citizen Ge- 
 neral, wh'at the impetuosity of French valour can eftect. These bat- 
 tles do great credit to your courage and to your prudence, both of 
 which being already well known, the executive Directory feels a 
 lively satisfaction in assuring you of the high estimation in which it 
 continues to hold your zeal and military talents. 
 
 A true copy. 
 
 L. M. Revelliere-Lepeau, President. 
 
 By order of the Directory, 
 
 Lagarde, Secretary-general. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 
 27 
 
210 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. X. 
 
 GENERAL IlOCHE TO THE DIRECTORY. 
 
 Citizens Directors, 
 
 Being on the point of taking leave of you, allow me to submit to 
 you some reflections which the good of the service has suggested to 
 me. The state of the army which you have just placed under my 
 command, likewise requires that I should address to you a series of 
 requests, upon the compliance with which its interests and its fame 
 perhaps depend. 
 
 Numerous complaints have been made and repeated to the Direc- 
 tory, against the French administrations established in the country 
 occupied by the army, and which is not united to France. All the 
 soldiers of the army loudly accuse these administrations as the cause 
 of the famine against which it is forced to contend, if not in the seat 
 of abundance, at least in a country not wholly unprovided with food. 
 W ould it not be advisable to abolish these administrations, which, sup- 
 posing them composed of the most honest persons in the world, are 
 an immense expense to the country, without being in any wise useful ? 
 
 ■ — lor most of the commissaries who compose them are ignorant of 
 the language of the country, and, as foreigners, have no knowledge 
 of its productions, nor of the private fortunes of its inhabitants. Is it 
 not, moreover, to be feared that these commissaries, whose manners, 
 tastes, and habits cannot resemble those of the population inhabiting 
 the banks of the Rhine, should by injudicious exaggeration, and false 
 political or administrative principles, disgust the latter with the French 
 revolution, and the republican form of government? 
 
 Would it not be better and more useful to restore to the inhabitants 
 of the territories occupied by the army of Sambre-et-Meuse, their na- 
 tural administrators the bailies? — and the ecclesiastical estates to the 
 management of the chapters ? Economy alone seems to call for this 
 measure, which policy will not disavow. Who shall say that it will 
 not bring back to the republic those affections which the rudeness and 
 the errors of the French administrators have alienated ? The man 
 who is called to the management of public affairs in his birthplace, is 
 acquainted with the private means of each of his fellow-citizens, and 
 he makes each share, in due and equitable proportion, the common 
 burden imposed upon the country. Experience has proved that a 
 chapter which, when its revenues were administered by its monks, 
 could provide subsistence for ten thousand men, can now scarcely 
 feed six or eight hundred. The abbey of Closterbock, near Coblentz, 
 is an instance of this : — and let not this difference be attributed to the 
 constant presence of armies, and to exhaustion : improper administra- 
 tion of the property is alone the cause of it. Let the most enlightened 
 men of the army be consulted on this head : Jourdan, Joubert, Kleber, 
 Lefebvre, &c'.' It would therefore seem advisable to restore to these 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 211 
 
 countries their administrations, their civil tribunals, their magistrates, 
 and their own customs. Let the chief commissaire-ordonnateur, or 
 his subordinates, under the inspection of the general -in-chief, make 
 the demands of corn, cattle, horses, and generally of all things re- 
 quired by the defenders of the state. 
 
 But, it may be said, are you not going backward? will not public 
 spirit be destroyed in the country ? and if the territory should remain 
 attached to France, will not hatred of the republican name remain 
 deeply implanted there ? Experience ought to have counteracted our 
 desire to municipalize Europe. Moreover, I deny that the inhabitants 
 can ever hate us more than they do at present ; and in the supposition 
 that a treaty of peace were to leave us strictly the left bank for our 
 limits, I doubt the expedient of establishing the constitutional regime 
 in the Palatinate, the Hundstruck, the Archbishopric of Treves, the 
 Duchy of Berg, &c. No people can become republicans in a day, 
 and they who purchase freedom at so high a price seldom love it, 
 after being accustomed under a monarch to pay no taxes, or at least 
 scarcely any. Therefore, before we ascertain whether our opinions 
 may become those of the Germans, from whom nature has formed us 
 so different, let us wage war at their cost, since their sovereign forces 
 us to make war. You are not going backwards. When you intro- 
 duced laws into the conquered territories, which could take place only 
 after peace, it would then be time to send commissioners thither; and 
 as they would then have no exactions to make, they would no doubt 
 succeed if they conducted themselves with prudence. 
 
 It is highly important that I should know what line of conduct I am 
 to pursue towards foreign princes, whether allies, neutrals, or ene- 
 mies ; upon what terms f am to conclude a suspension of arms with 
 the latter; what the intentions of the government are with regard to 
 the opening of the campaign, and what the nature of the operations to 
 be pursued ; finally, what general officers I am to serve with, and 
 upon what reinforcements I may depend. 
 
 Of our northern allies, the King of Prussia is certainly the princi- 
 pal. No doubt, his government is attentively watching events, and 
 will take advantage of them. But whatever these events turn out to 
 be, it appears to me presumable that, at least for some time to come, 
 the Prussian government cannot renew its connexion with the empe- 
 ror, who has just denounced its conduct to the Germanic confedera- 
 tion ; and it may be assumed, without fear of mistake, that the ambi- 
 tion of the King of Prussia, which could not be displayed more posi- 
 tively than during the last campaign, would lead that monarch to join 
 us, were he assured that at the proper time we should grant him that 
 which he is so eager to obtain : namely, a province, of which Erlan- 
 gen should form the centre, and which should contain Wurtzburg, 
 Amberg, Bamberg, Nuremberg, Schweinfurt, and perhaps Frankfort. 
 Doubtless such a conquest is worthy of defence, and he certainly in- 
 tended to defend it, when, through his minister Harden berg, he pro- 
 
212 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 posed to Jourdan to purchase all the artillery which the French army 
 found in the different fortresses it had captured. 
 
 But, it may be said, you are making the King of Prussia very 
 powerful ! What matters it? Do you think that the house of Austria 
 would ever consent to such a transaction, of which, after all, the 
 King of Prussia must have weighed all the consequences? Your 
 object is a continental peace, which you will obtain if your ally de- 
 clares war but an instant, and you will, during a long period, get rid 
 of the uneasiness of seeing him renew his connexion with England, 
 whilst this power will thereby be able to economise nothing for a con- 
 tinuance of the war, or for the purpose of raising up new enemies 
 against France. 
 
 I have considered it my duty to offer these reflections to the govern- 
 ment, and to give, in some measure, the assurance that the King of 
 Prussia is not averse to declaring war. I almost convinced myself 
 of this, yesterday 14th, in a conversation with Sandoz, the Prussian 
 envoy. You may suppose I maintained the strictest reserve, so as 
 to be able to break off when I thought proper, a conference brought 
 on by chance alone. 
 
 I shall not dwell upon the other points. I only beg that the Direc- 
 tory will be so good as to send me answers to them as soon as possible. 
 The situation of the army, and the motions of the enemy, seem to 
 require my immediate presence in the field. 
 
 It remains for me, Citizens Directors, to thank you for having 
 placed the whole of Belgium under my command ,* I hope to derive 
 from it the assistance of which the army is so much in want. 
 
 L. Hoche. 
 
 P. S. — It is not for me to prejudge the intentions of the govern- 
 ment ; but, if it expressed a wish to have my opinion, I would submit 
 to its consideration some ideas which, under certain circumstances, 
 might prove useful. 
 
 No. XI. 
 
 GENERAL LAROCHE TO GENERAL NEY. 
 
 Ogeshein, 3rd Complementaire, Year VII. 
 
 Doubtless I explained myself badly, my dear General, since you 
 supposed that I guarded the Rhine from Spires to Esenhofen, whilst 
 on the contrary, I am to face the plain with my right at Spires and 
 my left towards Hanofen, with a line of bridges from Otterstat as far 
 as Schiferstat. It was this order, which must appear to you as sin- 
 gular as it does to me, that induced me to write to you as I did this 
 morning. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 213 
 
 In order that you may be convinced of its existence, which you 
 never can be by a simple assertion, I enclose you the letter I received 
 to this effect, and which can bear no other interpretation. 
 
 I shall establish myself to-night with my feeble division in two 
 lines, and I shall have my head-quarters at Spires, in order to be able 
 to communicate with General Collaud. 
 
 Health and friendship. 
 
 Laroche. 
 
 No. XII. 
 
 GENERAL LAROCHE TO GENERAL NEY. 
 
 Head-quarters, Ogershein, 3rd Complementaire, Year VII. 
 
 My dear General, 
 
 You must have received an order which does away with the 
 measures we determined upon. I cannot conceal from you that it 
 requires a strong dose of patriotism and devotion to serve in this 
 manner. 
 
 In order not to render the movement which you have begun useless, 
 I will, if you like, commence mine, and proceed to the singular posi- 
 tions assigned me : my right at Spires, my left towards Hanofen, 
 and my advanced posts at Otterstat. 
 
 I am impatient for your answer. 
 
 Laroche. 
 
 P. S. — We shall no doubt receive other orders in the course of the 
 day, which will again alter what we are going to do. Alas ! alas ! 
 
 No. XIII. 
 
 brigadier lery to general ney. 
 
 Mayence, 4th Complementaire, Year VII. 
 
 Cassel has not been surprised, my dear General, as you were in- 
 formed it had ; and up to the present time no one has any knowledge 
 of troops going that way, with the exception of a body of cavalry to 
 take possession of Wisbaden, where there is no garrison. 
 
 We were also informed that the enemy had crossed the Rhine at 
 Worms and at Philipsburg. All these reports had their origin in 
 fright and malevolence. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 214 
 
 It is certainly lamentable that time and circumstances have not 
 allowed us to pursue, in our defence of Manheim, the plans agreed 
 upon, and that the principal defence and retreat of the army were not 
 concentrated in Neckerau. The most unfortunate part of this catas- 
 trophe is its moral effect upon the feelings of the men. Let us hope 
 that more fortunate measures will soon cause a change in our situa- 
 tion. The news from Holland is very good : the British have been 
 repulsed by General Brune, and it is hoped that he will force them 
 to re-embark. 
 
 Measures are here in agitation for carrying on a seige, and I am far 
 from thinking that these surprises can succeed. 
 
 I am delighted that the present opportunity enables me to give you 
 the assurance of my constant and sincere friendship. Lery. 
 
 No. XIV. 
 
 LECOURBE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, TO GENERAL NEY. 
 
 The point of Neckerels was vigorously attacked yesterday. The 
 troops withdrew to Wissenbach and to Necker-Gemund, where they 
 were even reinforced. 
 
 Should you take up a position farther back, that is to say upon the 
 Elzatn, you will give notice of it to General Legrand, who ought also 
 to fall back a little, always however occupying Gochrau and Bretten 
 by means of advanced posts. 
 
 I am not easy with regard to the points of Dunlach and Philipsburg. 
 The enemy will probably make attempts upon the latter ; and it is ex- 
 pedient that you should be nearer General Legrand, in order that the 
 latter may be able to make a movement from left to right. 
 
 I shall remain some days at Manheim ; write to me often, and watch 
 carefully the progress of the enemy upon your left, at Necker-Gemund. 
 
 We shall, in a short time, receive good accounts of Massena. An 
 express from him is just arrived. If a large force comes against us, 
 so much the better; we must however maintain our positions even 
 against wind and tide. 
 
 You know that I cannot replace the 8th for you. General Bonnet 
 will proceed and join your division. 
 
 Health and friendship. 
 
 Lecourbe. 
 
APPENDIX, 
 
 215 
 
 No. XV. 
 
 LECOURBE, GENERAL-IN-CHIEF, TO GENERAL NEY. 
 
 Head-quarters, Manheim, 16th Brumaire, 
 Year VIII. (Nov. 5th, 1799.) 
 
 It appears, my dear General, that the enemy are making attempts 
 upon our left ; they have even, as I am ‘informed, forced the point of 
 Necker-Gemund. It is important that you should co-operate in the 
 recapture of this place, and fall upon the rear of the enemy if they are 
 pent up in the gorge of Rorbach and Heidelberg. 
 
 I perceive With pain that the troops are disheartened ; there are so 
 many individuals in the rear of the divisions who spread alarm among 
 them ; and so many others who, being gorged with booty, wish for a 
 retreat in order to put their plunder in a place of safety. 
 
 It behooves you, my dear General, and my other assistants, to put a 
 stop without pity to all that is immoral; and force the men to do their 
 duty. 
 
 Should you be unsuccessful in the recapture of Necker-Gemund, send 
 a portion of your forces down upon Heidelberg, in order to defend the 
 Necker and succour the 4th division. The enemy cannot have collect- 
 ed a large force upon this point. 
 
 Fraternal salutation. Lecourbe. 
 
 No. XVI. 
 
 BRIGADIER-GENERAL BOYE TO GENERAL NEY, COMMANDING THE 
 ARMY OF THE RHINE. 
 
 Head-quarters, Kloten, 29th Vendemiaire, 
 Year VIII. (Oct. 20th, 1799.) 
 
 I had the pleasure of writing to you, my dear General, on my ar- 
 rival at the army of the Danube ; and having received no answer, I 
 presume my letter never reached you. 
 
 I congratulate you on the success obtained by the army of the Rhine 
 whilst under your command. Bravery and able tactics are so familiar 
 to you, that soldiers commanded by you cannot fail to conquer. 
 
 I do not mention to you our brilliant days from the 3rd to the 16th 
 instant, as the particulars must be known to you ; I shall merely state 
 that I never beheld a more complete rout. The Russians will remember' 
 it, as will their worthy chief Suwarrow surnamed the Italic. The 
 Emperor Paul was to have conferred upon him the surname of the 
 Helvetic ; and he is still mad enough to do it. Victory has at length 
 returned to our standard, and I hope she will not again leave us. From 
 Holland to Italy the enemy has been beaten. Vive la Republique! 
 
216 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I am very sorry Bernadotte has quitted the ministry. 1 know not 
 where he is, and would thank you, my dear General, for his address, 
 as I wish to write to him. 
 
 The return of General Bonaparte will make all good republicans 
 rejoice, and the royalists burst with spite. 
 
 I hope to be more fortunate in this instance, and that all my letters 
 will not be lost. 
 
 Our friend Kleber has remained in Egypt ; probably General Bona- 
 parte has left him in command of the army. 
 
 I hope that the armies of the Rhine and the Danube will soon shake 
 hands. Adieu, my dear General. 
 
 Believe me ever your sincere friend, Boye. 
 
 No. XVII. 
 
 LEFEBVRE, GENERAL OF DIVISION, COMMANDING THE LEFT WING OF 
 THE ARMY, TO BRIGADIER-GENERAL NEY. 
 
 Head-quarters, Wetzlar, 13th Frimaire, Year VI. 
 
 1 am very sorry, my dear General, that you should have applied 
 to yourself what I wrote to you, in my two last letters, concerning 
 the complaints with which I am beset. My intention never was, nor 
 shall it ever be, to give you the least pain ; quite the reverse : nobody 
 is more attached to you than I am ; and so far from depriving you of 
 your command, 1 should be delighted to confer upon you one of 
 greater importance. Give way no longer to so erroneous an impres- 
 sion, and do me more justice. You and all your comrades owe me 
 this; for I may justly flatter myself that no one has given them 
 stronger proofs of attachment than I have done. 
 
 I have just read over the two letters of which you complain, and I 
 really cannot see in them any insult to yourself. Point out to me 
 any part of them that has justly offended you, and I will with plea- 
 sure make you every reparation in my power ; for no loss would 
 be more severely felt by me than that of your friendship. 
 
 Health and friendship. Lefebvre. 
 
 p. S. — I give you notice that I have just sent orders to General 
 Tharrau to despatch, on the 15th instant, the 4th hussars to Cologne, 
 whither they are to proceed as rapidly as possible. In the mean 
 time, until their return, I give you the 13th chasseurs. Do not fancy 
 on this occasion that I am making a movement for the purpose of 
 giving you pain. You will, in a very short time, know the object 
 of it. Adieu. I embrace you. 
 
 BND OF THE FIRST VOLUME. 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 MARSHAL N E Y. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY HIS FAMILY. 
 
 IN TWO VOLUMES. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 E. L. CAREY AND A. HART— CHESNUT STREET. 
 
 BALTIMORE: 
 
 CAREY, HART & CO. 
 
 1834. 
 

 
CONTENTS 
 
 OF 
 
 THE SECOND VOLUME. 
 
 
 
 BOOK THE FIFTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 The 18th of Brumaire ...... Page 5 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Army of the Rhine enters the campaign. — Divers actions ... 14 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Engagement at Ampfingen. — Battle of Hohenlinden ... 29 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Ney’s reception by the First Consul. — Marriage. — Mission to Switzerland 38 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The mediation is accepted. — Ney is appointed Minister Plenipotentiary . 46 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Dissolution of the Diet. — Disarming of the Population. — Reding and 
 
 others arrested ....... 54 
 
 BOOK THE SIXTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 M. de Mulhinen. — The lesser Cantons consent. — The First Consul’s letter 62 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Satisfaction caused by the act of mediation. — The factions are neverthe- 
 less in agitation. — Insurrection of the Helvetian troops . . 70 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The captives of Aarburg. — Reding afid his companions axe liberated. — 
 
 Fresh difficulties ....... 76 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Ney enters into Negociation with the Diet, — Pretensions and difficulties 
 opposed to him . . . 
 
 
 81 
 
IV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 BOOK THE SEVENTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Camp of Boulogne. — 1804 ...... 98 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Creation of the Empire . . . . . : .108 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Preparations for the invasion of England . . . .112 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Campaign of 1805. — The French reach the Danube . . . 118 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Actions at Elchingen. — Surrender of Ulm, together with the Austrian 
 
 forces under General Mack .... . . 129 
 
 qt Marshal Ney’s Military Studies ..... 149 
 
 Appendix 
 
 199 
 
MEMOIRS 
 
 OF 
 
 MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 BOOK THE FIFTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 GENERAL COLLAUD TO GENERAL NEY. 
 
 “Strasbourg, 21st Brumaire, Year VIII. 
 
 (November 21st 1799.) 
 
 “ My dear General, 
 
 44 The director of the telegraph has this instant forwarded to me 
 the following despatches. 
 
 * 18th Brumaire (Nov. 9th, 1799.) 
 
 4 The legislative body has removed to St. Cloud. Bonaparte is 
 appointed commandant of Paris. All is quiet, and every body sat- 
 isfied.’ 
 
 * 19th, at noon. 
 
 4 The Directory has resigned. Moreau commands at the palace of 
 the Directory. All ’ 
 
 44 This last word announces something yet to come. 
 
 Collaud.” 
 
 The incomplete sentence of this telegraphic despatch was calculat- 
 ed to excite the most intense anxiety in the two French generals. 
 They knew that a revolution of some sort had taken place ; but who 
 had assumed the reins of power, or what new forms or modifications 
 the government had undergone, was still unexplained, and they were 
 most eager to obtain further intelligence. The circumstance of Bona- 
 
 vol. ii. 2 
 
6 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 parte commanding in Paris, and Moreau at the Luxembourg, led them 
 to infer that the popular cause was safe ; but the tribune, like the field 
 of battle, had its fluctuations, and it was not without uneasiness 
 that they awaited the clearing up of their doubts and fears. The 
 news came at length. The legislative councils at Paris had been di- 
 vided in opinion ; the minority in the one had joined the majority in 
 the other, and each party, on the eve of coming to blows, had in- 
 voked the assistance of the troops. 
 
 The latter, placed between these two divisions of the legislature 
 in collision with each other, had obeyed the call which appeared to 
 them the most legal, and a new power has in consequence assumed 
 the place of the old one. Bonaparte was certainly calculated to in- 
 spire unlimited confidence. * As a great statesman and an able com- 
 mander, he was equally qualified to govern nations and to command 
 armies. But so many men had reached the highest eminence only 
 to fall to the ground, and so many great reputations had melted 
 away on the burning pinnacle of power, that the troops saw the 
 elevation of their leader with cold indifference. A sort of mistrust 
 of the future seemed to pervade the minds of all ; and each left it for 
 time to show what opinion he ought ultimately to form. The trial 
 turned out favourable. 
 
 Bonaparte had found both the treasury and the storehouses empty ; 
 yet the army was succoured almost immediately, whilst the weak 
 tools of the Directory were suddenly superseded by a set of men 
 strong in mind and honest in principle, and each branch of the 
 service was confided to prudent and able hands. Ney did justice both 
 to the choice and to the acts of the new government ; but still he 
 withheld his confidence from it until time had verified whether it 
 would continue to justify the expectations of the people. The follow- 
 ing letters to Ney give an idea of the feelings of the army and the 
 generals on the subject. 
 
 “ Wagausel, 4th Frimaire, Year VIII. 
 
 (November 25th, 1799.) 
 
 “ My dear General, 
 
 “1 arrived four days since, to take the command of this division, 
 Laborde having obtained leave of absence. 
 
 “1 am of your opinion with regard to the movement of the 18th 
 Brumaire. Time alone will inform us whether we shall be happier 
 or not. Nevertheless matters begin to look more auspicious ; but 
 I have no belief in our obtaining peace. Our unhappy sisters* will 
 throw obstacles in the way. A promise was made that they should 
 remain inviolate ; for my own part, I care not a rush whether they 
 do or not. It is sufficient for us to defend our own unhappy country. 
 Vampires have sucked its life’s blood, and our brave republicans have 
 fought only to enrich the swarm of advocates and attorneys that 
 
 * The impromptu republics established by the Directory. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 7 
 
 batten on its vitals. Each year must the war be prolonged and 
 their families gorged with wealth. 1 expect General Lecourbe every 
 moment; he is on his way to Bruxal. Adieu, my dear General, 
 believe in my warmest friendship for you. Collaud.” 
 
 “ Wagausel, 5th Frimaire, Year VIII. 
 
 “ I wrote to you yesterday, my dear General, by Gene raj Le- 
 courbe ; you will no doubt receive my letter to-day. 
 
 “ I am positively informed that Championnet has tendered his re- 
 signation, which has been accepted. General Moreau is to com- 
 mand an army, and is to marry a relative of Bonaparte’s. It is ru- 
 moured that another general-in-chief has also resigned. This appears 
 to be Massena. Others say that he was dismissed. It seems cer- 
 tain that there will be a congress at Aix-la-Chapelle, Cobentzel, 
 the author of the treaty of Campo-Formio, having received orders to 
 return immediately from Petersburg to Vienna. It is equally true 
 that the Elector of Bavaria is trying to make up matters. He has 
 sent to Paris, as minister, M. de Otto, formerly his minister at the 
 circle of the Upper Rhine, at Frankfort. 
 
 “The Revolution of the 18th of Brumaire has received its full 
 consummation at Paris. The enthusiasm in favour of Bonaparte is 
 at its height, and several of the Fructidorean laws are said to have 
 been already repealed. It seems that the Consulate will act in all 
 these matters with prudent delay, in order that the anarchists may 
 have no pretence for exclaiming against a royalist reaction. Let us 
 hope that the 18th will produce the effect anticipated by the true 
 republicans. 
 
 “ It has frozen very hard all night. If the Rhine once begins to 
 drift ice, good-bye to the cables, and the bridge of Nekerau, and 
 the communication with Spires by means of boats. 
 
 “ We risk the trip to Frankfort. I do not think we can remain 
 long upon the right bank. 
 
 “ Health and Friendship. Collaud.” 
 
 Ney at length began to share in the same ideas and hopes. He 
 perceived that every day some ferocious order, or some petty tyranny 
 was suppressed. As a substitute for the forced loan, a slight tax 
 had been imposed, and the hostages set at liberty. Each indivi- 
 dual Frenchman could now marry, and work for his livelihood in 
 any manner he thought proper. No man had now to dread the in- 
 terference of a free agent of the Directory; it was no longer neces- 
 sary to sever the ties of his dearest affections, or submit to prescribed 
 hours of rest and sleep : in fine, civil liberty remained unshackled. 
 Nevertheless the power of government having become concentrated, 
 it had encroached upon certain rights; and men do not readily 
 forego franchises which they have already enjoyed. The privileges 
 of the city were reduced, and elections were no longer direct. The 
 
8 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 representatives voted, but did not debate the laws they passed. The 
 tribune had long been considered a safeguard to liberty; and Ney, 
 who till now had cared only for war and battles, saw with regret, 
 that it was reduced to silence. 
 
 Other acts displeased him still more. The laws which excluded 
 the nobles from public employments, had been repealed ; and indi- 
 viduals who had been banished for crimes against freedom, were 
 admitted into the Senate. Soldiers, though they care little about 
 theories, are extremely susceptible concerning the choice of men ap- 
 pointed to put these theories into practice ; and the troops therefore 
 felt some mistrust, at the appointment of individuals who had shown 
 themselves hostile to free institutions. Ney was an enemy to op- 
 pression, and would neither perpetuate nor extend it ; but he would 
 enter into no pact with the emigrants, still less would he suffer them to 
 command those by whom they had been conquered. Like Moreau 
 and Macdonald, Lefebvre had concurred in the establishment of the 
 Consulate ; and to him Ney confided his fears, asking him with a 
 sort of bitterness, if the brave soldiers of the army of Sambre-et- 
 Meuse were to become a prey to intrigue, and be delivered up to 
 those whom they had defeated in battle ? In this letter, Ney showed 
 that his heart was lacerated, and Lefebvre hastened to apply balm to 
 the wound. 
 
 “ No, my dear Ney,” he replied ; times are altered, places are no 
 longer bestowed by intrigue, and every personal consideration must 
 now yield to the public good. Do not believe, then, all that is told 
 you about the government, which, you may be assured, is wholly 
 devoted to those who, like you, have rendered eminent services to 
 your country. You see a proof of it in the confidence I have obtain- 
 ed ; and another, in the appointment of Mortier, who was totally 
 unknown here, to the command of the 17th division. Be not there- 
 fore uneasy any longer, and depend upon it, my dear Ney, that all 
 will go on well. 
 
 “Health and Friendship, Lefebvre.” 
 
 41 Head-Quarters at Paris, 26th Germinal, 
 
 Year VIII, (April 16th, 1800.)” 
 
 This assurance, together with those made by Bernadotte, quieted 
 Ney’s apprehensions. Living in retirement at Malgrange, where 
 his still unhealed wounds confined him to his bed, he was already 
 beginning to give himself up to favourable anticipations, when the 
 publications by the government accounting for the failure of certain 
 negociations for peace entirely restored his confidence, and with it 
 his enthusiasm. We have already stated, how strongly the want of 
 peace was felt, and that hopes had been raised of its being soon con- 
 cluded ; the First Consul had applied all his energies to realize the 
 expectations of the people. 
 
 The various sacrifices of the allies, and their vain attempts to 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 9 
 
 humble France, must have made them feel the hopelessness of their 
 war against liberal institutions. They had exhausted their resources, 
 and a feeling of false glory alone could prompt them to a further 
 sacrifice of human life by a continuation of the war. A single ad- 
 vance might perhaps lead to the pacification of Europe, and the First 
 Consul accordingly made proposals of peace to Austria and to Great 
 Britain. The first of these powers sent an evasive answer, but 
 without bitterness or recrimination. This was not the case with 
 Great Britain ; that power sent an insulting reply to France, and 
 displayed unequalled benignity in her own favour. She was, as her 
 government stated, ever desirous of peace — she had assumed arms 
 only to repel an unjust aggression ; but being under an obligation to 
 
 * The following is the substance of Lord Grenville’s reply : — 
 
 “ The King has given frequent proofs of his sincere desire to see a permanent peace 
 re-established in Europe. He neither is, nor was he ever, engaged in any contest 
 from motives of vain and false glory. He has never entertained any other views than 
 those of protecting the rights and happiness of his subjects against all aggression. 
 
 “ It is from these motives that he has resisted an unprovoked attack ; and it is 
 from the saftie motives that he is under the necessity of still continuing the struggle ; 
 nor has he any hope that, at the present moment, he could obviate such necessity by 
 negotiating with those whom a new revolution has so recently placed at the head of 
 affairs in France. In fact, no real advantage can result in the furtherance of so great 
 and so desirable an object as a general peace, until it shall distinctly appear that those 
 causes have ceased to act which originally occasioned the war, have lengthened its 
 duration, and have more than once renewed its consequences. 
 
 “ That system, the dominant influence of which France justly considers the cause 
 of its present misfortunes, is also the same that has dragged the rest of Europe into 
 a long and destructive war, of a nature contrary to the present usages of civilized 
 nations. 
 
 “ It is to extend that system, and overthrow all established Governments, that the 
 resources of France have, from year to year, been lavished aud exhausted, even in the 
 midst of the most unparalleled distress. 
 
 “ To this spirit of destruction, which could respect nothing, the Low Countries, the 
 United Provinces, and the Swiss Cantons — those ancient friends and allies of his 
 Majesty — have been sacrificed. Germany has been ravaged, and Italy, now torn 
 from the grasp of its invaders, has been the theatre of rapine and anarchy to the 
 greatest extent. His Majesty has himself been driven to the necessity of maintaining 
 a difficult and expensive struggle in order to secure the independence and existence 
 of his dominions. 
 
 “ Neither have these calamities been confined to Europe alone ; they have reached 
 the most remote parts of the Earth — nay, they have even extended to countries so far 
 removed from the seat of the present contest, both in their geographical situation and 
 with reference to their local interests, that the very existence of the war may be un- 
 known to nations who have suddenly found themselves involved in all its horrors. 
 
 “ So long as such a system prevails, and the blood and treasure of a populous and 
 powerful nation are lavished to support it, experience has proved that no other opposi- 
 tion could efficaciously prevail against it, than open and energetic hostility. The most 
 solemn treaties have only paved the way to fresh aggression ; and it is to determined 
 resistance alone that the preservation will be due of all that remains of stability in 
 Europe, as connected with individual liberty, social order, and the free exercise of 
 religion. 
 
 “ In providing for the security of these essential objects, his Majesty cannot place 
 confidence in the simple renewal of mere general professions which announce a 
 
10 
 
 •MEMOIRS OF 
 
 protect Europe, and save it from the pillage and devastation which 
 every where attended the French arms, she could not lend herself 
 to a transaction which would save her from the violence of war only 
 to make her a victim of the machinations of peace. The French, 
 according to the statement of the British minister, bore a blind hatred 
 to the rest of Europe, which they had forced into a destructive and 
 obstinate struggle of a nature long since exploded among civilized 
 nations. They had pillaged the United Provinces, spread fire and 
 sword through Switzerland, devastated the Low Countries, and cover- 
 ed Italy with ruins. Not satisfied with all this, they were again 
 ready to invade Europe, and resume the course of their depredations. 
 But England, indulgent as she ever proved herself to be, was ready 
 even now, at the eleventh hour, to grant them her pardon, and aban- 
 don to them the enjoyment of their ancient territory ; but on one con- 
 
 wish for peace. Such professions have been repeatedly proclaimed by all who have 
 successively directed the resources of France towards the destruction of Europe — by 
 those very individuals whom the present rulers of France have declared, from the begin- 
 ning and at all times, incapable of maintaining relations of friendship and of peace. 
 
 “ His Majesty will certainly feel the most lively satisfaction when he shall perceive 
 that the danger no longer really exists which has so long threatened his own domin- 
 ions and those of his allies ; when he can be convinced that resistance is no longer 
 a necessity; when, after so many years of crime and misfortune, he shall see better 
 principles prevail in France ; when, in fine, those gigantic projects of ambition, and 
 those plans of destruction, which have made even the existence of civil society a pro- 
 blem, shall be totally abandoned. 
 
 “ But the conviction of such a change, agreeable as it would be to the wishes of 
 his Majesty, can result only from the experience and evidence of facts. 
 
 “ The most natural, and at the same time, the best guarantee of the truth and sta- 
 bility of this change, would be the re-establishment of the race of princes who, during 
 so many centuries, were able to preserve the internal prosperity of the French nation, 
 and to secure for it external consideration and respect. Such an event would have 
 overcome, and will at all times overcome, the obstacles opposed to negotiations for 
 peace. It would secure to France the undisputed enjoyment of its ancient territory, 
 and would give to every other nation of Europe, by tranquil and peaceable means, 
 that security which they are now forced to seek by other means. 
 
 “ But however desirable such an event may be, both for France itself and for the 
 whole world, his Majesty does not exclusively attach to it the possibility of a solid 
 and lasting pacification. His Majesty has no pretension of dictating to France what 
 shall be the form of her government, nor into whose hands she shall place the au- 
 thority requisite for conducting her affairs as a great and powerful nation. 
 
 “ His Majesty considers only the security of his own dominions, those of his allies, 
 and those of Europe in general. Whenever he is convinced that this security can 
 be obtained in any manner whatsoever, whether it result from the internal state of 
 that country whose situation originally caused the danger, or from any other cir- 
 cumstance leading to the same end, his Majesty will seize with eagerness the oppor- 
 tunity of concerting with his allies upon the means of an immediate and general 
 pacification. 
 
 “ Unfortunately, up to the present time, his Majesty has no other alternative left, 
 than to prosecute, in concert with the other powers of Europe, a just and defensive 
 war, which his zeal for the happiness of his subjects will never allow him either to 
 continue beyond the necessity to which it owes its origin, or to put an end to on any 
 other conditions than those which he thinks may contribute to secure to them the 
 enjoyment of their quiet, their constitution, and their independence,” 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 11 
 
 dition nevertheless : that they should disavow their long errors, and 
 recall that very moral dynasty which, during so many centuries, had 
 produced the happiness of France, and maintained the security of the 
 Continent. Thus, the brave men who had perished in the field of bat- 
 tle, and the generals who had led them on, were to be considered trai- 
 tors and rebels, and their great undertakings and splendid victories, 
 the ignoble workings of base cupidity. It was impossible to insult an 
 army more cruelly, or more unworthily to misrepresent history. The 
 French government, nevertheless, swallowed the insult, for the nation 
 wanted repose, and nothing but a statement of facts was opposed to 
 the misrepresentations of the British minister. The reply is no 
 doubt foreign to the private memoirs of Marshal Ney ; but it is so 
 connected with the history of the times, that it will not be out of 
 place here. 
 
 “ Paris, 28th Nivose, Year VIII. (Jan. 28th, 1800.) 
 
 “ The official note, bearing date of the 14th of Nivose, Year VIII. 
 addressed to me by the Minister of his Britannic Majesty, having 
 been laid before the First Consul of the French Republic, he re- 
 marked with surprise that it was founded upon an incorrect opinion 
 relative to the origin and consequences of the present war. Far 
 from war having been provoked by France, it may be remembered 
 that from the very beginning of the revolution, she solemnly pro- 
 claimed her love of peace, her repugnance to make conquests, and 
 her respect for the independence of all other governments ; and it is 
 beyond all doubt that being occupied at that period solely with her 
 internal affairs, she would have avoided interfering with those of 
 Europe, and have remained faithful to her professions. 
 
 “ But from an opposite feeling, the moment the French revolution 
 burst forth almost the whole of Europe united to destroy France. 
 This aggressiqn existed long before it became public. Internal re- 
 sistance was excited ,* they who opposed the revolution were well re- 
 ceived at foreign courts, their armed meetings tolerated, their conspi- 
 racies countenanced, and their extravagant declamation encouraged ; 
 the French nation were insulted in the persons of their agents, and 
 England, in particular, set the example, by sending back the French 
 accredited agent. In short, France was attacked, by overt acts, in 
 her independence, her honour, and her security, long before war was 
 declared. 
 
 “Thus, France is warranted in imputing the evils which she has 
 herself suffered, and those which have afflicted Europe, to projects 
 of subjugation and dismemberment which have several times been 
 attempted and pursued. Such projects, long without example, as ap- 
 plied to so powerful a nation, could not fail of producing the most 
 fatal consequences. 
 
 “ The republic having been assailed on all sides, may naturally have 
 been expected to carry on all sides its defensive exertions ; and it has 
 made use of the means which lay in its own power and in the courage 
 
12 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of its citizens, with no other view than the protection of its own inde- 
 pendence. So long as its enemies have shown a determination to deny 
 its rights, it has relied solely upon the energy of its resistance ; but 
 whenever they have abandoned their projects of invasion, it has con- 
 stantly sought the means of reconciliation, always manifested inten- 
 tions of peace ; and if its good wishes have not been realised — if, 
 in the midst of those internal tempests successively produced by revo- 
 lution and war, the present holders of the executive power in France 
 have not always evinced as much moderation as the people have 
 evinced courage, it must be more particularly attributed to the fatal 
 rage with which the resources of England have been applied to effect 
 the ruin of France. 
 
 “ But if the wishes of his Britannic Majesty are, as he asserts, in 
 unison with those of the French Republic, with regard to the con- 
 clusion of a peace, why, instead of attempting to justify the war, 
 does he not try to put an end to it ? What obstacle is there to prevent 
 a reconciliation of mutual and acknowledged utility, more particu- 
 larly when the First Consul of the French Republic has personally 
 afforded so many proofs of his eagerness to put an end to the calami- 
 ties of war, and of his desire to observe, in the most rigorous man- 
 ner, existing treaties. 
 
 “ The First Consul of the French Republic can have no doubt that 
 his Britannic Majesty recognizes the right of nations to choose their 
 own form of government, since it is to the very exercise of such right 
 that he owes his own crown ; and he cannot conceive how, in the 
 most direct opposition to this fundamental principle, upon which the 
 actual existence of political societies rests, his Britannic Majesty’s 
 minister could throw out hints tending to interfere with the internal 
 affairs of the Republic, — hints which are not less offensive to the 
 French people and their government, than an attempt would be 
 offensive to England and his Majesty, which should tend to produce 
 in that country the republican form of government adopted there 
 in the middle of the last century, or an exhortation to recall to the 
 throne of Great Britain that family whom birth had seated upon it, 
 but who were precipitated from it by a revolution. 
 
 “ If, at no very distant period, when the constitutive system of the 
 Republic offered neither the strength nor the solidity which it now 
 displays, his Britannic Majesty thought himself warranted in making 
 overtures of reconciliation, and demanding conferences to treat of 
 peace, how happens it that he now feels repugnance in renewing ne- 
 gotiations to which the present and reciprocal state of affairs pro- 
 mises a more speedy progress? The voices of nations join on all 
 sides with that of humanity in imploring the termination of a war 
 already marked by disasters of great magnitude, and a prolongation 
 of which threatens Europe with a general convulsion, — with the pros- 
 pect of irremediable evils. It is to arrest the course of such ca- 
 lamities, or at least to confine their direful effects to those persons 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 13 
 
 alone who have caused them, that the First Consul of the French 
 Republic proposes an immediate termination of hostilities by a sus- 
 pension of arms, and the appointing forthwith of plenipotentiaries 
 on both sides, to meet at Dunkirk, or in any other town offering 
 equal advantages for rapidity of communication, there to proceed, 
 without delay, in the re-establishment of peace and amity between 
 the French Republic and England. 
 
 “ The First Consul offers to give the necessary passports for this 
 object. Ch. Maurice Talleyrand.” 
 
 The British Government deeming France unequal to maintain the 
 struggle, persisted in forcing the Bourbons upon her. But whence 
 originated the tender anxiety affected by the British monarch in 
 favour of this good and moral family ? Why, from the very fact, 
 that these princes, being detested by the French nation, would have 
 been unable to govern it without trouble, and that a people in hos- 
 tility with an unpopular government could not, for a long period, ac- 
 quire any influence on the Continent. This calculation, so cruelly 
 realized at a later epoch, was too palpable not to strike every mind. 
 Both the army and the people were seized with a general indigna- 
 tion ; and preparations were made for war. Nothing was now 
 thought of but to take vengeance for this odious coalition against the 
 tranquility, nay, the very existence of France as a nation. Ney, 
 suffering less from his wounds, assumed the command of the troops 
 collecting upon the Rhine. They were already beginning to be 
 numerous ; a host of young patriots had obeyed their country’s call, 
 and the old soldiers were resuming their arms. Men, houses, and 
 provisions were in equal abundance. 
 
 Ney was not proof against this sudden emulation : the excitement 
 of military glory was general and spontaneous; the organization of 
 the armies was prompt, rapid, and perfectly planned ; and the wounded 
 General had a presentiment of the greatness to which France would 
 speedily attain. Dismissing therefore his vain alarms, he now devo- 
 ted his whole attention to seconding the movement in preparation. 
 The government had succeeded in tranquillizing and giving peace to 
 the. western provinces, and the different corps lately employed in sup- 
 pressing revolt in those provinces, and keeping them quiet, where 
 now debouching upon the Rhine. The army rapidly collected its 
 forces, and was in a short time as powerful as in the best days of its 
 victories. 
 
 The cold weather had ceased. Austria summoned her youth to 
 the field, and, money in hand, bargained for all the soldiers whom 
 Bavaria and Wirtemberg could supply. Moreau was appointed to 
 oppose her, and was preparing to set out to join the army. The 
 imperial troops, under the command of Kray, who had been re- 
 cently gathering laurels on the Adige, were divided into four corps 
 led by men of acknowledged ability and tried courage. The French 
 
 VOL. II. 3 
 
14 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 were constituted in a similar manner. Lecourbe commanded the right 
 wing, Sainte-Suzanne the left, Moreau retained the reserve, and the 
 centre, in which Ney had a command, was under Saint-Cyr. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Both armies were ready for the field, and the powers to which they 
 respectively belonged had made every possible sacrifice and exertion to 
 enter upon the campaign with good effect. The Austrian army con- 
 tained one hundred and thirty thousand men, and extended from the 
 Maine to Voralberg. The French were somewhat lessnumerous ; but 
 to make up for this inferiority, they were less scattered and more com- 
 pact. The soldiers of their army had, moreover, the firmness of 
 purpose always produced by profound conviction of right, and a sense 
 of monstrous injustice. Peace had been refused to them ; they were 
 going to win it at the sword’s edge, and at length force their most 
 implacable enemies to give repose to the world, which would thereby 
 be able to recover from the grievous evils inflicted upon it by a war 
 against the natural rights of mankind. Their measures were speedily 
 taken, and they prepared to turn the Imperialists. On the 15th of 
 April, Sainte-Suzanne made a movement upon Offenburg, and Staray, 
 who commanded the Austrian right wing, pressed forward to close 
 the passes of the Black-Mountains against him. Saint-Cyr crossed 
 the Rhine at Old Brissac, Lecourbe at Stein, and Moreau at Basle. 
 All three debouched unexpectedly upon the centre of the Austrian 
 army, and were well nigh crushing it. But the country was moun- 
 tainous and difficult, and the centre of the French army, entangled 
 in the intricacies of the ground, was still struggling in this wilder- 
 ness densely inhabited by a hostile population, even after the right 
 wing had conquered at Stockash and the reserve at Engen. 
 
 Ney marched at the head of the French centre. At Burken 
 and at Nimburg he encountered armed multitudes, similar to those 
 whom, at a former period, he had chastised on the Maine and the 
 Elaz. After routing and dispersing them, he thought himself freed 
 from these undisciplined hinds, when he perceived them again form- 
 ing at Bromberg. As Tharrau was coming up to them, Baraguay, 
 at the head of the 3rd, advanced to meet the regular troops by 
 whom they were supported. Ney therefore continued his movement ; 
 but the country became at every step more rugged and more difficult 
 to penetrate. Here was at deep chasm, there a valley without an 
 opening ; rocks and ravines succeeded each other, and it was with 
 great difficulty that the French troops made any progress through 
 these wild regions. Moreau had been informed that the country was 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 15 
 
 open and easy to'cross. Some persons had persuaded him that there 
 was a high road from Friburg to St. Blaize, leading through Todnau, 
 and he gave particular orders that this road should be followed ; but 
 neither the peasants nor the hunters of the country had ever heard 
 of it. Nevertheless, the general’s instructions being positive, an 
 attempt was made to obey them, and the troops became bewildered 
 amid rocks, and glens, and precipices. The wagons and the artil- 
 lery were obliged to be sent back, and the corps continued their 
 march without cannon or ammunition. Thus lightened, they suc- 
 ceeded in advancing somewhat farther ; but such were the obstacles 
 which these mountains presented, that the troops were continually 
 forced to halt, and then either turn or pass over them. The sappers 
 worked with all their might, but they had no tools. They could 
 scarcely obtain even a few hoes, and the soldiers helped them as well 
 as they could with their bayonets. But this weapon was but ill- 
 adapted to such work, in which, with its aid they made but slow pro- 
 gress. Nevertheless, by dint of perseverance, they succeeded in 
 opening one passage and repairing another ; and after two days of 
 excessive fatigue and exertion they reached St. Blaize. Ney arrived 
 there on the 15th of April ; it was already occupied by a division of 
 the reserve, from which he borrowed ammunition and artillery, and 
 proceeded to meet the enemy, who had formed upon the Wutach. 
 The country was covered with rugged and almost inaccessible moun- 
 tains, and it was with the greatest difficulty that he effected his move- 
 ment. 'At length he arrived in sight of a numerous column of 
 Austrians, which occupied the heights of Stettin. 
 
 The night became so dark that he could not reconnoitre all the 
 outlets, neither could he without danger defer seizing them until the 
 morrow. The imperial forces were drawn up in line in the gorges 
 of the mountains ; and if he did not attack them immediately they 
 might attack him. He was therefore anxious not to expose himself 
 to the chances of an attack by surprise. The 54th was at the head 
 of his column; it advanced upon the enemy, who before the dawn of 
 day were entirely put to flight. 
 
 He pursued, overtook, routed them again, and did not stop until he 
 came in sight of St. Atilia, which is the nucleus of a series of val- 
 leys diverging in different directions. The approaches are rugged, 
 precipitous,, and woody ; and the Austrains defended them with an 
 obstinacy which it took a long time to overcome. Baraguay at 
 length broke and drove the Imperialists upon Zolaus. Ney contin- 
 ued the movement, and, keeping to the left, advanced towards 
 Mulheim. The cannon roared at some distance in his front, and a 
 succession of reports convinced him that they must proceed from an 
 action not far oft. He therefore pressed his march, overtook the 
 enemy, and drove them in disorder upon Tutlingen. Tfcs position, 
 protected by formidable heights, was further defended by the columns 
 which had been previously routed, and had rapidly advanced from 
 Zolaus and Moreingen ; he therefore ordered Bonnet to force it with 
 
16 
 
 MEMOIRES OF 
 
 the van-guard. The undertaking was one of great difficulty ; but as 
 the cannon continued to thunder with increasing spirit, there was no 
 time to be lost, and Bonnet making a desperate effort, rushed with 
 determination upon the position, and carried it. Ney immediately 
 let loose his columns upon the defeated troops, pressed, and harassed, 
 and drove them upon Neuhausen ; but the imperial cavalry covering 
 the plain, he was compelled to halt and take up a position. 
 
 The cannonading having ceased, the prisoners and deserters from 
 the Austrian army stated that the French army had been obliged to 
 make a retrograde movement. Ney immediately began to calculate 
 how he should convey assistance to the latter ; for it seemed impos- 
 sible to penetrate through the Austrian masses, or even to cut a pas- 
 sage through the dense bodies of cavalry which appeared at a dis- 
 tance. On a sudden, however, the firing recommenced, and having 
 spread farther on, Ney felt assured that the right wing of the French 
 had recovered the chance of the day. Such was indeed the case ; 
 and the imperial troops which covered the road from Tutlingen to 
 Stockach were already beginning to disappear. Ney followed them 
 at a distance. He was desirous of ascertaining their movements, 
 tracking their march, and opening a communication with such of the 
 French corps as were engaged. He pressed and drove the enemy 
 forward, and by dint of fighting and manoeuvring, arrived at the de- 
 bouches of Schwandorf. It was now eight o’clock, the evening was 
 getting dark, and he took up a position for the night. The battle 
 had been very hotly contested : ten thousand men were lying dead 
 on the field, and the French had been very near sustaining a defeat 
 at Maskich, to counterbalance the success they had obtained at 
 Eugen. 
 
 Their centre was now in line, and as a fresh attack upon them 
 offered no chance of success, the Austrians retreated. Ney pursued 
 them and advanced upon Buchen, which was still occupied by a hos- 
 tile column; this he charged and overthrew; and then, continuing 
 his pursuit, overtook the Austrian rear-guard, which he drove as far 
 as Kreenheistetten. The Imperialists, fearful of his turning their 
 right, formed into line ; and in this position Ney could attack them only 
 with a feeble van-guard. He however perceived that they were dis- 
 couraged and in consternation. The defeats which they had sus- 
 tained in immediate succession had damped their courage, and he did 
 not hesitate to attack them. Their opposition was such as might be 
 expected from an army contending for its communications. They 
 were however unable to resist, and, driven from position to position, 
 were at length obliged to vacate the field, leaving twelve hundred pri- 
 soners in the hands of the French. Ney closely pursued them ; and 
 convoys, horses, baggage, — all in short that covered the road, fell 
 into his hands. 
 
 The Austrian forces at Inzhoffen were struck with consterna- 
 tion ; even the imperial columns which were on their way to 
 Sigmaringen had taken the alarm. There was a general halt, and 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 17 
 
 all formed in line of battle. In an instant Ney’s feeble vanguard had 
 thirty thousand men in front of it, and it was obliged to halt, but 
 without slackening its fire, or ceasing to attack and overthrow the 
 Austrian corps which successively ventured within its reach. The 
 movement of the action had carried it upon the heights of Inz- 
 hoffen, whence it could behold the impression it had made upon 
 the enemy’s masses. The whole army of the latler, drawn up in a 
 succession of lines, was grouped in the angle formed by the Danube, 
 and did not occupy the space of a single division. Its two wings 
 touched the river, whose precipitous banks covered them. Its artil- 
 lery commanded all the approaches, and crowned all the heights. This 
 was indeed a critical position ; but both officers and men of the Aus 
 trian army were discouraged and disheartened, and dared not even 
 continue the passage of the river which they had begun. In justice 
 however, we must add, that had they even displayed the most un- 
 daunted courage, they could not, situated as they were, have avoided 
 a terrible defeat. Every shot fired at them would have told with 
 deadly effect, and if one line had been missed, another would have 
 been struck: not a single shot would have been lost, and the Austrian 
 army, mowed down by whole files, must have either perished on the 
 banks of the Danube or laid down its arms. 
 
 The situation of the Imperialists was singularly disadvantageous, 
 and Ney strained every nerve to profit by it. He called up his own 
 artillery, and requested Saint-Cyr to send him more ; but all that he 
 and his commander possessed was insufficient, and he could do no 
 more than prove that it was not through his fault that the opportunity 
 was lost. He placed his twelve pieces in battery ; but sixty being 
 opposed to them, he was obliged to abandon the attempt. 
 
 After this failure the Austrian army resumed its confidence and 
 finished crossing the river. Its right wing, sent so injudiciously into 
 the passes of the Val d’Enfer, was now debouching. Thus its forces 
 were united, whilst those of the French were somewhat scattered. 
 The Austrians, thinking it not imposssible to recover their good for- 
 tune, suddenly recrossed the river, and took up their position upon the 
 hights of Biberach. This was a bold and well-conceived movement. 
 Ney, with the extreme left of the French, proceeded along the banks 
 of the river, whose approaches, besides being tortuous and difficult, 
 were moreover infested by a numerous body of partizans. Being 
 constantly obliged to fight, as well as to turn the natural obstacles of 
 the place, which are numerous and close to each other, the French 
 general was not quick enough. When he debouched the Austrians 
 had already given way. Saint-Cyr had attacked them ; and men, 
 artillery, and approaches, — all had been carried. 
 
 Having arrived too late to take a share in the victory, Ney set out 
 in pursuit of the vanquished enemy. He followed and harassed them 
 without intermission, and drove them in disorder behind the liter. 
 Here their resistance became more energetic, and the struggle more 
 
18 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 serious. They had twenty thousand men in line ; the approaches 
 were fortified, and the houses of the villages they occupied had em- 
 brasures. The fire of the French was well sustained, and yet the 
 action did not seem drawing to a close. Ney, tired of this vain delay, 
 rushed upon the intrenchments, and joining the enemy hand to hand, 
 overthrew and drove them to Illertissen. 
 
 The Imperialists, beaten both at Memmingen and at Brauenden- 
 burg, retreated to Ulm. This place is situated in a bottom or dell, 
 and though of no importance in itself, contained extensive store- 
 houses. It was defended by the Michelsburg batteries ; and by means 
 of its fortifications, it gave great facilities for manoeuvring on both 
 banks of the river. The Austrian masses were grouped upon the left 
 of the French army ; and the latter could not extend itself until it 
 had beaten them. Moreau, from the top of the Abbey of Weblen- 
 gen, beheld the position of the enemy, and directed Ney to attack 
 and oblige them to concentrate their forces upon the Guntz. The 
 Hulans were accordingly charged, broken, and thrown in disorder 
 upon Wizeghausen, where they rallied and endeavoured to take 
 up a position ; but on seeing the 54th French advance in double quick 
 time, they became alarmed and dared not receive the charge. 
 
 The left bank was now no longer destined to be the theatre of 
 operations. New combinations had been formed, and every corps 
 pushed on to the right, towards the Lech. Ney followed the move- 
 ment, and had scarcely reached the Iller, ere a heavy cannonade was 
 heard. The Archduke Ferdinand had seized this opportunity to at- 
 tack Sainte-Suzanne, who was on the point of being overpowered. It 
 became therefore necessary to fall back upon the Danube, and pro- 
 ceed in all haste to his assistance. 
 
 The different corps of the army soon debouched. The centre pass- 
 ed along the left bank, the reserve took its station upon the right, 
 Sainte-Suzanne and Saint-Cyr crossed the Blau, Delmas descended 
 the Iller, D’Hautpoul followed, and the republicans seemed again 
 bent upon trying their fortune ; but every one has not the talent of 
 seizing the opportunity. When about to strike the blow ; they be- 
 came alarmed ; and their efforts were spent in empty air, amid vain 
 and powerless manoeuvres. 
 
 Meanwhile, the Aurtrians remained quiet until they should ascer- 
 tain the result of the operations conducted by the First Consul. Their 
 quarters were good, they had provisions in abundance, and to re- 
 main quiet in the enjoyment of ease and plenty seemed to them the 
 best thing they could do. But the French, without provisions or for- 
 age, as usual, — men and horses being equal sufferers from want, — 
 had no such motive for prolonging this strange state of inaction. 
 Ney made this observation to Saint-Cyr, and the latter to Moreau, 
 without either being able to obtain a satisfactory answer. On the 
 19th of May, as the day was declining, and Ney and Saint-Cyr 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 19 
 
 warmly debating this point, an orderly arrived with orders to the 
 latter to fall back with his columns. 
 
 “ What !” cried Ney, “at the beginning of night, and when all is 
 ready for action ?” 
 
 “ It is a cruel thing,” Saint-Cyr replied ; “ but such is the order. 
 We must leave the spot where the enemy is to be found, to go where 
 we shall find nobody, save only stern and invincible hunger stalking 
 through our ranks with deadly power.” And he put his columns in 
 motion ; but his colleague did not follow him : Sainte-Suzanne being 
 again exposed upon the Iller to the attacks of the Austrians, Ney 
 was sent to support him. 
 
 The French were aware that Moreau had scarcely reached Bava- 
 ria, ere a part of the Austrian forces had already advanced upon 
 Guntzburg; but they knew neither what positions the Austrians had 
 taken up, nor the description of force by which these positions were 
 occupied. The chief of brigade, Chalbos, being sent with a detach- 
 ment of the 45th demi-brigade to reconnoitre, advanced towards 
 Neuburg. The Wirtemberg chasseurs defended the approaches to 
 that place ; he charged, and broke them, making about a hundred 
 prisoners. This success emboldened him ; and, acting on the spur of 
 his courage, he pressed the chasseurs more vigorously, and rushed 
 boldly upon a heavy body of hussars. But whilst he w T as thus push- 
 ing forward, the cuirassiers of General Mack intercepted his rear, 
 and having with them some pieces of cannon, destroyed a considera- 
 ble number of his men, but without being able to break them. Thrice 
 did Chalbos rush upon the foe, and drive them back ; but the move- 
 ment of the battle had thrown him to the left, and he found himself 
 stopped by a vast bog. His men were out of breath, and the cannon- 
 ading was becoming every instant more murderous ; he was there- 
 fore reduced to lay down his arms. Chalbos was a brave, able, and 
 devoted officer, and Ney was profoundly afflicted at his misfortune. 
 
 “ Behold,” he said with grief, “ the consequences of this inexplica- 
 ble halt ; behold the fruits of our cruel stagnation !” 
 
 The 8th were mounted ; and he immediately despatched them to 
 the place where Chalbos was made prisoner ; but the Austrians were 
 drawn up in great force, and to have attacked them would have 
 brought on a general engagement. Great, therefore, as was Ney’s 
 regard for his captive officer, he did not feel justified in shedding the 
 blood of numbers of brave men in order to rescue one from captivity. 
 
 This check was not the only circumstance which the French army 
 had to deplore : its present state of inaction proved very prejudicial 
 to its discipline. Some of its soldiers had shrunk, not indeed from 
 the enemy, but from the annoyances of a faction whom they consid- 
 ered hostile to the best interests of their country. These soldiers 
 had accordingly deserted their post. Others of the men committed 
 each day the most culpable excesses. Although now abundantly 
 supplied with provisions, they indulged, without restraint, in the dis- 
 
20 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 orders which their previous distress had long caused to be tolerated, 
 and plundered the habitations in the neighourhood of their camp. 
 Key had several times expressed his extreme displeasure at the dis- 
 orderly ill-conduct of these men, and had issued severe orders on the 
 subject ; but none of the officers seemed to carry his orders into exe- 
 cution. They continued blind to that which they ought to have pre- 
 vented ; and the whole division became culpable for want of care and 
 vigilance. Ney, driven to harsh measures, resolved to punish those 
 who did not prevent these excesses, as well as those by whom they 
 were committed. 
 
 “The volunteers of the 103rd, and more especially those of the 
 54th,” he wrote to General Bonnet, “ commit every possible excess 
 in the houses, and particularly in the mills adjacent to the camp. 
 We must, my dear General, beat to quarters and call the roll. One 
 battalion out of every three must form a double chain of posts round 
 the camp, and continue to do so until the offenders are disco- 
 vered.”* 
 
 The discovery soon took place. The men, being confined to the 
 camp, and subjected either to a severe duty, or to a wearisome inac- 
 tion, became discontented with this punishment, which affected them 
 all, and they who had done nothing to deserve it revenged themselves 
 upon those who were really guilty. The latter, being punished by 
 their comrades, of whose unpleasant restraint they were the cause, 
 were forced to discontinue their depredations. Several officers who 
 had distinguished themselves by their culpable tolerance of such ex- 
 cesses, were brought to a court martial ; and one of them was sus- 
 pended. This severity put a stop to the system of pillage : no one 
 dared again to indulge in it; and the officers became more vigilant 
 and attentive to their duty. 
 
 The case of the vedettes was more serious, for it involved a ques- 
 tion of capital punishment. Two chasseurs had abandoned their 
 post, and were condemned to be shot. The council of revision an- 
 nulled the sentence, in consequence of an informality in the proceed- 
 ings, and a new trial was directed to take place. Another court 
 martial assembled, and gave precisely the same decision as the first ; 
 which decision was also annulled. Ney then reported the state of 
 the case to General Saint-Cyr, and left it to him to act as he thought 
 proper. The despatch was conceived in the following terms : — 
 
 “ You will perceive, my dear General, by the decisions in the case 
 of two chasseurs of the 8th regiment, who basely abandoned their 
 post when on vedette, that the decree of the General-in-chief, bear- 
 ing date the 7th Florial, which specially applies to the case, has 
 been interpreted by the council of revision, under the presidency of 
 General Desbrulys, in a manner calculated to degrade the authority 
 of General Moreau. The decision of the first court martial having 
 
 * Weiler, 14th Prairial, Year VIII. (June 3rd, 1800.) 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 21 
 
 been thus set aside, I ordered a second to assemble. The latter very 
 thoughtlessly set forth in its judgment an article contradictory of 
 the crime, so that its sentence has likewise been quashed* As I 
 have not sufficient commanders of corps to compose a third court 
 martial, may I beg of you, my dear General, to submit the case to 
 the General-in-chief, in order to prevent pusillanimous judges from 
 thwarting, in a manner so dangerous to the discipline of the army, 
 the provisions and moral object of his decree.”* 
 
 In spite of this deference to legal forms which protected two guilty 
 soldiers from merited punishment, a good effect was produced upon 
 the whole army. The fear of being tried by judges less scrupulous, 
 put an end to every kind of depredation, and restored the powers of 
 discipline which for a while had been relaxed. f 
 
 Moreau pursued his movement towards Bavaria ; but Kray, instead 
 of following him, collected his forces at Michelsburg, and remained 
 in this central position to profit by the least chance which fortune 
 might throw in his way. On the 24th of May he had been on the 
 point of overpowering Sainte-Suzanne ; and on the 5th of June 
 he came unexpected upon Richepanse, whom he placed in still more 
 imminent jeopardy. This officer, who had recently been appointed 
 to the command of the left wing, was a man of the firmest resolu- 
 tion, and one who possessed the most powerful mental resources; but 
 great as were his talents and courage, he could not make head 
 against the heavy masses which were debouching upon him. His 
 right being much less extended than that of the Austrians, and his 
 centre broken, he was driven back upon the Roth. Ney, however, 
 crossed the Iller, advanced rapidly towards the Austrians, and came 
 up with them on the platform of Kirchberg. They were numerous 
 and flushed with victory ; but as the danger of remaining inactive 
 was becoming greater every moment, and he was unable to fall back, 
 he put himself at the head of his grenadiers, and under a tremendous 
 fire, advanced, with fixed bayonets, and without firing a single shot. This 
 bold attempt was successful, and the broken Austrian ranks were 
 driven from their position. Richepanse, threatened on his left, had 
 just made a retrograde movement ; Ney was therefore forced to 
 follow his example, and abandon the platform he had so gallantly 
 won. The Imperialists immediately took possession of it, covered it 
 
 * Raggenburg, 6th Prairial, (May 26th.) . 
 
 t We have dwelt a little upon these somewhat unimportant facts, because, in a re- 
 cent publication, they have been presented in an unfavourable light. The punish- 
 ment inflicted by the soldiers themselves upon their guilty comrades, although sanc- 
 tioned by the ordersof the General-in-chief, is termed extra-legal. The sentences upon 
 the chasseurs, though neither was executed, are termed acts of barbarity ; and the 
 author of the work alluded to, accompanies his account of these circumstances with 
 the most atrocious details, the untruth of which has fortunately been proved, but 
 which tend to show the facility with which the writer of “ The Campaign of 1800,” 
 takes advantage of every calumny tending to implicate or dishonour a brother of- 
 ficer. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 4 
 
22 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 with troops and artillery, and for a moment threw the French ranks 
 into confusion. These being crippled by the shots which were show- 
 ered upon them, the me asked to be Jed to the charge. Having 
 formed, they marched up in double quick time, and in a short time 
 were hand to hand with the enemy. Every individual soldier dis- 
 played the most daring courage ; both officers and men felt the same 
 enthusiasm, and the Austrians could not withstand the shock. The 
 reserves of the latter having come to their assistance, the combat 
 was renewed ; but General Bonnet led the attack with such talent 
 and effect that they were again broken. 
 
 The French remained masters of the day, and those formidable 
 masses which had come to take from Richepanse the only bridge 
 over the Iller that he could use, now fled before them. The junction 
 with the left wing was, however, not yet effected ; some Austrian 
 columns which occupied the woods having cut off the communica- 
 tions of the French forces, Ney despatched two officers to open them 
 again, — the one a lieutenant of cavalry, the other a brave captain of 
 infantry, whom family reasons had formerly obliged to resign his 
 commission, but who, having some time previous returned to the 
 army, had been unable to obtain his letters of service. In vain had 
 Ney exhausted his interest at head quarters in favour of these two 
 officers ; justice had been done to neither. The valour of Lieutenant 
 Daiker, and the talents of Captain Guy Descoutes, had been equally 
 disregarded. Both were in that mood of mind so favourable to deeds 
 of great daring. Perceiving a column of enemies, they boldly 
 marched up and summoned them to surrender. The troops which 
 supported these officers were at a considerable distance behind them ; 
 but boldness is a power which seldom fails to intimidate men discour- 
 aged by defeat. The Austrians laid down their arms, and quietly 
 followed the officers to head-quarters. 
 
 The junction was now effected; and the French had captured 
 twelve hundred prisoners with five pieces of cannon. They then 
 marched up again to the Austrians, whom they reached upon their 
 whole line. After a severe action the Imperialists were driven back 
 to the place whence they had originally set out, and the left wing of 
 the French army was saved. 
 
 But this able operation was not unattended with bitter feelings in 
 him who had conducted it. Ney loved and honoured courage, and 
 was always fond of brfnging it forward wherever he found it, whether 
 in an officer or in a private soldier. General Grenier had superseded 
 Saint-Cyr in the command of the centre ; and Ney brought to his no- 
 tice the officers who had particularly distinguished themselves in this 
 affair. Among others was Captain Dulaunay of the 48th, whose 
 bravery and talents Ney held in great estimation. 
 
 “ He has real talent,” wrote Ney to General Grenier ; “ pray do 
 not overlook him, for you would deprive the army of an oflicer who 
 will worthily run his career.” 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 23 
 
 But whilst he was unsuccessfully soliciting in favour of a man who 
 had still to win his way to fame, he was near losing an officer who 
 had already risen to eminence. Bonnet, in return for the talent and 
 gallantry he had evinced at Kirchberg, was harshly received at head- 
 quarters. Disgusted at such treatment, he resolved to throw up his 
 commftsion. Fortunately he could not execute his intentions, except 
 through Ney, his commanding officer, and the latter took good care 
 not to second them. Bonnet was a man whom he could not easily consent 
 to lose ; his talents, firmness, and daring courage, were qualities 
 which rendered his services most desirable to Ney, who therefore 
 sought to pacify him. 
 
 “ Your determination, my dear General,” Ney wrote to him, “ has 
 deeply affected me ; and I place sufficient reliance on your friendship 
 to hope that you will not persist in it. It is no doubt to the report 
 of the General-in-chief that you owe the annoyance you have ex- 
 perienced ; but there is not a man among us who is not acquainted 
 with your courage, and does not do justice to your talents. The 
 army and your comrades are unanimous in this respect, and in sober 
 earnest that ought to be sufficient for you. I trust, therefore, that 
 you will remain, and forget the unmerited treatment you have 
 received. I return you your letter to the General-in-chief, and hope 
 you will consider it cancelled.”* 
 
 Bonnet yielded to this wish, was soon after appointed general of 
 division, and in a short time distinguished himself by several new 
 feats of arms. 
 
 Moreau, impatient at the slow progress made by his right, resolved 
 to carry on operations with his left. Bonnet with his division cleared 
 the flanks of the army, and took a part in divers battles fought upon 
 the banks of the Biber. The Austrians, defeated in every action, 
 rallied the wreck of their forces, and spread through the valley of the 
 Roth ; Bonnet followed and again overthrew them. They who es- 
 caped him fled back to the Brentz, and no Austrian patrols or recon- 
 noitering parties were any longer to be seen in this part of the 
 country. 
 
 The crippled Imperialists could now make a stand nowhere. Ney 
 was anxious to support his lieutenant, and consummate the victory 
 which the latter had achieved. 
 
 “ Let, us march, my dear General,” he wrote to Grenier, “upon 
 Donawert. The Austrians are unable to resist us. We have a 
 moral superiority over them, and they cannot escape us.” 
 
 Grenier dared not take such a movement upon his own responsi- 
 bility. He had just received intelligence of the surrender of Genoa. 
 One of his officers had witnessed the joy which the news of this 
 event had spread through the Austrian camp. He had seen the Im- 
 perialists emerge from discouragement to boldness, treat with deri- 
 
 * Osterberg, 22nd Prairial, Year VIII. (June 11th, 1800.) 
 
24 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 sion what was said of the successes of the First Consul, and flatter 
 themselves that they should soon resume the offensive, and again 
 drive back their republican adversaries upon the Rhine : and indeed 
 fortune seemed to have returned to them, for Grenier dared not at- 
 tempt the movement, urging in excuse the unlucky chances which it 
 offered. 
 
 “Chances!” Ney replied; “I perceive none but lucky chances. 
 The enemy are confined to the left bank ; their columns are some 
 above and some below Ulm. Could we not, if these appear too for- 
 midable, attempt a diversion? Could we not feign to surprise the 
 passage at Elchingen, whilst in reality we crossed the river at Guntz- 
 burg? If the operation were successful, the Austrians would lose 
 their communications ; if it did not succeed, we should only have to 
 retire beyond the Guntz and resume our present positions.” 
 
 These arguments were conclusive, but neither Ney nor Grenier 
 had the chief command, and two days more elapsed before they could 
 attempt to cross the Danube. This was however effected almost 
 without obstacle, on the 19th of June, and the republicans, drawn 
 up on the plains of Hochstadt, avenged the defeat which the French 
 armies had sustained there almost a century before. 
 
 Kray, informed of Moreau’s irruption in his rear, immediately 
 raised his camp, abandoned the position where he had so long held 
 the French in check, and only thought of repossessing himself of his 
 communications. But he found this by no means so easy as he had 
 imagined. The French had crossed the Danube at Blenheim; 
 they also occupied Donawert ; and the roads, together with the 
 heights which run along the banks of the river, were in their pos- 
 session. If therefore the the Austrians wished to re-establish their 
 line of communication, they must risk a circuitous march, advance 
 as far as Nordlingen, expose their flank, and run the chance of a 
 speedy defeat. Field-Marshal Kray had, in the mean time, thrown 
 a portion of his troops upon the Inn, in spite of the danger of such 
 a movement ; and having formed his infantry into two columns, he 
 pushed them, under the protection of his cavalry, one upon Dillengen 
 and the other upon Languenau. Ney being confined to the left bank, 
 and obliged to guard the approaches to the Guntz, saw with regret 
 the Austrian forces file off. In vain did he invoke Grenier’s friend- 
 ship; * in vain did he urge this general to follow him, march upon 
 
 * To Lieutenant-general Grenier. 
 
 1st Messidor (June 20th.) 
 
 My dear General, 
 
 Every report I have received acquaints me with the precipitate retreat of the 
 enemy upon Elm ; and at the very moment I am writing this letter, two columns, 
 the depth of which I cannot see, are in full march descending the left bank of the 
 Danube. One is pursuing the Rudheim road ; its head already appears beyond 
 that village, and keeps along the Dillengen causeway. The other is proceeding 
 through Languenau, and appears to be pursuing the same direction as the 
 former. I calculate this force at twenty thousand men of all arms. Nothing 
 has occurred in front of my present position, of which the enclosed is a correct plan. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 25 
 
 Guntzberg,* and debouch by Leipheim.j* But the commander of the 
 centre was afraid of exposing his rear, and anxious to secure its safety. 
 Yielding however to Ney’s entreaties, he crossed the Danube and 
 joined the van-guard, which he found in the most inactive and ineffi- 
 cient state, negligently extended along the banks of the Brentz. He 
 could not conceal his surprise at this inaction, and wrote thus to 
 Grenier : 
 
 I think, my dear General, that it would be urgent to bring my forces closer together, 
 and my cavalry near to the valley of the Aost. General Richepanse must have a 
 very weak force in front of him : would it not therefore be advisable to urge the 
 general-in-chief either to cause this general to be supported by us, so that he may 
 press with vigour upon Ulm, or to cross over to the left bank of the Danube, in order 
 to force the enemy to leave part of their force before it ? This diversion would ren- 
 der our enterprizes more easy. 
 
 You will have work to do to-morrow, my dear General ; pray concentrate your 
 forces in a good position, and make me come to you before the action begins. 
 
 If you think proper, I will collect my forces at Guntzburg and Reisemberg to- 
 morrow by daybreak, and I shall even expect your orders to-night. Affairs are 
 pressing. Pray do not forget me. 
 
 * To Lieutenant-general Grenier. 
 
 1st Messidor (June 20th.) 
 
 My dear General, 
 
 It is two o’clock ; and the Austrian columns which I mentioned in my last are 
 just formed into line in front of Languenau, with their left towards Nerenstitten, and 
 their right upon Reidhen. They seem drawn up across the road to Dillengen. I 
 believe they will remain this evening in the position I have mentioned. I am going 
 this instant to set out for Guntzburg, and have directed General Bonnet to report to 
 me every movement he may remark during the morning of to-morrow. I am ex- 
 pecting with impatience the order to follow you to the left bank of the Danube. Do 
 not leave me here when you are fighting, for if you do I shall quarrel with you, and 
 never pardon you for my inaction, unless circumstances absolutely require that it 
 should continue. Ney. 
 
 t To the same. 
 
 1st Messidor (June 20th.) 
 
 My dear General, 
 
 As I have received no reply to the different communications I have addressed to 
 you during the day, I beg to inform you that I have just collected the materials ne- 
 cessary for the speedy repair of the bridge of Reidenberg ; the only one which, under 
 present circumstances, seems to me adapted to operate a diversion ; for it would be 
 imprudent to rebuild those of Leipheim and Guntzburg whilst the enemy is in force 
 upon those points. It is even probable they will march to-night, so as to reach the 
 Brentz by daybreak, where you will have taken up your position. They will not 
 dare to attack you in front before they have made you develope your right towards 
 Heydenheim, which will oblige them to leave a corps of observation in a line with 
 Grengen. As I might easily reach Gungenfingen by the time the attack began, by 
 passing either through Laumgen or through Reimburg — the latter in preference, — 
 my presence at such a juncture would enable you to give support on the right, and 
 thus baffle, for a considerable time, the atteippts of the enemy, so as to give the general- 
 in-chief, Moreau, sufficient time to come up with the centre and part of the right 
 wing. Perhaps the latter forces are already near you; for it is certain, my dear 
 General, that the first days of Messidor must necessarily decide the fate of the cam- 
 paign. The enemy have committed an irretrievable fault in allowing themselves to 
 be forced to receive battle in their rear. Let us profit by it; the moment is 
 favourable. 
 
26 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 “ They will escape us if we do not march ; they will be too far off 
 if there is any further delay. Forward then, my dear General, for- 
 ward ! And if we cannot follow them, — if the army is not ready to 
 debouch, at least let the cavalry follow them, push, press, and force 
 them to lose time.” 
 
 Neither infantry nor cavalry stirred, and yet matters were becom- 
 ing every instant more serious. The Austrian Field-marshal was 
 rapidly advancing towards the Naab, and his grand pqrk of artillery 
 was proceeding by forced marches to Amberg. Ney again entreated 
 that he might be permitted to pursue him. 
 
 He wished, he said, “to march upon Newremberg, force the im- 
 perial army constantly to develop© its right, and threaten the rear of 
 its divisions upon the Maine.” 
 
 His desire was complied with ; he put his troops in motion, and in 
 two consecutive actions, broke the Austrian rear-guard. The news 
 of the battle of Marengo soon followed that of the surrender of Ge- 
 noa. The French, elated at this intelligence, were rapid and ener- 
 getic in their operations. The Austrians, on the other hand, were 
 sinking under the despondency caused by their reverses. Ney 
 pierced through the curtain which covered their retreat, and wit- 
 nessed the terror by which they were stricken. The opportunity 
 appeared to him favourable ; he gave notice of it to the commander 
 of the centre, and appealing again to the energy and vivacity which 
 ought to be the concomitants of a pursuit, he added : 
 
 “ If the General-in-chief would order a march of two successive 
 days, and force the enemy to receive battle, I think the army of 
 Baron Kray would soon encounter a fate similar to that of the Baron 
 de Melas, if not a worse. An officer sent with a flag of truce has 
 acquainted the Austrian generals with our brilliant success in Italy. 
 They are struck with consternation at the news, and have attempted 
 no concealment as to the extent of their disaster. They are in des- 
 pair of themselves and of their monarchy, and seem more disposed 
 to flee from us than again to risk the hazard of arms. You see then, 
 General, the chances which fortune holds out to us ; let us not neg- 
 lect them. Never was there an opportunity of striking a more pow- 
 erful blow.”* 
 
 These pressing instances were unattended to ; the time was frit- 
 tered away, the opportunity lost, and Kray completed his manoeuvre. 
 
 The Austrian army being in position at Neuberg, Ney was in- 
 structed to harrass it. But the Prince of Reuss was engaged with 
 another part of the French army ; Moerfeld had been defeated at 
 Dachau, and the A rchduke Ferdinand at Landshut ; Lecourbe and De- 
 caen had beaten other corps of the imperial army, and Field-marshal 
 Kray having continued his retreat, had established himself at Muldorf. 
 Ney followed his movement, advanced upon Ingolstadt, and pushed 
 
 *Hochaltingen, 6th Messidor, Year VIII, (June 25th, 1800.) 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 27 
 
 the heads of his columns under the very batteries of that place, then 
 commanded by the Austrian General Neu. This officer, though a 
 man of valour and energy, was proud, haughty, obstinate, and a 
 little addicted to vain boasting. It was he who, after the retreat of 
 1795, affected to inquire what had become of the army of Sambre- 
 et-Meuse. Having been formerly successful in surprises, he was re- 
 solved to try whether they might not succeed on the present occasion. 
 
 lie accordingly put himself at the head of part of his garrison, and 
 fell unexpectedly upon the French posts. But the republican forces, 
 no longer exposed either to the severity of winter or to the ravages 
 of famine, were on the alert, guarded with care, and the Austrian 
 general was foiled in every attempt. 
 
 Nevertheless a severe action took place ; the cannon roared, and 
 the rolling fire of the Austrians produced a terrific effect. Ney 
 advanced at the head of a squadron of hussars. Laughter and 
 gaiety had seized upon his men. They had just forced the payment 
 of the contributions, and had witnessed the ludicrous scenes and 
 whimsical subterfuges to which an operation of this kind always 
 gives rise. Here, a chapter would not suffer a patrimony of St. 
 Peter’s to be touched ; there, an abbot was ready to suffer martyrdom 
 rather than part with his money. Nowhere did God’s ministers give 
 up their worldly wealth without the most lamentable wailings. 
 
 These anecdotes had lightened the toils of the march ; the men 
 continued their gossip and their amusing stories even after they had 
 reached the field of battle. The troops received the order to form ; 
 still the conversation did not cease, until an old hussar put an end to 
 it by a sally. 
 
 “We have other amusements now, friends,” he exclaimed; 
 “ Here we are, nez d nez * (Ney a Neu). Let us see how matters will 
 come to pass.” 
 
 And in truth they came to pass very favourably for the French troops, 
 who immediately formed and advanced towards the enemy, amidst 
 shouts of laughter. The Austrians were driven back upon the town ; 
 but having immediately received reinforcements, they rallied, re- 
 formed, and prepared again to advance upon the French. Ney 
 spared them part of the trouble, and, rushing upon them, broke 
 through their ranks, put them completely to the rout, and took six 
 pieces of fcannon, together with six hundred prisoners. 
 
 Receiving, almost immediately after, intelligence of the Armis- 
 tice of Parsdorf, he gave information of it to General Neu, and pro- 
 posed a suspension of hostilities; but the obstinate old German, exas- 
 perated by his defeat, replied that he had no instructions, and was 
 not at all disposed to allow himself to be shut up. 
 
 * Nez a nez (nose to nose), pronounced Ney a Ney. The pronunciation of the 
 German Neu is between the name Ney and the English monosyllable Nigh. Thus 
 the English reader may easily understand the double-entente. 
 
28 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 “ Very well,” Ney replied ; “ your will be done. To keep you in, 
 is not what embarrasses me. I only wish to place upon your shoul- 
 ders the responsibility of the blood which will be uselessly spilt. I 
 therefore await your pleasure.” 
 
 This softened Neu, and the strife of war ceased at Ingoldstadt, 
 as it had along the rest of the line. But the Austrian commander, 
 obliged to give way on the main point, was stubborn in matters of less 
 importance. 
 
 One day he established his troops in the villages contained within the 
 line of demarcation, and on the following, refused to permit an account 
 to be taken of his force. Ney’s remonstrances against this were of 
 no avail ; the old German would never admit the unreasonableness of 
 his pretensions. In vain did the French general urge, that, although 
 authorized to let the provisions pass which were necessary for the 
 subsistence of the garrison, he would not allow the governor to rob 
 the farmers of their crops, nor to introduce into the place a stock of 
 provisions beyond its present wants. Neu took no notice of these 
 objections, and persisted in his measures. Ney was therefore forced 
 to give way on one point, in order not to ruin the villages; but he 
 was inexorable on the other ; — he stopped the governor’s wagons, 
 seized his convoys, and cut off his provisions. The Austrian was 
 now in his turn obliged to give way, and furnish a statement of his 
 situation, which he had before obstinately refused. 
 
 There was another measure equally unpleasant, which Ney felt 
 compelled to adopt. The Austrian general had flattered himself that 
 the occupation of the villages would procure him the resources he 
 wanted. But Ney had an exact inventory made of the corn, the 
 cattle, and even the wood included in the line of demarcation, and it 
 was not without considerable vexation that the governor perceived he 
 could make away with nothing. 
 
 The war operations being thus suspended, the republicans flat- 
 tered themselves that a peace would soon follow. The conditions had 
 been not only discussed but agreed upon, and their ratification was 
 expected to take place immediately. But Austria never negotiates 
 except to take breath. She had still a very numerous army remain- 
 ing, and she determained again to try the chances of war. On a 
 sudden she raised scruples to entering into any treaty without the 
 concurrence of Great Britain ; and a refusal was actually given to 
 receive the officer despatched to present the preliminaries to the 
 Emperor for ratification. This subterfuge led to preparations for an 
 immediate renewal of the campaign. Ney gave notice to the Gov- 
 vernor of Ingoldstadt of the rupture of the armistice, and summoned 
 him to yield the ground he could no longer defend, and quietly 
 evacuate the villages which he occupied. This was a demand by no 
 means pleasing to the Austrian commander, but his memory was good, 
 and profiting by the lesson which the French had before given him, 
 he yielded compliance. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 29 
 
 The Austrian forces accordingly re-entered the place. Bonnet 
 occupied Abach ; General Desbrulys was in position on the right 
 bank of the Danube ; General Goba held the left bank ; and Ney 
 was preparing to act vigorously against the garrison af Ingoldstadt. 
 But the Austrians now eluded the war, as they had just before eluded 
 peace. In order to prolong the cessasion of hostilities, they gave up 
 Ingoldstadt, Ulm, and Philipsburg. Great Britain, so haughty at 
 the commencement of the campaign, now not only consented, but 
 even solicited to treat for peace. All seemed to promise a term to 
 this horrible destruction of human life ; and yet it was as far distant 
 as ever. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The interference of the British Government rendered the ques- 
 tion under debate much more complicated than it really was. France 
 demanded that Great Britain should be placed in the same situation 
 as herself; that the war should cease on the sea as it had ceased on 
 the land. The cabinet of St. James’s considered this demand unrea- 
 sonable, and pretended that a compliance with it would prove very 
 detrimental to British interests. This might be true ; but, as the 
 cabinet of St. Cloud observed, if a long suspension of hostilities were 
 prejudicial to Great Britain, a lengthened armistice was not less so 
 to France. The then state of things must necessarily lead to a speedy 
 settlement of the question of peace or war. The maritime armistice 
 would serve as a guarantee to the Consular Government of the sin- 
 cerity of the British Government in the establishment of a peace ; 
 whilst the continental armistice would be security to the latter govern- 
 ment of the sincerity of France in her exertions for the same object. 
 Austria, in the state in which the chances of war had placed her, 
 was necessarily anxious for a prompt solution of the question. The 
 three powers were thus in a situation not to hesitate about the sacri- 
 fices which each might have to make in bringing the point to an issue. 
 These observations were just ; but what is just, is not always that 
 which Great Britain is the most ready to adopt : the cabinet of St. 
 James’s therefore eluded the point, and Austria, making common 
 cause with it, refused to follow up negotiations in which her insular 
 ally did not participate. This was carrying her complaisance to a 
 great length indeed, and the French republic determined to demand 
 satisfaction ; but Austria was herself quite ready to take the field 
 again, and her troops so long in their cantonments, had now lost the 
 fatal impression made by their defeats. They had acquired strength 
 from repose, were numerous, and were commanded by new generals. 
 
 VOL. II. 5 
 
30 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Thus they had all the elastic enthusiasm of a new army — of rnen first 
 going into the field. They were commanded by the Archduke Fer- 
 dinand, a young, ardent, and resolute prince, who united to that hand- 
 some and martial appearance which pleases the soldiers, great per- 
 sonal bravery, a good eye, and a vigour of execution by no means 
 common. 
 
 Ney had repulsed the Austrian advanced posts, which he had driven 
 from Haag and Mattenpot, and forced back upon the Iser. The 
 archduke hastily advanced to avenge their defeat, and attacking the 
 republicans in his turn, endeavoured not only to beat but likewise to 
 turn them. He passed the Iser on the 29th of November, debouched 
 by Muldorf and by Crayburg, bore upon the left of the French army, 
 and threatened to cut off its communications. This was a bold and 
 well-concerted manoeuvre ; but the ground being wet and full of deep 
 ruts, the Austrian forces were obliged to take up a position. They 
 established themselves in front of Ampfingen, and covered the plain 
 and the heights with their columns. 
 
 Night having set in, Ney contented himself with following the line 
 of their advanced posts along their front ; but daybreak was still dis- 
 tant when he perceived them in motion. He saw them first reduce, 
 then extinguish their fires ; and not doubting that they were preparing 
 to march towards him, he made ready to receive them. Nor indeed 
 were they long in debouching. They threw heavy masses of cavalry 
 upon his centre, drove in his advanced posts, and, threatening his 
 right wing and rear, pushed dense columns of infantry towards the 
 woods of Archau and Hasslach. But Ney, who had a quick eye 
 upon their motions, despatched General Ruffin to the woods, and di- 
 rected General Deperrieres to occupy the village. Both of these 
 officers were active, brave, and devoted, and the archduke exhausted 
 himself in useless efforts to dislodge them. In vain did he bring up 
 his columns to the charge — in vain did he press upon the centre and 
 left wing of the French : he was always repulsed and kept in check 
 upon every point. The courage of the republican soldiers vied with 
 the talents of their leaders : and they not only drove back the enemy’s 
 columns, but pursued, overthrew, and forced some of them to lay down 
 their arms. 
 
 The disproportion in numbers was, however, too great to allow of 
 Ney’s further continuing the contest ; he therefore retired slowly and 
 in good order, without allowing the cavalry which pressed upon him 
 to obtain the least advantage. A piece of cannon, twelve hundred 
 prisoners, and so unequal a combat maintained during a whole day, 
 already formed a noble feat of arms. But what rendered it still more 
 admirable, and stamped it with real importance, was the fact that it 
 broke the movement of the archduke, and gave Moreau time to collect 
 his forces. 
 
 The Austrians fancying that the French army was retreating, began 
 to pursue it. Kinmayer was advancing upon Darfen, Baillet marching 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 31 
 
 towards Prievendorf, and Riezel endeavouring to reach St. Christophe. 
 The prince himself occupied the causeway of Haag ; and the Austrian 
 army resuming its movement, persisted in endeavouring to turn the 
 French. Unfortunately for the imperialists, the season was not 
 favourable to such vast combinations. The ground, as we have be- 
 fore observed, was broken up, and the lateral columns were obliged 
 to follow narrow and difficult roads, cut up by wagons and rendered 
 almost impassable by the heavy rains. That alone pursued by the 
 archduke had a firm and spacious causeway. This difference in the 
 roads necessarily caused a great difference in the march, and it was 
 upon this circumstance that Moreau formed his plan of battle. 
 
 Ney, and the remainder of Grenier’s troops, had established them- 
 selves on the left of Hohenlinden ; Grouchy held the approaches to 
 to the forest, which extended as far as the village ; and the reserve, 
 in position on the right, reached from St. Christophe to Ebersburg. 
 Moreau perceived all the advantages which time and locality offered 
 him, and did not despair of overpowering the centre before the forces 
 by which it was to be suppported could be formed into line. Grenier 
 received orders not to seek the enemy, but only to endeavour to check 
 their advance if they appeared. Richepanse was sent into the forest 
 to take them in flank ; but they already occupied every glade and 
 every path, and the French general was obliged to engage them, 
 although separated from the forces which followed him. He continued 
 to advance nevertheless, and reached the nucleus of the defile. The 
 Austrians being here entangled in deep glens, he charged and broke 
 them. 
 
 Their ranks being thus thrown into confusion, Moreau soon perceiv- 
 ed their wavering and indecision. Judging therefore that Richepanse 
 was driving them before him, he forced them back into the wood. 
 But as Ney directed this part of the action, we shall give an account 
 of it in his own words, by inserting his report. 
 
 “ At six o’clock in the morning the enemy ,Jwith considerable forces, 
 consisting principally of artillery, attacked us near Hohenlinden on 
 the high road to Muldorf, directing their greatest efforts against the 
 right of General Grouchy, who received them with vigour. Soon 
 after, my division was warmly attacked, and the enemy began to gain 
 the heights of Krainaker. The general-in-chief, judging that they 
 were not ypt entirely free from the defile, ordered a general attack. 
 The columns of attack debouched upon Hohenlinden, in order to reach 
 the height on the left near Krainaker, and that on the road to 
 Buckrain, which the enemy already occupied in strong force. The 
 velocity of the manoeuvre, together with the vigour of the attack, 
 obliged the enemy to make a precipitate retreat. It was now twelve 
 o’clock. At this juncture Grouch’s division, on my right, forced the 
 enemy’s left to make a retrogade movement, and the rout of the 
 latter was soon complete. 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 32 
 
 “ Having become masters of the defile of Mattenpot, a quantity of 
 artillery and ammunition-wagons fell into our hands. General Heu- 
 delet’s brigade, in which was Adjutant-General Ruffin, pursued the 
 routed enemy as far as the last named village, and effected a junc- 
 tion with Richepanse’s division, which had just debouched upon this 
 point, and was vigorously beset. The two generals acted in concert 
 to force the latter to a complete retreat upon Haag. Meanwhile the 
 column on the right, under the command of the Archduke John, be- 
 gan to debouch upon Pireserdorf and Hartofen, in order to develope 
 the left of Bonnet’s division, whilst a second column from Burkrain 
 had already begun to emerge from the forest and advance by a cross 
 road upon Hohenlinden. But the two last battalions of the 103rd, 
 the battalions of grenadiers, the 76th, the 13th dragoons, and the 19th 
 cavalry were placed by echelons upon the several openings. These, 
 in conjunction with Bonnet’s division succeeded not only in keeping 
 the enemy in check, but even in repulsing them with loss. 
 
 “ General Heudelet’s brigade having skirted the wood and driven 
 the enemy as far as Haag, I directed that it should return towards 
 Schnauping with the 8th regiment of chasseurs, in order to follow 
 the enemy, who seemed to be obtaining some success on our left. 
 This brigade took up its position in front of the village, and was upon 
 the flank of the enemy, who had taken up theirs behind Burkrain. 
 It was now seven o’clock in the evening. 
 
 “ The combined movements of the neighbouring divisions, togeth- 
 er with the vigorous exertions of that under my command, made us 
 masters of eighty pieces of cannon, an immense number of ammuni- 
 tion-wagons, many pairs of colours, and about six thousand prison- 
 ers, among whom were several general officers and a great number 
 of distinguished field officers. 
 
 “ The brigadier-generals of my division generally, the officers of 
 every rank, and the men of every corps, did their duty on this me- 
 morable day. The emulation in deeds of glory displayed by so large 
 a portion of the troops under my command, prevents me from naming 
 for the present those who distinguished themselves in such a man- 
 ner as to deserve the notice of the general-in-chief and of the govern- 
 ment ; nevertheless, from my personal observations, I must, my dear 
 general, request the following promotions : 
 
 “ The rank of general of brigade for Adjutant-general Ruffin, on 
 account both of former services and of his conduct during the present 
 battle. 
 
 “ The rank of adjutant-commandant for Commandant Passinges, 
 one of my aides-de-camp, chief-de-bataillon and acting head of the 
 staff of my division, in reward for his talents and courage, of which 
 he furnished a signal instance in charging at the head of twenty-five 
 chasseurs of the 8th, a large body of cuirassiers and hussars forming 
 the escort of the Archduke John, who was forced to detach more 
 than a hundred and fifty men to drive him back ; he retreated with 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 33 
 
 order, and after wounding several of the enemy with his own hand, 
 rejoined his corps covered with blood. 
 
 “ The rank of chef-de-brigade in the 103rd for Citizen Brayer, 
 chef-de-bataillon in the same corps; a promotion due to his zeal, 
 courage and talents. 
 
 “The rank of chef-de-bataillon in the 103rd for Citizen Schwiter, 
 captain-adjutant-major in the same corps. This promotion is solic- 
 ited by the corpse itself, — a daily witness of the merit of this officer. 
 
 “The rank of captain in the 2nd regiment of hussars for Citizen 
 Daiker, lieutenant in the 4th hussars ; this officer having quitted the 
 former corps only since the last organization. Citizen Daiker has 
 already distinguished himself by his valour and capacity. On the 
 present occasion he had a horse killed under him and another 
 wounded. 
 
 “ For Citizen Randon, lieutenant engineer-geographer, his confir- 
 mation in that rank, which he has been unable yet to obtain, although 
 he has performed its duties ever since 1791. I ask for this confima- 
 tion in favour of Citizen Randon’s talents and capacity in this branch 
 of the service. 
 
 “ For Citizen Perrier, private in the 9th hussars, and orderly to 
 Adjutant-commandant Ruffin, the rank of quarter-master-serjeant, in 
 justice to his courage, and to the services he has rendered since the 
 opening of this campaign, more particularly on the 12th, when his 
 horse was wounded.” 
 
 Such was the fate of the archduke’s forces. Pressed and forced 
 back upon each other, the columns could not withstand the shock of 
 the French army, and they either dispersed or laid down their arms. 
 The lateral columns were not more fortunate. Before night the 
 French had taken a hundred pieces of cannon and eleven thousand 
 prisoners. Six thousand Austrians were left dead on the field of bat- 
 tle, whilst the French had not three thousand hors-de-combat. 
 
 Having achieved this splendid feat, the republicans made ready to 
 gather the fruits of their victory. They accordingly marched upon 
 the Inn, and prepared to turn the Tyrol, for the purpose of seizing 
 the communications between Vienna and Italy ; but the undertaking 
 was by no means unattended with difficulty. It was necessary to 
 cross a deep and precipitously imbedded river, which Turenne him- 
 self had ppinted out as a formidable line of defence. Nevertheless, 
 if the passage were not surprised, it would be impossible to isolate 
 the scattered corps of the imperial army. Moreau therefore resolved 
 to make the attempt. His centre and right wing rested upon Rosen- 
 heim; Ney advanced upon Muldorf, to carry the tete-de-pont which 
 covered that place. Unfortunately the immense plain which separates 
 the Inn from the Iser prevented him from pressing the work with 
 vigour. The enemy might have debouched from Crayburg, and 
 placed the French army in peril. Ney sought a means of securing 
 it from this danger, and calculated on the possibility of carrying 
 
34 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Crayburg, which would enable him the more easily to become mas- 
 ter of Muldorf. Having explored the banks of the Inn, he fancied 
 he perceived a ford at a little distance from Ensdorf. On question- 
 ing the peasants, he found all of his opinion that the river was ford- 
 able in that place. The unanimity of their opinions on this point 
 made him resolve to try what confidence might be placed on their 
 information. He therefore directed his engineers to sound the depth 
 of the water, and ascertain whether or not the troops could cross. 
 The engineers expressed some doubts ; but as the capture of Cray- 
 burg would have offered so many advantages towards effecting that 
 of Muldorf, by bringing to a term the movement on the right, and 
 forcing many very important openings, he insisted upon trying the 
 experiment. The water was too deep, and he was forced to give up 
 all idea of this coup-de-main. 
 
 Though unable to carry the place, he determined at all events to 
 occupy one of the hamlets which supported it, and requested the 
 Austrian general opposed to him to give him up Altmuldorf. As 
 Ney’s artillery commanded the position, the Austrian dared not re- 
 fuse. He sought, however, to gain time ; and answered that Kiri- 
 mayer alone could order the delivery of such a post. Kinmayer, he 
 said, was absent, having been sent for by the archduke ; but was 
 expected to return in a few hours, and would doubtless before night 
 comply with the French general’s demand. Kinmayer did not how- 
 ever return, but was superseded by Schwartzenberg, who gave up 
 two-thirds of the village to the French. The latter general then 
 applied to Ney for the suspension of arms during four hours. Ney 
 granted him three, and all seemed again to promise peace. 
 
 The right wing of the French having crossed the Inn, the Aus- 
 trians continued their retreat, and Ney advanced upon Muldorf. He 
 found the imperialists still occupying the right bank ; they were 
 beginning to destroy the bridge. He therefore pressed his march 
 and summoned them to retire immediately. They refused at first, 
 but he threatened to destroy them with grape-shot if they delayed, 
 upon which they withdrew. The citizens then ran to the bridge arid 
 soon extinguished the fire which had begun to consume it. Ney 
 immediately pushed on to Crayburg, saved also the remains of the 
 bridge of that town, and then proceeded to Burkhausen. Here the 
 discussion was longer, and the negociation less successful. 
 
 The place was strong, well stocked with provisions, not very dis- 
 tant from Brannau, then occupied by the Austrian forces, and the 
 garrison was well disciplined. Colonel Wacquant refused to sur- 
 render without the usual ceremonies. Ney urged that it was as easy 
 to turn him as to crush him with shot and shells; still this stickler 
 for the forms of war would listen to nothing, and insisted upon a 
 regular summons. During this parley the cannon began to sound in 
 the direction of Salzburg ; a sharp action was taking place there, which 
 rendered the governor more anxious for delay ; but Decaen had 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 35 
 
 advanced to Lauffen, and was busy in the destruction of the 
 hopes with which the Austrian beguiled himself. Ney refused to 
 submit to his ridiculous demands and pay him the honours which 
 he solicited. He therefore prepared to cross the Salza. This 
 proved sufficient ; YVacquant in alarm abandoned the place and re- 
 treated to Brannau. Lauffen and Salzburg also opened their gates to 
 the republicans. 
 
 The Austrians could no longer maintain themselves in the Tyrol. 
 The French were also on the point of communicating with the army 
 of Italy. Thus would the two republican armies be soon able to act 
 in concert, and their operations consequently become prompt and 
 decisive ; and thus would Austria be forced to submit to peace. And 
 indeed General Meerfeld soon presented himself with a flag of truce 
 at the advanced posts of the French ; but the Aulic Council, always 
 infatuated with Great Britain, again pretended that they could not 
 treat without the concurrence of that power. The French refused 
 to listen to such strange scruples, and continued their movement. 
 Ney had arrived upon tbe Ems, and nearly overtaken the Austrian 
 rear-guard. He was directed to continue his pursuit ; but he could 
 not reach the enemy without crossing the plain, and he was not suffi- 
 ciently strong to encounter the cavalry by which it was covered. 
 Unable therefore to employ force, he had recourse to stratagem. 
 He demanded an interview with Schwartzenberg, represented to that 
 general the hopelessness of the struggle and the danger of resistance ; 
 in short, he performed his part so well that he obtained, without fir- 
 ing a shot, that which he did not feel himself strong enough to carry 
 by arms. The prince gave up the whole country to him, and peace- 
 ably withdrew behind the Ips. This was Ney’s last feat in this war; 
 the armistice of Steyer closed the arena, and he fell back upon 
 Burkhausen. 
 
 The war had now ceased ; but discontent and weariness always to 
 be found among the French troops when not in the field, broke out 
 among them as usual. The weather was cold, and the men, without 
 shoes or clothing, were quartered in villages which contained no pro- 
 visions of any sort, all having been either burnt or pillaged. Men are 
 always exasperated by hunger ; and this was the case with the French 
 soldiers. They became very troublesome, and their exactions 
 elicited dreadful reprisals. Several were murdered by the inhabi- 
 tants; and Ney, anxious to prevent fresh crimes, directed that the 
 cantonments should be disarmed. Now the cantonments belonged 
 to Bavaria, and this electorate, though separated from the coali- 
 tion ever since the armistice of Parsdof, had become neither more 
 complying nor less hostile towards the French. It had, at Burk- 
 hausen, the president of a commission still more personally hos- 
 tile, if possible, than his government : this was the Baron of 
 
 Leyden. Expelled from Landshutt for his intrigues and hated of 
 the French, he thought he might take his revenge at Burkhausen. 
 
36 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 He accordingly opposed the disarming of the cantonments ; but his 
 opposition not being attended to, he thought to involve in difficulty 
 those who directed the execution of this measure. He accused them 
 of having kept a few bad swords and old pistols. But the charge 
 was untrue — for these arms had been deposited at head quarters ; 
 and he gained by his attempt only the odium of having made an 
 unfounded accusation. He was not however discouraged : unable to 
 injure the subalterns, he attacked the General himself, whom he 
 allowed to carry no measure into effect without the most active op- 
 position. If there was a requisition for provisions, he forbade the 
 population to obey it ; if shoes were demanded, he opposed their 
 delivery. When the works which covered Burkhausen were to be 
 destroyed, and the peasants called upon to work for this purpose, 
 he came forward as an officious judge of matters that did not con- 
 cern him, declared the one as useless as the other was oppressive, 
 and applied all his means to throwing obstacles in the way. He for- 
 bade the inhabitants to purchase the materials, and enjoined the 
 villages to refuse their labour. Neither did he consider this violent 
 opposition sufficient, but attempted to bribe some officers on the 
 French staff Ney, indignant at his impudence, threw him into pri- 
 son. The Bavarian became outrageous at this, and after obtaining 
 his freedom withdrew from the place, declaring that Ney should hear 
 of him ; and he kept his word ; — but, at all events, he was got rid of 
 for the time. 
 
 The local administration remained however under his influence. 
 The authorities issued requisitions on the one hand, and ordered, on 
 the other, that such requisitions should not be obeyed. Thus no pro- 
 visions were to be obtained. And as if misfortunes can never came 
 single, Dessoles, being obliged to go to Paris, had left the direction 
 of the staff to Lahorie. This latter General loved the pomp of 
 head-quarters, and took a pride in showing his importance. He was 
 clever, but of a sombre character; and being little accustomed to 
 fighting, he entertained a dislike to those who distinguished them- 
 selves in the field of carnage; — it was that secret aversion which 
 officers wielding the pen always entertain towards those who wield 
 the sword. He would willingly have allowed the soldiers to starve 
 in order to save the peasants from supplying a single ration of food to 
 the army. Not that he cared for one more than for the other ; but the 
 latter were protected by men of influence, whilst the former had no 
 protectors, nor any other right to protection than the wounds received 
 in defence of their country. Thus the claims to Lahorie’s especial 
 favour preponderated on the side of the peasants. 
 
 Some requisitions being mentioned to him as having been made 
 for the troops, he suspended their execution. The exhaustion of the 
 country having been represented to him, he ordered that the store- 
 houses at Brannau should be opened, and the provisions which had 
 been collected there for the soldiers distributed to the inhabitants. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 37 
 
 But these warehouses belonged to Ney’s cantonments, and he refused 
 to give up their contents. The man of “ a little brief authority” 
 waxed wroth ; but not daring to attack Ney openly, he vented his 
 spleen upon the officers and the commissary-general of that officer’s 
 division. He brought charges against the former ; then brutally 
 arresting the commissary-general, sent him, under pretence of 
 preventing a scandalous exposure to another division of the right 
 wing. But he had ill calculated his means of vengeance. Ney re- 
 jected his pretended kindness in preventing exposure, and demanded 
 a public investigation. Lahorie, as a justification of this proceeding, 
 then reverted to certain complaints which he stated had been made 
 to him by Prince Charles, and by the Elector of Bavaria. But Ney 
 having persisted in obtaining an investigation, the result was La- 
 horie’s utter discomfiture. Such a thing is not easily forgotten, and 
 Lahorie waited only for an opportunity of revenge, which at length 
 came. 
 
 We have already mentioned the estimation in which Ney held 
 Lieutenant Daiker, and the homage he had rendered to the bravery 
 displayed by that officer under the walls of Ulm. Ney having on a 
 former occasion requested Daiker’s promotion to the rank of captain, 
 had renewed this request after the battle of Ingoldstadt, and again 
 after the victory of Hohenlinden, in both of which actions Daiker had 
 particularly distinguished himself. But no notice was taken of these 
 repeated applications; and Lahorie, far from promoting Ney’s pro- 
 tege, imagined to apply to his case a former decision of the general - 
 in-chief, and even to contest the rank which Daiker then held. Ney 
 was indignant at such a proceeding, and referred the case to the com- 
 mander-in-chief, to whom he wrote as follows : — 
 
 “You know Daiker; you are acquainted with his courage and 
 zeal ; you well know how little he deserves the treatment he has met 
 with. You may easily perceive that he is not the real object of dis- 
 like : he is struck only by a rebound. I am myself the individual 
 aimed at by this uujustifiable persecution. As there is a dread of 
 attacking me face to face, my officers are made to stand the blunt of 
 these manoeuvres against me. But you are just, and will never allow 
 your name to be made use of for the purpose of crushing a man 
 whose talents and services entitle him to find in you nothing but a 
 protector.” 
 
 This appeal produced the desired effect, and Lahorie was obliged 
 to adjourn his vengeance. The army repassed the Rhine, and here 
 the matter dropped. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 6 
 
38 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Ney now returned to France. He had earned renown both as a 
 soldier and as a commander, and his greeting at Paris from the head 
 of the state was most flattering. Policy had doubtless something to 
 do with the praises lavished upon him. The First Consul was well 
 aware that the armies of the North felt some little jealousy of the 
 splendid victories gained by those of the South ; and he was anxious 
 to extiuguish so dangerous a feeling of rivalry. He wished to con- 
 vince every body that he had no respect of persons, and would ac- 
 knowledge and rewards the services performed on the Rhine as well 
 as those done on the Adige. His reception of Ney was perhaps more 
 warm on this account. Be that as it may, Ney was much gratified 
 by it ; whilst the reforms which had taken place in every depart- 
 ment of the state were calculated to win his warmest applause. Wise 
 laws had consolidated the foundation of the social edifice ; the crimi- 
 nal laws were in progress of useful revision, and justice had resumed 
 her power ; the public accounts were becoming every day more clear, 
 and the machinery of government was much more rapid in its opera- 
 tions. The First Consul, always at work, animated the whole, and 
 personally discussed every measure. From the decree which changed 
 the denominations of the weights and measures, to the law establish- 
 ing the courts of justice, not a public measure took place which bore 
 not the stamp of his powerful genius. It was difficult not to admire 
 his perseverance, still more difficult not to feel emotion at his solici- 
 tude. He overlooked no interest, he neglected no branch of adminis- 
 tration. Education, commerce, arts, religion, industry — he gave 
 life to all, and held the whole in the grasp of his gigantic mind. 
 
 The war had been unsuccessful during his absence, but the mo- 
 ment he assumed the personal command of the republican forces, the 
 ascendancy of the French arms was restored. The French armies 
 again sent beyond the frontiers, had carried all before them, over- 
 thrown the enemies of free institutions, and baffled the most odious 
 plots against their country. The coalition against France was forci- 
 bly dissolved. Austria had treated on the 9th of February, Naples 
 on the 28th of March, and Rome on the 1st of July : in a word, Bona- 
 parte had renewed the wonders of Campo Formio, and forced Europe 
 to subscribe to peace. He was therefore the benefactor of nations. 
 
 Ney, like every good patriot, gloried in the greatness and pros- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 39 
 
 perity of his country. He joined the great body of his countrymen 
 in cherishing the colossal genius which had raised it from the abyss 
 into which it had fallen, and he gave his warm applause to the acts of 
 the consular administration. 
 
 The First Consul was not insensible to Ney’s good opinion, and 
 whether from regard or from policy, determined to attach that gene- 
 ral to his person. Madame Bonaparte approved of this resolution, 
 and wished to concur in effecting it. She had recourse to those 
 means which a woman knows so well how to employ, and called love 
 to her aid. She brought about an attachment between Ney and a 
 young female favourite of hers, and wound up the romance with the 
 marriage of the lovers. Madame Louis Bonaparte had a friend of 
 her childhood named Mademoiselle Auguie, a lovely and amiable 
 girl, whose misfortunes rendered her still more interesting. She 
 was the daughter of a former receiver-general, whose fortune had 
 been greatly reduced by the revolution. She had seen her father 
 thrown into a dungeon, and her mother, condemned to captivity by 
 the same sentence, elude it at the cost of her life, in the hope of 
 preserving from the ruffian grasp of her persecutors a last resource 
 for her children. 
 
 Josephine was desirous of promoting the happiness of a soldier 
 whose future renown she foresaw, at the same time that she procured 
 for her young friend the brilliant and honourable rank in society to 
 which this interesting girl was entitled, and which Ney’s military 
 rank, and the high respectability of his character, were calculated to 
 secure for her. Josephine therefore gave Ney a letter of intro- 
 duction, enclosed in the following note, as grateful to his own feelings 
 as it was flattering to the family to whom it was addressed. 
 
 “ I enclose you, General, the letter which you requested for Citizen 
 Auguie. May I beg that you will read it. I have not mentioned in 
 it all the good which 1 know and think of you ; for I would leave this 
 amiable family the satisfaction of discovering your good qualities 
 themselves. But 1 here repeat the assurance of the interest which 
 both Bonaparte and I take in this marriage, and of the satisfaction 
 which Bonaparte will feel in promoting the happiness of two persons 
 towards whom he entertains very particular feelings of regard and 
 esteem. I share with him in this double feeling. 
 
 “ Lapagerie Bonaparte.” 
 “Malmaison, 10th Prairial, Year X. (May 30th, 1802.)” 
 
 Ney was delighted with these prospects of domestic happiness; for 
 the young lady was as elegant and accomplished in mind as she was 
 beautiful in person, and preparations were soon made for the wedding. 
 In spite of Ney’s success in his profession, and the commands which 
 he held during six years of warfare, his private fortune was but 
 trifling ; for he possessed only a small estate, whose value did not 
 exceed eighty thousand francs. This was singular in a general of- 
 ficer of the van-guard, but it was not less true. He therefore trusted 
 
40 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 for future means to his talents in his profession; — the world knows 
 how the trust was redeemed. 
 
 With the wreck of his fortune, M. Auguie, his father-in-law, had 
 purchased the chateau of Grignon; there the marriage was cele- 
 brated. 
 
 In the village dwelt an old couple, who had been married half a 
 century ; Ney clothed them, and made them receive their second* 
 nuptial benediction on the same day, and at the same altar with him- 
 self and his young bride ; thus marking his own marriage by an 
 act of benevolence. “ These old people,” he observed, “ will recall 
 to my mind the meanness of my own origin; and this renewal of 
 their long union will prove of happy augury for my own.” 
 
 The thought was the emanation of a noble mind, but the presage 
 which it expressed was unfortunately not to be accomplished. 
 
 Ney continued his military duties. At the end of the preceding 
 year he had been appointed inspector-general of cavalry, and he gave 
 to these troops all the attention which their importance in the army 
 required. He made many useful alterations in their equipments and 
 exercise ; he moreover reformed abuses, repaired former negligences, 
 and obtained for several corps a distribution of relief of every kind. 
 But a more important mission aw T aited him. Discord, which had 
 just been extinguished in France, had again burst into a flame in 
 Helvetia: the smaller cantons had resumed arms, and were about to 
 plunge the country once more into the horrors of civil war. The 
 First Consul, who for two years past had been solicited to become 
 the mediator between these mountaineers, had constantly declined 
 interfering. But now the question assumed a new form : it was now 
 no longer a verbal discussion, but an appeal to force ; and a spark 
 might fall and again set Europe in a blaze. He therefore acted ac- 
 cording to the expediency of the case, and sent General Ney to 
 establish peace and concord in Helvetia. All the cantons had soli- 
 cited the mediation of the French Consul, and each was therefore 
 bound to abide by it. But as moderation is seldom the concomitant 
 of political differences, and fortune changes the minds of men, Ney 
 had orders to give notice of his intervention and at the same time to 
 assemble troops to make it respected. His mission, one of pure 
 benevolence if passions and personal feeling were made to yield to 
 the general interests of the country, was to become one of rigour if 
 the inhabitants would not make this sacrifice. He was instructed, in 
 a word, “to keep himself ready to act, according to circumstances, 
 the part of a mediator, or that of a general — to employ force if it 
 were indispensable, and immediately to enter the Pays de Vaud if the 
 insurgents should attack him.”f 
 
 * In France, when a couple has spent half a century in the joys of wedded life, 
 the nuptial benediction is renewed. 
 
 t Letter from the War Minister, dated 10th Vendemiare, Year XI. (November 
 2nd, 1802.) 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 41 
 
 Ney, as we have already shown, had formerly served in Helvetia; 
 but he had only vague notions concerning the dissensions which 
 agitated that country. He nevertheless set out, reached Geneva, and 
 devoted the time whilst his troops were assembling, to acquiring a 
 precise and thorough knowledge of the state and views of the differ- 
 ent parties, and of the forces they could bring into the field. 
 
 General Seras, who commanded at Geneva, had made a collection 
 of their libels, reports, and proclamations, and by means of these 
 documents Ney soon discovered what projects he had to repress, and 
 what kind of men he was sent to oppose. 
 
 The chiefs of the insurrection concealed neither the motives by 
 which they were actuated, nor the object they had in view. They 
 did not deny their wish to overthrow the institutions lately estab- 
 lished and revive those which existed prior to the revolution of 1798 : 
 that is to say, they wanted to restore to each canton its particular 
 form of sovereignty, and establish so many separate states, united 
 only by the bond of the old confederation, and which were to have 
 no other central point than a diet, whose members should be obliged 
 strictly to adhere to the imperative instructions of their constituents. 
 
 Such was the object they wanted to attain ; and they applied to its 
 pursuit all the obstinacy by which the Swiss are characterized. They 
 had given more or less publicity to their plots, according as circum- 
 stances commanded circumspection or inspired boldness. So long 
 as the territory had been occupied by French troops, they had never 
 attempted to use force ; but they had reserved the means of doing 
 so on any future occasion, either by misleading their own party with 
 false hopes, or by applying to foreign courts, more especially to those 
 London and Vienna, for support against the protection which France 
 gave to the new system of their government — a system whose ob- 
 ject was to conciliate the administrative federalism of the cantons 
 with the unity of a central government, invested with sufficient power 
 to put down internal dissentions, and with authority to treat, in the 
 name of the whole confederation, with foreign states and potentates. 
 
 After the peace of Luneville, the First Consul offered to withdraw 
 the army of occupation from Helvetia, and the government of Hel- 
 vetia injudiciously accepted the offer. The leader of the counter- 
 revolutionary faction thought this a favourable opportunity for his 
 projects, and endeavoured to avail himself of it. The members of 
 this faction persuaded themselves, or at least tried to do so, that the 
 First Consul had been compelled to recall his troops ; and that sev- 
 eral of the great powers of Europe intended to oppose any inter- 
 ference by France in the affairs of Switzerland. They interpreted 
 the treaty of Luneville, so far as Helvetia was concerned, in a man- 
 ner quite contrary to its spirit. They rekindled old associations of 
 glory, and compared the then state of Switzerland to its former 
 situation. The sojourn and passage of the French troops had, they 
 said, imposed heavy burthens upon the citizens of Helvetia. By 
 
42 
 
 MEMOIRES OF 
 
 such an argument they found it not difficult to excite feelings of 
 hostility in the bosoms of a people naturally fond of money, and to 
 whom even the name of impost was almost unknown before the 
 French revolution. In the Catholic cantons they strengthened the 
 idea that the constitution, in allowing the free exercise of different 
 religions, had injured the religion professed by the majority. In a 
 word, they neglected no means of inflaming the minds of the people 
 against the government and attaching them to the opposition. 
 
 They were sure of co-operation in the towns formerly aristocratic, 
 whose citizens regretted the privileges which they had lost, and saw 
 with displeasure an equality of rights granted to all the citizens. 
 They had the same certainty with regard to the cantons formerly de- 
 mocratic, particularly those of Uri, Schweitz, and Underwalden, 
 inasmuch as these cantons had always evinced a decided repugnance 
 to every kind of innovation. 
 
 Matters being thus ripe for an uprising, the cantonsofUri, Schweitz, 
 and Underwalden declared themselves in a state of insurrection. 
 They proclaimed the revival of their ancient constitution, and their 
 separation from the rest of Switzerland. The Grisons, under the 
 iufluence of the partisans of the house of Austria, and through the 
 intrigues of Austrian agents, placed themselves under the protection 
 of Austria, and then followed the example of the three smaller can- 
 tons, which Glaris and a part of Appenzell soon joined. Meanwhile 
 Zurich refused to obey the government and receive its troops. 
 Some ex-members of the oligarchic government of Berne organized 
 about the same time an insurrection in Argau, a country formerly 
 belonging to that canton, and succeeding, by dint of money and in- 
 trigue, in assembling a body of peasants, who marched into Soleure, 
 next into Berne, and enlisted in their body, either by force or by 
 good-will, every man they met on their way. 
 
 The government troops, distributed on many points, were neither 
 sufficiently numerous nor commanded with sufficient ability to make 
 head against the storm. They had attempted to force Zurich ; but 
 the valour of the citizens, and the tumultuous march of the hostile 
 columns which were assembling'in their rear, had forced them to aban- 
 don the enterprise, and they were obliged to retreat, leaving a free 
 scope to the insurrection. They who conducted the latter immedi- 
 ately formed themselves into a diet, and called upon every young 
 man to take up arms. They ordered levies of men and horses, and 
 decreed the formation of an army of twenty thousand men. This 
 latter measure, however, rather cooled the zeal of the inhabitants : 
 each became less eager and less bold when he found his personal 
 services called for. But the diet well knew how to excite and sub- 
 jugate the population ; and gold soon smoothed every difficulty. This 
 kind of argument had been successfully used before; for it was well 
 known that in the democratic cantons considerable sums of money 
 had been distributed, which could not have been raised in the cantons 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 43 
 
 themselves, since the latter are miserably poor, and all their inhabi- 
 tants live either in mediocrity or in complete poverty. The aristo- 
 cratic cantons, and more particularly Berne, had made very heavy 
 sacrifices. Money had been lavished with a sort of profusion ; and it 
 was with the aid of this stimulus, rather than any other, that the in- 
 surrection had been excited, and kept up. Each soldier received 
 eighteen sous* per diem, besides rations of bread and meat. A pre- 
 mium was also given to desertion from the government troops ; a re- 
 ward of four louis-d’orj* being promised to each foot soldier who 
 deserted with his accoutrements, and one of fifteeen louis-d’or to each 
 horse soldier who with his horse and accoutrements joined the ranks 
 of the insurgents. The use of such means proved fatal to the govern- 
 ment. 
 
 The army of the insurgents contained between seven and eight 
 thousand men. From a thousand to twelve hundred of them had 
 served in the legions of Bachmann and Roverea, both of whom, 
 during the last war, had been in the pay of Great Britain. This 
 army was divided into regiments ; it was tolerably well supplied 
 with arms and ammunition, and was not deficient in artillery. It had 
 moreover at its disposal, the arsenals of Berne, Basle, Zurich, and 
 Soleure ; but its guns were badly served, being manned by soldiers 
 unaccustomed to such service. The cavalry was few in number, and 
 consisted only of a handful of the Helvetian hussars who had joined 
 the insurgents, and a few companies of recently levied dragoons, lit- 
 tle accustomed to military manoeuvres. The principal columns of this 
 little army were concentrated between Moudon and Payerne. On its 
 right was a small corps commanded by Colonel Wagner, and a strong 
 detachment commanded by Auf-der-maur was under the walls of 
 Friburg. 
 
 The documents collected by general Seras giving but little in- 
 formation concerning the officers who commanded the insurgents, 
 Verninac supplied the deficiency. This diplomatist, who had long 
 resided in the confederation, was well acquainted with the men who 
 now raised the standard of rebellion in this unhappy country. He 
 sent General Ney a series of Biographical notices of them, which, 
 though somewhat tinged with acrimony, were not wholly devoid of 
 truth. We insert some of these. 
 
 “ General Bachmann, commander-in-chief of the insurgent army, 
 was formerly a colonel in the service of France, whence he passed 
 as major-general into that of the King ofSardinia. On the fall of this 
 prince, Bachmann, being refused employment in the French armies, 
 entered the service of England, and levied a legion bearing his name, 
 which he commanded during the last war. He is about sixty-four 
 years of age, and is said to possess military talents. 
 
 “ The general officers under his command are : — 
 
 “ Auf-der-maur of Schweitz, about thirty-two years of age, and 
 
 * About ninepence, an immense rate of pay in Switzerland, particularly at that period, 
 t The louis-d’or, at that time, was worth a little more than a pound sterling. 
 
44 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 once a captain in the service of the King of Sardinia. He is related 
 to Reding, whose creature he is. He may possess courage, but he 
 is deficient in talent. In temper lie is impetuous and obstinate. 
 
 “ Wattenwyl of Berne has served in Holland. His military know- 
 ledge is not, it is said, very extensive. He has talent nevertheless, 
 and is one of the chiefs of the party who would incline the most towards 
 an accommodation. 
 
 “ Herrenschwand of Morat is an ex-officer of large property, and 
 a man of great information. Prior to the revolution, he obtained the 
 citizenship of Berne. 
 
 “ Pillichaudi, formerly a seigneur in the Pays de Yaud, has like- 
 wise obtained the citizenship of Berne. He is a notable agitator, 
 very resolute, and wholly devoted to the oligarchy. 
 
 “ The other officers of the army are, for the most part, young men 
 from Berne, Zurich, and Soleure. Some have served with Bach- 
 mann, and with Roverea who also commanded a legion in the pay of 
 England. 
 
 “ The man who, during the revolution, has displayed the strongest 
 hostility to the government, is Reding of Schweitz. He commanded 
 the troops of the smaller cantons when General Schawenburg re- 
 duced them to submission. He has since been Landamrnan to the 
 Helvetian republic, and, whilst he held that office, contributed greatly 
 to embroil the affairs of this country. He was dismissed from the 
 government on the 17th of April last, since which period he has not 
 ceased to agitate his canton, where he has in his interest a number 
 of individuals, who, having nothing to lose, procure him the means 
 of exercising a most dangerous influence. It is generally believed 
 that it was he who ordered the massacre of a detachment of French 
 troops, sent in the year VII. to Schweitz to restore public tranquility. 
 He has ever shown himself an enemy to France, and has often used 
 the name of the First Consul to deceive his fellow citizens. His 
 talents are not above mediocrity ; but he is ambitious, obstinate, and 
 very firm in following up what he determines upon. The oligarchy 
 have won him to their interest, and have known how to make use of 
 his pride and influence. He is, at the present moment, president of 
 the diet assembled at Schweitz. 
 
 “ Reding is powerfully seconded by the monks, more especially 
 the Capuchins, among whom one Paul Stiger has ma^le himself con- 
 spicuous. This fanatic excites the peasantry, communicates to them 
 the fury with which he is himself animated, and makes use of their 
 ignorance and superstition to stimulate them to the most lamentable 
 excesses. Although censured by the bishop, he nevertheless con- 
 tinues his scandalous course of proceeding.”* 
 
 * The other party chiefs designated by Verninac were : — 
 
 “ In the Canton of Berne. during the revolution. He is one of the 
 
 “ Frcudenriech of Thorbcrg, an en- coryphaei of the oligarchy, and much at- 
 lightened man, who resided in England tached to the ancient order of things. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 45 
 
 “ D’ Erlach, ex-baily of Berthoud. He 
 is advanced in years, and his mental 
 faculties are a little impaired. It was 
 he who raised the peasants of Argau, of 
 whom he at first assumed the command, 
 but it was taken from him. 
 
 “ Thormann, secretary of state under 
 Reding. He is haughty, intriguing, and 
 one of the bitterest among the oligarchs. 
 He is an enemy to France, as are all the 
 instigators of the counter-revolution. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Basle. 
 
 “Merian, ex-grand tribune, a parti- 
 zan of Austria, ignorant, intriguing, and 
 a man of property. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Glaris. 
 
 “ Zwnifl, a headstrong old man with- 
 out talent. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Unterwalden. 
 
 “ Dr. De Flue, a man of learning, be- 
 longing to one of the most ancient and 
 respectable families in Switzerland. He 
 exercises great influence. 
 
 “ Wursch, ex-prefect, and now Lan- 
 damman ; he is fanatical and head- 
 strong, and a warm supporter of the 
 party of the demagogues. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Friburg. 
 
 “ Montenach, and Gadi formerly Avo- 
 yer. Both are clever and well inform- 
 ed. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Schaff hausen. 
 
 “ Pfister, a man of very ordinary capa- 
 city, devoted to the insurgents. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Tesin. 
 
 “ Rossi, post-master at Lugano. He 
 
 undertook to make known the proposals 
 of the insurgents to the second auxiliary 
 demi-brigade. 
 
 “ In the Territory of Baden. 
 
 “ Baldinger, a man of no capacity, 
 but guided by Charles Reding, a relative 
 of Reding of Schweitz. Charles Reding 
 is a man of talent. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Uri. 
 
 “Muller, formerly Landamman; he 
 is without talent, devoted to Reding, and 
 a red-hot demagogue. 
 
 “Jauch, cunning and well informed. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Appenzell. 
 
 “ Zellweguer, one of the richest indi- 
 viduals in Switzerland, in a state of ex- 
 asperation, and an ignorant man. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Grisons. 
 
 “The Salis family, respected, influen- 
 tial, and devoted to Austria. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Zurich. 
 
 “Hirzel, Wiss, and Reinhard, former- 
 ly members of the oligarchic govern- 
 ment; clever and well informed men, 
 and who have always served their party 
 with great zeal. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Lucerne. 
 
 “ Balthazard, a former member of the 
 government ; a man of business and ex- 
 asperated. 
 
 “ In the Canton of Soleure. 
 
 “Gloutz, a weak man devoid of tal- 
 ent.” 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 7 
 
46 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The rights established by the revolution of 1798, were now 
 trampled under foot, and the doctrines and institutions of a past age 
 proclaimed. This was a war in defence of principles upon which the 
 two parties could not agree ; and Ney’s object was to take such 
 measures as should repress the animosities and overcome the preju- 
 dices of both. 
 
 The whole of his disposable force consisted of four hundred men of 
 the 2nd light infantry. The insurgents had just beaten the Helve- 
 tian troops at Morat, and the Genevese, in exultation at this victory, 
 calculated upon still more brilliant feats of arms by the confeder- 
 ates. Ney soon perceived that the object of the confederntion was 
 to gain time, disperse and annihilate the remaining forces of the 
 government, drive him from the Swiss territory, and then declare, 
 upon the frontier, that all further intervention was useless, as the 
 Swiss people were now agreed and party dissensions at an end. This 
 plan, had it succeeded, would have changed the aspect of affairs ; and 
 Ney took measures to defeat it. He sent officers to hasten the 
 march of the different French corps, and direct them upon Locarno, 
 Huningen, Geneva, and Besan^on. At the same time he marched 
 towards Versoix, at the head of the small force he had with him. 
 Not that he depended much upon what these four hundred men could 
 do, but he thought they would produce a great moral impression ; he 
 therefore led them onward towards the Pays de Vaud. Colonel 
 Rapp had already stopped the movement which it was Ney’s pur- 
 pose to counteract. This officer, having been despatched by the 
 First Consul to make known his determination to the Swiss people, 
 arrived at Lausanne just as the troops defeated at Morat were taking 
 refuge there. Having notified to them the intention of the French 
 government, they received the intelligence with joy, hailed the 
 measure as a benefaction, and hastened to make it known to the in- 
 surgents, among whom it spread dismay. Rapp, who was compas- 
 sionate and of an easy temper, made every allowance for men under 
 circumstances such as the latter were placed in. He at first listened 
 to them without uttering a word ; he felt for them — he sympathized 
 in their grief, and was anxious to give them time for it to exhale. 
 But far from calming, his silence only rendered them bolder. He at 
 length lost all patience, and unfolding a paper which he held in his 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 47 
 
 hand, presented to them the following proclamation of the First 
 Consul : — 
 
 BONAPARTE, FIRST CONSUL OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, TO THE 
 EIGHTEEN CANTONS OF THE HELVETIAN REPUBLIC. 
 
 w Saint-Cloud, 18th Vendemiaire, Year XI. 
 
 (October 10th, 1802.) 
 
 “ Inhabitants of Helvetia, \ 
 
 “For two years past you have offered a most afflicting spectacle. 
 Hostile factions have successively usurped the powers of the state, 
 marking their passage by a system of partially which equally betrays 
 their weakness and their incapacity. During the year X. your go- 
 vernment requested that the small number of French troops still in 
 Helvetia should be withdrawn, and the French government readily 
 embraced the opportunity of doing honour to your independence. 
 But, soon after, your party feuds broke out with fresh fury, and Swiss 
 blood had been spilt by Swiss hands. 
 
 “ You have disputed these three years without being able to settle 
 your differences ; and if you are left any longer to yourselves, you 
 will destroy one another for three years longer without coming to any 
 better understanding. Your history proves, moreover, that your in- 
 testine wars have at no period been terminated, but through the 
 efficacious intervention of France. 
 
 “ It is true that I had resolved to meddle no more with your af- 
 fairs ; for I had constantly observed that your different governments 
 asked my advice without following it, and oftentimes made an undue 
 use of my name to serve their own party views or passions. 
 
 “ But 1 can no longer, nor ought 1 to remain insensible to the mis- 
 fortunes which now bear upon you. I therefore depart from my 
 resolution, and will become the mediator of your quarrels. But my 
 mediation shall prove efficacious ; it shall be such as befits a great 
 people, in whose name I speak. 
 
 “ Five days after this proclamation has been notified to you, the 
 senate shall assemble at Berne. 
 
 “ The whole of the magistracy formed at Berne since the capitula- 
 tion, shall be dissolved, and shall cease to assemble or to exercise 
 any authority. 
 
 “ The several prefects shall proceed to their respective posts. 
 
 “ All the authorities which have been constituted, shall no longer 
 assemble or act. 
 
 “ All armed meetings shall be dispersed. 
 
 “ The first and second Helvetian brigades shall form the garrison 
 of Berne. 
 
 “ The troops which have been raised upwards of six months, shall 
 alone remain in corps. 
 
48 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 “ Every discharged soldier of the belligerent armies, who is now 
 armed, shall deposit his arms at the municipality of the commune to 
 which he belongs. 
 
 “ The senate shall send three deputies to Paris ; each canton may 
 likewise send deputies. 
 
 “ Every citizen, having held the office of landamman, or that of 
 senator, or who may have successively held appointments in the cen- 
 tral government, may proceed to Paris, for the purpose of pointing 
 out the means of restoring union and peace, and of conciliating all 
 parties. 
 
 “ With regard to myself, I have aright to expect that no town, no 
 commune, and no corps will do any thing contrary to what I here 
 make known to you. 
 
 “ Inhabitants of Helvetia, let hope revive among you. 
 
 “ Your country is on the brink of a precipice, from which it shall 
 be immediately withdrawn. 
 
 “ Every man of good principles will co-operate in this noble 
 work. 
 
 “ But if, contrary to my expectations, there are among you a great 
 number of individuals so devoid of virtue as not to sacrifice their pas- 
 sions and prejudices to the good of their country, ye have woefully 
 degenerated, O people of Helvetia, from the greatness of your fore- 
 fathers ! 
 
 “ There is no man of sense among you, who does not perceive that 
 the mediation which I have undertaken is a blessing of that Provi- 
 dence which, amid so many shocks and revolutions, has always 
 watched over the independence of your nation; and that this media- 
 tion is the only means left for saving both parties from destruction. 
 
 “ For it is time you should consider that if the patriotism and union 
 of your ancestors founded your republic, the bad spirit of your fac- 
 tions will, if it continue, infallibly overthrow your nation; and it 
 would be painful to think that, at a period when several republics 
 have been raised, fate had marked the end of one of the most an- 
 cient. 
 
 “ Bonaparte.” 
 
 “ By order of the First Consul, 
 
 “ H. B. Maret, Secretary of State.” 
 
 This communication was indeed harsh, but it was precise. The 
 insurgents must now either give way or fight ; they must either lay 
 down their arms, or add to the horrors of civil the devastation of for- 
 eign war. The officers of the insurgent forces soon made up their 
 minds to the former alternative ; but the case was different with the 
 representative of the diet who followed the army, and who, being 
 conceited, bold, and presumptuous, attempted to open a discussion 
 upon a question which was now settled. He insisted upon the ma- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 49 
 
 gistracy appointed by the insurgents retaining their appointments; 
 Colonel Rapp replied by pointing out the clause in the proclamation 
 which related to them. He next demanded that the Landraths 
 should be maintained ; Rapp again referred to the decision of the 
 First Consul. He next insisted that the government should preserve 
 its new powers ; Rapp now lost all patience, and handing him the 
 proclamation, told him harshly that he came there to ratify, and not 
 to negotiate. Still the obstinate representative endeavoured to pro- 
 long the discussion ; but the officers, weary of this waste of words, 
 observed to him that they were receiving an official document which 
 the colonel had no mission to modify; and that it must be either 
 wholly accepted or rejected. 
 
 The representative hesitated an instant at this formidable alterna- 
 tive ; but immediately recovering himself, threatened France with 
 the acts of despair to which such harshness would drive the heroes 
 of Morgaten. 
 
 “ I believe in the marvels you announce, 5 ’ the Colonel replied ; 
 “you will no doubt fight and die like brave men ; but General Ney 
 has put his troops in motion. One of his divisions is assembling at 
 Pontarlier, another at Huningen, a third is advancing by Bellinzona, 
 and a fourth is about to debouch from Valais. If these troops ad- 
 vance a single step, and push on towards Aarburg, Estevayer, Vil- 
 leneuve, or Locarno, you will be annihilated at a single blow ; and 
 in the glen, without a second outlet, in which you have imprudently 
 placed yourselves, you will not have even the satisfaction of a glori- 
 ous death. I offer this to your consideration.” 
 
 This statement was lamentably correct ; but although the council 
 felt their weakness, they were far from imagining all the disadvan- 
 tages of their position. Nevertheless both the generals and the re- 
 presentative hastened to subscribe to every condition, in order to 
 extricate themselves from it. Bachmann signed a suspension of 
 arms, and the representative signed the act of dissolution of the body 
 whose delegate he was. 
 
 The mediation being thus accepted in principle, nothing now re- 
 mained but to carry the details into execution. Ney stopped his 
 movement ; but as there was yet no guarantee of the submission of 
 the diet, and the snow season was approaching, he so disposed his 
 troops as to be able, at a moment’s notice, to put down resistance, if 
 it were offered. He soon had reason to congratulate himself on this 
 act of prudence. 
 
 Scarcely was the armistice concluded ere it was violated. The 
 insurgent army advanced upon Friburg, and even went so far as to 
 summon it to surrender. 
 
 The news of the First Consul’s proclamation had reached this 
 place. The troops which defended it knew confusedly that the pro- 
 clamation commanded peace, and prescribed that both victors and 
 vanquished should lay down their arms. They therefore urged this 
 
50 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in reply to the summons ; but Colonel Effinguer, an insurgent officer, 
 declared to them upon his honour that this was not the case, but 
 that the government had been obliged to give way to the insurgent 
 forces. The garrison believing this statement, yielded the place 
 without resistance. It was impossible to obtain success by baser 
 means, or to give a more glaring instance of the bad faith and dis- 
 honourable practices of the confederates. 
 
 The commission sitting at Berne was neither more honourable in 
 its conduct, nor more sincere in its professions. Colonel Rapp having 
 summoned it to dissolve, it pretended to be unable to do so unless 
 authorised by the diet. The latter, in its turn, eluded giving such 
 authority ; and an attempt to gain time was made by all parlies con- 
 cerned in the revolution. On the other hand, the conduct of the 
 Helvetian government was still more censurable than that of the con- 
 federates. Having been established with all the attributes of power, 
 it proved as feeble and irresolute as before its late overthrow. No- 
 thing could induce it come to any fixed resolution. In vain did Ney 
 urge the senate to assume a firmer attitude ; in vain did he call upon 
 Rapp to acquaint him with the decision of the diet. The one was 
 always timid and wavering in its replies, the other had nothing but 
 hopes and vague surmises to send him. Under these circumstances 
 he resolved to go himself and put an end to this uncertainty, which 
 had already lasted too long. 
 
 He accordingly set out with two officers, and had not yet reached 
 Moudon ere he met Adjutant-general Lemarrois, who was bringing 
 him an answer from Schweitz to his last despatch. The diet refused 
 to be dissolved, and signified its intention of using the right which the 
 Swiss held from their forefathers, and from established treaties, of 
 constituting their government according to their wants.* It was not 
 
 * The Diet of the Confederated Cantons to Citizen General Rapp, Aide-de- 
 
 camp to the First Consul of the French Republic. 
 
 Citizen General, 
 
 The Landamman Reding has this day laid before us your two letters of 27th Ven- 
 demiaire, year XI : the one forwarded to him by a messenger, the other by an 
 express. 
 
 You refer more especially in one of them to an engagement stated to have been 
 entered into by our representative attached to the army of the confederation, who is 
 also a member of this diet. 
 
 The enclosed is a copy of the report which he made to us on this subject, and if 
 you reflect upon its contents, you will be convinced that our intention still remains 
 the same as it has ever been : namely, not to oppose the armed forces of the French 
 Government. But we have been driven by past events to put ourselves upon our 
 guard, and take precautions necessary to our safety against the Helvetian Government 
 which has just been re-established. This we have done in the firm persuasion that 
 the First Consul will be pleased to take into his gracious consideration the represen- 
 tations which we have had the honor of addressing to him, and also the reports which 
 he has received from yourself. 
 
 It was not from our own wish that we undertook so difficult a charge as that we 
 hold ; it was imposed upon us by the confidence of our fellow citiaens ; and both our 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 51 
 
 without anger that Ney saw the undue advantage which had been 
 taken of Rapp’s openness and candour ; but he had just received his 
 appointment as minister plenipotentiary to the Helvetian republic, and 
 his instructions breathed nothing but peace and good will. Flattering 
 himself therefore, that he should soon bring the diet to a more becoming 
 determination, he continued his journey. That which he required 
 will be found in the following letter, containing the First Consul’s 
 instructions ; and it will be seen that it was impossible for any coun- 
 try to show a deeper interest and a greater solicitude for another 
 than France did for Switzerland on this occasion. 
 
 The Minister for Foreign Affairs to General Net. 
 
 Paris, 26th Vendemiaire, Year, XI. 
 
 (October 18th, 1802.) 
 
 “ General, 
 
 “ I am directed by the First Consul to inform you that he has been 
 pleased to appoint you minister plenipotentiary from this republic to 
 the Helvetian republic. You will therefore proceed to Berne, where 
 you will receive the further instructions he has directed me to send 
 you, and you will there fulfil the duties of your mission. 
 
 conscience and our duty towards them render it incumbent upon us to strive, in the 
 most scrupulous manner, to execute its duties. As deputies we cannot take upon 
 ourselves to dissolve our own body. 
 
 The Swiss have inherited from their forefathers the right of constituting their 
 government according to the wants of their country ; a right which has again been 
 secured to them by the First Consul himself, in his capacity of high contracting party 
 in the treaty of Luneville, and for which we owe him our deepest gratitude. This 
 right is of a nature to impose upon us the obligation of transmitting it to our descend- 
 ants. Therefore, neither we nor our constituents can forego it. 
 
 The First Counsul, in his magnanimity, will doubtless not disapprove ofthisour mode 
 of thinking, which ought to be that of every Swiss who truly loves his country ; and 
 surely he will never suffer a nation, which in no wise opposes his power, to be treated 
 with hostility, more especially when that nation desires nothing more ardently than 
 to owe once more the power of forming its political institutions to the kindness of the 
 French Government. 
 
 We are in like manner persuaded that the Swiss nation will preserve an eternal 
 remembrance of such an act of beneficience, and that its efforts will ever tend to 
 prove, on all occasions, its attachment to the French Government. 
 
 Have the goodness, Citizen General, to use your influence with the First Consul of 
 the French Republic, your powerful principal, to induce him favourably to receive 
 our representations ; the happiness of an honest and independent nation depends 
 upon it. Surely to secure this happiness must be the object of your mission, and 
 also yotir personal wish ; and if you condescend to grant our request, you will cer- 
 tainly confer it upon us. We have the honour to be, 
 
 Citizen General, 
 
 The deputies composing the Diet of the Confederated Cantons, and in their 
 name 
 
 Alovs Reding, President. 
 
 Schweitz, Oct. 21st. 1802. 
 
 (A true copy) 
 Ney. 
 
52 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 “ A few days since, Helvetia was in agitation ; the flame of civil 
 war burst forth in every part of it ; but the proclamation of the First 
 Consul has given ideas of order and peace to all its inhabitants. The 
 citizens of that country, struck with the wisdom of the advice given 
 to them by the First Consul, have lost no time in following it. The 
 principal object of your mission is to maintain and direct them in this 
 just and prudent deference. It is probable that the senate, recently 
 reinstated at Berne, will evince little of that strength of opinion so 
 necessary to the authority it is called upon to exercise ; it is likewise 
 presumable that the municipal authorities of that city will feel but 
 little disposed to submit to the authority of the senate. From your 
 title of minister plenipotentiary, your former office, and your talents, 
 you will derive means of influence which you will employ, more par- 
 ticularly in preventing any marked opposition to the government. 
 All who have been, or are now in authority in Helvetia, must live to- 
 gether in peace and harmony. The present moment must appear 
 favourable to no one for disputing about obedience and power. The 
 universally accepted mediation of the First Consul must give suffi- 
 cient influence to his minister to enable the latter successfully to 
 recommend concord, tranquillity, and confidence in the kindly senti- 
 ments of the First Consul. The constant principle of your conduct 
 lies in the execution of the clauses of the First Consul’s proclamation, 
 which recommend the return of the senate to Berne, the dispersion 
 of the recently armed troops, and the sending to Paris of deputies 
 from the different parties, in order to proceed to the social organiza- 
 tion of Helvetia. 
 
 “ I have reason to believe, from the letters of Citizen Verninac, 
 that the two first clauses are fulfilled. If any thing still remains to 
 be done on the second, you will use every exertion to secure its im- 
 mediate and entire execution. 
 
 “ It is of great importance that the last should be executed, in con- 
 formity with the just and impartial views of the First Consul, who 
 has ever proved that he granted no favour to factions. He mistrusts, 
 and justly so, every man who has rendered himself conspicuous in 
 either of the parties which have nearly destroyed Helvetia. But as 
 among such individuals there are some whose motives are above sus- 
 picion, it is but just that they should be consulted, and deference be 
 thus shown to the opinions of the great number of citizens who 
 placed confidence in them. 
 
 “ The First Consul is desirous that you should advise the choice of 
 the most prudent men of all parties. They who, during the late 
 troubles, evinced the most regret at being seduced to join in them — 
 they who were in the greatest alarm at the dangers of their country 
 — and they who with the greatest degree of sincerity hastened to 
 give the preference to measures of conciliation over an appeal to 
 arms, seem to him the best qualified to work at the organization of 
 their conntry. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 53 
 
 “ Do not cease to impress upon the minds of the citizens of Hel- 
 vetia, that the First Consol has most particularly in view the repose, 
 happiness, and greatness of Helvetia; that the Helvetian republic 
 can be neither rich, nor happy, nor powerful, except by its union 
 with France ; and that it is principally in this view that he is desi- 
 rous that the confidence should not be withdrawn, which Switzerland 
 has always placed in the French government. 
 
 “ The foreign powers are no longer enemies to France ; but the 
 present state of peace cannot destroy envy ; and all have not, like 
 France, a wish that Switzerland should enjoy tranquillity. It is the 
 policy of some to consider the agitation of Helvetia a means of giv- 
 ing uneasiness to France and the neighbouring states; and this 
 agitation offers, perhaps, to some men hostile to the peace of Europe, 
 a prospect more or less remote of political dissensions, the result of 
 which might be a renewal of war. 
 
 “ Thus, the tranquillity of Helvetia is an advantage common to the 
 whole of Europe; and its prudent and calm organization under the 
 safeguard of France is connected with the most important interests 
 of the general peace; consequently, the accomplishment of this or- 
 ganization appertains to the duty of the government of the republic, 
 and forms one of its paramount interests. 
 
 “ Such, Citizen, is the precise sense in which you are to express 
 yourself. All that you may say to the persons with whom you may 
 be in communication, must tend to prove that the First Consul will 
 suffer nothing against the repose and power of Helvetia ; that he 
 considers it a duty to renew the friendly and eminently confidential 
 relations which have at all times united Helvetia to France ; and that 
 any organization which would attain this object, so honourable, and 
 at the same time so useful to Helvetia, would receive his approba- 
 tion, provided it accorded with the feelings of the majority of the 
 Helvetian people. 
 
 “ I am expressly directed by the First Consul to recommend your 
 carefully avoiding to write to any authority whatever in Helvetia. 
 The frequent abuse of official documents in that country, renders it 
 incumbent upon us to confine ourselves to verbal communications, 
 which, moreover, are well suited to the occasion, and sufficient for 
 the provisional state in which every constituted authority is placed, 
 until the country is wholly organized. 
 
 “ I am happy, Citizen, that the choice of the First Consul has 
 fallen upon you to direct the legation of the republic in Helvetia, as 
 it gives me an opportunity of corresponding with you, and of ac- 
 quainting the First Consul with the proofs of prudence and zeal 
 which you will give in the course of your mission. 
 
 “ I think it right to observe to you that malevolent persons are 
 endeavouring to spread a report that the First Consul would feel dis- 
 posed to yield to a wish which a spirit of imitation might excite rela- 
 tive to the presidency of the Helvetian republic. You must formally 
 
 8 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
54 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 discourage any such idea, which is as far from the anticipations of 
 the First Consul, as contrary to his firm determination. 
 
 “ 1 must also, by the express orders of the First Consul, beg of 
 you to avoid, at meetings of the authorities, any set speeches which 
 might be taken down and published. You must take care, at the 
 same time, to impart to your advice a character of dignity and kind- 
 ness in keeping with the functions of a purely political minister. 
 You must avoid any display that would seem too military, or re- 
 semble command. All that might make you appear to the Swiss as 
 the general of an army stationed on their frontier, must be care- 
 fully avoided. Now that compliance has been yielded to the direc- 
 tions of the First Consul, you are the minister of a powerful ally, 
 who would only give good advice, and act according to the inspira- 
 tions of wisdom. 
 
 “ I have now, General, only to request that you will punctually 
 acquaint me with whatever passes around you. Under present cir- 
 cumstances no detail is indifferent ; and the First Consul, to whom 
 I shall communicate all your despatches, wishes to be regularly 
 informed of every thing that occurs in Helvetia. I have the hon- 
 our, &c. 
 
 “ Ch. Talleyrand.” 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Such were the First Consul’s instructions to Ney, and such the 
 duties he had to perform. As the agitation of Switzerland was likely 
 to embroil Europe, it became expedient to put an end to it, dissolve 
 the armed bands which still existed in the country, and place the 
 power of the state in the hands of men prudent, disinterested, and 
 capable of doing justice to the institutions by which they were to be 
 governed. This mission, though flattering, was not unattended with 
 difficulty. Berne, it is true, had accepted the mediation ; Soleure 
 had followed this example ; and Friburg, whom the insurgents had 
 just evacuated, had hastened to acknowledge the act by which the 
 country was to be saved from destruction. But the rest of Switzer- 
 land remained in arms. The diet protested, and refused to dissolve 
 itself; and Berne, at the very time it yielded to the will of France, 
 obeyed with evident repugnance the government which that power 
 had reinstated. Matters were in a state of extreme delicacy, and 
 Ney was obliged to bend his will to some circumstances contrary to 
 his opinions, the better to stifle the passions in ferment around him. 
 The government, however, continued weak and vacillating ; it seem- 
 ed fearful of committing an act of firmness. Dolder, its president, 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 55 
 
 was an Argovian manufacturer, of the strictest honesty and morality ; 
 but passive, indifferent, governed alternately by the opposite factions, 
 and paying little attention to the administration of the laws. Neither 
 he nor his colleagues dared to show the least resolution. In vain 
 did Ney represent to them the importance of the circumstances under 
 which they were placed, and point out to them the duties prescribed 
 by the act of mediation : — he obtained nothing but sterile protesta- 
 tions and empty assurances. They had been four days at Berne, 
 and no public measure had yet been taken. Ney went to the senate, 
 and endeavoured to make the senators assume an attitude consistent 
 with their authority ; but all his remonstrances were unavailing. 
 The very name of Reding threw these pusillanimous magistrates 
 into an agony of dread ; and Ney was obliged to repeat the assu- 
 rance he had already given them, that he would disperse the diet of 
 Schweitz, and take care that the decrees of the senate should be exe- 
 cuted. This declaration having given them a little confidence, they 
 appointed three of their members to proceed to Paris, and took the 
 necessary measures for the election of the other deputies, who were 
 to proceed thither as the representatives of the different cantons. 
 
 The diet, on the other hand, was not less wavering and undecided ; 
 and, although it did not break up, it appeared more disposed to act 
 on the defensive than on the offensive, and to have no other object in 
 view than uttering silly declamation about its pretended rights. 
 Colonel Rapp, a little ashamed at having been made its dupe, had 
 gone to summon it to fulfil its engagements ; but, from the peculiar 
 bent of his mind, Rapp was the least qualified of any man to carry 
 on such a negotiation. Kind-hearted, of easy temper, and naturally 
 disposed to espouse the cause of the weaker party, he confined his 
 attack to Reding’s dissertations, and obtained no other result from 
 his excursion than the announcement of the resolution, nay, the 
 necessity under which the assembly of Schweitz felt itself, of waiting 
 for the appearance of the French troops before it broke up. Ney 
 was less complying. The diet seemed straining to keep up agitation 
 throughout the country, and propagate vain hopes among the people. 
 Sometimes it boasted of the support of Great Britain; at others it 
 spread reports of troubles at Paris ; — one day Austria was marching 
 to the assistance of the Swiss Cantons ; the next brought news of the 
 overthrow of the First Consul. There was no kind of absurdity 
 which it did not propagate for the sole purpose of increasing the irri- 
 tation of the people. Ney despatched a summons calling upon it to 
 disperse forthwith ; and directed the officer entrusted with the mes- 
 sage, to threaten it with the national vengeance, if it dared any 
 longer to delay. But it was now in no situation to obey the sum- 
 mons; for, being itself suspected of indifference to the cause of the 
 confederation, it was governed by its guards, and could adopt no 
 measure which was not agreeable to them. It was moreover imbued 
 with Reding’s notion, that it could not, without dishonouring itself 
 
56 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in the eyes of Europe, break up until the French columns should 
 appear and dissolve it by force. 
 
 Ney was therefore obliged to recur to force to carry his point, and 
 accordingly put his troops in motion ; but the diet was beforehand 
 with him : the armed bands, collected by means of beacon fires, and 
 other signals assembled round their standards. Formidable columns 
 were speedily collected upon the right bank of the Reuss, and extend- 
 ed from Lucerne to the conflux of this river. From the nature of 
 the mountains in which they were, they had the power of keeping up 
 a resistance which could be overcome only at the expense of torrents 
 of blood. To combat and defeat these troops, was nevertheless not 
 very difficult ; hut Ney considered that violence had always better 
 be avoided, and that a friendly intervention ought to be conducted by 
 pacific means alone. He had a lieutenant able to comprehend the 
 importance of his mission ; and to this officer Ney stated his appre- 
 hensions, and submitted his plans for counteracting those of the con- 
 federates. Seras was this amiable assistant ; he entered fully into 
 Ney’s views, and was entrusted with the command of the movement. 
 He was a prudent and able soldier, and knew full well how to make 
 allowances for the feelings of men under political excitement. He 
 perceived that the diet, fully sensible of its weakness, and of the folly 
 of resistance, was desirous only to save appearances, and he humour- 
 ed it in this desire. Having drawn out his forces, he paraded, affected 
 rapid marches, and displayed to the affrighted deputies the prospect 
 of an immediate attack. They who until now had only beheld war 
 at a remote distance, drew back in affright from the conflagration 
 that seemed about to be kindled. Backmann was the first to lay 
 down his arms. This noble-minded man, though without fortune or 
 prospects, and already advanced in years, voluntarily doomed him- 
 self to exile, rather than continue a struggle which would no doubt 
 have encircled his brows with laurels, but would have reduced his 
 country to wretchedness. 
 
 Seras, whose march was becoming more free, advanced to Lucerne, 
 Zug, and Sarnen, all of which he occupied without obstacle. But 
 the case was different at Zurich : there, resistance had long been pre- 
 pared, and the struggle seemed likely to become serious. Seras 
 marched upon that place at the head of seven battalions of infantry, 
 the 3rd chasseurs, and a company of light artillery. Scarcely, how- 
 ever, did the troops of the confederation, then in position upon Aar, 
 perceive the French advancing towards them, than they fell back in 
 great haste. Seras followed them, pressed his march, and after a 
 pursuit of fifteen leagues, came up with them on the Limath, which 
 he crossed, and formed into line upon both banks. The night passed 
 without accident. At day-break, the insurgents wanted to establish 
 their posts; but the French drove them back to Zurich, and entered 
 the place with them. Colonel Mayer, who appeared before Seras 
 under a flag of truce, made an attempt to protest against the inter- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 57 
 
 vention ; but the French general ordered him to be silent, and con- 
 tinued his movement. The bands of music at the head of the French 
 troops played airs denoting victory, and the citizens of Zurich were 
 at first seized with a panic ; but, soon recovering, they mingled their 
 acclamations with the music of the French, and saluted the French 
 columns with cries of “ Long live the First Consul ! Vive la France !” 
 They then ran to the prisons, and delivered those whom a short time 
 before they had confined there as traitors to their country. Consid- 
 erable bodies of insurgents, however, came to their assistance ; but 
 the French avoided hostilities, and opened negotiations. They 
 represented to the Swiss people that the intervention, far from being- 
 prejudicial to their country, was the anchor of safety which the First 
 Consul had thrown to them in their distress ; and that the first ma- 
 gistrate of the French republic had no other view than that of restor- 
 ing peace to their country, securing their liberties and independence, 
 and doing justice to all parties. Both soldiers and peasants imme- 
 diately laid down their arms, and returned peaceably to their homes. 
 
 Forty pieces of cannon, a great number of muskets, and immense 
 stores of ammunition, fell into the hands of the French ; but a much 
 more important result was produced by the prudent conduct of Seras, 
 who succeeded in throwing a strong discredit upon the diet at 
 Schweitz. During these operations not a shot was fired, not a drop 
 of blood spilt, nor a single cause of dissatisfaction given to the citi- 
 zens : — nothing could have been more ably and more successfully 
 managed. 
 
 Zurich having submitted, Seras marched to Schweitz, where no 
 greater resistance was offered than at Zug and Lucerne. The lead- 
 ers of the insurrection and the members of the diet fled with equal 
 speed, and no one made the least attempt to stop them. 
 
 Arms, ammunition, and provisions in abundance fell into the hands 
 of Seras, who now held at his disposal all the resources of the con- 
 federation. The storm, nevertheless, had not yet blown off. The 
 men who had so easily surrendered the place, did not discontinue 
 their invectives against the First Consul ; and some of them even 
 went to the length of boasting that they had adjourned their ven- 
 geance until the snow season ; — they even talked of Sicilian vespers, 
 and of the speedy extermination of the French in Switzerland. — 
 Doubtless, such atrocities were not germane to Helvetian manners; 
 nevertheless, the corpses of the murdered French soldiers were still 
 lying in the vale of Disentis, and the troops of Seras were reminded 
 of the circumstance by the Swiss themselves. This was a delicate 
 reminiscence, and calculated to excite bitter feelings on both sides. 
 
 On the other hand, the small committees which existed in every 
 part of Helvetia, together with the monks, and more especially those 
 of Einseidlen, did not cease from agitating the country. As such 
 manoeuvres might possibly lead to an explosion fatal to Switzerland, 
 Ney hastened to put these agitators down, warning the monks that 
 
58 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 the least attempt against his soldiers would be severely punished ; 
 and in order to prevent the turbulent and headstrong from attempt- 
 ing any important movement, he resolved to disarm the people. 
 This was a delicate measure : the mountaineers were never with- 
 out their arms ; they carried them in their excursions, and displayed 
 them in their cottages, where they formed at the same time a piece 
 of ornamental furniture and a means of defence. These men were 
 extremely jealous of their right to carry arms. But matters had 
 assumed so serious an aspect, that Ney did not hesitate ; he ordered 
 that the arms should be given up, and contrary to his expectations, 
 he obtained them without any dangerous opposition. Not but that 
 the measure called forth the strongest remonstrances, and various 
 subterfuges were employed to elude it. One pretended that he had 
 always respected the established order of things ; another attribu- 
 ted his assuming arms to particular circumstances; a third declared 
 that he had participated in no reaction whatever ; a fourth vowed he 
 had never committed any act of violence. Each, according to his 
 own view, was entitled to retain his carbine ; each, according to his 
 own statement, was quite incapable of encouraging or permitting 
 the least excess. The government was simple enough to add its tes- 
 timony to the accounts which the inhabitants gave of themselves. 
 They who composed it were apprehensive that the measure would 
 alienate the public opinion from it in a still greater degree ; they 
 therefore talked much of the peaceable disposition and moderation of 
 those whom the French had surprised with arms in their hands. 
 Ney paid no attention to this base truckling of the government, and 
 excepted from the measure none but land-owners residing upon 
 remote estates. There still remained stores of arms and ammuni- 
 tion which the diet had ordered to be concealed among the mountain 
 rocks. As no search could lead to their discovery, Ney offered a 
 reward to such individuals as would point out the places of their con- 
 cealment, by which means he was soon able to seize them. 
 
 The Grisons were not so easily managed ; neither was this to be 
 wondered at. Prior to the late changes, the sovereignty descended, 
 among them, even to the lowest shepherd. They had no other code 
 of laws than a few fragments of the Carolinae; each commune was 
 sovereign and independent, and every citizen was subject, even in 
 last resort, to no other jurisdiction than that of his own commune. 
 The Grisons paid no taxes ; so far from it that some among them 
 levied imposts on foreign states in the shape of secret pensions, 
 granted to them by the governments who wished to secure votes at 
 the diet of the Three Leagues. 
 
 Service in the armies of foreign potentates was also a source of 
 wealth to them ; and appointments in the government and judicature 
 at home were another means of fortune. The existence of a central 
 government had dried up these sources of prosperity; gratifications 
 had been superceded by taxes ; pensions had ceased, and places of 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 59 
 
 public trust had become less lucrative. The inhabitants had been 
 obliged to forego abuses so profitable to them ; and to complete the 
 sum of their vexations, they were undergoing persecution for having 
 so long enjoyed these abuses. The Valteline, for instance, not sat- 
 isfied with putting an end to a ruinous administration, had seized and 
 sold the property of its powerful sovereigns , the Grison shepherds. 
 The lower orders were not less irritated at these things than the 
 patricians. The clergy had lost their former influence, in public 
 measures; and the mechanics no longer enjoyed a monopoly of the 
 fruits of industry. All classes were therefore in a state of intense 
 excitement, and trembled with anger at the very name of a French 
 intervention. 
 
 The lesser cantons were neither more tranquil nor more resigned 
 than the Grisons. An explosion seemed likely soon to take place, 
 which might lead to much bloodshed ; and Ney, anxious to avert such 
 a calamity , sent officers into all parts of Helvetia. He professed com- 
 passion for some, to whom he represented that although the charges 
 of occupation were no doubt heavy, they were nevertheless prefer- 
 able to the immense sacrifices and alarms which civil war would ine- 
 vitably have produced. He consoled others, announcing a speedy 
 termination of their misery, and promising that it should cease with 
 the return of their deputies. He declared, moreover, that, in the 
 mean time, he would lighten the burthens of the occupation as much 
 as lay in his power, and that no contributions should be levied on the 
 citizens, except what was absolutely necessary for the subsistence of 
 the troops under his command. He likewise sent to the religious 
 corporations, and enjoined the heads of convents to use their influ- 
 ence in quieting the people, maintaining peace in country places, and 
 turning the inhabitants either from acts of rebellion, or from any 
 other proceedings that might tend to involve them in difficulties. 
 
 These measures produced a sort of tranquillity in the smaller can- 
 tons, and the population resumed their labours. An unobservant spec- 
 tator might have supposed the dissensions of Switzerland for ever ter- 
 minated ; but it soon became evident that such was by no means the 
 case. The Swiss have all the duplicity remarked in mountaineers of 
 every country ; but nature has provided them with a play of features 
 which prevents them from concealing the feelings. The expression 
 of their countenance is too marked, and their blood does not flow with 
 sufficient rapidity to enable them to substitute the expression of an 
 unfelt emotion for that by which they are really affected. Every 
 feeling is, depicted in their features, and in spite of themselves they 
 expose that which they are most anxious to conceal. 
 
 Ney’s troops, billeted upon and fed by the inhabitants, soon attracted 
 their confidence, and became acquainted with their most cherished 
 projects. The French soldiers pitied their situation; and contenting 
 themselves with the coarse fare supplied by their hosts, recommended 
 concord, appeased their dislikes and prejudices, and by such conduct 
 
60 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 drew forth the confidential overflowings of their lacerated bosoms. 
 They had not ceased to look upon Reding as their providence ; they 
 placed all their hopes in him, relied on his courage, and considered 
 themselves invincible whilst he was still among them. Auf-der-Maur, 
 though more a man of execution, was less to be feared. But as both 
 inflamed the imaginations, and fed the false hopes of these indocile 
 herdsmen, Ney gave orders for their apprehension, as well as for that 
 of some other individuals, who, without great personal fame, still ex- 
 ercised a sort of influence over the opinions of the peasants. Among 
 the latter were Wursch, ex-landamman of the insurgents, to whom 
 public report attributed the massacre of the French troops stationed 
 at Schweitz ; and Hirzel, a cunning and plausible man, and an in- 
 curable aristocrat. 
 
 Reding, when apprehended, was returning from a journey to the 
 smaller cantons. He was at first surprised and struck with conster- 
 nation ; but soon recovering, he consoled himself under the idea that 
 this measure proceeded from the French plenipotentiary, and that the 
 Helvetian government would never have dared to adopt it. As for 
 Auf-der-Maur, he was affected even to tears. Having committed 
 divers excesses, and amongst others plundered the house of General 
 Wonderweide, his situation was calculated to make him uneasy. 
 
 This event was not displeasing to the rich land-owners, whom the 
 popularity and turbulence of Reding had displeased. But the people 
 were very differently affected, and at first gave way without restraint 
 to the grief caused by his arrest. They however remained peacea- 
 ble, and soon forgot their dissensions and him who promoted them. 
 The national party, on the other hand, took courage ; and they who, 
 being intimidated until now by the desperate efforts of a faction 
 in its death-struggle, had not dared to manifest the slightest opposi- 
 tion to it, no longer feared to declare their feelings and principles, 
 and to denounce several undiscovered depots of arms in the moun- 
 tains. In the neighbourhood of Schweitz four pieces of cannon were 
 concealed, together with a large store of ammunition ; at Glaris, St. 
 Gall, and Mels there were twenty pieces of artillery, with immense 
 stores. These last resources of the insurgents were now seized, 
 collected at Brunen, and sent to Lausanne by the lake of Lucerne. 
 And it is a singular fact, that the arrival of these things, which a 
 week previously would have excited an insurrection among this 
 haughty population, now gave a species of satisfaction. They con- 
 gratulated themselves at being deprived of the means of undertaking 
 any future insurrection. No one had it any longer in his power to 
 feed the flame of revolt ; and the people quietly resumed their habits 
 of industry and moderation. Thus, by long-suffering and indulgence 
 Ney easily obtained that which he would perhaps have been unable 
 to effect by measures of violence. 
 
 Murat, anxious to pay the tribute of praise which Ney’s conduct 
 deserved, wrote to him as follows : 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 61 
 
 “ This campaign of an instant has covered you with glory. It is 
 a noble thing to have obtained, by mild proceedings, combined with 
 a formidable appearance, that which another would have effected by 
 force of arms. And recollect, my dear General, that you have a 
 neighbour who will feel a real pleasure in seconding your operations 
 with all his power. 
 
 “ Milan, 27th Brumaire, Year XII. (Nov. 18th, 1802.)” 
 
62 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 BOOK THE SIXTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ney was yet far from the accomplishment of his mission ; and if 
 he had no positive and resolute resistance to put down, he had never- 
 theless to contend against the listlessness and indifference consequent 
 upon defeat. The vanquished had, it is true, left the field, but they 
 still refused to sanction the interference against which they had been 
 contending, and they declined taking any share in the discussion of 
 the question which it had raised. One very important circumstance 
 preyed heavily upon their minds. The time was fixed for the elec- 
 tion of the deputies to be sent to France for the purpose of framing 
 a new constitution. They trembled therefore for the safety of their 
 franchises; and obedience to such an injunction as the one notified to 
 them by the First Consul of the French Republic, seemed to them a 
 mere preliminary to the total subversion of their liberties. On the 
 other hand, they considered it an act of vassalage to go France, a 
 foreign state, for the purpose of discussing the articles of their own 
 free constitution. Ney made due allowance for their objections, 
 which he knew to arise from a highly honourable feeling ; and he 
 accordingly endeavoured to soothe their excited apprehensions. In 
 this attempt he showed no disposition to enforce ; he only endea- 
 voured to persuade : he represented to them that they were sacri- 
 ficing the substance to the mere form ; that their objection was only 
 prolonging the occupation of their country; and that the convocation 
 to which they evinced such repugnance was a simple matter of form, 
 which any state, under certain circumstances, might feel compelled 
 either to require in another or to comply with at the call of another. 
 He further urged, that in the request of the First Consul to send 
 deputies to France, there was really nothing either to humiliate or to 
 alarm them ; and the First Consul himself had made it with no other 
 view than to remove the persons composing the deputation beyond 
 the influence of local prejudices ; that it would be impossible for these 
 deputies to draw up a durable constitution ; and such a one as should 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 63 
 
 secure the permanent welfare of their country, unless they were 
 wholly independent, and not within the reach of the intrigues and 
 secret plots of factious men. The mediator, he said, in urging that 
 they should go to him, had no other object than to listen to their 
 opinions, make up their differences, comply with just and equitable 
 claims, and carry into effect the combined views of men adequate to 
 the task of co-operating in a free and prudent organization. 
 
 Though these observations were not without weight, the hesitation 
 still continued, until by a lucky inspiration of thought Ney succeeded 
 in changing the public feeling. He had constantly sought for oppor- 
 tunities of becoming personally acquainted with the most influential 
 men in the country. He visited them, entertained them in his turn, 
 and collected with care the opinions of each, relative to the troubles of 
 Helvetia and to the individuals who had successively taken a lead- 
 ing part in public affairs. This plan, which had often been the 
 means of his obtaining useful information, had brought him into con- 
 tact with M. de Mulhinen, formerly a colonel in the service of 
 France, a man of highly honourable character, free from exaggerated 
 opinions, and above all zealously devoted to his country. Being 
 strongly attached to the oligarchic party, whose confidence he en- 
 joyed, no man was better able than M. de Mulhinen to set forth the 
 views of that party, and advocate its rights, nor was any man better 
 deserving of attention on such subjects. Ney, who had already men- 
 tioned M. de Mulhinen to the First Consul, was desirous that he 
 should join the deputation; but the Helvetian officer sometimes 
 urged his repugnance to go to France, at others objected that he 
 had no mission. Unable to obtain his consent to take a voluntary 
 share in the construction of the constitutional edifice, Ney imagined 
 to have his assistance requested by the French government. The 
 colonel, informed no doubt of Ney’s project, wrote to the French 
 minister for foreign affairs stating that he was resolved not to go to 
 Paris. But Ney’s letter had been so pressing, that Talleyrand 
 replied to M. de Mulhinen’s by an earnest request, almost amounting 
 to a command, to join the deputation. 
 
 “ The happiness of Helvetia,” he wrote, “ and the success of the 
 First Consul’s mediation, are to be found only in a great and speedy 
 conciliation of all party opinions. The friends of freedom will not 
 make it triumph in Helvetia except in honouring its cause by their 
 moderation, and in displaying a strong spirit of concord, as well as 
 the most complete indulgence for past errors.” 
 
 This request, combined with Ney’s solicitude and compliance with 
 every reasonable wish, overcame all the obstacles which a high sense 
 of honour, as well as the workings of malevolence, had opposed to 
 his exertions. The smaller cantons proceeded to elect their depu- 
 ties, which until now they had obstinately refused to do, and these 
 deputies, when elected, immediately set out to join those of the con« 
 federation who were already at Paris. 
 
64 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The Helvetian deputation being thus complete, the first part of 
 Ney’s mission was fulfilled ; but scarcely had he got over one difficulty 
 ere another crossed his path. The First Consul received the deputation 
 in the most gracious manner ; he declared to its members that 
 Switzerland, from its geographical situation, its manners, and its cus- 
 toms, was essentially a federative state, and that the question was, 
 not to bewilder themselves in vain theories, but to establish and 
 form, upon a just basis, such a government as nature had pointed out 
 to them ; that each deputy was therefore called upon to give his 
 views and opinions, state the particular wants of his own canton, 
 and point out the plan of organization best suited to it ; and that 
 when this organization was once fixed upon, the bond which was to 
 unite the different states would soon be found.* 
 
 ♦Bonaparte, First Consul and President, to the Deputies of the eighteen can- 
 tons of the Helvetian Republic. 
 
 St. Cloud, 19th Frimaire, Year XI. 
 
 (November 2nd, 1802.) 
 
 Citizens, Deputies of the Helvetian Republic, 
 
 The situation of your country is critical ; moderation, prudence, and the sacrifice 
 of your passions are necessary to save it. Having resolved, in the face of Europe, 
 to render my mediation effective, I shall fulfil all the obligations which the noble 
 office I have undertaken imposes upon me ; but that which is difficult without your 
 concurrence, will become easy with your aid and influence. 
 
 Switzerland bears no resemblance to any other state, either in the succeeding 
 events of several centuries, or in its geographical and topographical situation, or in 
 its different languages, different religions, and the extreme difference of manners 
 existing in the several parts of its territory. 
 
 Nature has rendered your state a federative one, and no wise man could form a 
 wish to subjugate it. 
 
 Circumstances, combined with the spirit of past ages, has established in your 
 country a sovereign people and a subject people ; but recent events combined with a 
 different spirit, sprung from a new era, and more consonant with reason, have restored 
 an equality of rights among all the inhabitants of your territory. 
 
 Several of your cantons have, during many centuries, followed the most absolute de- 
 mocracy ; in others, a few families have usurped the power, and have thus become 
 at one and the same time subjects and soverigns. The influence of the spirit pre- 
 valent in Italy, Savoy, France, and Alsace — states by which you are surrounded — 
 essentially contributed to establish in the latter cantons the order of things adopted 
 there ; but the opinions of these different countries are now changed, and the renun- 
 ciation of all privileges is your first necessity, as well as your first right. 
 
 That which is therefore consistent with the wish and interests both of your nation 
 and of the different countries which border upon it, is comprised under the following 
 heads : 
 
 1 . Equality of rights throughout your eighteen cantons. 
 
 2. A sincere and voluntary renunciation, by the patrician families, of their pri- 
 vileges. 
 
 3. A federative organization, in which each canton shall be administered accord- 
 ing to its language, its religion, its manners and ’ customs, its interests, and its 
 opinions. 
 
 The most important task is to decide upon the specific organization of each of your 
 eighteen cantons. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 65 
 
 This declaration again put all Switzerland in commotion. The 
 oligarchs perceived in the proposed federative system, a means of 
 regaining their ascendency ; the economy with which it was to be 
 attended pleased others ; and the major part of the population, who 
 saw in it a proper degree of freedom, and an assured existence as a 
 nation, were pleased that such advantages should be acknowledged 
 and guaranteed by France. Some individuals were nevertheless dis- 
 contented, and vented their feelings in murmurs and complaints. 
 These were the supporters of the unitary system, at whose head 
 appeared the President Dolder, the Statthalter Fueslin, Mohr the- 
 senator, Stapfer, and some friends of these individuals. They had 
 expected the establishment of a strong and powerful republic ; but 
 this hope being now destroyed, they were unable todisguise their dis- 
 pleaure, and they spread abroad the most unfavourable insinuations 
 against the intentions of the French government. 
 
 This being once settled, you will have to determine upon the connexion which 
 shall exist between them ; and then to establish your central organization, which is 
 in reality much less important than your cantonal organization. Finance, army, , 
 administration, — nothing can be uniform among you. You have never been able to 
 support a standing army ; you can never possess great financial resources ; and you 
 have never even sent diplomatic agents to the different powers of Europe. Situated, 
 as you are, on the summit of the chain of mountains which separates France, Ger- 
 many, and Italy from each other, you partake of the peculiar spirit of these several 
 nations. The neutrality of your country, the prosperity of your trade, and your 
 being governed as one family, are the only things suitable to your population, and 
 likely to preserve you as a nation. 
 
 I have always urged the same opinions to your deputies, whenever they have con- 
 sulted me on their affairs; and these opinions seem to me so well founded that I 
 had hoped you would have been induced, without the employment of any extraordi- 
 nary means, and by the very nature of things, to concur in the truth of this system. 
 But they who seemed the most convinced of its justness, were likewise the very per- 
 sons who, from interested motives, clung with the greatest pertinacity to family pri- 
 vileges, and who, having granted their good wishes, and many the assistance of their 
 sword to the French armies, felt a disposition to seek elsewhere than in France a 
 support for their country. 
 
 Any organization made in Helvetia, which your people might have supposed con- 
 trary to the wishes and interests of France, could not have proved advantageous to 
 you. 
 
 Having hitherto spoken to you a language which a Swiss citizen might have 
 used, it now behoves me to address you as the chief magistrate of two powerful 
 countries, and not to conceal from you that France will never allow a system of 
 government to be established among you which might prove favourable to your 
 enemies. 
 
 The repose and tranquillity of forty millions of men Who are your neighbours, and 
 without whom you could neither subsist as individuals nor exist as a state, must also 
 be of great weight in the scale of general justice. Let there be among you nothing 
 hostile to them ; — let every thing be in unison with their feelings ; and, as in ages 
 past, let it be your first interest, your first policy, and your first duty, to do nothing 
 nor suffer any thing to be done on your territory, which either directly or indirectly 
 ■may injure the interests, the honour, or the cause generally of the French people. 
 
 If your own interests, and the necessity of terminating your dissensions, were not 
 sufficient to call for my interference in your affairs, the interests of the allied repub- 
 lics would alone have imposed that duty on me. And indeed, your insurgents have 
 
66 
 
 MEMOIRES OF 
 
 The cantonal system, they said, offered no doubt some advantages 
 but it likewise opened the door to the oligarchy, for it admitted the 
 patrician families to public functions, whereby the latter would soon 
 be enabled to re-establish the cantonal sovereignties ; that, moreover, 
 France was reorganizing the cantons, separating the powers of each, 
 and giving to each a separate policy. Who would answer, they 
 asked, for the good intentions of that power? who would guarantee 
 that its government had no afterthought : that it had not formed a 
 plan to obtain possession of such parts of Helvetia as would contri- 
 bute to the security of its frontiers ? If it had no views of aggran- 
 disement, would it not establish a central government in Helvetia — 
 a power which might give a simultaneous impulse, and impress a 
 uniform direction, to the whole country? By such an act the state 
 of the country would become settled, and the people possess their 
 immunities, without the enjoyment of a blessing which they had 
 acquired at the price of their blood, being poisoned by fear or sus- 
 picion. 
 
 In vain did Ney state that these apprehensions were unfounded : 
 that France would not only seize upon no part of the Swiss territory, 
 but would oppose every encroachment or usurption by any other 
 state ; and that the First Consul had made an explicit declaration to 
 this effect : — still the Unitarians continued to insist upon the defects 
 of the cantonal system. It was to no purpose Ney represented to 
 them that the form of government with which they found fault was 
 
 been led on by men who have actually waged war against us, since their first acts 
 have been an appeal to privileges, and the destruction of equality, which is a mani- 
 fest insult to the French people. 
 
 No particular party among you must gain the ascendancy, and less than any 
 •other, the party which has been defeated. No counter-revolution can take place. 
 
 It is a pleasure to me to hold communication with you, and I shall often repeat 
 the views I have just unfolded, because it is not until your fellow-citizens are con- 
 vinced of their correctness, that your several opinions can be conciliated and your 
 citizens live happy. 
 
 The policy of Switzerland has always been considered by Europe part of that of 
 France, Savoy, and the Milanese ; because the very existence of Switzerland is 
 strongly linked with the safety of those states. 
 
 The first and most essential duty of the French government will always be, to 
 take care that no system hostile to it prevails among you, and that men devoted to 
 its enemies shall not succeed in placing themselves at the head of your affairs. It is 
 expedient not only that we should have no subject of uneasiness with regard to that 
 portion of our frontier which is open, and which you cover, but that every thing 
 should tend to convince us that, if your neutrality were forced, the good feeling of 
 your government, as well as the interests of your nation, would induce you to side 
 with, rather than against France. 
 
 I will bestow ample consideration upon every plan and every observation which 
 you may be pleased to make to me, either collectively or individually, or by deputa- 
 tions of single cantons. The senators Barthelemy, Fouche, Roederer, and Des- 
 meunier, whom I have directed to collect your opinions, study your interests, and 
 ascertain your views, will give me an account of all you wish they should either 
 .acquaint me with, or deliver to me on your behalf. 
 
 Bonaparte. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 67 
 
 the one adopted by their ancestors ; that it would put an end to the 
 difficulties attendant upon centralization, in a country whose different 
 parts were so dissimilar in language, manners, interests and religion; 
 that the orginization which they rejected was that of an agricultural 
 and commercial family, each member of which bore only a share of 
 the common burthens proportionate to his means: — he could make 
 no impression upon these headstrong men, who persisted in imputing 
 undue motives to the First Consul, and complained bitterly that he 
 seemed anxious to put down military spirit among them and convert 
 a nation of warriors into a community of ploughmen. There was 
 really nothing to justify such an imputation as the last ; but had it 
 even been well founded, it ought not to have excited such clamours. 
 The time had gone by when an irruption of goatherds could make 
 monarchs tremble ; the progress made in the art of war had for ever 
 destroyed the power of such hinds ; and the Swiss, unable to make 
 head against Austria, or to resist France, — having, moreover, no 
 public revenue, or the means of assembling and providing food for 
 an army, must, of necessity, content themselves with the secondary 
 importance which nature and the political constitution of Europe 
 had assigned to them. In the situation in which they were then 
 placed, they could exist only by labour and industry, and through 
 the benevolent assistance and protection of their neighbours ; their 
 demeanour ought therefore always to be peaceable, and marked by 
 hospitality. This Ney stated to them in very broad terms, adding 
 that it would be folly, in their country, to cultivate a martial spirit 
 for which there could be no employment. 
 
 These observations were just ; but the passion of the Swiss is that 
 of arms. They really fancied that they were on the brink of annihi- 
 lation as a people, and they were eager to reject beforehand measures 
 which nobody ever thought of imposing on them. A military organ- 
 ization was, according to them, their only safeguard ; to deprive 
 them of it, was reducing them to a state of subjection, and exposing 
 them to charges and imposts, the idea of which threw them into a 
 state of real alarm. The contributions and supply of men and pro- 
 visions, which war would force upon them, appeared dreadful. The 
 sums which their whole population might economize during ten 
 years, did not seem to them sufficient to meet the wants of one of 
 the armies which a war would inevitably bring into their mountains. 
 This led them into another speculation diametrically opposed to their 
 feelings, when they, urged their fears that France would subju- 
 gate their country. IF, they said, Switzerland were united to 
 France, its inhabitants would be subject only to the charges ini' 
 posed upon the nation at large, and they should moreover enjoy the 
 benefits of the departmental system, which they well knew how to 
 appreciate. France, on the other hand, must be glad to incorporate 
 them in its own territory ; for their country completed the defence of 
 the French frontier. Upon these grounds they calculated that their 
 
68 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 union to that great nation would put an end to their state of fluctua- 
 tion and misery, and they therefore thought it advisable to solicit 
 such union. 
 
 As Ney well knew the intentions of the First Consul, he did not 
 encourage these views. But the Swiss, affecting* to be incredulous 
 as to Bonaparte’s motives, persisted in imputing ambitious views to 
 France, and in affecting to believe 'that this pow er was desirous of 
 annihilating the military propensities of the Helvetians. Ney there- 
 fore resolved to put an end to imputations, of which he easily saw 
 the drift ; and indeed this was dictated to him by humanity and sound 
 policy. The letter addressed by the First Consul to the deputies of 
 the cantons said not a word of Helvetian trpops. The cantonal 
 organization was decreed, and every thing led to the belief that an 
 army being useless in the new institutions by which the country was 
 in future to be governed, that which existed would speedily be dis- 
 banded, and the unfortunate soldiers who composed it left without 
 means of livelihood. The French general therefore proposed to in- 
 corporate them in the Swiss deini-brigades serving in France. But 
 so great was the hatred which the different parties bore to each 
 other, that the one which in the new form of government seemed 
 likely to be at the head of affairs, obstinately refused to sanction such 
 an arrangement. 
 
 Though the situation of these brave men ought to have disarmed 
 the hatred of their enemies, the factions opposed to them were in- 
 exorable. These poor soldiers, far from exciting commiseration, 
 were by party spirit made objects of bitter hatred. Without the 
 means of subsistence, or any prospect of future employment, and re- 
 jected by their own countrymen, these unhappy men were reduced 
 to the most deplorable want. Some came to implore Ney’s pity ; 
 others, indignant at receiving such contumelious treatment in reward 
 of their services to their ungrateful country, endeavoured to pass 
 into the service of foreign states. They offered themselves to 
 Austria and Great Britain ; so that whichever of these powers re- 
 ceived them, would raise up so many more enemies whom the in- 
 justice of their fellow-citizens armed against France. If these sol- 
 diers renounced a military life, it would be still worse ; for when the 
 habits of men are once acquired, they can with difficulty conform to 
 others to which they have been all their lives unaccustomed. If there- 
 fore they were forced to embrace the callings of civil life, they might 
 feel greatly dissatisfied ; and it was to prevent the breaking out of 
 fresh disorders that Ney proposed to enlist them under the French 
 banner. 
 
 The First Consul, “ who would have no foreigners in the service 
 of France,” at first rejected the proposal. But he soon felt how 
 prudent it would be, and how important for the tranquillity of Hel- 
 vetia, to remove from that country men pursued by such vindictive 
 hatred. Both humanity and policy pleaded in their favour, and he 
 
MEMOIRS OF 
 
 69 
 
 consented to receive them into the ranks of the French army.* 
 Malevolence could now no longer injure these men ; nevertheless, 
 in spite of Ney’s precautions throughout this business, he was every- 
 where received with coldness, indifference, or mistrust. 
 
 A host of banditti spread on a sudden over the whole country. 
 Robbery, incendiary burnings, and even murders became matters of 
 common occurrence ; no one could any longer depend upon the pro- 
 tection of the law ; and no one had any longer confidence in the 
 power of the government to secure the lives and properties of the 
 citizens. The pusillanimity of the government had already rendered 
 it despicable; all parties now turned it into ridicule, and the people 
 seemed to make a merit of eluding its decrees. This feeling, skil- 
 fully kept alive by secret emissaries, tended to excite the hopes and 
 increase the irritation of the different parties. But such a state of 
 things could not last ; and the opponents of France flattered them- 
 selves that by dint of agitation and disorder, they should bring about 
 the form of government for which they had previously taken up 
 arms. A number of Swiss officers and men of every description, in 
 the pay of Great Britain, had returned to their native country ; and 
 the colonel of the regiment of Watteville himself had just arrived at 
 Berne. All had no doubt their instructions from the enemies of 
 France, and each religiously fulfilled them. 
 
 The government was aware of these intrigues, but dared not re- 
 press them. It was itself verging towards its dissolution, and each 
 of its members, more occupied with his own interests than with state 
 affairs, dared not brave the factious spirit about to be arrayed against 
 him. Each saw the danger, but no one had the courage to apply 
 the remedy. The police was no longer to be depended on ; its zeal 
 and fidelity were extinct ; British gold had.corrupted every one of its 
 agents, and they whose duty it was to serve the government were the 
 first to betray it. On the other hand, the counter-police was per- 
 fectly well organized. The government took no measure, nor issued 
 any decree, which was not prematurely made public, whilst seditious 
 meetings were held with perfect impunity. All the inveterate pre- 
 judices of the aristocracy were now united to the burning excitement 
 of the democracy, in one common sum of hatred to France ; and both 
 
 * The Minister- at- War to General Ney, Minister Plenipotentiary. 
 
 Paris, 22nd Nivose, Year XI. (Jan. 12th, 1803.) 
 
 Citizen General, 
 
 I have submitted to the First Consul the observations which you addressed to me 
 on the 3d Nivose, on the necessity of deciding 1 upon the ultimate fate of the troops 
 now in the pay of the Helvetian government, and also the proposal of incorporating 
 them in the Helvetian demi-brigades at present in the service of the French repu blic. 
 
 The First Consul having given due weight to your observations on this subject, 
 has directed me to inform you that if the Helvetian government has no further neces- 
 sity for the services of those troops, the French government will take them with 
 pleasure. Berthier. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 10 
 
70 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 parties concerted, concocted, and spread abroad the most atrocious 
 libels against the First Consul, and against the order of things which 
 he was desirous of establishing. 
 
 These calumnious reports kept the minds of the mountaineers in a 
 constant ferment. Being promised the benefits of the insurrection, 
 they hoped to obtain a sensible improvement of their lot ; and as all 
 sorts of crimes are of easy perpetration when a whole population is 
 agitated, the gunpowder was stolen from the government stores, 
 arms were collected in the canton of Berne, and all seemed to indi- 
 cate an approaching convulsion. Happily the mediation produced 
 its fruit in due season, and these plots and dissensions were adjourn- 
 ed for a time, until the feelings excited by the new constitution should 
 subside. Many particulars of this great political act being yet 
 unknown, they offered matter for speculation sufficient for the pre- 
 sent to occupy every mind. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 All that was yet known was, that the new constitution established 
 the political rights of all the cantons, abolished subjection, made 
 every Swiss citizen equal, and gave to each a right of voting even 
 in the most unimportant affairs of the state. Twenty years of age, 
 a wife, and landed property worth two hundred francs, were the quali- 
 fications for an elector, who could vote for the appointment, as well 
 as for the dismissal of those called to wield the powers of state. But 
 the nature of the general bond, by which these independent popula- 
 tions were to be connected, was not yet stated ; and each was impa- 
 tient to know what happy combination had been hit upon that would 
 make so many contending interests merge into one general interest. 
 M. de Talleyrand had alluded to it in his despatches as likely to satisfy 
 all parties, and put an end to all their differences. 
 
 “ The publication of the act of mediation,” he wrote to Ney, “ ex- 
 posing to all Europe, in a noble, candid, and generous manner, the 
 wise and beneficent views of the First Consul with regard to Helve- 
 tia, will have refuted, in a manner worthy of him, the infamous and 
 absurd imputations which the enemies of the peace of Europe have 
 had the boldness to cast upon him, and which can have found be- 
 lievers only among those servile beings as incapable of scanning the 
 greatness of his ideas, as of feeling that his power needs no dissimu- 
 lation, and that it is not the consciousness of strength, but of weak- 
 ness, which inspires statesmen with thoughts of injustice and tyranny.” 
 
 This brilliant announcement, far from making the general impa- 
 tience subside, was like oil thrown upon fire. After much speculation 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 71 
 
 and anxiety, the particulars at length came, and the clauses of the 
 federal pact which it had taken so much time to invent, were now 
 made public. 
 
 The nineteen cantons were confederated according to the princi- 
 ples established in the constitution of each. They mutually guaran- 
 teed their respective institutions, territories, freedom, and indepen- 
 dence, whether against the enterprises of foreign states, or against 
 the usurpation of any one canton, or any particular faction. The 
 respective contingents which each was to furnish in men and money, 
 were determined ; and there were to be no subject countries, nor any 
 privileges of place, birth, persons, or families. Each Swiss citizen 
 might settle in any canton he pleased, there to exercise his industry, 
 and enjoy the political rights sanctioned by the local constitution of 
 the canton. 
 
 The cantons abolished the old dues of traite interieure and traite 
 foraine. They decreed the free circulation of produce, cattle, and 
 goods ; the abolition of all droits d 1 octroi , whether entrance or in 
 transitu ; and they established a uniform standard for their coin. 
 
 The direction of the public force, and the framing of the laws, 
 treaties, alliances, and declarations of war, were vested in an assem- 
 bly of deputies from each canton, who were to meet alternately at 
 Berne, Friburg, Soleure, Basle, Zurich, and Lucerne. Each of these 
 deputies received instructions from his constituents, and could vote 
 only to the extent expressed in such instructions. The diet, as this 
 assembly was termed, was to act in the name of the entire confedera- 
 tion, and alone to possess the right of communication with foreign 
 powers. The avoyer of the canton in which it assembled, was to 
 add to his title that of landamman, and preside over the diet whilst 
 it remained in that canton. He was also to supply its place in the 
 intervals between the sessions. He was to keep the seal of state, 
 pursue the diplomatic relations of the country, and give credentials 
 to the agents which the Helvetian republic might send to foreign 
 states.* And, as nothing was to remain vague or uncertain, but all 
 be precise and determinate, the period of the delivery of the powers 
 was also fixed. The new magistrates were to assume the direction 
 of affairs on the 10th of March ; the constitution was to be in force 
 on the 15th of April ; and the elections were to be over by the 1st of 
 June. The diet was to assemble in the beginning of July, and the 
 duration of its session was not to exceed a month. To these provi- 
 sions were added some* regulations not less praiseworthy, but which 
 afterwards led to very stormy debates in the new diet. The act of 
 mediation had regulated the use to be made of national property, and 
 had provided for the liquidation of the Helvetian debt ; it had, in short, 
 protected the interests, as it had secured the freedom, of every 
 citizen. 
 
 * See Appendix at the end of the volume, No. I. 
 
72 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Thus was the great problem solved which had so long agitated 
 Helvetia. The act of mediation guaranteed and co-ordained her 
 rights ; and it gave her that which she had vainly sought at the cost 
 of much trouble and bloodshed: namely, a joint connexion, and a 
 common focus of power, which, by repressing disorder and putting 
 down resistance, should satisfy the wants and exigencies of the con- 
 federation. The measure was hailed with general satisfaction ; it ex- 
 tinguished all party hatred, destroyed the conspiracies against which 
 the country had so painfully struggled, and every one acknowledged 
 the wisdom by which it was dictated. 
 
 But what contributed more especially to render it popular, was the 
 enthusiasm of the commissioners appointed to organize the cantonal 
 constitutions. They had been eye-witnesses of the conduct of the 
 First Consul ; they knew the sentiments by which he was actuated ; 
 they had seen his zeal and anxiety in settling the rights of each 
 canton, and securing to the whole the benefit of wise institutions. 
 Their praises of his benevolence, and their accounts of the interest 
 he took in the Swiss people, were eloquent and inexhaustible. 
 
 This confidence in the First Consul, and the cessation of the 
 charges of the occupation, restored the Swiss people to their ordinary 
 feelings of justice. They admitted that France had reason to feel 
 alarmed at the troubles which had taken place upon her frontier, and 
 that she might, without being excited by ambitious or interested 
 views, interfere in the dissensions of her neighbours. 
 
 The French legislative body had just opened the session, and the 
 statement of the situation of the republic was presented by Chaptal, 
 then minister of the interior. This account of the prosperity of the 
 country, and the recollection of the disorder and anarchy from the 
 horrors of which the powerful mind of Bonaparte had so promptly 
 relieved it — together with the solicitude of a prudent and liberal 
 administration, which provided for all the wants of trade, and gave 
 the highest encouragement to industry — produced a powerful effect 
 upon the Swiss, naturally an avaricious people, and who had scarcely 
 yet emerged from the convulsions of intestine troubles. It taught 
 them that a government anxious to repair national disasters, and pro- 
 mote national improvement, would be likely to apply its best energies 
 to the maintenance of public tranquillity in a neighbouring state with 
 which it was so closely connected as with Switzerland ; and it con- 
 vinced them that the First Consul could have none but peaceable 
 intentions. His mediation, therefore, no longer appeared to them an 
 attempt influenced by ambition, as calumny had taught them to be- 
 lieve, — but a work of conciliation and kindness, and an immense benefit 
 conferred upon Helvetia, suffering, as she had been, under the turbu- 
 lence of desperate factions. The winter being past, they resumed 
 their ordinary occupations, and disavowed for ever the principles of 
 those men who were still eager to lead them astray. 
 
 D’Affry, an old general officer formerly in the service of France, 
 
MARSHAL NEY, 
 
 73 
 
 and who had been appointed landamman by the act of mediation, 
 had just arrived. He was as respectable by the moderation of his 
 political principles, as by his talents, firmness, and patriotism. The 
 French plenipotentiary received him in a manner worthy of the high 
 functions to which he had been called. The firing of guns, guards 
 of honour, and every thing which surrounds and points out to the 
 people the high powers of a state, were lavished upon him with pro- 
 fusion and a courtesy which greatly flattered the self-love of the 
 Swiss. D’Affry, who was a native of Friburg, determined to trans- 
 fer the seat of his government to that city. Preparations were im- 
 mediately made for his journey, which took place with a pomp of 
 military pageantry never before witnessed in those mountainous 
 regions. 
 
 The former government forthwith resigned its authority, and the 
 new order of things was constituted. Nevertheless, this was not 
 effected without some little difficulty, for all party feeling had not 
 merged into concord and oblivion. The several factions had sunk, 
 it is true, under the ascendency of France, but they did not yet des- 
 pair of raising opportunities for trouble, and of seizing some unex- 
 pected chances by which they might at least adjourn a question that 
 seemed already decided, if not raise their fallen influence. Of this a 
 lamentable instance soon occurred. The reader may recollect with 
 what uneasiness the Helvetian troops contemplated their future 
 prospects, and the eagerness they had displayed to be received into 
 the French service. These soldiers, formerly so despised and 
 repulsed by their fellow-citizens, were now on a sudden made objects 
 of the most anxious commiseration, and most delicate attentions. 
 
 A French military expedition had been sent to St. Domingo ; it 
 had beaten and dispersed the blacks; but being assailed in its turn 
 by the yellow fever, the havoc made by this frightful disease had in 
 a short time reduced its number to comparatively very few men. Its 
 losses were soon known all over Europe. The Swiss have naturally 
 a strong repugnance to crossing the sea ; and on intelligence of the 
 disasters of the French army at St. Domingo, reaching Switzerland, 
 it was eagerly caught at, and a report immediately spread that the 
 Helvetian demi-brigades were destined to replace the troops whom 
 the yellpw fever had cut off in the West Indies, and that if they once 
 embarked they would never more return. Then, as if it were not 
 sufficient to arouse the terrors with which the idea of a tropical cli- 
 mate always inspired these mountaineers, much was added concerning 
 the advantages which the British service held out, and the care and 
 attention of which the solders were the object in that of Austria. 
 These reports, this pretended commiseration, and an artful contrast 
 drawn between a life of adventure across the ocean, and the sweets 
 of the quiet service of a friendly power, produced the desired effect : 
 the different corps assembled at Berne, became mutinous and disor- 
 derly, and immense numbers of them deserted. The landamman, 
 
74 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 alarmed at this sudden disorganization of the army, issued a procla- 
 mation, which seemed to make some impression. Ney on the other 
 hand wrote them a letter, which was read at the head of each com- 
 pany.* He reduced to their just standard the insinuations which had 
 troubled these poor men ; pointed out to them the advantages they 
 would derive from the French service, and the satisfaction and hon- 
 our which would accrue to them from being assimilated to those 
 brave soldiers who had filled Europe with the fame of their victo- 
 ries, and with admiration of their good discipline. 
 
 These two addresses seemed to have restored the confidence of the 
 Swiss soldiers; and General Wonderveidt, who commanded them, 
 made them execute a military promenade. At the first halt, the 
 non-commissioned officers and the elders among the privates went in 
 a body and assured him of their submission, and of their blind obe- 
 dience to any orders he might think proper to give them. They 
 begged him at the same time to overlook the faults of some young 
 soldiers, of whose conduct he had reason to complain. The general 
 granted their request with a good grace, and the promenade con- 
 tinued. Each seemed actuated with the best intentions ; the men 
 returned to their respective stations, and all appeared forgotten. The 
 suspicions of the French plenipotentiary were not however lulled ; 
 the late agitation among these men appeared to him too singular to 
 be unconnected with some political combination. He therefore 
 directed all the officers to be present at the evening roll-call ; and 
 
 * To General Wonderveidt. 
 
 5th Germinal, Year XI. (March 26, 1803.) 
 
 Have the goodness, Citizen General, to make known, by means of an order of the day, 
 to the troops under your command, that I herein express my satisfaction to the officers, 
 non-commissioned officers, and privates, at the good discipline which they have main- 
 tained, and the exactness with which they have performed their respective duties since 
 my arrival in Switzerland. I trust they will properly appreciate the marks of kindness 
 and esteem shown tothemby the First Consul, in assimilating them, in compliance with 
 my request, to the French troops who by their brilliant exploits have raised the glory of 
 their nation to so high a pitch ; and that they will show themselves deserving of the 
 promotion and rewards whieh he confers upon those who distinguish themselves by 
 their bravery and talents. These soldiers cannot doubt that their condition will be 
 bettered by entering the service of the French republic. The old soldiers will re- 
 receive the pension established by our laws, so soon as their age, their infirmities, 
 or their wounds incapacitate them from continuing to follow their honourable pro- 
 fession. 
 
 I particularly recommend to the officers not to swerve, in the execution of their 
 duty, from the firmness required by that severe discipline which constitutes the 
 strength of the French armies, and has always enabled them to overcome their ene- 
 mies. They who, from neglect, should fail to acquit themselves of this sacred duty, 
 may expect exemplary punishment. I again repeat to all the officers, non-commis- 
 sioned officers, and privates, that they must proceed to the places which the French 
 government has directed me to point out to them, and they may rest asssured that 
 they will have no cause to regret it. They may also rest assured that those among 
 them who are entitled to their absolute discharge, shall obtain the same after the re- 
 view of general inspection for this purpose. Net. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 75 
 
 by thus placing the men under the immediate observation of their 
 superiors, he succeeded in keeping them in order. Meantime party 
 malevolence was at work, and the ferment it produced became every 
 instant more active. Ney therefore ordered that the French posts 
 should be doubled ; and by this display of force he succeeded in 
 delaying the explosion. 
 
 Nor would it perhaps have taken place at all, had not a trumpeter 
 of the Helvetian hussars, more eager than his fellows, sounded the 
 bout-selle. 
 
 At this signal the men rushed forth in a state of mutiny, and com- 
 mitted the most unpardonable excesses. In vain did the officers at- 
 tempt to stem the torrent ; their authority was disregarded, and 
 several among them were stabbed with bayonets. The French posts 
 came up on hearing the tumult; but the instant the Swiss perceived 
 them they sounded the charge and fired upon them. A corporal of 
 the 42nd was killed ; the patrols, whose anger was roused at the 
 sight of their slain comrade, were eager to avenge his death. Never- 
 theless the officer who commanded them succeeded in preventing 
 them from returning the fire, and calmly addressed the mutineers, 
 whom he informed that the perpetrators of the murder just commit- 
 ted should be punished in due course of law. They however paid 
 no attention to this, but spread through Berne in order to obtain artil- 
 lery and ammunition, neither of which they possessed, and also to 
 plunder the houses of some of the citizens, in which they expected 
 to find a rich booty. But Ney had already taken his measures, and 
 the French troops were underarms. Their patrols were increased, 
 circulated through the streets, and drove from the arsenal some of 
 the mutineers who had succeeded in effecting an entrance there. 
 Order was soon restored ; at daybreak a court-martial assembled, 
 and one Swiss grenadier was condemned to be shot. After the exe- 
 cution of the sentence, his comrades walked round his body, wondering 
 how this single execution could suffice for the expiation of theircrime, 
 and how the French could have the generosity to leave the punish- 
 ment of their guilt to their own officers. 
 
 Such was the result of this infernal machination. It cost the lives 
 of two men ; but the corps of Swiss troops marched very peaceably 
 to Auxonne, where it arrived without any event worth recording. 
 
76 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 The satisfaction was general among the inhabitants of Switzer- 
 land ; but their new institutions required men capable of making 
 them work, and those to whom this task had been confided were 
 precisely the individuals who had already been declared incapable of 
 performing such duties. The minister for foreign affairs in France 
 consented to set at liberty Reding and his friends, who were detained 
 in captivity at Aarbourg, but on condition that they should go to 
 France, and not return to their own country until the elections were 
 over. Under existing circumstances, this measure was useless, .and 
 not very generous : for, on the one hand, the passions of the multi- 
 tude no longer seconded the intrigues of these men, whilst on the 
 other, the constitution proclaimed an amnesty for all political errors 
 and offences, and it was unfair to make conditions for granting them 
 what was their right. Ney took this view of the case in his despatch 
 to the minister. 
 
 “I have received,” he wrote to the latter, “your instructions under 
 date of the third instant, and will conform to them. I will, however, 
 venture to observe, that what relates to the prisoners offers more 
 difficulties than one. In the first place, it is nearly optional with 
 them to proceed to France or not; in the next, as the act of media- 
 tion pardons all the offences necessarily attendant upon a political revo- 
 lution, I am of opinion that their freedom ought to be full, entire, and 
 free from restriction. And this opinion is the stronger, inasmuch as 
 these prisoners have now scarcely any influence in their mountains. 
 The inhabitants compare their present situation with the past — they 
 contrast the tranquillity of the one with the sacrifices and alarms of 
 the other, and are not at all inclined for a revival of their late trou- 
 bles. I think then, that the deliverance of the prisoners should be 
 unshackled with conditions ; nevertheless I shall impose those which 
 you specify. 
 
 “ Berne, 8th Nivose, Year XI. (February 27th, 1803.)” 
 
 The minister avoided a reply, and Ney applied to the First Consul 
 in person, who, more magnanimous than his minister, authorized the 
 plenipotentiary not only to send the prisoners to their respective can- 
 tons, but likewise not to use any influence to prevent their being 
 elected members of the diet. This was a happy measure, as it pre- 
 vented a fresh collision ; for whether the people were desirous of giving 
 their fallen chiefs a mark of their esteem, or whether the aristocracy 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 77 
 
 had exerted their influence among them, certain it is, that a great 
 majority elected Reding to the chief magistracy of Schweitz, Wursch 
 to that of Undervvalden, and Zellweiger to that of Appenzell. 
 
 Ney was thus able to yield to the wishes of the people, and his doing 
 so rendered him very popular. It did not however facilitate the duties 
 of his mission. The men whom he had thus allowed to rise once 
 more into power, still retained the irritability consequent upon de- 
 feat. Far from moderating unjust pretensions, they lent their aid to 
 support them. The former central administration, established perhaps 
 upon correct views, had nevertheless been formed upon a scale out of 
 proportion with the resources of the country. Surcharged with sine- 
 cures, and much of the useless machinery which encumbers the 
 other governments of Europe, it was from the very beginning unable 
 to provide funds to meet the expenses of its own support. Its troops 
 were consequently unpaid, its subordinate functionaries were left 
 without their salaries, and it was under the necessity of resorting to 
 expedients to raise money. It increased the taxes to a most unrea- 
 sonable amount, sold off annuities, and yet the arrears left at its dis- 
 solution still exceeded six millions of francs.* 
 
 The act of mediation provided for the liquidation of this debt, by 
 directing thaf what was termed national property should be applied 
 to this purpose. This property consisted of the domains and bonded 
 securities belonging formerly to the different cantons as sovereign 
 states. Having been declared national property by law, they had 
 been placed at the disposal of the minister of finance, and in part 
 dissipated. Some of the cantons had managed to elude this measure, 
 which was however common to all. Basle had hitherto escaped by 
 means of the confusion it had contrived to raise between the property 
 of the city and that of the canton. Zurich had with equal success 
 followed the example of Basle, and Schaffhausen had likewise man- 
 aged to preserve its annuities. This was now the subject of debate 
 in the new diet. The cantons which had freely given up their bonded 
 securities, demanded that the other cantons should do the same, and 
 thereby concur in preserving the ancient character for integrity 
 which the Swiss had acquired among nations. But the other cantons 
 strenuously resisted this demand, and the new magistrates, far from 
 endeavouring to overcome such unreasonable obstinacy, gave it their 
 support. Nevertheless, if Berne had not been a party concerned, 
 the matter would have have been amicably settled ; but Berne being 
 forced to come to a settlement with the confederation, was bound 
 also to settle with those cantons whose existence the haughty Ber- 
 nese considered to have originated solely in the late revolt. j - The 
 
 * £240,000. 
 
 t Berne was to have remitted, in debentures upon the interior, to have them can- 
 celled : 
 
 To the canton of Vaud . 1,800,000 francs. 
 
 To the canton of Argau . 2,357,000. 
 
 11 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
78 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 humbled oligarchy set forth in the most violent language the sacri- 
 fices which that city had made ; and it must be admitted that they 
 were enormous. 
 
 Prior to the invasion, Berne possessed immense wealth. It had 
 a considerable sum in its treasury, well-filled storehouses, and con- 
 tracts and annuities to the amount of more than twenty millions of 
 francs.* All had been either sent away or consumed by General 
 Brune.f The stores had been applied to feed the French army ; the 
 treasure to pay the men; and the bonded securities forwarded to 
 Paris. These debentures were, it is true, afterwards restored to the 
 power which superseded the central administration, but at the cost 
 of four millions of francs, :j: which the government of the canton was 
 under the necessity of raising by an alienation of property valued at 
 six millions.§ Being unable to meet some further expenses, this 
 unfortunate canton was reduced to alienate to the amount of six 
 millions more, and what remained of this last sum was handed over 
 to the administrative chamber at Berne, which, after taking a portion 
 of it to carry on the service of the state, made over the remainder 
 to the city of Berne. The latter then entered into a contract to pay 
 sixty thousand francs a year to the hospitals which it contained, and 
 received as a consideration, South Sea annuities, bonds*of Joseph II. 
 a transfer of debentures upon Denmark, and other securities equally 
 difficult to convert into cash. Meantime the disturbances of the 
 month of October had burst forth. Berne encouraged them with all 
 its might, but was under the necessity also of supplying those who 
 conducted them with funds ; and its treasury being empty, it had 
 recourse to its foreign securities, and thus raised a further sum of 
 two millions of francs.|| • 
 
 Berne still possessed debentures to a considerable amount ; the 
 commissioners, or members of the diet appointed to put in motion the 
 machinery of the new government, required that they should be 
 given up, and Berne refused. The question now became rather em- 
 
 * .£800,000. 
 
 t For the information of such as might be tempted to introduce foreign armies 
 into their native countries, we insert the following statement of what the invasion of 
 
 1798 cost the canton of Berne. 
 
 The French general took as follows : 
 
 Francs. 
 
 From the treasury 7,000,000 
 
 From the mint, in bars 3,700,000 
 
 In contributions 4,000,000 
 
 For debentures (purchased back) . . . . . . 4,000,000 
 
 850,000 cwt. of wheat, at 20 fr. per cwt. . . . 17,000,090 
 
 6000 chars of wine, at 240 fr. each 1 ,440,000 
 
 Articles taken from the arsenals, value .... 7,000,000 
 
 Total 44,140,000 fr. 
 or £1,765,600 
 || £80,000. 
 
 t £160,000. 
 
 § £240,000. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 79 
 
 barrassing : the delivering up of these securities was prescribed, it 
 is true, by the federal pact ; but the same pact likewise ordained the 
 endowment of the sovereign cities, without, however, stating which 
 of the two measures should take place first. Berne, artxious to secure 
 some portion of the wreck of its possessions, contended that the latter 
 should be first executed ; the other cantons which had so long envied 
 the prosperity of Berne, demanded the priority of the former. This 
 difference led to angry debates; the other cantons would not even be 
 satisfied with the delivering up of what Berne then possessed, but 
 endeavoured to throw upon that canton the responsibility of the alie- 
 nations it had been forced to made. This was certainly a monstrous 
 pretension ; but it was not more unreasonable than many others ; for 
 the commissioners, though always unanimous in their opinions when 
 Berne was the object of attack, could not agree upon any other point. 
 Local cupidity seemed the order of the day; each endeavoured to 
 get rid of the charges which weighed upon his own canton, and to 
 share the spoil wrung from the others. The following instance is too 
 closely connected with our narrative to be omitted. 
 
 Glaris claimed certain domains possessed by St. Gall ; this canton 
 refused to give them up, and Zurich interposing, claimed them for 
 itself; then, as if there were not already claimants enough, a fourth 
 party came forward with similar pretensions. 
 
 A decree had at first been passed for the suppression of convents, 
 and the application of their possessions to the establishment of useful 
 and charitable institutions ; but certain deputies whom this measure 
 did not suit, had sufficient influence to get the decree revoked. They 
 had represented to the First Consul of the French republic that such 
 suppression might create disturbances, and lead to dissatisfaction 
 among the people ; for the mountaineers would not fancy their old 
 political institutions restored to them if they no longer saw those 
 monks among them whom they had been taught from their infancy 
 to respect and cherish. Bonaparte gave credit to this statement, and 
 decided that the property of the convents should be restored. It was 
 this decision which brought a fourth claimant to the disputed domains, 
 in the person of the Abbot of St. Gall. This reverend competitor, 
 more sharp-sighted than his rivals, claimed not only these lands and 
 the feudal rights attached to them, but likewise the sovereignty with 
 which he was formerly invested. His pretensions, as may be imag- 
 ined, were not very well received ; but being a man of energetic 
 temperament, and moreover a wily priest, he soon threw the whole 
 country into commotion. His monks excited the people of St. Gall 
 to open revolt, and his money produced wonderful effects upon the 
 shepherds of Ury. Nothing was talked of but a league, a catholic 
 union, the necessity of uniting in the defence of the church. 
 
 Ney knew what all this meant, and endeavoured to avert the evils 
 which it threatened to produce. He invested the canton with the 
 
80 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 sovereignty* claimed by the abbot, recommending at the same time 
 that the churchman should be treated with extreme liberality. But 
 the obstinate priest would enter into no compromise, and it was at 
 length agreed to submit the question to the arbitration of the landam- 
 man. But this measure had no better success : the landamman was 
 addicted to procrastination, and many questions submitted to him were 
 never settled at all. Being extremely reserved and timid in meddling 
 with whatever interested the court of Vienna, he became still more 
 so when he had to decide upon the claims of priests and religious com- 
 munities. The tenants of the cloister had always found especial 
 favour in his canton, and he had himself violent personal feelings in 
 favour of Austria ; so that the strongest remonstrances made by Ney 
 could not induce him to come to a decision. Nevertheless, matters 
 were pressing : the public business of the canton was at a stand, and 
 the intrigues of the monks seemed soon likely to excite fresh trou- 
 bles, unless measures were speedily taken to destroy their influence. 
 
 The canton of St. Gall, now in the peaceful enjoyment of its inde- 
 pendence, would naturally be supposed favourable to the system 
 which had secured its franchises. But such was not the case ; for the 
 monks still exercised unbounded influence over the people, in whom 
 they excited strong prejudices against France, and favourable feelings 
 towards Austria. This state of things, together with the nature and 
 extent of the frontiers of St. Gall, gave a very peculiar importance 
 to the question submitted to the landamman’s arbitration ; and Ney 
 argued the point with unusual warmth. He maintained that the 
 Abbot of St. Gall did not come within the provisions of the clause 
 upon which he founded his claim ; and that the community which 
 this abbot represented having been dissolved under the Unitarian gov- 
 ernment, could not be again established, — in fact, on account of its 
 debts and its uselessness — and in law, from the spirit and tenour of 
 the new federal pact. This treaty sanctioned the sovereignty and 
 independence of the canton, and could not, as Ney justly observed, 
 have a retroactive operation “ in favour of squandering usufructua- 
 ries who would be in constant rivalry with the sovereignty of the 
 
 * To the Local Council of St. Gall. 
 
 The act of mediation has settled the sovereignty of your country upon the canto- 
 nal government. The ex-prince can no longer have any right to it, nor to any of the 
 lands and revenues which he enjoyed in his former capacity of sovereign. Every 
 attempt to violate this principle would be the more injudicious, because it could lead 
 to no good result. 
 
 The first basis provides for the liquidation of the debts ; it is doubtless an object 
 of extreme importance, and deserving of the greatest attention. The French govern- 
 ment, moreover, will feel much pleasure at the council acting with the greatest gene- 
 rosity towards the ex-abbot and the monks of the convent of St. Gall, and settling in 
 an amicable manner the divers questions relating to them, so as to leave no further 
 cause - of trouble in one of the principal cantons of Switzerland. 
 
 27th Vendemiaire, Year XII. (October 20th, 1803.) 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 81 
 
 people.” These arguments, though just, only irritated the monks, 
 and Ney at length had recourse to the kind offices of the Pope’s Nun- 
 cio, who had arrived at Lucerne during the discussion. He was a 
 worthy and kind-hearted man, attached to France, and was thankful 
 to the First Consul for the peace which the Catholic church then 
 enjoyed. He was desirous of doing what would please the chief of 
 the French republic, and he warmly interposed to adjust these differ- 
 ences. But the patrimony of the church is not easily alienated : the 
 priesthood of all countries strenuously resist every attempt to touch 
 their temporalities. The monks of St. Gall would not forego any of 
 their pretensions, and the Nuncio had lost all hope of overcoming 
 their obstinacy, when Ney by a new expedient succeeded in shaking 
 it for an instant. He imagined to erect a bishopric, found a chapter 
 and a college, and^ appoint the monks to offices whose emoluments 
 would secure to them an easy and independent existence. The pros- 
 pect of bettering their individual conditions overcame their late scru- 
 ples, and they deserted the abbot, who without their assistance was 
 unable to agitate the country. But the priesthood are inexhaustible 
 in expedients when threatened with the loss of possessions wrung 
 from superstition and fanaticism. A new and successful intrigue 
 won back the support of the monks ; the abbot resumed the quarrel, 
 and succeeded in transferring to B.ome the trial of his claims. The 
 Bernese, on the other hand, found means, by consuming the time and 
 creating delays, to defer the delivery of their debentures until it be- 
 came their turn to be the directing canton ; and then being both 
 judges and parties, they were able to adjudicate in their own cause. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Switzerland had now entered into an offensive and defensive 
 alliance with France ; but as the new organisation of its government 
 rendered this treaty very burthensome, the First Consul determined 
 to make it lighter by altering it to a defensive alliance, and a treaty 
 of assistance in case of need. The diet, whose session had begun, 
 at first received this change with great delight ; but suddenly chang- 
 ing its views, became cold and wavering, and soon after gave way to 
 foolish intrigues and chimerical plots. In this manner time glided 
 on. The more Ney urged it to come to a decision on any point, the 
 more it would affect independence ; at length he was obliged to recur 
 to threats, and he could only get the better of its indecision and pro- 
 crastination by declaring that he would write to Paris. The diet 
 then seemed to arouse as from a trance, examined and discussed cer- 
 tain points submitted to its deliberations, but resolved “ to enter into 
 
82 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 no treaty with the French general, but to offer him only negative 
 observations, and allow no counter-proposal to escape it, which might 
 become binding.”* Meantime the political horizon had once more 
 become overcast ; war had been again declared against France by 
 Great Britain, the mortality of St. Domingo still continued, and the 
 diet conceived hopes of ultimately eluding the stipulations of an act, 
 the wisdom of which it had just before loudly proclaimed. An oath 
 to the new constitution no longer appeared to it necessary, and many 
 of its members therefore felt no scruple in declining such oath. In 
 vain did the most reasonable of the deputies urge the propriety of 
 taking the oath, and the positive duty of its observance ; in vain did 
 they represent the necessity of “ dissipating the uneasiness and pre- 
 venting the troubles, which must arise from a refusal to sanction, or 
 even a delay in sanctioning by a voluntary acceptance of it, a work 
 which might possibly be represented as the effect and consequence of 
 circumstances. ’’f The only answer they obtained was, “that the 
 oath was unnecessary ; that the cantonal governments had taken it ; 
 that Switzerland was organised in the mnner prescribed by the act 
 of mediation, which sufficiently proved that she considered this act 
 binding.” This was indeed going beside the question ; beside, it was 
 not true that the oath had been taken by all the cantonal governments, 
 for several among them had confined themselves to a vague promise 
 that they would work in furtherance of the general good of their 
 country; and if the government of the country had been formed 
 pretty nearly according to the tenour of the act of mediation, each 
 deputy did not the less arrogate the right of interpreting the act 
 according to his own peculiar views, until he could get rid of it alto- 
 gether. But the diet had also its collective views, and the question 
 was adjourned to the ensuing session. 
 
 In such conduct the members of the diet displayed a sad want of 
 sincerity, and showed that they had no wish to bring the settlement 
 of the political institutions of Switzerland to a conclusion. A con- 
 ference however took place with the French plenipotentiary; but 
 the commissioners of the diet, as if to put it out of their own power 
 to make any counter-proposal which might become binding upon 
 them, had omitted providing themselves with powers, and the confer- 
 ence was therefore reduced to a simple conversation. As what 
 passed gives a pretty correct idea of the views and pretensions of 
 these haughty mountaineers, we shall here transcribe some parts of 
 this conversation. 
 
 “ What need have we of powers, or negotiations ?” asked Rhein- 
 hart, deputy of Zurich. “ Would it not be much better to proclaim 
 the independence of Switzerland, and secure an absolute neutrality ?” 
 
 “ Independence !” replied Ney ; “ why, is it not secured to you by 
 the act of mediation ? As for the neutrality which you claim, you 
 
 Sitting of the 18th of July. t Sitting of the 8th of July. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 83 
 
 will obtain it by and by. Each thing must come in its turn. That 
 which is urgent at the present moment, is to settle your relations 
 with each other, and with France; and if you delay doing this, you 
 will get into the same state of confusion as that from which you have 
 but so lately emerged.” 
 
 “ True ! but at all events, if Switzerland is attacked, France 
 ought not only to defend her, but to pay the expense of such defence.” 
 “ And would you look on as quiet spectators?” retorted Ney. 
 
 “ No !” said the deputy ; “ but you should not carry to too great 
 an amount the assistance we are to bring. You now fix it at sixteen 
 thousand men, thus raising it to double the amount specified in the 
 treaty of 1771. This is too heavy an aid for the Helvetian people to 
 supply : they could not support so large a levy.” 
 
 “ Give me,” Ney replied, “ an account of the population of Hel- 
 vetia at these two periods, together with a list of the troops you pos- 
 sessed at the former, and those you now possess. I will reduce the 
 number fixed, if I find it too heavy. But I would urge you to bear 
 in mind that the aid required by France is an eventual compensation 
 for a positive engagement.” 
 
 “ I know that,” said Jauch, deputy of Ury ; “ but the generosity 
 and benevolence of France form the basis of our relations with her. 
 Switzerland feels grateful for her friendship, and is desirous that the 
 old alliance should be remembered in the new.” 
 
 “ So it shall.” 
 
 “Then let the year 1516 be mentioned as the fortunate period at 
 which the friendship commenced between the two nations.” 
 
 “This recollection is too appropriate not to be admitted,” the 
 plenipotentiary replied ; “ but I must also offer one, which refers, it 
 is true, to a less remote period, but is equally useful to the people you 
 here represent. In the treaty of the Year VI. it is stipulated that a 
 road should be cut along the left bank of the Rhine. For a long 
 time it has been impossible to execute this plan, but now, when all 
 assumes a new life, when a fresh impulse is given to . . . .” 
 
 “ ’Tis the duty of Switzerland’ to oppose its execution,” said the 
 deputy interrupting Ney. 
 
 “ What !” the latter replied ; “ prevent the opening of a road which 
 would shorten distances and render communications more rapid ?” 
 “The smaller cantons would be ruined,” returned the deputy, “if 
 trade were diverted into a new channel.” 
 
 It was not this, however, that alarmed the deputy of Ury ; but 
 Ney feigned to think so, and limited his demands to the opening of a 
 road between the lake of Geneva and that of Neufchatel. 
 
 “ This at least,” said he, addressing himself to Jauch, “ can give 
 no ground of discontent to the smaller cantons.” 
 
 “ Doubtless not,” replied the imperturbable deputy ; “ but how 
 many of the others would it not injure ?” And he began to enume- 
 
84 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rate the confusion it would cause in the trade of some, the obstacles 
 it would throw in the way of others. 
 
 “ All this may be true,” replied Ney ; “ but we are not now seek- 
 ing to ascertain whether the execution of this latter plan offers any 
 disadvantages ; we admit that it may, and we are only anxious to 
 discover whether these disadvantages outweigh its advantages : — this 
 is the real question.” 
 
 “Admitted,” said d’Affry; “but you are not in want of roads. 
 Should you be attacked by Austria, you can easily debouch upon 
 Italy, and all along the course of the Rhine. You can have no 
 occasion to borrow our territory’ for such a purpose.” 
 
 “ No doubt,” Ney replied. “ Nevertheless the First Consul does 
 not see matters in the same light as you do, and I must inform you 
 that I consider it very strange you should enter upon such discus- 
 sions, before the absolute neutrality of Helvetia is proclaimed. How- 
 ever, I thank you for letting me know your opinions ; you have at 
 least the merit of sincerity.” 
 
 Jauch having withdrawn, the conversation became more free and 
 open. Rheinhart sought an excuse for the conduct of the diet, and 
 endeavoured to explain away its procrastination. 
 
 “ Such delay must appear strange to you,” said he to Ney, “ and 
 this is natural enough. Consider, however, our situation and that of 
 France. The First Consul animates all, and keeps opposing factions 
 in awe ; and you will probably have no occasion to apprehend trouble 
 or disorder whilst he remains at the head of affairs. But, as a man, 
 he is subject to the common lot of men. Now, when all depends 
 upon the life of a single individual exposed to so many casualties, is 
 it surprising that we should hesitate to draw upon ourselves a portion 
 of the storm which might otherwise burst at a distance from us ?” 
 
 “ Is it this that stops you ?” exclaimed Ney. “ Is this the sole 
 ground of your apprehensions ? Trust yourself with confidence to the 
 fortunes of France, and instead of predicting that she will encounter 
 future misfortune, try rather to conciliate her kindness, by founding 
 the institutions which are to form your future government. Have 
 you flattered yourselves, moreover, that in your relative situation, 
 you can share in our good fortune without running any of our evil 
 chances?” 
 
 “ No, certainly,” the landamman replied ; “ such a thing is im- 
 possible. But so many- changes are in preparation !” 
 
 “ What changes, pray?” 
 
 “ Oh ! nothing, or scarcely any thing,” replied d’Affry smiling ; 
 “ only the creation of a vast empire, and the crowning of the First 
 Consul as Emperor.” 
 
 “ What ! do you believe ?” 
 
 “Alas! yes,” interrupted d’Affry ; “I believe that the First 
 Consul is on his way to Brussels to be crowned.” 
 
 The landamman’s smile now produced its counterpart on the 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 85 
 
 muscles of Ney’s countenance. “ Brussels !” said he ; “ what ! in a 
 city so recently annexed to France ? Are you sure of this V* 
 
 “ Sure of it? Oh ! no, by no means sure. But it is perhaps from 
 mere curiosity that Cardinal Caprara and the minister Cobentzel 
 have preceded him to that ancient city, and that the ambassadors of 
 divers other powers are also about to proceed thither !” 
 
 These reports greatly amused Ney ; but the landamman persisted, 
 nevertheless, in giving credit to them, and in contending that 
 Switzerland could not fix its internal organization until that of France 
 were first determined. In vain did Ney represent that the two 
 countries were quite independent of each other, and that, even if the 
 First Consul should assume the imperial purple, the mountains of 
 Helvetia would not the less preserve their democratic institutions. 
 The landamman made no direct reply, but launched forth in praises 
 of the genius and labours of the extraordinary man who wielded the 
 destinies of France; but through this noisy enthusiasm it was easy 
 to perceive a desire to take the benefit of acts of long standing, and 
 that he would rather have held his appointment from a descendant of 
 Louis XIV. than from the First Consul. All the other members of 
 the commission entertained the same hopes, uttered the same senti- 
 ments, and evinced the same prejudices as d’Affry. 
 
 France had forced the Swiss factions to live together in good in- 
 telligence ; but the government of George III. having again de- 
 clared war against France, each was anxious to act according to the 
 chances which time and events might offer, and the diet was anxious 
 to elude signing the treaty of alliance. Its members fancied that 
 the days of Lautrec were returned, and began to coquet with their 
 duties and set up unreasonable pretensions. Already had Zellveiger 
 demanded the evacuation of Switzerland by the French troops, and 
 Reding, still more audacious, had even ventured to threaten with the 
 gallows those deputies who had defended interests to which he was 
 hostile. Ney, however, having insisted upon a categorical answer 
 from the diet, its turbulent members were obliged to adjourn the 
 realization of their foolish hopes, and discuss the question of the set- 
 tlement. In this debate the hostile party manfully maintained their 
 opinions, and set up the most unreasonable pretensions. Not that 
 the individual deputies were unworthy of the trust reposed in them 
 by their constituents ; taken separately each of them was conciliat- 
 ing, honourable, of easy intercourse, and of amiable manners. But 
 when in a body, some strange feeling, as if each were emulous of a 
 superiority, in cunning and trickery, seemed suddenly to arise among 
 them, and they admitted and seriously discussed the most extrava- 
 gant schemes. Besides this, every thing submitted to them seemed 
 to excite their mistrust; the plainest propositions were denied, and 
 the most natural measures modified and spoilt. 
 
 On this occasion the landamman spoke first, and with extraordi- 
 nary dexterity and address. He again endeavoured to palliate the 
 VOL. n 12 
 
80 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 procrastinating spirit of the commissioners, and stated as the cause 
 of their delay, that they had to compare the treaties entered into at 
 different periods, and likewise the changes presented by each period. 
 This was certainly prudent, and ought to have led to salutary reflec- 
 tions ; for how could they mistake relative situations so opposed to 
 each other as that of the period at which they were debating 
 and that of the former period alluded to? But this was of little con- 
 sequence to the deputies: — being actuated by recollections of past 
 ages, they entertained no views but such as were connected with a 
 single idea : namely, that of giving the same opinion of their own im- 
 portance as they themselves entertained, and of impressing a belief 
 that they possessed the power of making neighbouring states tremble. 
 They at first took the perpetual peace of 1516 as their grand argu- 
 ment, and as the project under consideration was in no wise opposed 
 to its principles, they considered it a sufficient groundwork to bear 
 the edifice of their own false views and follies. But on a sudden 
 they took up a new ground, having made the discovery that perpe- 
 tual treaties were not consistent with the customs of the Helvetian 
 nation, the most interesting part of whose history consisted, as they 
 said, in the renewal of alliances ; and as their manners and the 
 nature of their interests underwent a change from one century to 
 another, they could enter into no engagement beyond half a century. 
 The conditions, moreover, offered by France, were neither suffi- 
 ciently positive nor extensive enough. France undertook, it is 
 true, to defend Helvetia, but did not state in what manner ; and to 
 ascertain this was a point of vital importance, for the confederation 
 could not charge itself with the burden of the expense, which would 
 far exceed the whole of its resources. Between allied states, it is 
 not the actual but the relative amount of the means applied to the 
 common stock, that establishes the reciprocity. Thus it was not 
 unreasonable to expect that France would defend Switzerland at her 
 own cost ; and if in return the latter granted an assistance of troops, 
 it must be on very special conditions, and on the payment of large 
 sums of money. 
 
 Meantime, the commissioners, in their several conferences with 
 Ney, set up the most inconceivable pretensions. When the plenipo- 
 tentiary talked to them of limits, and of rectifying boundaries, they 
 expressed their surprise at Bienne being taken from them, and that 
 some unimportant villages, long since annexed to France, were not 
 restored to them ; but they took especial care to say not a word 
 about the communes given to Basle, or those annexed to Soleure ; 
 they avoided uttering a syllable about the Frickthal, ofwhich they were 
 in possession, and which produced an annual revenue of two hundred 
 thousand francs, or eight thousand pounds sterling. On the question 
 of trade and commerce, they made complaints and raised pretensions 
 equally unreasonable. The fact is, they wanted to be freed from 
 every obligation, so that they might proceed without restraint. They 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 87 
 
 claimed to purchase from France, duty free, all the raw silk they 
 wanted for their manufactories. It was to no purpose Ney’s observ- 
 ing, that from their proximity to Piedmont and to Germany they 
 might procure the silk, manufacture it, and still undersell the French 
 market ; that the riband manufactories at Zurich had already done 
 considerable injury to those of St. Etienne and Chaumont ; and 
 finally, that the exportation duty upon raw silk in France was not 
 greater than the protection of the French silk manufactories re- 
 quired. Still they insisted upon a compliance with this demand, or 
 at least, the entrance into France, duty free, of articles of Swiss 
 manufacture: that is to say, they would have glutted the French 
 markets with manufactured articles, the first material of which they 
 had purchased at a lower rate than the French could possibly do, and 
 which they had likewise been able to weave at a cheaper rate, their 
 texture imitating the finest of the British manufactures : — in a word, 
 they would have given facilities to a smuggling trade, which the 
 similarity of the goods would have rendered difficult of repression. 
 
 Ney put an end to these pretensions and tergiversations by dismis- 
 sing the commissioners, after informing them that he should leave 
 his government to decide upon these questions, and immediately 
 transmit their observations to the French minister for foreign affairs. 
 But as night brings reflection, the next morning the landamman 
 begged that Ney would make no such communication to his govern- 
 ment. He admitted, that in the warmth of debate his colleagues had 
 gone farther than they should have done ; and he moreover stated 
 that the commissioners were now ready to discuss and to determine 
 with blind confidence upon such modifications as the plan was suscep- 
 tible of. The conferences of the commissioners with Ney were then 
 resumed without interruption, and each turned his attention seriously 
 to settling upon an equitable basis the treaty of alliance which was 
 to connect France and Switzerland. Ney had always a pen in his 
 hand ; he led the debate on each question, and wrote down each 
 resolution the instant it was carried. Being conversant with the dif- 
 ferent dialects of the mountains, he was able to address each com- 
 missioner in his own native idiom, which rendered the proceedings 
 much easier and much more rapid. Some of the deputies, however, 
 persisted in their pretensions : Muller Friedberg still insisted that 
 France should defend Switzerland at her own expense; and Rhein- 
 hart maintained his opinions about the limits. But Ney, perceiving 
 the ascendency he had acquired over the majority, refused to admit 
 such pretensions. Jauch again renewed his demands with regard to 
 the natural industry, and maintained with much warmth, that the 
 adoption of his views was not less advantageous to France than to the 
 Swiss cantons themselves. 
 
 “You are well aware,” said he to Ney, “that Switzerland pro- 
 duces nothing in abundance ; her necessaries of life, as well as her 
 articles of luxury, are all drawn from foreign countries ; and if she 
 
88 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 succeeds in maintaining the balance of her trade by the production 
 of her own industry, it will only be by dint of extraordinary activity 
 and perseverance. It is only by working more than the common 
 herd of men, and by imposing upon himself a degree of self-denial, 
 seen perhaps in no other country, that the Swiss operative contrives 
 to live. In like manner the Swiss merchant and the Swiss manu- 
 facturer succeed only by the most patient assiduity and by the 
 strictest privations. And if a people, having no other capital than 
 their own labour and the privations they are able to bear, possess a 
 trade, they obtain it at a much greater cost than more favoured 
 nations, and by a much stronger effort. Now the principal industry 
 of Switzerland consists in spinning and weaving : the population of 
 six of the cantons live almost entirely by this kind of labour. The 
 muslins, linen, and cotton cloths which they manufacture, are sold in 
 France, and the money which these goods produce, being swallowed 
 up by rapid and considerable exchanges, soon returns to the place 
 whence it originally came. Hemp, flax, iron, tobacco, broad-cloths, 
 silks, wine, soap, hard-ware, and the productions of the Levant — 
 such are the articles with which our goods are paid for. France and 
 Switzerland are necessary to each other ; they reciprocally consume 
 each other’s produce ; and when the manufactories cease working in 
 our mountains, the work of yours also slackens. We can suffer no 
 misfortunes without their rebounding upon France; and this corre- 
 lativeness acquires a still greater importance from the circumstances 
 under which we are placed. Is it not your interest to reduce, by 
 every possible means, the trade of Great Britain ? And is not the 
 increase of competition, and the glutting of every market with rival 
 productions, one of the surest means of doing so? Encourage, 
 therefore, the manufactories of your allies, and do not force them 
 to a state of inactivity, of which England will reap all the advan- 
 tages.” 
 
 “ l would willingly do as you wish, if it were practicable,” Ney 
 replied ; “ but the remedy appears to me worse than the evil, and I 
 do not think it would be prudent to try it.” 
 
 Jauch was about to reply. “ What need is there of a reply ?” 
 -said Ney. “ Submit your views to the French government, which 
 will perhaps view them in a more favourable light than I do.” Jauch 
 followed this advice, and no further difficulties were made. 
 
 The principal clauses of the treaty being now admitted, there 
 remained only some points of minor importance to settle, and Ney 
 referred them to the First Consul. Meantime, the amended project 
 was proposed to the diet, and agreed to without a dissenting voice. 
 A resolution thanking Ney for the kindly interest he had taken in 
 this long discussion, was likewise passed, and the landamman was 
 directed to thank him very warmly for the solicitude with which 
 he had debated the interests and the wants of Switzerland. 
 
 Thus, after much trouble, this delicate negotiation was brought to a 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 89 
 
 close ; but it required no ordinary share of patience and of diplomatic 
 tact to conciliate those mistrustful and vain-glorious men, whose pre- 
 sumption had been strengthened by the kindness of the First Con- 
 sul. There was, however, another point which increased the difficul- 
 ties of the negociation. Neither the principles nor the individual 
 interests of the several commissioners were the same ; they were 
 divided in language, religion, and political doctrines. They indi- 
 vidually bore as much hatred towards each other as they collectively 
 bore towards France. But it became necessary to moderate these 
 feelings, and make them merge into one common interest, in order 
 to obtain one common treaty. This undertaking, difficult as it was, 
 Ney succeeded in accomplishing. 
 
 The conditions of the alliance being stipulated, those of the capitu- 
 lation, or terms of service of the Swiss soldiers lent to or to be sup- 
 plied to France, were next to be considered. There was no little 
 difficulty in settling these terms ; but the obstacles arose out of the 
 thing itself, and not from objections raised by the individuals who 
 were to settle the clauses. The military commissioners, much more 
 reserved than the members of the diplomatic commission, did not 
 give way to rash and unreasonable pretentions. No doubt they were 
 anxious to obtain “ the - greatest possible number of commissions for 
 officers, and supply the smallest possible number of Swiss recruits;” 
 but beyond this, their demands were reasonable, and their observa- 
 tions well founded. Still the difficulty was great : the former capitu- 
 lations were not general to the whole country, but only bound the 
 particular cantons granting them. Matters were now upon a differ- 
 ent footing: the First Consul no longer had to treat with such or 
 such state of the confederation, but with the diet representing the 
 whole of the confederated cantons as forming one political body ; 
 and the diet alone could take measures to secure the execution of the 
 treaty. It was this that caused the difficulty. The Swiss, alarmed 
 at the idea of a conscription were fearful of establishing a precedent 
 for it. They dreaded lest so alarming a mode of recruitment should 
 be made general in their country ; they apprehended that if such 
 were the case under the central form of their new government, one 
 canton would be called upon to supply the men which another could 
 not furnish. 
 
 This repugnance to a conscription was natural enough ; but the 
 feelings of aversion entertained throughout the country towards the 
 Helvetian troops already in the French service was by no means so. 
 Although the cantons were constantly complaining of the smallness 
 of their population, they would not allow the recruits which they 
 were to supply, to fill up the vacancies in the demi-brigades already 
 in the service of the French republic. They would not allow those 
 unfortunate soldiers, of whom we have already spoken — those des- 
 pised Helvetian troops who had fought and bled in the civil wars of 
 
90 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 their country — to enter the regiments about to be raised.* They 
 were looked upon as so many pariahs, and every one despised and 
 spurned them. To these feelings were added many doubts and fears 
 with regard to the formation of the new corps. The interests of the 
 country in general, and the advantages of its citizens in particular, 
 were made the touchstone of popular feeling, and a cry was attempt- 
 ed to be raised by the opposition. But their tactics failed them on 
 the present occasion, and nothing now remained but to settle the par- 
 ticulars of the plan laid down. The Swiss were anxious to adopt the 
 French improvements in the military art, possess troops of all arms, 
 and substitute the system of legions for that of regiments recom- 
 mended in the plan. The strength of these regiments being fixed 
 at four thousand men, the number was considered too great, inasmuch 
 as the regimental accounts would be too complicated, and the drilling 
 difficult. On the other hand, the staff was not deemed sufficiently 
 numerous. The Swiss had formerly in the service of France one 
 hundred and ninety-eight companies, exclusive of the regiment of 
 guards; now the aid stipulated, amounted to almost double that num- 
 ber, whilst they themselves were allowed only a hundred and forty- 
 four at home. “ Hence,” said the commissioners, “ there are fewer 
 honourable and lucrative appointments, consequently less chance of 
 rising in the service.” They therefore considered this condition 
 unfavourable. 
 
 With regard to pay and retiring pensions, the project assimilated 
 the Swiss to the French troops. This did not appear just to the 
 Helvetian commissioners, because, as they urged, the French troops 
 were discharging a duty, their own bearing a burthen. The former 
 were fighting in defence of their hearths, the latter were shedding 
 their blood for foreign interests and foreign institutions. And, be- 
 sides, — not only did the Swiss run, in favour of foreigners, the 
 chances and dangers of the field of battle, but they had long distances 
 to travel, expensive uniforms to purchase and renew, and it was 
 moreover acknowledged and admitted, that “ they had always re- 
 ceived greater pay, and larger retiring pensions,” than the troops of 
 the foreign state which they served. 
 
 * “ The military commission authorized by the diet has come to no ultimate deci- 
 sion upon the fate of the three demi-brigades. I was desirous that the French 
 government should retain the faculty of taking, on this subject, whatever determina- 
 tion it should deem advisable ; but it is my duty to inform you, Citizen Minister, 
 that the commission has requested, in the strongest terms, that these demi-brigades 
 shall be joined together, and form only one corps. It is also desirous that the num- 
 ber of officers exceeding the wants of this new corps should be put upon half pay. 
 And lastly, it is anxious that whatever measures the French government adopts in 
 this matter, should give facilities to the cantonal governments for getting gradually 
 rid of the officers appointed by the late Helvetian government, who might still re- 
 main after this charge, in order to replace them successively by officers appointed 
 under the new order of things.” — Letter from the Plenipotentiary to the Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs, Berne, 22 d Fructidor, Year XI. (September 9th, 1803.) 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 91 
 
 This latter assertion was, however, incorrect with regard to France. 
 According to the terms of the old capitulation, they were entitled, it 
 is true, to a fixed rate of pay, and to a monstre above that of the 
 national troops ; but the amount of this monstre had never been fixed : 
 it varied according to the will of the French minister for the time 
 being, and the pay now offered exceeded the average of that granted 
 at former periods. N.ey considered it sufficient ; for he did not think 
 that raw recruits, who had still to win their first laurels, ought to be 
 better paid than veteran soldiers who had already distinguished them- 
 selves in the field. 
 
 He was more indulgent with regard to the repugnance expressed 
 by the Swiss soldiers to serve beyond seas. The plan under dis- 
 cussion had only excepted the East and West Indies. They would 
 be delighted, they said, at having to serve only in Europe, and defend 
 the French territory. This Ney observed to them, was impossible; 
 for with such a clause they might, as their forefathers had done be- 
 fore them, refuse their co-operation on the eve of a battle. They 
 were well aware, he said, that a war originally defensive, might by 
 its results become offensive; and it would be hard that France, if she 
 found it necessary to chastise the states of Barbary, should not have the 
 power of sending thither any Swiss troops that might be at Marseilles. 
 Ney thought, however, that the French government would use such 
 power with great circumspection ; because auxiliary troops at such 
 a distance from the country they were serving, might be easily 
 worked upon by tempting offers from the enemy, and in such expe- 
 ditions it would be but prudent to admit as small a number of them 
 as possible. But the principle must be laid down, and he would ex- 
 cept only the East and West Indies. 
 
 As a last demand, the Swiss claimed the right, in the event of their 
 country being in imminent danger of war, of recalling their troops from 
 France. This seemed unreasonable to Ney. War could not be 
 declared against them except by powers against which France was 
 pledged to assist and defend them ; and if this demand were acceded 
 to, they would deprive her of their troops at the moment when she 
 most needed them. Strange however as this pretension was, the 
 First Consul had just complied with their wishes on a point almost 
 as strange : in his munificence he had consented to defend Switzer- 
 land at the cost of France. The plenipotentiary therefore followed 
 his example, and consented that, the case occurring, the cantons 
 should have a right to recall their troops paid by France. 
 
 The conditions were now settled : Ney had fixed the bounty for 
 enlisting, and the management and discipline of the different corps. 
 He had admitted every claim that appeared to him just, and rejected 
 those which were unfounded. Having been under the necessity of 
 exceeding his instructions in many points, he would not sign the arti- 
 cles until he had previously obtained the consent of the First Consul. 
 
92 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Among his secretaries was one of whose zeal and abilities he enter- 
 tained a high opinion; him he therefore despatched to Paris, and 
 soon received, with authority to conclude the treaty, expressions of 
 satisfaction from the chief of the French republic. 
 
 “ The First Consul,” wrote the minister, “ before whom I have 
 laid the articles of the treaty of alliance, and of the military capitula- 
 tion agreed upon between you and the Helvetian commission, has 
 directed me to express his satisfaction at the zeal which you have 
 displayed in following up and closing this negotiation. 
 
 “You are hereby authorized to sign the two treaties, and even to 
 yield, if you deem it necessary, to the subsequent demands made 
 relative to the recruits, and to the colonies in the East and West 
 Indies. 
 
 “ These two changes affect the 7th and 18th articles of the capitu- 
 lation. In article 7, it may be expressed, that the recruits shall be 
 paid from the day of their joining their regiment, or of their arrival 
 at the depot fixed for that regiment; and in article 18 it may be 
 stipulated that the Swiss troops shall never be employed out of Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 “ You will bring as near together as possible, the periods for ex- 
 changing the ratifications of these treaties. It is of advantage to 
 Switzerland that its connexion with France should be speedily fixed, 
 particularly as the terms agreed upon are so favourable. 
 
 “The changes operated through the mediation of the First Con- 
 sul, in the organisation of Switzerland, would unavoidably render 
 other changes necessary in the relations of that country with France ; 
 and it was^to complete these advantages and secure the prosperity of 
 Switzerland that the First Consul was anxious to restore to her the 
 benefits she had derived from her ancient capitulations, and from the 
 system of alliance and neutrality which she had always pursued. 
 
 “ The concessions now made to Switzerland are more numerous 
 than she had obtained by her ancient treaties ; but the First Consul 
 has thought that by extending these prerogatives and honorary dis- 
 tinctions, he should attach Switzerland still more strongly to France ; 
 and he has determined to give this strong proof of the estimation in 
 which he holds the character and courage of the Swiss nation. 
 
 “ It is the intention of the First Consul to facilitate, so far as his 
 power extends, the execution of the military capitulation ; and he 
 apprehends no inconvenience from making the Helvetian demi- 
 brigades already in the service of France enter into the composition 
 of one of the four Swiss regiments, and giving their government the 
 necessary latitude for this incorporation. It will be easy hereafter 
 to concert upon the manner of carrying this into effect. 
 
 “ Citizen Bouyer, who handed to me the two projects of treaty, 
 has acquitted himself perfectly of the mission which you confided to 
 him. Your good testimonials in his favour have given me the best 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 93 
 
 possible opinion of his talents and zeal ; and he fully justifies this 
 opinion. I shall with pleasure take the earliest opportunity of 
 employing him agreeably to your desire, and shall make his services 
 known to the First Consul. 
 
 “ Ch. Mauk. Talleyrand. 
 
 “ Paris, September 21st, 1803,” 
 
 The First Consul now left every thing to the prudence and discre- 
 tion of his plenipotentiary ; the diet, on the other hand, announced 
 that it was at length ready to conclude the two treaties, its members 
 having feceived the necessary powers from their constituents. All 
 was at length definitively agreed upon, and both parties thought they 
 had brought this laborious negotiation to a close. But the spirit of 
 faction was still at work: Reding again raised his voice against the 
 alliance with France, and deluded them. He was himself deputy of 
 Schweitz ; he commanded the votes of his colleagues of Ury, Zug, 
 and Underwalden, and considered himself sure of support from the 
 deputies of Glaris and Appenzell. An opposition thus constituted 
 seemed to him sufficient for his purpose ; and he immediately set up 
 an opinion in the diet, that by the new constitution of Switzerland, 
 treaties could not be concluded by individual suffrage, but to make 
 them valid required the votes of three-fourths of the cantons, not of 
 three-fourths of the deputies. Such an interpretation of the consti- 
 tution was loudly protested against by the majority of his colleagues, 
 but he persisted in it, and a stormy debate ensued. A great number 
 of deputies deprecated an obstinacy which nothing could justify ; 
 but Reding was inflexible. Zellveiger, however, put an end to the 
 obstacle by joining the majority, Hees followed his example, and 
 Reding’s plan was defeated. 
 
 Still he did not yield : the deputies of Ury, Ztig, and Underwalden 
 clung to him and his fortunes, and these four resolved to carry their 
 opposition to extremes. They uttered the bitterest invectives against 
 France, and found fault, with every article of the treaty. The other 
 deputies in reply said, that France was as great and generous, as 
 the treaty was full of wisdom and prudence ; that Switzerland now 
 enjoyed institutions which she had been seeking in vain during 
 several centuries; that no enslaved people would now wear chains in 
 the land of freedom; that there no longer existed in Switzerland 
 either oppressors or oppressed ; but that the mountains of Helvetia 
 now possessed but one community of happy citizens, who all enjoyed 
 the same rights, had the same obligations to fulfil, and were united 
 by a common bond, of which their forefathers had seen the advan- 
 tages, though they had never been able to establish a confederation 
 upon the same principles. 
 
 These facts were evident, and neither Reding nor his friends at- 
 tempted to deny them; but unable to offer even specious arguments 
 against the treaties which they so violently rejected, they affected 
 
 VOL. II. 13 
 
94 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 scruples of another kind, They feigned now to doubt the power 
 with which, a short time previously, they had maintained that they 
 were invested, and insisted that the question of the ratification ought 
 to be submitted to the cantons. Reinhart of Zurich, and Fruen- 
 derick of Berne, perceiving that these headstrong men were going 
 too far, tried to make them listen to reason ; and Zellweguer of 
 Appenzell joined his remonstrances to those of the two former, but 
 all was of no avail : Reding and his supporters persisted in main- 
 taining that they could not ratify the articles agreed upon without 
 consulting their constituents. Their opposition was however un- 
 heeded, and the two treaties were signed by the diet on the 4th of 
 Vindemiaire, Year XII. (27th of September, 1803,) and sent to the 
 different cantons for ratification. 
 
 Though the treaties were received with great enthusiasm in each 
 canton, still all did not ratify them with equal promptitude. In some 
 the delay was unavoidable, in others difficulties were purposely 
 raised. Berne, Zurich, Basle, and Soleure gave them the final sanc- 
 tion, amidst the most joyful acclamations. The external Rhodes of 
 Appenzell ratified them immediately ; and of eight thousand men 
 composing this latter assembly, there was not one who did not indi- 
 vidually express satisfaction : — never had such unanimity been wit- 
 nessed before. 
 
 The smaller cantons were almost the only ones which delayed the 
 ratification of these treaties. Their inhabitants were as enthusiastic 
 in favour of the measure as the rest of Switzerland ; they were de- 
 lighted that the theatre of war had been removed far from their 
 mountains, and that their fortunes were again connected with those 
 of the French nation, under whose standard their warriors might 
 earn fame and fortune. Such, however, was not the case with 
 Reding: he was hostile to the doctrines of the French republicans, 
 and, being still angry at the intervention of Bonaparte in the affairs 
 of Switzerland, continued to evince the same dislike to the treaties, 
 as he had before professed hatred of the French republic. His 
 friends were far from countenancing his obstinancy ; Wurch even 
 drew up a very excellent report of the negotiations of the diet, which 
 report was greatly applauded ; but, like his friends, Jauch and 
 Muller, he respected, in his obstinate colleague, the uncompromising 
 defender of Swiss independence. All three blamed his violence, and 
 disavowed his acts, but neither had the heart to separate from him. 
 They were anxious to allow him the honour of taking the lead in 
 getting the treaties ratified, and they wished to wait until he had 
 obtained the sanction of his constituents, before they convoked the 
 assemblies of their own cantons. But Ney, who had the welfare of 
 these cantons at heart, represented to tire three deputies the injury 
 which the whole of Helvetia was likely to sustain from such delay ; 
 Zug therefore set the example, which Ury followed immediately. 
 Reding now found that he must yield to the torrent. The Lands- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 95 
 
 guemende accordingly assembled, joined their vote to that of the rest 
 of Switzerland, and the ratifications were exchanged on the 1st of 
 December, 1803. 
 
 All was now terminated ; arrogant pretensions or disappointed 
 ambition could no longer throw obstacles in the way, or demand 
 further concessions from the French minister. The whole of the 
 Swiss people were much pleased with the conditions they had obtain- 
 ed. France had undertaken to defend their country, and to admit 
 them to serve under its banner; thus they had the advantage of 
 yielding to their fondness for arms, without their country being called 
 upon to make any pecuniary sacrifices for the defence of its territory. 
 Switzerland was now free ; she had neither oppressors nor slaves 
 among her citizens. The individual interests of the cantons were 
 regulated by the local administrations, the general interests of the 
 country by the diet. Helvetia had no longer to apprehend any 
 attempts upon her franchises, nor any political agitation in her in- 
 terior ; she had all the advantages of centralization without its ex- 
 penses. Thus her situation was most propitious, and she did ample 
 justice to the friendly and disinterested views of France. Her citizens 
 seemed to glory in proclaiming that they owed all these advantages 
 to the First Consul of the French republic and to his plenipotentiary. 
 
 They now admitted that the mediation, which a powerful number 
 of their citizens had so strenuously opposed, had been undertaken 
 with views of benevolence and conciliation ; they acknowledged the 
 patient and mild manner in which it had been conducted, and they 
 felt the necessity of disavowing the prejudices they had conceived 
 against it at first. The inhabitants of Soleure thought it but justice 
 to express their gratitude to Ney, not only for the broad and noble 
 basis upon which he had established the relations between France 
 and Switzerland,* but likewise for the spirit of concord he had dis- 
 
 * The Avoyer and Council of the Canton of Soleure to his Excellency General- 
 in-chief Ney, Minister Plenipotentiary in Switzerland. 
 
 Soleure, October 5th, 1803. 
 
 May it please your Excellency, 
 
 Mr. Avoyer Frim of Wartenfield, our deputy at the general diet of Friburg, lost 
 no time, on his return hither, in giving us an account of your Excellency’s particu- 
 lar attention to our legation, and how much you had personally contributed to con- 
 solidate the union between the confederated cantons, as well as to hasten the im- 
 portant work of the alliance with the French republic, and that of the capitulation 
 for the Swiss troops in the service of France. We acknowledge, as wc ought to do, 
 the good offices which your excellency has been so good as to render us on this 
 occasion ; we -shall never forget that it is to your Excellency — to the worthy repre- 
 sentative of the pacificator of your country, that we owe the happiness we are about 
 to enjoy from the confederation guaranteed by the First Consul ; and wc dare flatter 
 ourselves that the bonds of amity, existing for so many centuries, and now strength- 
 ened by gratitude, will prove indestructible, and that in future nothing will alter 
 the harmony between the two nations. 
 
 Receive the assurance of our profound respect, 
 
 Gerber, Secretary of State. 
 
 P. Glusz Rucht, Avoyer in charge. 
 
06 
 
 MEMOIRS Of 
 
 played in his relations with the deputies of the several cantons, and 
 the care with which he had reconciled their differences. Those of 
 St. Gall avowed their obligation to him for the warmth and perse- 
 verance with which he had defended their interests ; and those of 
 Appenzell voted him an address, in which they stated what he had 
 done for the happiness of Switzerland. The citizens of Berne went 
 still farther; they determined to perpetuate the remembrance of 
 Ney’s mission by the erection of a public monument ; they likewise 
 had a medal struck, upon which were represented the disorders to 
 which he had put an end, and the peace he had established. 
 
 These warm and grateful feelings were general throughout the 
 country, and a new act of Ney’s increased them to a pitch of enthu- 
 siasm. The country being happy and satisfied, he deemed the pre- 
 sence of the French troops no longer necessary, and accordingly 
 withdrew them. This proof of confidence completely won the affec- 
 tion of the Swiss people ; all celebrated the magnanimity of the 
 French general by public rejoicings, and all were loud in acknow- 
 ledgment of the services he had rendered them. But he was about 
 to make his escape from these flattering testimonies of regard ; his 
 mission being now at an end, with the exception of some trifling de- 
 tails, and the French armies being in the act of assembling on the 
 coast of the British channel, he applied for leave to join them. He 
 was therefore appointed to the command of the corps-d’armee encamp- 
 ed at Montreuil. Prior to Ney’s departure, the landarnman was 
 authorised to express the regret of the confederated cantons at losing 
 him, and in their name to forward to him a snuff-box, with the 
 monogram of Switzerland set in diamonds on the lid, and accompa- 
 nied with the following letter : 
 
 “ General, 
 
 “ At the moment of your departure from us, and when I am my- 
 self about to deliver over my office to a successor, allow me to fulfil 
 a most agreeable duty : that of speaking of the good you have done 
 us, and of our gratitude towards you. 
 
 “ It is not solely the expression of my own private sentiments that 
 I now offer you. Having for the last ten months enjoyed the most 
 delightful intercourse with you, it is quite natural that I should en- 
 tertain towards you much esteem and personal attachment. 
 
 “ But as chief magistrate of all Switzerland, it is in her name that 
 I now address you. 
 
 “ All the cantons, on being made acquainted with your intended 
 departure, have expressed the most lively regret. They all set a 
 proper value upon the share you have taken in the beneficial changes 
 which the present year has brought us. Switzerland is restored to 
 peace, order is everywhere established, the diversity of opinions 
 among us merges each day into a spirit of moderation and harmony. 
 Our line of conduct is traced with regard to internal administration, 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 97 
 
 at the same time that our foreign relations are become surer and 
 more honourable, — those with France, in particular, having been 
 stipulated in two treaties, which our forefathers would have signed 
 as we have done. All this, General, we in part owe to your care. 
 Switzerland having become happy and peaceable by this mediation, 
 will not separate your name from that of the mediator himself. 
 
 “ An act of kindness attaches him who performs it, as well as him 
 upon whom it is conferred : we therefore do not fear that you will 
 forget us ; we would even on every occasion continue to rely upon 
 your support, for you have conferred upon us at once the right and 
 the habit of so doing. 
 
 “ The cantons have expressed a wish that you would accept a 
 feeble pledge of their attachment and gratitude ; and seeing the 
 preparations for your departure, I have requested M. Maillardoz to 
 present it to you at Paris. 
 
 “ It is a token of ' remembrance and nothing more ; but we should 
 esteem ourselves happy, if, by calling to your recollection a nation 
 whom you have so essentially obliged, it should prove the means of 
 your not forgetting the sentiments which every member of that na- 
 tion will for ever feel towards you. 
 
 “ Louis D’Affry, 
 Landamman of Switzerland. 
 
 “ Mausson, 
 
 Chancellor of the Confederation.” 
 
 u Friburg, December 98th, 1803.’ 
 
98 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 BOOK THE SEVENTH. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Ney had left France in the confident enjoyment of the blessings 
 of peace; he found her on his return, again involved in the bustle of 
 war. Great Britain had laid down her arms for a time, only because 
 every other enemy of France had evacuated the field, and because 
 single-handed she could not continue the war with any hope of suc- 
 cess. But her government had calculated also upon the internal 
 troubles with which the absence of foreign war was likely to be 
 attended in France ; it had been expected that envy, and hatred, and 
 jealousy, and party-feeling, would inflict a death-wound upon the 
 French republic which the foreign hosts coalesced against it had 
 vainly attempted. But the powerful mind of the First Consul had 
 crushed the strength of factions, and raised an extraordinary enthu- 
 siasm throughout the nation in favour of his government. His exer- 
 tions towards the improvement of the national resources were prodi- 
 gious. In the midst of war, when assailed by the joint efforts of the 
 most powerful nations in Europe, he had successfully cultivated the 
 arts of peace; and the short respite from hostilities which France 
 had just enjoyed, had enabled him to consolidate his work, and found 
 an edifice of eternal fame, much more noble and imperishable than 
 that cemented by human blood. He had given an extraordinary 
 impetus to the national industry ; he encouraged both the useful and 
 the liberal arts ; and he was the patron of learning and science. He 
 called to his councils men of all ranks and all professions ; talent 
 being the only passport to his favour. Under his rule, the country 
 presented the picture of one vast family, each of whose members 
 seemed to become daily more and more attached to the institutions 
 which they had won from their former oppressors, and to rally with 
 tenfold confidence around the chief who had foiled all the attempts of 
 its enemies. The British government having soon discovered its 
 mistake, determined to check, if possible, the career of greatness to 
 which the duration of peace seemed likely to lead the French repub- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 99 
 
 lie. Divers changes had taken place in the constitution of Europe, 
 without the least opposition on the part of the British cabinet, or 
 without its taking umbrage ; but, on a sudden, it seemed roused from 
 its tolerance and long-suffering ; and seizing, as a pretence, those 
 changes which it had not attempted to prevent, war was again 
 declared. 
 
 France, taken by surprise, was far from being prepared to meet 
 the exigencies of war. The state of her finances had imposed upon 
 her measures of the strictest economy. The officers of her armies 
 were dispersed on leave of absence ; and the armies themselves were 
 in a very inefficient state. The infantry was incomplete; and the 
 cavalry had not half the number of horses necessary for the field. 
 The artillery was still less able to act. Marmont, by whom it was 
 commanded, had imagined improvements in this branch of the ser- 
 vice, which had necessitated a fresh casting of the guns. He was 
 likewise effecting a total change in the form of the tumbrils, and in 
 the construction of the gun-carriages. The First Consul, however, 
 soon got every thing in a state of preparation ; he found in his own 
 genius, and in the enthusiastic devotion of the nation to his wishes, 
 all the resources necessary to carrying on the war. He called the 
 young men to arms, provided horses, and soon got the artillery in 
 order. In a few months all was ready, and an army more numerous 
 and better equipped than at any preceding period of the wars of the 
 republic, was sent to the sea-coast bordering upon the British chan- 
 nel. 
 
 The French people at length forgot their dissensions: the unpro- 
 voked aggression of Great Britain had united every patriot hand and 
 heart against the common foe, and the republic was no longer torn 
 by contending factions. The declaration of war by that power in- 
 duced the First Consul, now free from the attempts of his continental 
 neighbours, to renew the project he had in contemplation five years 
 previously, but of which he had not then dared to attempt the execu- 
 tion : he resolved to cross the straits of Dover, and terminate at 
 once, upon the banks of the Thames, a quarrel which could not be 
 brought to an issue upon the Continent. But, as British squadrons 
 covered the surface of the channel, and the disproportion of force be- 
 tween the navies of France and Great Britain destroyed all hope of 
 success in a naval action, he sought the means of scattering those 
 formidable fleets which he could not conquer, and thus rendering 
 them powerless. The small vessels used in the defence of sea-ports, 
 roadsteads, and the mouths of rivers, supplied him with the means of 
 effecting this object. He feigned an intention of using such craft in 
 distant expeditions; he altered their form, the shape of their sails, 
 the manner of rigging them, and he gave orders that many should 
 be built of various sizes, and upon different models. He divided 
 them into three classes. The prames composed the vessels of the 
 first class ; — each carried six twenty-four pounders, which could be 
 
 . 
 
100 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 shifted from side to side, thus forming so many floating batteries, 
 which, it is true, might drift to leeward, being unable to sail upon a 
 wind, and therefore to advance, unless the wind were right aft, or at 
 all events abaft the beam. But as floating batteries they were ex- 
 cellent ; they could act as batteries broadside-to, protect the local 
 navigation, or cover the movements of a flotilla. They could more- 
 over strand at low water without changing their position, or dimin- 
 ishing their power of doing mischief, and they could take shelter in 
 places where neither ships of the line nor frigates could follow 
 them. 
 
 The second class consisted of gun-boats, which were better adapt- 
 ed for navigation. Their form was more calculated for naval 
 manoeuvres, and they could sail near the wind. Each contained four 
 twenty-four pounders and a howitzer. Some had thirty-six pounders, 
 and were large enough to carry two hundred men. 
 
 The peniches, or gun-barges, which formed the third class, were 
 small galleys with eighteen benches of rowers, carrying a four- 
 pounder and a howitzer fore and aft. 
 
 These vessels were built with the most extraordinary despatch. The 
 French nation had taken up the cause of its chief magistrate, against 
 whom personally, the whole enmity of the British government was 
 said to be directed. The people did not limit their aid to the de- 
 mands which their government made upon them ; they spontane- 
 ously granted much more than was asked. They seemed delighted 
 to supply the First Consul with all the means he might require to 
 come off victorious from a contest which attacked their institutions. 
 The department of the Haut-Rhin presented him with a ship of the 
 line ; that of the Cote-d’or, with a hundred pieces of cannon. The 
 departments of the Gironde and the Loire-inferieure were still more 
 liberal ; and there was not a town in France, even the smallest, nor 
 even a hamlet, that did not make its offering and express its senti- 
 ments of patriotism. 
 
 This formidable armament did not, however, for a moment inter- 
 rupt the arts of peace. The government, ever carefully attentive to 
 the wants of the nation, pursued its undertakings of public utility, and 
 its attempts at national improvement. It increased the number of 
 public schools, and established secondary schools, in which the youth 
 of France, under excellent regulations, and a strict and impartial 
 discipline, received liberal instruction, and were qualified to enjoy 
 the system of equality established by the revolution. It assembled 
 likewise the veteran soldiers mutilated and disabled in war, formed 
 them into military colonies, and bestowed upon them a portion of the 
 territory which they had aided in conquering. Camps of refuge were 
 established at Alexandria, and roads made upon Mount Cenis and 
 across the Simplon. The bridges of Roanne, Corbeil, and Nemours 
 —the canals of Arles, St. Quentin, and Aigues-Mortes — all in short 
 that the First Consul undertook — were evidences of his zeal in pro- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 101 
 
 moting the public welfare, and of the vastness of his genius. He 
 had ordered the draining of the Colentin marshes, and likewise those 
 forming the muddy banks of the Canche. At Cherbourg, Boulogne, 
 Rochelle, Cette, Nice, Marseilles, Ostend, and Havre-de-Grace, all 
 was bustle and activity, and the result of his gigantic plans may now 
 be seen in those seaports. In every part of the kingdom improve- 
 ments were made, and great and useful works begun. 
 
 The brilliant administration under which these national works 
 were carried into effect, was not, however, free from the venom of 
 envy. They whose assistance and co-operation it had not conde- 
 scended to accept, as well as those to whose ambition it had not 
 ministered, united to attack it : at first, indeed, by intrigue and silent 
 plots ; but soon after more openly. They pretended to see in the 
 great undertakings of the First Consul nothing but subjects of anxiety 
 and apprehension. Moreau, whose military renown should have 
 saved him from the weakness ofjealousy, supported the malcontents. 
 He openly blamed the First Consul in all his measures, and attacked 
 the integrity of his motives and intentions. 
 
 “ What !” said he one day to Nev, when in a fit of envy he was 
 inveighing against those who had rallied round the head of the state ; 
 “ do you also go to the Tuileries 1 ” 
 
 “Yes, indeed, I do,” Ney replied. Moreau seemed surprised. 
 “ I go thither,” Ney continued, “just as I should do if you held the 
 office of First Consul.” 
 
 “ But how he has deceived us !” rejoined Moreau. 
 
 “ May be so,” answered Ney ; “ but I shall ever be grateful to him 
 for his rapid and beautiful administration of public affairs. However, 
 I have devoted my life to my country, and not to those whom events 
 may place at the head of its affairs.” 
 
 The conversation then turned from the person of the First Consul 
 to the acts of his government. Moreau dwelt at great length upon 
 the dangers of the invasion of England : he deemed it nothing short 
 of madness to confront line-of-battle ships with gun-boats, and to hope 
 that the passage across the channel could be won with such craft. 
 
 Ney was not of the same opinion. Barring the accidents of the 
 sea, he thought that by taking advantage of light winds, of calms, 
 and of long nights, it was not impossible to elude the vigilance of the 
 channel fleet, and escape from the overwhelming superiority of the 
 British naval force. He had procured a journal of the winds prevalent 
 in the channel, and he was well acquainted with their course, their 
 variation, the periods when they blow with violence, and those when 
 their action is suspended. He had therefore no doubt that by seiz- 
 ing a favourable opportunity, the French army might escape the 
 fleet which alarmed^ Moreau so much, and effect a landing upon the 
 shores of England. The British nation, he said, were convinced of 
 this ; for the British admirals, who in 1756 were consulted on the 
 possibility of such an event, had unanimously declared that they 
 VOL* Hi 14 
 
102 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 could not answer for preventing a landing, even had they ten times 
 the force they commanded ; and in 1770 the same answer had been 
 given. The Duke of Argyle, and some of the most distinguished 
 British officers of the period, had often declared their conviction in 
 parliament that situations and conjunctures might often arise at sea 
 which would give a hostile army every possible opportunity of landing 
 in England without the British fleets, even were they collected 
 together, being able to secure the safety of the coast. The reason 
 of this, he said, was very clear. The westerly winds, and those 
 from the south and south-west, blow from France to England, and 
 during their prevalence vessels sailing from the ports of France 
 make good way, whilst those of England cannot leave their ports ; 
 thus the most formidable fleets are of no use during the continuance 
 of those winds, and an attempt might be successfully made. 
 
 “ A sudden cessation of wind,” continued Ney, “ might produce 
 the same effect as a violent and continued gale ; for if the British 
 fleet were overtaken by a dead calm, either in the middle or at the 
 end of a voyage from one port of the coast to another, it would baffle 
 the talents of its officers and render the valour of its seamen of no 
 avail. What could be done with ships of the line under such cir- 
 cumstances? Have recourse to oars? — that would be impracticable. 
 Use their boats ? — what chance would these have against our host of 
 gun-boats, peniches, and light vessels, armed and equipped as they 
 are ? Besides, the tides and fogs will again increase our chances of 
 success. How many of our squadrons are there which have escaped 
 from the British cruisers in a fog, or during a dark night ! Remem- 
 ber how the Prince of Orange crossed the channel, and that during 
 six hours his fleet passed close to that of James II. without being 
 perceived. The Earl of Dartmouth having ascertained at length 
 that it had sailed, bore up in pursuit of it ; but as he began to brace 
 up his yards the wind became more a-head, having veered to south, 
 and he was unable to interrupt the prince’s landing. 
 
 “ The same thing afterwards occurred to the French fleet cruising 
 off Brest. It suffered the ships under the command of Admiral 
 Anson to pass without perceiving them, and this distinguished officer 
 did not know the danger he had run until his return to England. 
 But these are not our only chances. The English are terror-stricken 
 at our preparations, and the malcontents among them are excited 
 with hope. Such vessels as ours have always terrified those island- 
 ers. In the reign of Elizabeth, one of her ministers frankly 
 declared that England had never been more exposed to the dangers 
 of an invasion than since the King of Spain had built small boats, 
 similar to those used by the Flemish and the French. The same 
 description of vessels has even more recently excited the alarms of 
 Boscawen. This admiral knew the amount of our force in the Medi- 
 terranean ; he knew that having been defeated in a great naval action 
 on the 20th of November 1759, we were not in a state to attempt 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 103 
 
 any enterprise. Still such was the impression made upon him by 
 one gun-boat on the coast, that on seeing a few sails appear on the 
 horizon, he had no doubt of their forming part of an invading expedi- 
 tion, and he immediately stated his apprehensions to the king and 
 the government. In an incredible short space of time all England 
 was in rumour, whilst the dreaded expedition turned out to be noth- 
 ing but a convoy of colliers !” 
 
 The means of attack, which appeared so serious to the British 
 government, but which were treated so lightly by Moreau and 
 others at Paris, were, nevertheless not those which the First Con- 
 sul intended to employ. He had no idea of engaging line-of-battle 
 ships with gun-boats ; his views were much more consistent. What 
 his exact intentions were, Ney did not precisely know ; but he had 
 faith both in the genius of his general, and in the destinies of France ; 
 — he was moreover penetrated with the idea of calling England to a 
 severe account for three centuries of hostility. 
 
 The month of March had just begun ; the Canche was restored to 
 its bed, the harbour of Ambleteuse was open, and that of Vimereux 
 had piers and plenty of water for the ingress and egress of vessels. 
 All the great works, which had changed the appearance of the 
 whole country, were nearly complete. Ney’s duty was confined to 
 the care and drilling of his men. The corps under his command 
 consisted of three divisions: one stationed at Ostro-Hove, another 
 at Etaples, and the third at Fromesseu. All three were commanded 
 by officers, whose military fortune was inseparable from that of 
 the First Consul. Dupont, who was at the head of the first, had 
 not been without some influence in the destinies of Napoleon : he 
 had contributed to bring him forward, and being soon after appointed 
 to the direction of the cabinet topographique, had supported him 
 with his interest. Partounaux, who commanded the third, was in a 
 diametrically opposite situation with regard to the First Consul. 
 Having been denounced for his opinions to the clubs at Marseilles, his 
 protestations of hatred to kings were of no avail, and he would pro- 
 bably have been dismissed from the service, had not Bonaparte taken 
 him under his protection. This general placed him in active service, 
 afforded him opportunities of distinguishing himself, and enabled him 
 to give the lie to his accusers. Partounaux ever bore this in remem- 
 brance, and was devoted body and soul to his protector. Loison 
 was at the head of the second division. This officer had yet had no 
 direct communication with the First Consul ; but he was ardent, en- 
 terprising, and fond of military glory. He thrilled at the bare men- 
 tion of Marengo ; and the man who had won that day was his idol 
 upon earth. 
 
 With such men under him, Ney’s duties were not very severe ; he 
 could depend upon their vigilance, and feel confident that the details 
 of the service would not be neglected. But Ney was accustomed 
 to see every thing done himself, and assure himself that no part 
 
104 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of the duty was omitted. He inspected the most important posts, 
 and examined every position ; he went through the camp and had rea- 
 son to express satisfaction at the intelligence displayed in its forma- 
 tion. The barraques, or wooden huts, being all built upon the same 
 model, and perfectly uniform, had the most agreeable appearance. 
 They were whitewashed, and divided into groups ; these again were 
 intersected by streets, or rather alleys, each bearing the name of 
 some distinguished soldier, or of some great battle won. In front 
 were avenues ; the parade was surrounded by plantations ; and in the 
 rear were kitchens, dancing-rooms, and gardens. 
 
 The interior of the squares or groups was equally well distributed. 
 At the bottom, the huts contained hurdles fixed horizontally about 
 two feet from the ground, and covered with fresh straw for the men 
 to sleep upon. Farther on were the eating-huts, with their fire- 
 places and benches, and racks for the fire-locks, and pegs for the 
 knapsacks. The general distribution of the camp was beautiful, but 
 Ney did not think the situation well chosen. The means of defence 
 did not appear to him good, nor the batteries properly supported. 
 Moreover, the prames being obliged to proceed along the coast to 
 reach Etaples and Vimereux, might be captured or destroyed by the 
 British cruisers. The flotilla at anchor in the Canche was by no 
 means secure from a coup-de-main. Ney therefore hastened to 
 obviate all these defects. He distributed his forces in a different 
 manner, and established walking sentinels, who passed each other 
 every quarter of an hour from St. Frieux, which lay at his extreme 
 right, to the mouth of the Canche, and continued on the other side 
 from the right bank of the Somme as far as the Authie, which was 
 at his extreme left. Pickets of cavalry and light artillery were 
 placed along the whole line, in order to ensure the safety of the 
 flotilla. And as espionage tries to find an entrance everywhere, and 
 had its signals and means of communication in the camp, Ney took 
 the severest measures against it. He gave orders to fire at whoever 
 entered this long line of posts ; he placed guards at the windmills, 
 and laid an embargo upon the fishing-boats. Nor did his vigilance 
 stop here : considering that the fate of his country depended upon 
 the projected expedition to England, the details which might conduce 
 to its success were the constant objects of his solicitude. He had 
 received his troops from General Soult, who had taken charge of 
 them for him, and bestowed upon them the same care and attention 
 as he did upon his own. Ney, grateful for this act of kindness, had 
 called upon Soult, and they had together reconnoitred Vimereux, 
 Ambleteuse, and all the line of coast under Ney’s command. Bou- 
 logne, in particular, had attracted his attention. This seaport was 
 free from' 1 the dangers by which it was formerly beset. The large 
 vessels in its harbour could now leave it without risk : they were no 
 longer in danger of grounding when they tried to place themselves 
 under the protection of the batteries, nor of being taken when they 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 105 
 
 ran down the coast. The artillerymen had become perfect marks- 
 men ; a fort arose from the midst of the reef of rocks, and the anchor- 
 age was securely guarded. 
 
 To these powerful means of defence were added mortars which 
 threw shells to a distance of two thousand toises, guns which carried 
 still farther, and a formidable work commanding the passes. Though 
 all this was calculated to inspire confidence, still the security did not 
 seem to Ney sufficient. He knew that this immense armament 
 would strike terror into the British government, and that every 
 attempt would be made to destroy the flotilla ; he felt confident, that 
 dangerous as the undertaking was, it had its chances of success, and 
 he dreaded what a bold and brave enemy might attempt to prevent it, 
 as well as the effects of treachery. The very last attack had shown 
 that the British shells could reach the shipping at the very extremity 
 of the harbour. He feared that Nelson might take advantage of 
 this circumstance, and succeed in setting fire to the French flotilla. 
 He supposed that a British squadron might sail from England at 
 twelve o’clock at night, reach Boulogne at five in the morning, lay 
 broadside-to off the battery Des Grenadiers, and Fort l’Huert, send 
 bomb-ketches forward, and before daylight create a dreadful con- 
 fusion in the harbour. If the rasant batteries, or the side batteries 
 interrupted the attack, the British might send a few old frigates to 
 give another direction to, if not to silence, their fire, and meanwhile 
 shot would be poured upon the harbour, treachery might also assist, 
 and the First Consul’s immense armament be totally destroyed. 
 
 To prevent such a disaster, the attack must be immediately coun- 
 teracted and the enemy repulsed. If the bombardment were pro- 
 longed, it would inevitably cause immense damage. Ney’s alterations 
 therefore tended to foil such an attempt if made by the British navy. 
 He wished that a division of prames should lie at anchor at the mouth 
 of the Lyonne, so as to form a saliant angle, under cover of the 
 rasant batteries, and be always ready for immediate action; that 
 these prames should be supported by two lines of gun-boats, which 
 should go out every day with the tide, and lie at anchor outside until 
 the British squadron was announced by signals on the heights. 
 These gun-boats, manned by picked detachments, were to have set 
 sail directly towards the British ships, and, after receiving the first 
 broadside, attempt to carry them by boarding. If the wind and the 
 chance of the day were both unfavourable, they were to have fallen 
 back 'under cover of the batteries on the coast, and have gained 
 Etaples, Vimereux, or Ambleteuse. The two last of these seaports 
 being exposed to the same dangers as Boulogne, Ney thought the 
 same plan ought to be adopted with regard to them. General Soult 
 to whom he submitted his plans and fears, wrote him the following 
 note : — 
 
 “ I sincerely thank you, my dear General, for your observations 
 
106 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 upon the defence of Boulogne. I will profit by them, if circumstances 
 allow me to do so. 
 
 “ We have two prames ready to go out in case of attack ; we are 
 in expectation of several others now fitting out at Havre, Dunkerque, 
 and Ostend, and which are likewise intended to protect and support 
 the vessels of the flotilla at anchor in the roads. 
 
 “ In the event of attack, some divisions of gun-boats and pirogues 
 should proceed to the roads ; and this would be the more necessary 
 because, besides disencumbering the harbour, it would force the 
 enemy, whatever were their force, to keep at a respectful distance. 
 
 “ Numerous precautions have been taken against the effect of fire, 
 and some fresh precaution is taken every day. For some time past 
 the duty upon the quays is performed with tolerable exactness, and 
 we observe with pleasure that, in this respect, there is an evident 
 improvement. 
 
 “ The flotilla has not yet been able to go outside the harbour, 
 because, until to-day, the men have not ceased working day and 
 night at their buildings ; but now that this labour is far advanced I 
 hope to resume this exercise, which is necessary, not only for the 
 sailors and the troops, but likewise to accustom the enemy to have 
 us in sight. 
 
 “ As for the ports of Ambleteuse and Vimereux, of which you also 
 speak in your letter, it appears to me very difficult for the enemy to 
 succeed in any serious attempt, for the situation of these two ports, 
 and the armament employed in their defence, are obstacles which 
 they could not easily overcome. 
 
 “ Believe in the assurance of my friendship, 
 
 “ Soult.” 
 
 The precautions alluded to by Soult corresponded very nearly with 
 those recommended by Ney ; nevertheless, although they were quite 
 sufficient to foil a coup-de-main, he still did not think them calculated 
 to attain the object in view. The centre of operations appeared, in 
 his judgment, badly chosen, and he would have removed the camp 
 from Boulogne to Etaples, which offered immense advantages. Its 
 bay is capable of holding from fifteen to eighteen hundred vessels, 
 secure from bombs ; and all might leave it during one tide. It would 
 take them, it is true, two hours more to reach England from Etaples 
 than from Boulogne ; but on the other hand, if the weather was bad, 
 they would be able to reach the Canche much more easily, and run 
 less risk of grounding. A fort was in progress of building upon the 
 Banc-aux-chiens ; and the roadstead and the outer anchorage of the 
 harbour, already defended by three batteries, would now be secure 
 against any attack. But the flotilla and the materiel of the army 
 were stationed at Boulogne ; and this idea was not carried into exe- 
 cution. Meantime, an imaginary danger spread alarm along the 
 coast ; and it was of a kind that neither redoubts, nor armies, nor 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 107 
 
 flotillas could arrest. It was reported that the British cruisers had 
 thrown three poisoned bales of cotton upon the coast, and that the 
 British government had called the plague to its assistance.* The 
 first Consul refused to credit such a thing ; nevertheless it was re- 
 ported to him, and he applied to Ney to ascertain the fact. 
 
 “ I am informed, Citizen General Ney,” he wrote, “ that the En- 
 glish have thrown bales of cotton upon our coast, which has led to 
 the supposition that these bales are poisoned. Give me all the par- 
 ticulars you can collect on this matter. It would be lamentable to 
 think that every principle of humanity could be thus forgotten. 
 
 Boiyapakte.” 
 
 ** Malmaison, 30th Ventose, Year XII. 
 
 (March 21st, 1804.)” 
 
 * To the Posts along the coasts. 
 
 Battery of St. Frieux, 25th Yentose, Year XII. 
 
 (March 16th, 1804.) 
 
 Remain at your posts, Citizens, and increase your vigilance. 
 
 The English, unable to conquer us by force, are employing their last resource : 
 the Plague. 
 
 Five bales of cotton have just been thrown upon our coast. 
 
 All are hereby forbidden to approach any boats or objects that may be cast on 
 shore. 
 
 Let patrols be instantly on foot, and let them be accompanied by custom-house 
 officers. 
 
 Villatte, General of Brigade. 
 
 P. S. These presents shall pass from post to post, from the battery of Petite-Ga- 
 ronne to the entrance of the harbour at Boulogne. 
 
 Villatte. 
 
 Villatte, General of Brigade, to General-in-chief Soult, commanding the 
 Camp at St. Omer. 
 
 Battery of St. Frieux, 25th Ventose, Year XII. 
 
 General, 
 
 The English, unable to conquer us by force, are recurring to their last resource : 
 the Plague. 
 
 Five bales of cotton have just been cast upon our coast : I hasten to give you 
 notice of it. 
 
 From St Frieux to the mouth of the Canche, all the troops are at their posts; 
 patrols are spread along the strand, and are accompanied by the custom-house 
 officers. 
 
 In sight of this battery, and almost within shot, are a frigate and two sloops of war 
 belonging to the enemy ; also several small fishing-boats, which I presume contain 
 other bales of cotton. 
 
 As no one is allowed to take out any boat or vessel, I have just received the 
 order to fire at everything that may appear in the sea within the range of our 
 batteries. 
 
 Be so good, General, as to give orders to the detachment of the 46th regiment, 
 sent to guard the battery of St. Frieux, to build their huts behind and close to 
 the battery. 
 
 If there be anything new, General, I shall lose no time in giving you intimation 
 of it. 
 
 Health and respect. 
 
 Villatte. 
 
108 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Ney, although he had no high opinion of the principles on which 
 Great Britain was then governed, thought with the First Consul, 
 that this charge was too monstrous to be believed. He nevertheless 
 set inquiries on foot, and after due investigation discovered that this 
 alleged horrible attempt, which had terrified the whole country, 
 turned out to be an old hammock which some fishermen had found 
 on the sea-shore. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 This alarm, though false, had increased the hatred felt by every 
 individual in the French army against England, and was not without 
 influence in the manifestation of this feeling. For a long time past 
 Great Britain affected a blind aversion towards the First Consul, and 
 this aversion was made manifest, not only in parliamentary declama- 
 tion, but in the diplomatic despatches sent abroad. At Petersburg, 
 Admiral Warren had announced new contests which were to over- 
 throw General Bonaparte. At Madrid, the British ambassador, 
 Frere, had several times declared that Bonaparte could not long 
 escape : that sooner or later he must fall either by steel or by 
 poison.* 
 
 George Cadoudal, and his band of assassins, having been landed 
 upon the French coast by English vessels, had nearly realised these 
 atrocious predictions ,* and as if to show the fulness of the measure 
 of iniquity, the unworthy plots of two British agents had just been 
 discovered. Drake, the British minister at the court of Bavaria, not 
 satisfied with planning the overthrow of the French government, 
 and the murder of the First Consul, aimed at a renewal of the hor- 
 rors of the infernal machine, by blowing up the powder-mills, if an 
 opportunity offered. f Spencer Smith, at Stuttgard, where he was 
 
 * April 3rd, 1803. 
 
 t “ Article II. The principal object of this journey being to overthrow the pre- 
 sent government, one of the means of succeeding is to acquire a knowledge of the 
 enemy’s plans. For this purpose it is of the highest importance to begin by esta- 
 blishing sure correspondences in the different public offices, thus obtaining an exact 
 knowledge of every measure to be adopted with regard either to the interior of the 
 country or to the exterior. A knowledge of their plans would furnish the best wea- 
 pons for defeating them, and the failure of such plans is one of the means to be used 
 in bringing absolute discredit upon the government: this is a first, and indeed the 
 most important step towards the object in view. 
 
 “ The persons employed in the powder-mills might be gained, with the aid of asso- 
 ciates, and the mills blown up, when an opportunity offered. 
 
 “ It is above all things necessary to bring into the plot, and secure the fidelity 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 101 
 
 rnoting the public welfare, and of the vastness of his genius. He 
 had ordered the draining of the Colentin marshes, and likewise those 
 forming the muddy banks of the Canche. At Cherbourg, Boulogne, 
 Rochelle, Cette, Nice, Marseilles, Ostend, and Havre-de-Grace, all 
 was bustle and activity, and the result of his gigantic plans may now 
 be seen in those seaports. In every part of the kingdom improve- 
 ments were made, and great and useful works begun. 
 
 The brilliant administration under which these national works 
 were carried into effect, was not, however, free from the venom of 
 envy. They whose assistance and co-operation it had not conde- 
 scended to accept, as well as those to whose ambition it had not 
 ministered, united to attack it : at first, indeed, by intrigue and silent 
 plots ; but soon after more openly. They pretended to see in the 
 great undertakings of the First Consul nothing but subjects of anxiety 
 and apprehension. Moreau, whose military renown should have 
 saved him from the weakness of jealousy, supported the malcontents. 
 He openly blamed the First Consul in all his measures, and attacked 
 the integrity of his motives and intentions. 
 
 “ What !” said he one day to Ney, when in a fit of envy he was 
 inveighing against those who had rallied round the head of the state ; 
 “ do you also go to the Tuileries V 9 
 
 “Yes, indeed, I do,” Ney replied. Moreau seemed surprised. 
 “ I go thither,” Ney continued, “just as I should do if you held the 
 office of First Consul.” 
 
 “ But how he has deceived us !” rejoined Moreau. 
 
 “ May be so,” answered Ney ; “ but I shall ever be grateful to him 
 for his rapid and beautiful administration of public affairs. However, 
 I have devoted my life to my country, and not to those whom events 
 may place at the head of its affairs.” 
 
 The conversation then turned from the person of the First Consul 
 to the acts of his government. Moreau dwelt at great length upon 
 the dangers of the invasion of England : he deemed it nothing short 
 of madness to confront line-of-battle ships with gun-boats, and to hope 
 that the passage across the channel could be won with such craft. 
 
 Ney was not of the same opinion. Barring the accidents of the 
 sea, he thought that by taking advantage of light winds, of calms, 
 and of long nights, it was not impossible to elude the vigilance of the 
 channel fleet, and escape from the overwhelming superiority of the 
 British naval force. He had procured a journal of the winds prevalent 
 in the channel, and he was well acquainted with their course, their 
 variation, the periods when they blow with violence, and those when 
 their actiofi is suspended. He had therefore no doubt that by seiz- 
 ing a favourable opportunity, the French army might escape the 
 fleet which alarmed Moreau so much, and effect a landing upon the 
 shores of England. The British nation, he said, were convinced of 
 this; for the British admirals, who in 1756 were consulted on the 
 possibility of such an event, had unanimously declared that they 
 vol* IL 14 
 
102 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 could not answer for preventing a landing, even had they ten times 
 the force they commanded ; and in 1770 the same answer had been 
 given. The Duke of Argyle, and some of the most distinguished 
 British officers of the period, had often declared their conviction in 
 parliament that situations and conjunctures might often arise at sea 
 which would give a hostile army every possible opportunity of landing 
 in England without the British fleets, even were they collected 
 together, being able to secure the safety of the coast. The reason 
 of this, he said, was very clear. The westerly winds, and those 
 from the south and south-west, blow from France to England, and 
 during their prevalence vessels sailing from the ports of France 
 make good way, whilst those of England cannot leave their ports ; 
 thus the most formidable fleets are of no use during the continuance 
 of those winds, and an attempt might be successfully made. 
 
 “ A sudden cessation of wind,” continued Ney, “ might produce 
 the same effect as a violent and continued gale ; for if the British 
 fleet were overtaken by a dead calm, either in the middle or at the 
 end of a voyage from one port of the coast to another, it would baffle 
 the talents of its officers and render the valour ^f its seamen of no 
 avail. What could be done with ships of the line under such cir- 
 cumstances ? Have recourse to oars? — that would be impracticable. 
 Use their boats? — what chance would these have against our host of 
 gun-boats, peniches, and light vessels, armed and equipped as they 
 are ? Besides, the tides and fogs will again increase our chances of 
 success. How many of our squadrons are there which have escaped 
 from the British cruisers in a fog, or during a dark night ! Remem- 
 ber how the Prince of Orange crossed the channel, and that during 
 six hours his fleet passed close to that of James II. without being 
 perceived. The Earl of Dartmouth having ascertained at length 
 that it had sailed, bore up in pursuit of it ; but as he began to brace 
 up his yards the wind became more a-head, having veered to south, 
 and he was unable to interrupt the prince’s landing. 
 
 “ The same thing afterwards occurred to the French fleet cruising 
 off Brest. It suffered the ships under the command of Admiral 
 Anson to pass without perceiving them, and this distinguished officer 
 did not know the danger he had run until his return to England. 
 But these are not our only chances. The English are terror-stricken 
 at our preparations, and the malcontents among them are excited 
 with hope. Such vessels as ours have always terrified those island- 
 ers. In the reign of Elizabeth, one of her ministers frankly 
 declared that England had never been more exposed to the dangers 
 of an invasion than since the King of Spain had built small boats, 
 similar to those used by the Flemish and the French. The same 
 description of vessels has even more recently excited the alarms of 
 Boscawen. This admiral knew the amount of our force in the Medi- 
 terranean ; he knew that having been defeated in a great naval action 
 on the 20th of November 1759, we were not in a state to attempt 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 103 
 
 any enterprise. Still such was the impression made upon him by 
 one gun-boat on the coast, that on seeing a few sails appear on the 
 •horizon, he had no doubt of their forming part of an invading expedi* 
 tion, and he immediately stated his apprehensions to the king and 
 the government. In an incredible short space of time all England 
 was in rumour, whilst the dreaded expedition turned out to be noth- 
 ing but a convoy of colliers !” 
 
 The means of attack, which appeared so serious to the British 
 government, but which were treated so lightly by Moreau and 
 others at Paris, were, nevertheless not those which the First Con- 
 sul intended to employ. He had no idea of engaging line-of-battle 
 ships with gu n- boats ; his views were much more consistent. What 
 his exact intentions were, Ney did not precisely know ; but he had 
 faith both in the genius of his general, and in the destinies of France ; 
 — he was moreover penetrated with the idea of calling England to a 
 severe account for three centuries of hostility. 
 
 The month of March had just begun ; the Canche was restored to 
 its bed, the harbour of Ambleteuse was open, and that of Vimereux 
 had piers and plenty of water for the ingress and egress of vessels. 
 All the great works, which had changed the appearance of the 
 whole country, were nearly complete. Ney’s duty was confined to 
 the care and drilling of his men. The corps under his command 
 consisted of three divisions: one stationed at Ostro-Hove, another 
 at Etaples, and the third at Fromesseu. All three were commanded 
 by officers, whose military fortune was inseparable from that of 
 the First Consul. Dupont, who was at the head of the first, had 
 not been without some influence in the destinies of Napoleon: he 
 had contributed to bring him forward, and being soon after appointed 
 to the direction of the cabinet topographique, had supported him 
 with his interest. Partounaux, who commanded the third, was in a 
 diametrically opposite situation with regard to the First Consul. 
 Having been denounced for his opinions to the clubs at Marseilles, his 
 protestations of hatred to kings were of no avail, and he would pro- 
 bably have been dismissed from the service, had not Bonaparte taken 
 him under his protection. This general placed him in active service, 
 afforded him opportunities of distinguishing himself, and enabled him 
 to give the lie to his accusers. Partounaux ever bore this in remem- 
 brance, and was devoted body and soul to his protector. Loison 
 was at the head of the second division. This officer had yet had no 
 direct communication with the First Consul ; but he was ardent, en- 
 terprising, and fond of military glory. He thrilled at the bare men- 
 tion of Marengo ; and the man who had won that day was his idol 
 upon earth. 
 
 With such men under him, Ney’s duties were not very severe ; he 
 could depend upon their vigilance, and feel confident that the details 
 of the service would not be neglected. But Ney was accustomed 
 to see every thing done himself, and assure himself that no part 
 
104 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 of the duty was omitted. He inspected the most important posts, 
 and examined every position ; he went through the camp and had rea- 
 son to express satisfaction at the intelligence displayed in its forma- 
 tion. The barraques, or wooden huts, being all built upon the same 
 model, and perfectly uniform, had the most agreeable appearance. 
 They were whitewashed, and divided into groups ; these again were 
 intersected by streets, or rather alleys, each bearing the name of 
 some distinguished soldier, or of some great battle won. In front 
 were avenues ; the parade was surrounded by plantations ; and in the 
 rear were kitchens, dancing-rooms, and gardens. 
 
 The interior of the squares or groups was equally well distributed. 
 At the bottom, the huts contained hurdles fixed horizontally about 
 two feet from the ground, and covered with fresh straw for the men 
 to sleep upon. Farther on were the eating-huts, with their fire- 
 places and benches, and racks for the fire-locks, and pegs for the 
 knapsacks. The general distribution of the camp was beautiful, but 
 Ney did not think the situation well chosen. The means of defence 
 did not appear to him good, nor the batteries properly supported. 
 Moreover, the prames being obliged to proceed along the coast to 
 reach Etaples and Vimereux, might be captured or destroyed by the 
 British cruisers. The flotilla at anchor in the Canche was by no 
 means secure from a coup-de-main. Ney therefore hastened to 
 obviate all these defects. He distributed his forces in a different 
 manner, and established walking sentinels, who passed each other 
 every quarter of an hour from St. Frieux, which lay at his extreme 
 right, to the mouth of the Canche, and continued on the other side 
 from the right bank of the Somme as far as the Authie, which was 
 at his extreme left. Pickets of cavalry and light artillery were 
 placed along the whole line, in order to ensure the safety of the 
 flotilla. And as espionage tries to find an entrance everywhere, and 
 had its signals and means of communication in the camp, Ney took 
 the severest measures against it. He gave orders to fire at whoever 
 entered this long line of posts ; he placed guards at the windmills, 
 and laid an embargo upon the fishing-boats. Nor did his vigilance 
 stop here : considering that the fate of his country depended upon 
 the projected expedition to England, the details which might conduce 
 to its success were the constant objects of his solicitude. He had 
 received his troops from General Soult, who had taken charge of 
 them for him, and bestowed upon them the same care and attention 
 as he did upon his own. Ney, grateful for this act of kindness, had 
 called upon Soult, and they had together reconnoitred Vimereux, 
 Ambleteuse, and all the line of coast under Ney’s command. Bou- 
 logne, in particular, had attracted his attention. This seaport was 
 free from the dangers by which it was formerly beset. The large 
 vessels in its harbour could now leave it without risk : they were no 
 longer in danger of grounding when they tried to place themselves 
 under the protection of the batteries, nor of being taken when they 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 105 
 
 ran down the coast. The artillerymen had become perfect marks- 
 men ; a fort arose from the midst of the reef of rocks, and the anchor- 
 age was securely guarded. 
 
 To these powerful means of defence were added mortars which 
 threw shells to a distance of two thousand toises, guns which carried 
 still farther, and a formidable work commanding the passes. Though 
 all this was calculated to inspire confidence, still the security did not 
 seem to Ney sufficient. He knew that this immense armament 
 would strike terror into the British government, and that every 
 attempt would be made to destroy the flotilla ; he felt confident, that 
 dangerous as the undertaking was, it had its chances of success, and 
 he dreaded what a bold and brave enemy might attempt to prevent it, 
 as well as the effects of treachery. The very last attack had shown 
 that the British shells could reach the shipping at the very extremity 
 of the harbour. He feared that Nelson might take advantage of 
 this circumstance, and succeed in setting fire to the French flotilla. 
 He supposed that a British squadron might sail from England at 
 twelve o’clock at night, reach Boulogne at five in the morning, lay 
 broadside-to off the battery Des Grenadiers, and Fort l’Huert, send 
 bomb-ketches forward, and before daylight create a dreadful con- 
 fusion in the harbour. If the rasant batteries, or the side batteries 
 interrupted the attack, the British might send a few old frigates to 
 give another direction to, if not to silence, their fire, and meanwhile 
 shot would be poured upon the harbour, treachery might also assist, 
 and the First Consul’s immense armament be totally destroyed. 
 
 To prevent such a disaster, the attack must be immediately coun- 
 teracted and the enemy repulsed. If the bombardment were pro- 
 longed, it would inevitably cause immense damage. Ney’s alterations 
 therefore tended to foil such an attempt if made by the British navy. 
 He wished that a division of prames should lie at anchor at the mouth 
 of the Lyonne, so as to form a saliant angle, under cover of the 
 rasant batteries, and be always ready for immediate action ; that 
 these prames should be supported by two lines of gun-boats, which 
 should go out every day with the tide, and lie at anchor outside until 
 the British squadron was announced by signals on the heights. 
 These gun-boats, manned by picked detachments, were to have set 
 sail directly towards the British ships, and, after receiving the first 
 broadside, attempt to carry them by boarding. If the wind and the 
 chance of the day were both unfavourable, they were to have fallen 
 back [under cover of the batteries on the coast, and have gained 
 Etaples, Vimereux, or Ambleteuse. The two last of these seaports 
 being exposed to the same dangers as Boulogne, Ney thought the 
 same plan ought to be adopted with regard to them. General Soult 
 to whom he submitted his plans and fears, wrote him the following 
 note : — 
 
 “ I sincerely thank you, my dear General, for your observations 
 
106 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 upon the defence of Boulogne. I will profit by them, if circumstances 
 allow me to do so. 
 
 “ We have two prames ready to go out in case of attack ; we are 
 in expectation of several others now fitting out at Havre, Dunkerque, 
 and Ostend, and which are likewise intended to protect and support 
 the vessels of the flotilla at anchor in the roads. 
 
 “ In the event of attack, some divisions of gun-boats and pirogues 
 should proceed to the roads ; and this would be the more necessary 
 because, besides disencumbering the harbour, it would force the 
 enemy, whatever were their force, to keep at a respectful distance. 
 
 “ Numerous precautions have been taken against the effect of fire, 
 and some fresh precaution is taken every day. For some time past 
 the duty upon the quays is performed with tolerable exactness, and 
 we observe with pleasure that, in this respect, there is an evident 
 improvement. 
 
 “ The flotilla has not yet been able to go outside the harbour, 
 because, until to-day, the men have not ceased working day and 
 night at their buildings ; but now that this labour is far advanced I 
 hope to resume this exercise, which is necessary, not only for the 
 sailors and the troops, but likewise to accustom the enemy to have 
 us in sight. 
 
 “ As for the ports of Ambleteuse and Vimereux, of which you also 
 speak in your letter, it appears to me very difficult for the enemy to 
 succeed in any serious attempt, for the situation of these two ports, 
 and the armament employed in their defence, are obstacles which 
 they could not easily overcome. 
 
 “ Believe in the assurance of my friendship, 
 
 “ Soult.” 
 
 The precautions alluded to by Soult corresponded very nearly with 
 those recommended by Ney ; nevertheless, although they were quite 
 sufficient to foil a coup-de-main, he still did not think them calculated 
 to attain the object in view. The centre of operations appeared, in 
 his judgment, badly chosen, and he would have removed the camp 
 from Boulogne to Etaples, which offered immense advantages. Its 
 bay is capable of holding from fifteen to eighteen hundred vessels, 
 secure from bombs ; and all might leave it during one tide. It would 
 take them, it is true, two hours more to reach England from Etaples 
 than from Boulogne ; but on the other hand, if the weather was bad, 
 they would be able to reach the Canche much more easily, and run 
 less risk of grounding. A fort was in progress of building upon the 
 Banc-aux-chiens ; and the roadstead and the outer anchorage of the 
 harbour, already defended by three batteries, would now be secure 
 against any attack. But the flotilla and the materiel of the army 
 were stationed at Boulogne ; and this idea was not carried into exe- 
 cution. Meantime, an imaginary danger spread alarm along the 
 coast ; and it was of a kind that neither redoubts, nor armies, nor 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 107 
 
 flotillas could arrest. It was reported that the British cruisers had 
 thrown three poisoned bales of cotton upon the coast, and that the 
 British government had called the plague to its assistance.* The 
 first Consul refused to credit such a thing ; nevertheless it was re- 
 ported to him, and he applied to Ney to ascertain the fact. 
 
 “ I am informed, Citizen General Ney,” he wrote, “ that the En- 
 glish have thrown bales of cotton upon our coast, which has led to 
 the supposition that these bales are poisoned. Give me all the par- 
 ticulars you can collect on this matter. It would be lamentable to 
 think that every principle of humanity could be thus forgotten. 
 
 Bonaparte.” 
 
 “ Malmaison, 30th Ventose, Year XII. 
 
 (March 21st, 1804.)” 
 
 * To the Posts along the coasts. 
 
 Battery of St. Frieux, 25th Yentose, Year XII. 
 
 (March 16th, 1804.) 
 
 Remain at your posts, Citizens, and increase your vigilance. 
 
 The English, unable to conquer us by force, are employing their last resource : 
 the Plague. 
 
 Five bales of cotton have just been thrown upon our coast. 
 
 All are hereby forbidden to approach any boats or objects that may be cast on 
 shore. 
 
 Let patrols be instantly on foot, and let them be accompanied by custom-house 
 officers. 
 
 Villatte, General of Brigade, 
 
 P. S. These presents shall pass from post to post, from the battery of Petite-Ga- 
 ronne to the entrance of the harbour at Boulogne. 
 
 Villatte. 
 
 Villatte, General of Brigade, to General-in-chief Soult, commanding the 
 Camp at St. Omer. 
 
 Battery of St. Frieux, 25th Ventose, Year XII. 
 
 General, 
 
 The English, unable to conquer us by force, are recurring to their last resource : 
 the Plague. 
 
 Five bales of cotton have just been cast upon our coast : I hasten to give you 
 notice of it. 
 
 From St. Frieux to the mouth of the Canche, all the troops are at their posts; 
 patrols are spread along the strand, and are accompanied by the custom-house 
 officers. 
 
 In sight of this battery, and almost within shot, are a frigate and two sloops of war 
 belonging to the enemy ; also several small fishing-boats, which I presume contain 
 other bales of cotton. 
 
 As no one is allowed to take out any boat or vessel, I have just received the 
 order to fire at everything that may appear in the sea within the range of our 
 batteries. 
 
 Be so good, General, as to give orders to the detachment of the 46th regiment, 
 sent to guard the battery of St. Frieux, to build their huts behind and close to 
 the battery. 
 
 If there be anything new, General, I shall lose no time in giving you intimation 
 of it. 
 
 Health and respect. 
 
 Villatte. 
 
108 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Ney, although he had no high opinion of the principles on which 
 Great Britain was then governed, thought with the First Consul, 
 that this charge was too monstrous to be believed. He nevertheless 
 set inquiries on foot, and after due investigation discovered that this 
 alleged horrible attempt, which had terrified the whole country, 
 turned out to be an old hammock which some fishermen had found 
 on the sea-shore. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 This alarm, though false, had increased the hatred felt by every 
 individual in the French army against England, and was not without 
 influence in the manifestation of this feeling. For a long time past 
 Great Britain affected a blind aversion towards the First Consul, and 
 this aversion was made manifest, not only in parliamentary declama- 
 tion, but in the diplomatic despatches sent abroad. At Petersburg, 
 Admiral Warren had announced new contests which were to over- 
 throw General Bonaparte. At Madrid, the British ambassador, 
 Frere, had several times declared that Bonaparte could not long 
 escape : that sooner or later he must fall either by steel or by 
 poison.* 
 
 George Cadoudal, and his hand of assassins, having been landed 
 upon the French coast by English vessels, had nearly realised these 
 atrocious predictions ; and as if to show the fulness of the measure 
 of iniquity, the unworthy plots of two British agents had just been 
 discovered. Drake, the British minister at the court of Bavaria, not 
 satisfied with planning the overthrow of the French government, 
 and the murder of the First Consul, aimed at a renewal of the hor- 
 rors of the infernal machine, by blowing up the powder-mills, if an 
 opportunity offered.f Spencer Smith, at Stuttgard, where he was 
 
 * April 3rd, 1803. 
 
 f “ Article II. The principal object of this journey being to overthrow the pre- 
 sent government, one of the means of succeeding is to acquire a knowledge of the 
 enemy’s plans. For this purpose it is of the highest importance to begin by esta- 
 blishing sure correspondences in the different public offices, thus obtaining an exact 
 knowledge of every measure to be adopted with regard either to the interior of the 
 country or to the exterior. A knowledge of their plans would furnish the best wea- 
 pons for defeating them, and the failure of such plans is one of the means to be used 
 in bringing absolute discredit upon the government: this is a first, and indeed the 
 most important step towards the object in view. 
 
 “ The persons employed in the powder-mills might be gained, with the aid of asso- 
 ciates, and the mills blown up, when an opportunity offered. 
 
 “ It is above all things necessary to bring into the plot, and secure the fidelity 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 109 
 
 the accredited British agent, was engaged in similar machinations. 
 Like his colleague, he plotted murder, offered wages to infamy, and 
 encouraged the most disgraceful and atrocious actions ; whilst the 
 British minister at home, far from disavowing such acts, took them 
 upon his own responsibility. 
 
 He declared in the face of all Europe, that he should be culpable 
 if he did not second the exertions of those of the inhabitants of 
 France who made a profession of hostile sentiments towards its pres- 
 ent government.* Thus the plan of attempting the First Consul’s 
 life, or at least the project of destroying what he had done, was 
 avowed and proclaimed by the British government. England wished 
 not only to strike down the great man who had united the scattered 
 elements of national strength in France, but likewise to overthrow 
 the institutions, dissolve the armies, and annihilate, in a word, all that 
 had been obtained in that country by ten years of unprecedented vic- 
 tories. 
 
 The last attempt of the British diplomatists had failed, and the 
 First Consul had escaped the poniards of their hired assassins; but 
 the army did not deceive itself with regard to the existing state of 
 things : it felt that the popular energy was exhausted, that each citi- 
 zen was tired of war and strife, and that the advantages of the revo- 
 lution would be destroyed, should the republic lose its powerful chief. 
 Its own glorious labours would in such case be deemed a lengthened 
 revolt, its victories a series of crimes, and that France, which it had 
 so nobly defended — which it had surrounded with glory so bright and 
 dazzling, would become a prey to the emigrants. It was out- 
 rageous at this persevering personal enmity to its leader, around 
 whom it assembled, and intreated that his ^existence, together with 
 the fruits of its own labours, might be rendered secure. The dra- 
 goons, assembled in independent divisions, took the lead : they in- 
 treated the First Consul to assume the imperial purple, and their 
 desire, repeated by even the smallest hamlets, became that of entire 
 France. Addresses from the different corps poured in ; — each day 
 Loison transmitted some, and Dupont renewed the expression of his 
 own wishes, in forwarding those of the officers under his command.* 
 Ney joined in the expression of this general feeling. 
 
 of some printers and engravers, in order to print and do what the association 
 may require. 
 
 “ It would be desirable to ascertain precisely the state of parties in France, more 
 especially at Paris. 
 
 “ It is understood that all possible means shall be employed to disorganize the 
 armies, either out of, or in the country.” 
 
 (Instructions from the British minister, Drake, to one of his agents, M. D. L.) 
 
 * Note of Lord Hawkesbury, addressed to the foreign ministers at the Court of St. 
 James’s. 
 
 * To General-in-Chief Nev. 
 
 I enclose, my dear General, the personal addresses from the generals and colonels 
 of the 1st division to the First Consul. They all contain the same wish which we 
 
 VOL. II. 15 
 
110 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Such a change in the form of government was rather a sudden 
 return to monarchy, and the danger was perhaps less imminent than 
 the army supposed; but nature has its casualties as well as fortune, 
 and if Bonaparte were fortunate enough to escape steel and poison, 
 he might perchance be seized with a sudden disease, and leave his 
 great work incomplete in the hands of a less able successor. The 
 new institutions of France were by no means consolidated ; they 
 might be attacked and the country exposed to the strife of ambitious 
 men, each eager to seize upon the supreme power. The thought of 
 an hereditary sovereign excited, no doubt, a strong repugnance in 
 many ; but the civil rights of the French citizens had just been pro- 
 claimed, liberty and equalfty formed the basis of the laws of France, 
 and the object of the revolution was attained. It was now absurd to 
 sacrifice the substance to the form, place in danger the object which 
 had been obtained by such enormous sacrifices and exertions, and all 
 this to conciliate a mere sensitiveness of principle which in state 
 affairs must needs give way to expediency. The army felt no such 
 foolish delicacy ; both officers and men were impatient to place the 
 guardianship of the principles which they had so nobly defended, in 
 the hands of a man capable of still making them triumph. Ney 
 therefore assembled his corps-d’armee, and the following address was 
 agreed upon : — 
 
 The General-in-Chief, Generals, Officers, and Soldiers of 
 the Camp of Montreuil to the First Consul. 
 
 9th Floreal, Year XII. (April 29th, 1804.) 
 
 “The French monarchy has crumbled to pieces under the weight 
 of fourteen centuries ; the noise of its fall has alarmed the world and 
 shaken all the thrones in Europe. France, abandoned to a total sub- 
 version, has during ten years of revolution undergone all the evils 
 which could desolate a nation. You have appeared, Citizen General, 
 radiant with glory and surpassing genius, and suddenly the storms 
 have blown off. 
 
 “ Victory has placed you at the helm of government; justice and 
 peace are seated by your side. 
 
 “ The recollection of our misfortunes was already beginning to be 
 effaced, and all the feelings of the French people were about to merge 
 into that of gratitude alone, when a dreadful event has shown them 
 the new dangers which they are about to encounter. 
 
 “Your life, vainly defended by thirty millions of men, has been 
 threatened ; and a single blow of a poniard would have thrown back 
 
 have already expressed at the head of the troops, that the hero of France should be 
 invested with the Imperial dignity. May 1 beg that you will lay these addresses 
 before him as the most sacred pledge of the devoted attachment felt towards him by 
 the division he has placed under my command. Dupont. 
 
 Head-quarters, Fayelle, 14th Floreal, Year XI I. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 Ill 
 
 the destinies of a great people, and revived among them the dreadful 
 excesses of ambition and of anarchy. 
 
 “ So appalling a prospect has dispelled every illusion, and the 
 minds of all are divided betwixt horror of the past and dread of the 
 future. France, with all its greatness and power, seeing that it 
 might lose all in a single day, has been struck with consternation and 
 dread. It is now like the Colossus with feet of clay. The time has 
 come to put an end to such a state of anxiety, by making our power- 
 ful institutions secure for us a lasting prosperity. The same cry is 
 heard from every part of France ; be not therefore deaf to this ex- 
 pression of the national will. 
 
 “ Accept, General Consul, the Imperial crown offered to you by 
 thirty millions of people. Charlemagne, the greatest of our ancient 
 kings, obtained his from the hands of victory: do you, with still more 
 glorious claims than his, receive yours from those of gratitude. 
 Let it be transmitted to your descendants, and may your virtues be 
 perpetuated upon earth with your name ! 
 
 “ As for us, General Consul, full of love of our country and of 
 attachment to your person, we devote our existence to the defence of 
 both.” 
 
 The camps of Ostend and St. Omer followed the example of that 
 of Montreuil, and expressed the same wish in still more enthusiastic 
 language. It was at first deemed advisable to prevent those tumul- 
 tuous meetings, where each lights his enthusiasm at the torch of his 
 neighbour, whom he excites in his turn. Deputations were therefore 
 thought of, and it was proposed to allow only an officer, a non-com- 
 missioned officer, and a soldier to vote in each company, as the repre- 
 sentatives of that company. But all vehemently claimed their 
 rights, and each was desirous of giving his individual vote. Never 
 was such eagerness seen, nor so complete a feeling of unanimity; 
 but likewise, as Soult observed, “ the nation had never done so much 
 for its happiness as by acquitting its debt of gratitude.”* The legis- 
 lature, the senate, and the whole of the magistracy, from the body of 
 judges down to the petty magistrates in the villages, declared the 
 same intentions and expressed the same desires. The First Consul, 
 therefore accepted this new dignity, and was proclaimed Emperor on 
 the 14th of May, 1804. 
 
 The question of hereditary descent was referred to the primary 
 assemblies, but the feelings of the nation in its favour were expressed 
 throughout, the country. The power with which Napoleon was 
 invested, was accordingly settled on his family, and the order of suc- 
 cession regulated : there was no interval between him who died and 
 him who succeeded, so that no opening was left for the plottings of 
 ambitious men. This new order of things led to new titles and new’ 
 
 * Letter to Ney, dated 17th Flcreal, Year XII. 
 
112 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 powers. As consul, Bonaparte had generals in chief; as emperor, 
 he was obliged to assume the forms of monarchy and create great 
 dignitaries, and marshals of the empire. Ney was included in this new 
 aristocracy; he received the staff of supreme command, as did also 
 Berthier, Murat, Moncey, Jourdan, Massena, Augereau, Bernadotte, 
 Soult, Brune, Lannes, Mortier, Davoust, Bessieres, Kellermann, 
 Lefebvre, Perignon, and Serrurier. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 “ When Pepin was crowned,” says Montesquieu, “it was one cere- 
 mony more, and one phantom less : he only acquired ornaments by 
 it, but nothing in the nation was changed.” This was the case with 
 the new dignity conferred upon Napoleon Bonaparte: it gave him no 
 power which he did not already possess; it only consolidated those 
 rights which the people had conquered, placed them beyond the 
 reach of the assassin’s dagger, and established a centre round which 
 the nation could rally when they were attacked ; and if the revolu- 
 tion were assailed in the person of its chief, its benefits were never- 
 theless now secured to the nation. The army, constantly exposed to 
 see its dearly bought fame dishonoured, and the principles for which 
 it had fought and bled disavowed, hailed with enthusiasm this new 
 pledge of security. It remembered that the old aristocrats of France, 
 eternally plotting against the life of General Bonaparte, had always 
 found him in their way whenever they made any attempt hostile to 
 the nation. It was he who beat them on the 13th of Vendemiaire; 
 it was he who foiled them on the 18th of Brumaire, and utterly frus- 
 trated their plans. In him the army beheld the champion of the 
 new principles, the hero of civilization and improvement ; and it ap- 
 plauded with transport the elevation of a man whom his own labours, 
 and the odious conspiracies against him by foreign states, had equally 
 tended to establish as the representative of the French revolution. 
 Thus each day brought its particular homage to the popular chief- 
 tain, and the unanimous feeling in Bonaparte’s favour, which per- 
 vaded all classes of the nation, was evinced each day by some fresh 
 act. The new Emperor had always loved to honour courage, and 
 excite it by rewards and distinction. In Italy he had decreed 
 swords of honour to those who won distinction in the field ; in Egypt 
 he gave pecuniary rewards; and in France he addressed words of 
 praise. Being now invested with supreme authority, he instituted 
 the Legion of Honour, distributed in person crosses to the troops 
 then at Paris, and directed the marshals of the empire to distribute 
 among the corps on the coast a number of crosses destined for each. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 113 
 
 Ney received seventy-seven great and a hundred and thirty small 
 crosses for the corps under his command. But the enthusiasm in 
 favour of the Emperor was so great that all regretted the distance 
 which had prevented them from being in Paris to be invested with 
 the badge of honour by Napoleon himself ; and this feeling was so 
 strongly expressed by the general officers that Ney felt it incum- 
 bent upon him to state the circumstance to him who was the object 
 of these feelings. He wrote as follows : 
 
 “ It is my duty to acquaint your Majesty with the feelings of re- 
 gret expressed by the general officers at not receiving this glorious 
 decoration from your Majesty’s own hands. They had flattered them- 
 selves that they should have been equally fortunate with those mem- 
 bers of the Legion of Honour who were present at Paris at the cere- 
 mony of the 14th of July. 
 
 “ This desire, in which I share with them, has its origin in our 
 attachment to your Majesty ,* and you give an additional value ta 
 your favours when you confer them in person.”* 
 
 The anniversary of St. Napoleon’s day was not far off, and the 
 Emperor anxious to meet the wishes of Ney’s officers, fixed that 
 anniversary for the ceremony of investiture. But an idea struck him 
 that the same opportunity might serve to appease the jealousies 
 existing among the different French armies, and induce the troops of 
 each corps to entertain the same kindly feelings towards each other 
 as they seemed to do towards him. His idea was, in short, to make 
 the troops forget the distinctions of the Rhine and the Adige, and 
 that all their hatreds as well as all their affections should be in 
 common. He therefore ordered the several corps stationed at 
 Bruges, at Ostend, and at Montreuil to join those encamped at 
 Boulogne. The commanders of the corps received directions to 
 concert with each other in bringing the troops into amicable com- 
 munication, and making them fraternize. The camp of St. Omer’s 
 was to receive the others ; and Marshal Soult, by whom it was com- 
 manded, was anxious to ascertain Ney’s opinion as to the best mode 
 of providing accommodation for his guests. 
 
 “ His Majesty,” wrote Soult, “seems desirous that the troops of 
 the camp of Montreuil should occupy our camps, together with those 
 of St. Omer, who now inhabit them. The latter will entertain the 
 men composing your army, as well as the troops who shall arrive 
 from the different reserves. By these means his Majesty’s wish that 
 the troops should fraternize together, will be accomplished. It would 
 be difficult to fulfil this his Majesty’s intention, unless your troops 
 were settled in our camps ; although, perhaps you would prefer that 
 they should be encamped with tents, in some spot agreed upon near 
 the place fixed upon for the ceremony, or else cantoned in the neigh- 
 bouring villages ; and that, under all circumstances, they should be 
 
 * Letter of the 6th Thermidor, Year XII. (July 25th, 1804.) 
 
114 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 in our camps on the 28th, to dine and fraternize with the other 
 troops, who will be present at the ceremony. If you think, my dear 
 Marshal, that either of these plans be preferable to the other, pray 
 let me know immediately, and I shall lose no time in concerting with 
 you on the best means of insuring its execution.” 
 
 Ney adopted the plan which appeared most convenient to his col- 
 leage. Soult narrowed his cantonments, the calvary was quartered 
 in the villages, the infantry provided with tents ; each soldier had 
 a companion, each officer a guest; and the whole army found quar- 
 ters within the limits assigned to the camps of St. Omer. 
 
 On the day before the ceremony, all the several corps reached the 
 quarters prepared for them. The evening was spent in friendly 
 greetings and joyous anticipations. Some indulged dreams of military 
 fame ; others, and these composed the majority, called to mind the 
 • hazards and dangers which the revolution had run. And in trnth, it 
 had been assailed by conspiracies and by armies in succession : at 
 one time it was near being crushed by the plots of the emigrants ; at 
 another it was in imminent danger from a coalition of kings. But 
 Napoleon Bonaparte had always appeared as its tutelary genius ; he 
 had repaired the disasters consequent upon the defeats of its brave 
 defenders, and frustrated the wily plots of its enemies. He was now 
 in the act of consummating his work, and taking under his own guard 
 and governance the principles which he had defended. Personal 
 ambition, as these brave soldiers could not but admit, had some 
 share in his undertakings ; but who was free, they asked, from 
 faults? Besides, it was the least of two evils: it was the alternative 
 between the confirmation by law of a popular dictatorship, which 
 already existed, and a total sacrifice of the benefits of the revolution. 
 With the exception of himself, there was no man to whom the pre- 
 servation of these benefits could be safely confided. Of three lead- 
 ing generals in whose keeping the fortunes of the revolution had been 
 placed, one had quitted his country, the second had betrayed the 
 principles he defended, and the third had just entered into a compact 
 with the emigrants. When each of the Emperor’s competitors had 
 proved himself so ignominiously faithless to his country, it was 
 hardly fair to expect that he should himself be free from all the 
 weaknesses of human nature. At all events Napoleon was faithful to 
 his principles, and his own ambitious feelings were closely interwoven 
 with the greatness of the French nation. 
 
 At daybreak the cannon announced the beginning of the festivities, 
 and every one was soon ready to participate in them. The troops 
 were drawn up upon the ground set apart for the ceremony. It was 
 a gentle slope, which terminated at the cliff on the sea-shore. In 
 the middle of it was a throne, from which all the columns, formed 
 by the several corps, diverged. 
 
 The infantry was spread out in the shape of a fan ; in its rear the 
 cavalry described a semicircle, and father back were the inhabitants 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 115 
 
 of the country, whom curiosity had brought to the spot. The 
 esplanade formed an amphitheatre, and each spectator could dis- 
 tinctly perceive, at one and the same time, the English coast whence 
 the elements of war were propelled, and that throne which had just 
 been raised amid agitation and alarm. Each individual present was 
 impatient to reach the one, and each internally resolved to defend the 
 other to the last drop of his blood. 
 
 The thunder of the artillery, announcing the arrival of the Empe- 
 ror, turned the thoughts of each spectator into another channel. 
 Each became silent and motionless ; and when the monarch appeared 
 at the head of his suite, a spontaneous shout rent the air, every hat 
 was waved, and a profound silence succeeded this burst of enthusi- 
 asm. The new members of the Legion of Honour were assembled 
 at the head of each demi-brigade, and Napoleon having ascended the 
 throne, arose and addressed them as follows : 
 
 “ You severally swear, upon your honour, to devote yourselves to the 
 service of the republic, to co-operate with all your might in maintaining 
 the integrity of its territory, and defending its government, its laws, and 
 the property acknowledged by those laws. You swear to resist, by 
 every means which justice, law, and reason allow, all attempts to re- 
 establish feudality and its titles, or the privileges which they con- 
 ferred. You swear, in short, to co-operate with all your might in 
 the maintenance of liberty and equality. You swear all this!” _ 
 These were the very principles which the new members of the 
 Legion of Honour had themselves proclaimed ; these were the prin- 
 ciples whose triumph they had secured in the field of battle ; the 
 Emperor’s appeal to them was therefore received with the loudest 
 acclamations. Napoleon continued : 
 
 “ You, soldiers, severally swear to defend, at the peril of your 
 lives, the honour of the French name, your country, and the institu- 
 tions and laws by which it is governed !” 
 
 “ We swear it !” cried the soldiers simultaneously. 
 
 The sound of this oath had scarcely subsided, when a small squad- 
 ron appeared in full sail entering the port of Boulogne. It was com- 
 manded by Captain Daurier, who after having been obliged to put 
 twice into Havre-de-Grace, to escape from the British cruisers, had 
 at length eluded their vigilance and reached Boulogne in safety. The 
 applause was renewed on receiving these particulars, and the troops 
 then filed off. The remainder of the day was spent in dancing, run- 
 ning races, and other manly sports ; the whole was wound up by a 
 display of fireworks, and when the bouquet was let otf, fifteen thou- 
 sand meh, formed in line of battle at the top of the cliff, kept up a 
 running fire with starred cartridges. 
 
 All this produced fresh acclamations, and the night set in for some 
 time ere the army returned to their quarters. But the festival, and 
 the preparations for it, had been perceived by the British cruisers, 
 who gave intelligence to their government of the evacuation of the 
 
116 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 camps of Bruges, Ostend, and Montreuil, and the concentration of 
 the whole French army before Boulogne. All England was in 
 rumour at this news, but the r> ritish government persisted in its opin- 
 ion that the prames assembLJ on the French coast were intended to 
 engage decked men-of-war, and that the army about to embark in 
 these boats intended to attempt forcing the passage, and hoped to 
 cross the straits by the military strength of the flotilla alone. It 
 therefore resolved to anticipate the French army and trouble its pre- 
 parations : its cruisers according got under weigh, and proceeded to 
 attack the flotilla at Boulogne. 
 
 The military combinations, which were to enable the French to 
 reach the coast of Great Britain, being far from complete, the arma- 
 ment was content merely to take up the gauntlet thrown to it. The 
 Are was opened at about half range, and in a short time the engagement 
 became very animated. The Emperor in person directed the F rench. 
 He was in a boat with Admiral Bruix. The British squadron was 
 soon thrown into confusion ; one of its cutters was taken, and its 
 sloops of war were in tow. The French gun-boats closed their 
 ranks in order to attempt boarding the British vessels ; but these, 
 not daring to prolong the struggle, hauled off* and were soon out of 
 sight. The Emperor then withdrew, after expressing his satisfaction 
 at the conduct of the flotilla, and stating that the enemy, which it had 
 just dispersed, would not fail to return and attack it again ; but that 
 if it continued to display the same energy and courage, all the British 
 navy together would be unable to prevent the French army from 
 landing on the English coast, w’here they would be able to crush, in 
 its very strongholds, that demon of strife and bloodshed which had 
 so long desolated the Continent. 
 
 He had inspected and was well acquainted with this part of the 
 coast ; he therefore proceeded towards Montreiul. Detachments 
 were placed on the road at short distances from each other, and the 
 Emperor was every where received with the most deafening accla- 
 mations. About two thirds of the camp of Montrieul had been unable 
 to assist at the ceremony, and were desirous of expressing, like their 
 brethren, their zeal and attachment towards their sovereign, whilst 
 they who had already done so during the ceremony, were eager to 
 repeat their professions. 
 
 Ney’s men were all underarms ; and they executed every manoeu- 
 vre and evolution in line with such precision and rapidity, that the 
 Emperor was delighted at their skill. He expressed his satisfaction 
 to Ney, to whom he stated how much he was gratified at the noble 
 bearing of the men and their elegant and soldier-like appearance, 
 which contrasted so strongly with the rags which, until lately, had 
 formed their only clothing. 
 
 “ No doubt, Sire,” Ney replied, “ the military administration, like 
 every other branch of the public service, has experienced the happy 
 effects of your government. It is greatly improved, and has become 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 117 
 
 provident and economical. But if I might venture to make an ob- 
 servation, I should say that it would be advantageous to the service, 
 if zeal were stimulated by rewarding the exertions of those by whom 
 the duties of the commissariat are conducted.” 
 
 “ Do you mean in the person of your commissary-general?” asked 
 the Emperor. 
 
 “Yes, Sire: I mean by making Marchand a commander of the 
 Legion of Honour. No man is more deserving of such distinction ; 
 no man has sounder principles, or more extensive talents, and none is 
 more devoted to your person.” 
 
 The Emperor approved of this idea, and thought that the members 
 of the military administrations ought likewise to reap the reward of 
 their exertions, by sharing in the honours bestowed on the officers 
 and soldiers of the army. He therefore followed Ney’s suggestion 
 with regard to Marchand, and other functionaries in the same branch 
 of the service. Having continued to observe the conduct of the 
 troops, he had the oldest soldier of each demi-brigade presented to 
 him. He interrogated these veterans, inquired in what battles they 
 had fought, and where they had been wounded ; and he conferred a 
 pension upon each of them. Such acts of liberality produced a pow- 
 erful effect among the soldiery, who became still more attached, if 
 possible, to their Emperor. They saw that the helm of state was 
 now held by a man who could appreciate the services of a soldier, 
 and that opprobrium and beggary would no longer be the reward of 
 bravery in the field of battle. 
 
 Meantime the British had resolved to make another attack upon 
 the flotilla. Having invented new engines of terrific effect, they 
 announced the speedy destruction of the armament. On the 1st of 
 October they set sail, and next day fifty-four vessels of all sizes, 
 under the command of Lord Keith, appeared off Boulogne. The 
 British commander, having ranged his fleet in line-of-battle, sent off 
 twenty fire-ships towards the harbour. These were filled with fire- 
 works and projectiles, having a pendulum affixed, which after a cer- 
 tain number of oscillations fired the train and the whole blew up. 
 
 These horrible machines passed through the French lines and 
 exploded between their vessels and the shore. The shock was dread- 
 ful ; it was felt at a distance of three leagues in the country, but it 
 did very little damage to the flotilla. A peniche was destroyed. Its 
 crew, seeing one of these vessels approach, took it for an armed brig, 
 and determined to attack it at close quarters. Having approached, 
 they were about to attempt boarding it, when with a sudden explosion 
 it blew them and their boat into the air. Notwithstanding the dan- 
 ger, the French endeavoured to board several of these vessels and 
 prevent their exploding ; they succeeded in getting possession of one, 
 and were thus able to ascertain of what these formidable engines of 
 destruction were composed. 
 
 The action continued till the night was far advanced. The British 
 
 VOL. II. 16 
 
118 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 had lost several vessels, either captured or sunk ; and the French 
 line being still compact and in good order, they dared not continue 
 the conflict. Thus the expensive attempt, which had been so long 
 in preparing, and had been announced with so much pomp, proved a 
 total failure. This ill success was therefore likely to weaken the 
 confidence of the other states of Europe in British power. 
 
 Ney expressed his satisfaction to Soult at the result of this attack, 
 and invited him to a military fete at Montreuil. Ney’s men were 
 becoming daily more skilful in their evolutions, and their general 
 daily acquired a stronger taste for these manoeuvres, which he alone 
 directed. 
 
 “ On Sunday next, my dear Marshal,” he wrote to his colleague, 
 “I shall manoeuvre sixteen battalions; if your occupations enable 
 you to absent yourself during part of the day, I shall be delighted to 
 receive you in the midst of my troops. The manoeuvring will begin 
 at seven in the morning, in the plain near the Chateau de Recques, 
 on the road from Boulogne to Montreuil, and at a distance of about 
 three quarters of a league from the latter town. Should you find it 
 necessary to return to Boulogne the same evening, you can easily 
 do so. You promised to come and see me after the Emperor’s de- 
 parture, and I call upon you to keep your word.”* 
 
 The sight was deserving of the attention of such a man as Soult. 
 The troops were active and expert in each evolution and manoeuvre, 
 and Ney, with his own powerful and manly voice, gave the word of 
 command to this immense column. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The summer was over, the rains began to be more frequent, and 
 the winds, which are always high upon the coast, to blow with greater 
 violence and impetuosity. The huts already bore marks of their 
 fury: the walls of some were blown in, others had their roofs blown 
 off, and the men were constantly employed in repairing the ravages 
 of the gale, which were as constantly renewed. The health of the 
 men now began to suffer, and Ney resolved to pull down the huts and 
 erect stronger, larger, and more commodious buildings, better cal- 
 culated to resist the wind and keep out the cold and rain than the 
 slight wooden cabins occupied by the men during the fine weather. 
 There was however so great a scarcity of stone, that recourse was 
 had to the fragments found in the beds of the neighbouring rivers. 
 
 * Letter of the 11th Vendemiaire (October 3d, 1804.) 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 119 
 
 Pits were also opened in the soil to find those materials for building 
 which its surface did not yield. At length, by dint of labour and 
 perseverance, a sufficient quantity was collected, and each soldier 
 became either a mason or a carpenter. They pulled down and built 
 up again with the same zeal and alacrity, and in a short time spa- 
 cious habitations covered the ground previously occupied by slight 
 and narrow huts. ( 
 
 Nor was this Ney’s only care. As winter was fast approaching, 
 he was anxious that the men should have a place of meeting, where 
 they might pass their hours of leisure when off* duty. He therefore 
 had three spacious halls built behind the front of each regiment. 
 The first, in the centre of the first battalion, was used as a fencing- 
 room ; the second, in the rear of the second battalion, was a dancing- 
 room ; the third, placed in the same parallel, but in the space which 
 separated the two battalions, formed a room for the officers. Here 
 exercises in military tactics took place. Ney ordered that each 
 officer should give an account of the manoeuvres in which he had 
 taken a part, and of the grand military operations he had personally 
 witnessed. The attack of fortified places, the administration of 
 armies, a knowledge of military law — all, in short, requisite to con- 
 stitute an able commander, he wished them to study and make them- 
 selves masters of; and as solitary research in such matters often 
 leads to error, he built this room for the purpose of their studying 
 together, assisting each other with their observations, debating upon 
 what they had seen, and stating to each other the opinions they might 
 form upon different practical points of the military art. This was 
 perhaps a difficult and irksome undertaking for men previously 
 accustomed to a life of activity ; but Ney thought it indispensably 
 necessary to add precept to example, and fortify the courage which 
 led them to victory with the theory in which the French officers of 
 that period had often shown themselves woefully deficient. 
 
 But Marshal Ney himself submitted to the same task he imposed 
 upon the officers under his command. He felt the want of correcting 
 many erroneous notions, and of discussing many still undecided 
 questions in military tactics. The standing regulations of the army 
 were ambiguous in many points and defective in others; they did 
 not determine either the positive strength or the composition of the 
 several corps ; and the manoeuvres which they indicated were in 
 many respects bad. Ney endeavoured to give fixed notions on these 
 matters. He sought to discover what ought to be done, and he 
 pointed out the defects of what had been done. He disclaimed any 
 intention of writing a treatise on these matters, which he modestly- 
 said was “beyond his abilities;” but he was anxious, he stated, to 
 acquire information, and to search into the causes of that which he 
 was interested in knowing. In his opinion, the tactics of military 
 manoeuvres consisted principally in forming rapidly into close col- 
 
120 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Umns, and in making the troops march in line of battle. He applied 
 himself to the study of the different manoeuvres by which these 
 objects might be attained, by simple movements in column, or by 
 battalions on one or two lines, and he pointed out all the changes of 
 front which might be executed by this mode, as well as by the 
 evolutions most commonly in use. He successively examined all 
 that related to armies in active service : the commissariat, marches, 
 encampments, arms, and manoeuvres ; and it is but doing him an act 
 of justice to say, that he pointed out at that period most of the im- 
 provements which have since been made. This work, so full of 
 novel views at the time it was written, is of less interest now ; but 
 we shall give some fragments of it at the end of this volume, point- 
 ing out those parts which have since been carried into execution. 
 
 Time sped on amid these studies, and the British government had 
 begun to acquire more confidence. Still it laboured under the same 
 mistake with regard to the Emperor’s plan for the invasion of 
 England. There were four thousand flat-bottomed boats on the 
 French coast ; and the building of new prames and peniches pro- 
 ceeded with vigour. Every thing tended to confirm the opinion that 
 the flotilla was to cross the channel by main force. If the attempt 
 upon England offered any chance of success, the British cabinet fan- 
 cied themselves well acquainted with the nature and extent of such 
 chance. But the English ministers were completely deceived, and 
 while they were watching with intense anxiety the flotilla at Bou- 
 logne, the real plan of invasion was in progress of development. Na- 
 poleon never entertained the idea of attempting to cross the channel 
 in gun-boats under cover of a fog, or during a gale of wind, or by 
 main force. His plans were better conceived, and this immense 
 armament of gun-boats was a mere feint to conceal them. His object 
 was to scatter the forces he could not encounter — to disperse the 
 fleets he could not hope to overcome. The French fleets were to 
 sail from Toulon, Rochefort, Cadiz, Brest, and Ferrol, entice away 
 the British blockading squadrons in pursuit, lead them into the midst 
 of the Indian Ocean, return suddenly and get into the channel before 
 the British ships had crossed the line on their return. The French 
 would then command in the channel, and be masters of the coast on 
 either side of it ; and their forces might embark in the gun-boats and 
 get possession of London, nay, of the whole of England, ere the im- 
 mense navy of Great Britain, which Napoleon had been unable to 
 encounter hand-to-hand, could interfere. The French fleets, which 
 had been long detained in the harbours above-mentioned, at length 
 set sail, and the troops on the coast received orders to hold them- 
 selves in readiness to embark at a moment’s notice. The instruc- 
 tions given to the several commanders were precise, and provided 
 against every contingency ; they even indicated the boats in 
 which each corps was to embark. Arms, horses, ammunition, 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 121 
 
 soldiers, civilians, — each object had its place, and each individual 
 was stationed according to his rank and employment.* 
 
 * To Marshal Ney, Commander-in-chief of the camp at Montreuil. 
 
 Paris, 29th Ventose, Year XIII. 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 I have the honour to inform you that, in conformity to the intentions of his ma- 
 jesty the Emperor, the troops of the camp at Montreuil are to form three divisions, 
 which are to embark in the following manner, on board of the first and second 
 squadrons of the imperial fleet : 
 
 One division shall embark on board of the vessels of first and second class belonging 
 to the first squadron ; the second division, on board the vessels of the second class 
 of the second squadron ; the third division, or the division of the van-guard, 
 on board of the vessels of the third class belonging to the first and second 
 squadrons. 
 
 Consequently the first division, commanded by General Dupont, shall embark on 
 board of the fifth and eighth divisions of gun-boats, and the ninth and tenth divisions 
 , of gun-barges forming part of the first squadron. 
 
 The second division, under the command of General Loison, shall embark on 
 board of the eleventh, twelfth, seventeenth, and eighteenth divisions of gun-barges, 
 forming part of the second squadron. 
 
 The third division, or division of vanguard, under the command of General Mal- 
 her, shall embark as follows : — General Marcognet’s brigade on board of the tenth 
 and eleventh divisions of peniches of the first squadron, and General Labassee’s bri- 
 gade on board of the twelfth and thirteenth divisions of peniches of the second 
 squadron. 
 
 The horses of the third regiment of hussars shall be shipped on board of the first 
 division of stable transports attached to the first squadron, and those of the tenth 
 regiment of hussars on board of the fourth division of stable transports attached to the 
 second squadron. 
 
 The horses belonging to the artillery trains shall be shipped on board of the second 
 division of stable transports attached to the first squadron, and of the third division 
 of stable transports attached to the second squadron. 
 
 The artillery shall be shipped on board of the first and second sections of the 
 twentieth division of transports. 
 
 Lastly, the baggage of the staff officers and of the troops composing the first 
 division, commanded by General Dupont, and of the first brigade of the van-guard 
 under General Marcognet, shall be shipped on board of the thirtieth division of 
 transports ; and that of the second division, commanded by General Loison, and of 
 the second brigade of the van-guard under General Labassee, on board of the 
 thirty-first division of transports. 
 
 Each transport vessel shall be definitively attached to its section of gun-boats, gun- 
 barges, or peniches. There shall be no further change. Each company shall know 
 its boat ; and each general of division shall know the officer by whom it is 
 commanded. 
 
 Three men from the third regiment of hussars, and from the tenth regiment of 
 chasseurs, shall be placed in garrison on board of each stable boat belonging to the 
 first squadron. The battalion of the train shall supply three men for garrison on 
 board of each stable boat of the second squadron. 
 
 The vessels destined to convey the baggage of the army shall be distributed as 
 follows a boat for each regiment; orie for each general of division ; one for two 
 brigadier generals. They shall be assigned to each in the squadron to which they 
 respectively belong. 
 
 In furtherance of the above instructions, I have to request, Monsieur le Mare- 
 chal, that you will prepare a statement by which I may ascertain, by separate 
 tables : 
 
122 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Ney had only to see to the exact execution of the orders transmit- 
 ted by the minister. He distributed his ammunition, and the tools 
 he was to take with him, among the several transports. He then 
 arranged the distribution of the flotilla: he directed that each bat- 
 talion and each company should make themselves acquainted with 
 the vessels assigned to them, and that every man should be ready -to 
 rush on board at the very first signal. But as dispatch necessitates 
 great precision of movement, he'resolved to drill his troops into such 
 precision, by making them execute sham embarcations. The divi- 
 sions composing his corps were successively assembled on the shore, 
 and by turns escaladed the gun-boats in which they were to embark. 
 This they executed in the most beautiful style, and Ney was satisfied 
 with it ; but the divisions had only performed it separately, — when 
 together they might display less coolness and promptitude, and he 
 resolved to put them to the test. 
 
 The infantry, cavalry and artillery assumed their arms ; each 
 column placed itself opposite to its own vessels. All were formed 
 into platoons for embarking, at a little distance from each other, and 
 divided by sections. The whole, from left to right, were in a par- 
 allel line to the anchorage. A first gun was fired : the general 
 officers and staff officers alighted from their horses, and placed them- 
 selves at the head of the troops which they were respectively to 
 lead. The drums had ceased rolling, and the men had unfixed their 
 bayonets. Every thing was ready, and each man prepared. A 
 second gun was heard nearer to them, and the generals of division 
 gave the word of command : “ Prepare to embark !” The brigadier- 
 
 lst, with regard to the war flotilla : 
 
 The distribution of the infantry, by battalions or by companies, on board of each 
 section of the flotilla ; 
 
 The distribution of the artillery companies; 
 
 The distribution of the train companies ; 
 
 The distribution of the companies of sappers; 
 
 The distribution of the cavalry ; 
 
 The distribution of the staff officers, inspectors, commissaries-general, unattached 
 officers of health, together with the number of horses and grooms each will be 
 allowed to ship on board of the war flotilla, according to their respective ranks ; 
 
 And, lastly, the distribution of the guns, carriages, ammunition-wagons, and 
 generally, all the personel and the materiel which each war boat of the first an d 
 second squadrons of the imperial 'flotilla is to contain. 
 
 2ndly, with regard to the transport flotilla : 
 
 The distribution of the garrison men on board of each section of the flotilla; 
 
 The distribution of the troop horses ; 
 
 The distribution of the artillery ; 
 
 The distribution of the baggage of the army and of the staff horses ; 
 
 And, lastly, the distribution of the commissariat, secretaries, sutlers, grooms, ser- 
 vants, and generally all the personel and materiel to be contained in each of the 
 transport vessels attached to the first and second squadrons. 
 
 I enclose a list of the vessels of war and transports belonging to each of these 
 squadrons. * 
 
 Berthikr, Marshal and War Minister. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 123 
 
 generals received it, transmitted it to the colonels, and the latter to 
 the officers under them. A dead silence now succeeded ; each man 
 was attentive and motionless, and each controlled the intense excite- 
 ment under which he laboured. A third gun gave forth its thunder, 
 and the word, “Forward columns !” immediately followed. Each 
 soldier now yielded to an almost uncontrollable emotion, when a last 
 report was heard. The word “March !” was pronounced; it was 
 almost drowned by acclamations ; the columns immediately put them- 
 selves in motion, and got into the boats. In ten minutes and a half 
 twenty-five thousand men were already on board. The troops felt 
 assured that they were immediately to set sail : they took their 
 places, and were engaged in making their quarters comfortable, when 
 a shot was unexpectedly fired. The drums rolled, and called the 
 men to arms ; they formed upon the decks of their respective boats. 
 A fresh discharge soon followed the first ; they fancied it was the 
 signal for weighing anchor, and they received it with cries of “ Long 
 live the Emperor !” but it was only an order to land. They were 
 unable to control the expression of their disappointment, which 
 broke forth in murmurs. They resigned themselves, however, and 
 scarcely had thirteen minutes elapsed ere they were again upon the 
 beach, formed in line of battle. 
 
 The Marshal now saw that he could depend upon his preparations, 
 and calculate to a minute the time his troops would occupy in em- 
 barking. 
 
 His provisions and hospital stores were shipped, and he had only 
 to put on board of his prames cartridges for his infantry, some flints, 
 and a chest of tools which he expected from St. Omer. All being 
 thus prepared, he was now waiting for the curtain to rise upon the 
 last act of the drama. 
 
 The British navy had completely fallen into the snare laid for it : 
 the moment the fleet cruising off Rochefort perceived Missiessy to 
 leeward, it bore down in pursuit of him. The British fleet off Tou- 
 lon was still more completely misled. Villeneuve, who had sailed on 
 the 15th of January, was struggling with a violent gale of wind, while 
 the British admiral stood out to sea ; for so great was the anxiety of 
 Lord Nelson, who commanded the British fleet, to anticipate the 
 French in reaching the place to which he fancied they were bound, 
 that he paid no attention to the contingent chance of their not wea- 
 thering the gale. And in truth the scattered French ships were 
 obliged to return and refit. They had affected to threaten Egypt, 
 and Nelson hastened thither; but not finding them, he proceeded to 
 the West Indies, where he was equally unsuccessful. He then went 
 from coast to coast in pursuit of a fleet which was snugly anchored 
 at Toulon. His colleague was also enticed to persevere in a vain 
 pursuit. The channel was now almost free, there was but a small 
 British force in the Mediterranean, and the moment seemed to have 
 
124 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 arrived when a decisive blow was to be struck, and England attacked 
 upon her own shores. 
 
 But the unexpected return of Missiessy destroyed many of the 
 chances of success. That admiral who had proceeded very rapidly 
 to Martinique, had returned with still greater rapidity, and the fear 
 evinced by the British government of an attack upon Jamaica having 
 consequently subsided, it kept in the channel the naval forces which 
 it was about to send to the assistance of that island. Thus many of 
 the chances in favour of Napoleon’s enterprise were lost. Still the 
 French forces were calculated to inspire confidence in the ultimate 
 result. They had fifteen ships of the line at Ferrol, six at Cadiz, 
 five at Rochefort, and twenty-one at Brest. Villeneuve had direc- 
 tions to unite them with the twenty which he commanded, and with 
 this prodigious fleet to take possession of the straits of Dover. He 
 accordingly sailed from Toulon on the 30th of March, anchored on 
 the 14th of May at the Fort-de-France, took the Diamond on the 
 25th, stood out to sea on the 28th, and it was known that on the 23d 
 of June he was in the latitude of the Azores. He was therefore ex- 
 pected every hour to make his appearance in the channel. But when 
 every one was in anxious expectation of his arrival to consummate 
 the Emperor’s gigantic plan, intelligence arrived that, having sus- 
 tained considerable damage in an action of some hours with the 
 British, he had sought refuge at Ferrol. Thus was the opportunity 
 lost of reaching the British coast without opposition. 
 
 All hope, however, was not yet destroyed, and the Emperor had 
 still confidence. It is well known that he continued his preparations 
 and encouraged his navy. He still flattered himself, and the nation 
 felt as he did, that Villeneuve, penetrated with the full importance of 
 his mission, would again put to sea, effect a junction with Gantheaume, 
 and, after dispersing Cornwallis’s squadron, at length reach the 
 channel. But Villeneuve seemed beset by a strange fatality; he 
 left Ferrol only to run into Cadiz ; and there was no further depen- 
 dence to be placed upon the co-operation of his fleet. What was 
 now to be done ? The Emperor sought advice and information from 
 every man of talent and experience in the kingdom. If Villeneuve 
 remained at Cadiz, what measure was to be taken? Such was the 
 question he proposed, and upon the solution of which depended 
 whether the undertaking should be pursued or not. No one could 
 strike out any satisfactory plan, and yet every one seemed convinced 
 that the invasion was practicable ; but the scheme seemed so ex- 
 cellent to Napoleon, and so likely to succeed, that although the non- 
 appearance of the squadron had caused the opportunity to be lost, 
 still he would not give it up, as he entertained a hope that another 
 propitious opportunity might occur for carrying it into execution. 
 
 Meantime, some British vessels having appeared in observatidfi off 
 the Boulogne roads, Napoleon ordered that troops should be embark- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 125 
 
 ed, and these vessels attacked, Ney immediately made the neces- 
 sary preparations ; put three thousand picked men on board the 
 peniches, and gave the command of them to officers in whose bravery 
 and talents he could confide. General Marcognet, remarkable for 
 his coolness and intrepidity, and chef-d’escadron Crabbe for his 
 prudent valour, had the direction of this column, with orders to 
 board the vessels off the harbour. The weather however was so bad, 
 that the peniches could not put to sea meantime other circum- 
 stances intervened, and led to new plans. 
 
 Austria, which had hitherto appeared timorous and wily, now be- 
 came every day less reserved. Her government seemed occupied in 
 laying in provisions, and forming depots of military stores. At 
 length she assumed an attitude of defiance, and war became inevita- 
 ble. The Emperor had long watched her motions ; he had pre- 
 viously declared that he was desirous of peace, but of “ a frank, 
 evident, and entire peace — -a peace which the movements of troops, 
 and the formation of hostile camps should not render more deplora? 
 ble and a thousand times worse than war could be.” Austria was 
 led into these measures by Great Britain, which had at length peiv 
 ceived, to its full extent, the dangerous situation in which the 
 Emperor’s combinations had placed it. The French fleets might 
 repeat their manoeuvres, plan them better, and evince greater daring. 
 If the British government despatched its squadrons in pursuit of them, 
 England would be exposed to the hazards it had already run ; if the 
 French fleets were allowed to proceed peaceably in their operations, 
 the British colonies would be in danger. The navies of England 
 being insufficient to guard the two hemispheres, the cabinet of St. 
 James’s caused a diversion by exciting Austria to declare war against 
 France. 
 
 The French armies on the frontier soon advanced and crossed the 
 Inn ; and nothing now remained but to attack the forces of the coali- 
 tion, All was speedily prepared to take the field. The troops at 
 Zeist v Ostend, Calais, Boulogne, and Aimbleteuse, were already in 
 motion. They set out on their march with their arms and baggage, 
 and without changing the order of their organization. Their march 
 was conducted in the order of war ; each was at his post ; the gene- 
 
 * To the War Minister, 
 
 I have the honour to inform your excellency that the fifth and eighth divisions of 
 gun-boats, and the four divisions of peniches, were early yesterday provided with 
 sufficient garrisons, and ready to put to sea ; but towards midnight a westerly wind 
 sprang up, freshened considerably, and rendered it impossible for the intended ex- 
 pedition to quit the harbour. 
 
 It is now half past five ; and I have just ordered the troops to land. Those on 
 board the peniches have passed a somewhat rough night. They evince, neverthe- 
 less, no other regret than that of not having been able t<3 reach the enemy. 
 
 Ney. 
 
 Etaples, 25th Thermidor, Year XIII. (August 13th, 1805.) 
 
 VOL. II. 17 
 
126 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rals of division at the head of their divisions, the brigadier-generals 
 at the head of their brigades, and the colonels at the head of their 
 regiments. It was, as it was then stated, the execution of a grand 
 military movement. But a countermarch was soon to bring back 
 the troops to the stations they had just quitted ; and the strictest 
 orders were given to prevent all disorders during the march. The 
 artillery was assembling wagons and cattle upon the Rhine, and the 
 commissariat collecting provisions from Landau to Spires. The 
 troops were to take nothing with them that would delay the march, 
 and no article that could be provided at Strasburg, was to be re- 
 moved from their late quarters on the coast.* To these general ar- 
 rangements, Ney added many of his own. He was anxious that the 
 
 * To Marshal Ney. 
 
 Boulogne, 9th Fructidor, Year XIII. 
 
 You will receive enclosed, Monsieur le Marechal, the orders which I sent off this 
 morning for the movement of countermarch which your army is to execute. 
 
 The 22nd regiment of the line, forming part of the centre, shall proceed to Etaples 
 on the evening previous to the departure of your last division, in order to occupy the 
 camp near that place. 
 
 I have given orders to send to Etaples the third battalion of that regiment now at 
 Belhune, and likewise its depot. 
 
 Brigadier-General Martilliere shall proceed to Etaples to take the command there, 
 under the orders of general of division Carra Saint-Cyr, who shall reside at Boulogne. 
 
 There shall be two companies at Etaples, selected by the senior inspector ; also an 
 artillery officer to command the artillery, who shall be under the orders of General 
 Faviel, commanding the artillery upon the coast, and resident at Boulogne. Mea- 
 sures will be taken with regard to the fleet and the sailors. 
 
 Commissary-General Desmandoir will remain provisionally in charge of the com- 
 missariat at Boulogne, and direct the service at Etaples. 
 
 General Songis is charged with the necessary arangements, in order that on your 
 arrival at Strasburg you may have cattle for all your artillery. He is authorised to 
 send with the divisions all he shall consider necessary for this purpose, and which 
 he may think he cannot be supplied with at Strasburg. The general in command 
 of your artillery shall do nothing without the orders of General Songis. All that 
 belongs to the commissariat of your army must follow it, for it will be provided with 
 food upon the banks of the Rhine by the same officers as when it formed part of the 
 army on the coast. 
 
 We are only making a grand military movement, it being the Emperor’s inten- 
 tion to order, a few months hence, your return hither by a counter-march. 
 
 Each military authority, and each commissiariat must remain at its respective 
 post during the march. 
 
 I have given orders that all the muskets marked as unfit for service, shall be 
 changed. Take care that each division remains until this order is executed. You 
 may correspond on this subject with General Songis, who has sufficient authority 
 for making the necessary exchanges, on drawing up the usual proc6s-verbaux. 
 
 Such, Monsieur le Marechal, are the principal arrangements which regard the 
 forces under your command ; but, as you cannot leave till after the departure of the 
 last detachments of your army, you will retain the command of the district until 
 that time. You will likewise give to General Martilliere such information as you 
 may deem necessary. 
 
 It is possible I may have forgotten some particulars, but we will supply this 
 omission in executing the movement. 
 
 Berthier, Minister-of War. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 127 
 
 men should be taken care of, their cantonments made comfortable, 
 and every unnecessary fatigue spared them. He entered on this 
 head, into the most minute details. He directed that none but the 
 corps fixed upon to occupy the head-quarters of the different stations, 
 should be taken to them, and that those who were to take up their 
 quarters beyond them, should proceed by the shortest road, and 
 without halting. He paid likewise great attention to the men’s arms, 
 and to their shoes. In a word, his vigilance and anxiety were so 
 great, that, according to a flattering expression of the government, 
 “ he left nothing for the minister to do.” 
 
 His colleagues displayed the same zeal, and the army rolled on 
 like a torrent towards the Rhine. The simplicity of its organization 
 gave it great rapidity of motion. It was divided into seven corps, 
 each of which had its separate commissariat, and dcted indepen- 
 dently of the others, though directed to the same object. The 
 Emperor had reserved to himself the command of the whole ; the 
 war minister fulfilled the duties of major-general of the army, and 
 transmitted his sovereign’s orders to the different commanders.. In 
 the absence of the Emperor, his Lieutenant, Prince Murat, directed 
 the operations of the whole. 
 
 The several corps remained under the command of the marshals. 
 The first which occupied Hanover, was led by Bernadotte, the sec- 
 ond by Marmont, the third by Davoust, the fourth by Soult, the fifth 
 by Lannes, the sixth by Ney, and the seventh, which still remained 
 on the coast, by Augereau. A certain force of cavalry was attached 
 to each, and the surplus of this arm was formed into a reserve con- 
 sisting of six divisions ; two of heavy cavalry, and four of dragoons. 
 
 The first division of heavy cavalry was commanded by General 
 Nansouty, the second by General D’Hautpoul ; the first reserve of 
 dragoons by General Blein, the second by General Walter, the third 
 by General Beaumont, and the fourth by General Bourcier. 
 
 All these corps did not amount to more than a hundred and eighty 
 thousand men. This was not a force commensurate with the great- 
 ness of the contest in preparation ; for the coalition did not confine 
 its efforts against France to the troops it had in line : it appealed to 
 the population of its territories, calling upon every individual to as- 
 sume arms in defence of their liberties. It thus brought in array 
 against the French the very principles it was anxious to destroy. In 
 Germany it raked up national antipathies ; it flattered Italy with a 
 spirit of independence, and it sought everywhere to sow the seeds of 
 insurrection against Napoleon. Not that the mass of the population 
 thus sought to be seduced were to be caught by such a bait, for they 
 generally valued the institutions of the French nation, and did not 
 behold, without distrust, this sudden interest taken by kings in the 
 popular cause ; but they were easily excited by the picture which 
 was drawn of the sacrifices imposed upon them, and by pointing out 
 to them that the French did not allow them to share in the political 
 
128 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 benefits which themselves enjoyed. The coalition was thus preparing 
 to attack France upon the whole of the vast line which they occu- 
 pied. Russians, British, Swedes, and Hanoverians had joined in the 
 contest ; the approach of such a host of enemies might therefore lead 
 to results unfavourable to the French, and a reverse place them in 
 collision with populations impatient of their yoke. But the Austrians 
 had imprudently spread themselves through Bavaria, before the Rus- 
 sians had well quitted Poland. Napoleon therefore hoped to antici- 
 pate the former, overpower the latter, and by placing himself between 
 both, dissipate this league of kings ere it was in a state to injure him 
 seriously in the field. According to his calculations a junction of 
 the allies with each other could only be effected in Suabia. Now* 
 from this country to Boulogne, where the French troops were sta- 
 tioned, the distance was about the same, as to Podolia, where the 
 Russian troops were assembled. He therefore made it his object to 
 start first, and to conceal for a few days the secret of his grand 
 manoeuvre from Boulogne to the Rhine. Marinont, whose forces 
 Were on board the flotilla when he received orders to march them 
 into Germany, was directed to give out that his troops were landing 
 to go into cantonments ; and Bernadotte, stationed in Hanover, was 
 to confirm the opinion that he intended to spend the winter there. 
 Each however pressed his march, and proceeded with equal celerity 
 to the point indicated, so that the French columns were pouring Upon 
 the banks of the Rhine, when the members of the coalition fancied 
 them in snug quarters upon the shores of the British channel. The 
 first and second corps had reached Mayence ; the third was spread 
 round Manheim ; the fourth had halted in the neighbourhood of 
 Spires ; the fifth was quartered at Strasburg ; and the sixth, which 
 had left Montreuil on the 28th of August, reached Lauterburg on the 
 24th of September. In this short interval Ney’s division had exe- 
 cuted a march of more than three hundred leagues, which was 
 Upwards of ten leagues a day. History has no example of such 
 rapidity ; but the celerity of this march had prevented the artillery 
 and engineers from taking their measures, and nothing was ready 
 for crossing the Rhine. Thus the troops had a short time to take 
 breath and obtain a momentary respite from their fatiguing duties. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 129 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 The several corps rested on the 25th and 26th of September. 
 They were refreshed, in excellent condition, and eager to meet the 
 enemy. The movement was resumed on the morning of the 27th : 
 Murat, at the head, crossed the Rhine at Kehl ; Lannes followed 
 him, and both, advancing upon the outlets of the mountains, brought 
 all the Austrian forces upon the Tiler, to a stand. From the number 
 of the French reconnoitring parties, and the frequency of their 
 patrols, Mack fancied that the whole of Napoleon’s army was ad- 
 vancing upon him. Tie supposed that the French, having resolved 
 to penetrate through the defiles of the Black Forest, would attempt 
 to reach the upper waters of the Danube ; and he accordingly took 
 measures to prevent them. But whilst he was waiting until they 
 appeared in front of him, they were in motion to fall upon his rear. 
 Marmont had crossed the Rhine at Mayence, Davoust at Manheim, 
 Soult at Spires, and all following corresponding roads, were proceed- 
 ing by forced marches upon Ingolstadt and Donawert. 
 
 Ney, like his colleagues, had received orders to cross the river ; 
 but his departure from Boulogne had been so unexpected, and his 
 motions so rapid, that nothing was ready. The artillery had been 
 unable to collect its cattle, or the commissary-general to provide 
 rations; and the engineers by whom the bridges were to be built 
 had not even begun this necessary work. But Ney was so eager to 
 push on and lead his men to victory, that his very impatience gave 
 him the means of overcoming the difficulties which stopped him. 
 
 Ammunition was what he most wanted ; he therefore issued a 
 requisition for the horses belonging to the several villages of the 
 country occupied by his corps, and thus succeeded, if not in setting 
 his guns in motion, at least of being followed by a number of car- 
 tridges adequate to a first consumption. And, as it was of no use to 
 possess the means of fighting, unless the enemy could be reached, he 
 ordered the banks of the river near to where he was to be examined. 
 But the timber found on them being insufficient for his purpose, he 
 rode to Hagenbach, where he found both boats and timber in abun- 
 dance. Thus the means of building a bridge being obtained, the 
 engineers immediately set to work, and erected one a little below 
 Lauterburg. Ney pressed the work, and in fifteen hours it was 
 finished. The troops immediately fell in and were formed to the 
 right of Lauterburg. The drums were beating, the bands playing, 
 and never were French soldiers actuated by stronger feelings of 
 enthusiasm. All had waking dreams of glory, and each congratu- 
 
130 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 lated himself that he had at length reached those banks upon which 
 they were to meet and to conquer the Austrians. On a sudden the 
 drums rolled, a dead silence succeeded, and the words of command 
 alone interrupted the calm which followed this manifestation of joy. 
 
 The movements being finished, and the troops formed into close 
 columns, the different generals conveyed to them the Marshal’s 
 thanks and congratulations. They had passed through France with- 
 out committing the least excess; they had shown themselves patient, 
 attentive to discipline, affable towards the hosts upon whom they had 
 been billeted, and he could not sufficiently testify his approbation of 
 their conduct. This unexpected praise ’filled them with emotion, 
 and in the satisfaction of *heir hearts they swore they would con- 
 tinue to deserve the praises of such a commander. The whole army 
 was full dressed, and both officers and men had placed small branch- 
 es of oak in their caps, as a presage of the victories which they 
 soon after gained. They marched in columns of regiments,* and 
 defiled in beautiful order, to the cries a thousand times repeated of 
 “ Long live the Emperor !” On a sudden the news reached them 
 that Napoleon had just arrived at Strasburg; it spread like wildfire 
 through the ranks, and the enthusiasm of both officers and men 
 
 * Order, of march of the sixth corps of the Grand Army in crossing the Rhine 
 BY MEANS OF THE BRIDGE THROWN ACROSS THAT RIVER OPPOSITE DuRLACH, ON THE 
 
 4th Vendemaire, Year XIV. 
 
 The troops shall march with the right at the head, and by intervals of sections, if 
 possible. If not, they shall march by the flank, and the sections shall re-form as soon 
 as the passage is effected. 
 
 First division : General Dupont. 
 
 The 1st squadron of the first regiment of hussars. 
 
 The 1st company of voltiguers of the 1st battalion. 
 
 The 1st company of carabiniers. 
 
 2 pieces of artillery : a four-pounder and a howitzer. 
 
 8 companies of the 1 st battalion. 
 
 The 2nd battalion of the 9 th, with its light company at the tail 
 of the battalion. 
 
 A detachment of ten gendarmes. 
 
 Second , 32nd regiment of the line : 2 battalions. 
 
 Brigade : \ 6 pieces of artillery : a four-pounder, 4 eight-pounders, and a twelve- 
 
 General i pounder. 
 
 Marchand. ' 96th regiment of line : 2 battalions. 
 
 Second division : General Loison. 
 
 First . 1 battalion of the 6th light infantry. 
 
 Brigade : N 2 pieces of artillery : a four pounder and a howitzer. 
 
 General i 2 battalions of the 6th light infantry. 
 
 Villatte. ' 19th regiment of the line : 2 battalions. 
 
 Second . 69th regiment of the line : 2 battalions. 
 
 Brigade : \ 6 pieces of artillery : a four-pounder, four eight-pounders, and a twelve 
 General 1 pounder. 
 
 Roguet. ' 76th regiment of line : 3 battalions. 
 
 A detachment of twelve hussars. 
 
 A detachment of ten gendarmes. 
 
 First 
 
 Brigade 
 
 General 
 
 9th f 
 light | 
 
 1 infan 
 
 : } tr y> 
 
 3 and 
 
 1st. 
 
 huss. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 131 
 
 amounted almost to delirium. Each swore to conquer or perish, and 
 each aspired to fighting under the Emperor’s eye. 
 
 The Rhine was now crossed, but the artillery remained behind, 
 and the enemy was close at hand. Nor was this the only drawback ; 
 the provisions were nearly all expended, and troops were arriving 
 from all directions. Marshal Lannes having unexpectedly with- 
 drawn from the mountains, where he had spread alarm, was advanc- 
 ing upon Louisburg. Murat was debouching upon the Gleims, the 
 imperial guard was proceeding to Constadt, and there were no means 
 of meeting the consumption. Ney, though in the second line, was 
 ordered to provide them. 
 
 Though this commission was conveyed in the most flattering terms, 
 no attempt was made to conceal the difficulties of finding such sup- 
 plies, but at the same time the necessity of doing so was strongly 
 urged. 
 
 “ The troops were threatened with famine, and the country was 
 exhausted. It was as urgent to supply the wants of the one, as to 
 avoid crushing the other.” Provisions must be collected from a 
 country afflicted with a sudden irruption, and more than that, they 
 must be supplied immediately. But the generals were ably seconded 
 
 Third division : General Malher. 
 
 , 1 battalion of the 3rd light infantry. 
 
 \ 2 pieces of artillery : a four-pounder and a howitzer, 
 i 2nd and 3rd battalions of the 25th light infantry. 
 
 ' 27th regiment of the line ; 2 battalions. 
 
 , 50 regiment of the line : 2 battalions. 
 
 \ 6 pieces of artillery ; a four-pounder, 4 eight-pounders, and a twelve, 
 i pounder. 
 
 ^ 59th regiment of the line : 2 battalions, 
 
 A detachment of twelve hussars, 
 
 A detachment of ten gendarmes. 
 
 Cavalry : General Tilly, 
 
 , 3rd regiment of hussars. 
 
 N 12 pieces of artillery ; namely, 3 howitzers, 6 eight.pounders, and 3 
 i twelve pounders. 
 
 '10 regiment of chasseurs. 
 
 The reserve, park, the provisions and substance, the pcrsonel of the commissariat ; 
 the baggage of the army beginning with that of the general staff, — the remainder to 
 follow after the order laid down above. The four last companies of the 59th regi- 
 ment to close the march and serve as an escort. Each regiment shall leave only a 
 serjeant and twelve men with the wagons. During each day’s march the battal. 
 ions shall alternately supply four companies, according to the order laid down. # 
 
 The squadron of gendarmerie shall close the march. 
 
 The chef-d’escadron, Jammeron, charged with the police of head-quarters, shall 
 provisionally do the duty of baggage-master general. He shall maintain the most 
 exact order during the march, and point out the places where the wagons are to 
 be parked, always being kept near the reserve park of artillery. 
 
 A detachment of twenty men from the select company of the 3rd hussars shall 
 follow everywhere the Marshal commander-in-chief. This detachment shall be re- 
 lieved every fifth day by one from the 10th hussars, alternately with the 1st hussars 
 and the 22nd chasseurs, as soon as this last regiment joins the corps d’armee, 
 
 First 
 Brigade : 
 General 
 Marcognet. 
 
 Second 
 Brigade : 
 General 
 Labassee. 
 
 General 
 
 Dupre’s 
 
 Brigade. 
 
132 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 by the different commissariats, and that which, at any other time 
 might have been considered impossible was done in a few hours. 
 The inhabitants felt that the French had not deserted the cause 
 which they had so long defended, and under the excitement of such 
 feelings they made the most extraordinary exertions, 
 
 But this was by no means the case with their rulers ; they feared 
 and detested the principles of the French, and in seeking the support 
 of Napoleon’s eagles, they followed them only with a species of hesi- 
 tation. Several among them had agreed to unite their forces with 
 those of France. Ney summoned to his standard those who were 
 selected to join him ; but no act of hostility having taken place, and 
 the fortune of the French arms being still undecided, each urged a 
 pretext for not obeying the summons. One stated that he had dis- 
 banded his troops ; another that he had not yet assembled his. The 
 Elector of Baden required a fortnight’s delay before he could get 
 ready to begin the campaign; and the landgrave of Hesse-Darmstadt 
 could not assemble his forces in less than a month. Both might 
 have sent at a moment’s notice the number of troops they had agreed 
 to supply ; but they wished previously to see the tide of events, and 
 then determine to which side they should carry assistance. 
 
 But the Duke of Wirtemberg went far beyond his fellow sover- 
 eigns, and gave a specimen of Germanic arrogance with which he 
 thought to intimidate Marshal Ney. The left wing had pressed its 
 march ; Soult had reached beyond Heilbron, and Davoust was advanc- 
 ing upon Oettingen. The movement which was carrying the French 
 troops into the heart of Bavaria had begun, and Ney advanced to 
 support it. But no sooner had the duke notice of his march, than 
 he did all in his power to stop him. He had, without making the 
 least objection, suffered the Austrians to cover his dominions with 
 their patrols ; but his friends and allies, the French, whose chances 
 of fortune he had pledged himself to share, were not to be allowed 
 to approach either Stuttgard or Louisburg ; and what is more sin- 
 gular still, the French minister at the duke’s court supported these 
 unreasonable pretensions. He invoked the rights of the alliance 
 between France and Wirtemberg,' and expressed in strong terms his 
 disapprobation of the direction pursued by the sixth corps. This 
 solicitude in favour of the Duke of Wirtemberg was certainly most 
 exemplary ; but Ney had his instructions, and quietly pursued his 
 march. The diplomatist, still more impetuous than the prince at 
 whose "court he resided, now broke through all bounds. He sum- 
 moned, not Marshal Ney, but the “ Commander” of the French 
 troops, to halt, and not proceed to Louisburg ; and as if this were not 
 sufficient, he sent the summons by one of the duke’s officers.* 
 
 * The undersigned, Commander of the Legion of Honour, Minister Plenipotenti- 
 ary from His Majesty the Emperor of the French to his Highness the Elector of 
 Wirtemberg and to the Circle of Suabia, requests and commands, if necessary, the 
 commander of the French troops proceeding to Steinheim, not to take the road to 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 133 
 
 Nevertheless, the French troops pressed their march and soon 
 debouched. The elector in a fury put himself at the head of his 
 guards, declared himself an independent sovereign, and dared any 
 one to enter his residence, threatening to fire at any individual who 
 should be bold enough to brave his prohibition. 
 
 Such menaces were likely to have but little weight with a man of 
 Ney’s character ; nevertheless the Marshal, on being informed that 
 the whole of the royal family were assembled at Louisburg to cele- 
 brate the marriage of one of its members, generously resolved not 
 to trouble the nuptial festivities, and withdrew to the banks of the 
 Necker. This considerate act of kindness emboldened the elector, 
 who was naturally violent, tyrannical, and conceited ; and being 
 accustomed to see every thing bend to his harsh will, he took it into 
 his head that Ney had withdrawn in consequence of his threats, and 
 he determined to try whether he could not take further advantage 
 of the awe with which he fancied he had inspired the French mar- 
 shal. 
 
 He began by setting forth in the most pompous terms the friend- 
 ship which subsisted between himself and the Emperor Napoleon, 
 boasted of the supposed deference which this monarch would pay to 
 his wishes, and concluded by demanding that Stuttgard should enjoy 
 the same exemption from receiving the French troops as Louisburg 
 had done. In addition to this, he himself undertook to point out the 
 road which the sixth corps was to pursue, and the positions it was 
 to occupy. But Ney taking no notice of these vain pretensions, con- 
 tinued his movement. Again did the French minister interfere, give 
 the elector all the weight of his official support, and insist upon the 
 French troops keeping from Stuttgard. Ney replied to this singular 
 injunction by pressing his march. The diplomatist in a rage protest- 
 ed again this breach of alliance ; he bitterly complained of this want 
 of deference to a prince who was the friend of the Emperor Napoleon, 
 and he appealed to Murat for an ultimate decision on the point at 
 issue. Ney however paid no attention to this protest ; he had in- 
 structions to occupy Stuttgard, and he summoned the garrison to 
 open the gates of the town. The governor of Stuttgard was an old 
 and prudent man, who felt all the danger of his situation, but who 
 had received orders to employ force against force. His garrison 
 manned the ramparts, but he hesitated as to the manner in which he 
 should act under these delicate circumstances. On the one hand, he 
 was bound to obey his instructions ; on the other, the unfortunate 
 inhabitants would be unnecessarily exposed to the inconvenience of 
 a siege, which must soon end in the fall of the place. Ney also filled 
 
 Louisburg, the electoral residence, and inhabited at the present moment by the Elec- 
 tor, but to proceed along the causeway leading to ZufFenhausen and Constadt, where 
 an Austrian detachment arrived about twelve o’clock this day. The commander, 
 moreover, may place full reliance upon any information given to him by the electo- 
 ral officer, bearer of these presents. Ch. Didelot. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 18 
 
134 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 him with dread : the French marshal was threatening and imperious ; 
 he displayed that sternness and inflexibility of purpose which he so 
 well knew how to assume in the execution of his duty. Fear, and 
 the instinct of preservation, soon put at end to the governor’s hesita- 
 tion, and he chose to run the risk of being disgraced by his self-willed 
 prince, rather than by an injudicious resistance expose the town 
 under his command to the horrors of a capture by storm. He there- 
 fore opened the gates to Ney, but was immediately after brought to 
 to a court-martial by the elector’s orders, and condemned to perpetual 
 imprisonment. 
 
 Ney, who had been the cause of the old general’s crime, was de- 
 nounced to his Emperor; the elector complained officially, and in 
 terms of great bitterness, of the violence offered to him in thus oc- 
 cupying Stuttgard against his will, and demanded reparation for the 
 insult. It was intimated to him that this was going too far, and he 
 therefore dropped the matter, but it still rankled in his heart. 
 
 The Austrians covered Wirtemberg ; their armies and those of the 
 French were already, as it were, in presence, and still the princes 
 of the right bank persisted in eluding their engagements. The more 
 Ney pressed them, the greater were their protestations of zeal ; but 
 they did nothing. Sometimes the different corps which they intended 
 to supply could not be immediately assembled ; sometimes the cat- 
 tle for the artillery had not yet arrived. In vain was message after 
 message sent to these sovereigns and to their generals; the same 
 pretences were always put forward, the same difficulties always stood 
 in the way of compliance. Meantime the movement continued, and 
 as it would have been dangerous to have left doubtful allies in the 
 rear of the French army, Ney stated his situation to the Emperor, 
 who, aware that success always puts an end to such wavering, replied 
 by the following pithy note. 
 
 “ Mr Cousin, 
 
 “ I calculate upon your having reached Stuttgard. Marshal Lannes 
 is on his way to Louisburg, ready to fly to your assistance should 
 you require it. Prince Murat, aware of what is passing, is proceed- 
 ing to Radsladt. He will not wait for orders, should it be necessary 
 for him to march to you. Watch the movements of the enemy ; 
 endeavour to cut off their cavalry patrols. Nevertheless it is not 
 my intention that you should go beyond Stuttgard, nor even there 
 have any serious engagement. 
 
 “ Whereupon I pray God, &c. 
 
 “ Napoleon.” 
 
 “ Strasburg, 8th Vendemiaire, Year IV. 
 
 (September 30th, 1805.) 
 
 It was no difficult matter to do what the Emperor required. The 
 French troops having turned the mountains, were able both to descend 
 and ascend the Danube ; they could therefore reach the enemy in 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 135 
 
 all directions. Mack was in a very critical situation ; he knew not 
 where to make a stand or whither to proceed. Instead of grouping 
 his forces in a central position, which would have enabled him to try 
 the chance of a battle, he was anxious to occupy all the passes. One 
 day he would send his forces in one direction, the next he would 
 march in an opposite one. If he reached Vorarlberg he would re- 
 trogade upon Stockach, march to Ulm, or Memmingen, always aban- 
 doning the point already occupied by his forces in order to defend 
 one which they did not occupy. 
 
 Ney thought that “ if advantage were taken of this information to 
 push with celerity upon Donawert, and debouch upon Ulm and Ried- 
 lingen, the Austrians would be unable to make head and must inevita- 
 bly be defeated.” Orders for this movement w6re accordingly 
 given ; the French forces advanced, and took up a position. But 
 Murat sent Ney an order to divide his corps, place part at Hessingen, 
 part at Suessen, and his van-guard at Heydenheim. The two former 
 of these places being at a distance of six leagues from each other, 
 this movement appeared too dangerous to Ney, and he refused to 
 execute the order. 
 
 “ When the enemy is in presence,” he replied to Murat, “ the van- 
 guards are the posts by which the divisions in line are covered. In 
 this case, they cannot be farther assunder than twice the distance of 
 cannon-shot. When the enemy is far off, to place these divisions six 
 leagues asunder is giving them up to the light cavalry and exposing 
 them to be cut off.” 
 
 These observations were unanswerable ; but Murat supplied the 
 place of the Emperor, and as he peremptorily repeated the order, 
 Ney was forced to obey. This was the first act of the kind that 
 Murat had ventured to take upon himself; Ney yielded to it with 
 bitterness of spirit, which he took care that the prince should know. 
 He wrote to him as follows : — 
 
 “ Coppingen, Oct. 4th, 1805, 
 
 “ You cannot doubt that I experienced great pain in reading the 
 letter which your Serene Highness wrote to me this morning. 
 
 “ It is only after having commanded during two years the corps 
 which the EmperorTias placed under my command, and at the very 
 instant I am about to justify the confidence which his majesty reposes 
 in me, that I find myself suddenly deprived of the portion of glory 
 which my zeal, the confidence my troops have in me, and some 
 experience in war, may have led me to expect. You are a soldier, 
 Prince, and the bitterness of my regret cannot be matter of surprise 
 to you. » 
 
 “ I will not remind you that I have gone through my various 
 campaigns with honour, and am wholly a soldier. I have never as- 
 pired to an£ other glory than that of arms ; but I may be allowed at 
 least to say that, the Emperor having shown me such distinction and 
 
136 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 kindness, it is lamentable that I should lose the opportunity of proving 
 to him the extent of my gratitude by some important service. 
 
 “ At all events, we are on the eve of a battle ; my post is sacred to 
 me, and 1 will never think of quitting it so long as I have a chance 
 of shedding my blood in his majesty’s service. 
 
 “ I have opened my heart to your Serene Highness with the can- 
 dour of a soldier, and with the same candour I beg you will believe 
 in the sentiments, &c. Ney.” 
 
 Murat did not then enjoy the celebrity to which his subsequent 
 deeds raised him. Only a short time before, he had been aid-de- 
 camp to the general in-chief of the army of Italy, now Emperor, and 
 his marriage with that general’s sister, together with a high office at 
 court, constituted all his claim to the command of the army. Ney’s 
 letter was calculated to remind him of his sudden elevation ; but he 
 felt that he had courage and talent to do that which he had not yet 
 done to deserve it. He was judicious enough to make due allowance 
 for Ney’s letter ; too high-minded not to admit the justice of the 
 Marshal’s complaints, he was too generous to avail himself of the 
 advantages which the Emperor had given him, and he endeavoured 
 to render as light as possible to Ney the subordination which so 
 deeply wounded his feelings. 
 
 “ I approve,” he replied to the offended marshal, “ and participate 
 in the feelings you express; and were I in your place, I should think 
 as you do. But I did not solicit the command which his majesty the 
 Emperor has entrusted to me : and when, this morning, I made you 
 acquainted with my arrangements, it was with a view to put an end 
 to the confusion existing in the march of the two corps, and not to 
 make you feel that I had the power of giving you orders.” 
 
 This explanation was far from satisfactory to Ney ; but Lannes 
 being almost immediately after subjected to the same thing, both 
 these marshal’s resigned themselves to receiving from Murat those 
 orders which they wished to receive only from the Emperor. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 137 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The movement continued; the French occupied Nordlingen, held 
 the outlets leading to the Danube, and were on the eve of consum- 
 mating a great military combination. Marmout had orders to 
 march upon Neuberg, Davoust to follow him, and Bernadotte to push 
 togards Munich with the Bavarian army, of which he had just as- 
 sumed the command. Murat, on the other hand, was to press the 
 advance of his columns, dobouch before Donawert, force that place, 
 and get possession of the bridge. As he was to be supported by 
 Lannes and Soult, there seemed no doubt of his success. 
 
 These manoeuvres were now unmasked to the Austrians, who had 
 not before noticed them. They perceived with alarm the French 
 unexpectedly debouching upon their rear, and they found it necessa- 
 ry to run all the risks of their disadvantageous situation, in order to 
 preserve their communications. The Emperor would not, however, 
 expose his army to any of the hazards sometimes caused by a despe- 
 rate enemy in a critical situation, but resolved to bring all his avail- 
 able forces into the field before he attacked them. He accordingly 
 directed Ney to join him at Donawert. This marshal had just taken 
 up a position on the Brentz. Instead of establishing his force at 
 Heydenheim where he could get neither provisions nor wagons, he 
 had taken upon himself to modify his instructions, and had marched 
 his columns into fertile valleys where every thing was abundant. His 
 corps accordingly occupied Herbrectingen, Giengen, and Hohen- 
 memmingen, positions which not only supplied the necessaries not to 
 be found at Heydenheim, but commanded the course of the Danube, 
 and all the roads leading to that river from Ulm to Donawert ; but as a 
 drawback, these valleys were rather too far to the right of the line 
 of operations. Ney, being called at a fixed hour to the point where 
 he was to engage the enemy, found that he could not possibly reach 
 it if he were first to march to Neresheim. But to procceed thither 
 along the bank of the Danube, and effect a long march by his flank, 
 might possibly appear to his staff a dangerous measure. He did not, 
 however, share in the apprehensions of his staff with regard to the 
 enemy’s plans, neither did he in general participate in its views ; he 
 therefore decided upon attempting this movement. He felt convinced 
 that Mack had only “ a few squadrons of light cavalry before Dona- 
 wert, and would take good care not to give battle with the Wernitz 
 in his rear.” As for any attempts upon the sixth corps by the 
 Austrians, Ney was sure that they had no certain intelligence con- 
 
138 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 cerning his march, and did not even know that the French were 
 formed into a corps-d’armee.* 
 
 The marshal was right : the fourth corps carried Donawert, with- 
 out resistance, and the sixth had completed its movement along the 
 banks of the river without accident, when it received orders to take 
 up a position. Soult, who had advanced upon Donawert on the 6th, 
 found in the neighbourhood, as he stated in a letter to Ney, only a 
 few bodies of cavalry, which he did not even attempt to engage. 
 After an uninterrupted march of fifteen hours, he had arrived in front 
 of the bridge which he was to carry ; his light infantry sprang upon 
 the joists which the Austrians were attempting to burn, and the river 
 was crossed. 
 
 The Austrians now fell back upon the Lech ; the French pursued 
 them and advanced upon Neuburg. But the Emperor being informed 
 that the enemy were concentrating their forces upon this place, and 
 supposing they had abandoned Michelsberg, resolved to get posses- 
 sion of Ulm. He accordingly directed Ney to attack them on the 
 left bank, whilst Soult pressed them on the right. He was convinced 
 that the Austrians had retired from the banks of the river, and that 
 by marching he could circumscribe their operations. But Ney was 
 of a different opinion ; for the Austrians had just quitted the left 
 bank of the Lech, and were advancing in confusion towards Ulm. 
 The bridge at Guntzburg being destroyed, their flanks were secure 
 and their rear out of reach. He therefore, had no doubt that they 
 would again attempt to debouch upon the left bank, and thus place 
 the dragoons at Heydenheim in danger, if not immediately ordered 
 to fall back upon his corps. 
 
 Ney reached the heights of Bamberg on the 8th, and on the 9th 
 continued his movement. Loison had taken Elchingen, Dupont 
 occupied Albeck, and Malher had halted at Riedhausen. Thus Ney’s 
 division threatened Guntzburg and Ulm at the same time, and was 
 able to defeat or keep the Austrian army in check whenever it ap- 
 peared. But fortune seemed to have deprived Mack’s army of the 
 power of undertaking any thing. Davoustj - had nearly reached 
 
 * Ney’s letter to the war minister, dated 14th Vendemiaire, (October 6th.) 
 
 t Head-quarters, Donawert, 16th Vendemiaire 
 (October 8th) 12 o’clock at noon. 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 The Lech being crossed, Marshal Soult’s army is on its march to Augsburg, 
 where it will arrive this evening. 
 
 Prince Murat with ten thousand cavalry will be this evening at Zumershausen, 
 and will establish posts at Burgau. 
 
 Marshal Lannes will be this evening half way from Zumershausen to Vcrtingen. 
 Marshal Davoust with his corps-d’armee will be at Aicha. It is impossible that the 
 enemy, to whom our having crossed the Danube and the Lech is known, and who 
 likewise cannot be ignorant of the alarm which their troops beyond the Lech must 
 necessarily feel, should not think seriously of retreating. It is probable that they will 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 139 
 
 Aicha, Bernadotte was entering Munich, whilst Soult and Marmont 
 were pushing towards Landsberg. The Austrian forces were now 
 completely invested, and their field of operations confined to the 
 space between the upper Lech and the Danube. Thus circumscribed 
 and surrounded, they had no alternative but either to throw them- 
 selves into the Tyrol, or to risk a battle ; as to the idea of their ven- 
 turing upon the left bank, Marshal Berthier considered it would be 
 madness in them to attempt it, and still greater madness in the 
 French to suppose that they would do so. A battle was therefore 
 inevitable, and Napoleon was anxious that Ney should take a part 
 in it. “ Do not lose sight of this fact,” wrote the war minister : — 
 “ that the Emperor is obliged to spread his forces a little, and that 
 he requires all his confidence in his generals, and all their activity, 
 so that they do not remain idle whilst he is acting.” 
 
 Ney’s men were overpowered with fatigue : during three days 
 they had obtained neither provisions nor rest. The rain fell in tor- 
 
 i 
 
 at first attempt doing so upon Augsburg ; but they will soon find that they are too 
 late, and will then try to effect their retreat by Landsberg. If our forces arrive in 
 time, they will either determine to give us battle, or withdraw into the Tyrol ; but 
 it is likely they will choose the alternative of fighting. Under this supposition, the 
 Emperor wishes that your corps-d’armee should take a part in the battle. His Ma- 
 jesty does not think that the enemy would be rash enough to cross to the left bank 
 of the Danube, because all their stores are at Memmingen, and they have the 
 greatest interest in not losing their power of communicating with the Tyrol, which 
 by such a manoeuvre they would leave entirely exposed. It is the Emperor’s in- 
 tention, therefore, that you proceed this day to Guntzburg, and occupy it with your 
 vanguard. You will use all the means in your power to unite to your force General 
 Gazan’s division, and General Bourcier’s division of dragoons. 
 
 You will give notice to General Baraguey-d’Hilliers that, should the enemy be so 
 injudicious as to attempt penetrating by Heydenheim, Aalen, and Nordlingen, he 
 will receive instructions from you to retreat before them, pursuing the road to Hey- 
 denheim, Aalen, and Elwangen, so as to dispute this ground, which is the great and 
 only communication for every thing coming from France, and is so well covered 
 with detachments, that after a short march General Baraguey-d’Hilliers will have 
 collected twenty thousand men. As for you, Monsieur le Marechal, with Gazan’s 
 division, and General Bourcier’s dragoons, your force will consist of more than 
 thirty thousand men. Repair the bridges in your rear, and obtain as many passages 
 as you can, so that the moment you are sure that the enemy have evacuated Ulm, 
 and are marching either upon Augsburg or upon Landsberg, you may by a flank 
 march keep in a parallel position with them, and bear upon their flanks the moment 
 Marshal Soult, Marshal Davoust, or Marshal Lannes, shall come up with and attack 
 them. You will however take care, Monsieur le Marechal, to keep a division at 
 Gundelfingen, in order that it may serve as your vanguard, in the event of the Em- 
 peror wishing to make you march upon Ulm, by Lawingen, and Albeck. The Em- 
 peror supposes that you have had the bridge of Dillingen repaired. 
 
 By it, Marshal Lannes can communicate with you. Send out cavalry patrols 
 to meet him. 
 
 Marshal Murat has also received orders to communieate with you. Send cavalry 
 patrols to meet him also. The present time, Monsieur le Marechal, is of great im- 
 portance; the Emperor depends upon your zeal, your talents, and your activity : all 
 are requisite at this moment. 
 
 Marshal Berthier, War Minister. 
 
140 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 rents, the ground was soaked with water, and all the evils of a mili- 
 tary life seemed to have befallen these brave soldiers at the same 
 time. But Berthier’s despatch was pressing, and Ney directed 
 General Malher to make preparation for the march. On the 10th, 
 at three o’clock in the morning, this general reached Riedhausen, 
 and resuming his march at dawn of day, advanced towards Guntz- 
 burg. The road was broken up, the country intersected with 
 marshes, and it was with the greatest difficulty that he effected 
 his movement. He at length reached the banks of the river. 
 Ney had indicated to General Malher a ford which he had for- 
 merly known, and which no doubt still existed, directing him to 
 try its depth, and stating what parts of it seemed best calculated to 
 afford him a passage. But Malher cared not for obstacles ; indifferent 
 as to the depth of the water, he formed his columns and led them to 
 the attack. Marcognet being ordered to force Guntzburg, opened 
 his fire, fell with his whole force upon the Tyrolians who defended 
 the approaches to the Danube, and carrying all before him, cut the 
 men to pieces and took their guns. He then dashed into the river, 
 crossed the first branch, seized the island, and reached the bridge 
 across the second branch. The timbers supporting the bridge were 
 cut away ; he however attempted to set them up again, but grape- 
 shot being poured without intermission upon his troops, he was 
 forced to abandon the undertaking and retire to the skirt of the 
 wood. 
 
 Ney, soon informed of the resistance which Malher encountered, 
 sent the second division to his assistance ; but they arrived too late, 
 General Labassee having been more successful than his colleague. 
 This latter general had reached the point indicated in his instruc- 
 tions. Neither the difficulties of the ground, nor the fire of the in- 
 fantry, nor the thunder of the artillery could stop him. He reached 
 the bridge of Reseinsberg, sprang upon the platform, crossed it in 
 an instant, and rushing upon the Austrian troops through a very des- 
 tructive fire, cut many of them to pieces and put the remainder to 
 flight. These he pursued, drove into the place, and took possession 
 of the heights. 
 
 The Austrian army, almost entirely assembled under the walls of 
 Guntzburg, immediately came up and renewed the action, which 
 every instant became hotter and more deadly. General Malher 
 advanced with the rest of his troops to the assistance of his col- 
 league. The Austrians were thrown into confusion, and their infan- 
 try entered the place, which they dared not again leave. But their 
 cavalry still held out ; its confidence was not yet shaken, and it per- 
 sisted in its attempts to force the heights occupied by the brave 59th. 
 It advanced with great gallantry towards this regiment, but being 
 constantly repulsed by a well-sustained fire, as often returned to the 
 charge with fresh fury. Five times it was driven back, and still it 
 was not discouraged : it rallied, re-formed, and attacked again. The 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 141 
 
 gallant 59th lost its best officers ; Colonel Lacuee was killed, and two 
 chiefs-de-battailon were hors de combat. The regiment, eager to 
 avenge its losses and obtain satisfaction for these repeated desperate 
 assaults, made a mighty effort, and by its fire completely disorgan- 
 ised this obstinate cavalry which it at length forced to withdraw from 
 the field. Malher thus invested the place and entered it before day- 
 break. 
 
 The second division was just in sight, and Ney himself, with two- 
 thirds of his force, appeared upon the right bank. He had forced 
 the passage of the river, captured the cannons, the colours, and 
 about a thousand men. The Emperor expressed his satisfaction at 
 this succesful operation, but still persisted in believing that the 
 enemy were manoeuvring upon the I Her, and pressed Ney to advance 
 and take possession of Ulm. “He left it to him to march as he 
 thought proper in order to effect this object, but the place must be 
 surrounded by the 11th ; this was important in every point of view.”* 
 
 Ney prepared to make the attempt : Loison pushed on the right bank, 
 Dupont was directed to approach the left, and Baraguey-d’Hilliers, who 
 was at Stolzingen with the dragoons, received orders to proceed to- 
 wards Languenau, and take up a position behind Albeck, which he was 
 to support. Dupont was to provide ladders, timbers, and every other 
 implement necessary for scaling, without, however, making any at- 
 tempt till further orders. But in a course of such rapid events, 
 each hour brings its particular incident — each instant leads to fresh 
 combinations. On a sudden, intelligence arrived that the Russians 
 had begun to appear upon the Inn. The French Emperor hastened 
 to meet them, and Murat took the command of the right wing. This 
 prince, being master of the enclosed area which contained the Aus- 
 trian army, fancied likewise that he must give them the coup-de- 
 grace upon the Iller, and consequently proceed thither in search of 
 them. It was to no purpose that Ney argued against this opinion, 
 urging that the archduke having left Guntzburg at the head of ten 
 regiments of infantry and several corps of cavalry, had no douht pro- 
 ceeded to Ulm where fifteen thousand men had arrived from Schaff- 
 hausen the day before; that all tended to show that the Austrian 
 prince aimed at cutting off the French communications, and intended 
 to carry on his operations by the left bank. Murat refused to 
 believe that the archduke would dare to undertake such a thing. 
 Marches, sickness, and the want of provisions, he said, had made sad 
 ravages in the French army ; and his principal instructions were to 
 prevent the Austrians from communicating by their right with the 
 forces on' the confines of the Tyrol. He was therefore anxious to 
 assemble all the troops he could dispose of and give the enemy bat- 
 tle upon the Iller. 
 
 Ney deemed this a very imprudent step, and endeavoured to dis- 
 
 * General order of the 10th of October, Zumershausen, six o’clock in the evening. 
 
 VOL. II. 19 
 
142 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 suade Murat from pursuing it. This led to a warm discussion 
 between the two commanders. They were equal in rank, and both 
 hasty and impetuous in temper. The one was impatient at being 
 commanded by an equal of less standing in the service ; the other 
 was determined that his orders should he obeyed. They were on 
 the point of settling their dispute by single combat ; already had 
 Ney written to appoint a place of meeting, when, recollecting that 
 he was in presence of the enemy, he altered his mind, and resolved 
 to bear that which he could not prevent. He sent a corps of obser- 
 vation in front of Albeck, and summoned Dupont and Baraguey-d’Hil- 
 liers to the right bank. # Nevertheless the movement appeared to 
 
 #“ To Generals Dupont and Baraouey-d’Hilliers. 
 
 “ Guntzburg, 19th Vendemiaire, Year XI Y. 
 
 (October 11th, 1805.) 
 
 “ In compliance with the Emperor’s new arrangements, the right wing, upon 
 w T hich the 6th corps depends, is to be under the orders of His Serene Highness 
 Prince Murat. As it is the formal intention of His Serene Highness to concentrate 
 upon the right bank of the Danube, and parallel to the Iller, all his united force, in 
 order to give the enemy battle, who seem determined to defend themselves, only a 
 corps of observation shall remain at Ulm, on the left bank of the Danube. This 
 corps shall be composed of the 1st battalion of the 9th light infantry, and the two 
 last squadrons of the 1st hussars, lately attached to*General Baraguey-d’Hillier’s 
 division of cavalrie-a-pied. This detachment shall be commanded by M. Crabbe, 
 my aide-de-camp, to whom I forward particular instructions. 
 
 “ General Dupont shall therefore immediately quit his position at Albeck, advance 
 with the two first squadrons of the 1st hussars, and his infantry, which shall be fol- 
 lowed by the two regiments of dragoons commanded by General Sahuc, and cross to 
 the right bank of the Danube either by the bridge at Elchingen, or by that at Guntz- 
 burg. Should the morasses be impracticable, this force shall return by Gundelfin- 
 gen, and thence proceed to Guntzburg. In either case, the artillery and baggage 
 shall pass by Gundelfingen, and take the lead in the march, by setting out a few 
 hours before the troops. 
 
 “ The division of General Baraguey-d’Hilliers shall precede the movement of the 
 troops under the command of General Dupont, and shall preserve the same order in 
 the advance of its guns and baggage, Ney. 
 
 This order was no doubt unknown to a writer who constantly boasts of having 
 be n Marshal Ney’s providence. The following is an extract from a work, entitled 
 “ Napoleon au tribunal de Cesar,” vol. ii. p. 112. “ Fortunately Ney took upon him- 
 
 self to execute but a part (of Murat’s orders) ; he sent Loison’s division from Elchin- 
 gen to the Roth, but left Dupont and Baraguey-d’Hilliers upon the left bank of the 
 Danube, in spite of the orders of the Grand Duke of Berg. I was only made ac- 
 quainted with these particulars at a later period, and it gave me a high opinion of 
 Ney’s talents. I after wards found that I was indebted for it to one of his officers .” 
 
 It is true that Ney left Dupont and Baraguey upon the left bank, but not in spite 
 of the Grand Duke’s orders, The circumstance took place in a manner much more 
 flattering to Ney’s self-love. The Emperor, surprised at seeing his communications 
 given up to the Austrians, revoked some of his arrangements, and Ney had the 
 satisfaction of receiving orders from the Grand Duke to re-occupy the positions whose 
 importance he had so vainly endeavoured to point out. 
 
 “ I am grieved to the heart,” he wrote to Dupont, “ at the dreadful fatigue I am 
 forced to make you brave men undergo; but it has just been determined by Prince 
 Murat, who assures me it is a formal order from his Majesty, that your division shall 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 143 
 
 him so serious that he considered it his duty again to point out its 
 consequences to the minister. He represented to him the chances of 
 the approaching battle, and the danger of abandoning to the Aus- 
 trians the outlets from Ulm. They might suddenly attack the rear 
 of the French the moment the latter had crossed the river, seize their 
 communications, and place them in the situation in which they had 
 themselves been placed. They might march upon Elwangen, Hey- 
 denheim, and Neresheim, and even push on to Nordlingen, if they 
 thought proper. 
 
 Nor was this the only evil : the French wanted to give them battle, 
 but how, if such a movement took place, was this to be effected ? how 
 were the Austrians to be got at? The Iller was no where fordable; 
 the Austrians had only to destroy the bridges, and the French forces 
 had no means whatever of crossing. Even should the Austrians de- 
 termine to give battle, the result might be disastrous for the French, 
 who were without stores, and among whom the want of provisions 
 was already very severly felt. However brave and efficient their 
 calvary might be, still the want of forage, and the long marches it 
 had performed, had cruelly thinned its ranks. The division of hussars 
 and chasseurs attached to the sixth corps did not exceed nine hun- 
 dred strong. That of General Bourcier, consisting of six regiments 
 of dragoons, contained at most sixteen hundred men underarms. The 
 whole corps could not muster more than seventeen thousand men, 
 which number did not exceed the amount of a strong division. 
 
 The rest of the right wing had equally suffered, General Gazan’s 
 division was reduced to five thousand men, that of General Oudinot 
 mustered about six thousand, and that of General Suchet eight thou- 
 sand ; the dragons-a-pied four thousand ; the calvary at most five 
 thousand. General total, fifty thousand men. Could such a force, 
 and in such a state, inspire much confidence? and were the advan- 
 tages expected worth the risks to be run ? 
 
 The marshal’s anticipations proved but too correct. The Austrians, 
 having reached Ulm on the 10th in the night, crossed the Danube on 
 the morning of the 11th, and immediately spread like a torrent over 
 the communications of the French army. Meantime Dupont exe- 
 cuted his movement; he and the Austrians came unexpectedly upon 
 each other, and a fierce engagement ensued. The immense supe- 
 riority of the Austrian forces rendered their fire very destructive, 
 and the French rushed upon them with fixed bayonets. This threw 
 their ranks into disorder ; but scarcely was a column broken ere 
 
 remain in observation upon the left bank of the Danube, in order to keep in check 
 the enemy’s forces now at Ulm. Select the position that shall appear to you best 
 calculated to effect this object.” 
 
 Guntzburg, 20th Vendemiaire, Year XIV. 
 
 (October 12th, 1805.) 
 
 Believe, after this, the vain boasting of a man who pretends to have directed Ney, 
 and who proves himself ignorant of the marshal’s most simple combinations. 
 
144 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 another took its place. Baraguey, who alone supported Dupont’s 
 division, did not appear, and Dupont, obliged to sustain the attack of 
 a whole army, was unable to keep back the columns which covered 
 the plain, and the Austrians continued their movement.* Werneck 
 marched upon Heydenheim, and Reisch proceeded with a strong 
 column towards Elchingen. This position was almost abandoned ; 
 he seized and occupied it, and made such immediate preparations as 
 circumstances required. He damaged the bridge, cut up the timbers, 
 undermined the piles, and left only a narrow passage for the purpose 
 of observing the right bank. In the avenue leading to it he planted 
 six pieces of canon, supported by a numerous body of troops, and his 
 position then seemed secure. But not content with what he had 
 already done, he occupied the gardens round Elchingen, and en- 
 trenched his forces within the castle, the convent, and the chapel. 
 Every wall was converted into a fortification, every corner made use 
 of, and every natural obstacle turned to some account. 
 
 Ney had just led his second division to the banks of the F„oth, 
 when he received orders to proceed to the Leiben, and to send Dupont 
 back to Albeck. The Emperor Napoleon had, like Ney, seen the 
 importance of maintaining the position on the left bank, and had 
 severely censured the plan of disgarnishing and abandoning the 
 
 * General DuroNT to Marshal NeV. 
 
 Chabanois, August 6th, 1806. 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 I have just received yoilr letter in which you ask for further particulars, in re- 
 ference to the action of the 19th Vendemiaire, concerning the dragons a pied, com- 
 manded by General Baraguey-d’Hilliers. The following is what occurred : On re-* 
 ceiving your orders to march upon Ulm, my division began the march and reached 
 Hasslach at noon. Having been informed by your instructions that the division of 
 dragoons was to form in second line behind mine, and support it in case of need, 1 
 caused Albeck to be entirely evacuated, and withdrew all the baggageof my division, 
 in order to leave this point free, and avoid all confusion, so that nothing might im- 
 pede the movement of the division of dragoons. You are aware, Monsieur le 
 Marechal, that I had scarcely reached Hasslach ere I found all the Austrian army 
 prepared for battle, and my division immediately engaged it. Under circumstances 
 so critical, and of which there are but few examples, I dispatched orderly Upon orderly 
 to General Baraguey, to acquaint him with my situation, and urge him to press his 
 march ; but I know not whether these orderlies ever reached him : the fact is, no 
 assistance came. 
 
 I cannot give you any positive information with regard to the hour at which your 
 orders were received by that general ; but I believe that the officer of your staff who 
 brought me mine was likewise the bearer of his, and he can therefore give you an 
 exact account of his mission. 
 
 I have always thought, Monsieur le Marechal, that if your instructions had been 
 executed, and your corps-d’armee been able to engage, the Austrian army would 
 have been annihilated on that day. The success obtained by my division, and which 
 it owes entirely to the truly extraordinary courage it displayed, only leaves me one 
 regret, that of not having fought under your eye, and in the presence of the emperor. 
 
 Receive, Monsieur le Marechal, the assurance of my respectful sentiments. 
 
 Dupont, General of Division. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 145 
 
 heights which commanded the river. The marshal had just des- 
 patched orders to the first division to occupy them, when he received 
 intelligence of the severe action which that division had maintained, 
 and of the preparations for defence made by General Reisch. He 
 immediately dispatched the third division after the second, and 
 hastened in person to join the columns under Loison, which he over- 
 took on the 13th, at seven o’clock in the evening; at eight he re- 
 sumed his march, and on the 14th, at daybreak, he appeared before 
 Elchingen. This little town is built principally upon a platform, 
 whence its houses and gardens extend to the banks of the river. On 
 the right is a forest, which reaches to the Danube, and on the left, 
 villages and clusters of trees. In front, the ground is intersected 
 with enclosures, and terminates in a peak sixty toises above the 
 level of the river. From the right bank, Elchingen had the ap- 
 pearance of a strong fortress covering formidable works, defended by 
 a numerous army, and to be approached only after crossing a river 
 which alone seemed to form an insurmountable barrier. Ney, how- 
 ever, brought up his forces to the bridge, where they collected some 
 timbers, and tried to adjust them. The artillery thundered from the 
 place, and the French soldiers, soon out of patience at the slow pro- 
 gress of their preparations, rushed upon the works in spite of the 
 enemy’s fire, sprang from timber to timber, overturned all who op- 
 posed them, carried the passage in a very short time, and the whole 
 French force debouched upon the left bank. There was here only a 
 narrow meadow in which the French troops could form into line ; 
 however, they marched up to the enemy, drove them from garden to 
 garden, and from house to house, and succeeded in forcing them to 
 evacuate the principal buildings. Nothing daunted, the Austrians 
 continued to make a vigorous defence ; and when at length they 
 were expelled from the last houses, they rallied, formed upon the 
 platform, and seemed resolved again to try the chances of fortune. 
 But the French light cavalry had debouched : Colonel Colbert was 
 already in line of battle, and General Roguet, having driven before 
 him large bodies of Austrians which had offered a most deter- 
 mined resistance in the abbey of Elchingen, had just crowned the 
 heights. Reisch, drawn up in two lines, with his right against the 
 woods which skirt the road to Oettingen, developed his force in a 
 line parallel to the Danube. At a short distance a little higher up, 
 was General Miezery, placed there to maintain the communication 
 between this column and that under Werneck which was proceeding 
 to Heydenheim ; and in the rear of the enemy, but it was not known 
 where, was General Dupont’s division, which, as we have before 
 stated, had been first sent to the right bank, and immediately after 
 received orders to re-occupy Albeck. 
 
 The situation of the French army was critical, and its arrange- 
 ments somewhat confused ; but Ney did not despair of bringing the 
 action to a successful issue. Having feigned to operate with his 
 
146 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 right, he drew the enemy’s reserves upon that point ; and no sooner 
 did he perceive their centre weakened, than, putting himself at the 
 head of part of his forces, he manoeuvred to cut it off with his left, 
 and seize its communications. Colbert developed his column below 
 Elchingen ; whilst Roguet, with the 69th, fell back by platoons to 
 the left, intrepidly brushing along the enemy’s line, and receiving 
 their fire close to the muzzles of their firelocks. The 76th, which 
 followed in columns, bore to the right, and the 18th dragoons began 
 also to move. The collision was dreadful, and in a moment two of 
 the Austrian squares were broken. But Reisch now discovered the 
 object of Ney’s manoeuvre : he perceived that the marshal wanted 
 to turn him, and was trying to seize upon the cross road leading from 
 Elchingen to the high road from Albeck and Ulm. He therefore 
 closed and grouped his columns, from one extremity of his line to the 
 other, forming them all into squares, and making them press to the 
 right. But this manoeuvre was of no avail : the French infantry 
 dispersed the Austrians in the woods, the cavalry broke them in the 
 plain> and they were over-powered on all sides. They succeeded, 
 however, in preserving their communications ; some single corps 
 were driven upon Languenau, the remainder threw themselves into 
 the forest of Kesselbrun, where they rallied. But Villatte having 
 followed the movement, his columns were already on the skirts of 
 the wood. General Malher likewise reached the field of battle, 
 cleared the left, and placed his division on the second line. The ac- 
 tion was now resumed with fresh fury; the French were about to 
 carry the Hasslach woods, and to establish themselves on the road to 
 Albeck ; and victory seemed to have crowned their exertions, when 
 an incident occurred which had well nigh turned the fortune of the 
 day. Werneck, informed of the battle, had returned in all haste; 
 Dupont, on the other hand, who had taken refuge at Brentz after the 
 action at Hasslach, had executed his movement by Languenau, and 
 had just reached Albeck, when the Austrian column appeared. The 
 one held the road, the other resolved to force it, and the struggle 
 was violent ; but the Austrians could not with the most prodigious 
 efforts succeed in overcoming the resistance opposed to them. They 
 made several charges, but were always driven back with loss. The 
 French columns from Elchingen now appeared and rendered their 
 already unfavourable situation still worse. Having again formed, they 
 advanced with fury upon the French; but General Bourcier having 
 come up with his cavalry, they were broken, and part of them driven 
 upon Languenau, part upon Jungingen. Ney did not attempt to pur- 
 sue them ; he had made five thousand prisoners, with numerous 
 pieces of cannon and colours; but on his right, the artillery thunder- 
 ed with increasing energy. He therefore altered his march, and 
 proceeded in the direction of the firing. 
 
 It had however gradually ceased, and the night was quite dark 
 when he arrived.- He took up a position, with his right at Albeck 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 147 
 
 and his left towards Oettingen, intending to resume the attack at 
 daybreak. But the Emperor, who at first had not properly appre- 
 ciated the importance of the action at Hasslach, soon discovered his 
 mistake. His columns were converging upon Ulm when he received 
 intelligence of this engagement. He therefore pressed the march 
 of all his corps, and assumed in person the direction of the move- 
 ment. Bessieres proceeded to Wassen-Horn, Soult advanced upon 
 Memmingen, and Marmont, in position at Oberkirch, completely 
 invested the right bank. Murat passed to the left, Lannes followed 
 and pushed towards the Michelsberg. Nay received orders to sup- 
 port Lannes and to resume the positions he had left the day previous. 
 At daybreak therefore he marched towards Jungingen, a village 
 already occupied by General Suchet. The troops were formed into 
 line, and an attempt was made to take a circuit round the heights 
 and thus turn the redoubts which covered them. 
 
 Ney led the right and Lannes the left ; and all being ready, the 
 movement commenced. The Austrians, in position near Michels- 
 berg, at first made a desperate resistance, but being attacked in front 
 at the same time that they were threatened on the rear, they were 
 forced to give way and seek refuge in the town. Ney drove with 
 impetuosity the columns opposed to him into the suburbs; Lannes 
 was still contending with the redoubts in front of his corps, but per- 
 ceiving that his colleague was master of the heights, he formed his 
 troops under the glacis. He was stung to the quick at seeing his 
 colleague in advance of him, and he excited his generals and officers 
 to emulate the deeds of the corps commanded by Ney. Vedel, at 
 the head of the 17th light infantry, rushed upon the redoubts which 
 covered Frauenberg and carried them. Lannes warmly applauded 
 this feat, and resolved to pursue the road which this brave colonel 
 had thus opened for him. He accordingly advanced to force and 
 carry the place, or at least to share with his colleague the glory of 
 overthrowing the battalions of the enemy who defended it. The 
 17th again pushed forward into the hottest of the affray. Ney on 
 his part urged forward the 6th light infantry and the 50th regiment 
 of the line. The attack was near succeeding : these brave bat- 
 talions had crossed the bridges, and the Austrians in consternation 
 threw away their arms and fled. The French had now only to fol- 
 low up their success and push into the place; but although the for- 
 tune of the day was decided, the Austrians might still make such a 
 resistance as would cause a dreadful butchery among their assailants, 
 and the Emperor was loath to make an unnecessary sacrifice of life. 
 He therefore stopped his columns, and gave the Austrians time to 
 recover from their consternation, leaving Colonel Vedel, who had 
 advanced too far, and some hundreds of his men, prisoners in the 
 hands of the enemy. 
 
 The French were now masters of all the forts and of every ave- 
 nue leading to Ulm. Werneck, again defeated in front of Albeck, 
 
148 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 was pushing in great disorder towards Franconia. The hopes of the 
 Austrians were annihilated, and their generals, unable to obtain a 
 passage through the French army by force of arms, attempted to 
 negotiate for one. Prince Lichtenstein was accordingly deputed to 
 Ney, with an offer to surrender Ulm, on condition that the troops it 
 contained should be allowed to join Kienmayer, and take a share in 
 his operations. They declared that if this offer, which they consid- 
 ered reasonable, were refused, they had resolved neither to make nor 
 to receive further overtures, but to bury themselves under the ruins 
 of the town. Ney made no attempt to interrupt the prince ; he 
 respected his misfortune, and honoured him as a man ; but, situated 
 as the Austrians were, these proposals were inadmissible, and Ney 
 candidly told him that the army from which he came deputed must 
 undergo the fate of war. Lichtenstein returned to Ulm with this 
 unfavourable answer. The Austrian generals again assembled, and 
 came to a determination to try what effect their ultimatum would 
 make upon Ney ; they accordingly forwarded to him their resolu- 
 tion couched in the following terms : — 
 
 “The garrison of Ulm, understanding with regret that the equita- 
 ble terms which it considered it had a right to demand of his excel- 
 lency Marshal Neu # have not been accepted, is firmly resolved to 
 run the chance of war. 
 
 “ The Count Giulay, Lieut. -Gen. 
 
 Loudon, Lieut.-Gen. 
 
 The Count Riesch, Lieut.-Gen.” 
 
 “ Ulm, October 1 6th, 1805.” 
 
 This determination was worthy of the brave men who formed it ; 
 but courage is unfortunately of no avail when it is not seconded by 
 fortune. Ulm was without stores, and the French were in posses- 
 sion of the heights which commanded the place. The Austrian army 
 was forced to submit to the law of necessity ; and thirty-three thou- 
 sand men, most of whom had distinguished themselves in honourable 
 battles, defiled in sorrow before the French battalions, to whom they 
 delivered up their arms and colours. The sixth corps had defeated 
 them in six consecutive engagements ; namely, at Guntzberg, at 
 Hasslach, at Elchingen, at Albeck, and at Michelsberg ; it had taken 
 from them fourteen thousand prisoners, a numerous artillery, and ten 
 standards. The battle of Wertengen, and the capitulation of Mem • 
 mingen were the only feats of which the sixth corps could not claim the 
 glory, every other defeat of this Austrian army being achieved by 
 the troops under Ney’s command. The Emperor, anxious to confer 
 upon this corps a mark of his approbation, ordered it to assume the 
 place of honour in this victory by taking possession of the conquered 
 city. 
 
 * This mistake in spelling Marshal Ney’s name is not surprising in Germans, for 
 they pronounce Neu something like Ny, and this they might have imagined to be 
 Ney’s name. 
 

 # 
 
 # 
 
 MARSHAL NEY’S 
 
 MILITARY STUDIES. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 \ 
 
INSTRUCTIONS 
 
 FOR THE TROOPS COMPOSING 
 
 THE LEFT CORPS* 
 
 The generals of division, in attending to the drilling of the several 
 regiments under their command, will be pleased to apply to the prin- 
 cipal evolutions in line hereinafter described the observations which 
 I have made upon each, whether with a view to obtain all possible 
 celerity and precision in the movements required in the execution of 
 such evolutions, or to simplify some of them, or to compare the 
 manoeuvres prescribed in the drill regulations of 1791 with those 
 more commonly in use in the field, and which experience teaches us 
 to prefer. 
 
 There is no general officer of the present day who does not admit 
 the advantage of acting in the field with troops skilled in the execution 
 of great manoeuvres ; for knowledge renders military enterprises 
 less doubtful, and obviates many difficulties which seem insurmount- 
 able. With such soldiers, the results of well combined operations is 
 no longer left to the chance of events. Moreover, the confidence of 
 the troops in the superiority of their tactics will render their conduct 
 in the field always more or less satisfactory, and will maintain, with 
 their reputation, the honour of the several regiments, and the glory 
 of the arms of the empire. f 
 
 MARCHES AND EVOLUTIONS IN COLUMN. 
 
 Marches and evolutions executed in column form the essential 
 parts of military tactics. In such cases, commanders of battalions 
 
 * General Schneider, member of the commission, has been so good as to read 
 Marshal Ney’s manuscript, and to indicate the points of similarity between these 
 studies and the changes adopted in the new infantry regulations. The notes on the 
 following pages are by this general. 
 
 t These are excellent views with regard to the advantages of drilling, and skill 
 in manoeuvring. The prodigies performed at Ulm and Austerlitz have shown suffi- 
 cient grounds for appreciating the results of such a system. 
 
152 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 and of platoons cannot pay too much attention to all that relates to 
 the direction of the march, to the perpendicular on the flank where 
 the guides are, to the distances between the platoons or the divisions* 
 of which the columns are composed, and to the intervals between 
 the different battalions or regiments, in order to give the commander- 
 in-chief the facility of deploying in every direction : resuming the 
 line of battle either to the front, or on one of the divisions or sub- 
 divisions of the centre, or on one of the two flanks ; and of executing, 
 in fine, all such movements, facing to the rear of the original direc- 
 tion, or by a counter-march. 
 
 EXAMPLES OF THE MARCH IN COLUMN TO OUT-FLANK ONE OF THE 
 WINGS OF THE ENEMY’S LINE INTENDED TO BE ATTACKED. 
 
 I. 
 
 The attack with four regiments being directed against the right 
 wing of the enemy, the general in command shall form his lines by 
 the left; the battalions shall be formed into columns by platoons, the 
 left in front, at whole or half distance. f The columns thus prepared 
 shall, in marching forward, take a diagonal to the left, and by heads 
 of the column formed by each battalion. So soon as the three first 
 platoons shall have taken the given direction, the remainder shall 
 insensibly resume the perpendicular by moving obliquely to the right. 
 The heads of columns marching on the diagonal to the left, having 
 now sufficiently approached the point fixed on for outflanking the 
 enemy’s line, and by a rapid movement resumed the perpendicular, 
 shall re-form, the line of battle by a general conversion to the right. 
 
 It will be advisable, if circumstances admit of it, to keep the co- 
 lumns at the distance from each other of only a half battalion or divi- 
 sion, in order to shorten the movement ; and also to close the pla- 
 toons to half distances whenever the columns change their direction. 
 By such means a too great undulation would be avoided. 
 
 II. 
 
 If however the diagonal to the left, taken by each column, should 
 not prove sufficient to outflank the enemy’s right wing, the comman- 
 der-in-chief must form his new line by successive battalions, begin- 
 ning with the right of his two lines and giving the following word of 
 command : — “ By the right of the two lines, and by successive bat- 
 talions form line of battle to the right.” The first battalion having 
 executed its movements by platoons to the right in line of battle, 
 shall advance twenty-five paces, in column by platoon, in order to 
 
 * The distances and the correction of the guides, are in fact the ground- work of a 
 march in column. 
 
 t An excellent method of outflanking an enemy on either wing. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 153 
 
 establish itself upon the oblique line indicated for this movement. 
 The other battalions shall successively continue to march until the 
 right of each is parallel with the left of the last formed battalion. 
 They shall then execute a conversion by platoons to the right, and 
 successively take up their proper position in line. 
 
 If the attack be directed against the left wing of the enemy, the 
 lines shall march by the right, the columns having the right in front. 
 This measure is applicable to manoeuvres I. and II. It is necessary 
 during the march of the columns on the diagonal, to designate the 
 last battalions of the two lines as the directing battalions, when the 
 left is in front, and the first battalions, when the right is in front. 
 Care must also be taken to make the columns of the second line 
 march so that their heads be directed between the interval of those 
 of the first line, without, however, losing the distance in line pre- 
 scribed to them. But the moment the columns march directly for- 
 ward, those of the second line shall resume the perpendicular. 
 
 III. 
 
 The enemy being drawn up parallel to the front of your four 
 regiments, and it being the intention of the commander-in-chief to 
 deceive them with regard to the true point of attack, — if it is meant 
 to be on the enemy’s right, the battalions of both lines shall form by 
 platoons to the left, and march on, appearing thus to retreat. So 
 soon as the heads of the two lines shall have extended the space of 
 one or two battalions beyond the enemy’s front, a new oblique line 
 shall be formed in the following manner : On the command, “ Form 
 the oblique line, left wing in front,” — the fourth platoon of the third 
 battalion of the first line, and the eighth platoon of the third bat- 
 talion of the second line, or such other platoons as may be directed, 
 shall march by the right flank, and by file to the right ; as shall 
 likewise all the platoons preceding those which serve as the axis of 
 the movement, upon the new line taken. The platoons in the rear 
 shall move by the left flank, and form a perpendicular to the head. 
 A general wheel to the right shall replace the line in the order of 
 battle prescribed. 
 
 IV. 
 
 If, on the contrary, the commander-in-chief determine to attack 
 the left of the enemy, the battalions of the two lines shall march to 
 the right, and, as soon as the heads of the columns of the two lines 
 shall have, extended the space of a battalion or two beyond the ene- 
 my’s front, he shall form an oblique line, right wing in front, upon 
 the eighth platoon of the second battalion of the first line, and upon 
 the eighth platoon of the first battalion of the second line. All the 
 divisions preceding those designated for the formation of the oblique 
 line shall operate successively by the left flank, and successively 
 establish themselves upon the new line ; those in the rear shall 
 
154 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 operate by the right flank, in order to resume the distance and per- 
 pendicular of the head. A general conversion to the left will replace 
 the line in the order of battle prescribed. 
 
 V. 
 
 But if the two heads of columns of the lines, the right being in 
 front, should come to the diagonal on the left towards the centre of 
 the enemy’s front, and you intend to attack the left of the enemy’s 
 line ; — in that case the platoons preceding those which are to serve 
 as the axis, shall operate by the right flank, and those in the rear by 
 the left flank ; and, the perpendicular being taken, the line shall be 
 resumed by a general wheel to the left. Nevertheless, if during the 
 movement the enemy should make a demonstration of attack, it 
 would be prudent to form the platoons in the prescribed line of battle, 
 as they successively came up, for the purpose either of making head 
 against the enemy, or of protecting the manoeuvre.* 
 
 If, on the contrary, your heads of columns arrive, the left in front, 
 upon the diagonal on the right, and proceed towards the enemy’s 
 centre, and you intend to attack the right wing of the enemy’s line, 
 — all the platoons preceding those which serve as the axis in the two 
 lines shall operate by the left flank, those in the rear by the right 
 flank; and the oblique line of battle shall be re-formed by means of 
 a general conversion of platoons to the right. 
 
 VI. 
 
 The four regiments marching in column of platoons, the right in 
 front, on a line parallel to the enemy’s front, as if they intended to 
 attack the enemy’s left wing, when, on the contrary, their right wing 
 was the object of attack : in such a case, the oblique line might be 
 formed, the left wing advanced on the first platoon of the third bat- 
 talion of the first line, and the eighth platoon of the third battalion of 
 the second line, or such other platoons as might be selected ; the 
 platoons preceding these to operate by the right flank, and to proceed 
 along the new perpendicular ; the platoons in the rear to operate by 
 the left flank and by file to the right. A general wheel by platoons 
 to the left would place the line in the order of battle required. 
 
 It is to be observed that this movement must either be rapidly 
 executed, or take place at some distance from the enemy, because 
 the column for a time stands with its rear to the latter. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The same manoeuvre may also be performed if the lines march in 
 columns of platoons towards the right of the enemy’s line, though 
 the commander-in-chief intends to form his oblique line upon the 
 enemy’s left. In this case, the platoons in the rear of those fixed 
 
 * The same project of outflanking the enemy by simple and sure means — in 
 column, and by one to the left, or one to the right in line of battle. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 155 
 
 upon as the axis of the movement shall operate by the right flank and 
 by files to the left ; those in front of the axis shall operate by the 
 left flank. The perpendicular being assumed, the line of battle shall 
 be re-formed by a general conversion to the right by the two lines. 
 Whenever the commander wishes to change the perpendicular of 
 the columns, he will take care to establish, as in a change of front, 
 the platoon designated for the rest of the troops to form upon. 
 
 SOME MANOEUVRES BY MEANS OF THE COLUMN. 
 
 Four regiments in columns with intervals, marching, right in front, 
 by platoons or divisions, at whole or half distance : — If the com- 
 mander requires to make them march by front of regiments in 
 columns, on the reverse flank of the guides in natural order, he 
 shall give the following command after halting: — “By platoons 
 (or divisions) on the uneven or alternate battalions of each regiment, 
 to the right form line of battle.” 
 
 This movement being executed, he may resume his line of battle 
 by a change of front on the centre of each regiment, the right wing 
 forward : that is to say, on the first division of the even battalions 
 of each regiment. But if he wanted to form into line of battle by 
 an inversion of regiments to the other flank, the change of front 
 must be effected with the left wing forward : that is to say, on the 
 fourth division of the uneven battalions of each regiment. If he 
 wished to march in column of regiments by the proper pivot flank, he 
 must execute a conversion of the divisions or platoons by inversion 
 to the left. 
 
 II. 
 
 By this distribution of columns of regiments, the commander might 
 easily form his four regiments into a hollow square. If such were 
 his intention, the first regiment would stand fast; the uneven batta 
 lions of the second and third, must execute a conversion to the right 
 by battalions or by platoons, half wheel to the right, and the even 
 battalions must effect a conversion to the left. The fourth regiment, 
 after having closed itajranks, would form the rear face. 
 
 III. 
 
 The commander having reduced the square in order to form into 
 line in the same order of columns, the first regiment shall operate by 
 platoons to the right after having cleared the second regiment ; the 
 latter shall then advance the space of one division, in order to form 
 the basis for the general line. The first regiment shall halt and 
 form in battle ; the third and fourth shall operate to the left by 
 platoons, and place themselves successively in the alignement. 
 
156 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 If this is to be effected in front on the second regiment, the 
 column shall close to division distance, after which, forward and 
 wheel. 
 
 But if the commander intended to form two lines, the uneven 
 regiments would stand fast, whilst the even numbers should exe- 
 cute the movement above indicated for the third and fourth regi- 
 ments. 
 
 IV. - 
 
 Should the commander, however, find that the movements pre- 
 scribed for the manoeuvre, No. IV., are too slow of execution, he 
 may form a single column of regiments. He will command to form 
 close column, the right in front, upon the colour division of each bat- 
 talion ; and, having closed in mass, he may form into line by batta- 
 lions in mass, or deploy on any named battalion.* 
 
 V. 
 
 The four regiments having deployed, and the commander being 
 desirous instantly to form two lines, and to place the uneven batta- 
 lions in the first, and the even battalions in the second, he shall form 
 a close column of regiments, the right in front, on the fourth division 
 of the uneven battalions, then close the masses, at the distance of a 
 battalion from each other, upon the second regiment, and after- 
 wards form into line upon the colour division of each battalion. 
 
 VI. 
 
 If the commander wants to march in columns, with the left in 
 front, by entire regiments in their proper order : (let us suppose that 
 the odd battalions are in the first, and the even battalions in the se- 
 cond line ;) he will command a change of front to be effected onthe 
 colour platoon of each battalion, right wing in front. If, on the con- 
 trary, he wished to march with the right in front, the change of 
 front must be effected upon the colour platoon of each battalion, 
 the left wing in front. The battalions would thus be in line of battle 
 by inversion. 
 
 If the even battalions were in the first, and the uneven battalions 
 in the second line, the column might be formed by fronts of regi- 
 ments in columns of march, the right in front, by effecting a central 
 change of front in each battalion, left wing forward ; and, on the con- 
 trary, a change of front, right wing forward, if the troops were to 
 march with the left in front. In this case the battalions would like- 
 wise be in line of battle in inverted order.']' 
 
 * This is the manoeuvre adopted by the regulation of the 4th of March, L831, the 
 movements in mass being preferred in this regulation. 
 
 t At present the column is always first formed, even for a change of front. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 157 
 
 VII. 
 
 The line of four regiments or eight battalions being fully deployed, 
 as in manoeuvre No. V., if the intention of the commander be to 
 make the eight battalions march in two columns close to each other, 
 in order to conceal his force and give greater precision to his move- 
 ment, — the regiments shall form, in the rear, into columns by divi- 
 sions, viz. : the first regiment with the left, and the second with the 
 right in front. The same movement shall be adopted for the second 
 and third regiments. This movement may be executed by the fol- 
 lowing command : — “ To the left of the uneven regiments, left in 
 front, to the rear in column ; and to the right of the even regiments, 
 right in front, to the rear in column.” 
 
 MARCH IN LINE AND INCREASE OF FRONT. 
 
 I. 
 
 The principles of the march in line are clearly enough indicated 
 in the regulation of 1791. The men and the battalions are placed 
 square to the front on the ground they occupy, and in perfect aligne- 
 ment ; the colours are generally carried six paces in front, when the 
 line is to march, for the purpose of giving the cadence of the step, 
 serving as a point of intermediate direction, and preventing the bat- 
 talions from undulating and from outflanking the one appointed to 
 direct the movement. 
 
 This arrangement, though good in itself, is seldom observed in 
 actual warfare.* The regiments shall continue, nevertheless, to fol- 
 low this mode, and also the following, which appears to me better 
 adapted to rendering the direction visible to the whole of the line, 
 and facilitating the correctness of the line when the word is given to 
 halt. 
 
 On the cautionary command : — “Battalions (or lines) forward,” 
 the colours will remain in the ranks ; the regulating battalion shall 
 advance three paces, so that its rear rank is exactly on a line with 
 the battalions to the right and left. The general guides, or camp col- 
 ourmen, of the other battalions, shall advance to the same alignement. 
 At the word halt ! the whole shall line themselves on the directing 
 battalion. Whenever the first line is to charge bayonets, the direct- 
 ing battalion shall not move from its place in line of battle. 
 
 As, on, many occasions in war, great advantage may be derived 
 from increasing the front of the line, the commander may affect it in 
 the following manner : — 
 
 * The Marshal endeavours to avoid the evils admitted to exist in the old system of 
 marching in line of battle, and he gives the means of doing so. Bui at present the 
 formation into column by battalions is preferred, even for marching in line of battle. 
 
 VOL. II. 21 
 
158 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Let us still suppose four regiments or eight battalions upon one or 
 two lines whose front is to be increased by some battalions on the 
 wings. 
 
 If it is to be of the four battalions placed at the two wings on the 
 first line, the third rank of those battalions shall make a half turn to 
 the right, relire thirty paces to the rear, face about to the front, 
 then, quickly forming into two ranks, proceed in double-quick time 
 to support the first platoon of the first battalion. There shall be a 
 lieutenant and two non-commissioned officers to the third rank of 
 each platoon. The non-commissioned officers shall be placed to the 
 right of the sections, and the lieutenant shall act as captain. An 
 adjutant-major shall command the two battalions of each regiment 
 thus formed, and to which four drummers shall be added. The for- 
 mation shall be the same for the third rank of the two battalions on 
 the left, but the platoons shall execute the inverse movement. These 
 battalions may be employed according to circumstances.* 
 
 PASSAGE OF LINES. 
 
 The passages of lines may be effected by column in different ways, 
 besides those specified in the regulations : — 
 
 r. 
 
 Two lines of four or eight battalions having to execute the passage 
 of lines to the front, by column ; the first line stands fast; the battal- 
 ions of the second, having broken into platoons to the right, shall 
 march forward, change the direction to the left by heads of columns 
 of battalions, pass outside the right of the battalion on the first line, 
 and replace themselves in order of battle, either upon the first pla- 
 toon or division, or upon one of the divisions or subdivisions of the 
 centre. But if the commander wishes positively to place the first 
 line on a parallel with the second, the heads of columns, after they 
 have passed the right of the battalions of the first line, shall oblique 
 to the left in a sufficient degree to regain the platoon front which 
 they have lost by the direct march. This manoeuvre is applicable 
 either to the first or the second line.f 
 
 The battalions of the second line may likewise gain ground to the 
 front by proceeding round the left of the battalions on the first line. 
 In this latter case they will break by platoons to the left, and will 
 
 * Method of passing from a formation of three ranks to a formation of two, in order 
 to extend the line. 
 
 tThe method of passage of lines, in the regulations of 1791, is quitg defective ; 
 the Marshal substitutes a mode of doing it in proper columns, which is much more 
 rational. The manoeuvre in the regulations of the 4th of March, 1831, is very like 
 that of the Marshal. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 159 
 
 change their direction to the right on reaching the level of the left of 
 the battalions which have preceded them. 
 
 The movement to the rear is executed in the same manner ; the 
 battalions of the first line, after a half turn to the right, and by pla- 
 toons to the right, march forward, change their direction to the left 
 and pass round the left of the battalions of the second line, and so on 
 from both sides. 
 
 II. 
 
 The passage of lines to the front may likewise be effected by col- 
 umns of whole regiments for both lines. In this case the second line 
 must form a close column of regiments, the right in front, either upon 
 the first division of the even battalions, or upon the fourth division 
 of the uneven ones. Each column shall march forward and pass 
 through the interval between the two battalions of each regiment of 
 the first line which precedes them. After having gained sufficient 
 ground, each column shall form into line upon one of the divisions 
 prescribed for its formation. The passage of line of regiments of 
 the second line may likewise be effected by the latter executing the 
 movement of the passing the defile forward by the centre. This 
 mode is perhaps preferable, because the manoeuvre takes up less time, 
 and the heads of columns may immediately execute the platoon 
 firing. 
 
 The passage of line retrograde, by columns of regiments, would be 
 evidently too dangerous very near the enemy. Those prescribed by 
 the regulation, and those indicated in No. I. for columns of battalions, 
 must, therefore, alone be put in practice. 
 
 In the supposition of a general attack in front, the heads of col- 
 umns of each regiment of the second line shall march up to the 
 intervals between the battalions of the regiments which precede 
 them on the first line, and thus uniting the ordre profond to the 
 ordre mince, necessarily give more vigour to the ensemble of the 
 charge. The movement being concluded, the regiments shall extend 
 to the front. 
 
 CHANGES OF FRONT. 
 
 The changes of front upon one or more extensive lines are sel- 
 dom executed in actual war. Nevertheless, as most of these move- 
 ments are effected by the column, I shall give some examples of the 
 manoeuvre. 
 
 I. 
 
 Four or eight battalions, on one or two lines, having to execute a 
 change of front perpendicularly or obliquely, the right wing forward, 
 either upon the centre, or nearer one of the two flanks of the line ; — 
 
100 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 If the lines are composed of four battalions, the first line shall 
 form the close column of divisions, the right in front, upon the first 
 division of the third battalion, and the second line upon the first divi- 
 sion of the second battalion. 
 
 If there are eight battalions, the first line shall, in like manner, be 
 formed by column upon the first division of the fifth battalion, and 
 the second line upon the first division of the fourth battalion. 
 
 The columns being formed upon either supposition, all the divi- 
 sions in front of that of formation of the first line (first division of the 
 third battalion, or first division of the fifth battalion,) shall resume 
 the distance by the head or right of the column ; and all those in 
 the rear of the division of formation, after the, half turn to the right, 
 shall resume the distance by the rear or left of the column ; and 
 then, in succession as the divisions resume their distances, they shall 
 replace themselves right in front. 
 
 Immediately after the movement of the first line is begun, the 
 second shall march forward, taking its distance by the head, and 
 shall establish itself parallel to the first line.* 
 
 A general conversion by divisions to the left will place the two 
 lines in the exact order of the change of front commanded. 
 
 This movement might be effected by platoons, and its execution 
 rendered much more rapid. 
 
 The principle of a change of front, as it may be perceived, remains 
 tbe same as that laid down in the regulations ; that is to say, that if 
 the first line operates upon the fourth battalion, the right wing for- 
 ward, the second line executes it upon the third battalion ; in like 
 manner, if the first line executes it upon the third battalion, the left 
 wing forward, the second line effects it on the fourth battalion, and 
 so on. 
 
 II. 
 
 Four or eight battalions upon two lines intending to execute a 
 change of front with firing, breaking successively to the rear by 
 platoons or divisions from one of the two wings, in order to form a 
 new oblique line upon one of the flanks : — 
 
 When the order for this movement is given, the first division of 
 the battalion on the right of the first line shall operate by the left 
 flank, and by file to the rear by the left ; it shall fall back in its 
 whole depth, then operate by the right flank, and march forward, 
 taking a direction behind the front, in order to place itself in line of 
 battle on the extreme left of the line. So soon as the first division 
 has passed to the parallel of the centre of the second division, this 
 latter shall likewise make its movement by the left flank, and so on 
 
 * The method here proposed is much' superior to that in the regulations of 1791, 
 and very much resembles that adopted in the new regulation of 1831. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 161 
 
 with regard to the other divisions. The moment a battalion of the 
 first line has unmasked the front of a battalion of the second line, the 
 latter shall immediately be replaced, and so on. The battalions of 
 the second line shall execute the fire commanded for those of the 
 first, but none of these battalions shall fall back until the battalions 
 of the first line have executed their movement ; after which, if the 
 commander 1 wished to prolong the line, by adding the second to it, he 
 must command the latter to execute the same manoeuvre ; or, lastly, 
 by the same movement he may replace it in its position of battle in 
 second line. 
 
 If the movement is to be effected by the left of the line, in that 
 case the fourth division of the last ; battalion must move by the right 
 flank and by files to the rear by the right, so as to proceed behind 
 the front, in order to replace itself on the left in battle towards the 
 extreme right of the line, and so on with the other divisions. 
 
 III. 
 
 Changes of individual fronts by battalions give infinite facility in 
 executing the principal manoeuvres of war. They require two of 
 three minutes only, and, consequently, enable the commander to 
 change the front of his line in a very short time, either by executing 
 an oblique change of front upon each battalion, the left wing forward, 
 re-forming afterwards upon the battalion on the right of the first line, 
 by battalions forward in line of battle ; or the right wing forward, 
 re-forming upon the last battalion forward in battle. Lastly, this 
 oblique arrangement allows of attacking by order of echelons. 
 
 PASSAGE OF DEFILES AND BRIDGES. 
 
 The passage of a defile to the rear, by the flank and by files, ac- 
 cording to the regulation, is in general very long, and borders too 
 much on confusion to be executed in the presence of the enemy. 
 This movement may be effected in column by sections, platoons, or 
 divisions, either by a movement to front or rear.* 
 
 I. 
 
 To pass a defile, in front by the centre, according to regulation, the 
 first battalion proceeds by sections to the left, the second, by sections 
 to the right; they afterwards march forward and form up into line as 
 the defile widens. 
 
 Here a battalion is supposed to be posted behind a defile whose 
 width would not allow the passage in front of more than one platoon 
 
 * This reason is the same as the one stated in the new regulations, in which the 
 method presented by Marshal Ney is adopted; 
 
162 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 at a time. In this case all the sections of the half battalion on the 
 right would place themselves in the rear in column, the left in front, 
 behind the second section of the fourth platoon, and the sections of 
 the half battalion on the left, in the rear in column, right in front, 
 behind the first section of the fifth platoon. The battalion marching 
 in this order of column of attack, at section distance, through the de- 
 file, should gradually form upon the centre and forward in line of bat- 
 tle, as the defile became wider. 
 
 II. 
 
 If the defile is wide enough to allow the free passage of a division, 
 in that case all the platoons of the right shall form into column, the 
 left in front, at platoon distance, behind the fourth platoon ; and those 
 of the left, with the right in front, behind the fifth platoon. The ad- 
 vance in line of battle shall be executed in the same manner as that 
 specified for the column, by fronts of platoons formed by the sections 
 of the half battalions on right to left. 
 
 This mode may be applied to a line of several battalions, by form- 
 ing the uneven battalions into columns by sections or platoons, the 
 left in front, and the even battalions the right in front. In this case 
 the columns must be closed, so that there remain only an interval of 
 three paces. 
 
 III. 
 
 The passage of the defile in retreat is effected in the natural or- 
 der of the sections, platoons, or divisions, in the following man- 
 ner: — 
 
 As the battalion is to fall back by sections of the two wings at the 
 same time, let us suppose that the defile is behind the second section 
 of the fourth, and first, section of the fifth platoon. All the sections 
 of the right shall break successively by the left flank and to the rear 
 by left, then front and march ; those of the left, by the right flank 
 and to the rear by the right, then front and march. On reaching 
 the entrance of the defile, the sections of the right shall make a con- 
 version to the left, and the sections of the left a conversion to the 
 right, proceeding together on the new line indicated. To cover the 
 retrograde movement, it will be necessary for the platoon or division 
 at the entrance of the defile to march up twenty-five paces to the 
 front, and throw out some tirailleurs. Lastly, so soon as the two 
 wings have effected their movement, the platoon in advance shall re- 
 call its tirailleurs by the rallying beat of the drum, and after a half 
 turn to the right, place itself three paces in front of the centre of 
 the battalion, and there serve as a base on which to form the general 
 line. 
 
 IV. 
 
 If the retrograde movement is to be effected by platoons from both 
 wings of a regiment at the same time, the eighth platoon of the first 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 163 
 
 battalion, and the first platoon of the second battalion, shall likewise 
 advance obliquely to the left and right, in order to cover the point 
 indicated for the passage of the defile to the rear. The platoons of 
 the right, and those of the left of both battalions, shall break to the 
 rear in the same manner as the sections, and the line of battle shall 
 be re-formed in the manner already specified. 
 
 If instead of breaking by platoons, the commander thought proper 
 to break by divisions, in such case the fourth division of the first bat- 
 talion, and the first division of the second battalion, should execute 
 the same movements. 
 
 To aid the judgment of commanders of battalions and platoons as 
 to the distances they are to observe during the march, and to enable 
 them to ascertain when they are to halt, so that the line shall not 
 offer too extensive a development at the moment of conversion to 
 the left to enable the platoons coming from the right, and of wheel 
 to the right for those marching from the left, to resume their order 
 of battle, they shall count as many paces as there are files in their 
 platoons, and then multiply by the number which are to follow them, 
 deducting those which are keeping the enemy in cheek. By such 
 means the commanders of battalions will find no difficulty in halting 
 and forming into line of battle, exactly parallel to the original front 
 of the line, by a general conversion to the left. 
 
 MARCH OR ATTACK BY ECHELONS. 
 
 This manoeuvre is extremely advantageous in war ; but it requires 
 a great perfection in the marching of the troops, in order that the 
 attack upon the enemy may be supported with rapidity and intelli- 
 gence, and that the battalions which refuse to attack may be in fit 
 state to execute attentively every movement which circumstances 
 may require. 
 
 I. 
 
 Eight battalions upon two lines having to attack the right wing of 
 the enemy placed parallel to their front : — 
 
 The movement shall begin by the left at full distances, either by 
 regiments or by battalions, whichever may be preferable. So soon as 
 the last battalion of the first line has marched forward, it shall be fol- 
 lowed by that of the second line, and so on by the remaining batta- 
 lions. In the supposition that the enemy refuses its right, and makes 
 a demonstration of attack with its left upon the right flank of the 
 echelons in march : in this case, all the battalions shall effect together 
 a change of direction to the right by battalions; or for the sake of 
 more compactness and greater celerity, a change of front upon the 
 
 i 
 
164 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 colour platoon of each battalion in the two lines, left wing forward. 
 This manoeuvre being performed, the battalions may continue the 
 attack by echelons, or march forward and place themselves in line 
 of battle upon the first battalions of the right of the two lines, which 
 serve as pivots or point-d’appui. By this operation the two wings act 
 alternately on the offensive.* 
 
 If the attack were to be made on the left wing of the enemy’s line, 
 the movement must begin by the right of the two attacking lines. 
 The change of direction by battalions must be executed to the left ; 
 or the change of front made right wing forward, 
 
 II. 
 
 If the commander wishes to attack with only the first line in eche- 
 lons of battalions, either by the right or by the left, the battalions 
 shall march at full distances, after the echelons are established ; and 
 if they were threatened with an attack by cavalry, each battalion 
 should form into column of division at platoon distance, the right in 
 front, upon the colour division of each battalion, if the movement 
 were effected by the right of the line ; or the left in front, if the 
 movement were effected by the left of the line. This being done, the 
 first division of each head of column would stand fast. The uneven 
 platoons of the second and third divisions should then wheel to the 
 right, and the even platoons wheel to the left. The fourth division 
 should close up, and then face about so as to form squares by batta- 
 lions placed in echelons. 
 
 III. 
 
 The attack in echelons by the centre is in general too dangerous 
 a manoevure to be frequently used in war, unless the commander is 
 certain that the enemy has imprudently weakened his centre to 
 strengthen his wings ; and that when he has reached the central po- 
 sition he can maintain it, cut off the enemy’s wings, and force him 
 to give battle separately. This attack upon the centre requires 
 great resolution and extreme celerity in the march of the as- 
 sailants. 
 
 Let us suppose a first assailant line of eight battalions : in this 
 case the battalions Nos. 4 and 5 shall begin to march at half distance ; 
 the other battalions shall in like manner follow at half distance, so 
 that the movement may be better concentrated. It would be prudent 
 not to make the second line march otherwise than in line of battle, in 
 order that it may serve as a support to the two wings of the echelons 
 of the first line, and be able to receive the first line thus formed, and 
 protect it in case of necessity. 
 
 * This is a beautiful manoeuvre, and has been adopted. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 165 
 
 RETREAT EN ECH1QUIER, OR ALTERNATE RETREAT. 
 
 The retreat en echiquer upon two lines may be effected according 
 to the principles laid down in the regulations, by falling back by bat- 
 talions a hundred or a hundred and fifty paces. But in order to change 
 alternately the defensive into the offensive, the even battalions of the 
 second line, instead of falling back at the same time as the even bat- 
 talions of the first line, may form columns by divisions, at either 
 close, half, or whole distance behind the first division, the right in 
 front, and then advance outside the right of the even battalions of the 
 first line then in retreat, and form into line a few loises in the rear of 
 the left of the uneven battalions of the first line. This movement 
 may be alternate in the two lines, and by even and uneven bat- 
 talions, during the whole time that the retrograde movement lasts. 
 
 SQUARES. 
 
 Squares are formed three deep, in conformity to the Emperor’s 
 instructions; and sometimes also by doubling the interior sections, 
 according to the principle laid down in the regulations of 1791. 
 Regiments may also be practised to fire from the four sides by the 
 simple column ; and as this is often seen in war, the troops generally 
 marching in that order, it would be advantageous to accustom the 
 men to it, 
 
 I. 
 
 Four regiments crossing a plain in columns with intervals, by 
 platoonsor by divisions. If they were attacked by cavalry, and had 
 not time to form into the prescribed squares, the regiments should 
 close up in mass, the three files on the proper pivot flank (we suppose 
 that the columns have their right in front) should form to the left 
 flank; and those on the reverse flank should form to the right flank ; 
 the last division would face about.* 
 
 II. 
 
 But if the four regiments marched upon two lines in columns : the 
 first and second regiments of the first line, the right in front, in 
 column upon the eighth platoon of the even battalions, if it be by 
 platoons, or upon the fourth division of the same battalions, if it be 
 by divisions; and the first and second regiments of the second line, 
 with also the right in front, but to the rear in columns upon the first 
 platoons of the uneven battalions, or the first divisions of the same 
 battalions, if it be by divisions. This arrangement would enable the 
 
 * This formation is adopted in preparing against charges of cavalry. 
 vol. II. 22 
 
166 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 commander to form squares, either by making the uneven platoons 
 wheel to the right, and the even platoons to the left, the column 
 being by divisions at half distances ; or, after having closed up in 
 mass, by making the three files on the right and left flanks of the 
 columns face as above to the left and to the right. Should circum- 
 stances permit, the quincunx may be formed, in order that the fire 
 may cross without inconvenience to the troops. 
 
 III. 
 
 The four regiments may also be formed into columns in the follow- 
 ing manner : — The first regiment of the first line in front forward 
 into column, the right in front, upon the fourth division of the even 
 battalion ; the second regiment in the rear into column, the right in 
 front, upon the first division of the uneven battalion. The first regi- 
 ment of the second line forward into column, the left in front, upon 
 the first division of the uneven battalion, and the second regiment 
 in rear into column, the left in front, upon the fourth division of the 
 even battalion.* 
 
 IV. 
 
 Four regiments upon two lines may easily form the hollow square, 
 and place within it the baggage and implements of war, which they 
 might have to cover or protect on a march. In this case, the two 
 lines should leave no interval between the battalions and the regi- 
 ments. The first battalion of the first line should break to the rear 
 into column, by platoons, the left in front, at whole distance, upon 
 the eighth platoon; the fourth battalion of the same line into column 
 by platoons, the right in front, behind the first platoon ; the first bat- 
 talion of the second line forward into column, the right in front, upon 
 its eighth platoon, and the fourth battalion forward into column, the 
 left in front, upon its first platoon; a wheel by platoons to the right, 
 by the right flank, would close this part of the square, and a wheel 
 to the left, by the left flank, would close the other part. The second 
 and third battalions of the second line must make a half turn to the 
 right. The grenadiers might be so disposed as to cover the exterior 
 and interior salient angles of the square. 
 
 CONCLUSIONS. 
 
 The battalions and regiments shall be progressively accustomed 
 to execute, both stationary and in marching, all the above manoeuvres. 
 
 The generals of division shall see that this be done, and shall give 
 to each brigadier-general and colonel under their respective command 
 a copy of these instructions. 
 
 * The new regulations do not, and very properly so, allow of squares formed of 
 more than three battalions. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 167 
 
 As the whole of military tactics lies in the science of forming the 
 troops into column with rapidity, and making them march in line of 
 battle, I shall apply myself more particularly to show the utility of 
 making whole lines operate by simple movements in columns of bat- 
 talions upon one or two lines, and by such means execute all possible 
 changes of front, either from the halt or on the march, comprising 
 generally the principal movements used in war.* 
 
 It is not my intention to develop the knowledge required to carry 
 on warfare on a large scale, but 1 shall confine myself to the simple 
 mechanism of the evolutions which form the essential ground-work 
 of its particular enterprises. It belongs wholly to the individual 
 genius of the commander to direct his lines of operation in such a 
 manner as to embrace a vast whole, and to be able, at the proper 
 time, to take advantage of all the events and circumstances which 
 succeed each other so rapidly in the field of battle. 
 
 The success of every operation in war depends upon confidence of 
 the troops in their leader, which can only be acquired by the example 
 which the general must give when the danger is common to all. He 
 must, without intermission, and with unceasing solicitude, attend to 
 the wants of the men, and insure, by the most persevering activity, 
 the execution of his orders ; — nothing being more important in war 
 than to impress upon his army at once, and decidedly, the utmost 
 punctuality in marching at the very moment specified, in order that 
 combined movements may produce the success intended. False in- 
 terpretations and misunderstandings put forth by inexperienced men, 
 must be corrected by laconic, clear, and precise orders for movements. 
 It belongs principally to the intelligence of the staff officers to extir- 
 pate this military defect, which may lead to so many evils when the 
 remedy is not applied on the instant. 
 
 / 
 
 OBSERVATIONS AND GENERAL SUMMARY. 
 
 Columns by battalions at platoon distance, of one or two lines at 
 Once, allow the commander to execute every possible manoeuvre, 
 change frequently his direction, and march on the diagonal to the 
 left, the columns having the left in front, and on the diagonal to the 
 right, if the right is in front ; likewise to change the direction to the 
 right. 
 
 Changes of front by individual battalions are the easiest, because 
 they require only a simple platoon wheel, either in the proper or in 
 an inverted order. Their execution takes up much less time than 
 those indicated in the regulations, and no part of the troops present 
 their rear to the enemy. 
 
 Good reflections and excellent principles. 
 
168 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Passage of lines by individual battalions forward by the centre. — * 
 The battalions of the second line march as in the passage of a defile, 
 forward by the centre, and the forming into line is effected almost 
 without the necessity of any general words of command. The pas- 
 sage of lines by falling back, does not offer the same advantage ; that 
 prescribed by the regulations may he used in preference. 
 
 ADJUTANTS-COMMANDANTS. 
 
 During war these officers shall be employed in active service and 
 in the army offices, but more especially in the former, in order to 
 select the places of encampment, form the camps, and stake out posi- 
 tions when circumstances admit of it. They are to keep up com- 
 munications with the head-quarters of divisions and with general 
 head-quarters ; fix upon the places for distributing the provisions, 
 forage, &c. ; direct the van-guards, and general and particular re- 
 connoitering parties ; proceed with parties to observe the force, the 
 position, and the movements of the enemy. The adjutants-com- 
 mandants employed in the army offices shall be specially charged 
 with collecting the states as to the situation of the forces; they shall 
 also provide for the wants and subsistence of the men ; write reports 
 upon the observations made respecting the country, the topography 
 of the war, marches, encampments, &c. &c., and superintend the 
 personnel and materiel of the Staff.* 
 
 The assistant adjutants-commandants shall assist the latter in their 
 important duties. The assistants, to qualify themselves for war, and 
 to benefit as well by their own observations as by those of the other 
 officers in the army, shall write down, in the form of notes, any thing 
 that may strike their attention with regard to good or bad disposi- 
 tions, and neglect nothing to render such remarks profitable to them- 
 selves in their profession. The most important thing for a staff- 
 officer is to inure himself to fatigue from the very opening of the 
 campaign, by remaining constantly dressed and booted, in order that 
 on the very first shot fired, he may be able to proceed in all haste to 
 the place of action, and return and give information to his superiors. 
 The assistants and other officers of the staff shall be present at every 
 distribution of rations, or any thing else to the men ; they shall recon- 
 noitre during the night in the camps and at the advanced posts. An 
 adjutant-commandant shall direct them in turn of duty, beginning 
 from the head, in every thing relative to the service, and at the bot- 
 tom in every thing concerning distributions, and other drudgery, 
 errands, &c. 
 
 *The rank of adjutant-commandant does not now exist; but the duties attributed 
 to that officer, and the Marshal’s instructions, are perfectly applicable to the staff- 
 fcolonel of the present day. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 169 
 
 AIDES-DE-CAMP. 
 
 Besides the confidence of the general officers, of which aides-de- 
 camp must render themselves worthy by indefatigable zeal, it is 
 necessary that they should be extremely active, well acquainted with 
 the different corps of the brigade or division to which they belong, 
 the names of the several officers in command, and those of the com- 
 missaries, that they may be able to transmit orders with precision, 
 and superintend their execution. 
 
 THE COMMANDANT AT HEAD-QUARTERS. 
 
 He shall personally take the orders of the chief of the staff, shall 
 preside at parade, and superintend the interior and exterior duty at 
 head-quarters. The watch-word shall be given only in fortresses, 
 such a custom being found useless in camps, where the development 
 is too extensive, especially when several divisions composing a corps- 
 d’armee act individually in pursuit of the enemy. 
 
 PERSONNEL OF HEAD-QUARTERS. 
 
 The commander of the artillery.* 
 
 A company of guides on horseback, taken from all the corps com- 
 posing the army. 
 
 A company of guides on foot. 
 
 Half a company of light artillery. 
 
 A company of pontoonmen. 
 
 A section of miners. 
 
 A company of sappers. 
 
 A company of armed bakers, and two sections of butchers. 
 
 A company of swimmers of a hundred men. 
 
 Engineer officers. 
 
 Officers topographers. 
 
 Commissaries general. 
 
 Inspector and sub-inspector of musters. 
 
 Officers of health and of pharmacy. The officers of health shall 
 have voursches,f and shall follow everywhere. 
 
 A division of horse gendarmerie. 
 
 A military commission, or standing court-martial. 
 
 * All that follows, as far as No. 7, is order given to chaos. It was worthy of a mind 
 like that of the Marshal to feel the want of this, and to dare undertake it. The 
 principles of this organization have been adopted in the new regulations for the field, 
 t A sort of light car. 
 
170 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Messengers. 
 
 Administration of posts, and the veterinary artist of head-quarters. 
 Paymaster-general, guarded by the guides of the general-in-chief. 
 Four washerwomen and two sutlers, with carts, each of which shall 
 bear a plate. 
 
 INDISPENSABLE OBJECTS ATTACHED TO A GENERAL STAFF. 
 
 A bridge equipage consisting of pontoons, another of trestles for 
 crossing a river of from a hundred to two hundred feet wide, provi- 
 ded with cramp-hooks, cordage, anchors, two skiffs, beams, timbers, 
 carpenters’ tools, torches, combustibles, pitch, &c. Sic . ; ladders with 
 cramp-hooks to scale, when necessary, the walls of a town, or other 
 places not strongly fortified by art and nature. The whole placed 
 in drays, or other strongly built carriages. 
 
 The light artillery attached to head-quarters shall always have a 
 good stock of rockets for signals, either to direct night movements, 
 or to guide columns of attack before day-break, whether in an open 
 country, or when forcing redoubts and entrenchments or storming a 
 fortified place. 
 
 An equipage of tumbrils for the provisions and forage. 
 
 Baggage of head-quarters. — Fix its amount with precision, and 
 preserve the greatest order on a march ; and maintain a discipline 
 always difficult, particularly among the soldiers who have the direc- 
 tion and superintendence of the train. 
 
 The commander of the equipages, wagons, tumbrils of rockets, 
 bridge equipages, pontoons, and other implements of war, must be a 
 man of firm character, well informed, and extremely strict. It is 
 necessary that the soldiers of the train should have learned to 
 manoeuvre, in order that, in case of need, the commander of the 
 equipages or of the park, might be able to form a square against the 
 enemy, and to re-form with equal facility into one or more columns. 
 The execution of such manoeuvres requires great rapidity and pre- 
 cision. 
 
 THE CHIEF OF THE STAFF. 
 
 Besides the staff officers under the command of the chief of the 
 staff, the number of which is fixed by laws and decrees, there shall 
 be an under chief of the staff, who shall superintend the work in 
 the offices, the execution of reports, the destination of troops, and 
 draw up papers upon the reconnoitrings, &e. Sic. 
 
 The under chief of the staff shall distribute to the individuals alone 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 171 
 
 who are attached immediately to the staff the billets which the com- 
 mander of head-quarters shall issue to him. The orders respecting 
 the police at head-quarters, and all measures concerning the details 
 relative thereto, shall he placarded inside the office of head quarters. 
 The commander of the gendarmerie, specially charged with this 
 branch of the service, shall keep a register, in which shall be enter- 
 ed the orders and arrangements concerning the distribution of rations, 
 billets, the interior and exterior service, the police, sutlers, washer- 
 women, prisoners of war, spies, delinquents belonging to the army, 
 convicts, execution of sentences, conscripts, deserters, &c. 
 
 The following order in billeting, once established, shall be invariably 
 
 maintained during the war. 
 
 The under chief of the staff shall receive from the commandant of 
 head-quarters, or from the commander of the gendarmerie, billets for 
 the general officers, artillery officers, officers of engineers, assistants, 
 aides-de-camp, adjutants, commandants, and other persons immediately 
 attached to the general head-quarters. 
 
 Billets distributed by the commander of head-quarters or under 
 chief of the staff, — To the officers or subdivision of gendarmerie, for 
 the non-commissioned officers and gendarmes. 
 
 Commander of the guides, — To the horse and foot guides, and the 
 half company of light artillery. 
 
 Commander of the gendarmerie,— To the sutlers and washer- 
 women. 
 
 Commander of engineers, — To the sappers and pontoonmen. 
 
 Commissaries, — To the bakers and butchers. 
 
 Commandant of the artillery, — To the swimmers and the reserve 
 park of artillery. 
 
 Paymaster, — To the clerks, employes, and other individuals at- 
 tached to the treasury. 
 
 Director-general of posts, — To the messengers and administration 
 of posts. 
 
 Inspectors of that administration, — To the administration of bread 
 and liquors and forage. 
 
 The guard of general head-quarters, and of the chief of the staff 
 shall be furnished by the horse and foot guides. 
 
 The guard of the general in command of the artillery, by the 
 horse or foot gunners. 
 
 The guard of the commandant of engineers, and all field offi- 
 cers of that arm, by the sappers, pontoonmen, miners, and swim- 
 mers. 
 
 The guard of the inspector and sub-inspector of musters, by the 
 bakers and butchers. 
 
 The guard of the commissary-general, and the other commissaries, 
 by the bakers and butchers. 
 
 The guard of the general administration of posts, by the guides of 
 head-quarters. 
 
172 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The guard of the administration of bread, meat, liquids, and forage, 
 shall consist of a detachment of infantry taken from the division 
 nearest to head-quarters. 
 
 The guard of the treasury to be taken from the guides of general 
 head-quarters, or to consist of grenadiers attached to the general staff. 
 
 STAFF OF A DIVISION. 
 
 The* general of division. — The chief of his staff, taken from among 
 the adjutants-commandants ; two generals of brigade, two adjutants- 
 commandants, and four assistants. 
 
 The commandant of head-quarters selected from among the field- 
 officers of the division, or from among the unattached field-officers at 
 home. 
 
 A division or sub-division of gendarmerie to carry on the police ; 
 the commander of this corps is to communicate with the commander 
 of the gendarmerie at general head-quarters. 
 
 Pontoonmen, sappers and miners, to be taken by detachments from 
 those employed in the army. 
 
 Two officers of engineers employed in military reconnoitring, con- 
 structing military works, tracing and staking out camps and positions, 
 drawing plans of the ground and of marches, engagements, &c. &c. 
 
 Paymaster of the division. 
 
 Officer in charge of the topographic department. 
 
 A bridge equipage of trestles for crossing a river from one to two 
 hundred feet wide, together with a skiff, anchors, cordage, beams, 
 timbers, carpenters’ tools, combustibles, torches, scaling ladders to 
 storm a place; rockets to direct the columns during the night, or to 
 serve as signal on a day of battle, engagement, crossing a river, &c. 
 &c. — 
 
 A company of bakers. 
 
 One of butchers. 
 
 One of swimmers. 
 
 Commissaries. 
 
 Inspector and sub-inspector of musters. 
 
 Commandant of artillery. 
 
 Commandant of engineers. 
 
 Wagon equipages for the carriage of provisions. 
 
 Administrations of posts, bread, liquors, and forage. 
 
 Officers of health, physicians, compounders of drugs. — The sur- 
 geons shall follow everywhere either in voursches or on horseback. 
 
 A company of grenadiers to guard head-quarters, and a detachment 
 of a hundred foot soldiers to be alternately on duty with the baggage, 
 wagons, administration of posts, &c., and to supply sentries for the 
 post, the inspectors and sub-inspectors of musters, the commissaries, 
 the paymasters, &c. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 173 
 
 COMPOSITION OF A DIVISION IN INFANTRY, CAVALRY, AND ARTILLERY. 
 
 Four regiments of the line, forming two brigades. 
 
 One regiment of light infantry, employed in the vanguard. 
 
 Four regiments of cavalry, chasseurs, dragoons, or cuirassiers. 
 
 One regiment of chasseurs or hussars, employed in the vanguard. 
 
 Two companies of light artillery, detached among the infantry- 
 brigades ; and a half battery for the vanguard. 
 
 Eight pieces of heavy artillery, twelve and eight pounders, and 
 six or eight inch howitzers. 
 
 A park of reserve, with the necessary ammunition, containing car- 
 tridges for infantry and cavalry, besides those required for the light 
 and heavy artillery.* 
 
 The grenadiers of the whole division may be united so as to form 
 the reserve of the division, to which may be attached the heavy 
 cavalry and artillery. 
 
 It is necessary that the park of artillery should be provided with 
 grenades, and the grenadiers exercised in using them, for the storm- 
 ing of a work, a fort, a garrisoned place, &c. 
 
 In order to form the staff officers, an adjutant-commandant shall 
 have the command of the vanguard. He shall be relieved once a 
 month by another, and successively hy the field-officers of the line. 
 
 The other divisions shall be, as much as possible, of the same 
 composition as the above. 
 
 It shall be commanded by the chief of the staff of the army, a 
 general officer, one or more colonels of regiments of the line, chefs- 
 de-bataillon, and chefs-d’escadron, who shall alternately be officer of 
 the day to superintend the execution of orders with regard to the 
 service of the advanced posts, the camp, the police, the night 
 rounds, &c. 
 
 ON ENCAMPMENTS. 
 
 The regiments of infantry distributed in the different brigades which 
 are to compose the division, or those composing several divisions of 
 the army assembled in a single position, shall be placed in the order 
 of their numbers one, two, three, and four, from right to left, unless 
 particular reasons should prevent this arrangement, which, however, 
 is strictly to be followed if the ground admits of doing so, in order to 
 efface any impression of preference, and prevent jealousy. The 
 French armies are too tenacious of the point of honour to render it 
 prudent in any general officer to grant distinctions to such or such 
 regiments. 
 
 The light infantry shall be invariably placed in front of the line, 
 on the flanks, and sometimes in the rear of the camp. 
 
 * This organization must depend upon the country in which the war is carried on, 
 the troops opposed to you, the resources at your disposal, and the object in view, In 
 other respects the proportions are excellent. 
 
 vol. ii. 23 
 
174 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The cavalry, in the rear and upon the flanks of the line of encamp- 
 ment. 
 
 The light cavalry with the vanguards. 
 
 The light artillery in front and upon the wings of the line of 
 encampment. 
 
 The heavy artillery, in the intervals between the brigades, and in 
 reserve behind the line. 
 
 The reserve behind the line, where shall be assembled the park of 
 artillery, the provision wagons, the bagarage, &c. 
 
 The baraques or huts, whether builf of boards or of straw, shall 
 be placed in lines of two or three ranks. The distance prescribed 
 between each and between the different battalions and regiments, for 
 the purpose of preventing fire, shall be strictly observed. The same 
 shall hold good with regard to the cavalry and the artillery. The 
 area of the camp shall be marked by stakes driven into the ground, 
 as shall likewise the communications with the vanguard, the de- 
 tached posts, body of reserve, place for distributing rations, head- 
 quarters, &c. &c. 
 
 The fasces of arms shall be formed fifteen feet in front of the flag 
 of the line of huts. The muskets shall occupy the development of 
 the platoons to which they belong ; the cartouches and sabres shall 
 be sheltered as much as possible from the damp and the rain, by 
 means of sheds made of boards, or covered with thatch. 
 
 The colours and drums, shall be placed in the centre of the fire- 
 locks of their respective battalions. 
 
 Each infantry regiment shall have, on the right and left of its front, 
 a pole, at the end of which shall be nailed a board with the number of 
 the regiment inscribed. 
 
 The colonel shall have, near his hut, a similar pole showing his 
 name. 
 
 The cavalry shall be cantoned, if the locality allows it, but always 
 near the camp. In the contrary case, the horses shall be picketed 
 in two ranks, and the men have their huts in the rear of them. The 
 front and rear shall be kept clear in order to facilitate the falling in. 
 For this purpose openings shall be left between the squadrons. 
 
 The colonels of cavalry shall, as well for their regiments as for 
 themselves, adopt the method of poles showing the numbers of the 
 regiments and the names of the colonels, as prescribed for the 
 infantry. 
 
 The artillery shall follow in every respect the same arrangements 
 that are precribed for the infantry and cavalry ; so also shall the van- 
 guard and the reserve. 
 
 The guards shall be so stationed as to maintain tranquillity, watch- 
 fulness, order, and cleanliness in the camp. 
 
 The fires for cooking shall be placed according to the sinuosity of 
 the ground, either in front or in the rear of the line of encampment. 
 
 The privies upon the flanks. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 175 
 
 SERVICE OF THE CAMP. 
 
 The drums shall beat the reveille from two till three in the morn- 
 ing; at four the troop or assembly, when the men shall take their 
 arms, form in front of the colour, and be ready to execute any move- 
 ment which circumstances may require. In the event of a manoeu- 
 vre, the guards of the camp and the police guards shall receive 
 notice to remain at their respective posts. They shall prevent any 
 stranger from entering the camp. But if the troops do not manoeu- 
 vre, they shall be dismissed at broad day-light, after having been 
 inspected. 
 
 The trumpeters shall sound the boute-selle, or “ to horse,” imme- 
 diately after the beating of the reveille. The horses shall be sad- 
 dled and prepared, at four the bridles shall be put on, and the cavalry 
 regiments shall, in the greatest silence, fall in on the spot indicated 
 for that purpose. The colonels shall order the captains to have the 
 rolls called, and if at broad day-light there is no manoeuvre to be 
 performed, the squadrons shall return to the camp in the same order, 
 after the inspection of clothing, accoutrements, harness, and arms. 
 
 The heavy artillery shall put the horses to the pieces at the same 
 time as the cavalry mount, and the gunners shall be ready to march. 
 
 The light artillery shall mount, and the horses be harnessed to 
 the pieces. 
 
 All these arrangements shall be equally applicable to the rear- 
 guard, the wagons, the baggage, and all, in short, belonging to a 
 corps-d’armee. 
 
 The van-guard shall have its duty diminished during the day, in 
 order to be more active and alert during the night. As soon as the 
 day closes, the videttes shall be doubled. A service of patroles shall 
 be established in such a manner, that there shall always be some 
 on duty. If there are different outlets to guard, leading to the prin- 
 cipal post, they shall be barricaded with ladders, felled trees, or 
 wagons without wheels, and be further guarded by squads of infan- 
 try. The cavalry shall guard the advanced posts during the day, 
 and occupy the most advanced positions in the neighbourhood. 
 At nightfall they shall withdraw to a good distance in the rear of the 
 infantry, and only four or five cavalry orderlies shall remain at the 
 principal post of infantry, to carry to the commandant of the camp 
 intelligence of any attack that may be made upon the van-guard. 
 At daybreak, the cavalry shall scour the country according to the 
 orders it may receive, and the infantry remain under arms till its 
 return. It is very necessary that a detachment of cavalry of the 
 new guard should, in reconnoitring, accompany the one relieved, in 
 order to become acquainted with the localities and with the inequali- 
 ties of the ground. 
 
 The order of the day shall be given out after parade, or in the 
 morning immediately after the inspection. 
 
170 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The generals and staff-officers shall proceed to the camp at four in 
 the morning, when the troops fall in. They shall remain until the 
 return of the reconnoitring parties. 
 
 The service of the camp and of the advanced posts shall begin at 
 the reveille. The posts shall remain doubled, until the return of the 
 reconnoitring parties sent in the direction of the enemy, and if 
 there is nothing new, the relieved guards shall return to the camp. 
 
 If the troops in the camp are to march against the enemy, the 
 colonels of regiments, and even the officers and non-commissioned 
 officers, shall write in their pocket-books the principal dispositions 
 for the attack which they will have to operate ; for it is not indifi 
 ferent to an officer anxious to do his duty properly, to know the right, 
 the centre, and the left of the brigades or divisions of the camp with 
 which he will have to act, and more especially the hospitals for the 
 wounded, the places where the rations are to be distributed, and 
 lastly, the point on which the reserve park of artillery will be sta- 
 tioned during the skirmish, engagement, or battle. 
 
 The report of the officers of the day, shall be addressed to the 
 chief of the staff of their division, who shall forward it to the ge- 
 neral staff. 
 
 The firelocks shall be drawn as soon as the advanced guards have 
 returned to the camp. The adjutant-major of each battalion shall 
 assemble, for this purpose, the men just come off guard, and shall 
 receive back the ball-cartridges. Each soldier shall be furnished 
 with a pricker to clear the touch-hole of his piece, two flints garnished 
 with sheet-lead, and placed in reserve in the pocket of the cartouche, 
 a cloth to wipe the pan, and a small phial of oil to keep the lock 
 in order. 
 
 The cavalry soldiers, besides being provided with these articles, 
 as necessary to the carbine as to the musket, shall each have a small 
 hatchet in the left holster, instead of a second pistol. This hatchet 
 consists of a hammer and a blade in the shape of a half moon, formed 
 of a single piece of metal. At the bottom of the handle, there shall 
 be a screw-ring to enable the rider to fasten his horse to a tree, &c. 
 This screw shall be fixed inside the handle by means of a matrice 
 formed therein. 
 
 Colonels of infantry and cavalry may, on days of rest, have the 
 different classes of recruits drilled, and the infantry exercised in the 
 drill of platoons and battalions, the cavalry in that of squadrons. The 
 officers and non-commissioned officers shall be instructed at least 
 twice a week, in the theory relating both to the manner of giving the 
 word of command, and the execution of evolutions and grand manoeu- 
 vres, and also in the military rules and the administration of military 
 bodies. It is then that colonels well versed in the art of war shall 
 examine them on points of knowledge necessary for the attack and 
 defence of a fortified place, the attack and defence of a post, recon- 
 noitring to be effected in an open or wooded country, and lastly, on 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 177 
 
 the different occurrences in war in which the duties of officers are so 
 important. 
 
 The cavalry officers and non-commissioned officers shall be in- 
 structed in the theory of their own arm. The cavalry shall take care 
 during the war to have two horses in each squadron with pack-sad- 
 dles, to Which shall be fastened two baskets lined with strong leather, 
 containing a stock of cartridges for the carbines, muskets, or other 
 
 O O 77 
 
 firelocks ; also spare flints, and worms for drawing charges. 
 
 The guard-rooms shall be established at the advanced posts, and 
 the men guilty of breach of discipline shall be sent thither. These 
 shall have no huts, and shall receive nothing but dry bread, with the 
 exception of soup twice a week. 
 
 The code of penalties and military crimes shall be read every 
 Sunday at the head of each company. 
 
 The retreat shall be beat at specified hours ; the band shall play an 
 hour beforehand in front of the fasces of arms, the colours and the 
 drums, and in the centre of the battalions. 
 
 The roll shall be called immediately after the tattoo, and the fires 
 shall be extinguished at tattoo at eight or nine o’clock at night ; or 
 at ten o’clock, when soup is to be served out, &c. In the cavalry, 
 the rolls shall be called four times a day : in the morning when the 
 men mount their horses, at noon at two o’clock, and in the evening 
 before the horses are dressed. The same regulations apply to the 
 infantry, to whom, also, every regulation relating to the service and 
 to the police is likewise applicable. The cavalry shall have, if pos- 
 sible, pickets with iron points, to picket the horses in camp or at 
 bivouac. But the laxity of discipline during actual service is the 
 cause that this article, so necessary to cavalry soldiers, is seldom 
 observed longer than a few months, because it is inconvenient to the 
 men when in the ranks. 
 
 The soldiers shall be exercised in making fascines, saucissons, 
 gabions, and in constructing works necessary in a campaign* such as 
 intrenchments> redoubts, &c. The officers shall endeavour to ac* 
 quire skill in directing these works, in order to be able to intrench 
 themselves with detachments, in case of need, for the defence of a 
 post, or a wood, or a village, or a defile, a bridge, a river, a ford, 
 tScc. The sentries and videttes shall be accustomed to place them- 
 selves at night in holes which they shall dig. This plan, besides 
 sheltering them from surprise, enables them to hear at an immense 
 distance the approach of any one, by listening from time to time 
 with the head reclining in the excavation. 
 
 Both infantry and cavalry shall supply night pickets, who, every 
 evening before the tattoo, shall assemble behind the hut of each col- 
 onel, to be employed as circumstances may require. 
 
 The cavalry shall send patrols during the night along the great 
 communications in the rear of the camp, and along those of the dif- 
 ferent head-quarters. 
 
178 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF RATIONS. 
 
 The chief of the staff shall issue an order of the day, stating the 
 arrangements relative to the distribution of rations, whether for two, 
 three, or four days. When rations are to be distributed, each regi- 
 ment shall send an armed detachment with the fatigue-men whose 
 turn of duty it is, and also the adjutants and under officers. The 
 corps shall be mentioned which in their turn take precedence in the 
 distribution, consisting of bread, meat, lice, salt, dry vegetables, 
 brandy, wine, vinegar, forage, straw, oats, ozc. Water shall also be 
 sent for in a regular manner; the fountains, springs, wells, and 
 brooks in the neighbourhood of the camp shall be guarded by posts 
 of infantry. 
 
 The cavalry shall proceed to the distributions in the same order 
 as the infantry, and shall have, to water their horses, a place differ- 
 ent from that resorted to for water by the infantry, and which shall 
 be guarded by a mounted vidette. 
 
 The staff officers shall be directed to be present, by turns, at the 
 issues, for the purpose of preserving good order there, and examin- 
 ing the quality of the bread, meat, forage, liquids, &c. Articles of 
 bad quality, spoilt or unwholesome, shall not be paid for to the con- 
 tractor, provided there be a proces- verbal requiring that they shall 
 be burnt. The receipts of the adjutants and quarter-master ser- 
 jeants shall be given to the storekeeper in the presence of the quarter- 
 master general and the commissary-general, both of whom are to be 
 present at the distributions. 
 
 ON THE MARCH OF A CORPS-d’aRMF.E, A DIVISION, A BRIGADE, A 
 RECONNOITRING PARTY, A PATROLE, &C. 
 
 A body of troops shall never leave the camp except on a formal 
 order of the general in command, and in the presence of the staff or 
 other officer appointed to carry the order into execution, after having 
 examined the instructions for the direction of the march and the 
 nature of the enterprise. If the expedition is not a secret one, it is 
 necessary that the commander of the detachment should read the in- 
 structions, and make, in case of need, such reflections and observa- 
 tions upon them as he may think proper, and which the staff-officer 
 shall report to his general, if he be not attached to the expedition, in 
 which case he shall forward them by a cavalry orderly. 
 
 When a corps-d’armee is preparing for a movement, either for 
 offensive operations, or to effect a retreat, the men shall fall in without 
 the least noise, an hour before the march. The generals of brigade 
 shall march at the head of their respective columns, and the staff- 
 officers, before the troops engage, on the flanks and in the rear, in 
 order that the officers of regiments may remain in their places of 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 179 
 
 battle, and that the distances may be well observed without allowing 
 the depth of each column to lengthen out. Each regiment of in- 
 fantry and of cavalry shall form a rear-guard, commanded by officers 
 of firmness, and notoriously devoted to military discipline. This 
 guard is to prevent the number of stragglers from being too great, 
 and oblige the men to keep to their ranks. The soldiers under ar- 
 rest, in confinement, or in the guard-house, shall march at the head 
 of the battalions to which they belong, with their coats turned, 
 their muskets slung reversed on their backs, without bayonet, or 
 sabre, or cartridges. They may be made to engage with the tirail- 
 leurs ; so soon as the action begins, ammunition and bayonets may 
 be given out to them. After the action they shall return to the 
 guard-house, unless their colonel forgives their fault on account of 
 their good conduct during the action. The men thus in confine- 
 ment shall be forced to perform all the drudgery of the camp, field 
 works, &c. 
 
 The van-guard shall proceed with all the precautions necessary 
 to insure a march, and discover by its flankers the situation of the 
 enemy. It shall open its march with a squadron of light cavalry, a 
 company of carabineers, an eight-pounder or a four-pounder ; a bat- 
 talion of light infantry, three squadrons of light cavalry upon the 
 flanks of this battalion of light infantry, behind which shall be two 
 pieces of artillery : a howitzer and an eight-pounder, or a four- 
 pounder, and a subdivision of sappers. The remainder of the infantry 
 shall follow with the remaining artillery, and the march shall be 
 closed up by the cavalry. The piece of cannon at the head of the 
 column shall be fired as rapidly as possible the moment the enemy 
 is perceived in force, in order to give notice to the corps-d’armee. 
 A staff-officer shall be immediately despatched to the general in com- 
 mand, to report on what has been perceived of the enemy’s force, 
 position, or motions. 
 
 The corps-d’armee shall march, so far as the nature of the ground 
 will admit of it, by platoons or divisions, at half distances, and even 
 in columns of half-battalions or battalions, if the country should be- 
 come more open, and when the positiop which the army is to occupy 
 by a raprd attack requires that it should form into line of battle with 
 great celerity. The cavalry stationed in the several divisions shall 
 march on the roads upon the flanks and in sections, or by fours. The 
 battalions shall maintain a distance of twenty toises from each other, 
 the regiments a distance of sixty toises, and the brigades a distance 
 of a hundred and twenty toises. But, to insure precision in this 
 arrangement, staff-officers, or adjutants-major from the infantry regi- 
 ments, and intelligent orderlies on horseback, shall be stationed so as 
 to prevent the columns from becoming encumbered, or from stopping 
 during the march. If the enemy is far off, there shall be a general 
 halt of half an hour after every two hours of march. If it be a 
 forced march, it shall continue four hours, and then a halt of an hour 
 for refreshment. 
 
180 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 It is necessary to accustom a number of non-commissioned officers, 
 placed along the whole depth of the column, on the pivot flank, to 
 repeat the word of command “ halt,” from the head to the rear, if 
 the column is to stop, and the march is by files, sections, platoons, 
 or divisions; also the word “ march” after the halt, when the com- 
 mand to resume the march is given, &c. This very simple measure 
 is of the greatest importance. 
 
 The drummers and fifers shall, during the march, be distributed 
 at the head of their respective battalions. A number of them, fixed 
 by the drum-major or by the corporal-drummer, shall execute differ- 
 ent beats accompanied by the fifes. By day only, and when the 
 enemy is far off, the bands shall remain at the head of their respec- 
 tive regiments, and shall play, from time to time, different warlike 
 airs. The cavalry trumpets shall play flourishes ; the march shall be 
 commanded by sound of trumpet, and the sounding of a call shall 
 suffice to stop the column. The march shall be resumed, whenever 
 it can be so managed, only after the men have had their soup. 
 
 The greatest order shall exist in the march of the baggage and 
 the provision wagons, which shall be guarded by a detachment of 
 infantry and cavalry, taken either from the reserves of the different 
 divisions, or from the army in general. The guard of head-quarters, 
 the commissariat, the gendarmerie, the sutlers, &c. shall follow in 
 the order laid down by the commander-in-chief. 
 
 The park of artillery, the bridge equipages, and the other im- 
 plements of war, shall always remain with the reserve, to which also 
 shall be attached the surgeons and the moveable hospitals. 
 
 GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS RELATIVE TO THE MARCH OF ONE OR 
 MORE DIVISIONS OF A CORPS-d’aRMEE. 
 
 Order of march for the 
 
 The division of the general commanding the van-guard, or the 
 brigade forming the van-guard, or in fine the flankers, shall quit the 
 
 position of at two o’clock in the morning precisely, with 
 
 arms and baggage. It shall march with the right (or the left) in 
 front, secure its march and its flanks, maintain the greatest order in 
 
 its movement, and proceed to the camp, place, position, &c. of 
 
 fixed upon and staked off by the engineer and staff-officers, in pur- 
 suance of instructions to this effect. It shall place its right 
 
 (after having established its advanced posts in a line with ) on 
 
 the village behind the brook, its centre upon the heights of 
 
 , and its left shall extend to the forest of , whose out- 
 lets and skirts it shall guard. Its reserve, park of artillery, and bag- 
 gage, shall be stationed in the rear of the village, at the river or wood 
 
 of , and the head quarters of the division shall be established 
 
 at 
 
 The first, second, third, or fourth division shall quit its camp and 
 
/ 
 
 MARSHAL NEY. 173 
 
 COMPOSITION OP A DIVISION IN INFANTRY, CAVALRY, AND ARTILLERY. 
 
 Four regiments of the line, forming two brigades. 
 
 One regiment of light infantry, employed in the vanguard. 
 
 Four regiments of cavalry, chasseurs, dragoons, or cuirassiers. 
 
 One regiment of chasseurs or hussars, employed in the vanguard. 
 
 Two companies of light artillery, detached among the infantry 
 brigades ; and a half battery for the vanguard. 
 
 Eight pieces of heavy artillery, twelve and eight pounders, and 
 six or eight inch howitzers. 
 
 A park of reserve, with the necessary ammunition, containing car- 
 tridges for infantry and cavalry, besides those required for the light 
 and heavy artillery.* 
 
 The grenadiers of the whole division may be united so as to form 
 the reserve of the division, to which may be attached the heavy 
 cavalry and artillery. 
 
 It is necessary that the park of artillery should be provided with 
 grenades, and the grenadiers exercised in using them, for the storm- 
 ing of a work, a fort, a garrisoned place, &c. 
 
 In order to form the staff officers, an adjutant-commandant shall 
 have the command of the vanguard. He shall be relieved once a 
 month by another, and successively by the field-officers of the line. 
 
 The other divisions shall be, as much as possible, of the same 
 composition as the above. 
 
 It shall be commanded by the chief of the staff of the army, a 
 general officer, one or more colonels of regiments of the line, chefs- 
 de-bataillon, and chefs-d’escadron, who shall alternately be officer of 
 the day to superintend the execution of orders with regard to the 
 service of the advanced posts, the camp, the police, the night 
 rounds, &c. 
 
 ON ENCAMPMENTS. 
 
 The regiments of infantry distributed in the different brigades which 
 are to compose the division, or those composing several divisions of 
 the army assembled in a single position, shall be placed in the order 
 of their numbers one, two, three, and four, from right to left, unless 
 particular reasons should prevent this arrangement, which, however, 
 is strictly to be followed if the ground admits of doing so, in order to 
 efface any impression of preference, and prevent jealousy. The 
 French armies are too tenacious of the point of honour to render it 
 prudent in any general officer to grant distinctions to such or such 
 regiments; 
 
 The light infantry shall be invariably placed in front of the line, 
 on the flanks, and sometimes in the rear of the camp. 
 
 * This organization must depend upon the country in which the war is carried on, 
 the troops opposed to you, the resources at your disposal, and the object in view. In 
 other respects the proportions are excellent. 
 
 vol. II. 23 
 
174 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The cavalry, in the rear and upon the flanks of the line of encamp- 
 ment. 
 
 The light cavalry with the vanguards. 
 
 The light artillery in front and upon the wings of the line of 
 encampment. 
 
 The heavy artillery, in the intervals between the brigades, and in 
 reserve behind the line. 
 
 The reserve behind the line, where shall be assembled the park of 
 artillery, the provision wagons, the baggage, &c. 
 
 The baraques or huts, whether built of boards or of straw, shall 
 be placed in lines of two or three ranks. The distance prescribed 
 between each and between the different battalions and regiments, for 
 the purpose of preventing fire, shall be strictly observed. The same 
 shall hold good with regard to the cavalry and the artillery. The 
 area of the camp shall be marked by stakes driven into the ground, 
 as shall likewise the communications with the vanguard, the de- 
 tached posts, body of reserve, place for distributing rations, head- 
 quarters, &c. &c. 
 
 The fasces of arms shall be formed fifteen feet in front of the flag 
 of the line of huts. The muskets shall occupy the development of 
 the platoons to which they belong ; the cartouches and sabres shall 
 be sheltered as much as possible from the damp and the rain, by 
 means of sheds made of boards, or covered with thatch. 
 
 The colours and drums, shall be placed in the centre of the fire- 
 locks of their respective battalions. 
 
 Each infantry regiment shall have, on the right and left of its front, 
 a pole, at the end of which shall be nailed a board with the number of 
 the regiment inscribed. 
 
 The colonel shall have, near his hut, a similar pole showing his 
 name. 
 
 The cavalry shall be cantoned, if the locality allows it, but always 
 near the camp. In the contrary case, the horses shall be picketed 
 in two ranks, and the men have their huts in the rear of them. The 
 front and rear shall be kept clear in order to facilitate the falling in. 
 For this purpose openings shall be left between the squadrons. 
 
 The colonels of cavalry shall, as well for their regiments as for 
 themselves, adopt the method of poles showing the numbers of the 
 regiments and the names of the colonels, as prescribed for the 
 infantry. 
 
 The artillery shall follow in every respect the same arrangements 
 that are precribed for the infantry and cavalry ; so also shall the van- 
 guard and the reserve. 
 
 The guards shall be so stationed as to maintain tranquillity, watch- 
 fulness, order, and cleanliness in the camp. 
 
 The fires fo’r cooking shall be placed according to the sinuosity of 
 the ground, either in front or in the rear of the line of encampment. 
 
 The privies upon the flanks. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 175 
 
 SERVICE OF THE CAMP. 
 
 The drums shall beat the reveille from two till three in the morn- 
 ing; at four the troop or assembly, when the men shall take their 
 arms, form in front of the colour, and be ready to execute any move- 
 ment which circumstances may require. In the event of a manoeu- 
 vre, the guards of the camp and the police guards shall receive 
 notice to remain at their respective posts. They shall prevent any 
 stranger from entering the camp. But if the troops do not manoeu- 
 vre, they shall be .dismissed at broad day-light, after having been 
 inspected. 
 
 The trumpeters shall sound the boute-selle, or “ to horse,” imme- 
 diately after the beating of the reveille. The horses shall be sad- 
 dled and prepared, at four the bridles shall be put on, and the cavalry 
 regiments shall, in the greatest silence, fall in on the spot indicated 
 for that purpose. The colonels shall order the captains to have the 
 rolls called, and if at broad day-light there is no manoeuvre to be 
 performed, the squadrons shall return to the camp in the same order, 
 after the inspection of clothing, accoutrements, harness, and arms. 
 
 The heavy artillery shall put the horses to the pieces at the same 
 time as the cavalry mount, and the gunners shall be ready to march. 
 
 The light artillery shall mount, and the horses be harnessed to 
 the pieces. 
 
 All these arrangements shall be equally applicable to the rear- 
 guard, the wagons, the baggage, and all, in short, belonging to a 
 corps-d’armee. 
 
 The van-guard shall have its duty diminished during the day, in 
 order to be more active and alert during the night. As soon as the 
 day closes, the videttes shall be doubled. A service of patroles shall 
 be established in such a manner, that there shall always be some 
 on duty. If there are different outlets to guard, leading to the prin- 
 cipal post, they shall be barricaded with ladders, felled trees, or 
 wagons without wheels, and be further guarded by squads of infan- 
 try. The cavalry shall guard the advanced posts during the day, 
 and occupy the most advanced positions in the neighbourhood. 
 At nightfall they shall withdraw to a good distance in the rear of the 
 infantry, and only four or five cavalry orderlies shall remain at the 
 principal post of infantry, to carry to the commandant of the camp 
 intelligence of any attack that may be made upon the van-guard. 
 At daybreak, the cavalry shall scour the country according to the 
 orders it may receive, and the infantry remain under arms till its 
 return. It is very necessary that a detachment of cavalry of the 
 new guard should, in reconnoitring, accompany the one relieved, in 
 order to become acquainted with the localities and with the inequali- 
 ties of the ground. 
 
 The order of the day shall be given out after parade, or in the 
 morning immediately after the inspection. 
 
176 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 The generals and staff-officers shall proceed to the camp at four in 
 the morning, when the troops fall in. They shall remain until the 
 return of the reconnoitring parties. 
 
 The service of the camp and of the advanced posts shall begin at 
 the reveille. The posts shall remain doubled, until the return of the 
 reconnoitring parties sent in the direction of the enemy, and if 
 there is nothing new, the relieved guards shall return to the camp. 
 
 If the troops in the camp are to march against the enemy, the 
 colonels of regiments, and even the officers and non-commissioned 
 officers, shall write in their pocket-books the principal dispositions 
 for the attack which they will have to operate,* for it is not indif- 
 ferent to an officer anxious to do his duty properly, to know the right, 
 the centre, and the left of the brigades or divisions of the camp with 
 which he will have to act, and more especially the hospitals for the 
 wounded, the places where the rations are to be distributed, and 
 lastly) the point on which the reserve park of artillery will be sta- 
 tioned during the skirmish, engagement, or battle. 
 
 The report of the officers of the day, shall be addressed to the 
 chief of the staff of their division, who shall forward it to the ge- 
 neral staff. 
 
 The firelocks shall be drawn as soon as the advanced guards have 
 returned to the camp. The adjutant-major of each battalion shall 
 assemble, for this purpose, the men just come off guard, and shall 
 receive back the ball-cartridges. Each soldier shall be furnished 
 with a pricker to clear the touch-hole of his piece, two flints garnished 
 with sheet-lead, and placed in reserve in the pocket of the cartouche, 
 a cloth to wipe the pan, and a small phial of oil to keep the lock 
 in order. 
 
 The cavalry soldiers, besides being provided with these articles, 
 as necessary to the carbine as to the musket, shall each have a small 
 hatchet in the left holster, instead of a second pistol. This hatchet 
 consists of a hammer and a blade in the shape of a half moon, formed 
 of a single piece of metal. At the bottom of the handle, there shall 
 be a screw-ring to enable the rider to fasten his horse to a tree, &c. 
 This screw shall be fixed inside the handle by means of a matrice 
 formed therein. 
 
 Colonels of infantry and cavalry may, on days of rest, have the 
 different classes of recruits drilled, and the infantry exercised in the 
 drill of platoons and battalions, the cavalry in that of squadrons. The 
 officers and non-commissioned officers shall be instructed at least 
 twice a week, in the theory relating both to the manner of giving the 
 word of command, and the execution of evolutions and grand manoeu- 
 vres, and also in the military rules and the administration of military 
 bodies. It is then that colonels well versed in the art of war shall 
 examine them on points of knowledge necessary for the attack and 
 defence of a fortified place, the attack and defence of a post, recon- 
 noitring to be effected in an open or wooded country, and lastly, on 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 177 
 
 the different occurrences in war in which the duties of officers are so 
 important. 
 
 The cavalry officers and non-commissioned officers shall be in- 
 structed in the theory of their own arm. The cavalry shall take care 
 during the war to have two horses in each squadron with pack-sad- 
 dles, to which shall be fastened two baskets lined with strong leather, 
 containing a stock of cartridges for the carbines, muskets, or other 
 firelocks; also spare flints, and worms for drawing charges. 
 
 The guard-rooms shall be established at the advanced posts, and 
 the men guilty of breach of discipline shall be sent thither. These 
 shall have no huts, and shall receive nothing but dry bread, with the 
 exception of soup twice a week. 
 
 The code of penalties and military crimes shall be read every 
 Sunday at the head of each company. 
 
 The retreat shall be beat at specified hours ; the band shall play an 
 hour beforehand in front of the fasces of arms, the colours and the 
 drums, and in the centre of the battalions. 
 
 The roll shall be called immediately after the tattoo, and the fires 
 shall be extinguished at tattoo at eight or nine o’clock at night ; or 
 at ten o’clock, when soup is to be served out, &c. In the cavalry, 
 the rolls shall be called four times a day : in the morning when the 
 men mount their horses, at noon at two o’clock, and in the evening 
 before the horses are dressed. The same regulations apply to the 
 infantry, to whom, also, every regulation relating to the service and 
 to the police is likewise applicable. The cavalry shall have, if pos- 
 sible, pickets with iron points, to picket the horses in camp or at 
 bivouac. But the laxity of discipline during actual service is the 
 cause that this article, so necessary to cavalry soldiers, is seldom 
 observed longer than a few months, because it is inconvenient to the 
 men when in the ranks. 
 
 The soldiers shall be exercised in making fascines, saucissons, 
 gabions, and in constructing works necessary in a campaign, such as 
 intrenchments, redoubts, &c. The officers shall endeavour to ac- 
 quire skill in directing these works, in order to be able to intrench 
 themselves with detachments, in case of need, for the defence of a 
 post, or a wood, or a village, or a defile, a bridge, a river, a ford, 
 &c. The sentries and videttes shall be accustomed to place them- 
 selves at night in holes which they shall dig. This plan, besides 
 sheltering them from surprise, enables them to hear at an immense 
 distance the approach of any one, by listening from time to time 
 with the head reclining in the excavation. 
 
 Both infantry and cavalry shall supply night pickets, who, every 
 evening before the tattoo, shall assemble behind the hut of each col- 
 onel, to be employed as circumstances may require. 
 
 The cavalry shall send patrols during the night along the great 
 communications in the rear of the camp, and along those of the dif- 
 ferent head-quarters. 
 
178 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 DISTRIBUTION OF RATIONS. 
 
 The chief of the staff shall issue an order of the day, stating the 
 arrangements relative to the distribution of rations, whether for two, 
 three, or four days. When rations are to be distributed, each regi- 
 ment shall send an armed detachment with the fatigue-men whose 
 turn of duty it is, and also the adjutants and under officers. The 
 corps shall be mentioned which in their turn take precedence in the 
 distribution, consisting of bread, meat, rice, salt, dry vegetables, 
 brandy, wine, vinegar, forage, straw, oats, o lc . Water shall also be 
 
 sent for in a regular manner; the fountains, springs, wells, and 
 brooks in the neighbourhood of the camp shall be guarded by posts 
 of infantry. 
 
 The cavalry shall proceed to the distributions in the same order 
 as the infantry, and shall have, to water their horses, a place differ- 
 ent from that resorted to for water by the infantry, and which shall 
 be guarded by a mounted vidette. 
 
 The staff officers shall be directed to be present, by turns, at the 
 issues, for the purpose of preserving good order there, and examin- 
 ing the quality of the bread, meat, forage, liquids, &c. Articles of 
 bad quality, spoilt or unwholesome, shall not be paid for to the con- 
 tractor, provided there be a proces-verbal requiring that they shall 
 be burnt. The receipts of the adjutants and quarter-master ser- 
 jeants shall be given to the storekeeper in the presence of the quarter- 
 master general and the commissary-general, both of whom are to be 
 present at the distributions. 
 
 ON THE MARCH OF A CORPS-d’aRMEE, A DIVISION, A BRIGADE, A 
 RECONNOITRING PARTY, A PATROLE, &C. 
 
 A body of troops shall never leave the camp except on a formal 
 order of the general in command, and in the presence of the staff or 
 other officer appointed to carry the order into execution, after having 
 examined the instructions for the direction of the march and the 
 nature of the enterprise. If the expedition is not a secret one, it is 
 necessary that the commander of the detachment should read the in- 
 structions, and make, in case of need, such reflections and observa- 
 tions upon them as he may think proper, and which the staff-officer 
 shall report to his general, if he be not attached to the expedition, in 
 which case he shall forward them by a cavalry orderly. 
 
 When a corps-d’armee is preparing for a movement, either for 
 offensive operations, or to effect a retreat, the men shall fall in without 
 the least noise, an hour before the march. The generals of brigade 
 shall march at the head of their respective columns, and the staff- 
 officers, before the troops engage, on the flanks and in the rear, in 
 order that the officers of regiments may remain in their places of 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 179 
 
 battle, and that the distances may be well observed without allowing 
 the depth of each column to lengthen out. Each regiment of in- 
 fantry and of cavalry shall form a rear-guard, commanded by officers 
 of firmness, and notoriously devoted to military discipline. This 
 guard is to prevent the number of stragglers from being too great, 
 and oblige the men to keep to their ranks. The soldiers under ar- 
 rest, in confinement, or in the guard-house, shall march at the head 
 of the battalions to which they belong, with their coats turned, 
 their muskets slung reversed on their backs, without bayonet, or 
 sabre, or cartridges. They may be made to engage with the tirail- 
 leurs ; so soon as the action begins, ammunition and bayonets may 
 be given out to them. After the action they shall return to the 
 guard-house, unless their colonel forgives their fault on account of 
 their good conduct during the action. The men thus in confine- 
 ment shall be forced to perform all the drudgery of the camp, field 
 works, &c. 
 
 The van-guard shall proceed with all the precautions necessary 
 to insure a march, and discover by its flankers the situation of the 
 enemy. It shall open its march with a squadron of light cavalry, a 
 company of carabineers, an eight-pounder or a four-pounder ; a bat- 
 talion of light infantry, three squadrons of light cavalry upon the 
 flanks of this battalion of light infantry, behind which shall be two 
 pieces of artillery : a howitzer and an eight-pounder, or a four- 
 pounder, and a subdivision of sappers. The remainder of the infantry 
 shall follow with the remaining artillery, and the march shall be 
 closed up by the cavalry. The piece of cannon at the head of the 
 column shall be fired as rapidly as possible the moment the enemy 
 is perceived in force, in order to give notice to the corps-d’armee. 
 A staff-officer shall be immediately despatched to the general in com- 
 mand, to report on what has been perceived of the enemy’s force, 
 position, or motions. 
 
 The corps-d’armee shall march, so far as the nature of the ground 
 will admit of it, by platoons or divisions, at half distances, and even 
 in columns of half-battalions or battalions, if the country should be- 
 come more open, and when the position which the army is to occupy 
 by a rapid attack requires that it should form into line of battle with 
 great celerity. The cavalry stationed in the several divisions shall 
 march on the roads upon the flanks and in sections, or by fours. The 
 battalions shall maintain a distance of twenty toises from each other, 
 the regiments a distance of sixty toises, and the brigades a distance 
 of a hundred and twenty toises. But, to insure precision in this 
 arrangement, staff-officers, or adjutants-major from the infantry regi- 
 ments, and intelligent orderlies on horseback, shall be stationed so as 
 to prevent the columns from becoming encumbered, or from stopping 
 during the march. If the enemy is far off, there shall be a general 
 halt of half an hour after every two hours of march. If it be a 
 forced march, it shall continue four hours, and then a halt of an hour 
 for refreshment. 
 
180 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 It is necessary to accustom a number of non-commissioned officers, 
 placed along the whole depth of the column, on the pivot flank, to 
 repeat the word of command “ halt,” from the head to the rear, if 
 the column is to stop, and the march is by files, sections, platoons, 
 or divisions; also the word “ march” after the halt, when the com- 
 mand to resume the march is given, &c. This very simple measure 
 is of the greatest importance. 
 
 The drummers and fifers shall, during the march, be distributed 
 at the head of their respective battalions. A number of them, fixed 
 by the drum-major or by the corporal-drummer, shall execute differ- 
 ent beats accompanied by the fifes. By day only, and when the 
 enemy is far off, the bands shall remain at the head of their respec- 
 tive regiments, and shall play, from time to time, different warlike 
 airs. The cavalry trumpets shall play flourishes; the march shall be 
 commanded by sound of trumpet, and the sounding of a call shall 
 suffice to stop the column. The march shall be resumed, whenever 
 it can be so managed, only after the men have had their soup. 
 
 The greatest order shall exist in the march of the baggage and 
 the provision wagons, which shall be guarded by a detachment of 
 infantry and cavalry, taken either from the reserves of the different 
 divisions, or from the army in general. The guard of head-quarters, 
 the commissariat, the gendarmerie, the sutlers, &c. shall follow in 
 the order laid down by the commander-in-chief. 
 
 The park of artillery, the bridge equipages, and the other im- 
 plements of war, shall always remain with the reserve, to which also 
 shall be attached the surgeons and the moveable hospitals. 
 
 GENERAL INSTRUCTIONS RELATIVE TO THE MARCH OF ONE OR 
 MORE DIVISIONS OF A CORPS-d’aRMEE. 
 
 Order of march for the 
 
 The division of the general commanding the van-guard, or the 
 brigade forming the van-guard, or in fine the flankers, shall quit the 
 
 position of at two o’clock in the morning precisely, with 
 
 arms and baggage. It shall march with the right (or the left) in 
 front, secure its march and its flanks, maintain the greatest order in 
 
 its movement, and proceed to the camp, place, position, &c. of 
 
 fixed upon and staked off by the engineer and staff-officers, in pur- 
 suance of instructions to this effect. It shall place its right 
 
 (after having established its advanced posts in a line with ) on 
 
 the village behind the brook, its centre upon the heights of 
 
 , and its left shall extend to the forest of , whose out- 
 lets and skirts it shall guard. Its reserve, park of artillery, and bag- 
 gage, shall be stationed in the rear of the village, at the river or wood 
 
 of , and the head quarters of the division shall be established 
 
 at 
 
 The first, second, third, or fourth division shall quit its camp and 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 189 
 
 that it prevents the line from charging rapidly with the bayonet. 
 There are but few instances to be cited during the last war, in which 
 direct firing, according to this system, has been executed with any 
 great success. This circumstance alone would militate against its 
 practice. What matters the period at which the soldiers were first 
 accustomed to execute a dangerous movement? If its execution is 
 disadvantageous in war, there ought to be no hesitation in rejecting 
 the practice. 
 
 It has been remarked that when, in dangerous situations, the sol- 
 diers have been obliged to kneel, there has been some difficulty in 
 making them rise during the enemy’s fire, because they were in 
 some measure sheltered from it; for the most even ground has 
 always some slight inequalities which shelter a man in such a po- 
 sition. 
 
 The firing of two ranks, or file firing, is, with the exception of a 
 very few movements, absolutely the only kind of firing which offers 
 much greater advantages to the infantry than those above-men- 
 tioned. The third rank, during this firing, exchange their loaded 
 pieces with the discharged pieces of the second rank ; but this ex-; 
 change is made with repugnance, and the men of the second rank fire 
 with much less confidence the pieces which have not been loaded by 
 themselves. 
 
 Most infantry officers must have remarked the almost insurmount- 
 able difficulty they find in stopping file-firing during battle, after it 
 has once begun, especially when the enemy is well within shot ; and 
 this firing, in spite of the command given by the field-officers, re- 
 sembles general discharges. It would be better, therefore, after the 
 two first ranks have fired, to charge boldly with the bayonet, and by 
 an act of vigour force the enemy to retreat. 
 
 The German soldier, formed by the severest discipline, is cooler 
 than any other. Under such circumstances he would, in the end, 
 obtain the advantage in this kind of firing, if it lasted long. 
 
 This imperfection disappears when the firing is confined to the two 
 first ranks, the third porting arms and remaining as a reserve to be 
 used according to circumstances. It has, moreover, been proved that 
 the best drilled infantry in firing is not, on that account, the best in 
 battle. Ammunition always fails in the end, and this diminishes the 
 men’s confidence ; each then finds some excuse, either in the con- 
 dition of his firelock, or even in his own impatience and vivacity, 
 for hastening his retreat, unless the movement becomes offensive. 
 
 These observations are of a nature to urge colonels of infantry 
 regiments ' to prepare and drill their men to attacks bv main 
 strength, so peculiarly adapted to the vivacity and temperament 
 which distinguish the French soldier from that of other nations. 
 
 After the two first ranks have fired, the third, having reserved its 
 fire, will increase the disorder in the enemy’s ranks if they be 
 broken. This rank may be employed with the same success in 
 vol. n. 25 
 
190 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 protecting the retreat of the line, should unforeseen events render 
 a retrograde movement necessary. This reserve, so essential, 
 offers an infinity of resources of which the commander may avail 
 himself whenever circumstances require it. 
 
 The firing of infantry, of whatever nature it may be, offers real ad- 
 vantages only when troops are acting on the defensive. 
 
 A country covered with wood, intersected with hedges, ditches, 
 defiles difficult of access, rivers, marshes, fords, and bridges, is 
 favourable to this kind of warfare ; for such natural obstacles may 
 be strengthened by redoubts, intrenchments, felled trees, and other 
 field works. 
 
 The defensive system is ill calculated for the French soldier, un- 
 less his excitement be kept up by diversions and successive excur- 
 sions. In a word, if the lesser kind of warfare be not constantly 
 carried on, idleness destroys the strength of a body of troops 
 acting merely on the defensive. It is constantly in danger of being 
 surprised day and night ; whereas expeditions prudently combined, 
 raise the courage of the men, and prevent them from penetrating the 
 real cause of their dangerous situation. 
 
 In offensive warfare, the French soldier has inexhaustible resour- 
 ces ; his active genius, and his bravery in storming, double his en- 
 ergy, and a French commander ought never to hesitate in marching 
 against the enemy with the bayonet, if the ground is at all adapted 
 to a charge in line with one or more battalions at a time. 
 
 It is by attacking that the French soldier is formed to all kinds 
 of warfare, whether when he braves the fire of the enemy, which 
 is seldom very destructive, or when the field is left open to his 
 intelligence and boldness. 
 
 One of the greatest difficulties in war is to have the men inured 
 to marching. The other nations of Europe will with difficulty reach 
 the same perfection in this respect as the French, whose abstemious- 
 ness and physical temperament are powerful causes which, in this 
 kind of fatigue, have given them such immense superiority over the 
 Austrians. 
 
 The rapidity of a march, or rather skilful marches, almost always 
 determine the success of a war. Thus, colonels of infantry ought to 
 neglect nothing to obtain progressive perfection in ordinary and forced 
 marches. To accomplish this object so essential in war, it is neces- 
 sary to oblige the men to carry their knapsacks from the very open- 
 ing of the campaign, and also to accustom them to the works atten- 
 dant upon military operations. The health of the soldiers depends 
 upon this ; it will also effect a considerable saving of men who are 
 lost in partial actions, and also prove a great saving in hospital ex- 
 penses. 
 
 It is this power of marching which constitues the strength of 
 infantry ; and enterprises which seem to present the greatest difficul- 
 ties become comparatively easy by the advantages accruing from 
 rapid marches. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 191 
 
 SOME REFLECTIONS UPON MOVEMENTS OF INFANTRY AND OTHER 
 POINTS OF WARFARE. 
 
 Most of the infantry manoeuvres executed in time of peace are not 
 used in war; those easiest to be understood ought to form the basis 
 of manoeuvring, and their execution should be rigorously enforced. 
 The superfluous must be rejected without hesitation, and the leisure 
 of winter quarters, now spent in teaching useless evolutions, which 
 the troops will scarcely ever have occasion to perform even in. the 
 course of numerous campaigns, be devoted to instructing the infantry 
 officers and non-commissioned officers. They should be taught the 
 system of attacking and defending fortified places ; they should be 
 exercised in the erection of military field works, in attacking and 
 defending a post, in military reconnoitering, &c. ; and lastly the 
 coup-d’oeil must be exercised in the choice of positions and encamp- 
 ments, whether for offensive or defensive operations. 
 
 It is admitted by all military men that infantry is the great lever 
 of war, and that the artillery and cavalry are only indispensable 
 accessories. Care ought therefore to be taken that the officers and 
 non-commissioned officers of infantry should be as well informed as 
 possible. The national genius discloses a vast field of resources for 
 this object, and particularly at the present period when promotion 
 is open to all. 
 
 The greatest powers of Europe have always shown the most par- 
 ticular and unremitting attention to the drilling and forming of their 
 infantry, without considering the too great number of evolutions 
 invented in time of peace, for the soldiers’ torment, by officers often 
 more systematic than experienced in war. Two essential conditions 
 constitute the strength of infantry : — 
 
 That the men be good walkers and inured to fatigue. 
 
 That the firing be well executed. 
 
 The physical constitution, and the national composition of the 
 French armies, fulfil the former most advantageously ; the vivacity 
 and intelligence of the soldiers ensure the success of the latter. 
 
 The following evolutions, to which the infantry ought to be 
 restricted, both in time of peace and of war, would, I imagine, meet 
 the views of government and the real end of the institution of 
 infantry. 
 
 EVOLUTIONS IN LINE. 
 
 First part. 
 
 Formation of a regiment in line of battle. (The places of the 
 officers and non-commissioned officers in the ranks, and in close 
 order.) 
 
 Open and close the ranks. 
 
 The manual exercise. 
 
 The command and execution of the different firings. 
 
 Break and form by files, sections, platoons, and divisions. 
 
192 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 Form a line into close column* 
 
 Deploy into line. 
 
 Second part. 
 
 March in order of battle, in close column, and in column of route. 
 
 Oblique and diagonal march. 
 
 Change of front and of direction. 
 
 Passage of defile by wings or centre, either ia front, or in rear of 
 the line. 
 
 Order in echelons. 
 
 Retreat in echiquier, or by alternate divisions. 
 
 Passage of lines. 
 
 Formations against cavalry. (Squares.) 
 
 The soldier’s instruction in platoon and battalion ought to be 
 founded upon these evolutions. 
 
 In order to facilitate their execution, it would be important, be- 
 sides exercising the men in the marching step, the ordinary step, and 
 the quick step, to exercise them also in running. This method 
 would produce amazing celerity in the formation of the different 
 columns, and also in the deployments. French soldiers are more 
 calculated than those of any other nation to attain this perfection* 
 which so well agrees with their intelligence. 
 
 I think, in summing up my reflections, that it would not be useless 
 to advise colonels of infantry regiments to avoid, with the greatest 
 care, a reverse at the opening of the campaign. The least check 
 has more influence than is generally supposed upon the remaining 
 operations of the campaign : it diminishes the confidence of the men, 
 by raising mistrust of the commander’s talents. The least success, 
 on the contrary, impresses upon the troops, from the very beginning, 
 that just military pride which doubles their strength* and serves as 
 a presage of a series of brilliant feats. 
 
 Victory smiles in general only upon those who know how to com- 
 mand it by good preparations. It is seldom the effect of chance or 
 of unexpected good luck, but the fruit and recompense culled by the 
 experienced soldier whose discernment is supported by the resolution 
 and boldness of his undertakings. 
 
 Irresolution in war is the most dangerous defect in a commander, 
 more especially when the enemy is approaching. He must make up 
 his mind without long deliberation, and above all things prevent 
 French soldiers from giving way to their propensity to criticism. 
 The most distinguished men in the career of arms have never ceased 
 repeating this axiom : “ Make your preparations for attack or de- 
 fence instantly on the enemy’s approach ; should you even be obliged 
 to execute them with disadvantage, do not hesitate.” The enemy, 
 who is a good observer, would take advantage of your indecision. It 
 is often better to come to a bad decision immediately, than to hesitate 
 between several good ones ; for the bad one has always some favour- 
 able side by which success may be obtained. Moreover a vigilant 
 
MARSHAL KEY. 
 
 193 
 
 mind is never embarrassed by the presence of the enemy, which on 
 the contrary will tend to facilitate the boldness of its conceptions. 
 
 ON THE ATTACK AND DEFENCE OF INTRENCHMENTS. 
 
 There are three kinds of intrenchment used in war : 
 
 Redoubts, or closed works. 
 
 Continuous lines. 
 
 Detached works, open at their gorges* 
 
 Experience has convinced well-informed soldiers that redoubts, 
 particularly those in the form of a quincunx, are to be preferred to 
 all kinds of intrenchments ; they are indeed the only ones which suit 
 the French, because they allow of offensive retaliations on the part of 
 those who defend them, which is peculiarly adapted to the national 
 character. 
 
 This species of intrenchment has been used with the greatest suc- 
 cess, and has decided the fate of several celebrated battles ; for in- 
 stance, those of Pultawa and Fontenoy. Frederick the Great held 
 them in great estimation ; and they were very useful, during the 
 last war, in the intrenched camp of the creek of Ham at Dusseldorf. 
 
 Intrenchments, or continuous lines, of which great use was made 
 in the old wars, are adapted to absolutely defensive operations. They 
 are open to the great inconvenience of spreading the means of defence 
 along a considerable extent, and, consequently of being weak upon 
 all points which the enemy may attack. 
 
 They offer moreover the great disadvantage of forcing an army to 
 abandon them the instant any part of them is carried. 
 
 The British often use them, and were thus intrenched at the last 
 battle which decided the fate of Egypt. 
 
 Detached works ought to be considered simple batteries only, for 
 the employment of the artillery and of some troops. I think they 
 ought not to be used except in the rear of redoubts, and for the 
 establishment of fixed batteries and a part of the reserve. This 
 species of intrenchment is seldom capable of being long defended. 
 
 ON THE ATTACK AND DEFENCE OF AN INTRENCHED CAMP FORMED BY 
 TWO LINES OF REDOUBTS, IN THE FORM OF A QUINCUNX. 
 
 1st, the Defence. 
 
 To defend an intrenched camp, the troops must be divided into 
 four bodies : one to be placed in the redoubts, two at a hundred and 
 fifty toises "behind them, and the fourth to form a reserve. 
 
 The redoubts shall be mounted with the necessary cannon. The 
 light and heavy artillery shall be placed in the most advantageous 
 position. 
 
 These arrangements being made, and the enemy having given 
 the signal of attack, the redoubts* which are so many little fortresses 
 
194 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 reciprocally protecting, though independent of, each other, will 
 necessarily oblige the assailants to break their lines, as well to sur- 
 round them as to prevent the double fire of their artillery and mus- 
 ketry. If some of the redoubts are carried, and the others sorely 
 beset, then the light and heavy artillery must batter those in posses- 
 sion of the enemy, directing the whole of their fire against them. 
 Now is the time for the second line to act : it must fall with impetu- 
 osity upon the broken enemy, weakened by the exertions they have 
 already made, discouraged by their losses, and surprised that in 
 attacking they become the attacked. This offensive return gen- 
 erally produces a great effect, and forces the enemy to make a re- 
 trograde movement. Should the attack of the second line not pro- 
 duce the effect anticipated, the reserve covers its retreat. 
 
 2nd, the Attack. 
 
 For the attack of an intrenched camp with two divisions of eight 
 battalions each : the troops shall arrive in columns, and form into line 
 out of the reach of the enemy’s shot. 
 
 The first line, which is that of attack, shall detach about a com- 
 pany from each battalion as tirailleurs ; to these volunteers shall be 
 added the sappers of the battalions and of the division, with hatchets, 
 a few hoes, fascines, and light ladders. 
 
 The point of attack shall be either on the right or the left, and 
 must embrace two salient redoubts, together with those defending 
 them in the second line. 
 
 As soon as the troops are within half cannon range of the enemy, 
 the tirailleurs shall advance at a run, and leap into the ditches of 
 the works attacked, in order to cut the palisades and make openings 
 through which they may penetrate into the interior. Meanwhile the 
 line of attack shall advance in good order with the light artillery, 
 which shall fire as it proceeds, and be protected by the heavy artil- 
 lery which shall remain with the second division. 
 
 The tirailleurs must carry the redoubts attacked ; if they are not 
 strong enough they shall be reinforced by a few companies of grena- 
 diers. In no case must the line of attack be broken, in order that it 
 may always be ready to face the enemy’s second line and reserve. 
 
 The redoubts being taken, the line shall advance rapidly, porting 
 arms ; it shall not fire until it is within twenty-five paces of the 
 enemy, who shall then be instantly charged with fixed bayonets. 
 
 The cavalry must follow the division of attack, in order to be in a 
 situation to take advantage of the victory when once the redoubts 
 are taken and the enemy routed. 
 
 The second division shall deploy at the distance of cannon shot, 
 feign an attack upon the left of the enemy’s camp, and then advance, 
 or protect the retreat, according as events may turn out. 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 195 
 
 ON THE ATTACK OF INTRENCHMENTS, OR CONTINUOUS LINES, BY ONE 
 OR MORE DIVISIONS. 
 
 A division of four regiments, or eight battalions, charged to make the 
 principal attack, shall form into line beyond the range of the cannon 
 of the enemy’s intrenchments which they are to storm. Every order 
 for the details of the undertaking must be clear, precise, and laconic. 
 The instant before the attack, the staff-officers having the direction 
 of the columns shall ascertain whether all the officers clearly com- 
 prehend the instructions given, in order to avoid misconceptions, 
 which are always dangerous and sometimes fatal to the suqcess of 
 combined operations. The general officer in command shall har- 
 angue the men in a manner suited to the occasion, and with that 
 energy which characterizes a warrior. 
 
 All being ready, the signal of attack shall be made by three guns 
 being fired, and the troops shall march to the enemy at the charge, 
 and in the following order : — 
 
 The companions of tirailleurs of the eighth battalion, the com- 
 mand of which shall be intrusted to a field or a staff officer, shall 
 cover the front of attack. The men shall be provided each with a 
 hatchet besides his firelock, and when within musket shot they shall 
 run as fast as possible into the ditches of the intrenchment, cut the 
 palisades, tear away the fascines and gabions, and make openings. 
 
 An officer of engineers and the sappers of the army attached to 
 this division shall march with the tirailleurs for the same purpose. 
 So soon as the officer shall have reconnoitred the situation of the 
 enemy’s intrenchments, he shall dispatch a non-commissioned officer, 
 or proceed himself in all haste to make his report, in order that, if 
 circumstances require it, the plan of attack may be changed. 
 
 The sappers of the four regiments of infantry shall be divided into 
 four equal bodies : 
 
 The first shall open the march of the two companies of grenadiers 
 formed in column of platoons in front of the first battalion of the first 
 regiment, at a hundred and fifty toises in the rear of the tirailleurs, 
 and a hundred and fifty toises in advance of the column. 
 
 The second shall be at the head of the two companies of grena- 
 diers, also in column of platoons, first battalion, second regiment, 
 right brigade. 
 
 The third shall be at the head of the two companies of grenadiers, 
 first battalion, third regiment, left brigade. 
 
 The uneven battalions shall be formed in column of platoons, the 
 right in front. They shall follow the movement of the grenadiers, 
 observing the prescribed distance of a hundred and fifty toises, until 
 the moment the grenadiers arrive within fifty toises of the intrench- 
 ment. Then the double quick step to close up and give impetus to 
 the storming. 
 
 The men of the battalions in column, and also the grenadiers, 
 
196 
 
 MEMOIRS OF 
 
 shall each carry if necessary a fascine under his left arm, to fill up 
 the ditches and be enabled to pass with greater ease the impediments 
 which the enemy may oppose to their attack. 
 
 The even battalions shall march in line, carrying arms, at three 
 hundred toises from the four columns of attack. The interval oc- 
 casioned by this distance shall be filled by a squadron of light cavalry. 
 
 The light artillery shall be placed upon the two exterior flanks of 
 the columns of attack of the first and fourth regiments, on a level 
 with the companies of grenadiers, whose movements it shall follow 
 within one hundred and fifty toises of the enemy’s entrenchments. 
 
 The remainder of the cavalry and of the artillery of the line shall 
 form a reserve, and march in the second line three hundred toises in 
 the rear of the even battalions, in order to be employed as circum-' 
 stances may require. 
 
 An officer of engineers, or of the staff, shall be attached to each 
 column of attack. 
 
 After the entrenchments are carried, the tirailleurs shall pursue 
 the routed enemy, and clear the interior flanks of their works. 
 
 The sappers of the division and those of the regiments shall fill up 
 the ditches, and make openings for the passage of cavalry, at the 
 places pointed out by the officers of engineers or staff officers attach- 
 ed to the columns of attack. The grenadiers shall remain within the 
 entrenchments. 
 
 So soon as the columns of attack have passed the entrenchments, 
 they shall form as a first line, one hundred and fifty toises in advance 
 of the grenadiers. 
 
 The even battalions shall pass by platoons, right in front, through 
 the intervals of the first line, then form into line, and charge bayonets 
 on the enemy’s reserve, should it still resist. They shall be preceded 
 by tirailleurs. 
 
 The eight companies of grenadiers shall form the reserve, and 
 march one hundred and fifty toises in their rear. 
 
 The light artillery and the cavalry shall march on the flanks of 
 the even battalions, now become the first line, constantly developing 
 the enemy’s wings ; and the light cavalry shall charge as tirailleurs 
 whenever a favourable opportunity offers. 
 
 If, upon one of the flanks of the principal attack, the ground pre- 
 sents advantages sufficient, several pieces of artillery of the line shall 
 be united to silence the enemy’s fire and protect the attack made by 
 the columns. 
 
 Should the enemy’s entrenchments present a greater development 
 than the front of attack of one division, the second division shall dis- 
 pose its forces in the same manner, and the third shall march in line 
 of battle in the rear of the centre of the two first, in order to support 
 and protect the attempt. 
 
 In the event of failure, the retreat shall be effected in the same 
 order as the attack, until the troops reach the level of the first posi- 
 
MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 197 
 
 tion ; and if by a vastly superior force the enemy compelled a retro- 
 gade movement, the retreat should in such case, be effected en 
 echiquier. In this predicament, the cavalry and light artillery should 
 be employed on the flanks, and stationed according as circumstances 
 might require. 
 
 ON THE ATTACK OF DETACHED WORKS COVERED AT THEIR GORGES. 
 
 An army protected by a line of redans or detached works covered 
 at their gorges, is to be attacked at daybreak. 
 
 The division of attack shall be formed into close columns of divi- 
 sions, preceded by some companies of eclaireurs. 
 
 The columns of attack shall penetrate within the intervals of the 
 redans, and break the enemy, who, being in line of battle, will be 
 unable to resist the shock of the numerous columns by which they are 
 surrounded. The second division shall follow the movement of the 
 first in line of battle. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 26 
 

APPENDIX. 
 
 HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS. 
 No. I. 
 
 FEDERAL ACT. 
 
 TITLE I. 
 
 GENERAL PROVISIONS. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 The nineteen cantons of Switzerland, to wit : — Appenzell, Argau, 
 Basle, Berne, Friburg, Glaris, Grisons, Lucerne, St. Gall, Schaff- 
 hausen, Schweitz, Soleure, Ticino, Thurgau, Underwalden, Uri, 
 Vaud, Zug, and Zurich, are confederated togther, conformably to 
 the principles established in their respective constitutions. They 
 reciprocally guarantee their constitutions, territory, liberty, and 
 independence, both against the attacks of foreign powers, and against 
 the usurpations of any particular canton or faction. 
 
 II. 
 
 The contingent in troops or money, which may become necessary 
 for the execution of this guarantee, shall be supplied by each canton 
 in the following proportions : 
 
 Of fifteen thousand two hundred and three men to be supplied, the 
 contingents are thus regulated : 
 
 Berne . 
 
 
 
 
 2292 
 
 Zurich 
 
 
 
 
 1929 
 
 Vaud . 
 
 
 
 
 1482 
 
 St. Gall 
 
 
 
 
 1315 
 
 Argau 
 
 
 
 
 1205 
 
 Grisons 
 
 
 
 
 1200 
 
 Tricino 
 
 
 
 
 902 
 
 Lucerne 
 
 
 
 
 867 
 
 Thurgau 
 
 
 
 
 835 
 
 Friburg 
 
 
 
 
 620 
 
 Appenzell 
 
 ✓ • 
 
 
 
 486 
 
200 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Soleure 
 Basle . 
 Schweilz 
 Glaris 
 
 Schaffhausen 
 Underwalden 
 Zug . 
 
 Uri . 
 
 452 
 
 409 
 
 301 
 
 241 
 
 233 
 
 191 
 
 125 
 
 118 
 
 The sum of 490,507 Swiss livres shall be paid by the several can- 
 tons as follows : 
 
 Orisons 
 Schweitz 
 Underwalden 
 Uri . 
 
 Ticino . 
 
 Appenzell 
 Glaris . 
 
 Zug 
 
 St. Gall 
 
 Lucerne 
 
 Thurgau 
 
 Friburg 
 
 Berne 
 
 Zurich 
 
 Vaud 
 
 Argau 
 
 Soleure 
 
 Schaffhausen 
 
 Basle 
 
 12,000 livres 
 3,012 
 1,907 
 1,184 
 18,039 
 9,728 
 4,825 
 2,492 
 39,451 
 26,016 
 25,052 
 18,591 
 91,695 
 77,153 
 59,273 
 52,212 
 18,097 
 9,327 
 20,450 
 
 III. 
 
 There exist no longer in Switzerland, either subject countries, or 
 privileges of place, birth, persons, or families. 
 
 IV. 
 
 Each Swiss citizen has the faculty of removing his domicile from 
 one canton to any other, there freely to exercise his industry. He 
 acquires political rights conformably to the laws of the canton in 
 which he resides ; but he cannot enjoy political rights in two cantons 
 at the same time. 
 
 V. 
 
 The ancient dues of traite interieure and traite foraine are abolish- 
 ed. The free circulation of produce, cattle, and goods, is guaranteed. 
 No octroi dues, entrance dues, or transit or custom-house dues, can 
 be established in the interior of Switzerland. The revenue arising 
 from the custom-houses on the external limits shall belong to the 
 cantons bordering upon foreign countries ; but the tarifs must be 
 submitted to the approval of the diet. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 201 
 
 VI. 
 
 Each canton maintains the tolls applied to keeping in repair the 
 highways, causeways, and banks of the rivers ; but the tarifs also 
 require the approval of the diet. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The money coined in Switzerland shall have a uniform standard, 
 fixed by the diet. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 No canton shall give an asylum to a legally convicted criminal, or 
 to an accused under legal prosecution. 
 
 IX. 
 
 The number of paid troops which a canton may maintain, is lim- 
 ited to two hundred men. 
 
 X. 
 
 All alliance between any two cantons, or between any single can- 
 ton and a foreign power, is prohibited. 
 
 XL 
 
 The members of the government, or the legislative body of any 
 canton, violating a decree of the diet, may be arraigned as rebels be- 
 fore a tribunal composed of the presidents of the criminal tribunals 
 of all the other cantons. 
 
 XII. 
 
 The cantons shall enjoy all the powers not specially delegated to 
 the federal authority. 
 
 TITLE II. 
 
 DIRECTING CANTON. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 The diet shall assemble by turns, and from one year to another, at 
 Friburg, Berne, Soleure, Basle, Zurich, and Lucerne. 
 
 XIV. 
 
 The cantons, of which these cities are the capitals, shall, in suc- 
 cession, become directing cantons. The year of the directorship 
 begins on the 1st of January. 
 
 XV. 
 
 The directing canton supplies the deputies of the diet with resi- 
 dences and a guard of honour ; it also provides for the expense of the 
 session. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 The avoyer or burgomaster for the time being of the directing 
 canton, joins to his title that of landamman of Switzerland. He 
 
202 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 keeps the seal of the Helvetian republic, and cannot absent himself 
 from the city. The great council of his canton grants him a fixed 
 salary, and pays all the extraordinary expenses attached to his 
 office. 
 
 XVII. 
 
 Foreign ministers shall deliver their credentials, or their letters of 
 recall, to the landamman of Switzerland, and shall apply to him in 
 all negociations. He is likewise the channel of every other diploma- 
 tic relation. 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 At the opening of the diet he gives all the information he has 
 received relative to such internal and external affairs as interest the 
 confederation. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 No canton shall, within its own territory, levy and put in motion 
 more than five hundred militia-men, without having first given notice 
 to the landamman of Switzerland. 
 
 XX. 
 
 In the event of a revolt in the interior of a canton, or in any other 
 case of extreme emergency, the landamman may make troops march 
 from one canton to another; but only on the demand of either the 
 greater or the lesser council of the canton requiring assistance, and 
 after having taken the opinion of the lesser council of the directing 
 canton, with the proviso of convoking the diet after the repression of 
 hostilities, or if the danger should continue. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 If, during the recess of the diet, differences should arise between 
 two or more cantons, application is to be made to the landamman of 
 Switzerland, who, according as circumstances are more or less pres- 
 sing, shall either appoint arbitrators to conciliate such differences, or 
 adjourn the matter to the nearest session of the diet. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 The landamman of Switzerland admonishes the cantons, if their 
 internal conduct should tend to interrupt the tranquillity of Switzer- 
 land, or if any thing occurs within their territory in violation either 
 of the federal act, or of their individual constitutions. He may also 
 direct a convocation of the great council, or of the lands-gemeinde in 
 those places where the supreme authority is exercised by the people. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 The landamman of Switzerland sends, when requisite, inspectors 
 to examine the highways, roads, and rivers, and orders the necessary 
 repairs to be made to them ; and, in case of necessity, he commands 
 the immediate execution, and at the cost of those bound to pay it, of 
 such works as are not begun or finished at the time prescribed. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 203 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 His signature gives authenticity and a national character to the 
 acts to which it is affixed. 
 
 TITLE III. 
 
 THE DIET. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 Each canton sends a deputy to the diet, to whom one or two coun- 
 sel may be attached, to supply his place ^in?fc«Ue event of absence or 
 iilness. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 The deputies sent to the diet shall have limited powers, and shall 
 not vote against their instructions. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 The landamman of Switzerland is, in virtue of his office, the deputy 
 of the directing canton. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 The nineteen deputies composing the diet shall have twenty-five 
 voles in the deliberations. 
 
 The deputies of the cantons, whose population exceeds a hundred 
 thousand inhabitants, to wit : those of Berne, Zurich, Vaud, St. Gall, 
 Argua, and Grisons, shall have two votes. 
 
 The deputies of the cantons, whose population is less than a hun- 
 dred thousand souls, to wit : those of Ticino, Lucerne, Thurgau, 
 Friburg, Appenzell, Soleure, Basle, Schweitz, Glaris, Schaffhausen, 
 Underwalden, Zug, and Uri, shall have only one vote each. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 The diet under the presidency of the landamman of Switzerland, 
 shall meet on the first Monday in June, and its session shall not ex- 
 ceed the term of one month. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 There may be extraordinary diets. 
 
 1st, on the demand of a neighbouring state, or of one or more of 
 the cantons; — should the demand be admitted by the great council 
 of the directing canton, which, if it be in recess, shall be convoked 
 to this effect. 
 
 2dly, On the advice of the great council, or of the lands-gemeinde 
 of five cantons, who may think a demand well founded, which the 
 directing canton may have rejected. 
 
 3dly, When they are convoked by the landamman of Switzerland, 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 All declarations of war, and treaties of peace and alliance emanate 
 
204 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 from the diet, but the consent of three-fourths of the cantons is ne- 
 cessary. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 I 
 
 The diet alone concludes treaties of commerce and military capit- 
 ulations for foreign service. It authorizes the cantons, if necessary, 
 to treat individually with any foreign power for other objects. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 No recruiting for a foreign power, shall take place in any canton 
 without the consent of the diet. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 The diet orders the contingent of troops to be supplied by each 
 canton as provided in Art. II. ; it apppoints the general who is to com- 
 mand them, and takes, moreover, all the necessary measures for the 
 security of Switzerland and for the execution of the other provision 
 of Art. I. It possesses the same right, should troubles break out in 
 any canton so as to threaten the tranquillity of the other cantons. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 It appoints and sends ambassadors extraordinary. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 It decides in all disputes between the cantons, provided such dis- 
 putes have not been settled by arbitration ; and for this purpose it 
 creates a syndicship at the conclusion of its ordinary labours. But 
 in such cases, each deputy has but one vote, and is not subservient 
 to instructions. 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 The proces-verbaux of the diet shall be entered in two registers, 
 one of which remains in the directing canton, and the other, together 
 with the seal of state, is to be transported, at the end of December, 
 to the capital town of the new directing canton. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 A chancellor and a register appointed by the diet for two years, 
 and paid by the directing canton, conformably to the regulations 
 made by the diet, shall always follow the seal and register. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 The constitution of each canton, written upon parchment, and 
 sealed with the seal of the canton, shall be deposited in the archives 
 of the diet. 
 
 XL. 
 
 The present federal act, also the particular constitutions of the 
 nineteen cantons, annul all former provisions contrary to any thing 
 contained in all or either of them, and no right whatsoever concern- 
 ing the internal government of the cantons and thoir relations with 
 each other shall be founded upon any former political state of Switz- 
 erland. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 205 
 
 Whereas the repose of Switzerland and the success of the new 
 institutions to be formed require that the measures necessary for 
 making these institutions succeed the order of things which is now 
 at an end, and investing new magistrates with the care of the public 
 happiness, be kept free from the influence of passion and from all that 
 might excite contention, and that such measures be executed with 
 moderation, impartiality, and prudence ; it would be difficult to carry 
 such institutions into effect, except through commissioners appointed 
 by the act of mediation itself, and who are animated by its spirit. 
 
 From these considerations, 
 
 We in our said capacity, and with the reservation hereinbefore 
 expressed, do hereby enact as follows : 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 Friburg shall be the directing canton for the year 1803. 
 
 II. 
 
 Citizen Louis d’Affry is landamman of Switzerland for that year ; 
 and is, to this effect, invested with extraordinary powers, until the 
 meeting of the diet. 
 
 III. 
 
 The original act of mediation shall be delivered to the landamman, 
 to be by him deposited in the archives of the directing canton. 
 
 IV. 
 
 In each canton there shall be a committee of seven members 
 one of whom shall be appointed by us, and six by the ten deputies 
 appointed to confer with us ; and this committee is authorized to 
 carry the constitution into effect and administer provisionally. 
 
 V. 
 
 (Contains the names of the members composing these committees.) 
 
 VI. 
 
 On the 10th of March next, the central government shall be dis- 
 solved, after handing over its papers and archives to the landam- 
 man of Switzerland. 
 
 VII. 
 
 Each committee shall meet on the 10th of March, in the capital of 
 the canton for which it is appointed, and shall give notice of its 
 meeting to the prefect. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 Twenty-four hours after notice is given of the meeting, the pre- 
 fect shall transmit to the committee the papers of the administration. 
 
 IX. 
 
 In cases which may require special instructions or authority, the 
 committee shall apply to the landamman of Switzerland. 
 
 vol. ii. 27 
 
206 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 X. 
 
 On the 15th of April the constitution shall be in activity; by the 
 1st of June each canton shall have elected its deputy to the diet and 
 drawn up his instructions; and on the first Monday of July in the 
 present year the diet shall assemble. 
 
 XI. 
 
 Causes pendent at the supreme tribunal shall be heard by the tri- 
 bunal of appeal of the canton. The supreme tribunal shall, on the 
 10th of March, cease to exercise any functions. 
 
 XII. 
 
 The Helvetian troops at present in the pay of Switzerland, who, 
 on the 1st of May, are not employed by the cantons, shall be taken 
 into the service of France. 
 
 XIII. 
 
 No prosecutions shall take place for offences relative to the revo- 
 lution, committed or pretended to have been committed by persons 
 either in their individual capacity, or in the exercise of some public 
 office. 
 
 Whereas the dissolution of the central government, and the 
 restoration of the sovereignty to the cantons, require that the liqui- 
 dation of the Helvetian debt should be provided for, and also that the 
 disposal of the property termed national, be determined upon: 
 
 We, in our said capacity, and with the reservation hereinbefore 
 expressed, do hereby enact as follows : 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 The property and possessions formerly belonging to the convents 
 shall be restored to the latter, whether such property and possessions 
 be situated in the same canton or in any other. 
 
 II. 
 
 The administration of national property, other than that belonging 
 to the cantons of Vaud and Argau, is provisionally restored to the 
 cantons to which such property formerly belonged. The bonded 
 securities belonging to Berne shall be provisionally placed in the 
 hands of three commissioners appointed by the cantons of Berne, 
 Vaud, and Argau. 
 
 III. 
 
 In each canton burthened with debts contracted prior to the revo- 
 lution, a fund shall be assigned for the purpose either of hypothe- 
 cating or of liquidating them ; the said fund to be raised from the 
 property formerly belonging to the canton. 
 
 IV. 
 
 A revenue shall be reconstituted for each town, proportionate to 
 its municipal expenses. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 207 
 
 V. 
 
 The national debt shall be liquidated, and the securities obtained 
 upon foreign countries in favour of certain cantons, shall serve at 
 first for its extinction. Should the debt exceed the amount of the 
 said securities, the payment of the surplus shall be borne by the other 
 cantons, each paying in proportion to what remains of its former 
 immoveable* property, after acquitting its own cantonal debts con- 
 tracted prior to the revolution. 
 
 VI. 
 
 All moveable and immoveable property remaining after the for- 
 mation of the communal fund, and the liquidation of the cantonal and 
 national debts, shall become once more the property of the cantons 
 to which they formerly belonged. That remaining in the cantons of 
 Vaud and Argau shall belong to those cantons. Whatever remains 
 of the bonded securities of Berne shall be distributed in equal portions 
 among the cantons of Berne, Vaud, and Argau. 
 
 VII. 
 
 A committee composed of five members, to wit : Citizen Stapfer, 
 minister of the Helvetian republic ; Citizen Kuster, ex-minister of 
 finance; Citizen Raemy, formerly chancellor of Friburg, and now 
 member of the administrative chamber; and Citizen Laurent Mary, 
 of Lucerne, president of the administrative chamber, shall verify the 
 wants of the municipalities, determine the extent of such wants and 
 the amount of the funds necessary to constitute their revenue. 
 
 II. 
 
 THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO GENERAL NEY, MINISTER 
 PLENIPOTENTIARY IN HELVETIA. 
 
 Paris 29 th Prairial, Year XI. 
 (June 17th, 1803.) 
 
 Citizen, 
 
 Towards the close of the year VI. the French and Helvetian repub- 
 lics concluded a treaty of alliance offensive and defensive ; but the 
 new organization of Switzerland having rendered the conditions of 
 this treaty too burthensome to that country, the First Consul, willing 
 to bestow upon it a mark of his kindness, is disposed to confine the 
 treaty to a mere defensive alliance, and to renew the capitulations in 
 virtue of which a certain number of Swiss troops were, during a 
 long period of time, attached to the service of France. 
 
 The principal stipulations of the project of treaty, of which I here- 
 
 * The word must stand thus, as it does not convey the meaning of a freehold. The 
 law of Switzerland, like that of France, is founded upon the civil or Roman law. 
 The nation acknowledges only two kinds of property : moveable and immoveable ; 
 the former consisting of what we term personal property, and the latter of houses 
 and lands. 
 
208 
 
 APPENDIX- 
 
 with transmit you a copy, are the same as those of the treaty of 
 1777, and some have also been taken from the treaty of the year VI. 
 The stipulations of the project of capitulation, also sent with this des- 
 patch, resemble those of most of the old capitulations concluded be- 
 tween France and the Swiss cantons or their allies ; but, the organiza- 
 tion and relative position of the two countries being in some degree 
 changed, modifications have become necessary both in the treaty and 
 in the capitulation. 
 
 By the treaty of alliance of 1777, France might, in case of war, 
 make a voluntary levy in Switzerland of six thousand men. The 
 intention of the First Consul is that this assistance so lent shall be 
 greater and more secure, and that Switzerland shall supply twelve 
 thousand men, raised, armed, and equipped at its own expense, and 
 who shall be paid and fed by France from the moment they leave the 
 Swiss territory. 
 
 The number of French troops with which the First Consul shall 
 supply Switzerland for its defence, is not fixed in the project of 
 treaty; it will vary according to circumstances and the wants of the 
 moment. Were it fixed beforehand, it would give Switzerland a less 
 sure guarantee than one resulting from an engagement to defend her 
 made by the French government. 
 
 I have included in the project of treaty of alliance, every other 
 relation which ought to subsist between France and Switzerland ; but, 
 before I enter upon these matters, I shall, in order not to interrupt 
 the military details of this letter, speak to you about the renewal of 
 the capitulations. 
 
 These were formerly nothing but private contracts between France 
 and one or more states of the Helvetian confederation. At present 
 they must be concluded with the diet, and they include all the can- 
 tons in one and the same engagement. 
 
 One sole capitulation must therefore serve for all the Helvetian 
 troops which France may have in her service. This act must include 
 the demi-brigades already organized, the troops which, according to 
 the act of mediation, the cantons cannot keep, and which have just 
 come to France; and lastly, those which may be necessary to com- 
 plete a corps of sixteen thousand men. 
 
 This corps must be divided into four regiments, and each regi- 
 ment into four battalions of nine companies. The particulars of the 
 organization are given in the accompanying project of capitulation. 
 
 The pay, the soldiers’ masse , the barracks, and the pensions, shall 
 be upon the same footing as among the French troops ; but the 
 Swiss captains shall be charged with the recruiting of their com- 
 panies. 
 
 It was formerly the custom in Swiss regiments to require only 
 two-thirds of natives ; but it seems expedient that this proportion 
 should extend to three-fourths, both for the better insuring that the 
 regiments are well composed, and because Switzerland will have 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 209 
 
 fewer troops in the service of other powers, and may therefore sup- 
 ply France with a greater number. 
 
 Each regiment, consisting of four thousand men in time of peace, 
 shall be increased to five thousand in time of war. This surplus 
 shall serve to repair the losses of each of the four battalions, and to 
 keep each of them always a thousand strong. These depot-corps 
 shall have no separate organization : their officers and non-commis- 
 sioned officers shall be taken from the regiment which each is 
 intended to complete. 
 
 The Italian republic shall take one regiment into its service, 
 which shall have the same organization ; and the Batavian republic 
 shall likewise have one. 
 
 Thus Swizerland shall keep in the service of other powers six 
 regiments consisting of twenty-four thousand men in time of peace, 
 and of thirty thousand in time of war. 
 
 There is no objection to Switzerland concluding a capitulation with 
 Spain, and another with the Pope; but the diet must engage to con- 
 clude none with any other power ; and this condition must be in- 
 sisted upon. France could not depend upon soldiers who would have 
 to fight against troops of their own nation. The Swiss, by confining 
 themselves to the service of the allies and natural friends of France, are 
 fighting as it were under one and the same banner, and serving the same 
 cause. They are themselves interested in not embracing any other 
 party, as it would expose them to serve with less zeal, and to encoun- 
 ter, even out of their own country, all the evils of civil war. 
 
 The Swiss troops engaged under the capitulation, and those which, 
 in execution of the treaty of defensive alliance, shall be supplied to 
 France, must serve every where except in the East Indies, in Ame- 
 rica, and in the colonies. 
 
 The treaty of 1777 simply stipulated that they should be employ- 
 ed only in defending the possessions of France in Europe ; but this 
 clause was neither extensive enough nor sufficiently clear. Switzer- 
 land might infer from it that the defence of a territory does not 
 include the obligation of going beyond its frontiers. Nevertheless, 
 as a war defensive in its origin may become offensive in its results, 
 it is necessary that there should be no doubt as to the obligation of 
 serving in every place not formally excepted in the treaty. 
 
 With regard to the details of the internal organization of the Swiss 
 troops, you are at liberty to modify the project of capitulation in any 
 manner that may appear to you most favourable to the good adminis- 
 tration and discipline of the corps. But their division into four regi- 
 ments, the appointment of a colonel, four chefs-de-battalion, a major, 
 four adjutants-major, and a quarter-master to each, must be maintain- 
 ed. The appointment of colonel-general of the Swiss troops may 
 even be revived. 
 
 This appintment was formerly in the gift of the King, who gene- 
 rally conferred it upon a prince of the blood. In future it will be fill- 
 
210 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ed by the First Consul. With regard to the other appointments, 
 they shall be regulated by the past. 
 
 The King appointed the field-officers of each regiment and also 
 the captains of grenadiers. The First Consul shall appoint to the 
 corresponding grades in the new organization, such as those of colo- 
 nel, chef-de-battalion, major and captain of grenadiers. The cap- 
 tains of fusileers shall also receive their commissions from him, and 
 shall be chosen by seniority of standing from among the lieutenants 
 of the same regiment. The commissions for the subaltern ranks on 
 the staff and in companies shall be given by the colonel-general. 
 You will, in concert with the Helvetian deputies, consider of what 
 modifications the several articles of the project of capitulation may 
 be susceptible with regard to promotions. 
 
 The old capitulations granted to the Swiss troops, the free exer- 
 cise of their religion and of their own laws : the new project allows 
 them the same privileges. 
 
 Soldiers who have obtained pensions, or have retired upon half- 
 pay, may receive it either in Switzerland or in France; they may 
 thus choose their own place of residence. 
 
 I have great reason to believe that the diet will find the clauses of 
 the treaty and capitulation proposed as advantageous as they are hon- 
 ourable to Switzerland. France, by taking Swiss troops into her 
 service, shows the high estimation in which she holds their fidelity 
 and valour, and she will preserve that military spirit among them 
 which, together with her assistance, must continue to secure the 
 independence of their country. Lastly, she strengthens those bonds 
 of affection and good neighbourhood which have constantly existed 
 between the two countries, and which Switzerland, now restored to 
 tranquillity by the First Consul’s act of mediation, must be particu- 
 larly desirous to maintain. 
 
 I now come to the clauses of the treaty of alliance, which have 
 nothing to do with that of military aid. 
 
 The two Governments agreed, by their treaty of the Second Fruc- 
 tidor, year VI., that the limits of the two countries should be deter- 
 mined by a convention. This demarcation has not yet been rectified, 
 and the consequences are greater facilities for smuggling in certain 
 parts of the territory, and more difficulty in the communications. 
 These are evils which must be put an end to ; certain communes, 
 like that of Cressonieres, are half Swiss and half French : it would, 
 therefore, be desirable that they should belong to us entirely. 
 
 The territory beyond the Dole was ceded to us for the purpose of 
 opening a new road between Gex and Morey ; but there was no spe- 
 cial convention for this cession, and it is right that it should be men- 
 tioned, as I have done it, in the project of treaty. 
 
 It is with the cantons which border upon us, and not with the diet, 
 that the work of demarcation must be concerted ; this labour will 
 thereby become much easier, because we shall not then have to dis- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 211 
 
 cuss it with the whole of Switzerland, and it will be sufficient to state 
 the basis of this work in the treaty which you are empowered to con* 
 elude with the diet. 
 
 Switzerland engaged by the treaty of the year VI. to receive annu- 
 ally from France two hundred and fifty thousand quintals of salt ; but 
 since the separation of the Valais, its consumption has diminished. 
 It is just that a quantity of salt equal to the consumption of the Valais 
 should be deducted. The quantity can then be taken to that country 
 by means of a separate and special convention, and the receipts of the 
 salt-pans continue the same. 
 
 Article X. of the project, according to which a communication by 
 water is to be established between the lake of Neufchatel, that of 
 Geneva, and the navigable part of the Rhone, may possibly not be 
 very speedily executed. The greater part of Switzerland will bear 
 no share in this expense ; but as such a communication would be 
 very useful to trade, it is necessary to secure the right of carrying 
 the plan into execution at any future time, and to maintain this arti- 
 cle, which is almost wholly borrowed from the treaty of the year 
 VI. 
 
 This latter treaty has served as the basis of the new project in all 
 that concerns the commercial relations of the two countries, and in 
 the manner of terminating litigations ; but some explanations or cor- 
 rections have been added, necessary to prevent a return of chicanery, 
 to which the conciseness or false interpretation of certain articles had 
 led. 
 
 It is advisable to establish clearly that with regard to rights of 
 importation, exportation, or transit, the Swiss shall be treated in 
 France and the French in Switzerland as the most favoured nations ; 
 and that each shall enjoy the rights of natives in all things relating 
 to their persons, as well as to actions which they might have to bring 
 before the tribunals of the country they are in. 
 
 The dues of traite foraine being for the time abolished both in 
 France and Switzerland, it has not appeared necessary to insert in 
 the project of treaty, that the French, who would alienate their 
 property in Switzerland, should be exempt from those dues. But 
 should the diet appear disposed to revive them for foreigners, you 
 will stipulate, in the treaty, an exception in favour of the French. 
 
 The article of the treaty of the year VI. relative to extradition,* 
 must already have been modified, and made to correspond with the 
 laws of amnesty relative to persons accused of emigration.- This 
 
 * This wtfrd might be adopted in our language with advantage, as we have none 
 which conveys the same meaning. Extradition signifies the delivering up of 
 criminals who may have sought refuge in any country, to the government whose 
 subjects they are, on a claim being made to this effect. Its use is more especially 
 applied to political offences. Great Britain is the only power in Europe whose Gov- 
 ernment dares not commit such a breach of the national hospitality ; and the British 
 territory is, therefore, the only sanctuary in which political offenders can find refuge. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 212 
 
 article does not stipulate that the latter shall not be allowed to 
 remain in the country ; it is confined to the cases of extradition 
 generally mentioned in other treaties, and it contains a further guar- 
 antee for the punishment of offences of less magnitude, and to which 
 extradition does not apply. 
 
 The administration of the two frontiers had often complained of 
 the damage committed in the forests on both sides of the border. It 
 is to prevent the recurrence of this, and to render smuggling more 
 difficult, that Article XVIII. has been added to the project. By this 
 article, the cantons bordering upon France are bound to establish 
 custom-houses and forest agencies, whose members shall concert 
 with those of France, but only under the authority of their respec- 
 tive governments. 
 
 The development into which I have entered, is sufficiently indica- 
 tive of the spirit of benevolence and friendship in which the French 
 Government proposes to the Helvetian diet to conclude a treaty of 
 defensive alliance and a capitulation. 
 
 These two acts together include every point in which France and 
 Switzerland have a mutual interest in coming to an understanding. 
 
 Equally distinguished as you are, General, both as a soldier and a 
 politician, you will possess a double advantage in the important nego- 
 tiation entrusted to you, and for the success of which the Govern- 
 ment relies upon the talents and zeal of which you have given such 
 constant proofs. I have the honour, &c. 
 
 Ch. M. Talleyrand. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 TO MARSHAL NEY, AT HAGUENAU. 
 
 Paris, third complementary day, Year XIII. 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 In pursuance of the Emperor’s orders, you will cross the Rhine on 
 the 4th Vendemiaire, upon a bridge thrown over that river opposite 
 Dourlach, and on the evening of the 5th, you will proceed to this 
 town. 
 
 You will have Marshal Lannes in advance of you, and you will fol- 
 low the same road so as to march upon Stuttgard when you receive 
 the order to do so. 
 
 Y”ou will have rations of bread distributed to your men for four 
 days, and make the necessary arrangements to have a quantity of 
 biscuit made sufficient also for four days. This biscuit is intended 
 for your use on a day of battle, should your assembled forces find any 
 difficulty in procuring provisions. 
 
 You will issue fifty cartridges to each man, and take care that 
 your artillery is well provided with ammunition, and your park in a 
 good position. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 213 
 
 You will also have the great-coats and shoes distributed, which are 
 in store. Marshal Soult will be on your left ; he passes by the 
 road to Spires. He has directions to provision his forces from the 
 country on the left, so that the territory included between his right, 
 Spires, Vislack, and Heilbron, will furnish the necessary requisitions 
 for your army. All the provisions for which you may be under the 
 necessity of issuing requisitions in the dominions of the princes 
 friendly to France, shall be acknowledged by regular receipts. Mar- 
 shal Lannes, who marches in advance of you, has orders to issue his 
 requisition to the right. 
 
 If any extraordinary occurrence should impose upon you the 
 necessity of changing any of the above arrangements, you will apply 
 for orders to Prince Murat ; all those given from this place being 
 subservient to any unexpected movements made by the enemy. 
 
 I have the honour, &c. 
 
 Marshal Berthier, War Minister. 
 
 P. S. The Elector of Baden is to supply a body of troops and six 
 pieces of artillery with cattle and provisions. 
 
 These are to proceed to Dourlach, where they will be at your 
 disposal. Marshal Berthier. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 ORDER TO MARSHAL NEY, COMMANDING THE SIXTH 
 CORPS-D’ARMEE. 
 
 Head-quarters, Strasburg, 4th Vendemiaire, 
 Year XIV. 
 
 In consequence of the plans determined upon by the Emperor, 
 Marshal Ney is directed to concentrate his army at Stuttgard on the 
 8th and the 9th. He will place his vanguard in position two leagues 
 in advance of that town, upon the road to Eslingen. 
 
 Marshal Ney will make arrangements for distributing, on the 10th, 
 to his whole corps-d’armee, rations of bread for four days, inde- 
 pendently of the four days’ stock of biscuit which he has with him, 
 so that the bread may be distributed for the 11th, 12th, 13th, and 
 14th : which will make, from the 11th, rations for eight days, — four 
 in bread, and four in biscuit. 
 
 It is to be presumed that his movement in advance of Stutt- 
 gard will begin on the 11th, in pursuance of an order he will re- 
 ceive to this effect ; and this movement must not be embarrassed for 
 want of provisions. 
 
 Marshal Ney is informed that Prince Murat will be at Stuttgard 
 on the 10th, with three divisions of dragoons, and General Baraguey- 
 d’Hillier’s division of foot dragoons, which will make about fifteen 
 thousand men. He will, therefore, make the necessary arrange- 
 
 vol. ii. 28 
 
214 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 merits, so that these corps, as well as his own corps-d’armee, may> 
 on their arrival at Stuttgard on the 10th, find rations of bread for four 
 days. 
 
 The Emperor is aware of the difficulties which Marshal Ney will 
 have to encounter ; His Majesty knows that, on this occasion, the 
 Marshal will require all his activity to succeed in procuring the re- 
 quisite supplies ; and these difficulties will be the greater, because 
 the corps under the command of Marshal Lannes, which is likewise 
 to debouch by Louisburg, and pursue the road to Gemund, will pro- 
 cure, at Louisburg, four days’ rations of bread, as will also the 
 Imperial Guard. The Marshal will, therefore, have to provide at 
 Louisburg, Stuttgard, and in the environs of these places, two hun- 
 dred and forty thousand rations of bread : namely, one hundred and 
 forty thousand from Louisburg, and a hundred thousand from Stutt- 
 gard. 
 
 General head-quarters will, on the 10th, be at Louisburg. 
 
 Marshal Ney will, on the 9th, have the proclamation, which shall 
 be sent to him by the Aid-Major-General, chief of the General 
 Staff, read publicly to the assembled forces under his command. 
 
 Marshal Berthier. 
 
 No. v. 
 
 TO MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 Strasburg, 5th Vendemiaire, Year XIV. 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 I am directed by the Emperor to give you the order to begin your 
 march to Stuttgard the moment you receive this. It is His Majesty’s 
 wish that you should so manage matters, as to carry the enemy’s 
 post of cavalry at Pforzheim. The Emperor trusts, therefore, Mon- 
 sieur le Marechal, that you will send him to-morrow, fifty or sixty 
 prisoners. These gentlemen are pleased to be facetious, and to sa- 
 lute our patrols : you must, therefore, turn them, in order to carry 
 them. I have sent a similar order to Prince Murat, to force on his 
 side the enemy’s posts of light cavalry, stationed near the outlets 
 of the Black Forest. The Emperor, therefore, hopes to have in 
 his power to-morrow, two hundred of the enemy’s cavalry as prisoners 
 of war. 
 
 The Emperor, Monsieur le Marechal, could have wished that you 
 had reported to him your position to-day. His Majesty desires that 
 you will write to me twice a day. 
 
 You will proceed to Stuttgard only by short marches, for if you 
 are there by the 8th it will be time enough. I have to inform you 
 that Marshal Soult, with his corps-d’armee, will be at Heilbron on 
 the 7th. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 215 
 
 When you reach Stuttgard, your divisions must be near to each 
 other, in order that your corps-d’armee may assemble in line of battle 
 in less than two hours. The Emperor will have no partial engage- 
 ments by divisions ; therefore, it is His Majesty’s order that you take 
 up a good position at Stuttgard, as he will have no action engaged on 
 that side. I have the honour, &c. 
 
 Marshal Berthier, 
 Major-General of the Army. 
 
 P. S. I have directed my aide-de-camp, M. Lagrange, to hand you 
 over with this 25,000 francs for secret service. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 TO MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 Strasburg, 7th Vendemiaire, Year XIV. 
 
 (September 29th, 1805.) 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 I have laid your correspondence before the Emperor, who finds it 
 very interesting. His Majesty has also read your letter from Carls- 
 ruhe, dated the 6th Vendemiaire, and says that you have acted per- 
 fectly right. Having no orders to give you to-day, I send back your 
 aide-de-camp, and 25,000 francs in gold for secret service. 
 
 1 have the honour, &c. 
 
 Marechal Berthier, 
 
 War Minister and Major-General of the Army. 
 
 No. VII. 
 
 TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRINCE OF WIRTEMBERG. 
 
 Ettlingen, 10th Vendemiaire, Year XIV. 
 
 (Oct. 2nd, 1805.) 
 
 The Emperor has forwarded to me the complaint which your 
 Highness has made against Marshal Ney. Having to make a report 
 to His Majesty on the subject, it has been incumbent upon me to in- 
 quire into the circumstances upon which this complaint is founded. 
 
 Marshal Ney had orders to proceed with his corps-d’armee to Stutt- 
 gard. No treaty had been communicated to the staff, fixing in a posi- 
 tive manner the relations of your Highness with France. Moreover, 
 all the different points of your Highness’s dominions were occupied 
 by the enemy’s patroles, consisting entirely of cavalry, and not amount- 
 ing in the whole to the complement of half a regiment. 
 
216 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 On the other hand, it was positively affirmed that the Austrians 
 were marching upon Stuttgard by Rottemburg. The non-existence 
 of a treaty between the Emperor and your Highness, the cloud 
 which your Highness had thrown over your intentions, in allowing 
 your territory to be occupied by so small a force, — all this led to the 
 measure of marching into your Highness’s dominions, as into a state 
 occupied by the enemy. Your Highness is too good a soldier not to 
 know, that in war, no considerations are allowed to have weight, 
 which might endanger the success of military operations. Marshal 
 Ney having then received no other instructions than to occupy Stutt- 
 gard, it would be difficult to make a crime of his having obeyed the 
 orders given him. 
 
 The general staff would deserve to be blamed for having Stuttgard 
 occupied, if there existed stipulations not to occupy that city ; but 
 your Highness knows that no treaty had been concluded to this effect, 
 and that even to this day no such treaty is in existence. 
 
 Doubtless the general staff would have acted improperly in sending 
 an army into the dominions of a Sovereign Prince, without an under- 
 standing with him, or without some previous steps ; but no such im- 
 putation could be made in the present instance, because your High- 
 ness’s dominions had previously been violated by the enemy, whose 
 patroles occupied its several outlets. 
 
 It is my duty not to conceal from your Highness, that Marshal 
 Lannes had orders to occupy Louisburg with his army, and in this 
 measure military considerations yielded to all others ; but his Ma- 
 jesty has now given orders that no troops shall, in future, pass through 
 the residence of your Highness; consequently Marshal Lannes is 
 about to proceed to Kanstadt. I trust this explanation will prove 
 satisfactory to your Highness. 
 
 Moreover the whole matter has arisen from circumstances which 
 will not occur again. 
 
 No. VIII. 
 
 TO HARSH AL NEY. 
 
 Louisburg 1 , 12th Vendemiaire, Year XIV> 
 (Oct. 4th, 1805.) 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 I read your letter of the 11th to the Emperor, and also your report 
 to me upon the situation of the enemy’s troops. 
 
 With such officers as you, and a commander like the Emperor, 
 we shall do wonders. 
 
 I send back to you two officers of your staff who were here. 
 
 You know my attachment to you. 
 
 Marshal Berthier, 
 
 War Minister and Major-General of the Army. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 217 
 
 No. IX. 
 
 ORDER TO MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 Nordlingen, 15th Vendemiarie, 
 Year XIV. (Oct. 7th.) 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal. 
 
 The Emperor thinks that you are in a very good position at Gien- 
 gen. 
 
 Marsha] Soult has just crossed the Danube at Donnawert. The 
 enemy seem to be in force at Neuburg, for the purpose of defending 
 the Lech. It is His Majesty’s desire that Ulm should be immediately 
 attacked. You might attack it by the left bank of the Danube, and 
 Marshal Soult by the right. But as Marshal Soult will be unable to 
 march until to-morrow morning, let me know by the return of my 
 messenger whether the enemy have still any forces at Ulm, and what 
 they are doing. 
 
 The Emperor would, at the same time, order a march upon Augs- 
 burg and Landsberg, in order to cut offall the forces which the enemy 
 may still have upon the Uler. 
 
 Take possession of Gundelfingen and Lauingen, and likewise of 
 one or two bridges across the Danube, so that, if the intelligence the 
 Emperor may receive should induce His Majesty to direct a march 
 upon the Upper Lech, you may be able to effect it by a flank march. 
 Send likewise patroles of cavalry upon Donnawert, which will make 
 us masters of the whole of the left bank. By these means our com- 
 munications will be easy. 
 
 Marshal Berthier. 
 
 No. X. 
 
 TO MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 Donnawert, 16th Vendemiaire, Year XIV. 
 
 Twelve o’clock at night (Oct. 8th). 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 You must have heard the cannonading which took place during 
 the day ; it was caused by eleven battalions of Austrian grenadiers, 
 coming from Botzen in the Tyrol, who being hemmed in by Prince 
 Murat with his cavalry, were attacked by Marshal Lannes with the 
 grenadiers forming his first division, and made prisoners with their 
 artillery and colours. 
 
 Marshal Soult having proceeded to Augsburg, it is essential that 
 you should speedily reach Guntzburg, in order to intercept all the 
 movements of the enemy from Ulm upon Augsburg, also from Ulm 
 
218 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 upon Donnawert. Should the enemy manoeuvre on the right bank, 
 be very careful to advance rapidly and parallel to them. Throw 
 Gazan’s division upon the right bank ; and, lastly, do not lose sight 
 of this fact : that by the Emperor’s plans, which are to surround the 
 enemy, and cut off their retreat, he is obliged to spread his forces a 
 little, and that he requires all his confidence in his generals, and all 
 their activity, so that they do not remain idle when they should act. 
 In a word, Monsieur le Marechal, you are to observe the force at 
 Ulm : if it marches upon Donnawert, you will follow it, and so you 
 will should it march upon Augsburg, keeping always to its left, that 
 is to say, between it and Donnawert ; and you will always keep one 
 of your divisions a half march in the rear, to form your vanguard, 
 and enable you to maintain yourself between the enemy and Donna- 
 wert, should they march upon that town, or even send strong detach- 
 ments thither. 
 
 Marshal Berthier, 
 Major-General of the Army. 
 
 No. XI. 
 
 ORDER TO MARSHAL NEY. 
 
 Monsieur le Marechal, 
 
 The Emperor has just learned from General Savary the particu- 
 lars of your glorious action; it now remains to take possession of 
 Ulm, which is important in every point of view. His Majesty leaves 
 it to your own discretion to march as you think proper on this occa- 
 sion ; but surround Ulm in the course of to-morrow. 
 
 The foot dragoons will continue to remain under your command. 
 You will station them at Grumberg, upon either bank, whence they 
 will be able to proceed when they may be wanted. Immediately 
 after the capture of Ulm you will not wait for fresh orders ; and you 
 will leave an engineer officer there to complete the works which the 
 Austrians have begun. 
 
 You will march upon Memmingen, or upon any other point whither 
 the enemy may have gone, whom you will press as much as possible. 
 
 The forts of Midelhein and Landsberg shall be occupied in force : 
 Midelhein by Marshal Lannes, and Landsberg by Marshal Soult, 
 whence they maiy, if necessary, direct their forces to Kempfen and 
 Fuessen. Do not fail, on your arrival at Ulm, to send me every 
 possible information regarding the enemy’s force, the number of their 
 corps, and the direction they are in. 
 
 The Emperor recommends that you should march and make your 
 divisions engage in mass. You may have General Baraguey-d’Hilliers’ 
 division of foot dragoons at Ulm. But if circumstances require it, 
 you are authorised to leave in that place only a number of the foot 
 dragoons sufficient to keep it, and to take the remainder with you to 
 form your reserve. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 219 
 
 As the Emperor is going to Munich, where our troops will arrive 
 this evening, his majesty intends waiting there for the Russians, who 
 have just debouched. In the mean time the Emperor leaves to his 
 highness Prince Murat the command of all his right wing, consisting 
 of Marshal Lannes’ corps, your own, and the reserve of cavalry. 
 
 Gazan’s division returns under the command of Marshal Lannes, 
 in pursuance of the orders which it has received. 
 
 You will address your reports on service to his highness Prince 
 Murat, but this does not prevent your corresponding with the Emperor 
 and me. 
 
 This evening, at Augsburg, the Emperor will write to you when 
 he has read your report. 
 
 Marshal Berthier. 
 
 Major-General of the Army. 
 Head Quarters, Zusmerhausen, 18th Vendemiare, 
 
 Year XIV. (October 10th), six o’clock in the 
 evening. 
 
 No. XII. 
 
 Capitulation of the city of Ulm, occupied by the troops of 
 
 his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, and King of Hungary, 
 
 TO THE ARMS OF HIS MAJESTY THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH, 
 
 and King of Italy. 
 
 Between us, Alexander Berthier, Marshal of the Empire, com- 
 mander of the first cohort of the Legion of Honour, Grand-Cordon, 
 Grand Master of the Hounds, Great Officer of the Red Eagle, 
 Major-General of the Grand Army, and War Minister, stipulating 
 for and in behalf of his Majesty the Emperor of the French and King 
 of Italy, 
 
 And Field-Marshal Baron Mack, Quarter-Master-General of the 
 Armies of his Majesty the Emperor of Austria and King of Hun- 
 gary, 
 
 It is agreed as follows : — 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 The place of Ulm shall be delivered up to the French army with 
 all its stores and artillery. 
 
 Answer . — Half of the field artillery shall be left to the Austrians. 
 (Refused.) 
 
 II. 
 
 The garrison of the place shall evacuate it with all the honours of 
 war, and having defiled, shall deliver up its arms. The officers shall 
 be sent back to Austria on their parole ; the non-commissioned 
 officers and privates shall be conducted to France, where they shall 
 remain until regularly exchanged. 
 
220 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Answer. — The whole shall be sent back to Germany, on condition 
 of not serving against France until they are exchanged. (Refused.) 
 
 III. 
 
 All the baggage belonging to the officers and men shall be left to 
 them. 
 
 Answer. — And the regimental cash chests likewise. (Refused.) 
 
 IV. 
 
 The Austrian sick and wounded shall be taken care of, like the 
 French sick and wounded. 
 
 Answer . — We well know the honour and humanity of the French. 
 
 V. 
 
 Nevertheless, if before the 3d Brumaire, Year XI Y. (October 
 25, 1805), at noon, a corps-d’armee shall appear strong enough to 
 raise the blockade of Ulm, in such case the garrison of that place 
 shall be discharged from the capitulation, and be free to act in any 
 way it may deem advisable. 
 
 Answer. — If before the 25th of October, at midnight, inclusive, a 
 force of Austrian or Russian troops should un-blockade the city, the 
 garrison shall march out free, from any of the gates it pleases, with 
 its arms, baggage, and artillery, to join the troops which shall have 
 caused the blockade to be raised. (Granted.) 
 
 VT. 
 
 One of the gates of Ulm (that of Stuttgard), shall be given up to 
 the French at seven o’clock in the morning, and also quarters suffi- 
 cient to contain a brigade. 
 
 Answer. — Yes. 
 
 VII. 
 
 The French army may use the great bridge across the Danube, 
 and communicate freely from one bank to the other. 
 
 Answer . — The bridge has been burnt, but every exertion shall be 
 made to rebuild it. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 The service of the armies on either side shall be so regulated as 
 to prevent any disorder from taking place, and the greatest harmony 
 shall exist between the two armies. 
 
 Answer . — French and Austrian discipline will answer for this. 
 
 IX. 
 
 All cavalry, artillery, and wagon horses belonging to his Majesty 
 the Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary, shall be delivered up 
 to the French army. 
 
 X. 
 
 Articles I. II. III. IV. and IX. shall be carried into execution only 
 at the pleasure of the commander of the Austrian forces, provided 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 221 
 
 the delay go not beyond the 3d of Brumaire, year XIV. (October 
 25th, 1805) before noon. 
 
 And if, at this period, an army of sufficient strength should appear 
 and force the raising of the blockade, the garrison shall be at liberty, 
 conformably to article V. to do as it pleases. 
 
 Made in two parts at Ulm, this 25th of Vendemiaire, year XIV. 
 (October 17th, 1805.) 
 
 Marshal Berthier, 
 Mack. 
 
 No. XIII. 
 
 LIST OF REGIMENTS IN THE CITY OF ULM. 
 
 Part of the cavalry regiment of Schwartzenberg, hullans. 
 
 The regiments of : 
 
 Hohenlohe — dragoons. 
 
 Mac k — cu r rassiers. 
 
 Archduke Francis. 
 
 A detachment of the Blankestein hussars ; several orderlies at- 
 tached to the general officers, from the regiments of Latour, Rosen- 
 berg, Klenau, and that of the Archduke Albert. 
 
 INFANTRY. 
 
 Tyrolian chasseurs. 
 
 Collowrath. 
 
 Manfredini. 
 
 Frolich. 
 
 Archduke Charles. 
 
 A detachment of the Emperor’s regiment. 
 
 GRENADIERS. 
 
 Hildburghausen, formerly Bender, 1 battalion. 
 
 Archduke Charles . . 1 do. 
 
 Manfredini . . 1 do. 
 
 Colloredo . . . 1 do. 
 
 Stuart . . .1 do. 
 
 No. XIV. 
 
 ADDITIONAL CAPITULATION TO THE CAPITULATION OF ULM. 
 
 Marshal Berthier, Major-General of the French army, authorized 
 by special order of the Emperor of the French, gives his word of 
 honour : - 
 
 1st, That the Austrian army is beyond the Inn, and that Marshal 
 Bernadotte, with his army, is in position between Munich and the 
 Inn. 
 
 2ndly, That Marshal Lannes, with his corps-d’armee, is in pursuit 
 of Prince Ferdinand, and was yesterday at Aalen. 
 
 vol. n. 29 
 
222 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 3rdly, That Prince Murat, with his corps-d’armee was yesterday 
 at Nordinglen ; and that Lieutenant-Generals Werneck, Hohenzol- 
 lern, and seven other generals have capitulated, with their corps- 
 d’armee, at the village of Trotzelfingen. 
 
 4thly, That Marshal Soult is between Ulm and Bregenz, watching 
 the road to the Tyrol, so that there is no possibility of Ulm being 
 succoured. 
 
 Lieutenant-General, Quartermaster-General Mack, giving due faith 
 to the above declarations, is ready to evacuate, in the course of to- 
 morrow, the city of Ulm, on the following condition : 
 
 That the whole of Marshal Ney’s corps, consisting of twelve 
 regiments of infantry and four regiments of horse, shall not quit Ulm, 
 and a radius of ten leagues from it, until the 25th of October at mid- 
 night, at which period the term of the capitulation expires. 
 
 Marshal Berthier and Baron Mack, Lieutenant-General and Quar- 
 termaster-General, severally agree to the above articles. 
 
 Consequently, to-morrow at three o’clock in the afternoon, the 
 Austrian army shall defile before his Majesty the Emperor of the 
 French, with all the honours of war. It shall lay down its arms, 
 and road tickets shall be given to the officers, who shall preserve their 
 arms, to proceed to Austria by the road to Kempten, and by that of 
 Bregenz for the Tyrol. 
 
 Made in two parts at Elchingen, October 19th, 1805, (27th Ven- 
 demiaire, Year XIV.) 
 
 Marshal Berthier. 
 
 Lieutenant-General Mack. 
 
 END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. 
 
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 12. Carwell, or Crime and Sorrow, by Mrs. Sheridan, in 2 vols. 
 
 13. Mothers and Daughters, a novel, in 2 vols. 
 
 14. The Staff Officer, or a Soldier of Fortune, in 2 vols. 
 
 15. The King’s Own, by the author of “ Peter. Simple,” in 2 vols. 
 
 16. First and Last, by the author of “ Five Nights of St. Albans,” in 2 vols. 
 
 17. The Croppy, by the author of “ O Hara Tales,” in 2 vols. 
 
 18. Nights at Mess, in 2 vols. 
 
 19. Frescatis, or Scenes in Paris, in 2 vols. 
 
 20. Memoirs of Vidocq, the celebrated Chief of the French Police, in one large vol. 
 
 8vo. 
 
 21. Peter Simple, vol. 3. 
 
 22. Blake’s Botany, coloured plates, by the author of “ Peter Simple,” 1 vol. 3d ed. 
 
 23. Jacob Faithful, in 2 vols. 12mo. 
 
 24. The Roue, a novel, in 2 vols. new editidri. 
 
 25. Magendie’s Formulary, from the 7th London edition. 
 
 26. Travelling Sketches, &c., by Leitch Ritchie, author of “ Robbers of the Rhine,” 
 
 &c. &c. 
 
CHESNUT STREET. 
 
 SEPTEMBER, 1833. 
 
 NEW WORKS 
 
 LATELY PUBLISHED, 
 
 AND 
 
 PREPARING FOR PUBLICATION, BY 
 
 E. L. CAREY & A. HART, 
 
 PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE INVISIBLE GENTLEMAN. 
 
 By the Author of “ Chartley,” “ The Fatalist,” etc. etc. 
 
 “ It is a novel which may be termed the whimsically supernatural.” — 
 Athenaum. 
 
 “ The present narrative is one of the most entertaining fictions we have 
 met with for a long time ; the idea is very original, and brought into play 
 with a lively air of truth, which gives a dramatic reality even to the su- 
 pernatural .” — Literary Gazette. 
 
 “ The adventures follow eadh other with delightful rapidity and variety ; 
 occasionally there is a deep and thrilling touch of pathos, which we feel 
 not a bit the less acutely, because the trouble and wo of the parties have 
 originated in the familiar and somewhat laughable act of pulling an ear.” 
 — Court Magazine. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 MOTHERS AND DAUGHTERS. 
 
 “ The best novel of the season— a faithful, exact, and withal spirited 
 picture of the aristocracy of this country — an admirable description of 
 what is called high life, and full of a more enlarged knowledge of human 
 nature.” — Spectator. 
 
 “A very lively and amusing panorama of actual life.”— Lit. Gazette. 
 
 “ A very interesting work, full of well-described scenes and characters, 
 and altogether deserving of being classed with the first-rate novels of the 
 day.” — Courier. 
 
 “ It would be difficult to lay down such a book until every chapter has 
 been perused. Elegance and force of style— highly but faithfully drawn 
 pictures of society — are merits scarcely secondary to those we have enume- 
 rated : and they are equally displayed throughout. 1 Mothers and Daugh- 
 ters’ must find its way rapidly into every circle.”— Bulwer's Mew Monthly 
 Magazine. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 In One Volume, 12mo. 
 
 THE BOOK OF BEAUTY; 
 
 COMPRISING A COLLECTION OF TALES, POEMS, ETC. 
 
 BY L. E. L. 
 
 “ We have been long acquainted with Miss Landon as a true and im- 
 passioned poet : we had read an occasional prose tale of hers in the An- 
 nuals; but still we were unprepared for the varied talents exhibited in 
 L. E. L.’s Book of Beauty.” 
 
 “ We cannot enter into the poetic merits of the volume, or dwell long 
 upon its prose; enough that the Book of Beauty is worthy of the genius 
 and industry of one of the most extraordinary and meritorious writers 
 of the times.” — Bulwer's New Monthly Magazine. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 traits and stories of the 
 
 IRISH PEASANTRY 
 
 FIRST SERIES. 
 
 “ Admirable— truly, intensely Irish : never were the outrageous whimsi- 
 calities of that strange, wild, imaginative people so characteristically de- 
 scribed; nor amidst all the fun, frolic, and folly, is there any dearth of 
 poetry, pathos, and passion. The author ’s a jewel .’'— Glasgow Journal. 
 
 “ To those who have a relish for a few tit bits of rale Irish story-tell- 
 ing,— whether partaking of the tender or the facetious, or the grotesque,— 
 let them purchase these characteristic sketches.” — Sheffield. Iris. 
 
 “ The sister country has never furnished such, sterling genius, such irre- 
 sistibly humorous, yet faithful sketches of character among the lower ranks 
 of Patlanders, as are to be met with in the pages of these delightful vo- 
 lumes .” — Bristol Journal. 
 
 “This is a capital book, full of fun and humour, and most character- 
 istically Irish .” — New Monthly Magazine. 
 
 “Neither Miss Edgeworth, nor the author of the O’Hara Tales, could have 
 written any thing more powerful than this .”— Edinburgh Literary Gazette. 
 
 “ We do not hesitate to say, that for a minute and accurate sketching of 
 the character, manners, and language of the lower orders of the Irish, no 
 book was ever published at all equal to this.” — Spectator. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 TRAITS AND STORIES OF THE 
 
 IRISH PEASANTRY. 
 
 SECOND SERIES. 
 
 “ Traits and Stories 'of Irish Peasantry.— The whole story is one of 
 that mirth-inspiring nature, that those who read it without hearty laugh- 
 ter must be either miserable or very imperturbable.” — Metropolitan, edited 
 by T. Campbell. 
 
 “ There is strength, vigour — and above all— truth, in every story, in 
 every sentence, every line he writes. The statesman ought to read such 
 books as these ; they would tell him more of the true stale of the country 
 than he has eve: heard from the lips of her orators, or the despatches of 
 the 1 Castle Hacks.’ We wish Mr. Carlton would send forth a cheap edi- 
 tion, that ‘ Traits and Stories’ of Irish peasants might be in the hands of 
 people as well as peers.” — Bulwer's New Monthly Magazine. 
 
E. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 RECORDS OF TRAVELS 
 IN TURKEY, GREECE, &c. 
 
 IN THE YEARS 182 9, 183 0, AND 1831; 
 
 AND OF A CRUISE IN THE BLACK SEA, WITH THE CAPTAIN PASHA. 
 
 BY ADOLPHUS SLADE, Esq. 
 
 “ Une of the most valuable and interesting works which has yet been 
 placed in our hands, on the domestic state of Turkey.” — Monthly Review. 
 
 “ We do not know when we have met with two volumes more amusing 
 — they are full of highly entertaining and curious matter.” — Court Jour. 
 
 “ The work before us supplies the best description of this remarkable 
 nation.” — Courier. 
 
 “ One of the most amusing and interesting of oriental travellers, none 
 having ever equalled him in a thorough knowledge of the true state of 
 society, and the true character of the Turks.” — Spectator. 
 
 “ We can warmly recommend this book for perusal, it is not only very 
 amusing but very valuable.” — Metropolitan. 
 
 “ We can assure our readers that no records of travels in modern times, 
 with which we are acquainted, presents so many features of general at- 
 traction as the volumes before us.” — London Monthly Review. 
 
 “Mr. Slade has produced, without any trace of pretension, one of the 
 most sensible and agreeable books of travel we have ever had the plea- 
 sure to peruse.” — United Service Journal. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 LEGENDS OF THE RHINE. 
 
 By T. C. Grattan, Esq. Author of “High-wats and By-ways.” 
 
 “ We are well content to pass an hour once more with the lively and 
 entertaining author of ‘ High ways and By-ways.” The hour has not yet 
 gone by, and we have not completed the perusal of the two volumes ; but 
 the tales we have observed' are worthy the repute in which the writer is 
 held, and are even of a higher order — more chaste in language and perfect 
 in style.” — Boston Traveller. 
 
 “ Messrs. Carey and Hart have just issued ‘ Legends of the Rhine,’ by the 
 author of ‘ High-ways and By-ways.’ To those who recollect Mr. Grat- 
 tan’s former writings, (and who among novel readers does not?) it is only 
 necessary to say, that the present ‘ Legends’ are, in no respect, inferior to 
 their predecessors. The traditions which he has here wrought into shape 
 are all said to have an existence among the dwellers near the mighty river ; 
 and it is certain they are full of romantic interest. The ‘ Legends’ are 
 twelve in number, and, though not equal in all respects, there is no one 
 of them that does not possess a strong claim to admiration.” — Saturday 
 Courier. 
 
 “ Few sets of stories, published within the last ten years, have been more 
 popular than those called ‘ High-ways and By-ways.’ The author of these, 
 after having produced two or three successful works of a different sort, has 
 given us two volumes of tales, with the title ‘ Legends of the Rhine,’ 
 which are to be published to-morrow, we understand, by Carey and Hart. 
 The author professes, seriously, to have founded his narratives on tradi- 
 tions yet extant among those who live near the banks of the great German 
 river ; and many of them end so tragically that we can hardly suspect the 
 writer of having invented them for his own amusement or that of his 
 readers. They are all interesting, though not all skilfully framed ; and 
 each of them contains pages that may be placed in a competition with tho 
 most shining passages of any other living novel writer. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 TRAVELS IN VARIOUS PARTS 
 OF PERU ; 
 
 INCLUDING A YEAR’S RESIDENCE IN POTOSI. 
 
 By Edmund Temple, Kt. of the Royal and distinguished Order 
 of Charles III. 
 
 “ These travels in Peru will long maintain their reputation for the ac- 
 curacy of detail, the spirit of the style, and the utility of the information 
 they contain. The professional matter is very valuable.” — Bulwer's New 
 Monthly Magazine. 
 
 “ There is much to instruct, and a great deal to amuse. Amid the de- 
 tails of personal adventures, there is a great deal of shrewd and strong ob- 
 servation.” — London Monthly Magazine. 
 
 “ We have met with no volumes of travels in that country with which, 
 upon the whole, we have been so much pleased as the one before us.”— 
 Baltimore Gazette. 
 
 '* This is an instructive and entertaining work.”— National Gazette. 
 
 “ This book is one of the most entertaining that has been issued from 
 the press for some time.” — Pennsylvania Inquirer. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 SYDENHAM; 
 
 OR, MEMOIRS OF A MAN OF THE WORLD. 
 
 “ A new novel of fashionable life, under the title of * Sydenham, or Me- 
 moirs of a Man of the World,’ will shortly be given to the public. It ex- 
 hibits the history of a young man of rank and fortune, who, being of a 
 decidedly satirical turn, resolves to gratify his favourite penchant to ascer- 
 tain the internal state of fashionable society, and minutely to observe hu- 
 man nature under every variety of shade and circumstance. Among other 
 characters with whom he comes in contact, is the celebrated Brummel, 
 who figures under the name of Beaumont : this gentleman arrests his 
 peculiar attention, and serves him for a complete study. The work, is, 
 moreover, illustrative of those sets or circles in the world of ton which 
 have never been depicted in the pages of fiction, and respecting which so 
 much curiosity has long been felt.” — New Monthly Magazine. 
 
 “ Each of these volumes is in fact a separate work — each in a different 
 style and spirit — each aspiring to a different fame in composition. ‘ Sy- 
 denham’ is a capital work, which, without the trouble of puffing, must 
 make a great stir in the upper and political circles.” — London Lit. Gaz. 
 
 “ Sydenham is well written, and contains much pleasant and some se- 
 vere satire. The present Whig ministers in England are handled without 
 gloves, and a number of distinguished personages occupy more conspicu- 
 ous places than they would have been likely to choose, had the matter 
 been referred to themselves.” — Courier. 
 
 “ The work before us is one of the most powerful of its class ; it bears 
 intrinsic evidence of a new writer. The portrait of Brummel, the ‘ arch 
 dandy,’ is excellent ; and all the scenes in which he is engaged are ma- 
 naged with skill and tact. There is, in fact, sufficient material in this book 
 for three or four novels.” — New Monthly Magazine. 
 
 “ All the personages are of course real, though under fictitious names ; 
 these pages are, in reality, memoirs of the intrigues of the times, full of 
 keen observation, graphic sketches of character, biting sarcasm, one page 
 of which would make the fortune of a pamphlet.”— London Gazette. 
 
E. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE S T A F F- 0 F F I C E R. 
 
 OR, THE SOLDIER OF FORTUNE. 
 
 A TALE OF REAL LIFE. 
 
 “ The web of life is of a mingled yarn, good and ill together; our vir- 
 tues would be proud if our faults whipped them not, and our crimes would 
 despair if they were not cherished by our virtues.” 
 
 BY OLIVER MOORE. 
 
 “ We are prepared to admit that our extracts do not do justice to the 
 work : the writer’s power is in discriminating female character ; but as he 
 judiciously makes it develope itself by incident, to illustrate this would 
 require scenes and pages to be transferred to our columns. As a whole, 
 this novel will be read with interest: it is light and pleasant ; with many 
 very natural scenes, many excellent and well-drawn characters, and with- 
 out one line or word of affectation or pretence.” — Athenceum. 
 
 11 This is a most entertaining work : it is written with great spirit, ele- 
 gance, and candour. The delineation of character (particularly that of 
 many distinguished individuals officially connected with Ireland during 
 the Pitt administration) is skilfully and vividly drawn ; and the multifa- 
 rious incidents— several of which are of a highly piquant description — 
 are given with a tact and delicacy creditable to the judgment and talent 
 of the author. We can say with truth, that we have fairly gone through 
 this tale of real life without being cloyed or wearied for a single moment ; 
 but that it excited, and kept up, an interest in our minds which few vo- 
 lumes designed for mere amusement have been able to inspire.” — Brigh- 
 ton Herald. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE NAVAL OFFICER; 
 
 OR, SCENES AND ADVENTURES IN THE LIFE 
 OF FRANK MILDMAY. 
 
 By the Author of “ Peter Simple,” “ The King’s Own,” etc. 
 
 “ This is the most seaman-like composition that has yet issued from the 
 press. We recommend it to all who 1 live at home at ease,’ and need 
 scarcely say, that no man-of-wars man should remain an hour without it.” 
 — Atlas. 
 
 “ The sea scenes are admirably executed. They present some of the 
 most effective paintings we ever witnessed.” — Monthly Review. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE WAY OF THE WORLD; 
 
 By the Author of “ De Lisle.” 
 
 NOTICES OF DE LISLE.— “ This is unquestionably one of the best 
 novels of the class to which it belongs.”— Times. 
 
 “ It is a novel of extraordinary fertility.” — Atlas. 
 
 NOTICE OF WAY OF THE WORLD. — “ We prefer this to the au- 
 thors former works.”— Lit. Gazette. 
 
 “ The author possesses profound power of thought.”— Times. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE KIN G’S OWN; 
 
 A TALE OF THE SEA. 
 
 By the Author of “Tub Naval Officer,” “ Peter Simfle,” etc. 
 
 “ An excellent novel.” — Edinburg Review. 
 
 “ Captain Marryat may take his place at the hffad of the naval novelists 
 of the day.” — United Service Journal. 
 
 “ The adventures of the hero, through bold and stirring scenes, lose not a 
 jot of their interest to the last, while the naval descript ions of sights and 
 deeds on shipboard may be compared with any similar production of which 
 we have any knowledge.” — Atlas. 
 
 “ A very remarkable book, full of vigour, and characterized by incidents 
 of perfect originality, both as to conception and treatment. Few persons 
 will take up the book without going fairly through it to the catastrophe, 
 which startles the reader by its unexpected nature.” — Literary Gazette. 
 
 “ Replete with genius. The work will go far permanently to fix the 
 name of Captain Marryat among the most popular and successful writers 
 of fiction of the age.” — Felix Farley's Bristol Journal. 
 
 “ A work, perhaps, not to be equalled in the whole round of romance, 
 for the tremendous power of its descriptions, for the awfulness of its sub- 
 jects, and for the brilliancy and variety of the colours with which they 
 are paiuted.” — Spectator. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 FIVE NIGHTS OF ST. ALBANS. 
 
 “ Some man of talent has taken up the old story of the Wandering Jew, 
 to try what he could make of a new version of it. He has succeeded in 
 composing as pretty a piece of diablerie as ever made candles burn blue at 
 midnight. The horrors of Der Freischutz are mere child’s pi ay compared 
 with the terrors of the Old Man or the demon Amaimon ; and yet all the 
 thinking and talking portion of the book is as shrewd and sharp as the 
 gladiatorial dialogues of Shakspeare’s comedies.”— Spectator. 
 
 “ A romance, called the ‘ Five Mights of St. Albans' has just appeared, 
 which combines an extraordinary power of description with an enchain- 
 ing interest. It is just such a romance as we should imagine Martin, the 
 painter, would write ; and, to say the truth, the description of supernatu- 
 ral effects in the book, fall very little short in their operation upon differ- 
 ent senses of the magical illusions of the talented artist.”— John Bull. 
 
 “ If you dislike the marvellous, you had as well not begin the book at 
 all; but if it be your delight to unravel the mysterious, and muse upon the 
 wonderful, we can promise you that if you once begin the perusal, you 
 must proceed, and that you will do so with breathless interest. The last 
 extract wdiich we can afford to give exemplifies the brilliancy and amazing 
 force of the author of St. Albans imagination.” — Edinburgh Evening Post. 
 
 “ The lovers of the mysterious, the appalling, and the supernatural have 
 a great treat prepared for them, in this extraordinary production, wdiich 
 comprehends a succession of wonders that could have proceeded only from 
 an invention of the most inexhaustible character.” — Morning Chronicle. 
 
 “ This is a work of pure fiction, and is one of the most splendidly imagi- 
 native books we have met with for a long time.” — Mirror. 
 
E. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 OUR ISLAND. 
 
 COMPRISING 
 
 FORGERY, A TALE; AND, THE LUNATIC , A TALE. 
 
 “ There is a great share of talent in these pages, which have also the 
 merit of being laid chiefly among scenes new to a large portion of our 
 readers.” — Literary Gazette. 
 
 “ The Lunatic.— This is indeed an excellent tale— well told— with variety 
 of incidents and character, and with much humour. Not to speak in dis- 
 paragement of the first tale, we must confess that we have been highly 
 pleased with the second, and we think our readers’ time will be amply re- 
 paid by a perusal of both.”— London Monthly Magazine. 
 
 “This work is of a generally interesting character, and we feel it our 
 duty to encourage the publication of such productions as these tales, since 
 they point attention to errors of legislation.”— Weekly Despatch. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 PETER SIMPLE; 
 
 OR, ADVENTURES OF A MIDSHIPMAN. 
 By the Author of “ The King’s 0 ws.” 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 TOM CRINGLE’S LOG. 
 
 “ The scenes are chiefly nautical, and we can safely say, that no author 
 of the present day, not even excepting our own Cooper, has surpassed him 
 in his element.” — U. S. Gazette. 
 
 “The sketches are not only replete with entertainment, but useful, as 
 affording an accurate and vivid description of scenery, and of life and man- 
 ners in the West Indies.” — Boston Traveller. 
 
 “ We think none who have read this work will deny that the author is 
 the best nautical writer who has yet appeared. He is not Smollett, he is 
 not Cooper ; but he is far superior to them both.”— Boston Transcript. 
 
 “ The scenes are chiefly nautical, and are described in a style of beauty 
 and interest never surpassed by any writer.”— Baltimore Gazette. 
 
 “The author has been justly compared with Cooper, and many of his 
 sketches are in fact equal to any from the pen of our celebrated country- 
 man.”— Saturday Evening Post. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 TOM CRINGLE’S LOG. 
 
 SECOND SERIES. 
 
 In Three Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 TOM CRINGLE’S LOG. 
 
 FIRST AND SECOND SERIES. 
 
 A NEW EDITION COMPLETE. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 STANLEY BUXTON; 
 
 OR, THE SCHOOLFELLOWS. 
 
 By John Galt, Esq., Author of “Annals of the Parish,” 
 “ Lawrie Todd,” “Eben Erskine,” etc. 
 
 “ While guile is guiltless, and life’s business play, 
 
 Friendships are formed that never know decay.” 
 
 “ Oh, that all novels were like this piece of admirable fiction.” — Spec- 
 tator. 
 
 “ We must say this work is in Mr. Galt’s best style, the volume before 
 us contains samples of his tastes and of his powers.” — Bulwer's New 
 Monthly Magazine. 
 
 “ Mr. Galt’s new novel is on our table, and we regret we have not space 
 to go further into the arcana of ‘ Stanley Buxton,’ in which the author has 
 aimed at painting natural feelings in situations not common, and with 
 much success. Some of his descriptions are also deserving of special praise. 
 Two episodes in the second volume add to the general interest, and further 
 recommend the work to public favour.” — London Literary Gazette. 
 
 “ We find in this work the force of conception, and the full execution 
 which distinguish the ‘ Annals of the Parish,’ and ‘ Lawrie Todd.’ ” — Sun. 
 
 “ The new novel, * Stanley Buxton,’ just published by Carey and Hart, 
 may be called one of the very best of Mr. Galt’s productions.” — Daily 
 Chronicle. 
 
 “ In ‘ Stanley Buxton’ there is the same delightful freshness, the same 
 striking originality of purpose, the same easy and flowing, yet racy and 
 spirited manner which characterized the ‘ Annals of the Parish.’ ” — Satur- 
 day Courier. 
 
 “ For touching the heart, for keen knowledge of nature, and for quiet 
 and beautiful descriptions, like the still life in a painter’s sketch, Galt pos- 
 sesses a vision and a power, that are not often surpassed, except by Bul- 
 wer. The author of ‘ Stanley Buxton’ is infinitely superior to D’lsraeli, 
 whose imagination is as excursive and capricious as the wing of a sea- 
 fowl.” — Chronicle. 
 
 “ Mr. Galt is a writer so well known and so deservedly admired, that the 
 announcement of a new novel from his pen is sufficient to awaken geno- 
 ral curiosity.” — Gazette. 
 
 In Two Volumes, I2mo. 
 
 FITZ GEORGE. 
 
 A NOVEL. 
 
 “Smiles without mirth, and pastimes without pleasure, 
 
 Youth without honour, age without respect.” — Byron. 
 
 “There are scenes in it which must awaken attention and interest; it 
 is evidently written by a powerful and accustomed hand.” — Athenaeum., 
 
 “ Fitz George is a production of great talent.” — Weekly Despatch. 
 
 “ If all novels were like this, they would soon be in the hands of philo- 
 sophers as well as fashionables.” — True Sun. 
 
 “ Should a library be formed in Buckingham Palace, these volumes should 
 have a shelf in it to themselves.” — Bell's New Weekly Messenger. 
 
 “ The whole book abounds with the most stirring interest.” — National 
 Omnibus. 
 
E. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE OUTLAW’S BRIDE; 
 
 AND OTHER TALES. 
 
 “The tales in these two volumes are uncommonly entertaining, and 
 well written, and the low price at which they are offered should ensure 
 them an extensive circulation throughout the United States .” — United 
 States Gazette. 
 
 “These volumes of tales may be approved by those whose literary taste 
 has been well cultivated, and by those who are most strict in morals.” — 
 Daily Chronicle. 
 
 “The selection is from the recent productions of the most celebrated 
 and gifted writers in this department of prose fiction.”— National Gazette. 
 
 “ Messrs. Carey and Hart could not have furnished the public with more 
 agreeable reading. The most difficult taste can find something to amuse 
 and while away an hour in these volumes. It is seldom that the same 
 variety and excellence of composition is to be met with in the same space.” 
 — Pennsylvania Inquirer. 
 
 “ We cannot particularize the features and merits of each tale, — they 
 are all possessed of much excellence, and an evening could not be passed 
 more pleasantly by the family circle, than by listening to these beautiful 
 stories.”— Daily Intelligencer. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 FIRST AND LAST. 
 
 By the Author of “ Five Nights of St. Albans.” 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 ALICE PAULET; 
 
 BEING A SEQ.UEL TO “ SYDENHAM ; OH, MEMOIRS OF A MAN OF 
 THE WORLD.” 
 
 By the Author of “ Sydenham.” 
 
 “Two most amusing and clever volumes, decidedly improvements on 
 their predecessors. The great characteristic of this work is its good sense.” 
 — London Literary Gazette. 
 
 “ Conceived and sketched in the very spirit of Hogarth.” — Courier. 
 “Great strength of mind, knowledge of the world, and acquaintance 
 with the higher circles of society, are visible in every page.” — Cheltenham 
 Chronicle. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE CROPPY. 
 
 By the Author of “ The O’Hara Tales,” “ The Ghost 
 Hunter,” etc. etc. 
 
 “ Delighted as we have been with all the previous productions of these 
 gifted authors, it was reserved for the ‘ Croppy’ alone to impress us with 
 any idea of the full extent of their genius and capabilities. The story it- 
 self glows with the very essence of romance and excitation." — Literary 
 Chronicle. 
 
NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE SKETCH BOOK OF FASHION. 
 
 By the Author of “ Mothers and Daughters,” and 
 “ The Fair of Mat Fair,” etc. 
 
 “ Tliis work deserves to go down to posterity as a true picture of refined 
 life. The history of Mr. Vernon Clermont was never exceeded by any pen, 
 however light-pointed and sparkling. If the authoress of the ‘ Intrigante’ 
 had never written any thing else, she might justly be called one of the most 
 finished moral satirists that this age at least has seen.” — Spectator. 
 
 “ In these tales we have the point, brilliancy, lightness of touch, and 
 witty harmless malice of a French writer, in alliance with the shrewdness 
 and range of observation of a very clever woman. Two scenes in ‘ My 
 Place in the Country’ belong to the richest comedy.” — Tait's Magazine. 
 
 44 Lively, keen, witty, and full of relish, with here and there a tone of 
 satire, which, but for its gracefulness, might be thought a little too sharp, 
 and a bantering, which, amusing though it be, too nearly approaches mis- 
 chief-making.” — Morning Post. 
 
 41 Full of delicacy, strength, and feeling.” — Town Journal. 
 
 44 A very entertaining work. 4 The Pavilion’ lays open the back of the 
 puppet-show, and discovers the intrigues of a court. There is skill here — 
 the eye is quick, the hand light and steady, the instruments keen. 4 My 
 Place in the Country’ is extremely clever and amusing. 4 The Intrigante’ 
 shows the way up the back- staircase of the world, and is a story of great 
 power.” — Examiner. 
 
 44 Full of the most delicate and touching sentiments, and of a sweet and 
 soul-stirring pathos.” — Metropolitan Mag., Jlpril . 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 PIN MONEY. 
 
 BY MRS. CHARLES GORE, 
 
 Authoress of “ Hungarian Tales,” “ Polish Tales,” etc. 
 
 44 Her writings have that originality which wit gives to reality, and wit 
 is the great characteristic of her pages.” — Bulwer's Mew Monthly Magazine. 
 
 44 Light, spirited, and clever, the characters are drawn with truth and 
 vigour. Keen in observation, lively in detail, and with a peculiar and 
 piquant style, Mrs. Charles Gore gives to the novel that charm which 
 makes the fascination of the best French memoir writers .” — London Lite- 
 rary Gazette. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 THE MAN-OF-WAR’S MAN. 
 
 By the Author of “ Tom Cringle’s Log.” 
 
 44 Messrs. Carey and Hart have nearly ready for publication, 4 The Man- 
 of-war’s Man,’ a series of nautical sketches, by the author of 4 Tom Crin- 
 gle’s Log.’ The name of the author is in itself sufficient guarantee of 
 their merit, and we can confidently state, from a hasty perusal, that they 
 are fully equal to their predecessors.”— U. S. Gazette. 
 
£. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
 A WHISPER 
 
 TO A NEWLY-MARRIED PAIR. 
 
 “ Hail, wedded love ! by gracious Heaven design’d, 
 
 At once the source and glory of mankind.” 
 
 “We solicit the attention of our readers to this publication, as one, 
 though small, of infinite value.” — Baltimore Minerva. 
 
 “ ‘ The Whisper’ is fully deserving the compliments bestowed upon it, 
 and we join heartily, in recommending it to our friends, whether married 
 or single — for much useful instruction may be gathered from its pages.”— 
 Lady's Book. 
 
 “The work contains some original suggestions that are just, and many 
 excellent quotations ; some of her hints to the ladies should have been 
 whispered in a tone too low to be overheard by the men.” — Daily Chronicle. 
 
 In Two Volumes, 12mo. 
 
 CHARTLEY THE FATALIST; 
 
 By the Author of the “ Robbers,” “ Invisible 
 Gentleman,” etc. 
 
 “ We do not believe since Schiller’s tragedy of the ‘ Robbers,’ that any 
 work has appeared of so extraordinary a nature as the present one, and 
 we have no doubt it wilLbe sought after and read with the greatest avi- 
 dity.” — Stamford Herald. 
 
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 PRINCIPLES OF THE 
 
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 FOR LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, 
 
 IN WHICH ALL THE LATE IMPROVEMENTS ARE APPLIED TO PRACTICE. 
 
 Translated from the French, by Daniel J. Desmond. 
 
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 By Miss Leslie, Author of the “ Seventy-five Receipts.” 
 Price 60 cents. 
 
 ‘“The 200 Receipts by Miss Leslie,’ published by Carey and Hart of Phi- 
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 treated them in such an eloquent and forcible manner, as to raise in the 
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NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
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 By Earl Mclgrave, Author of “ Matilda,” “ Yes and No,” etc. 
 
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 MEMOIRS OF MARSHAL NEY, 
 
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 MATCH-MAKING; 
 
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E. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
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 THE GROOM’S ORACLE, AND 
 
 POCKET STABLE DIRECTORY. 
 
 In which the Management of Horses generally, as to Health, Dieting, 
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 two Grooms engaged in training Horses to their work, as well for the 
 Road as the Chase and Turf. By John Hinds, V. S., Author of the 
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 considerable additions, and an appendix, including the Receipt Book 
 of John Hinds, V. S 
 
 “ This enlarged edition of the 1 Groom’s Oracle’ contains a good num- 
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 remarks that are applicable to their teams ; on the principle that health 
 preserved is better than disease removed." 
 
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 demy of Geneva. First American, from the third London Edition, 
 corrected and considerably improved by a practical ehymist. 
 
 In One Volume, 18mo. 
 
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 FAMILY DYER AND SCOURER; 
 
 Being a Complete Treatise on the Arts of Dying and Cleaning every 
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 ELEMENTS OF MORALITY 
 
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 WITH SCRIPTimAL REFERENCES. 
 
 Translated by A. Bolmar, and E. K. Price 
 Half bound. Price 19 cents. 
 
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 PICTURE OF PHILADELPHIA; 
 
 Or a brief account of the various institutions and public objects in this 
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 In One Volume, 12mo. 
 
 THE HORSE 
 
 IN ALL HIS VARIETIES AND USES; 
 
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 with Rules occasionally interspersed, for his preservation from 
 disease. By John Lawrence, author of “The History of the 
 Horse,” etc. 
 
 “ Independently of the practical value of the book, and it is really and 
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E. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
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 MEDICO-CHIRURGICAL TRANSACTIONS. 
 
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 AN ACCOUNT OF 
 
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 DISEASES PECULIAR TO WOMEN ; 
 
 BY ROBERT GOOCH, M. D. 
 
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NEW WORKS PUBLISHED BY 
 
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 HALL ON THE LOSS OF BLOOD . 
 
 RESEARCHES 
 
 PRINCIPALLY RELATIVE TO 
 
 THE MORBID AND CURATIVE EFFECTS OF LOSS 
 OF BLOOD. 
 
 BY MARSHALL HALL, M. D., F. R. S. E., &c. &c. 
 
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 a detail of facts, to practitioners, in too high terms .” — American Journal 
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 ferers, but we know some have perished from direct exhaustion compli- 
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 practice of our author had been known and understood.” — N. A. Med. and 
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 In One Volume, 8vo. 
 
 TEALE ON NEURALGIC DISEASES. 
 
 A TREATISE 
 
 ON NEURALGIC DISEASES, 
 
 Dependent upon Irritation of the Spinal Marrow and Ganglia of the 
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 now a few grains of information from the great mass of dullness, igno- 
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 recommend it to the attention of the profession .”— American Journal of 
 the Medical Sciences, No. X. 
 
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E. L. CAREY AND A. HART. 
 
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 NATURE DISPLAYED 
 
 IN HER MODE OF TEACHING LANGUAGE TO MAN; 
 
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 and consequently suited to every capacity ; adapted to the F rench, 
 
 BY N. G. DU FIEF. 
 
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 differing entirely from every other ; so powerful in its operation and 
 so very economical, that a liberal education can be afforded even to 
 the poorest of mankind. 
 
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NEW WORKS— CAREY & HART. 
 
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 THE SURGEON-DENTIST S MANUAL. 
 
 THE SURGEON-DENTIST’S ANATOMICAL AND 
 
 PHYSIOLOGICAL MANUAL. 
 
 By G. Wait. 
 
 Member of the Royal College of Surgeons in London, &c. &c. 
 
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 it was designed, of a manual for the practical dentist ; and in the notes 
 will be found many useful hints respecting the diseases of these structures.” 
 — Boston Med. and Surg. Journ. 1830. 
 
 MANUAL OF SURGICAL OPERATIONS. 
 
 CONTAINING THE 
 
 NEW METHOD OF OPERATING 
 
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 Followed by two Synoptic Tables of Natural and Instrumental Labours. 
 
 By J. Coster, M. D. and P. of the University of Turin. 
 
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 of distinguished professional and literary talents, having translated this 
 small, but valuable volume, for the benefit of the students who may ho- 
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 I have more pleasure in recommending, inasmuch as a short system of 
 operative surgery has been a desideratum.” — Gibson's Surgery , Vol. II. 
 page 541. 
 
 In One Volume, 8vo. 
 
 SAISSY ON THE EAR. 
 
 DISEASES OF THE INTERNAL EAR. 
 
 BY J. A. SAISSY. 
 
 Member of the Royal Academy of Sciences, Literature, and Arts in Lyons, 
 Fellow of the Medical Society of the same city, and of the Medical Socie- 
 ties of Bordeaux, Orleans, Marseilles, &.c. Honoured with a premium by 
 the Medical Society of Bordeaux, and since enlarged by the author. 
 
 Translated from the French by Nathan R. Smith, Professor of Sur- 
 gery in the University of Maryland, with a Supplement on Diseases 
 of the External Ear, by the Translator. 
 
 FROISSART AND HIS TIMES. 
 
 BY THE LATE BARRY ST. LEGER.