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HISTORY 
 
 FOR READY REFERENCE 
 
 FROM THE BEST 
 
 HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS 
 
 THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE 
 
 SYSTEM OF HISTORY 
 
 FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS, AND 
 REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE 
 BETTER AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY 
 IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 
 
 BY 
 
 J. N. LARNED 
 
 WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL STUDIES 
 AND DRAWINGS BY 
 
 ALAN C. REILEY 
 
 REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION 
 
 IN SEVEN VOLUMES 
 
 VOLUME VII. — RECENT HISTORY 
 (1901 TO 1910) 
 
 A to Z 
 
 SPRINGFIELD, MASS. 
 
 THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS 
 
 1910 
 
*5 0 3 
 
 v/1 
 
 Copyright, 1910, 
 BY J. N. LARNED. 
 
 
 The Riverside Press, Cambridge, Mass., U.S. A. 
 Printed by H. ()._ Houghton & Company 
 
4'YUo (-|.5"0 
 
 SEVENTH VOLUME 
 
 <s 
 
 o 
 
 -i 
 
 PREFACE TO THE 
 
 I N the preface to the Sixth Volume of this work, published in the spring of 1901, 
 it was remarked that the last half-dozen years of the Nineteenth Century, which 
 that volume covered, had been filled with events so remarkable and changes so rev- 
 olutionary in political and social conditions that many people had asked for an ex- 
 tension of my work to report them. The years then reviewed disclosed only the 
 beginnings of what the decade since has been developing, in movements and achieve- 
 ments so varied, so numerous, in such rapid succession, with effects so profound and 
 so problematical, that their appeal to our interest seems the strongest that has come 
 to us yet from human history. That the interest in them justifies this further ex- 
 tension of my compilation of “ recent history ” has been made clear to me by the 
 frequency of the suggestions of another volume which have come to the publisher 
 and to myself. In the new volume I have striven to make a clear exhibit of all 
 these strangely pregnant evolutionary and revolutionary movements of the present 
 time, which are traversing all divisions and institutions of all society, occidental 
 and oriental, along all the lines of its organization, — international, national, muni- 
 cipal, political, industrial, intellectual, moral, — leaving nothing in life untouched. 
 
 A few indications of the subjects dealt with most extensively in the volume may 
 convey some idea of its scope, and of the aims pursued in its preparation. For ex- 
 ample : “ Railways ” and “ Combinations ” (“ Trusts ”), treated mainly as the sub- 
 jects of regulative governmental action, occupy 38 pages in all. “ Labor Organiza- 
 tion ” fills 25 pages with the incidents of its trade unions, labor parties, strikes, 
 mediations, arbitrations and industrial agreements. “ Labor Protection ” receives 6 
 pages, for the account of what has been done in various countries in the matters of 
 
 r employers’ liability, industrial insurance, hours of work, etc. “ Labor Remunera- 
 
 tion ” receives 9 pages, for the reporting of experiments in cooperation, profit- 
 sharing, wages-regulation, pensions, etc. Various dealings with the problems of 
 “Poverty and Unemployment” are set forth in 8 pages ; similarly the problems of 
 “ Crime and Criminology ” receive nearly 6 ; those of the Liquor Traffic 9 ; those of 
 the Opium evil, 3. The development of organized work for “ Social Betterment ” is 
 traced in 5 pages ; that of reform in “ Municipal Government ” in 12. The “Race 
 Problems,” which are troubling many countries and people, are depicted in 15 pages. 
 Twenty-six pages are given to the Educf&ional history of the last decade ; recent 
 “ Science and Invention ” are reported in 16. “ Children under the Law ” are the 
 subject of 8 interesting pages on recent legislation touching the young. 
 
 The contradictory states of temper in the world on the subject of War are de- 
 picted under two contrasted headings — “ War, The Preparations for ” and “ War, 
 The Revolt against,” in particulars which fill 35 pages. Of the one great war of the 
 period, between Japan and Russia, and the triumph of mediation which brought it 
 to a close, the narrative, in about 20 pages, is full. The story of the late revolution 
 in Turkey is told authentically in 9 pages, and that of Persia in 10. The abortive 
 attempts at revolution in Russia, and the sham of constitutional government con- 
 ceded, have their history in 18 pages. The signs of wakened life in China are de- 
 scribed in 12. The discontent of India and Lord Morley’s measures of reform in the 
 
 iii 
 
 168156 
 
PREFACE TO THE SEVENTH VOLUME 
 
 British-Indian goverment, enlarging the native representation in it, are set forth 
 broadly in 15. Generally, as concerns the British Empire, the interesting conditions 
 that have arisen in it very lately, adding South Africa to the group of unified Colo- 
 nial Dominions, which are young British nations in the making, and drawing them 
 all into a league with the “ Mother Country ” for organized imperial defense, are 
 amply portrayed. So, too, are the agitations in recent British politics at home, 
 which have arisen from an increasing antagonism between popular interests repre- 
 sented in the House of Commons and class interests intrenched in the House of 
 Lords. In American politics, the remarkable invigoration and freshening of spirit 
 which characterized the administration of President Roosevelt are made apparent 
 in a broad exhibit of their many effective results. 
 
 As was said of Volume VI., it can be said, I think, with even more truth of this, 
 that it presents “ History in the making, — the day by day evolution of events and 
 changes as they passed under the hands and before the eyes and were recorded by 
 the pens of the actual makers and witnesses of them.” 
 
 As an appendix to the present volume, a new feature, related to the whole work, 
 has been introduced. It offers a considerably extensive series of systematic courses 
 for historical study and reading, the literature for which is supplied in the seven 
 volumes of “ History for Ready Reference.” This has been prepared in response 
 to many requests which the publishers have received. Even for casual investiga- 
 tions it will be found serviceable to every possessor and user of the work. 
 
 J. N. L. 
 
 Buffalo, N. Y., May, 1910. 
 
 IV 
 
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 
 
 I AM indebted to the following named authors and publishers for permission kindly given me to 
 quote from books and periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in connection with the pas 
 sages borrowed severally from them: 
 
 The publishers of The American Catholic Quarterly Review, The American Monthly Review of 
 Reviews, The Associated Prohibition Press, The Atlantic Monthly Magazine, The Boston Tran- 
 script, The Century Magazine, The Contemporary Review, The Fortnightly Review, The New York 
 Evening Post, The New York State Journal of Medicine, The Nineteenth Century Review, The 
 North American Review, The Outlook, The Times (London), Messrs. T. & T. Clark, Edinburgh, 
 Messrs. Doubleday, Page & Co., Messrs. E. P. Dutton & Co., Messrs. Harper & Brothers, Messrs. 
 Henry Holt & Co., Messrs. Houghton Mifflin Company, Messrs. John Lane Company, Messrs. 
 Charles Scribner’s Sons ; Professors Joseph H. Beale and Bruce Wyman (as joint authors) ; Mr. Fred- 
 erick H. Clark, Head of History Department, Lowell High School, San Francisco ; Mr. George lies, 
 author of “ Inventors at Work Dr. James Brown Scott, Solicitor of the U. S. Department of State. 
 
 I am much indebted, furthermore, to the courtesy of many societies and persons from whom I 
 have received reports and other documents that were essential to my work ; and especially do I owe 
 much to the helpfulness of many on the staff of the Buffalo Public Library. 
 
 V 
 
HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE 
 
 ABD EL AZIZ, Sultan of Morocco. See (in 
 this vol.) Morocco: A. I). 1903, and 1907-1909. 
 
 ABDUL HAMID II., Sultan of Turkey. — 
 His forced restoration of the Constitution of 
 1876 . — His faithlessness to it. — His depo- 
 sition. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1908 
 (July-Dec.), and 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 ABDULLA MOHAMMED, The Mullah. 
 See (in this vol.) Africa : Somaliland. 
 
 ABDURAHMAN, Ameer of Afghanistan: 
 Death, 1901 . See (in this vol.) Afghanistan: 
 A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 ABERDEEN, The Earl of: Lord Lieuten- 
 ant of Ireland. See (in this vol.) England: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 ABERDEEN, Lady. See (in this vol.) Wo- 
 men, International Council of. 
 
 “ ABIR,” or A. B. I. R. COMPANY, The. 
 See (in this vol.) Congo State: A. D. 1903-1905. 
 
 ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1902 . — The French 
 in favor. — Their railway building and plans. 
 — “Through Abyssinia the French hope to es- 
 tablish a line of trade across Africa from east to 
 west in opposition to our Cape to Cairo railway 
 from north to south. In this they have already 
 achieved some success. They have settled them- 
 selves along the Gulf of Tadjoura, on the south 
 of which they hold the magnificent Bay of Dji- 
 bouti, while on the north their flag waves over 
 the small port of Obok. But their real triumph 
 in these regions has been the establishment of a 
 lasting friendship with Abyssinia by judicious 
 consignments of arms and ammunition — which 
 were used against Italy in the war of 1896. Fi- 
 nally, they are now in the act of building a 
 French railway from Djibouti to Addis Abeba, 
 the capital of Abyssinia. This railway will com- 
 pletely cut out the British port of Zeila, for in the 
 concession granted by Menelik it is stipulated 
 that no company is to be permitted to construct 
 a railroad on Abyssinian territory that shall enter 
 into competition with that of M. Ilg and M. 
 Chefneux. . . . 
 
 “ At Menelik’s capital. Addis Abeba, there is, 
 to use the expression of M. Hugues le Roux, a 
 silent duel in progress between the representa- 
 tives of the various nationalities. We are repre- 
 sented by Colonel Harrington. But, although 
 Menelik is wise enough to extend a friendly 
 greeting to all, there is no reason to suppose 
 that we should enjoy as great a share of favour 
 as other nations. Although throughout the war 
 we preserved a strict neutrality, we are regarded 
 as a powerful and aggressive neighbour, and as 
 the ally of Italy, whereas the French have been 
 the truest friends of Abyssinia. The Russians 
 are also in communication with the Negus, and 
 their efforts are, of course, seconded by France. 
 As for the Italians, their position seems now to 
 be as good as that of any European nation.” — 
 G. F. H. Berkeley, The Abyssinian Question and 
 its History ( Nineteenth Century, Jan.. 1903). 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Treaty with Great Britain. — 
 A treaty between Great Britain and the Emperor 
 
 Meuelek, of the kingdom of Ethiopia (Abyssinia), 
 signed on the 15thofMay, 1902, defines the bound- 
 aries between the Soudan and Ethiopia, and 
 contains the following important provisions: 
 
 "Article III. His Majesty the Emperor Mene- 
 lek II., King of Kings of Ethiopia, engages him- 
 self towards the Government of his Britannic Ma- 
 jesty not to construct, or allow to be constructed, 
 any work across the Blue Nile, Lake Tsana, or 
 the Sobat, which would arrest the flow of their 
 waters into the Nile, except in agreement with 
 his Britannic Majesty’s Government and the 
 Government of the Soudan. Article IV. The 
 Emperor Menelek engages himself to allow his 
 Britannic Majesty’s Government and the Govern- 
 ment of the Soudan to select in the neighbor- 
 hood of Rang, on the Baro River, a block of ter- 
 ritory having a river frontage of not more than 
 2000 metres, in area not exceeding 400 hectares, 
 which shall be leased to the Government of the 
 Soudan, to be administered and occupied as a 
 commercial station, so long as the Soudan is 
 under the Anglo-Egyptian Government. It is 
 agreed between the two high contracting parties 
 that the territory so leased shall not be used for 
 any political or military purpose. Article V. 
 The Emperor Menelek grants his Britannic Ma- 
 jesty’s Government and the Government of the 
 Soudan the right to construct a railway through 
 Abyssinian territory to connect the Soudan with 
 Uganda. A route for the railway will be se- 
 lected by mutual agreement between the two 
 hieh contracting parties.” 
 
 ACCIDENTS TO WORKMEN: In the 
 United States. See (in this vol.) Labor Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 ACHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Netherlands: A. D. 1904. 
 
 ACRE DISPUTES, The : Claims on the 
 region by Brazil, Peru, and Bolivia. — Its 
 final partition. — A considerable territory of 
 much richness in the southwestern part of the 
 Amazon Valley, around the upper waters of the 
 Madeira, the Aquiry, and the Purus tributaries, 
 was long in dispute between Brazil, Bolivia, and 
 Peru, and became a cause of serious quarrel be- 
 tween the two first named in 1903. The then 
 Brazilian President, Rodriguez Alves, in his first 
 annual message, May, 1903, stated the situation 
 from the Brazilian standpoint as follows: 
 
 “ Our former relations of such cordial friend- 
 ship with Bolivia have suffered a not insignifi- 
 cant strain since the time when the Government 
 of that sister Republic, unable to maintain its 
 authority in the Acre region, inhabited exclu- 
 sively, as you know, by Brazilians who, many 
 years previously, had established themselves 
 there in good faith, saw fit to deliver it over to a 
 foreign syndicate upon whom it conferred powers 
 almost sovereign. That concession, as danger- 
 ous for the neighboring nations as for Bolivia it- 
 self, encountered general disapproval in South 
 America As the most immediately interested, 
 Brazil, already in the time of my illustrious pre- 
 
ACRE DISPUTES 
 
 ACRE DISPUTES 
 
 decessor, protested against the contract to which 
 I refer, and entered upon the policy of reprisals, 
 prohibiting the free transit by the Amazon of mer- 
 chandise between Bolivia and abroad. Neither 
 that protest nor the counsels of friendship pro- 
 duced at that time the desired effect in La Paz, 
 and, far from rescinding the contract or making 
 the hoped-for modifications therein, the Bolivian 
 Government concluded an especial arrangement 
 for the purpose of hurrying the entrance of the 
 syndicate into the possession of the territory. 
 
 “When I assumed the government that was 
 the situation, and in addition the inhabitants of 
 the Acre, who had again proclaimed their inde- 
 pendence, were masters of the whole country, 
 excepting Puerto Acre, of which they did not get 
 possession until the end of January. Although 
 since January negotiations have been initiated 
 by us for the purpose of removing amicably the 
 cause of the disorders and complications which 
 have had their seat of action in the Acre ever 
 since the time when for the first time the Bo- 
 livian authorities penetrated thither, in 1899, 
 yet the Government of La Paz has nevertheless 
 thought proper that its President and his minis- 
 ter of war should march against that territory 
 at the head of armed forces with the end in view 
 of crushing its inhabitants and then establishing 
 the agents of the syndicate.” 
 
 The Brazilian President proceeded then to 
 relate that he had notified the Bolivian Govern- 
 ment of the intention of Brazil to “defend as 
 its boundary the parallel of 10° 20' south,” which 
 it held to be the line indicated by the letter and 
 the spirit of a treaty concluded in 1867 ; and that 
 Bolivia had then agreed to a settlement of the dis- 
 pute through diplomatic channels. “ Upon the 
 Bolivian Government agreeing to this,” he con- 
 tinued, “ we promptly reestablished freedom of 
 transit for its foreign commerce by Brazilian 
 waters. Shortly after this the syndicate, by 
 reason of the indemnity which we paid it, re- 
 nounced the concession which had been made it, 
 eliminating thus this disturbing element.” 
 
 In conclusion of the subject, President Alves 
 reported: “To the Peruvian Government we 
 have announced, very willingly, since January, 
 that we will examine, with attention, the claims 
 which in due time they may be pleased to make 
 upon the subject of the territories now in dis- 
 pute between Brazil and Bolivia.” 
 
 The result of the ensuing negotiations between 
 Brazil and Bolivia was a treaty signed in the 
 following November and duly ratified, the terms 
 of which were summarized as follows in a de- 
 spatch from the American Legation at La Paz, 
 December 26: “Three months after exchange 
 of ratifications Brazil is to pay an indemnity of 
 £1,000,000 and in March, 1905, £1,000,000. A 
 small strip of territory, north Marso, Brazilero, 
 embracing Bahia Negra and a port opposite 
 Coimbra, on Paraguay River, are conceded, and 
 all responsibilities respecting Peruvian conten- 
 tions are assumed. The disputed Acre territory is 
 conceded by Bolivia. A railroad for the com- 
 mon use of both countries is to be built from San 
 Antonio, on Madeira River, to Cuajar Ameren, on 
 Mamore River, within four years after ratifica- 
 tion. Free navigation on the Amazon and its 
 Bolivian affluents is conceded. A mixed com- 
 mission, with umpire chosen from the diplo- 
 matic representation to Brazil, will treat all 
 individual Acre claims.” 
 
 Subsequently it was determined in Bolivia 
 that the entire indemnity received from Brazil 
 should be expended on railroads, with an addi- 
 tional sum of £3,500,000, to be raised by loan. 
 
 F or the settlement of the remaining question of 
 rights in the Acre territory, between Bolivia and 
 Peru, a treaty of arbitration, negotiated in De- 
 cember, 1902, but ratified with modifications by 
 the Bolivian Congress in October, 1903, provided 
 that “ the high contracting parties submit to the 
 judgment and decision of the Governmentof the 
 Argentine Republic, as arbitrator and judge of 
 rights, the question of limits now pending be- 
 tween both republics, so as to obtain a definite and 
 unappealablesentence, in virtue of which all the 
 territory which in 1810 belonged to the jurisdic- 
 tion or district of the Ancient Audience of Char- 
 cas, within the limits of the viceroyalty of 
 Buenos Ayres, by acts of the ancient sovereign, 
 may belong to the Republic of Bolivia ; and all 
 the territory which at the same date and by acts 
 of equal origin belonged to the viceroyalty of 
 Peru may belong to the Republic of Peru.” 
 
 The case was pending until July, 1909, when 
 judgment favorable to the claims of Peru was 
 pronounced by the President of the Argentine 
 Republic, Senor Figueroa Alcorta. According 
 to the award, as announced officially from Peru, 
 the line was drawn to “ follow the rivers Heath 
 and Madre de Dios up to the mouth of the To- 
 romonas and from there a straight line as far as 
 the intersection of the river Tehuamanu with 
 meridian 69. It will then run northwards along 
 this meridian until it meets the territorial sov- 
 ereignty of another nation.” 
 
 The Bolivians were enraged by the decision 
 against them, and riotous attacks were made on 
 the Argentine Legation at La Paz, the Bolivian 
 capital, and on Argentine consulates elsewhere. 
 Worse than this in offensiveness was a published 
 declaration by President Montes of Bolivia that 
 the arbitration award respecting the frontiers of 
 Bolivia and Peru had been given by Argentina 
 without regard to Bolivia’s petition that an ac- 
 tual inspection of the territory should be made 
 in case the documents and titles submitted were 
 unsatisfactory. “ Had thisbeen done,” said the 
 President of Bolivia, “the arbitrator would have 
 been convinced of the respective possessions of 
 the two countries. It is inexplicable how the 
 arbitrator, after examining the titles and docu- 
 ments, could give such a decision. He passed 
 over the elementary principles of international 
 rights in awarding to Peru territory which had 
 never been questioned as belonging to Bolivia. 
 As a consequence Bolivia rejects the award.” 
 The insulted Government of Argentina de- 
 manded explanations; diplomatic relations be- 
 tween the two countries were broken off, and 
 war seemed imminent. Fortunately the term 
 of President Montes was near its close, and a 
 man of evidently cooler temper, Elidoro Villa- 
 zon, succeeded him in the Presidency on August 
 12th. The new President, in his message to Con- 
 gress next day, while characterizing the award as 
 unjust, said: “We must proceed circumspectly, 
 and be guided by international rights and the 
 customs of civilized nations in similar cases. I' 
 consider it right to avail ourselves of the means 
 offered by diplomacy to obtain a rectification of 
 the new frontier line given by arbitration, thus 
 saving the compromised possessions of Bolivia.” 
 With this better spirit entering into thecontro- 
 
 2 
 
ACRE DISPUTES 
 
 AFRICA 
 
 versy, Bolivia was soon able to arrange with Peru 
 for a concession from the latter which made her 
 people willing to recognize the award. This 
 agreement was effected on the 11th of Septem- 
 ber, and its terms, as made known in a despatch 
 from Rio de Janeiro, were as follows: “Peru 
 surrenders to Bolivia a very small extent of ter- 
 ritory lying between the Madre de Dios River 
 and the Acre, traversed by the rivers Tahua- 
 mano and Buyamaro, which together form the 
 river Orton, an affluent of the Beni River. This 
 territory, with an area of about 6,500 square 
 kilometres, was discovered and colonized by Bo- 
 livians, who to-day are in possession of nu- 
 merous prosperous industries there. Peru gets 
 possession of all the upper course of the Madre 
 de Dios, from its head waters to its confluence 
 with the river Heath. Such a slight modifica- 
 tion as the foregoing from the decision reached by 
 the arbitrator in no way disturbs the Argentine 
 Republic.” 
 
 As between Peru and Brazil the boundary 
 question was settled by a treaty signed at Rio de 
 Janeiro on the 8th of September, three days be- 
 fore the Bolivian pacification. 
 
 This probably closes a territorial dispute 
 whicn has troubled four countries in South 
 America for many years, and brought quarrel- 
 ling couples to the verge of war a number of 
 times. 
 
 ADANA, Massacres at. See (in this vol.) 
 Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan.-May), and (April- 
 Dec.). 
 
 ADDIS ABEBA, Capital of Abyssinia. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Abyssinia: A. D. 1902. 
 
 ADULTERATIONS, Laws against. See 
 (in this vol.) Public Health : Pure Food 
 Laws. 
 
 AEHRENTHAL, Baron. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 AERONAUTICS. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention, Recent. 
 
 AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1901-1906.— 
 Death of Abdurahman. — Succession of his 
 son, Habibullah. — Signs of a progressive 
 spirit in the new Ameer. — The late Ameer, 
 Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was suc- 
 ceeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early -in 
 the third year of his reign the new Ameer began 
 to show signs of a wish to have his country 
 move a little on the lines of European progress, 
 in the march which so many of his Asiatic neigh- 
 bors were joining. His undertakings were dis- 
 turbed for a time by trouble with his half- 
 brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter’s mother, 
 the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem ; but he 
 brought the trouble to an end which does not 
 seem to have been tragical, and that, in itself, is 
 a notable mark in his favor. The Russo-Japan- 
 ese War interested him immensely, and he estab- 
 lished a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to 
 bring speedy news of events. He then read the 
 reports in public, with expositions, to make the 
 listening people understand the bearing of what 
 was happening on their own interests, and the 
 lessons they should learn from what the Japanese 
 were doing. He is said to have done much in 
 the way of improving agriculture and horse- 
 breeding in Afghanistan ; he has a desire to es- 
 tablish a Chiefs’ College, with the English lan- 
 guage as the basis of instruction, but has met 
 with strong opposition in this undertaking; and 
 he has introduced electric lighting, with probably 
 
 other luxuries of modern science, in Cabul. 
 Such things in Afghanistan mark a highly pro- 
 gressive man. His political intelligence is proved 
 by the cordiality of his relations with the British 
 Indian Government. An interesting account of 
 conditions in the Ameer’s country in 1904 was 
 given by Mr. D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly 
 Review of December, that year, under the title of 
 “ The Awakeningof Afghanistan.” 
 
 A. D. 1905. — The Ameer becomes King. 
 In a new treaty between the Government of 
 Great Britain and the Ameer of Afghanistan, the 
 latter was recognized as King. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Convention between Great 
 Britain and Russia relative to Afghanistan. 
 See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1907 (Aug.). 
 
 AFRICA: Its Colonizability by white peo- 
 ples. — The regions habitable by Europeans. 
 — ‘ ‘ There are three obstacles to the white race 
 from Europe overrunning and colonising the 
 continent of Africa as it has overrun and colo- 
 nised the two Americas and Australasia. The 
 first is the insalubrity of the well- watered regions 
 and the uninhabitability of the desert tracts; 
 the second is the opposition of strong indigenous 
 races ; and the third, of quite recent growth, is 
 a growing sentiment which is increasingly in- 
 fluencing public opinion, in Europe more espe- 
 cially, and which forbids the white man to do' 
 evil that good may come: namely, to displace 
 by force of arms pre-existing races in order that, 
 the white man may take the land they occupy 
 for his own use. It is probable that the sec- 
 ond and third reasons combined may in future 
 prove the more effective checks. Deserts, to be 
 made habitable and cultivable, only need irriga- 
 tion, and apparently there is a subterranean 
 water supply underlying most African deserts 
 which can be tapped by artesian wells. The 
 extreme unhealthiness of the well-watered parts 
 of Africa is due not so much to climate as to the 
 presence of malaria in the systems of the Negro 
 inhabitants. This malaria is conveyed from the 
 black man to the white man by certain gnats of 
 the genus Anopheles — possibly by other agen- 
 cies. But the draining of marshes and the ster- 
 ilisation of pools, together with other measures, 
 may gradually bring about the extinction of the 
 mosquito ; while, on the other hand, it seems as 
 though the drug ( Cassia Beareana ) obtained 
 from the roots of a cassia bush may act as a 
 complete cure for malarial fever. . . . 
 
 “ For practical purposes the only areas south 
 of the Sahara Desert which at the present time 
 are favourable to white colonisation are the fol- 
 lowing. In West Africa there can be no white 
 colonisation under existing conditions ; the white 
 man can only remain there for a portion of his 
 working life as an educator and administrator. 
 ... In North-East Africa, Abyssinia and Eri- 
 trea will suggest themselves as white man’s 
 countries — presenting, that is to say, some of 
 the conditions favourable to European colonisa- 
 tion. The actual coast of Eritrea is extremely 
 hot, almost the hottest country in the world, but 
 it is not necessarily very unhealthy. The heat, 
 however, apart from the existence of a fairly 
 abundant 'native population, almost precludes 
 the idea of a European settlement. But on the 
 mountains of the hinterland which are still 
 within Italian territory there are said to be a 
 few small areas suited at any rate to settlement 
 by Italians, who, by-the-by, seem to be getting on 
 
AFRICA 
 
 AFRICA 
 
 very well with the natives in that part of Africa. 
 But a European colonisation of Abyssinia, possi- 
 ble as it might be climatically, is out of the 
 question in view of the relatively abundant and 
 warlike population indigenous to the Ethiopian 
 Empire. . . . 
 
 “Then comes Central Africa, which may be 
 taken to range from the northern limits of the 
 Congo basin and the Great Lakes on the north 
 to the Cunene River and the Zambesi on the 
 south. British East Africa and Uganda offer 
 probably the largest continuous area of white 
 man’s country in the central section of the con- 
 tinent. The Ankole country in the southwest 
 of the Uganda Protectorate and the highlands 
 north of Tanganyika, together with the slopes 
 of the Ruwenzori range, offer small tracts of 
 land thoroughly suited to occupation by a white 
 race so far as climate and fertility are concerned ; 
 but these countries have already been occupied, 
 to a great extent, by some of the earliest fore- 
 runners of the Caucasian (the Bahirna), as well 
 as by sturdy Negro tribes who have become in- 
 ured to the cold. To the northeast of the Vic- 
 toria Nyanza, however, there is an area which 
 has as its outposts the southwest coast of Lake 
 Rudolf, the great mountains of Debasien and 
 Elgon, and the snow-clad extinct volcanoes of 
 Kenia and Kilimanjaro. This land of plateaux 
 and rift valleys is not far short of 70,000 square 
 miles in extent, and so far as climate and other 
 physical conditions are concerned is as well 
 suited for occupation by British settlers as 
 Queensland or New South Wales. But nearly 
 
 50.000 square miles of this East African terri- 
 tory is more or less in the occupation of sturdy 
 Negro or Negroid races whom it would be neither 
 just nor easy to expel. . . . 
 
 “The only portion of German East Africa 
 which is at all suited to European settlement 
 lies along the edge of the Nyasa-Tanganyika 
 Plateau. Here is a district of a little more than 
 a thousand square miles which is not only ele- 
 vated and healthy, but very sparsely populated 
 by Negroes. A few patches in the Katanga 
 district and the extreme southern part of the 
 Congo Free State offer similar conditions. 
 
 “In British Central Africa we have perhaps 
 
 6.000 square miles of elevated, sparsely popu- 
 lated, fertile country to the northwest of Lake 
 Nyasa and along the road to Tanganyika. There 
 is also land of this description in the North-East 
 Rhodesian province of British Central Africa, in 
 Manikaland, and along the water-parting be- 
 tween the Congo and the Zambesi systems. 
 Then in the southernmost prolongation of Brit- 
 ish Central Africa are the celebrated Shire High- 
 lands, which, together with a few outlying 
 mountain districts to the southwest of Lake 
 Nyasa, may offer a total area of about 5,000 
 square miles suitable to European colonisation. 
 A small portion of the Mozambique province, 
 in the interior of the Angoche coast, might an- 
 swer to the same description. Then again, far 
 away to the west, under the same latitudes, we 
 have, at the back of Mossamedes and Benguela, 
 other patches of white man’s country in the 
 mountains of Bailundo and Sheila. 
 
 “In South Africa, beyond the latitudes of 
 the Zambesi, we come to lauds which are in- 
 creasingly suited to the white man’s occupation 
 the further we proceed south. Nearly all Ger- 
 man South-West Africa is arid desert, but inland 
 
 there are plateaux and mountains which some- 
 times exceed 8,000 feet in altitude, and which 
 have a sufficient rainfall to make European agri- 
 culture possible. . . . About two-thirds of the 
 Transvaal, a third of Rhodesia, a small portion 
 of southern Bechuanaland, two-thirds of the 
 Orange River Colony, four-fifths of Cape Col- 
 ony, and a third of Natal sum up the areas at- 
 tributed to the white man in South Africa. The 
 remainder of this part of the continent must be 
 considered mainly as a reserve for the black 
 man, and to a much smaller degree (in South- 
 East Africa) as a field for Asiatic colonisation, 
 preferentially on the part of British Indians. 
 
 “ Counting the white-skinned Berbers and 
 Arabs of North Africa, and the more or less 
 pure-blooded, light-skinned Egyptians, as white 
 men, and the land they occupy as part of the 
 white man’s share of the Dark Continent, we 
 may tlien by a rough calculation arrive (by add- 
 ing to white North Africa the other areas enu- 
 merated in the rest of the continent) at the fol- 
 lowing estimate : that about 970,000 square miles 
 of the whole African continent may be attrib- 
 uted to the white man as his legitimate share. 
 If, however, we are merely to consider the ter- 
 ritory that lies open to European colonisation, 
 then we must considerably reduce our North 
 African estimate.” — II. H. Johnston, The White 
 Man's Place in Africa ( Nineteenth Century, 
 June, 1904). 
 
 Agreements between England and France 
 concerning Egypt, Morocco, Senegambia, and 
 Madagascar. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 
 1904 (Apisii,). 
 
 British, German, and Congo frontier agree- 
 ment. — The following was telegraphed to the 
 Press from Berlin, November 29, 1909: “An 
 agreement was signed in Berlin during the sum- 
 mer, Reuter’s representative learns, whereby 
 various questions affecting the frontier lines be- 
 tween British Uganda and German East Afriqa 
 and the Congo, which have been under discussion 
 for years, were definitely settled. The agreement 
 is understood to be satisfactory to both parties, 
 but the details are not to be published as yet.” 
 
 French Central: A Land-locked Empire. — 
 “Since 1898, successive expeditions have con- 
 verged from the French Niger Territories, 
 from South Algeria, and from the French Congo 
 towards Lake Tchad, which has ever exercised 
 a mystic charm over the minds of explorers. 
 Rabah, the usurper of Bornou, has been killed, 
 and his son Fadel’allah recently met the same 
 fate, so that all the belt of black countries stretch- 
 ing from the north of Sokoto, the north of Bor- 
 nou and Baghirmi to the confines of Wada'f, the 
 most easterly limit of the French sphere, are 
 now occupied in a military sense. . . . Even if 
 we consider the French as now firmly settled in 
 these countries, peopled with timid blacks from 
 whom little is to be feared, the succeeding prob- 
 lem, what to do with them, presents no seductive 
 outlook. 
 
 “The key to the situation is the question of 
 transport, for here we have a vast land-locked 
 empire, the roads to which are long, complicated, 
 and difficult. For the present the question of a ' 
 great Trans-Saliarau railway may be left out of 
 account, and in all probability more mature con- 
 sideration will convince the French of the futil- 
 ity of such a scheme. Three roads running 
 through French territory are available ; from the 
 
AFRICA 
 
 AFRICA 
 
 east by the Niger, from the south by the French 
 Congo, and from the north, Tunis or Algeria, 
 across the great Sahara. Of the three, the only 
 one which cau be made of practical utility for a 
 long time to come is that across the Sahara. 
 From the centre of Africa there are several well- 
 known caravan routes, all capable of being com- 
 mercially used, provided the intervening tribes 
 cau be brought to acquiesce in the French dom- 
 ination. All these terminate in Turkish territory.” 
 — E. J. Wardle, The French in Central Africa 
 (Contemporary Review, Oct., 1902). 
 
 Subjugation of Hausa Land and occupation 
 of Sokoto. — Early in 1903 the High Commis- 
 sioner of Nigeria, Sir F. Lugard, sent an expe- 
 dition against the Emir of Kano, in the northern 
 part of the Nigerian Protectorate, within the 
 Sultanate of Sokoto, which had never been made 
 submissive to the rule which Great Britain 
 claimed. Kano was reached and taken by assault 
 on the 3d of February, the Emir and his horse- 
 men escaping toward Sokoto. The expedition 
 then proceeded against Sokoto, where feeble re- 
 sistance was offered, and tbe seat of the Sul- 
 tanate was taken on the 15th of March. These 
 conquests are believed to have effected a firm 
 establishment of British ascendancy throughout 
 the Niger territory, from the coast to the Saharan 
 sphere of the French. The possession of Kano 
 is important, as it is the starting point of caravan 
 routes eastward and northward and the chief 
 commercial town of the Western Sudan. 
 
 Rapid development of the railway system. 
 See (in this vol.) Railways: Nigeria. 
 
 French Mauretanie. See Morocco: A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 French Western: Eradication of Yellow 
 Fever. See Public Health: A. D. 1901-1905. 
 
 German Colonies: Cost to Germany. — 
 Small number of German Colonists. See 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1903. 
 
 ’ Unpopularity of the Colonial Policy in 
 Germany. See Germany: A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 Wars with the Natives. — In the German 
 Parliament, on the 12th of January, 1905, it was 
 stated by the Director of the Colonial Depart- 
 ment, Dr. Stiibel, that up to that date 11,000 
 German troops had been employed against the 
 Hereros and Witbois in Southwest Africa, and 
 that the campaign of 1904 had cost 42,000,000 
 marks (about $10,500,000). The military estimate 
 for 1905 was 60,000,000 marks. General von 
 Trotha, Governor of the colony, who had been 
 in command of operations, and who had set a 
 price on the heads of Morenga and other insur- 
 gent chiefs, and had threatened the whole tribe 
 with extermination, was to be superseded; but 
 the Emperor, notwithstanding, conferred on him 
 the Order “Pour le Merite.” A similar conflict 
 with the natives in German East Africa was 
 opened in August, 1905, by the murder of Bishop 
 Spiers and four missionaries and Sisters of 
 Mercy. The Wangonis are of the Zulu race, 
 mustering about 30,000 warriors, and reinforce- 
 ments of the German troops had to be sent out. 
 
 Opening of Diamond Fields. — Diamond dis- 
 coveries in German Southwest Africa begau to 
 acquire importance in 1908. As stated in a lec- 
 ture on the subject by Herr Dernburg, the Ger- 
 man Colonial Secretary, at Berlin, in January, 
 1909, these diamond deposits lie in crescent form 
 around Liideritz Bay, beginning to the south 
 of Elizabeth Bay and extending northwards to 
 
 the sea-coast in the vicinity of Anischab. The 
 full extent of the stretch of diamond-bearing 
 sand can only be ascertained by careful measure- 
 ment, but it is even now permissible to describe 
 the deposits as very considerable. The diamonds, 
 which are found mixed with small agates and 
 other half-precious stones, vary from one-fifth 
 to three-quarters of a carat — the average not 
 exceeding one-third of a carat. They are almost 
 perfect octahedrons of good water. The regular 
 exploitation may be said to have begun in Sep- 
 tember, 1908, the total recovered before that date 
 only amounting to 2,720 carats. In September 
 the amount was 6,644 carats, in October 8,621, 
 in November 10,228, and in December 11,549, 
 or in all 39,762, the price of which would be 
 about £55,000. The administrative regulations 
 introduced stipulate, first, that half the net profit 
 shall go to the Southwest African Treasury ; sec- 
 ondly, that measures shall be taken to secure an 
 adequate market for the new supply and to pre- 
 vent depreciation ; thirdly, that suitable condi- 
 tions shall be established for the working of the 
 mines ; and, fourthly, that their exploitation shall 
 be mainly reserved for German capital, and that 
 increased work shall be provided for the German 
 diamond-cutting industry. 
 
 Portuguese : A. D. 1905-1908. — Continued 
 existence of slavery. — General F. Joubert- 
 Pienaar, one of the prominent Boer leaders in 
 the Boer-British War, is the authority for start- 
 ling statements concerning the continued main- 
 tenance of slavery in Portuguese Africa. He 
 attempted to become a settler in that region, 
 and related subsequently what he saw and heard 
 during his stay in it. Of an experience at the 
 Island PriDcipe he said: “ The English director 
 of the cable office took me to some of the cocoa 
 plantations, with which the slopes of the hills 
 are covered. He told me that it was a terribly 
 unhealthy place to live, and that Europeans 
 could not exist there for more than a couple of 
 months at a time, and that frequent changes have 
 to be made, therefore, in tbe telegraph depart- 
 ment. He told me, further, that the year before 
 the whole original population of the island had 
 died from malarial fever, and that the following 
 year they imported five hundred slaves, men and 
 women, to repopulate the island. That was ten 
 months before my visit. Pointing to five women 
 walking on the street, he said : ‘ There are all 
 that are left of the women imported, and only 
 about a dozen men remain.’ I asked him how 
 they carried on the work of the plantations. He 
 said it was done by simply importing slaves, from 
 time to time, to replace those who had died.” 
 
 General Joubert-Pienaar declares that he never 
 heard of a single case where one of these slaves 
 had returned to his own country, while in the 
 coast towns tbe abnormal proportion of native 
 women and children noticeable is due to the fact 
 that the men have been sent as slaves to the 
 islands. The method of obtaining the slaves and 
 of making the pretense of a contract with them 
 is thus described : “ When any slaves are wanted 
 in the islands, the plantation owner informs the 
 slave-traders on the mainland. The slave-trader 
 goes to a strong chief, inland, and bargains with 
 him for the number of slaves he requires, gen- 
 erally paying him in rifles and ammunition. This 
 chief will not send any of his own men to the 
 islands, but, calling his braves, he goes to some 
 weaker tribe, attacks it, and annihilates the tribe, 
 
AGRICULTURE 
 
 takin om( n, and cattle cap- 
 
 tivp *nd as men as are neces- 
 
 sa over to trader, the rest of 
 
 < od the cat ps for himself and 
 
 , and the cl e sells to colonists 
 
 s. On these ~ hunting expeditions 
 st terrible cruelties are enacted and the 
 gruesome atrocities perpetrated. . . . Ar- 
 .ig at the coast, these men — and sometimes 
 ; omen when they are required — are brought 
 jefore an officer appointed for the purpose. He 
 reads the contract to them in Portuguese ; and 
 after the contract has been read to these people, 
 who do not understand one word of the language, 
 a black man, who is stationed there for the pur- 
 pose, shouts to these slaves to say ‘Yes!’ Of 
 course they all repeat the ‘Yes’ after him, and 
 the Portuguese official then certifies that these 
 men have all agreed to go and work on the islands 
 under the terms of the contract read to them. 
 He then takes a little tin box, in which a copy of 
 the contract is placed, and ties it around the neck 
 of 'each of the slaves.” 
 
 Somaliland: Troubles with the Mullah. — 
 
 In 1902 the British in their Somali Coast Pro- 
 tectorate began to be harassed by raids from the 
 bordering desert region led by a religious agita- 
 tor who had assumed the character known as 
 that of a Mullah. Three years previously the 
 British Consul at Berbera had reported to Lon- 
 don the appearance of this personage, Muham- 
 mad Abdullah by name, in the Dolbahanta coun- 
 try, and that he was said to be “collecting arms 
 and men with a view to establishing his authority 
 over the southeastern portion of the Protecto- 
 rate.” He had made several pilgrimages to Mecca, 
 and had attached himself there to a sect which 
 “preaches more regularity in the hours of 
 prayer” and “stricter attention to the forms 
 of religion.” He had begun the use of force to 
 compel the tribes of his region to join his sect, 
 and was evidently gaining power to make trou- 
 ble. The trouble was realized in due time, and 
 became serious in 1902, when, in October, Colonel 
 Swayne, with a native levy of troops, having 
 driven the Mullah’s raiders back into the desert, 
 followed them thither, and suffered a serious 
 reverse. He was attacked and compelled to re- 
 treat, with a loss of two officers and 70 men 
 killed and two officers, with about 100 men 
 wounded. Troops were then sent to the Pro- 
 tectorate from India and careful preparations 
 were made for dealing with the Mullah in a more 
 effectual way. He, meantime, sent demands for 
 political recognition and for the cession to him 
 of a port. 
 
 Early in 1903 operations against the Mullah 
 were renewed, with strongly increased forces 
 from India and from African native levies ; but 
 the results were again disastrous. A detachment 
 from a column which pursued the Mullah into 
 his own region ventured too far in the advance 
 and was overwhelmed, losing nearly 200 officers 
 and men. There appears to have been do suc- 
 cess during the year to counterbalance this re- 
 verse. 
 
 Peace with the Mullah. — The Mullah was 
 brought at last to an agreement with Great Brit- 
 ain and Italy which established comparative 
 peace for the time being in Somaliland, with the 
 promise of freedom in trade. 
 
 Notwithstanding the pacific agreement with 
 the Mullah, effected in 1905, troubles on the 
 
 Somali border have continued, because of his at- 
 tacks on friendly tribes. Early in 1909 it was 
 announced that the British forces in Somaliland 
 were to be increased, but that there was no in- 
 tention to embark on any expedition against the 
 Mullah. A despatch from Bombay, India, on 
 the 3d of January, said: “Further operations 
 against the Somaliland Mullah are strongly de- 
 precated. It is impossible to conduct a success- 
 ful campaign, owing to the difficulty of obtain- 
 ing supplies, unless a light railway 200 miles 
 long is built to Boliotle. The Mullah, who is an 
 able man, is not believed to be anxious to engage 
 in fresh hostilities with the British, but he is de- 
 termined to dominate the Hinterland. Experts 
 consider that no new movement on the lines of the 
 last campaign would produce a satisfactory re- 
 sult. The Mullah’s strength is unknown, but it 
 is probably great, as his camp sometimes covers 
 ten square miles. His mobility is astonishing, 
 and he can always elude our troops. Our pres- 
 ent advanced outpost is Burao, 80 miles from 
 Berbera, where there is a small force of the 
 King’s African Rifles. The country is practi- 
 cally worthless, and the best course, probably, is 
 to hold the coast and to leave the far interior 
 severely alone. The friendly tribes cannot be 
 further effectively protected without perma- 
 nently employing a large force. Minor opera- 
 tions are now merely a waste of money.” 
 
 Sudan: Suppression of a new Mahdi. — A 
 new Mahdi proclaimed himself in Southern Kor- 
 dofan in November, 1903. He was a native of 
 Tunis, named Mahomed El Amin, who had twice 
 made the pilgrimage to Mecca. Colonel Mahon, 
 the Deputy-Governor of the Sudan, on hearing of 
 Mahomed’s proclamation, started instantly from 
 Khartoum, with 200 cavalry, sending orders to 
 El Obeid for 200 infantry, with Maxims, to meet 
 him near Tagalla. With this force, after a five 
 days march, through the desert toward the 
 Tagalla mountains, lie caught the Mahdi, took 
 him to El Obeid and tried and hanged him 
 straightway. 
 
 Population. — Lord Cromer, in his annual 
 report, 1904, estimated the population of the 
 Sudan, within the British-Egyptian Condomini- 
 um, at no more than 1,870,000, to which number 
 it had been reduced by war and disease from 
 former estimates of 8,525,000, prior to the Mahdi 
 domination. 
 
 See, also, Algiers, Congo, Egypt, Morocco, 
 Rhodesia, South Africa, etc. 
 
 AGLIPAY, Padre Gregorio: His secession 
 from the Roman Catholic Church in the Phil- 
 ippines. See (in this vol.) Philippine Islands : 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 AGRAM TRIALS, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 AGRARIAN INTEREST, in Germany: 
 Its triumph in 1909. See (in this vol.) Ger- 
 many: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 AGRARIAN LAW, The Russian. See (in 
 this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1909 (April). 
 
 AGRICULTURAL CRISIS IN RUSSIA. 
 See (in this vol.) Russia: A. I). 1905. 
 
 AGRICULTURE : Cooperative and other 
 unions among farmers. See (in this vol ) 
 Labor Organization: United States: A. I). 
 1902-1909; and Labor Remuneration: Coop- 
 erative Organization. 
 
 Dry Farming. See (in this vol.) Science and 
 Invention : Agriculture. 
 
 6 
 
AGRICULTURE 
 
 AGRICULTURE 
 
 Germany: Decrease of agricultural popu- 
 lation. See Germany: A. D. 1907. 
 
 Increasing cooperative organization in 
 Great Britain. See Labor Remuneration: 
 Cooperative Organization. 
 
 International Institute : Its origin and pur- 
 pose. — Created under the auspices of the 
 King of Italy. — Forty nations associated in 
 its membership. — Its seat near Rome. — The 
 
 idea of an international organization for system- 
 atizing the agricultural production of the world 
 and regulating the markets of food products, by 
 constant and. authentic knowledge of crops and 
 conditions, was conceived some years ago by Mr. 
 David Lubin, of California. It was first expressed 
 by him publicly at Budapest in 1896, but was the 
 growth of thirteen years of thought preceding 
 that date. As the result of Mr. Lubin’s efforts 
 to interest governments and peoples in the pro- 
 ject, King Victor Emmanuel III., of Italy, became 
 its hearty patron in 1903, and took the initiative 
 step toward effecting an organization as wide as 
 the civilized world, by inviting all nations to take 
 partin a convention of delegates for the purpose, 
 at Rome, in May, 1905. The invitation, as ad- 
 dressed to the Government of the United States 
 by the Italian Ambassador at Washington, on the 
 26th of February, 1905, was in these words: “ By 
 order of my government, I have the honor to in- 
 form your excellency that His Majesty the King, 
 my august sovereign, has taken the initiative in 
 the formation of an international institute of 
 agriculture to be composed of representatives 
 of the great agricultural societies of the various 
 countries and of delegates from the several gov- 
 ernments. This institute, being devoid of any 
 political intent, should tend to bring about a 
 community of interests among agriculturists 
 and to protect these interests in the markets of 
 the world. It will study agricultural conditions 
 in the different countries, periodically indicating 
 the supply and the quality of products with ac- 
 curacy and care, so as to proportion production 
 to demand, increase and distribute the various 
 crops according to the rate of consumption, ren- 
 der the commerce of agricultural products less 
 costly and more expeditious, and suitably deter- 
 mine the prices thereof. Acting in unison with 
 the various national bureaus already existing, it 
 will furnish accurate information on conditions 
 regarding agricultural labor in various localities, 
 and will regulate and direct the currents of emi- 
 gration. It will favor the institution of agricul- 
 tural exchanges and labor bureaus. It will pro- 
 tect both producers and consumers against the 
 excesses of transportation and forestalling syndi- 
 cates, keeping a watch on middlemen, pointing 
 out their abuses, and acquainting the public with 
 the true conditions of the market. It will foster 
 agreements for common defense against the dis- 
 eases of plants and live stock, against which in- 
 dividual defense is less effectual. It will help to 
 develop rural cooperation, agricultural insurance, 
 and agrarian credit. It will study and propose 
 measures of general interest, preparing interna- 
 tional agreements for the benefit of agriculture 
 and the agricultural classes. 
 
 “ Carrying out the intention of His Majesty, the 
 Italian Government appeals to all friendly na- 
 tions, each of which ought to have its own rep- 
 resentatives in the institute, appointed to act as 
 the exponents of their respective governments, 
 as organs of mutual relations, and as mediums of 
 
 reciprocal influence and information. It accord- 
 ingly now invites them to participate through 
 their delegates in the first convention, which is 
 to be held at Rome next May for the purpose of 
 preparing rules for the new institute. 
 
 “The King’s Government trusts that the 
 United States will be willing to cooperate in the 
 enterprise, the first inspiration of which is due to 
 an American citizen, and that, accepting the in- 
 vitation to the conference at Rome, it will send 
 thither a delegation commensurate with its im- 
 portance as the foremost agricultural nation in 
 the world.” 
 
 Gratifying responses to the invitation were 
 made by most, if not all, of the governments ad- 
 dressed, and the Conference at Rome was held 
 at the appointed time. It concluded its sessions 
 on the 7th of June by attaching the signatures of 
 the delegates of the Powers represented to a final 
 Act, which embodies the resolutions on which 
 they had agreed. This Act of organization was 
 as follows: 
 
 “Article 1. There is hereby created a per- 
 manent international institute of agriculture, 
 having its seat at Rome. 
 
 “Article 2. The international institute of 
 agriculture is to be a government institution, in 
 which each adhering power shall be represented 
 by delegates of its choice. The institute shall 
 be composed of a general assembly and a per- 
 manent committee, the composition and duties 
 of which are defined in the ensuing articles. 
 
 “ Article 3. The general assembly of the in- 
 stitute shall be composed of the representatives 
 of the adhering governments. Each nation, 
 whatever be the number of its delegates, shall be 
 entitled to a number of votes in the assembly 
 which shall be determined according to the group 
 to which it belongs, and to which reference will 
 be made in article 10. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article 4. The general assembly shall elect 
 for each session from among its members a presi- 
 dent and two vice-presidents. The sessions shall 
 take place on dates fixed by the last general as- 
 sembly and according to a programme proposed 
 by the permanent committee and adopted by the 
 adhering governments. 
 
 “Article 5. The general assembly shall ex- 
 ercise supreme control over the international 
 institute of agriculture. It shall approve the 
 projects prepared by the permanent committee 
 regarding the organization and internal workings 
 of the institute. It shall fix the total amount of 
 expenditures and audit and approve the accounts. 
 It shall submit to the approval of the adhering 
 governments modifications of any nature involv- 
 ing an increase in expenditure or an enlargement 
 of the functions of the institute. It shall set the 
 date for holding the sessions. It shall prepare 
 its regulations. The presence at the general as- 
 semblies of delegates representing two-thirds of 
 the adhering nations shall be required in order to 
 render the deliberations valid. 
 
 “Article 6. The executive power of the in- 
 stitute is intrusted to the permanent committee, 
 which, under the direction and control of the 
 general assembly, shall carry out the decisions 
 of the latter and prepare propositions to submit 
 to it. 
 
 “Article 7. The permanent committee shall 
 be composed of members designated by the re- 
 spective governments. Each adhering nation 
 shall be represented in the permanent committee 
 
AGRICULTURE 
 
 - E 
 
 by oik 
 
 onei 
 
 oth 
 
 How 
 be intr 
 <! 'i'" .j, nation 
 
 lumbers sh 
 ons of voti- 
 ball be tlie sr 
 / for the genera 
 iiTiCLE 8. The p< 
 
 • representation of 
 ■ a delegate of an- 
 1 that the actual 
 less than fifteen, 
 permanent com- 
 ose indicated in 
 ies. 
 
 committee shall 
 
 t from among its members for a period of 
 
 .ee years a president and a vice-president, who 
 nay be reelected. It shall prepare its internal 
 regulations, vote the budget of the institute 
 within the limits of the funds placed at its dis- 
 posal by the general assembly, and appoint and 
 remove the officials and employees of its office. 
 The general secretary of the permanent com- 
 mittee shall act as secretarj' of the assembly. 
 
 “ Article 9. The institute, confining its oper- 
 ations within an international sphere, shall — 
 
 (a) Collect, study, and publish as promptly as 
 possible statistical, technical, or economic in- 
 formation concerning farming, both vegetable 
 and animal products, the commerce in agricul- 
 tural products, and the prices prevailing in the 
 various markets ; 
 
 (b) Communicate to parties interested, also as 
 promptly as possible, all the information just re- 
 ferred to ; 
 
 (c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work ; 
 
 (d) Make known the new diseases of vege- 
 tables which may appear in any part of the 
 world, showing the territories infected, the pro- 
 gress of the disease, and, if possible, the remedies 
 which are effective in combating them ; 
 
 (e) Study questions concerning agricultural 
 cooperation, insurance, and credit in all their as- 
 pects ; collect and publish information which 
 might be useful in the various countries in the 
 organization of works connected with agricul 
 tural cooperation, insurance, and credit; 
 
 (f) Submit to the approval of the governments, 
 if there is occasion for it, measures for the pro- 
 tection of the common interests of farmers and 
 for the improvement of their condition, after 
 having utilized all the necessary sources of in- 
 formation, such as the wishes expressed by in- 
 ternational or other agricultural congresses or 
 congresses of sciences applied to agriculture, 
 agricultural societies, academies, learned bodies, 
 etc. 
 
 All questions concerning the economic inter- 
 ests, the legislation, and the administration of 
 a particular nation shall be excluded from the 
 consideration of the institute. 
 
 “ Article 10. The nations adhering to the in- 
 stitute shall be classed in five groups, according 
 to the place which each of them thinks it ought 
 to occupy. The number of votes which each 
 nation shall have and the number of units of as- 
 sessment shall be established according to the 
 following gradations: 
 
 Groups of Numbers Units of 
 
 nations. of votes assessment. 
 
 1 5 16 
 
 II 4 8 
 
 III 3 4 
 
 IV 2 2 
 
 V 1 1 
 
 In any event the contribution due per unit of 
 assessment shall never exceed a*maximum of 
 2,500 francs. As a temporary provision the as- 
 sessment for the first two years shall not exceed 
 
 1,500 francs per unit. Colonies may, at the re- 
 quest of the nations to which they belong, be 
 admitted to form part of the institute on the same 
 conditions as the independent nations. 
 
 “ Article 11. The present convention shall 
 be ratified and the ratifications shall be exchanged 
 as soon as possible by depositing them with the 
 Italian Government.” 
 
 In communicating this Act of the Conference 
 to the Government of the United States, the Ital- 
 ian Ambassador at Washington wrote August 
 9, 1905: “The final act of the conference was 
 signed by the delegates under reservation of the 
 approval of their respective governments, nor 
 could it be otherwise. After this approval the 
 convention, which constitutes the essential part 
 of the act, shall, if approved (as the King’s Gov- 
 ernment does not doubt it will be), assume the 
 character of an obligation on the part of the na- 
 tions which shall have adhered to it through the 
 signature of plenipotentiaries appointed for the 
 purpose.” 
 
 On March 27, 1906, he was able to announce 
 that “the States which were represented at the 
 Conference of last year at Rome . . . have now 
 all sanctioned by the signature of their plenipo- 
 tentiaries the Convention drafted at that Confer- 
 ence.” As appears from a copy transmitted, the 
 Convention had been signed by the plenipotentia- 
 ries of forty nations, including twelve American 
 republics besides the United States. To this 
 gratifying announcement the Ambassador from 
 Italy added the following: 
 
 “ His Majesty the King at the council of Janu- 
 ary 28 last signed a decree, a few copies of which 
 I have the honor to inclose, by which a royal 
 ' commission is established, and whose precise duty 
 is to carry into effect, as soon as it becomes oper- 
 ative, the convention which will soon be referred 
 to the several contracting governments for rati- 
 fication.” 
 
 At the second general meeting of the Institute 
 at Rome, Dec. 12, 1909, more than 100 foreign 
 delegates were present. 
 
 “His Majesty the King, desiring again to 
 prove how much he has at heart the contem- 
 plated international institute, has ordered that 
 the net income of the royal domains of Tombelo 
 and Coltano, amounting yearly to 300,000 lire, 
 shall be turned over to the above-mentioned 
 royal commission from the 1st of July next until 
 the day when, the international institute of agri- 
 culture being legally constituted, the administra- 
 tion and usufruct of the said domains shall, in 
 accordance with the announcement made to the 
 international conference at its session of June 6, 
 1905, be transferred to the institute itself. 
 
 “In obedience to His Majesty’s interest, the 
 royal commission has decided to apply the sum 
 graciously placed at its disposal for the aforesaid 
 period to the construction of a palace, where the 
 international institute will have its headquarters, 
 and which will therefore be solely due to the 
 munificence of the sovereign. The new building 
 that is to stand on the village Umberto I., near 
 the Porta Pinciana, and will cover 10,000 square 
 meters of public property, will, it is fully ex- 
 pected, be completed about the end of next year, 
 which is the time when the permanent commit- 
 tee of the institute will likely be convened at 
 Rome. This munificent act of His Majesty the 
 King, whereby the erection of quarters worthy 
 of the international institute of agriculture is 
 
 8 
 
AGRICULTURE 
 
 ALASKA 
 
 provided for, thus begins the execution of the 
 convention of June 7, 1905.” 
 
 Transmitting to the American Ambassador at 
 Rome the President’s ratification of the Conven- 
 tion, on the 11th of July, 1906, Secretary Root 
 made known that Congress had appropriated 
 $4800 as the quota of the United States to the 
 support of the International Institute of Agricul- 
 ture for the fiscal year 1907, and $8000 for the 
 travelling expenses of the delegates to be ap- 
 pointed to the grand assembly of the Institute, 
 and for the salary of one member of the perma- 
 nent committee ; and to this he added: “In pur- 
 suance of the authority thus conferred, Mr. David 
 Lubin, of Sacramento, California, has been 
 selected to represent this Government on the 
 permanent committee, it being understood that 
 he is willing to serve without salary.” — Papers 
 relating to the Foreign Relations of the United 
 States, 1905 and 1906 
 
 AGUINALDO Y FAMY, Emilio. See (in 
 
 this vol.) PuiLirpiNE Islands: A. D. 1901. 
 
 AHMED RIZA. See (in this vol.) Turkey: 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 ALASKA: A. D. 1903 . — Settlement ofthe 
 boundary question. — Dissatisfaction in Can- 
 ada dissipated by better knowledge of the 
 facts. — The Alaska boundary question (see in 
 Volume VI. of this work, under Alaska Bound- 
 ary Question) was brought to a settlement in 
 1903 by an arrangement which submitted it to a 
 Commission of six, three representing the United 
 States and three acting for Great Britain and 
 Canada. The American Commissioners were the 
 Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of War, and senators 
 Henry C. Lodge and George Turner, of Massa- 
 chusetts and the State of Washington respect- 
 ively. The British and Canadian members were 
 the Lord Chief Justice of Enarland, Lord Alver- 
 stone, Sir Louis Jette, of Quebec, and A. B. 
 Aylesworth, of Toronto, Ontario. The Com- 
 mission, meeting in London, arrived at its de- 
 cision in October, signing, on the 20th, an agree- 
 ment on all the questions submitted. “By this 
 award,” said President Roosevelt, in his subse- 
 quent Message to Congress, “the right of the 
 United States to the control of a continuous 
 strip or border of the mainland shore, skirting 
 all the tide-water inlets and sinuosities of the 
 coast, is confirmed ; the entrance to Portland 
 Canal (concerning which legitimate doubt ap- 
 peared) is defined as passing by Tongass Inlet 
 and to the northwestward of Wales and Pearse 
 islands: a line is drawn from the head of Port- 
 land Canal to the fifty-sixth degree of north lati- 
 tude : and the interior border line of the strip is 
 fixed by lines connecting certain mountain sum- 
 mits lying between Portland Canal and Mount 
 St. Elias and running along the crest of the divide 
 separating the coast slope from the inland water- 
 shed, at the only part of the frontier where the 
 drainage ridge approaches the coast within the 
 distance of ten marine leagues stipulated by the 
 treaty as the extreme width of the strip around 
 the heads of Lynn Canal and its branches. While 
 the line so traced follows the provisional demar- 
 cation of 1878 at the crossing of the Stikine 
 River, and that of 1899 at the summits of the 
 White and Cliilkoot passes, it runs much farther 
 inland from the Klehine than the temporary line 
 of the later modus vivendi, and leaves the entire 
 mining district of the Porcupine River and Gla- 
 cier Creek within the jurisdiction of the United 
 
 States. The result is satisfactory in every way. 
 It is of great material advantage to our people 
 in the Far Northwest. It has removed from the 
 field of discussion and possible danger a question 
 liable to become more acutely accentuated with 
 each passing year. Finally it has furnished a 
 signal proof of the fairness and good will with 
 which two friendly nations can approach and 
 determine issues involving national sovereignty, 
 and by their nature incapable of submission to 
 a third power for adjudication.” — Message of 
 President Roosevelt, Dec. 7, 1903. 
 
 In Canada the feeling was very different from 
 that expressed by President Roosevelt. There, 
 the dissatisfaction was intense. The two Cana- 
 dian Commissioners had opposed the award, 
 while Lord Alverstone cast his vote with the three 
 Americans, which provoked the accusation that 
 his decision had been given, at the instigation of 
 the British Government, not judicially, but dip- 
 lomatically, for the pleasing of the United States, 
 at the sacrifice of Canadian interests and rights. 
 The groundlessness of such defamatory suspi- 
 cions became plain when Lord Alverstone made 
 public the reasons for his vote. A recent histo- 
 rian of Canada ends his account of the matter 
 with the following remarks: 
 
 “ In vain did students and experts declare that 
 they had felt before the tribunal met that Canada 
 had, in very many respects, a weak case. It was 
 pointed out that some of the Canadian surveys 
 gave the line as the Americans claimed it, that 
 Americans had by long occupation got a hold 
 upon and a right of possession to various ports 
 and sections, and that against this occupancy 
 J;here had been no British protest whatever. 
 Finally one distinguished citizen reminded the 
 Canadians that if they had been allowed to select 
 one man as sole arbitrator they would have been 
 glad to accept Lord Alverstone. Lord Alverstone 
 was really the one arbitrator and judge. Had 
 he decided against the Americans, the case 
 would have been deadlocked for years. In time 
 Canadians came to a more sober and reasonable 
 attitude on the subject. They came to see that 
 Lord Alverstone could not have been prejudiced 
 and that his decision was really the only one that 
 was fair and unbiased. Some came also to see 
 that the American case was much the stronger, 
 and that in this light the decision was a just one. 
 But they were not and are not ready to believe 
 that the whole scheme was anything but one con- 
 trived at Washington to get the contest settled 
 to the advantage of the Americans.” — F. B. 
 Tracy, Tercentenary History of Canada, v. 3, p. 
 1044 ( Macmillan Co., N. Y., 1908). 
 
 A full account of the arbitration with the cor- 
 respondence preceding it, and the opinions writ- 
 ten by the arbitrators severally, is given in the 
 British Parliamentary “Papers by Command” 
 (United States, No. 1, 1904), Cd. 1877. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Convention to provide for final 
 establishment of the boundary line. — Final 
 proceedings for establishing the boundary line of 
 Alaska were provided for in a Convention be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain, signed 
 April 21, 1906. The need and object of the Con- 
 vention were set forth in its preamble as follows : 
 
 “Whereas by a treaty between the United 
 States of America and His Majesty the Emperor 
 of all the Russias, for the cession of the Russian 
 possessions in North America to the United 
 States, concluded March 30, 1867, the most north- 
 
ALASKA 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 erly part of the boundary line between the said 
 Russian possessions and those of His Britannic 
 Majesty, as established by the prior convention 
 between Russia and Great Britain, of February 
 f 1825, is defined as following the 141st degree 
 of longitude west from Greenwich, beginning 
 at the point of intersection of the said 141st de- 
 gree of west longitude with a certain line drawn 
 parallel with the coast, and thence continuing 
 from the said point of intersection, upon the said 
 meridian of the 141st degree in its prolongation 
 as far as the Frozen Ocean , 
 
 “And whereas, the location of said meridian 
 of the 141st degree of west longitude between 
 the terminal points thereof defined in said treaty 
 is dependent upon the scientific ascertainment 
 of convenient points along the said meridian and 
 the survey of the country intermediate between 
 such points, involving no question of interpre- 
 tation of the aforesaid treaties but merely the 
 determination of such points and their connect- 
 ing lines by the ordinary processes of observation 
 and survey conducted by competent astronomers, 
 engineers and surveyors; 
 
 ‘ ‘ And whereas such determination has not hith- 
 erto been made by a joint survey as is requisite in 
 order to give complete effect to said treaties.” 
 
 To make such determination it was agreed that 
 each Government should “appoint one Commis- 
 sioner, with whom may be associated such sur- 
 veyors, astronomers and other assistants as each 
 Government may elect.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Election of a delegate to 
 Congress. — An Act to authorize the election 
 of a Delegate to Congress from the Territory of 
 Alaska was approved by the President May 7, 
 1906. 
 
 ALASKA COAL FIELDS. See (in this vol.) 
 Conservation of Natural Resources : 
 United States. 
 
 ALASKA-YUKON-PACIFIC EXPOSI- 
 TION. See (in this vol.) Seattle: A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 ALBANIA: A. D. 1904. — Hostility to the 
 Murzsteg programme. See (in this vol.) Tur- 
 key : A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 ALBERT, King of Belgium. See (in this 
 vol.) Belgium; A. D. 1909 (Dec.). 
 
 ALBERT, Marcellin : Leader of the wine- 
 growers revolt in France. See (in this vol.) 
 France: A. D. 1907 (May-July). 
 
 ALBERTA: Organized as a province of 
 the Dominion of Canada. See (in this vol.) 
 Canada : A. D. 1905. 
 
 ALCOHOL 
 
 Austria : A. D. 1903. — Resolution ofthe Na- 
 tional Convention of the Social Democratic 
 Party against alcoholic drinks. — At a con- 
 vention of the Social Democracy of the Austrian 
 Empire, held at Vienna, in November, 1903, Dr. 
 Richard Frohlich read an elaborate report against 
 the use of intoxicating liquors, concluding with 
 an earnest appeal, in these words; “We want to 
 create a new social order : to give the world a new 
 face ! To lay the foundations for the new society is 
 the task of political and industrial organization — 
 and there is no greater deterrent to the accomplish- 
 ment of that task than alcohol. In building the new 
 mansion of the future we think also of the men 
 who are to dwell in it. Does it not bring a blush of 
 shame to our cheeks merely to imagine that the 
 men of the future society will be contented be- 
 cause they are intoxicated. ! Contentment in that 
 new order will arise from a sound brain and the 
 satisfaction of the rational desires which proceed 
 from it. We have enough retarding forces to con- 
 tend with in our struggle for this ideal of the 
 future generation. One such force we are able 
 to-day to overcome if we will. That is alcoholism, 
 the last refuge of philistinism and stupid con- 
 servatism. If we really want the new world, we 
 must provide the new men to make it. The pro- 
 gram of total abstinence does not set new ideals 
 for us, but it gives us a new weapon, sharp and 
 effective for the conquest of our old ideals. The 
 responsibility is upon us to use this weapon. Let 
 us do it ! ” 
 
 In response, the Convention adopted the fol- 
 lowing resolution: 
 
 “The convention of the party recognizes in 
 alcohol a serious detriment to the physical and 
 mental power of the working man, and a great 
 hindrance to all efforts of organization in the 
 social democracy. Every means should be em- 
 ployed to remove the evils which have come 
 from it. 
 
 PROBLEM. 
 
 “The first aim in this struggle must be the 
 economic betterment of the proletariat. And that 
 must be accomplished by a clear teaching of the 
 effects of alcohol, and by the removal of the com- 
 mon toleration of drinking. 
 
 “The convention of the party, therefore, re- 
 commends that all the party groups and brother- 
 hoods lend their support to the crusade against 
 alcohol, and declares that the first step in this di- 
 rection must be the abolishment of compulsory 
 drinking in all of the meetings of the organiza- 
 tion. Members of the party who are converted 
 to total abstinence are recommended to form 
 total abstinence clubs, to continue the propa- 
 ganda and to see to it that their members are true 
 to the political and economic duties of the party 
 organization.” 
 
 Canada: A. D. 1906-1908. — The Canada 
 Temperance Act. — Under what was known 
 as the Scott Act, of 1878, the privilege of local 
 option had been given to counties and cities in 
 Canada, and had been brought into exercise by 
 nine cities and seventy-three counties, which 
 prohibited the sale of intoxicating liquors within 
 their limits ; but in most of these the supporters 
 of the law were gradually overcome and the pro- 
 hibition removed. In all the provinces except 
 Quebec, a referendum vote taken in 1898 showed 
 majorities in favor of a Dominion Prohibition 
 Law ; but the vote cast was so light and the ad- 
 verse majorities in cities was so large that the 
 government did not feel warranted in bringing 
 forward a Bill. In 1906, however, the demand 
 for local option in the matter of permitting al- 
 coholic liquors to be sold had become strong , 
 enough to extort from Parliament the desired 
 legislation. As amended in 1908, Part II. of this 
 Canada Temperance Act (Part I. having pre- 
 scribed the proceedings for bringing Part II. into 
 force) provides that “ from the day on which this 
 Part comes into force and takes effect in any 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 county or city, and for so long thereafter as, and 
 while the same continues or is in force therein, 
 no person shall, except as in this Part specially 
 provided, by himself, his clerk, servant or agent,— 
 (a) expose or keep for sale, within such county 
 or city, any intoxicating liquor; or, ( b ) directly 
 or indirectly on any pretense or upon any device, 
 within any such county or city, sell or barter, or, 
 in consideration of the purchase of any other 
 property, give to any other person any intoxi- 
 cating liquor; or, (c) send, ship, bring or carry 
 or cause to be sent, shipped, brought, or carried 
 to or into any such county or city, any intoxi- 
 cating liquor; or, ( d ) deliver to any consignee or 
 other person, or store, warehouse, or keep for 
 delivery, any intoxicating liquor so sent, shipped, 
 brought or carried.” But these last two subsec- 
 tions are not to ‘ ‘ apply to any intoxicating liquor 
 sent, shipped, brought or carried to any person 
 or persons for his or their personal or family use, 
 except it be so sent, shipped, brought or carried 
 to be paid for in such county or city to the person 
 delivering the same, his clerk, servant, or agent, 
 or his master or principal, if the person deliver- 
 ing it is himself a servant or agent.” 
 
 To bring Part II. of the Act into force in any 
 county or city, not less than one-fourth of the 
 total number of electors therein must petition 
 the Governor in Council for a poll of votes on 
 the question, and when the vote is taken there 
 must be an affirmative majority; failing which 
 no similar petition can be put to vote in the same 
 community for three years. 
 
 On the 2d of May, 1909, the following an- 
 nouncement of the operation of the law in the 
 province of Ontario was made: “May Day, 1909, 
 will long be remembered by the advocates of 
 local option in Ontario. One hundred and forty- 
 two bars passed out of existence yesterday, and 
 of the 807 municipalities in the province 334 are 
 now without a single license in force. The 
 Toronto commissioners have cut off 40 licenses, 
 leaving only 110 in a city of nearly 400,000 
 people.” 
 
 Casual occurrences of saloon suppression, 
 showing what goes with it. — Communities in 
 which the liquor traffic is ordinarily favored are 
 sometimes compelled by exigencies of circum- 
 stance to suppress it temporarily, and are forced 
 then to see how much of crime and disorder goes 
 with it. During the weeks in which military 
 authority cleared saloons from San Francisco, 
 after the calamity of 1906, every observer made 
 note of the conspicuous freedom of the city 
 “from all kinds of violence and crime,” though 
 the whole organization of life was upset. One 
 trustworthy journal reported conditions six 
 months after the calamity as follows: “During 
 the two months and a half after April 18 San 
 Francisco was probably the most orderly large 
 city in the United States. Violence and crime 
 were practically unknown. During that time the 
 saloons and liquor stores of the city were closed 
 tight. About the middle of July the saloons 
 were permitted to open again. This action of 
 the city government was accompanied by the ex- 
 pectation on the part of many citizens of an out- 
 break of violence and disorder. Clergymen, and 
 it is said even the police, advised men and women 
 to carry firearms for their own protection. For 
 the past three months San Francisco has been 
 living under a reign of terror. In eighty days 
 eighty-three murders, robberies, and assaults 
 
 were registered on the police records. A despatch 
 to Ridgway’s, the new weekly periodical, reports 
 the sale in San Francisco during one week in 
 October of over six thousand revolvers.” 
 
 When Stockholm, in the summer of 1909, was 
 undergoing the trials of the great general strike, 
 and by general consent of all concerned the sale 
 of liquors was stopped, the same report went 
 out, that magistrates and police had little to do. 
 And that is the stauding account of things from 
 the Panama Canal Zone, about which an English 
 visitor, Sir Harry Johnston, wrote in April, 1909: 
 
 “The whole of the canal zone (ten miles on 
 either side of the canal banks) is ‘ teetotal,’ except 
 in the actual towns of Panama and Colon. No 
 alcohol is sold by the Canal Commission at its 
 hotels or boarding-houses. And the general re- 
 sult of these stern measures — the improvement 
 in health and the absence of crime — amply jus- 
 tifies this anti-alcohol policy. . . . There is sin- 
 gularly little serious crime throughout the canal 
 zone. One has the sensation of being perfectly 
 safe anywhere at any time of day or night. 
 Petty dishonesty among the lower classes is 
 common, especially at the railway stations, where 
 one is liable to lose small articles of baggage if 
 they are left unguarded. Panama in this respect 
 is worse than the other towns of the Isthmus, 
 new or old. But there is no open shock to any 
 one’s prejudices or sentiments in the way of 
 flagrant immorality (as at New Orleans, for ex- 
 ample).” 
 
 So easily can communities solve half, at least, 
 of their most troublesome problems, and cure 
 half, at least, of their worst social maladies, if 
 they will ! 
 
 England: A. D. 1902 . — Passage of an 
 amended licensing law. — A moderate re- 
 form. — A Licensing Bill, moderately in the in- 
 terest of temperance reform, was discussed and 
 passed in Parliament during the summer of 1902. 
 It made publicans more strictly responsible for 
 drunkenness incurred on their premises ; strength- 
 ened the prohibition of liquor-selling to habitual 
 drunkards; improved measures for the suppres- 
 sion of public drunkenness; subjected licenses to 
 tradesmen for the sale of liquors off their prem- 
 ises to the unqualified discretion of justices, and 
 facilitated the separation of husbands and wives 
 from a drunken mate. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Passing of a new Licensing 
 Bill, providing compensation for the with- 
 drawal of licenses on grounds of public 
 policy. — An agitation in Great Britain which 
 almost equalled for a time that produced in the 
 same period by Mr. Chamberlain’s campaign 
 for a preferential tariff was stirred up by a new 
 Licensing Bill, introduced as a Government 
 measure on the 20th of April, 1904. The bill 
 provided for compensation to be made, at the 
 expense of the liquor trade, for the taking of a 
 license away from any public house, on grounds 
 of public policy, no matter how briefly the license 
 had been held. A fund for the compensations 
 was to be raised by assessment on all engaged 
 in the trade. Authority to refuse the renewal 
 or transfer of licenses on any ground other than 
 ill conduct or character was withdrawn from 
 local magistrates and exercised by the courts of 
 quarter sessions (composed of the justices of the 
 peace in each county) only. When a public 
 house was thought to be superfluous by local 
 magistrates they were required to report the 
 
 1 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 case to quarter sessions, where a hearing upon 
 it would be given. If the Bench of quarter ses- 
 sions decided to extinguish the license, it must 
 specify the grounds of its decision in writ- 
 ing, and award a compensation, based on the 
 estimated difference between the value of the 
 licensed premises and the value of the same 
 premises without a license. If no agreement on 
 this basis could be reached, the Inland Revenue 
 Commissioners should determine the sum. 
 
 The Bill was advocated in the interest of tem- 
 perance, as being calculated to reduce the num- 
 ber of public houses, and to raise their character. 
 Mr. Balfour upheld it as “a great temperance 
 measure.” It should be the aim of Government, 
 he argued, to “encourage respectable persons to 
 keep public houses, and with that object they 
 should make the trade secure.” On the other 
 side it was opposed with exceeding bitterness as 
 a measure that had the backing and was in the 
 interest of the brewers and the whole liquor 
 trade ; that created vested interests in the trade, 
 rooting it to a new depth ; that tended to add 
 value to the low class of public houses, and ob- 
 structed future temperance reform. Repeated 
 attempts to introduce a limit of years after 
 which the awarding of compensation for the 
 withdrawal of license would cease were defeated, 
 and the Bill passed both Houses in August, sub- 
 stantially as it came into Parliament four months 
 before. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Drink in its relation to crime. 
 — Testimony of judges. — “The following is 
 from a newspaper report of a speech by Judge 
 Rentoul, delivered in the Guildhall, G’ambridge, 
 on the 15th of October, 1907. He happened to be 
 one of the judges of the chief criminal courts of 
 this country, and he said to them on that plat- 
 form that 90 per cent, of the cases that came to 
 the Central Criminal Court of England came 
 directly through drink. The late Lord Bramp- 
 ton, formerly Sir Henry Hawkins, perhaps the 
 greatest criminal judge during the past century, 
 had also put the figures at 90 per cent. Lord 
 Coleridge, speaking at one Assizes, said, ‘Every 
 single case in my present list comes from the 
 use of strong drink.’ ‘If it were not,’ said his 
 Honour, ‘ for alcohol, three fourths of our crimi- 
 nal courts would be closed in this country and 
 closed forever.’ ” — H. A. Giles, Opium and Alco- 
 hol in China (Nineteenth Century , Dec., 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Passage of a new Licensing 
 Bill by the Commons and its rejection by 
 the Lords. — Nothing contributed more to the 
 defeat of the Conservative Ministry in the Brit- 
 ish Parliamentary elections of 1905 than the 
 moral repugnance of the country to the Licens- 
 ing Bill of 1904 (described above); and the Lib- 
 eral Government came to power with no com- 
 mission from the people more positive than was 
 in the demand for an amendment of that law. 
 In 1908 it brought into Parliament and passed 
 through the House of Commons a Bill which 
 answered the demand, asserting the right and 
 the need and the power in Government to put 
 limitations on the granting of licenses for the 
 sale of intoxicating liquors, without treating 
 them as vested interests under a sacred guard. 
 The limitation, in fact, was made definite and 
 mandatory by the first provision of the Bill, 
 which declared; “Licensing justices shall, in 
 accordance with this Act, reduce the number of 
 on-licenses in their district so that at the end of 
 
 a period of fourteen years from the fifth day 
 of April nineteen hundred and nine the number 
 of those licenses in any rural parish or urban 
 area in their district shall not exceed the scale 
 
 set out in the First Schedule to this Act as ap- 
 plied to that parish or area under the provisions 
 of that schedule.” The schedule referred to was 
 
 as follows: 
 
 Persons per acre. 
 
 
 2 or less 
 
 
 Exceeding 2 but not exceeding 25 
 “ 25 “ “ 50 
 
 
 “ 50 
 
 75 
 
 
 “ 75 
 
 100 
 
 
 “ 100 
 
 200 
 
 
 “ 200 
 
 
 
 Number of on-licenses. 
 
 
 1 to 
 
 400 persons or part of 
 
 400 
 
 1 “ 
 
 500 
 
 500 
 
 1 “ 
 
 600 
 
 600 
 
 1 “ 
 
 700 
 
 700 
 
 . 1 “ 
 
 800 
 
 800 
 
 1 “ 
 
 900 
 
 900 
 
 1 “ 
 
 1,000 
 
 1,000 
 
 The Bill provided further for local option in 
 the matter of granting new licenses, permitting 
 a majority of voters in any licensing district to 
 prohibit further grants ; and introduced other 
 changes of law in the interest of temperance, 
 but not going to any extreme. When the meas- 
 ure went to the House of Lords it suffered there 
 the same fate that had been meted out to the 
 Education Bill of 1906. How serious an issue 
 between the Commons and the Lords was raised 
 by that occurrence is intimated in one passage 
 of a speech made by the Liberal Prime Minister, 
 Mr. Asquith, in July, 1909. He was reviewing 
 some of the significant incidents of recent politi- 
 cal history, and when he came to the Licensing 
 Bill there was more feeling in his remarks than 
 he had shown before. “That,” he said, “was 
 a Bill, as you know, which was debated for 
 weeks and for months and passed through the 
 House of Commons with sustained and unexam- 
 pled majorities. When it reached ‘another 
 place,’ what was its fate ? It was rejected with- 
 out even any pretence of consideration of its 
 details, it was rejected in pursuance of a pre- 
 concerted party resolution, it was rejected with 
 every circumstance of contumely and contempt. 
 I will not pause to dwell upon, certainly not to 
 praise, the provisions of the Licensing Bill, 
 which, I may say, was to some extent my own 
 handiwork. But in regard to its rejection I will 
 say that it has made two things — that rejection 
 and the circumstances preceding, following, and 
 attending it have made two things — abundantly 
 plain. The first is that it has ruined the pros- 
 pects of any really effective temperance reform 
 on anything like a large and comprehensive scale 
 during the lifetime of the present Parliament. 
 I will say next the circumstances of that rejec- 
 tion have brought into greater prominence than 
 ever before the fact that our constitutional sys- 
 tem is not, or at least that it can be made not to 
 be, the embodiment, but the caricature of a re- 
 presentative and responsible Government. And 
 the question of the relations between the two 
 Houses of Parliament must be for us Liberals, 
 at any rate, as I described it at the time, the 
 dominant issue in our programme.” 
 
 The requirement of the Act of 1904 that com- 
 
'ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 pcnsation should be paid to every license-holder 
 whose lieense was withdrawn for publie reasons, 
 put so narrow a limit on the reductions made, 
 that the 138,011 licensed houses in England and 
 Wales in 1904 had oidy been diminished by about 
 3000 in 1908 ; whereas the country demanded a 
 great cutting down of the excessive number. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Provisions of The Children 
 Act for the Protection of Children. See (in this 
 vol.) Children, under the Law : as Depend- 
 ents, &c. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Taxation of the Liquor Trade 
 proposed in the Budget. See (in this vol.) 
 England : A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Decreased Consumption 
 of Whiskey caused by increased tax. — Speak- 
 ing in Parliament of the increased whiskey tax 
 in his Budget, on the 29th of October, some 
 months after it had gone into effect and its yield 
 was being shown, the Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer, Mr. Lloyd-George, acknowledged that 
 he had greatly overestimated the revenue it would 
 produce. He said : “ The whole point was to what 
 extent would an addition of a halfpenny a glass 
 deter a man from taking his usual share of drink. 
 I could no more estimate that than any other 
 member of the House. I made a very liberal 
 allowance for decrease in consumption, so liberal 
 that nobody either in or out of the House agreed 
 with it. Many said it was absurd. . . . I assumed 
 that people who could afford it would not regard 
 the halfpenny at all; that they would buy exactly 
 the same quantity of whisky as before. The 
 working classes I assumed would probably pur- 
 chase a smaller quantity. Supposing a man says, 
 I spend 2s. 6d. on drink ; he would not spend 
 more ; therefore he would consume less. 
 
 “ I made a rough calculation upon such infor- 
 mation as I had how that would affect the con- 
 sumption of whisky as a whole, but I find the 
 change has gone beyond that, and my informa- 
 tion now is not merely that there are thousands 
 of people who drink a percentage which is, in 
 proportion to the increase, less, but some of them 
 drop it altogether. Some of them are barely 
 drinking half what they were before. Altogether 
 a most extraordinary effect has been produced 
 upon the habits of the people. I am not here to 
 apologize for that at all. In some districts, I am 
 told, the drinking of spirits has gone down by 70 
 percent, in Ireland, I think. I hear that there are 
 districts in Scotland where it has gone down 50 
 per cent. I have a communication in regard 
 to the whisky distillers of Glasgow saying that 
 the decrease in Glasgow during September has 
 been 36 per cent. 
 
 “People have not even been driven to the con- 
 sumption of beer. It is really almost unaccount- 
 able. People have not been driven from one form 
 of alcohol to another, but have been driven from 
 alcohol altogether. The fact is very extraordi- 
 nary, and has gone beyond anything I have anti- 
 cipated. . . . Our anticipations now are that the 
 consumption of spirits, both of foreign and home 
 manufacture, will go down by something be- 
 tween 20 and 25 per cent. That means that a 
 smaller quantity of spirits will be consumed in 
 this country during this year by eight or nine 
 million gallons.’’ 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Organization of “The True 
 Temperance Association.” — Its aim and 
 appeal. — Under the name of “The True Temper- 
 ance Association,” a London organization headed 
 
 by Lord Halsbury made the following appeal to 
 the English public, in May, 1909: “Let us take 
 what is to hand — the publichouse ; the regu- 
 lated refreshment house of the people. Let us 
 transform that out of its present condition of a 
 mere drink-shop into a house of general, reason- 
 able, and reputable entertainment — a place where 
 there will be other things to consume besides 
 beer and whisky, and other forms of recreation 
 besides mere drink. We should imitate the 
 model of the Continental cafe and German bier- 
 lutus ; the White City and other exhibitions have 
 shown us that they would not be exotics in this 
 country; and those exhibitions with their won- 
 derful record of sobriety also show us that there 
 is every ground to expect that England, with 
 transformed publichouses, would beas sober, and 
 withal as bright as are Continental countries.” 
 England, United States, France, and Ger- 
 many, A. D. 1900. — Comparative statement 
 of the consumption of alcoholic drink. — 
 “The consumption of alcoholic drink in the 
 above countries, per ten of population, was in 
 the year 1900 as follows: — 
 
 Drink-consumption per 4 10 of population. 
 
 Country. 
 
 Beer, spirits, 
 and wine. 
 
 Beer. 
 
 Spirits. 
 
 Wine. 
 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 France 
 
 .. 336 
 
 62 
 
 20 
 
 254 
 
 United Kingdom 332 
 
 317 
 
 11 
 
 4 
 
 Germany . . . . 
 
 . . 309 
 
 275 
 
 19 
 
 15 
 
 United States 
 
 . . 147 
 
 133 
 
 11 
 
 3 
 
 “Some years agone, the late P. G. Hamerton 
 in his book French and English mentioned the 
 increase of drinking in France, and we see that 
 French drink-consumption per head is now 
 greater than British consumption. The French 
 drink more spirits, more wine, and have a larger 
 total consumption per head than any of these 
 three other nations. 
 
 “The most striking fact in the above state- 
 ment is the low drink-consumption per head in 
 the United States. The American total per head 
 is less than one-half of the total consumption 
 per head in any of the three other countries. 
 The superior sobriety of the American workman 
 as compared with the Englishman has often been 
 noticed, and observation in social grades higher 
 than that of the artizan tends to show that 
 American superiority in this respect is a general 
 superiority not confined to workmen only. The 
 developed alertness and prompt energy of the 
 American may, it is quite likely, be due in some 
 part to this relative abstinence from alcoholic 
 drink which is now illustrated. 
 
 “Looking back over the fifteen years 1886- 
 1900, for the purpose of observing the increase 
 or the decrease in drink-consumption per head 
 of population, the following results have been 
 obtained; — 
 
 Country. 
 
 Average yearly drink-consumption, 
 per head of population, during 
 1886-1890. 1891-1895. 1890-1900. 
 
 France 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 26.5 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 31.5 
 
 Gallons. 
 
 32.3 
 
 United Kingdom. . 
 
 29.4 
 
 31.1 
 
 33.1 
 
 Germany 
 
 24.4 
 
 26.6 
 
 29.9 
 
 United States . . . . 
 
 11.8 
 
 14.3 
 
 14.2 
 
 The drink-consumption per 
 
 head during 1886-1890 The drink-consumption per 
 
 being taken at 100 head during 1896-1900 was 
 
 per cent. per cent. 
 
 France 
 
 100 
 
 122 
 
 United Kingdom. 
 
 100 
 
 113 
 
 Germany 
 
 100 
 
 123 
 
 United States . . . 
 
 100 
 
 120 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 “ In each country the drink-consumption per 
 head of population has increased since 1886- 
 1890, and, with the exception of the United 
 States, there has been an increase during each 
 five -yearly period observed, 
 
 “Comparing the period 1896-1900 with the 
 period 1886-1890, we see that the percentage 
 of increase per head of population in drink-con- 
 sumption was smaller in the United Kingdom 
 than in any of the three other countries. Ger- 
 many and France have had the largest relative 
 increases per head of population. 
 
 “In the United States, the increase of 20 per 
 cent in the drink-consumption per head of popu- 
 lation is due to an increase in beer-drinking — 
 the consumption per head of wine and of spirits 
 has declined.” — J. H. Schooling, Brink: in 
 England , the United States, France, and Ger- 
 many {Fortnightly Review, Jan., 1902). 
 
 France: A. D. 1907. — Revolt of the Wine 
 Growers of Southern France against wine 
 adulteration. See (in this vol. ) France : A. D. 
 1907 (May-July). 
 
 Germany: Temperance requisite in rail- 
 way employees. — The dangers to the travel- 
 ing public that are attendant on the use of al- 
 coholic stimulants by railway employees were 
 discussed very seriously not long since by a 
 writer in the Deutsche Monatsschrift. “ The con- 
 stantly growing demands upon transit service 
 for safety and speed,” he observed, “call for an 
 increasingly higher efficiency of the personnel, 
 not only as regards prudence, judgment, deci- 
 sion, and clearsightedness, but a sense of duty, 
 all which qualities are, it has been proved, viti- 
 ated by nothing so readily and to such a degree 
 as by indulgence in alcoholic drinks. The chief 
 danger, moreover, consists not so much in exces- 
 sive drink resulting in drunkenness, which is 
 easily recognized, as in the more moderate but 
 habitual use of liquor, which is harder to control, 
 and the after-effects of heavy drinking. Scien- 
 tific investigation has established the fact that 
 even a moderate use of alcoholic beverages im- 
 pairs the acuteness of sight and hearing, includ- 
 ing the power of distinguishing colors. Most of 
 the violations of discipline and duty in the Ger- 
 man transportation service are due to indulgence 
 in drink, besides leading to misery and want in 
 the home.” 
 
 The writer alludes to an association of German 
 railway officials started by himself, whose object 
 it is to enlighten the public regarding the worth- 
 lessness of alcoholic drinks as a tonic and how 
 they may be dispensed with as a means of re- 
 freshment. This society, he states, has been 
 most encouragingly successful in its efforts. He 
 adds the important statement that the Prussian 
 Government, owing to recent serious accidents, 
 has issued an order prohibiting all railway em- 
 ployees from taking any beverage containing 
 alcohol while on duty. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Resolution of Socialist Con- 
 gress. — The subject in Prussian schools. — 
 
 The German Socialist Congress, sitting at Mu- 
 nich in September, 1902, adopted a resolution 
 which warned the working classes against the 
 dangers from immoderate indulgence in alco- 
 holic drinks, but declined to make total absti- 
 nence a condition of party membership. In the 
 previous March the Prussian minister of edu- 
 cation had given instructions to the school au- 
 thorities of the kingdom which aimed at the 
 
 enlightening of the people as to the deleterious 
 effects, both physical and economical, of an 
 excessive use of alcoholic liquors. The same 
 subject had been agitated in the Prussian par- 
 liament, and there was discussion of measures of 
 more strict regulation of public houses. 
 
 International Congress on Alcoholism. — 
 For twenty-four years an International Congress 
 on Alcoholism has held biennial meetings in dif- 
 ferent European cities, beginning at Antwerp in 
 1885, steadily demonstrating a growth of oppo- 
 sition — especially of scientific opposition — even 
 in Continental Europe, to the use of alcoholic 
 liquors. The meeting of 1905 was at Budapest; 
 that of 1907 at Stockholm; that of 1909 at Lon- 
 don. The delegates to the latter numbered about 
 1300, coming from nearly every European coun- 
 try, and from the United States, Canada, and 
 South Africa. Of the strong character of the 
 discussions at the London meeting the New York 
 Evening Post said after its adjournment: “Men 
 and women from every country, representing 
 varying conditions of society, offered evidence 
 tending to show, by actual figures of loss, the 
 bad effects of drinking. From the standpoint of 
 education, science, medicine, society, economics, 
 efficiency, and law, the speakers all reached the 
 same conclusion, bringing strong testimony in 
 support. Efficiency was the keynote of papers 
 representing public service on the part of the 
 post office, the railroad, the navy, and the army 
 of Great Britain.” 
 
 An interesting figure at the Congress, it was 
 said by an American newspaper correspondent, 
 was Judge William J. Pollard, of St. Louis, 
 who went as a representative of the U. S. Gov- 
 ernment, and who was known widely as the 
 originator of the pledge instead of prison method 
 of dealing with drunkards. When he spoke on 
 that subject he was given a double allowance of 
 time, on the motion of a delegate from France, 
 and, although under the constitution of the con- 
 gress no resolution could be put, a declaration in 
 favor of the plan was signed by practically every 
 delegate in the hall. The declaration reads as 
 follows: 
 
 “We, the undersigned members and delegates 
 attending the International Congress on Alco- 
 holism assembled in Loudon, July, 1909, desire 
 to record our gratification at the recognition in 
 statute law by Great Britain, Vermont, U. S. A., 
 and Victoria (Australia) of the principle of re- 
 forming drunkards by the probation on pledge 
 method, commonly known as the Pollard plan. 
 The possibilities of this wise and beneficent pol- 
 icy are so great that we desire to commend its 
 adoption throughout the world.” 
 
 “ Judge Pollard’s plan, established in the Saint 
 Louis police court nine years ago, consists in 
 giving the drunkards a chance of reform. In- 
 stead of sentencing them to prison or fining them, 
 Judge Pollard requires persons charged before 
 him with drunkenness to take the pledge. If 
 they do so he suspends sentence on them, and if 
 the pledge is kept for a certain period they hear 
 no more about the matter. If it is broken the 
 fine or sentence is enforced.” 
 
 One of the results of the Congress was the 
 organization of a “ World’s Prohibition Confed- 
 eration,” “ to better amalgamate the forces in 
 various countries working along their respective 
 lines towards the one common aim of the total 
 suppression of the liquor traffic.” 
 
 14 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 Two sessions were held and the Conference 
 finally decided by unanimous vote upon the fol- 
 lowing outline of the purposes and methods of 
 the new Confederation : 
 
 “(1) Name — The name of this association 
 shall be ‘The International Prohibition Confed- 
 eration (Confederation Prohibitioniste Interna- 
 tionale — Internationaler Verbaud fuer Alkohol- 
 verbot).’ 
 
 “(2) Object — (a) To amalgamate the forces 
 in various countries working along their respec- 
 tive lines towards the one common aim of the 
 total suppression of the liquor traffic, (b) To 
 obtain notes of progress, information, and news 
 from all parts of the world, and send such infor- 
 mation to all organizations joining the Confed- 
 eration and other applicants. 
 
 ‘ ‘ (3) Membership — The membership shall con- 
 sist of representatives of temperance organiza- 
 tions in all countries approving of the objects 
 and such officers as may be elected by the Con- 
 federation. 
 
 “(4) Finances — The financial support shall be 
 gained from such contributions as the various 
 affiliated societies and individual associate mem- 
 bers may subscribe.” 
 
 New Zealand : A. D. 1896-1908. — Twelve 
 years of Local Option. — Increasing majorities 
 against the liquor traffic. — The vote of wo- 
 men. — Under the operation of a local option law 
 since 1896, New Zealand has been steadily nar- 
 rowing the liquor traffic, with what seems to be 
 a fair prospect of extinguishing it entirely. The 
 law provides for the taking of a vote in each 
 parliamentary electoral district once in three 
 years on three propositions, as follows: 
 
 “1. That the number of licensed houses ex- 
 isting in the district shall continue. 
 
 “ 2. That the number shall be reduced. 
 
 “3. That no licenses whatever shall be 
 granted. 
 
 “ Electors may vote for one of these proposals 
 or for two of them. The prohibitionists strike 
 out the top line, and thus vote for a reduction 
 of the number of licenses, and also for total 
 prohibition in their district. Those who oppose 
 prohibition usually strike out the second and 
 third lines, so as to vote for the continuance of 
 existing licensed houses ; while there are others, 
 again, who strike out the first and third issues, 
 with a view simply to a reduction in the number 
 of licensed houses. An absolute majority of the 
 votes carries reduction ; but it requires a three- 
 fifths majority to carry ‘ no-license.’ If reduc- 
 tion is carried the licensing committee must then 
 reduce the publicans’ licenses in the district by 
 not less than 5 per cent, or more than 25 per 
 cent, of the total number existing.” 
 
 The local option vote has now been taken five 
 times, with a slow but steady increase of major- 
 ities given against the liquor traffic, either to 
 restrict or to end it, — as the following table 
 shows : 
 
 Continuance. Redaction. No-license. Valid votes. 
 
 1896 . . 
 
 . 139,500 
 
 94,500 
 
 98,300 
 
 259,800 
 
 1899 . . 
 
 . 142,400 
 
 107,700 
 
 118,500 
 
 281,800 
 
 1902 . . 
 
 . 148,400 
 
 132,200 
 
 151,500 
 
 318,800 
 
 1905 . . 
 
 . 182,800 
 
 151,000 
 
 198,700 
 
 396,400 
 
 1908 . . 
 
 . 186,300 
 
 161,800 
 
 209,100 
 
 410,100 
 
 The figures here entered of the vote in 1908 
 are not official, but are said to be close to ac- 
 curacy. 
 
 The New Zealand correspondent of the Lon- 
 don Times , from whose report the above is taken, 
 adds these particulars: “ The result of the local 
 option poll taken in December, 1905, was to 
 carry ‘ no license ’ in three new districts and re- 
 duction in four districts. In 36 of the other 
 districts a majority of the votes polled was for 
 ‘ no license,’ though the three-fifths majority 
 necessary to carry the proposal was not ob- 
 tained. The results of the recent poll were very 
 striking. In six new districts ‘ 110-license ’ was 
 carried, and in some others ‘ no-license ’ and ‘ re- 
 duction’ were only lost by narrow margins. 
 The rapid advance made by the ‘no license’ 
 party is certainly remarkable. 
 
 “ While the proportion of votes cast for con- 
 tinuance is steadily declining, the proportion 
 for ‘ no-license ’ is increasing at an accelerated 
 rate. Already there is a bare majority of the 
 total votes in favour of prohibition; while if we 
 had national instead of local option the chances 
 are that in a comparatively short period the 
 necessary three-fifths majority to secure total 
 prohibition in the country might be obtained. 
 There are now indications that the ‘ no-license ’ 
 party will make a bold bid, not only for a bare 
 majority vote on the no-license issue, but also 
 for national option. In this event they will 
 alienate the sympathies of the great majority 
 of the moderates who now vote with them, so 
 that the ‘ no-license ’ cause may receive, at least, 
 a temporary check. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Three important suggestions have been made 
 to save the trade — viz., reform from within, 
 State control, and municipalization. Judging 
 from past experience, the first idea seems hope- 
 less. The trade has had its lessons, but has 
 not taken sufficient heed. State control will 
 scarcely be tolerated, since most people realize 
 that the liquor trade in the hands of a Govern- 
 ment might be a dangerous political engine, be- 
 sides which there would always be the tempta- 
 tion ever present to a Government to use it for 
 revenue purposes. Without very necessary re- 
 form from within, therefore, the only chance 
 for the liquor trade would seem to lie in the 
 direction of municipalization. Under munici- 
 pal control, with the abolition of the open bar 
 in favour of the cafe system, with better liquor, 
 and with a thorough system of inspection and 
 analysis, the liquor trade in New Zealand might 
 obtain a new lease of life. Under the present 
 system there is every indication that its doom 
 is sealed.” 
 
 The importance of the vote of women, on this 
 question especially, appears in the following 
 statements: “In 1902, 138,565 women, or 74.52 
 per cent, of those on the rolls, voted; in 1905, 
 175,046, or 82.23 per cent, of those on the rolls, 
 voted. The proportion of females to males vot- 
 ing at successive general elections also shows a 
 gradual increase from 69.57 per cent, in 1893 to 
 78.99 in 1905. Then there is the gradual in- 
 crease in the proportion of females to males in 
 the population of a young country to be con- 
 sidered. At the foundation of the colonies the 
 males, naturally, largely outnumbered the fe- 
 males ; but eventually the sexes will become 
 more nearly equal in number. Thus, while in 
 1871 the proportion of females to males in the 
 colony was only 70.52, in 1906 it was 88.65. 
 Furthermore, women are taking a keener inter- 
 est than ever in politics. They are beginning 
 
 15 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 to appreciate the franchise and to exercise it 
 intelligently in ever-increasing numbers.” 
 
 The warning and alarming effect of the local 
 option vote of December, 1908, on the New 
 Zealand liquor dealers was made apparent by 
 their action taken soon after, as reported in the 
 following Press despatch from Wellington, Jan- 
 uary 18, 1909: 
 
 “As a result of the large ‘moderate’ vote 
 cast at the recent poll on the question of total 
 prohibition or reduction of facilities for obtain- 
 ing drink, it was unanimously resolved to-day, 
 at a meeting of the Auckland Brewers and Li- 
 censed Victuallers’ Association, representing all 
 the wholesale and nearly every member of the 
 retail trade, to abolish barmaids, to abolish pri- 
 vate bars, and to raise the age-limit of youths 
 who may be supplied with liquor from 18 to 20. 
 No woman will be supplied with liquor for con- 
 sumption on the premises unless she is boarding 
 in the house. 
 
 “In an interview, the Mayor of Auckland, 
 who is himself a brewer, stated that since the 
 trade has to ask the public every three years for 
 the continuance of its existence, it is necessary 
 for it to be conducted on lines approved by the 
 public at large.” 
 
 United States: A. D. 1904-1909. — The 
 progress of State, County, and T own Prohibi- 
 tion in the five years. — The following exhibit 
 of the status of state and local prohibition in 
 every State of the United States, on the 1st of 
 November, 1909, compared with the same in 1904, 
 is reproduced, with permission, from the latest 
 leaflet published at the time of this writing (Jan. 
 1, 1910) by the Associated Prohibition Press, lo- 
 cated at 92 La Salle Street, Chicago : 
 
 “The record at Prohibition National Head- 
 quarters, Chicago, shows that during the past 
 four years the amount of Prohibition territory 
 has been doubled and 20,000,000 people added 
 to those living in Prohibition cities, counties 
 and states, making an aggregate of over 40,000,- 
 000 now by their own choice in saloon-free 
 districts. 
 
 “The figures below show that nearly two- 
 
 thirds of the territory and nearly one-half of the 
 people are under Prohibition protection : 
 
 “17,000,000 people in the South under Pro- 
 hibition in 1904. 
 
 “25,000,000 people in the South under Pro- 
 hibition in 1909. 
 
 “There are to-day 375 Prohibition cities in 
 the United States, having a population of over 
 5,000 each, with a total population of more than 
 three million and a half. 
 
 “ In 1904 there were scarcely 100 Prohibition 
 cities of 5,000 or over; there are now 90 Pro- 
 hibition cities of 10,000 or over. There are 
 fifty-five industrial centers in fourteen different 
 states of 20,000 population and over, with an 
 aggregate of 2,000,000 population, now under 
 Prohibition law. 
 
 “The Prohibition party is organized and at 
 work in practically every state in the Union. 
 
 “ In 1904 the National Liquor League of the 
 United States was organized at Cincinnati, 
 January 7th and 8th, to put the ‘ lid ’ on the ap- 
 parent beginnings of a Prohibition renaissance. 
 Five years of the ‘ National Liquor League of 
 the United States’ has resulted in 20,000,000 
 people being added to the Prohibition popula- 
 tion of the country ; 250 new Prohibition cities; 
 6 new Prohibition states, hundreds of new Pro- 
 hibition counties, and thousands of new Prohi- 
 bition towns and villages in all the rest of the 
 country. 
 
 “One of the most striking contrasts between 
 1904 and 1909 is seen in the transformation 
 which has been wrought in the attitude of the 
 daily and secular press towards the Prohibition 
 question. Since 1904 leading daily papers in 
 all parts of the country have begun to exclude 
 liquor advertising from their columns. 
 
 “ The daily press of America is to-day giving 
 ten times more attention to and far more friendly 
 treatment of the Prohibition issue than was the 
 case in 1904. 
 
 “On Nov. 1st, 1909, the record of state and 
 local Prohibition territory in the United States, 
 at National Prohibition Headquarters, was as 
 follows: 
 
 The Situation by States. 
 
 State. 
 
 
 1904. 
 
 Alabama 
 
 . .20 
 
 Prohibition counties. 
 
 
 11 
 
 Dispensary. 
 
 
 35 
 
 License. 
 
 Arizona No Prohibition territory. 
 
 Two-thirds majority required. 
 
 Arkansas 44 Prohibition counties. 
 
 29 License. 
 
 2 Partially license. 
 
 California 175 Prohibition towns. 
 
 Colorado Few Prohibition towns. 
 
 No local-option law. 
 
 Connecticut Half of State local Prohibition. 
 
 Delaware Few small Prohibition towns. 
 
 16 
 
 November 1, 1909. 
 
 State Prohibition ; enforccement legisla- 
 tion enacted by Legislature, August, 
 1909. 
 
 Data shows business prospers, crime de- 
 creasing. 
 
 Popular vote on Constitutional Prohibi- 
 tion Nov. 29, 1909. 
 
 New county Prohibition law bare major- 
 ity substituted for previous two-thirds 
 requirement. 
 
 Four-fifths of Territory “dry” in 12 
 months is prediction. 
 
 57 Prohibition counties. State certain 
 in next Legislature. 
 
 250 “dry” towns. Sentiment rapidly 
 growing for State Prohibition. , 
 
 100 towns “ dry.” Stricter law enforce- 
 ment. Prohibition sentiment growing. 
 
 Large increase in no-license vote. Legis- 
 lature passed several important restric- 
 tive measures. 
 
 Two-thirds of State Prohibition. 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 District of 
 
 Columbia Apathy dominant. New high license law. Sentiment for 
 
 Prohibition organizing. Stricter en 
 forcement. 
 
 Florida 30 Prohibition counties. 35 counties “dry.” Popular vote State 
 
 Prohibition November, 1910. 
 
 Georgia 104 Prohibition counties out of 134. State Prohibition. Supporting sentiment 
 
 Large cities all license. grows. Atlanta elects law-enforce- 
 
 ment Mayor. Crime largely decreasing. 
 
 Idaho No Prohibition territory. Couuty law passed. Seven vote “dry.” 
 
 “ Wide-open ” -State. State Prohibition campaign on. 
 
 Illinois 8 Prohibition counties. 36 “ dry ” counties. 2500 “ dry ” towns. 
 
 500 Prohibition towns. 23 “ dry ” cities. No license fight on in 
 
 “ Wide open” Sunday. Chicago. 
 
 Indiana 140 Prohibition townships. 70 Counties “dry. ’’Net Prohibition ma- 
 
 jority 67,025. Three-fourths of the 
 State population under Prohibition. 
 Sentiment for State Prohibition very 
 active; 1,780,839 or 65 per cent of State 
 population in “dry” territory; 32 
 “ dry ” cities (5,000 and over). 
 
 Iowa 25 License counties. Campaign for State Prohibition develop- 
 
 Lax enforcement of law. ing great enthusiasm. 
 
 Kansas STATE PROHIBITION. Legislature passed 1909 important addi- 
 
 Lax enforcement. tions to State law. The sale of alco- 
 
 Law enforcement crusade at Kansas hoi in any form absolutely prohibited. 
 City, Kan., a “ fizzle.” Strict enforcement the rule. 
 
 Kentucky 47 Prohibition counties. 96 Prohibition counties; 1,541,613 or 66 
 
 Legislature defeated very moderate per cent of total population in “dry” 
 local option bill. territory. State Prohibition campaign 
 
 launched in earnest. 
 
 Louisiana 20 Prohibition parishes out of 54. Prohibition sentiment grows. Local 
 
 Prohibition proves notable success in 
 33 “dry” parishes. 
 
 Maine STATE PROHIBITION. Move for resubmission emphatically de- 
 
 Lax enforcement. feated by State Legislature. Senti- 
 
 ment for law enforcement growing 
 steadily. 
 
 Maryland 15 Prohibition counties. Some locals gains. New high-license 
 
 law for Baltimore. 
 
 Massachusetts. .. .250 Prohibition towns and cities. Some local gains. Twenty-five thousand 
 
 State majority against license. Defi- 
 nite campaign for State Prohibition; 
 261 towns “dry” out of 321 ; 20 cities 
 “dry ” out of 33 ; 26,297 State majority 
 against license. 
 
 Michigan 2 Prohibition counties. Thirty Prohibition counties. Important 
 
 400 Prohibition towns. new restrictive legislation took effect 
 
 Sept. 1, 1909. State Prohibition cam- 
 paign on. 
 
 Minnesota 400 Prohibition towns. 1,611 “dry” towns. State wide union 
 
 of Prohibition forces. 
 
 Mississippi 65 Prohibition counties. Enforcement of State-wide law passed 
 
 Legislature defeated State Prohibi- Feb. , 1908. Governor Noel a vigorous 
 tion amendment. prohibitionist. 
 
 Missouri 3 Prohibition counties 1905. 77 ‘ dry ” counties. State Prohibition 
 
 campaign definitely under way. Vote 
 November, 1910. 
 
 Montana No Prohibition territory. Prohibition sentiment growing with not- 
 
 able increase of party vote in several 
 districts. 
 
 Nebraska 200 Prohibition towns. 26 Prohibition counties. Many local 
 
 gains. State capital Lincoln, 50,000, 
 voted “dry.” State Prohibition cam- 
 paign on; 48 “dry” county seats. 
 
 Nevada No Prohibition territory. Sentiment against gambling and liquor 
 
 selling growing. State Prohibition of 
 gambling effective October 1, 1910. 
 
 New Hampshire. . .State Prohibition repealed 1903. 183 “dry” towns. 
 
 New Jersey “Wide-open” State. Whole year of 1909 filled with agitation. 
 
 Law-defying Atlantic City ring pro- 
 vokes widespread public sentiment. 
 County option expected. 
 
 17 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 New Mexico Nothing. 
 
 New York 285 Prohibition towns. 
 
 Cities all license by State law. 
 
 North Carolina. .Local-option passed 1903. 
 
 Raleigh, capital, had dispensary run 
 by church deacons. 
 
 North Dakota . ...STATE PROHIBITION. 
 
 Lax enforcement in some sections. 
 
 Ohio 
 
 First State local -option law passed. 
 
 Oklahoma Few Prohibition towns. 
 
 Oregon No Prohibition territory. 
 
 No local-option law. 
 
 Pennsylvania .... Prohibition sentiment apathetic. 
 
 Rhode Island 20 Prohibition towns. 
 
 South Carolina . . State dispensary. 
 
 (Abolished 1908.) 
 
 South Dakota .... Scattering Prohibition towns. 
 
 Tennessee * 8 License cities. 
 
 Liquor men threatened repeal of 
 Adams local-option law. 
 
 Texas 140 Prohibition counties. 
 
 Utah No Prohibition territory. 
 
 Vermont Prohibition repealed 1903. 
 
 138 Prohibition towns out of 240 in 
 1904. 
 
 Virginia Local-option law passed 1903. 
 
 Washington Few Prohibition towns. 
 
 West Virginia. . . .40 out of 54 counties “dry ” 
 
 Wisconsin 300 Prohibition towns 
 
 Wyoming No Prohibition territory. 
 
 Prohibition forces very active at legisla- 
 tive session. Strong sentiment for 
 State Prohibition growing. 
 
 Few changes. Concerted State wide 
 campaign on in 300 local Prohibition 
 contests. 
 
 Success of State Prohibition shown by 
 official statistics. In force Jan., 1908. 
 
 Same law. Sentiment back of Prohibi- 
 tion law overwhelming throughout 
 State. Strong supplementary legisla- 
 tion passed 1909. 
 
 61 counties “dry.” Campaigns in largest 
 cities, and State Prohibition scheduled 
 for near future. Net Prohibition ma- 
 jority in 70 county contests, 66,132. 
 
 Enforcement of State Prohibition law 
 steadily growing success. Governor 
 Haskell heartily supporting it. Pro- 
 hibition Party organized September 27, 
 1909. 
 
 State Prohibition vote November, 1910. 
 21 counties “dry.” 
 
 County option defeated 1909 but senti- 
 ment rapidly growing, Confident of 
 advanced legislation at next session. 
 
 Little change 
 
 37 Prohibition counties out of 42. 
 Sweeping Prohibition victories August 
 17, 1909. State campaign definitely on. 
 
 Few local changes. Sentiment for State 
 Prohibition campaign developing. 
 
 State Prohibition passed January, 1909. 
 Effective July 1, 1909. Liquor manu- 
 facture prohibition. Law effective 
 January 1, 1910. Remarkably bene- 
 ficial effects of Prohibition immedi- 
 ately shown in Nashville and other 
 cities. 
 
 154 Prohibition counties. State Prohibi- 
 tion referendum narrowly defeated by 
 Legislature, only increased agitation 
 for that object. Vote expected within 
 two years. 
 
 County Prohibition and State referendum 
 defeated in Legislature, expected at 
 next session. 
 
 216 towns “dry.” Demand for resub- 
 mission of State Prohibition growing. 
 Prohibition majority of 8,819 in whole 
 State. 
 
 71 Prohibition counties. Democratic 
 primary being fought out on Prohibi- 
 tion issue. 
 
 Compromise local Prohibition law, 
 passed Legislature, 1909. Prohibition 
 sentiment growing. Alaska -Yukon 
 Exposition, Seattle, first big “ dry” ex- 
 position. 
 
 Some local gains. Charleston, state capi- 
 tal “dry” since July 1, Only three 
 wholly “wet” counties. State cam- 
 paign on. 
 
 789 towns “dry.” Prohibition sentiment 
 growing rapidly; 4.000 business men 
 cheer argument for Prohibition in 
 great debate at Milwaukee March, 1909.' 
 
 New law effective January, 1910, puts 
 whole State under Prohibition outside 
 of incorporated towns. 
 
 * A proposal to embody state-wide prohibition in a constitutional amendment was voted down heavily in Ten 
 nessee on the 29th of November, 1909. 
 
 18 
 
ALCOHOL PROBLEM 
 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Diminished consump- 
 tion of whiskey and beer. — According to the 
 annual report of the Commissioner of Internal 
 Revenue for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1909, 
 there were about 5,000,000 less gallons of whis- 
 key contributing to the Federal revenue than in 
 the fiscal year preceding, and something like 
 2,500,000 fewer barrels of beer and ale. “This 
 seems clearly to mirror the effect of the prohibi- 
 
 ALCORTA, Jose Figueroa: President of 
 Argentine Republic. See (in this vol.) Acre 
 Disputes. 
 
 ALDERMAN, Edward Anderson: Presi- 
 dent of the University of Virginia. See (in this 
 vol.) Education: United States: A. D. 1901— 
 1909. 
 
 ALDRICH, Nelson W. : Work on the 
 Payne-Aldrich Tariff. See (in this vol.) 
 Tariffs: United States. 
 
 ALEXANDER, King of Servia : His mur- 
 der. See (in this vol.) Balkan and Danubian 
 States: Servia. 
 
 ALEXEIEFF, Admiral: Appointed Vice- 
 roy in Manchuria, 1903 . See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 ALFARO, General Elroy : Made Presi- 
 dent of Ecuador by a revolution. See (in 
 this vol.) Ecuador : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 ALFONSO XIII. : His Coronation. See 
 (in this vol.) Spain: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 Marriage. — Attempted assassination. See 
 Spain: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 ALGECIRAS CONFERENCE, and Act. 
 See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1905-1906, 
 and Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 ALGIERS: A. D. 1896 - 1906 . — Encroach- 
 ments on the Moroccan boundary. See (in 
 this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1895-1906. 
 
 ALIENS ACT, The English. See (in this 
 vol.) Immigration: England : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 ALIENS, Rights of: Pan-American Con- 
 vention. See (in this vol.) American Repub- 
 lics. 
 
 ALI RIZA PASHA. See (in this vol.) 
 Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan.-May). 
 
 ALL INDIA MOSLEM LEAGUE. See 
 (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1907 (Dec.), and 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 ALLIANCES: Franco-Russian. — Effect 
 of Russo-Japanese War. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 tion movement which has lately gained such 
 headway in certain sections of the South and 
 West. Ordinarily, the consumption of spirits 
 and malt liquor is fairly steady in times of de- 
 pression ; and when an industrial revival is under 
 way, their use increases and reflects itself in 
 larger revenue returns. The absolute shrinkage 
 in consumption in the past fiscal year, therefore, 
 is doubly significant.” 
 
 Great Britain with Japan. See Japan: A 
 D. 1902, and 1905 (Aug.). 
 
 The Triple Alliance. See Triple Al- 
 liance. 
 
 ALMENARA, Dr. Domingo. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Peru. 
 
 ALSOP CLAIM, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Chile : A. D. 1909, 
 
 ALVERSTONE, Sir Richard Everard 
 Webster, Lord Chief Justice : On the Alas- 
 ka Boundary Commission. See (in this vol.) 
 Alaska: A. D. 1903. 
 
 ALVES, Rodriquez. See (in this vol.) Acre 
 Disputes. 
 
 AMADE, General d’: Operations in Mo- 
 rocco. See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1907- 
 1909, and 1909. 
 
 AMADOR, Manuel : President of Pan- 
 ama. See (in this vol.) Panama. 
 
 AMALGAMATED ASSOCIATION, of 
 Iron, Steel, and Tin Plate Workers: It 
 strike in 1901 . See (in this vol.) Lab^r 
 Organization, &c. : United States: A. D. 
 1901. 
 
 AMALGAMATED SOCIETYOF RAIL- 
 WAY SERVANTS, British: In Taff Vale 
 case. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization, 
 &c. : England: A. D. 1900-1906. 
 
 In strike of 1907 . See same : 1907-1909. 
 AMARAL, Admiral Ferreira do. See (in 
 this vol.) Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 AM BAN, Chinese. See (in this vol.) Tibet: 
 A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 AMERICAN CIVIC ASSOCIATION. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Social Betterment: United 
 States. 
 
 AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LA- 
 BOR. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization, 
 &c. : United States. 
 
 “AMERICAN INVASION” OF CAN- 
 ADA, The. See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 
 1896-1909. 
 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 
 
 The South and Central American nations: 
 Their recent rapid advance in character, dig- 
 nity, and importance. — Among the astonishing 
 changes that have come upon the political face 
 of the world within a few years past, producing 
 new arrangements of rank or standing and new 
 distributions of influence in the great family of 
 nations, the emergence of the South American 
 republics from generally chronic disorder and 
 obscure unimportance to a position, almost 
 suddenly recognized, of present weight and dig- 
 nity and great promise to the future, is far from 
 the least. 
 
 In 1890, when Mr. Blaine, as Secretary of 
 State, opened the first well -planned endeavor of 
 our government to put itself into such relations 
 
 with them, of friendly influence, as the elder and 
 stronger in the family of American republics 
 ought to hold, there was little appreciation of 
 the importance of the movement. Even Mr. 
 Blaine did not seem to be fully earnest and fully 
 sanguine in it, or else his chief and his colleagues 
 in the government were not heartily with him ; 
 for his admirable scheme of policy was almost 
 wrecked in the second year of its working, by 
 the unaccountable impatience and harshness with 
 which President Harrison wrung humiliating 
 apologies from Chili for a trifling offense in 1892. 
 The seeming arrogance of power then manifested 
 cast a reasonable suspicion on the motives with 
 which the great republic of North America had 
 made overtures of fraternity to the republics of 
 
 19 
 
 
AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 the South, and it freshened an old distrust in 
 their minds. 
 
 Happily, however, Mr. Blaine, in 1890, had 
 brought about the creation of a harmonizing and 
 unifying agency which needed only time to effect 
 great results. This was the Bureau of the Ameri- 
 can Republics, established at Washington, by a 
 vote of the delegates from eighteen North, South, 
 and Central American governments, at an Inter- 
 national American Conference, held in that city 
 in March of the year named. Its immediate pur- 
 pose was the promotion of commercial inter- 
 course ; but the information spread with that 
 object, through all the countries concerned, has 
 carried with it every kind of pacific understand- 
 ing and stimulation. The common action with 
 common interests thus organized must have had 
 more than anything else to do with the gen- 
 erating of a public spirit, lately, in the Spanish- 
 American countries, very different from any ever 
 manifested before. It has wakened national am- 
 bitions in them and sobered the factious temper 
 which kept them in political disorder so long. 
 
 Ten years ago, the Central and South Ameri- 
 can republics had so little standing among the 
 nations that few of them were invited to the 
 Peace Conference of 1900, and the invitation was 
 accepted by none. Spanish America was repre- 
 sented by Mexico alone. At the conference of 
 1907 at The Hague there were delegates from 
 all, and several among their delegates took 
 a notably important part, giving a marked dis- 
 tinction to the peoples they represent. It was 
 by a special effort on the part of our then Sec- 
 retary of State that they were brought thus into 
 the council of nations. 
 
 Mr. Root has had wonderful success, indeed, 
 in realizing the aim of the policy projected and 
 initiated by Mr. Blaine. He has cleared away 
 the distrust and won the confidence of our fellow 
 Americans at the middle and south of the conti- 
 nent, bringing them to a friendly acceptance of 
 the leading -which goes naturally with the power 
 and the experience of these United States. The 
 resulting weight in world politics of what may 
 be called the Concert of America, paralleling the 
 Concert of Europe, is one of the greater products 
 of the present extraordinary time. 
 
 Their Second International Conference, at 
 the City of Mexico, in 1901 - 2 . — Its pro- 
 ceedings, conventions, resolutions, etc. — 
 The First International Conference of American 
 Republics was held at Washington in the winter 
 and spring of 1889-90, attended by delegates 
 from eighteen Governments of the New World. 
 (See, in Volume VI. of this work, American 
 Republics.) On the suggestion of President 
 McKinley, ten years later, and on the invitation 
 of President Diaz, of Mexico, a second Confer- 
 ence was convened at the City of Mexico, on the 
 23d of October, 1901. The sessions of this Con- 
 ference were prolonged until the 31st of January, 
 1902. It was attended by delegates from every 
 independent nation then existing in America, 
 being twenty in number ; but the delegation of 
 Venezuela was withdrawn by the Government 
 of that State on the 14th of January, and the 
 withdrawal was made retroactive to and from 
 the preceding 31st of December. The delega- 
 tion from the United States was composed of 
 ex-United States Senator Henry G. Davis; Mr. 
 William I. Buchanan, formerly Envoy Extraor- 
 dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the Ar- 
 
 gentine Republic ; Mr. John Barrett, formerly 
 Minister Resident of the United States to Siam; 
 and Messrs. Charles M. Pepper and Volney W. 
 Foster. 
 
 The following account of the work of the Con- 
 ference and its results is compiled from the re- 
 port made by the delegates of the United States 
 to the Department of State: “Sefior Raigosa, 
 chairman of the Mexican delegation, was chosen 
 temporary president, and the Conference then 
 preceded to its permanent organization by the 
 election of his excellency Senor Lie. Don Ignacio 
 Mariscal, minister of foreign affairs of Mexico, 
 and Hon. John Hay, Secretary of State of the 
 United States, honorary presidents; Senor Lie. 
 Don Genaro Raigosa, of Mexico, president ; Sen- 
 hor Don Jose Hygino Duarte Pereira, of Brazil, 
 first vice-president, and Senor Doctor Don Bal- 
 tasar Estupinian, of Salvador, second vice-pres- 
 ident. . . . Under the rules adopted 19 com- 
 mittees were appointed and the work of the 
 conference was apportioned among them. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ Discussion between the representatives of the 
 Republics that would constitute the conference 
 began months previous to its opening upon the 
 subject of arbitration, and while every desire 
 was manifested then and thereafter by all to see 
 a conclusion reached by the conference in which 
 all might join, unsettled questions existed be- 
 tween some of the Republics that would parti- 
 cipate in the conference of a character that made 
 their avoidance difficult in any general discus- 
 sion of the subject. . . . This difficulty became 
 more apparent as the conference proceeded with 
 its work. ... It was tacitly agreed between 
 delegations, therefore, that the discussion of the 
 subject should be confined, so far as possible, to 
 a committee. . . . There was at no time any 
 difficulty with regard to securing a unanimous 
 report favoring a treaty covering merely arbitra- 
 tion as a principle; all delegations were in favor 
 of that. The point of discussion was as to the 
 extent to which the principle should be applied. 
 Concerning this, three views were supported in 
 the conference : (a) Obligatory arbitration, cov- 
 ering all questions pending or future when they 
 did not affect either independence or the na- 
 tional honor of a country ; (b) Obligatory arbi- 
 tration covering future questions only and 
 defining what questions shall constitute those to 
 be excepted from arbitration ; and (c) Faculta- 
 tive or voluntary arbitration, as best expressed 
 by The Hague convention. . . . 
 
 “A plan was finally suggested providing that 
 all delegations should sign the protocol for adhe- 
 sion to the convention of The Hague, as originally 
 suggested by the United States delegation, and 
 that the advocates of obligatory arbitration sign, 
 between themselves, a project of treaty obligat- 
 ing their respective governments to submit to the 
 permanent court at The Hague all questions aris- 
 ing or in existence, between themselves, which 
 did not affect their independence or their na- 
 tional honor. Both the protocol and treaty were 
 then to be brought before the conference, incor- 
 porated in the minutes without debate or action, 
 and sent to the minister of foreign relations of 
 Mexico, to be officially certified and transmitted 
 by that official to the several signatory govern- 
 ments. After prolonged negotiations this plan 
 was adopted and carried out as outlined above, 
 all of the delegations in the conference, except- 
 ing those of Chile and Ecuador, signing the 
 
 20 
 
AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 protocol covering adherence to The Hague con- 
 vention before its submission to the conference. 
 These, after a protracted debate on a point of 
 order involving the plan adopted, later accepted 
 in open conference a solution which made them 
 — as they greatly desired to be, in another form 
 than that adopted — parties to the protocol. The 
 project of treaty of compulsory arbitration was 
 signed by the delegations of the Argentine Re- 
 public, Bolivia, Santo Domingo, El Salvador, 
 Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, 
 and Venezuela. . . . 
 
 “ By the above plan the conference attained 
 the highest possible end, and for the first time 
 each of the American Republics, as a result of 
 that action, takes her place by the side of the 
 other countries of the world in favor of inter- 
 national arbitration; more than this, by the 
 unanimous acceptance thus of The Hague con- 
 vention on the part of the 19 Republics repre- 
 sented in the conference, it is given that force 
 and character which places it to-day as the for- 
 mal expression of the governments of the entire 
 civilized world in favor of peace. The delegates 
 of the United States believe, hence, that sub- 
 stantial progress and a noteworthy and historic 
 step in advance has been taken in the interests of 
 peace, and that means have been provided by 
 which wars will be rendered less frequent, if not 
 wholly avoided, betw T een the countries of the 
 Western Hemisphere. The opening of the doors 
 of the permanent tribunal of The Hague to all 
 of the Republics of America, as this protocol has 
 done, is of itself an achievement of the greatest 
 importance. As a result of this action the Amer- 
 ican Republics now have at their command the 
 machinery of that great international body for 
 the pacific settlement of any dispute they may 
 desire to refer to arbitration. Beyond this the 
 obligations imposed by their adhesion to the con- 
 vention to have recourse, as far as circumstances 
 allow, to the good offices or mediation of any 
 one or more friendly powers, and to permit these 
 offers to be made without considering them 
 unfriendly, is certainly a point of great value 
 gained by all. 
 
 “ In addition to accepting The Hague conven- 
 tion the conference went further. It accepted 
 the three Hague conventions as principles of 
 public American international law, and author- 
 ized and requested the President of the Mexican 
 Republic, as heretofore explained, to enter upon 
 negotiations with the several American Govern- 
 ments looking toward the most unrestricted ap- 
 plication of arbitration possible should the way 
 for such a step appear open. In addition to the 
 protocol and treaty referred to, another step was 
 taken in the direction of the settlement of inter- 
 national controversies by the adoption and sign- 
 ing, on the part of every country represented in 
 the conference, of a project of treaty covering 
 the arbitration of pecuniary claims. Under this 
 the several republics obligate themselves for a 
 period of five years to submit to the arbitration 
 of the court at The Hague all claims for pecuni- 
 ary loss or damage which may be presented by 
 their respective citizens and which cannot be 
 amicably adjusted through diplomatic channels, 
 when such claims are of sufficient importance 
 to warrant the expense of arbitration. Should 
 both parties prefer that a speoial jurisdiction be 
 organized, according to article 21 of the conven- 
 tion of The Hague this may be done, and if the 
 
 permanent court of The Hague shall not be open 
 to one or more of the signatory republics for any 
 cause, they obligate themselves to stipulate then 
 in a special treaty the rules under which a tri- 
 bunal shall be established for the adjustment of 
 the matter in dispute and the form of procedure 
 to be followed in such arbitration. As a supple- 
 ment to the protocol and treaty above referred 
 to, this project of treaty is of great importance 
 and will most certainly be of wide benefit to the 
 good relations and intercourse between the 
 United States and her sister republics of this 
 Hemisphere.”. . . 
 
 “Among the most important recommenda- 
 tions made by the First International American 
 Conference, held in Washington in 1889-90, with 
 a view to facilitating trade and communication 
 between the American Republics, was that look- 
 ing to the construction of an intercontinental 
 railway, by which all of the republics on the 
 American continent would be put into rail com- 
 munication with each other. In pursuance of 
 the recommendations of that conference, an in- 
 ternational railway commission was organized, 
 and under its direction surveys were made which 
 showed that it would be entirely practicable, by 
 using, as far as possible, existing railway sys- 
 tems and filling in the gaps between them. . . . 
 The report of the intercontinental railway com- 
 mission showed that the distance between New 
 York and Buenos Ayres by way of the proposed 
 line would be 10,471 miles, of which a little less 
 than one-lialf had then been constructed, leav- 
 ing about 5,456 miles to be built. Following 
 up the work of the first conference and the in- 
 tercontinental railway commission, the present 
 conference adopted a strong report and a series 
 of carefully considered recommendations on this 
 subject. . . . 
 
 “ The resolution . . . providing for the meet- 
 ing of an international American customs con- 
 gress in the city of New York within a year, to 
 consider customs administrative matters, is one 
 of the subjects on which early action should be 
 taken by our Government if the success of the 
 congress is to be assured. The governing board 
 of the International Bureau of the American 
 Republics is to fix the date for the meeting of 
 this congress. . . . This congress will have 
 nothing whatever to do with the subject of tariff 
 rates in any of the countries represented. Its 
 functions . . . briefly stated, are to consider 
 means for bringing about, as far as may be 
 practicable, the adoption by the several repub- 
 lics of uniform and simple methods of custom- 
 house procedure and a uniform and simple sys- 
 tem of port regulations and charges ; measures 
 to secure the adoption and use in customs sched- 
 ules and laws of a common nomenclature of the 
 products and merchandise of the American re- 
 publics, to be issued in English, Spanish, Por- 
 tuguese, and French, and that it may become 
 the basis for the statistical data of exports and 
 imports; to provide for the organization of a 
 permanent customs committee or commission, 
 composed of persons having technical and ex- 
 pert knowledge, which, as a dependency of the 
 International Bureau of the American Republics, 
 or otherwise, shall be charged with the execu- 
 tion of the resolutions and decisions of the con- 
 gress and the study of the customs laws of the 
 American republics, in order to suggest to the 
 several governments the adoption of laws and 
 
 21 
 
AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 measures which, with regard to custom house 
 formalities, may tend to simplify and facilitate 
 mercantile traffic. . . . 
 
 “ Another resolution which contemplates that 
 early action must be taken by the several Gov- 
 ernments is that regarding quarantine and sani- 
 tary matters. In dealing with this subject the 
 ■object of the conference was to make sanitation 
 take the place of quarantine. When the ideal 
 had in view by the conference shall have been 
 realized, the cities of the Western Hemisphere 
 will have been put in such perfect sanitary con- 
 dition that the propagation of disease germs in 
 them will be impossible and quarantine restric- 
 tions upon travel and commerce, with their vex- 
 ations and burdensome delays and expenses, will 
 be unnecessary. 
 
 “The conference fully recognized the value and 
 importance to all the Republics of the Interna- 
 tional Bureau of the American Republics, w hich 
 was established in Washington in pursuance of 
 the action of the First International American 
 Conference. . . . With a view to rendering the 
 Bureau still more useful to all the countries 
 represented in its administration, and making it 
 still more valuable in establishing and maintain- 
 ing closer relations between them, the confer- 
 ence adopted a plan of reorganization, or rather 
 of broadening and expanding the existing organ- 
 ization. . . . The new regulations adopted pro- 
 vide that the Bureau shall be under the manage- 
 ment of a governing board to be composed of 
 the Secretary of State of the United States, who 
 is to be its chairman, and the diplomatic repre- 
 sentatives in Washington of all the other govern- 
 ments represented in the Bureau. This govern- 
 ing board is to meet regularly once a month, 
 excepting in June, July, and August of each 
 year. . . . 
 
 “In order that the archaeological and ethno- 
 logical remains existing in the territory of the 
 several Republics of the Western Hemisphere 
 might be systematically studied and preserved, 
 the conference adopted a resolution providing 
 for the meeting of an American international 
 archaeological commission in the city of Wash- 
 ington, D. C., within two years from the date of 
 the adoption of the resolution. . . . 
 
 “ The conference gave its most hearty indorse- 
 ment to the project for the construction of an in- 
 teroceanic canal by the Government of the United 
 States.” . . . 
 
 “The recommendation of the conference that 
 there be established in New York, Chicago, San 
 Francisco, New Orleans, Buenos Ayres, or any 
 other important mercantile center, a bank with 
 branches in the principal cities in the American 
 republics, is in line with the similar resolution 
 adopted by the First International American 
 Conference in Washington in 1889-90.” 
 
 “ In addition to the protocol for the adhesion 
 of the American Republics to the Convention of 
 The Hague, the treaty of compulsory arbitration 
 signed by nine delegations, and the treaty for 
 the arbitration of pecuniary claims, the Confer- 
 ence agreed to and signed a treaty for the extra- 
 dition of criminals, . . . including a clause mak- 
 ing anarchy an extraditable offense when it shall 
 have been defined by the legislation of the re- 
 spective countries; a convention on the practice 
 of the learned professions, providing for the re- 
 ciprocal recognition of the professional diplo- 
 mas and titles granted in the several Republics; 
 
 a convention for the formation of codes of pub- 
 lic and private international law; . . . a conven- 
 tion on literary and artistic copyrights; ... a 
 convention for the exchange of official, scientific, 
 literary, and industrial publications ; . . . a treaty 
 on patents of invention, etc. ; . . . and a con- 
 vention on the rights of aliens.” The treaty on 
 patents and the convention on the rights of aliens 
 could not be signed by the delegates of the 
 United States, for reasons set forth in their re- 
 port. 
 
 “The delegates desire especially to express 
 their most grateful appreciation of the courtesy 
 extended by the Mexican Government in prepar- 
 ing for the comfort of delegates and in all the 
 arrangements for the conference. Every con- 
 venience at the command of that Government 
 was placed at the disposal of delegates to assist 
 them in the discharge of their labors. . . . 
 
 “It is the belief of the delegates of the United 
 States that the results of the Second Interna- 
 tional American Conference will be of great and 
 lasting benefit to the nations participating in its 
 deliberations. . . . That the relations between 
 the American Republics have been improved as 
 a result of the conference cannot be doubted. 
 The intimate daily association for nearly four 
 months, of leading men from every American 
 Republic of itself tended toward this result. 
 Delegates learned that, while existing interna- 
 tional relations made differences of opinion in- 
 evitable between the representatives of some of 
 the countries, they all had many interests in 
 common. As a result, toleration for the opinions 
 of others was shown by delegates to a marked 
 degree, and the sessions of the conference were 
 remarkably free from acrimonious debates and 
 reflections on the policies of delegations or their 
 Governments,” — 57 th Cong., 1st Sess. 1901-2, 
 Senate Doc. 330. 
 
 Their Third International Conference, at 
 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, in 1906 . — Proceed- 
 ings, conventions, resolutions. — The Third 
 International Conference of American Republics 
 was held at Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, from July 
 21st to August 26th, 1906. It was attended by 
 delegates from each of the 21 American Repub- 
 lics, excepting only Hayti and Venezuela. The 
 delegates from the United States of America 
 were the Hon. William I. Buchanan, chairman, 
 formerly Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
 Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Republic; Dr. 
 L. S. Rowe, Professor of Political Science, Uni- 
 versity of Pennsylvania ; Hon. A. J. Montague, 
 ex-Governor of Virginia; Mr. Tulio Larrinaga, 
 Resident Commissioner from Porto Rico in Wash- 
 ington ; Mr. Paul S. Reinsch, Professor of Politi- 
 cal Science, University of Wisconsin ; Mr. Van 
 Leer Polk, ex-Consul-General ; with a staff of 
 secretaries, etc. , from several departments of the 
 public service at Washington. 
 
 The Conference was attended also by the Sec- 
 retary of State of the United States, the Hon. 
 Elihu Root, incidentally to an important tour 
 through many parts of South America which he 
 made in the months of that summer. In the 
 course of his journey he visited, on iuvitation, 
 not only Brazil, but Uruguay, Argentina, Chile, 
 Peru, Panama, and Colombia ; and, as stated in 
 the next annual Message of President Roosevelt, 
 “he refrained from visiting Paraguay, Bolivia, 
 and Ecuador only because the distance of their 
 capitals from the seaboard made it impracticable 
 
AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 with the time at his disposal, lie carried with 
 him a message of peace and friendship, and 
 of strong desire for good understanding and 
 mutual helpfulness; and he was everywhere re- 
 ceived in the spirit of his message.” 
 
 In the instructions to the delegates from the 
 United States, prepared by Secretary Root, this 
 wise admonition was conveyed : — 
 
 “ It is important that you should keep in mind 
 and, as occasion serves, impress upon your col- 
 leagues, that such a conference is not an agency 
 for compulsion or a tribunal for adjudication; 
 it is not designed to compel States to make 
 treaties or to observe treaties; it should not sit 
 in judgment upon the conduct of any State, or 
 undertake to redress alleged wrongs, or to settle 
 controverted questions of right. A successful 
 attempt to give such a character to the Confer- 
 ence would necessarily be fatal to the Conference 
 itself, for few if any of the States represented 
 in it would be willing to submit their sovereignty 
 to the supervision which would be exercised by 
 a body thus arrogating to itself supreme and in- 
 definite powers. The true function of such a 
 conference is to deal with matters of common 
 interest which are not really subjects of contro- 
 versy, but upon which comparison of views and 
 friendly discussion may smooth away differences 
 of detail, develop substantial agreement and lead 
 to cooperation along common lines for the at- 
 tainment of objects which all really desire. It 
 follows from this view of the functions of the 
 Conference that it is not expected to accomplish 
 any striking or spectacular final results ; but 
 is to deal with many matters which, not being 
 subjects of controversy, attract little public at- 
 tention, yet which, taken together, are of great 
 importance for the development of friendly in- 
 tercourse among nations ; and it is to make such 
 progress as may now be possible toward the ac- 
 ceptance of ideals, the full realization of which 
 may be postponed to a distant future. All pro- 
 gress toward the complete reign of justice and 
 peace among nations is accomplished by long 
 and patient effort and by many successive steps; 
 and it is confidently hoped that this Conference 
 will mark some substantial advancement by all 
 the American States in this process of developing 
 Christian civilization. Not the least of the bene- 
 fits anticipated from the Conference will be the 
 establishment of agreeable personal relations, 
 the removal of misconceptions and prejudices, 
 and the habit of temperate and kindly discussion 
 among the representatives of so many Repub- 
 lics.” 
 
 The following account of the Conference and 
 its action is derived from the subsequent official 
 report of the Delegates of the United States: — 
 
 “ The sessions of the Conference were held in 
 a spacious and ornate building, erected especially 
 for this purpose by the Brazilian Government, 
 and situated on the superb new boulevard that for 
 nearly four miles follows the shore of the Bay of 
 Rio, and at the end of the new Avenida Central. 
 The building is a permanent one, reproduced in 
 granite and marble from the plans of the palace 
 erected by Brazil at the Louisiana Purchase Ex- 
 position, at St. Louis. It is surrounded by an 
 exquisite garden, and, facing as it does the en- 
 trance to the wonderfully beautiful Bay of Rio, 
 the building is a notable landmark. It was 
 christened ‘ The Monroe Palace ’ by special ac- 
 tion of the Brazilian Government. The Brazilian 
 
 Government installed in the palace a complete 
 telegraph, mail, and telephone service, and tele- 
 grams, cables, and mail of the different delega- 
 tions and of individual delegates were transmitted 
 free. Recognition is due in this connection to 
 the governments of the Argentine Republic, 
 Paraguay, Uruguay, and Chili, which officially 
 extended, through the director of telegraphs of 
 Brazil, the courtesy of free transit for all tele- 
 grams sent by delegates over the telegraph lines 
 of their respective countries. This marked cour- 
 tesy on the part of Brazil and of the Republics 
 mentioned was greatly appreciated by the dele- 
 gates. In connection with the work of the Con- 
 ference, the Brazilian Government organized 
 and maintained at its expense an extensive and 
 competent corps of translators, stenographers, 
 and clerical assistants, whose services were at all 
 times at the command of the delegates. A buffet 
 lunch, for the convenience and comfort of dele- 
 gates and their guests, was maintained in the pal- 
 ace throughout the period of the Conference. The 
 palace was elaborately lighted and was the center 
 of attraction day and night for great crowds of 
 people, and nothing in connection with its equip- 
 ment and administration or that concerned the 
 comfort or convenience of delegates was left un- 
 done by the Brazilian Government. The Monroe 
 Palace now becomes a national meeting place for 
 the people of Brazil. It will remain as an adorn- 
 ment of the splendid new Rio that has risen from 
 the old city during the past two or three years, 
 and as an evidence of the progress and energy of 
 the Brazilian people. 
 
 “ The Conference was formally opened in the 
 presence of a large and distinguished audience 
 on the evening of July 23, 1906, by His Excel- 
 lency the Baron do Rio Branco, the distinguished 
 Brazilian minister for foreign affairs. The ap- 
 proaches to the palace were lined with troops, 
 the public grounds and avenues of the city bril- 
 liantly illuminated and packed with people. . . . 
 The Conference unanimously chose as its presi- 
 dent, His Excellency Senor Dr. Joaquim Nabuco, 
 the Brazilian Ambassador to the United States; 
 as honorary vice-presidents. His Excellency the 
 Baron do Rio Branco, and the Hon. Elihu Root, 
 Secretary of State of the United States, and as 
 its Secretary -General, His Excellency, Senor Dr. 
 J. F. de Assis-Brasil, the Brazilian envoy ex- 
 traordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the 
 Argentine Republic. The latter selected as his 
 assistants one of the most competent and distin- 
 guished groups of men that has served any of the 
 preceding conferences. . . . These officers left 
 nothing undone toward aiding and facilitating 
 the work of delegates, and to them the United 
 States delegation feels greatly indebted for the 
 many courtesies and the great kindness extended 
 on ail occasions. 
 
 “The conference was attended by delegates 
 from each of the 21 American" Republics, with 
 the exception of Haiti and Venezuela.” . . . 
 
 “The distinguishing note of the Conference 
 was the extraordinary session convened to re- 
 ceive the Secretary of State of the United States, 
 Hon. Elihu Root, who, as stated earlier in this 
 report, had been named one of the two honorary 
 presidents of the Conference. The reception 
 accorded the Secretary of State by the Con- 
 ference was one of the most notable political 
 events that has taken place in our relations with 
 Central and South America, and manifested the 
 
 23 
 
AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 AMERICAN RERUBLICS 
 
 feeling of goodfellowship and sympathy that 
 exists between the American Republics. We 
 believe the visit of the Secretary of State to 
 South America has resulted in greater good to 
 our relations with Central and South America than 
 any one thing that has heretofore taken place 
 in our diplomatic history with them. The ex- 
 traordinary session of the Conference to receive 
 the Secretary of State was held on the evening 
 of July 31 and was one of great brilliancy. In 
 introducing the Secretary of State to the Confer- 
 ence, His Excellency Ur. Joaquim Nabueo, the 
 Brazilian Ambassador to the United States and 
 President of the Conference, delivered a nota- 
 ble address, to which the Secretary of State re- 
 plied.” 
 
 It was, indeed, a notable utterance of preg- 
 nant and impressive thought which Mr. Root 
 addressed to this important congress of the 
 American Republics, and it well deserved the 
 distinction that was accorded to it by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, when he appended it to 
 his Message to Congress the following December. 
 A considerable part of the brief but richly filled 
 address may fitly be quoted here: 
 
 “ I bring from my country,” said the Secre- 
 tary, ‘‘a special greeting to her elder sisters in 
 the civilization of America. Unlike as we are 
 in many respects, we are alike in this, that we are 
 all eugaged under new conditions, and free from 
 the traditional forms and limitations of the Old 
 World in working out the same problem of pop- 
 ular self-government. 
 
 ‘‘It is a difficult and laborious task for each 
 of us. Not in one generation nor in one century 
 can the effective control of a superior sovereign, 
 so long deemed necessary to government, be re- 
 jected and effective self-control by the governed 
 be perfected in its place. The first fruits of demo- 
 cracy are many of them crude and unlovely ; its 
 mistakes are many, its partial failures many, its 
 sins not few. Capacity for self-government does 
 not come to man by nature. It is an art to be 
 learned, and it is also an expression of character 
 to be developed among all the thousands of men 
 who exercise popular sovereignty. 
 
 ‘‘To reach the goal toward which we are 
 pressing forward, the governing multitude must 
 first acquire knowledge that comes from univer- 
 sal education, wisdom that follows practical ex- 
 perience, personal independence and self-respect 
 befitting men who acknowledge no superior, 
 self-control to replace that external control 
 which a democracy rejects, respect for law, 
 obedience to the lawful expressions of the pub- 
 lic will, consideration for the opinions and inter- 
 ests of others equally entitled to a voice in the 
 state, loyalty to that abstract conception — one’s 
 country — as inspiring as that loyalty to per- 
 sonal sovereigns which has so illumined the 
 pages of history, subordination of personal in- 
 terests to the public good, love of justice and 
 mercy, of liberty and order. All these we must 
 seek by slow and patient effort ; and of how 
 many shortcomings in his own land and among 
 his own people each one of us is conscious ! 
 
 ‘‘Yet no student of our times can fail to see 
 that not America alone but the whole civil- 
 ized world is swinging away from its old govern- 
 mental moorings and intrusting the fate of its 
 civilization to the capacity of the popular mass 
 to govern. By this pathway mankind is to 
 travel, whithersoever it leads. Upon the success 
 
 of this our great undertaking the hope of hu- 
 manity depends. Nor can we fail to see that 
 the world makes substantial progress towards 
 more perfect popular self-government. . . . 
 
 “ It is not by national isolation that these re- 
 sults have been accomplished or that this pro- 
 gress can be continued. No nation can live unto 
 itself alone and continue to live. Each nation’s 
 growth is a part of the development of the race. 
 There may be leaders and there may be lag- 
 gards, but no nation can long continue very far 
 in advance of the general progress of mankind, 
 and no nation that is not doomed to extinction 
 can remain very far behind. It is with nations 
 as with individual men; intercourse, association, 
 correction of egotism by the influence of others’ 
 judgment, broadening of views by the experi- 
 ence and thought of equals, acceptance of the 
 moral standards of a community the desire for 
 whose good opinion lends a sanction to the rules 
 of right conduct — these are the conditions of 
 growth in civilization. . . . 
 
 ‘‘To promote this mutual interchange and 
 assistance between the American republics, en- 
 gaged in the same great task, inspired by the 
 same purpose, and professing the same principles, 
 
 I understand to be the function of the American 
 Conference now in session. There is not one of 
 all our countries that cannot benefit the others; 
 there is not one that cannot receive benefit from 
 the others; there is not one that will not gain by 
 the prosperity, the peace, the happiness of all. . . . 
 
 “ The association of so many eminent men from 
 all the Republics, leaders of opinion in their own 
 homes ; the friendships that will arise among 
 you; the habit of temperate and kindly discus- 
 sion of matters of common interest ; the ascer- 
 tainment of common sympathies and aims ; the 
 dissipation of misunderstandings ; the exhibition 
 to all the American peoples of this peaceful and 
 considerate method of conferring upon interna- 
 tional questions — this alone, quite irrespective 
 of the resolutions you may adopt and the con- 
 ventions you may sign, will mark a substantial 
 advance in the direction of international good 
 understanding. 
 
 “ These beneficent results the Government and 
 the people of the United States of America 
 greatly desire. We wish for no victories but those 
 of peace; for no territory except our own ; for 
 no sovereignty except the sovereignty over our- 
 selves. We deem the independence and equal 
 rights of the smallest and weakest member of the 
 family of nations entitled to as much respect as 
 those of the greatest empire, and we deem the 
 observance of that respect the chief guaranty of 
 the weak against the oppression of the strong. 
 We neither claim nor desire any rights, or privi- 
 leges, or powers that we do not freely concede 
 to every American republic. We wish to increase 
 our prosperity, to expand our trade, to grow 
 in wealth, in wisdom, and in spirit, but our con- 
 ception of the true way to accomplish this is not 
 to pull down others and profit by their ruin, but 
 to help all friends to a common prosperity and a 
 common growth, that we may all become greater 
 and stronger together. , 
 
 ‘‘Within a few months, for the first time the 
 recognized possessors of every foot of soil upon 
 the American continents can be and I hope will 
 be represented with the acknowledged rights of 
 equal sovereign states in the great World Con- 
 gress at The Hague. This will be the world’s 
 
AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 formal and final acceptance of the declaration 
 that no part of the American continents is to be 
 deemed subject to colonization. Let us pledge 
 ourselves to aid each other in the full perform- 
 ance of the duty to humanity which that accepted 
 declaration implies ; so that in time the weakest 
 and most unfortunate of our republics may come 
 to march with equal step by the side of the 
 stronger and more fortunate. Let us help each 
 other to show that for all the races of men the 
 liberty for which we have fought and labored 
 is the twin sister of justice and peace. Let us 
 unite in creating and maintaining and making 
 effective an all-American public opinion, whose 
 power shall influence international conduct and 
 prevent international wrong, and narrow the 
 causes of war, and forever preserve our free lands 
 from the burden of such armaments as are massed 
 behind the frontiers of Europe, and bring us ever 
 nearer to the perfection of ordered liberty. So 
 shall come security and prosperity, production 
 and trade, wealth, learning, the arts, and happi- 
 ness for us all.” 
 
 The fruits of the Conference were embodied 
 in four conventions and a number of important 
 resolutions. The text of a convention agreed to, 
 which establishes between the States signing it 
 the status of naturalized citizens who again take 
 up their residence in the country of their origin, 
 will be found elsewhere in this volume, under 
 the subject-heading Naturalization. Another, 
 which amends and extends the operation of a 
 treaty signed at the Second Conference, at Mex- 
 ico, in 1902 (see above) is as follows : — 
 
 “ Sole article. The treaty on pecuniary claims 
 signed at Mexico January thirtieth, nineteen 
 hundred and two, shall continue in force, with 
 the exception of the third article, which is hereby 
 abolished, until the thirty-first day of December, 
 nineteen hundred and twelve, both for the na- 
 tions which have already ratified it, and for those 
 which may hereafter ratify it.” 
 
 The third Convention signed was a modifica- 
 tion and extension of another of the agreements 
 of the Second Conference, at Mexico, having 
 relation to patents of invention, literary prop- 
 erty, etc. The fourth Convention provides for 
 an “international Commission of Jurists, com- 
 posed of one representative from each of the 
 signatory States, appointed by their respective 
 Governments, which Commission shall meet for 
 the purpose of preparing a draft of a code of 
 Private International Law and one of Public 
 International Law, regulating the relations be- 
 tween the nations of America.” The more im- 
 portant of the resolutions adopted were the 
 following: 
 
 “To ratify adherence to the principle of arbi- 
 tration ; and, to the end that so high a purpose 
 may be rendered practicable, to recommend to 
 the Nations represented at this Conference that 
 instructions be given to their Delegates to the 
 Second Conference to be held at The Hague, to 
 endeavor to secure by the said Assembly, of 
 world-wide character, the celebration of a Gen- 
 eral Arbitration Convention, so effective and 
 definite that, meriting the approval of the civil- 
 ized world, it shall be accepted and put in force 
 by every nation.” 
 
 “To recommend to the Governments repre- 
 sented therein that they consider the point of 
 
 inviting the Second Peace Conference, at The 
 Hague, to examine the question of the compul- 
 sory collection of public debts, and, in general, 
 means tending to diminish between Nations 
 conflicts having an exclusively pecuniary ori- 
 gin.” 
 
 Other resolutions of the Conference were di- 
 rected to a broadening of the work and an en- 
 largement of the influence of the International 
 Bureau of the American Republics; to the erec- 
 tion of a building for that Bureau and for the 
 contemplated Library in Memory of Columbus; 
 to the creation in the Bureau of a section having 
 “as its chief object a special study of the cus- 
 toms legislation, consular regulations and com- 
 mercial statistics of the Republics of America,” 
 with a view to bringing them into more har- 
 mony, and to securing the greatest develop- 
 ment and amplification of commercial relations 
 between American Republics ; to promote the 
 establishment and maintenance of navigation 
 lines connecting the principal ports of the Amer- 
 ican continent ; to bring about more effective 
 cooperation in international sanitary measures; 
 to advance the construction of lines that shall 
 form, connectedly, the desired Pan-American 
 Railway, extending through the two continents. 
 
 The time and place of future conferences are 
 to be determined by the Governing Board of 
 the Bureau of American Republics. 
 
 The International Bureau : Its increased 
 efficiency. — The gift of a building to it by 
 Mr. Carnegie. — The International Bureau of 
 the American Republics, instituted at Washing- 
 ton in 1890 (see in Volume VI. of this work), 
 assumed larger functions and increased impor- 
 tance in 1906, after the return of Mr. Root, 
 United States Secretary of State, from his tour 
 of visits to the South American States. The 
 Hon. John Barrett, who had sucessively repre- 
 sented the Government of the United States in 
 Panama, in Argentina and in Colombia, as well 
 as at the Second Pan-American Conference, in 
 Mexico, was made Director of the Bureau, and 
 entered upon its duties with an exalted belief in 
 the possibilities of good to be done in the Amer- 
 ican hemisphere by an energetic promotion of 
 more intimate relations between its peoples. At 
 the same time a new dignity was given to the 
 International Union of the American Republics, 
 embodied in the work of the Bureau, by the pro- 
 vision of a stately building for its use. Mr. Root 
 had persuaded Congress to appropriate $200,000 
 for the site and building of such a home, to be 
 ofEered to the Union, and this inadequate sum 
 was supplemented by a generous private gift. 
 It was easy to interest Mr. Andrew Carnegie in 
 a project which bore so directly on the promo- 
 tion of international friendliness and peace, and 
 he offered an addition of $750,000 to the fund 
 for the Pan-American Building. 
 
 The site secured for the structure is that of 
 the old Van Ness mansion, about half-way 
 between the State, War and Navy Building and 
 the Potomac River. It covers a tract of five 
 acres, facing public parks on two sides. There 
 the corner stone of a central seat of Pan-Ameri- 
 can cooperations and influences was laid in May, 
 1908, in the presence of official representatives 
 from twenty -one American republics, and under 
 their assembled flags. 
 
 25 
 
AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE 
 
 ARGENTINE REPUBLIC 
 
 AMERICAN SCHOOL PEACE 
 LEAGUE, The. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Revolt against: A. D. 1908. 
 
 AMERICAN SOCIETY OF EQUITY. 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Organization, &c. : 
 United States: A. D. 1902-1909. 
 
 AMERICAN SUGAR REFINING 
 COMPANY (the “Sugar Trust”). See (in 
 this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, &c. : 
 United States: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909. 
 
 AMSTERDAM : A. D. 1907 . — Meeting of 
 International Woman Suffrage Alliance. See 
 (in this vol.) Elective Franchise: Woman 
 Suffrage. 
 
 AMUNDSEN, Roald: Arctic Exploration. 
 — Magnetic Pole Researches. See (in this 
 vol.) Polar Exploration. 
 
 ANAM: Deposition of the King.- — Toward 
 the end of 1906, France asserted sovereignty 
 over Anam, which had been a French Protecto- 
 rate for many years, by adjudging its king to 
 be insane, placing him in confinement, and thus 
 ending liis reign. He was accused of almost 
 incredible atrocities, in torturing and murdering 
 his wives and other subjects within his reach. 
 Even cannibalism was included among his al- 
 leged crimes. 
 
 ANARCHISM IN INDIA. See (in this 
 vol.) India : A. D. 1907-1908, and 1907-1909. 
 
 ANATOLIAN RAILWAY. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways: Turkey: A. D. 1899-1909. 
 
 ANDERSON, Judge A. B. : Acquittal of 
 the Standard Oil Company. See (in this vol.) 
 Combinations, Industrial, &c. : United 
 
 States: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 ANDRASSY, Count. See (in this vol.) Aus- 
 tria-Hungary: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 ANGELL, James Burrill: Retirement 
 
 from Presidency of University of Michigan. 
 See (in this vol.) Education: United States: 
 A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 ANGLE HILL, Capture of. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 ANJUMAN, or Enjumen. A term which 
 seems to signify in Persia either a local assembly 
 or a political association of any nature. See (in 
 this vol.) Persia: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 ANNUITIES, for Workingmen. See Pov- 
 ety, Problems of. 
 
 ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION. See 
 
 Polar Exploration. 
 
 ANTHRACITE COAL: The Railroad 
 Monopoly. See (in this vol.) Railways: 
 United States: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 ANTHRACITE COAL STRIKES. See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States. 
 
 ANTI-REBATE LEGISLATION. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 
 1870-1908, and 1903 (Feb.). 
 
 ANTI-SEMITIC DEMONSTRA- 
 TIONS. See (in this vol.) Jews. 
 
 ANTI-TRUST, or Sherman Act, of 1890 . 
 
 See (in this vol.) Railways: United States: 
 A. D. 1890-1902. 
 
 ANTI-TRUST DECISIONS, in United 
 States Courts. See (in this vol.) Supreme 
 Court of the United States. 
 
 ANTUNG: Opened to Foreign Trade. See 
 {in this vol.) China: A. D. 1903 (May-Oct.). 
 
 ANTUNG-MUKDEN RAILWAY 
 QUESTION, between Japan and China. 
 See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1905-1909 
 
 APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTION OF 
 THE CURIA. See (in this vol.) Papacy: 
 A. D. 1908. 
 
 APPALACHIAN MOUNTAIN FOR- 
 ESTS, Preservation of the. See (in this vol.) 
 Conservation of Natural Resources: 
 United States. 
 
 APPONYI, Count Albert. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906; 
 1908-1909. 
 
 ARABIA: A. D. 1903 - 1905 . — “ Holy War ” 
 with the Sultan opened by the Sheik Hamid 
 Eddin, of the Hadramaut, claiming the 
 Caliphate. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1903-1905. 
 
 ARBITRATION, Industrial. See Labor 
 
 Organization. 
 
 ARBITRATION, International : General 
 Treaties, since the First Peace Conference, 
 of 1899 . See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1899-1909. 
 
 Special: Of the Pious Fund Dispute be- 
 tween Mexico and the United States. See 
 (in this vol.) Mexico : A. D. 1902 (May). 
 
 Of Claims against Venezuela. See Vene- 
 zuela : A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 Of Alaska Boundary, between the United 
 States and Great Britain. See Alaska: A. D. 
 1903. 
 
 Of Brazil and British Guiana: Boundary 
 Dispute. See Brazil : A. D. 1904. 
 
 Of Great Britain and Russia: The Dogger 
 Bank Incident. See Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 
 (Oct. -May). 
 
 Of Fisheries Questions between the United 
 States and Great Britain. See Newfound- 
 land: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 Central American Court of Justice. See 
 Central America: A. D. 1907. 
 
 Of Casablanca Incident, between Germany 
 and France, at The Hague. See Morocco: 
 A. D *1907-1909. 
 
 ARCTIC EXPLORATION. See (iu this 
 vol.) Polar Exploration. 
 
 ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1901 - 
 1906 . — Participation in Second and Third 
 International Conferences of American Re- 
 publics, at Rio de Janeiro. See (in this vol.) 
 American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Noble ending of naval ri- 
 valries with Chile. — A model arbitration 
 treaty. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — The Foreign Population. — 
 
 “ Statistics of 1903 showed 1,000,000 foreigners 
 in Argentina in a total of 5,000,000. Of these 
 500,000 were Italians, 200,000 Spaniards, 100,000 
 French, 25,000 English, 18,000 Germans, 15,000 
 Swiss, 13,000 Austrians, and the remainder of 
 many nationalities. The number of Americans 
 did not exceed 1,500, although many are coming 
 now, to go into cattle-raising and farming iu the 
 country or into all kinds of business in Buenos 
 Ayres. English influence is very strong, espe- 
 cially in financial circles, with the Germans al- 
 most equally active.” — John Barret, Argentina 
 {Am. Review of Reviews, July, 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Inauguration of President 
 Quintana. — Dr. Manuel Quintana, elected Pre- 
 sident of the Republic, was inaugurated on the 
 12th of October, 1904, and entered on an adminis- 
 tration which promised much good to the coun- 
 try. 
 
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC 
 
 ARGENTINE REPUBLIC 
 
 A. D. 1905. — A revolutionary movement 
 promptly suppressed. — A revolutionary un- 
 dertaking, in Buenos Aires and several pro- 
 vinces, had its outbreak on the 4th of February, 
 but was suppressed so promptly that the public 
 disturbance by it was very brief. Particulars 
 of the affair were reported by the American Min- 
 ister at Buenos Aires, Mr. Beaupre, as follows: 
 “On the afternoon of the 3d instant rumors of 
 an intended movement subversive of the estab- 
 lished government of this country came to the 
 Federal authorities from various parts of the Re- 
 public. These rumors were at first discredited, 
 but finally proved so persistent that the Presi- 
 dent and heads of the various departments of the 
 government proceeded to take measures of pre- 
 caution. In the early hours of the morning of 
 the next day, the 4th instant, the anticipated 
 outbreak came simultaneously in the capital, 
 Rosario, Mendoza, Cordoba, and Bahia Blanca, 
 these being the largest cities of the Republic 
 and the principal political and military centers. 
 
 “ In the capital the plan of the revolutionists 
 seems to have been to attack the police stations 
 and military arsenal, with a view perhaps of 
 forcing the police of the capital into their ranks 
 and of supplying themselves with arms and 
 munitions. At the arsenal, by a simple strata- 
 gem of the minister of war, the malcontents were 
 lured into the building and arrested. About the 
 police stations there was some fighting, partic- 
 ularly at Station No. 14 ; but the insurgents 
 proved unprepared and insufficiently organized, 
 so that by dawn the movement had completely 
 failed in this city. Except that many of the 
 shops remained closed throughout the day of 
 the 4th, and except for the presence of armed 
 police in the streets, there were no evidences of 
 any revolutionary effort. Some half dozen fa- 
 talities are reported. 
 
 “The prompt and effective suppression of the 
 revolution in this city is due in large measure to 
 the energy and judgment displayed by the Presi- 
 dent and his ministers, who spent the entire night 
 in the Government House in council. Following 
 up the precautionary measures of the 3d instant 
 and the active measures of the night of the 3d 
 and 4th, the President proceeded at 8 A. m. of 
 the 4th to declare the Republic in a state of siege 
 for a period of thirty days, to call out the reserves 
 and to establish a censorship of the press and of 
 the telegraph service. 
 
 “ The movement in Rosario was about as brief 
 and unsuccessful as that in the capital, so that 
 by the forenoon of the 4th it was known to have 
 failed in the two principal cities of the Republic. 
 Here there was also some blood shed. 
 
 “ In the meantime the real center of the move- 
 ment was the city of Cordoba, while serious 
 trouble seemed in view in the city of Mendoza, 
 where the revolutionists were said to be in a 
 strong position, and in the province of Buenos 
 Aires, where troops and marines were already 
 in movement from Bahia Blanca upon the capi- 
 tal.” 
 
 Forces despatched to those points made as 
 quick an ending of the revolt there as at the 
 capital. “ The revolutionary forces at Cordoba 
 had made prisoners of the vice-president of the 
 Republic, Dr. Figueroa Alcorta, and other promi- 
 nent citizens. These prominent men they are 
 reported to have proposed putting in their van- 
 guard unless concessions were made to them. 
 
 This and the conditions of the revolutionists the 
 vice-president telegraphed to the Executive, who 
 did not allow himself to be moved by threats or 
 even by sympathy for his colleague. Conse- 
 quently the revolutionists, finding threats and 
 resistance vain, fled yesterday before the gov- 
 ernment troops arrived. With the failure of the 
 movement in Cordoba the revolution is consid- 
 ered at an end and the country has returned to 
 its former condition of peace and tranquillity.” 
 A. D. 1906. — Death of its President. — Dr. 
 Manuel Quintana, the much esteemed President 
 of the Argentine Republic, died in March, 1906, 
 aud was succeeded by the Vice-President, Dr. 
 Figuero Alcorta, who will fill the office until 
 1910. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Dreadnought building. See (in 
 
 this vol.) War, The Preparations for. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Assassination of Colonel Fal- 
 con. — As Colonel Falcon, Prefect of Police at 
 Buenos Ayres, was returning from a funeral, with 
 his secretary, on the 14th of November, a bomb 
 was thrown into the carriage and exploded, with 
 fatal effects to both. The assassin, a youth of 
 nineteen years, was captured. The murder had 
 been preceded by a number of bomb explosions 
 in the past six months, all attributed to anarchists 
 from Europe, of whom large numbers were said 
 to have been collected in Buenos Ayres. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Chief food supply to Great 
 Britain. — “How many readers of The Times 
 (said a special correspondent of the London Times 
 writing from Buenos Aires, October 15, 1909), 
 if asked to name the country which supplied the 
 United Kingdom last year with the largest quan- 
 tity of wheat, of maize, and of refrigerated and 
 frozen cattle, would unhesitatingly award the 
 first place to the Argentine Republic ? How 
 many English people realize that this South 
 American Republic is changing places with the 
 North American Republic in the exporting of 
 these and other food products to the United 
 Kingdom ? The Argentine Republic last year 
 occupied, and may in the future occupy, the first, 
 whilst the United States may have to be content 
 with the second, place in the exportation of food- 
 stuffs. The change is partly due to the shortage 
 of meat in America, and partly to the fact that 
 with their increasing population the United 
 States will have less and less surplus provisions 
 with which to supply the world. Last year, the 
 Argentine Republic sent England three times 
 more maize than the United States did, some- 
 thing like four and a half million cwt. more 
 wheat, and considerably over twice the amount 
 of refrigerated and frozen cattle. The shipments 
 of meat are considerably heavier for the first 
 nine months of 1909, so the proportion shipped 
 by the Argentine Republic is not likely to be 
 less for the present year. ” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Arbitration of the Acre 
 boundary dispute between Bolivia and 
 Peru. See (in this vol.) Acre Disputes. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Building of the Transandine 
 Railway Tunnel. See (in this vol.) Railways: 
 Argentina-Chile. 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Agreement with Uruguay 
 concerning the River Plate. — The following 
 message came from Buenos Ayres on the 6th of 
 January, 1910 : “A burning question between 
 Argentina and Uruguay, which for two years 
 was seemingly insoluble and possibly involved 
 Brazil, has been settled by Senor Roque Saenz - 
 
 27 
 
ARGENTINE REPUBLIC 
 
 ASSASSINATIONS 
 
 Pena. As Argentine Plenipotentiary he signed 
 a Protocol at Montevideo yesterday, of which the 
 following is a summary : Recognizing the re- 
 ciprocal desire for friendly relations, fortified by 
 the common origin of the two nations, the parties 
 agree to declare that past differences are not capa- 
 ble of being regarded as a cause of offence and 
 shall not be allowed to continue. The naviga- 
 tion and use of the waters of the River Plate 
 will continue as heretofore without alteration, 
 and differences which may arise in the future 
 will be removed and settled in the same spirit of 
 cordiality.” 
 
 ARICA-LA PAZ RAILWAY. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways: Chile-Bolivia. 
 
 ARICA QUESTION. See (in this vol.) 
 Chile: A. I). 1907. 
 
 ARID LANDS, Reclamation of. See (in this 
 vol.) Conservation of Natural Resources. 
 
 ARIZONA: Refusal of statehood in union 
 with New Mexico. See (in this vol.) United 
 States: A. D. 1906. 
 
 ARMENIANS: A. D. 1903-1904. — Incur- 
 sions of Armenian revolutionists from Russia 
 and Persia. — Exaggerated accounts of mas- 
 sacre. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1903- 
 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Massacre by Tartars in the 
 Caucasus. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 
 1905 (Feb.-Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Massacre at Adana and vi- 
 cinity. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 
 (Jan. -May) and (April-Dec.). 
 
 ARMAMENTS. — Armies. See (in this vol.) 
 War, The Preparation for. 
 
 ARMOUR & CO., et al., The case of the 
 United States against. See (in this vol.) 
 Combinations, Industrial : United States : 
 A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 ARMOUR PACKING COMPANY: De- 
 cision against in rebating case. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 1908. 
 
 ARMSTRONG, Vice-Consul J. P.: Re- 
 ports on affairs in the Congo State. See (in 
 this vol.) Congo State: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 ARMSTRONG INVESTIGATION COM- 
 MITTEE. See (in this vol.) Insurance, 
 Life. 
 
 ARNOLDSEN, K. P. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 ARRHENIUS, SVANTE AUGUST. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 ARYA SAMAJ, The : This is “ an organiza- 
 tion founded in Bombay more than 30 years ago 
 by a devout Gujerati Brahmin who was born in 
 Kathiawar. So far as I am aware, it has few 
 followers in Bombay nowadays : but in the last 
 few years it has waxed very strong in the Pun- 
 jab. Originally it was a purely religious move- 
 ment, based upon the teaching of the Vedas. It 
 promotes the abolition of caste and idolatry, 
 condemns early marriages, and permits the re- 
 marriage of widows. At the same time it is 
 violently hostile to Christianity. There can be 
 no question that large numbers of members of 
 the Arya Samaj are only concerned with its spir- 
 itual side ; but there can be equally no question 
 that the organization, as a whole, has developed 
 marked political tendencies subversive of British 
 rule . . . 
 
 “In the United Provinces it is believed that 
 there are now about 40,000 members of the Arya 
 Samaj. I have entirely failed to secure any 
 
 trustworthy estimate of the number of its mem- 
 bers in this province [the Punjab], but there are 
 flourishing branches of the Samaj in every large 
 town and in many of the ijmportant villages, and 
 proselytism is being actively pursued with 
 marked success. The members of the Samaj 
 strenuously deny that their organization has a 
 political side. The literature of the sect, and 
 particularly the writings of their founder, the 
 ardent ascetic Dayanand Saraswati, who came 
 from Kathiawar, show no trace of any interest 
 in mundane politics. Dayanand was an enthu- 
 siast who denounced the idolatrous tendencies of 
 modern Hinduism, and advocated a return to 
 the earlier, purer faith. . . . Dayanand’s clarion 
 call of “ Back to the Vedas ” produced a complete 
 revulsion of feeling, and he made the Punjab a 
 stronghold of the new creed. For that reason, the 
 Arya Samaj is to this day the bitterest opponent of 
 Christianity in India; and Punjabi Maliomedans 
 declare that it is also their most formidable foe.” 
 — India correspondence of The Times. 
 
 ASHOKAN RESERVOIR. See (in this 
 vol.) New York City: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 ASIATIC IMMIGRATION: The resist- 
 ance to it in South Africa, Australia, 
 America, and elsewhere. See (in this vol.) 
 Race Problems. 
 
 ASQUITH, Mr. Herbert Henry, Chancel- 
 lor of the Exchequer. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1905 (Dec.), and 1905-1906. 
 
 On the German attitude toward an inter- 
 national reduction of naval armaments. See 
 War, The Preparations for. 
 
 Address at the Imperial Conference of 1907 
 on Preferential Trade. See British Empire: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Prime Minister. See England : A. D. 1908 
 (April). 
 
 On the rejection of the Licensing Bill by 
 the House of Lords. See Alcohol Problem : 
 England: A. D. 1908. 
 
 On the Budget of 1909. See England: A. D. 
 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 ASIA : The Asiatic future of Russia as it 
 appeared at the beginning of the twentieth 
 century. See (in this vol.) Russia. 
 
 ASSAM : United with Eastern Bengal. 
 See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 ASSASSINATIONS: Of King Alexander, 
 Queen Draga, and others of the Servian 
 Court. See (in this vol.) Balkan andDanubian 
 States : Servia. 
 
 Of Count Alexei Ignatief. See Russia: A. D. 
 1906. 
 
 Of Ali Akbar Khan, the Atabek Azam. See 
 
 Persia: A. D. 1907. 
 
 Of Ashutosh Biswas. See India: A. D. 1907- 
 
 1908. 
 
 Of the Atabeg-i-Azam. See Persia: A. D. 
 1907 (Jan.-Sept.). 
 
 Of General Beckman. See Denmark: A. D. 
 1909 (June). 
 
 Of Governor-General Bobrikoff. See Fin- 
 land : A. D. 1904. 
 
 Of M. Bogoliepoff, Russian Minister of In- 
 struction. See Russia: A D. 1901-1904. 
 
 Of King Carlos I. and Crown Prince Luiz ' 
 Felipe. See Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 Of Sir Curzon-Wyllie. See India: A. D. 
 1909 (July). 
 
 Of Premier Delyannis. See Greece: A. D. 
 1905. 
 
 28 
 
ASSASSINATIONS 
 
 AUSTRALIA 
 
 Of Colonel Falcon. See Argentine Repub- 
 lic: A. I). 190!). 
 
 Of Fehim Pasha. See Turkey: A. D. 1908 
 (July-Dec.), and 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 Of Prince Ito. See Japan : A. D. 1909 (Oct.). 
 Of Colonel Karpoff. See Russia : A. D. 1909 
 
 (Dec.). 
 
 Of President McKinley. See Buffalo: A. 
 D. 1901; and United States : A. D. 1901 (Sep- 
 tember). 
 
 Of General Min. See Russia: A. D. 1906 
 (Aug.). 
 
 Of M. Plehve. See Russia : A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 Of General Sakharoff. See Russia: A. D. 
 1904-1905. 
 
 Of Count Schouvaloff. See Russia: A. D. 
 1905 (Feb.-Nov.). 
 
 Of Grand Duke Sergius. See Russia: A. D. 
 1904-1905. 
 
 Of Shemsi Pasha. See Turkey: A. D. 1908 
 (July-Dec.), 
 
 OfM. Sipiagin. See Russia: A. D. 1901 - 1904 . 
 Of ex-Governor Steunenberg, of Idaho. See 
 
 Labor Organization: United States. A. D. 
 1899-1907. 
 
 Of D. W. Stevens. See Korea: A. D. 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 Attempted murder of Minister Stolypin. 
 
 See Russia: A. D. 1906 (Aug.). 
 
 ASSINIBOIA: Absorbed in the Province 
 of Saskatchewan. See (in this vol. ) Canada: 
 A. D. 1905. 
 
 ASSIS-BRAZIL, Dr. J. F. : Secretary- 
 general of Third International Conference of 
 American Republics. See (in this vol.) Ameri- 
 can Republics. 
 
 ASSOCIATIONS, Law: French. See (in 
 
 this vol.) France: A. D. 1902 (April-Oct.), 
 and 1903. 
 
 German. See Germany : A. D. 1908 (April). 
 ASSUAN DAM, Completion of. See (in 
 this vol.) Egypt : A. D. 1902 (Dec.). 
 
 ASTRONOMY OF THE INVISIBLE. 
 See Science and Invention. 
 
 ATABEG-I-AZAM : Premier of Persia. — 
 His assassination. See (in this vol.) Persia: 
 A. D. 1907 (Jan.-Sept.). 
 
 ATABEGS, or Atabeks. See (in this vol.) 
 Persia : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 ATCHINESE, Dutch hostilities with the. 
 See (in this vol.) Netherlands : A. D. 1904. 
 
 ATHABASCA : Absorbed in the Provinces 
 of Alberta and Saskatchewan. See (in this 
 vol.) Canada : A. D. 1905. 
 
 ATLANTA: A. D. 1906. — Anti-Negro 
 Riot. See (in this vol.) Race Problems: 
 United States: A. D. 1906. 
 
 ATWATER, Professor W. O. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention, Recent : Car- 
 negie Institution. 
 
 AUSGLEICH, Austro-Hungarian. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Austria-Hungary : A. D. 1902-1903, 
 and 1907. 
 
 AUSTRALIA. 
 
 The Race Problem. — Reasons for dread of 
 Asiatic immigration. — The demand for a 
 white Australia. See (in this vol.) Race Prob- 
 lems. 
 
 Woman Suffrage. See Elective Fran- 
 chise: Woman Suffrage. 
 
 Government ownership of railways. — Dis- 
 connecting gauges in the several states. See 
 Railways : Australia. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — The Tariff Question in 
 the First Parliament of the Commonwealth. 
 — Issue between the Senate and the Repre- 
 sentative Chamber. — “The tariff originally 
 proposed by the government was framed on lines 
 of extreme protection, with special reference to 
 the languishing industries of Victoria ; it was 
 inevitable that the opposition, mainly represent- 
 ing New South Wales, should fight tooth and 
 nail to prevent its becoming law. The result of 
 the struggle, which lasted almost without a seri- 
 ous interruption for nine months, has been a 
 compromise which leaves the tariff of the com 
 monwealth neither one thing nor the other. 
 There c-an be little doubt that in debating power 
 and political generalship the victory lay generally 
 with the opposition ; but after all the result, so 
 far as it was a victory for the party of free 
 trade, was due to the action of the Senate. 
 
 “To many, and apparently not least to the 
 cabinet, the prompt and effective interference 
 of the Senate in a question of taxation, which 
 was generally supposed to be practically placed 
 by the constitution almost as much beyond their 
 control as custom has placed it beyond that of 
 the House of Lords in England, was a great sur- 
 prise, and as the first test of the respective powers 
 
 of the two chambers of the legislature it can 
 hardly fail to be of great political importance. 
 It was provided by the constitution not only 
 that all bills involving the taxation of the peo- 
 ple, directly or indirectly, should, as in this coun- 
 try, originate in the representative chamber of 
 the legislature, but further that such bills should 
 not be altered or amended in their passage 
 through the Senate. As a concession to the less 
 populous states, it was agreed when the consti- 
 tution was framed that while only the chamber, 
 elected on a strict basis of population, should 
 impose or control taxation, the Senate, in which 
 all the states enjoy, as in America, equal repre- 
 sentation, should have the right to suggest, for 
 the consideration of the other chamber, any 
 amendments it thought desirable in any money 
 bill sent on for its assent. This provision, mild 
 and inoffensive as it was supposed to be, has 
 now been used in a way to upset the policy of 
 the government, and practically to compel the 
 assent of the representative chamber to the views 
 of a Senate majority. The tariff bill as passed 
 by the government majority was subjected to 
 an exhaustive criticism by the Senate, and finally 
 fully fifty items of the schedule imposing duties 
 were referred back to the representative cham- 
 ber, with a request for their reconsideration and 
 reduction or excision. 
 
 “ The government attempted to meet the dif- 
 ficulty by agreeing to a few trifling amendments 
 on the lines suggested, and got the chamber per- 
 emptorily to reject all the others, sending the 
 bill back in effect as it was. To this the Senate 
 replied by calmly adhering to the views it had 
 already expressed, and sending the bill back 
 
AUSTRALIA, 1902 
 
 AUSTRALIA, 1902 
 
 again for further consideration, allowing it to 
 be pretty plainly understood that, in the event 
 of their views being ignored, they would place 
 their reasons on record and reject the bill alto- 
 gether, thus preventing any uniform tariff being 
 established during the session. Face to face 
 with so grave a difficulty the cabinet gave way, 
 and agreed to a compromise which they would 
 not have dreamed of doing but for the action of 
 the Senate, with its free-trade majority of two 
 votes. The immediate result of the long strug- 
 gle has been the passing of a tariff act which 
 pleases neither party, but will apparently raise 
 the required revenue of $40,000,000, needed to 
 meet the wants of the federal and state govern- 
 ments.” — Hugh H. Lusk, The First Parliament 
 of Australia ( American Review of Reviews, 
 March, 1903). 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — The “States Rights” tem- 
 per. — Question of constitutional rela- 
 tions between Commonwealth and States 
 in external affairs, as raised by South 
 Australia. — Decision of the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment. — “State-rights” questions and the pro- 
 vincialistic spirit behind them made a prompt 
 appearance in the Australian Commonwealth 
 after its federation was accomplished. One of 
 the first wrangles to occur between the General 
 Government and that of a State was appealed 
 necessarily to the Imperial Government at Lon- 
 don, because it arose out of a call from the lat- 
 ter, in September, 1902, for information about 
 an incident which concerned a Dutch ship. The 
 request for information went from London to 
 the Commonwealth Government, and from the 
 latter to the Government of South Australia, 
 where the incident in question occurred, involv- 
 ing some act of its officials. The South Austra- 
 lian Ministry declined to pass the desired infor- 
 mation through the channel of the Common- 
 wealth Ministry, but would give it to the British 
 Colonial Office, direct. A long triangular argu- 
 mentative correspondence ensued, in the course 
 of which much that seems like a repetition of the 
 early history of the United States of America 
 appears. Such as this, for example, in one of the 
 letters of the Acting Premier of South Australia 
 to the Lieutenant-Governor of that State: “ The 
 importance to the States, especially to the smaller 
 States, of strictly maintaining the lines of de- 
 marcation between Commonwealth and State 
 power is manifest. Already a movement has 
 begun to destroy the Federal element in the Con- 
 stitution. A remarkable indication of this may 
 be gathered from a speech made by Sir William 
 Lyne, the Commonwealth Minister for Home 
 Affairs, at Kalgoorlie, in Western Australia, 
 on the 2nd day of the present month. Speaking 
 of the Constitution, Sir William Lyne said: 
 ‘ If the population increased in the States as he 
 expected, he did not think three of the larger 
 States would still consent to be governed by four 
 of the smaller ones. He hoped that when the 
 time came there would not be bloodshed, but 
 that things would settle themselves in a manner 
 worthy of the records of the first Parliament.’ 
 
 “ Believing, as Ministers do, that the peaceful 
 and successful working of the Constitution de- 
 pends upon the strict maintenance of the lines 
 of demarcation between the powers of the 
 Commonwealth and those of the States, and 
 that that line is drawn clearly in the Consti- 
 tution, they cannot agree to the opinions of the 
 
 Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the 
 Colonies, which increase, by implication, the 
 power of the Commonwealth, and which seem 
 to Ministers to tend to Unification, and to a sac- 
 rifice of the Federal to the National principle.” 
 This communication, transmitted to London, 
 drew from the then Colonial Secretary, Mr. Cham- 
 berlain, an unanswerable reply, addressed to 
 the Lieutenant-Governor and dated April 15, 
 1903, in part as follows: 
 
 “Your Ministers contend ‘that the grant of 
 power to the Commonwealth, notwithstanding 
 the general terms of Section 3 of the Act, is 
 strictly limited to the Departments transferred, 
 and to matters upon which the Commonwealth 
 Parliament has power to make laws and has 
 made laws,’ and that ‘ in the distribution of legis- 
 lative and consequently of executive power, 
 made by the Constitution, all powers not spe- 
 cifically ceded to the Commonwealth remain in 
 the States.’ 
 
 “ They are unable to agree ‘ with the conten- 
 tion that there does not appear to be anything in 
 the Constitution to justify this limitation,’ and 
 argue that the validity of any claim of the Com- 
 monwealth to any particular power, should be 
 tested by enquiring : — Does the Constitution 
 specifically confer the power ? 
 
 “ The view of the Act which I take is that it 
 is a Constitution Act, and creates a new politi- 
 cal community. It expressly declares that ‘ the 
 people of New South Wales, Victoria, South 
 Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, 
 if Her Majesty is satisfied that the people of 
 Western Australia have agreed thereto, of West- 
 ern Australia, shall be united in a Federal Com- 
 monwealth under the name of the Commonwealth 
 of Australia.’ The object and. scope of the Act 
 is defined and declared by the preamble to be to 
 give effect to the agreement of the people of 
 New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, 
 Queensland, and Tasmania ' to unite in one indis- 
 soluble Federal Commonwealth under the Crown 
 of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
 Ireland, and under the Constitution hereby es- 
 tablished.’ 
 
 “The whole Act must be read in the light of 
 this declaration and the provisions of Section 3. 
 So far as other communities in the Empire or 
 foreign nations are concerned, the people of Aus- 
 tralia form one political community for which 
 the Government of the Commonwealth alone 
 can speak, and for everything affecting external 
 states or communities, which takes place within 
 its boundaries, that Government is responsible. 
 The distribution of powers between the Federal 
 and State Authorities is a matter of purely in- 
 ternal concern of which no external country or 
 community can take any cognizance. It is to 
 the Commonwealth and the Commonwealth 
 alone that, through the Imperial Government, 
 they must look, for remedy or relief for any 
 action affecting them done within the bounds of 
 the Commonwealth, whether it is the act of a 
 private individual, of a State official, or of a 
 State government. The Commonwealth is, 
 through His Majesty’s Government, just as re- 
 sponsible for any action of South Australia 
 affecting an external community as the United 
 States of America are for the action of Louisiana 
 or any other State of the Union. 
 
 “The Crown undoubtedly remains part of 
 the constitution of the State of South Australia 
 
 30 
 
AUSTRALIA, 1902 
 
 AUSTRALIA. 1903-1904 
 
 and, in matters affecting it in that capacity, the 
 proper channel of communication is between 
 the Secretary of State and the State Governor. 
 But in matters affecting the Crown in its capacity 
 as the central authority of the Empire, the Sec- 
 retary of State can, since the people of Australia 
 have become one political community, look only 
 to the Governor-General, as the representative 
 of the Crown in that community.” 
 
 The published correspondence ends with this, 
 and it is to be assumed that South Australia had 
 no more to say. — Correspondence respecting the 
 Constitutional Relations of the Australian Com- 
 monwealth and States in regard to External 
 Affairs ( Parliamentary Papers , Cd. 1587). 
 
 A. D. 1902. — British Colonial Conference at 
 London. See (in this vol.) British Empire. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — The Governor-Generalship. — 
 The office of Governor-General was resigned by 
 Lord Hopetoun in the summer, and he was suc- 
 ceeded by Lord Tennyson. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1909. — Undertakings of irriga- 
 tion and forestry. See (in this vol.) Conser- 
 vation of Natural Resources: Australia. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — The Governor-Generalship. — 
 In August, Lord Northcote, previously Governor 
 of the Presidency of Bombay, was appointed 
 Governor-General of Australia, succeeding Lord 
 Tennyson. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — Resignation of Premier 
 Barton. — The Deakin Ministry. — Four 
 months of power for the Labor Party. — Its 
 influence in the Commonwealth. — Sir Ed- 
 mund Barton, who had been the Prime Minister 
 of the Australian Commonwealth since its Union 
 in 1900 (see Australia in Volume VI. of this 
 work), resigned in 1903 to accept a place on the 
 bench of the High Federal Court, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Mr. Alfred Deakin, previously Attor- 
 ney-General in the Federal Cabinet. The most 
 important occurrence of the year in the Common- 
 wealth was the election of a new House of Repre- 
 sentatives in the Federal Parliament and of one 
 third of its Senate. These were the first federal 
 elections occurring since those of 1900 which con- 
 stituted the original Parliament, opened in May, 
 1901, and the first in which women went to the 
 polls. The main issue in the elections was between 
 the Labor Party and its opponents, and the rising 
 power of the former was shown by its gain of six 
 seats in each House, four from the Ministry and 
 two from the opposition in the Senate, and all 
 six from the Ministry in the lower House. This 
 threw the balance of power into its hands in both 
 branches of Parliament. Naturally, in these cir- 
 cumstances, labor questions became dominant in 
 Australian politics, with Socialistic tendencies 
 very strong. 
 
 The Deakin Ministry was defeated in April, 
 1904, on an industrial arbitration bill which ex- 
 cluded State railway employes and other civil 
 servants from its provisions, contrary to the de- 
 mands of the Labor Party. The adverse majority 
 was made up of 23 Labor representatives, 13 op- 
 ponents of the protectionist policy of the Gov- 
 ernment, and 4 from the ranks of its own ordi- 
 nary supporters. The ministry resigned, and 
 the leader of the Labor Party, Mr. J. C. Watson, 
 a young compositor by trade, was called to form 
 a Government, which he did, drawing all but its 
 Law Officer from the Labor Party. It is credita- 
 ble to the capability of this Labor Ministry that, 
 with so precarious a backing in the House, it 
 
 should have held the management of Govern- 
 ment, with apparently good satisfaction to the 
 public, for about four months. It was defeated 
 in August on another labor question, and gave 
 way to a coalition Ministry of Free Traders and 
 Moderate Protectionists, formed under Mr. George 
 Houston Reid. 
 
 An account of the Labor Ministry and its 
 leader, from which the following facts are taken, 
 was given by The Review of Reviews for Australa- 
 sia at the time of its ascendancy : The average 
 age of the members is only forty-three years, 
 while in England sixty is the average age at 
 which corresponding rank is attained. The na- 
 tionalities of the members are as follows: One, 
 the prime minister, is a New Zealander, two are 
 Australian-born, two are Irish, two are Scotch, 
 and one is Welsh. There is not one who was born 
 in England. 
 
 Mr. John Christian Watson, the premier, is but 
 thirty-seven years of age. He was bom in Val- 
 paraiso, where his parents were on a visit, but 
 was only a few months old when they returned 
 to New Zealand. At an early age he began his 
 apprenticeship as a compositor, joining the Ty- 
 pographical Union. When nineteen, he came to 
 Sydney and joined the composing staff of the 
 Star. Then he became president of the Sydney 
 Trades and Labor Council, and president of the 
 Political Labor League of New South Wales. In 
 1894, he was returned to a New South Wales Par- 
 liament, and took the leading place among the 
 Labor members. In 1901, he was returned to the 
 first federal Parliament. He was selected to lead 
 the Labor party in the federal House, and has 
 won golden opinions in that position. He is a 
 born leader of men, and has rare tact. He over- 
 came the apprehension caused by his youth. He 
 curbed the extremists of his party. Power came 
 to him at once. He seized the advantage of lead- 
 ing a third party between two opponents. It was 
 he, rather than Sir Edmund Barton or Mr. Dea- 
 kin, who decided what should pass and what not. 
 
 The situation developed in this period is de- 
 scribed by an American writer, whose sympathies 
 are ardently with the Labor Party, as follows : 
 “ Protectionists and Free Traders (so called) were 
 so divided in the Australian Parliament that 
 neither could gain a majority without the Labor 
 Party. A succession of governments bowled over 
 by labor votes drove this hard fact into the po- 
 litical intelligence. The Labor Party was then 
 invited to take the government. For five months 
 men that had been carpenters, bricklayers, and 
 painters administered the nation’s affairs. No con- 
 vulsion of nature followed, no upheavals and no 
 disasters. It is even admitted that the govern- 
 ment of these men was conspicuously wise, able, 
 and successful. But having a minority party, 
 their way was necessarily precarious, and on the 
 chance blow of an adverse vote they resigned. 
 Some scene shifting followed, but in the end 
 the present arrangement was reached, by which 
 the government is in the hands of the Protection- 
 ists that follow Mr. Deakin, and the ministry is 
 supported by the Labor Party on condition that 
 the Government adopt certain legislation. And 
 that is the extent of the ‘absolute rule of the 
 Labor gang.’ The Deakin Government does not 
 greatly care for the Labor, Party, nor for the 
 Labor Party’s ideas, but it rules by reason of the 
 Labor Party’s support, and in return therefor 
 has passed certain moderate and well-intentioned 
 
 31 
 
AUSTRALIA, 190.', -1906 
 
 AUSTRALIA, 1905-1906 
 
 measures of reform. Indeed the sum-total of the 
 ‘revolutionary, radical, and socialistic laws’ 
 passed by the Labor Party, directly or by bar- 
 gaining with the Deakin or other ministries, in- 
 dicates an exceedingly gentle order of revolution. 
 It has done much in New South Wales and else- 
 where to mitigate the great estate evil by enact- 
 ing graduated land taxes; it has passed humane 
 and reasonable laws regulating employers’ liabil- 
 ity for accidents to workmen and laws greatly 
 bettering the hard conditions of labor in mines 
 and factories. It has passed a law to exclude 
 trusts from Australian soil. It has stood for equal 
 rights for men and women. In New South Wales 
 it has enormously bettered conditions for toilers 
 by regulating hours of employment even in de- 
 partment and other stores and by instituting a 
 weekly half-holiday the year around for every- 
 body. It has tried with a defective Arbitration 
 and Conciliation Act to abolish strikes. To guard 
 Australia against the sobering terrors of the race 
 problem that confronts America, it has succeeded 
 in keeping out colored aliens. It has agitated for 
 a Henry George land tax and for the national own- 
 ership of public services and obvious monopolies. 
 And with one exception this is the full catalogue 
 of its misdeeds.” [The “ one exception ” is the 
 abolition of coolie labor.] — Charles E. Russell, 
 The Uprising of the Many , eh. 24 {Doubleday , 
 Page and Co., N. Y. , 1907). — See, also, Labor 
 Organization: Australia. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906.— Mr. Deakin’s precarious 
 ministry. — Power of the Labor Party with- 
 out responsibility. — Its principles and its 
 “Fighting Platform.” — Important legisla- 
 tion of 1905. — The Federal Capital question. 
 — General election of 1906. — Mr. Reid, the 
 Free Trade Premier, had taken office on an agree- 
 ment with Mr. Deakin, the Protectionist leader, 
 that the tariff question should not be opened dur- 
 ing the term of the existing Parliament. But 
 the truce became broken early in 1905, each 
 party attributing the breach to the other, and the 
 Reid Ministry, beaten on an amendment to the 
 address replying to the Governor-General’s 
 speech, resigned. The Protectionists, in provi- 
 sional alliance with the Labor Party, then came 
 back to power, with Mr. Deakin at their head. 
 
 Of the political situation in 1905 it was said by 
 a writer in one of the English reviews: ‘‘The 
 Labour Party can dictate terms to the Ministry, 
 and ensure that its own policy is carried out by 
 others. It is strongest whilst it sits on the cross 
 benches. During the few months it was in office 
 it was at the mercy of Parliament ; it left most 
 of the planks of its platform severely alone, and 
 it had, during that time, less real power than it 
 has had either before or since. It is not likely 
 again to take office, unless it can command an 
 absolute majority of its own members to give 
 effect to its own ideas, and, indeed, it perhaps 
 would be better for Australia that it had respon- 
 sibility as well as power, rather than as at present 
 power without responsibility. However, if not 
 at the next general election, the party is bound 
 ere long to get the clear Parliamentary majority 
 it seeks. Under these circumstances, great im- 
 portance attaches to its aims and organisa- 
 tion. . . . 
 
 “ To quote from the official report of the de- 
 cisions of the last Triennial Conference of the 
 Political Labour organisations of the Common- 
 wealth, which sat in Melbourne last July, the 
 
 objective of the Federal Labour party is as 
 follows : 
 
 “ (a) The cultivation of an Australian senti- 
 ment, based upon the maintenance of racial 
 purity, and the development in Australia of an 
 enlightened and self-reliant community, (b) The 
 security of the full results of their industry to all 
 producers by the collective ownership of monopo- 
 lies, and the extension of the industrial and eco- 
 nomic functions of the State and Municipality. 
 The Labour party seek to achieve this objective 
 by means of a policy that they invariably refer 
 to as their platform. The planks of what is 
 called the ‘ Fighting Platform’ are as follows : 
 
 “(1) The maintenance of a white Australia. 
 (2) The nationalisation of monopolies. (3) Old 
 age pensions. (4) A tariff referendum. (5) A 
 progressive tax on unimproved land values. (6) 
 The restriction of public borrowing. (7) Navi- 
 gation laws. (8) A citizen defence force. (9) 
 Arbitration amendment.” — J. W. Kirwan, The 
 Australian Labour Party {Nineteenth Century, 
 Nov., 1905). 
 
 A strike in one of the coal mines of New South 
 Wales during 1905 brought the Arbitration Act 
 of that province to an unsatisfactory test. The 
 dispute, concerning wages, went to the Arbitra- 
 tion Court and was decided against the miners. 
 They refused to accept the decision, abandoning 
 work, and the court, when appealed to by the 
 employers, found itself powerless to enforce the 
 decision it had made. The judge resigned in 
 consequence, and there was difficulty in finding 
 another to take his seat. 
 
 The Labor Party secured the passage of an 
 Act which gives the trades-union label the force 
 of a trade mark. Another important Act of 1905 
 modified the Immigration Restriction Act, so far 
 as to admit Asiatic and other alien students and 
 merchants, whose stay in the country was not 
 likely to be permanent, and which, furthermore, 
 permitted the introduction of white labor un- 
 der contract, subject to conditions that were 
 expected to prevent any lowering of standard 
 wages. 
 
 The location of a federal capital became a sub- 
 ject of positive quarrel between the Government 
 of the Commonwealth and that of New South 
 Wales. By agreements which preceded the 
 federation, the Commonwealth capital was to be 
 in New South Wales, but not less than a hun- 
 dred miles from Sydney. This hundred-mile 
 avoidance of Sydney was considerably exceeded 
 by the Federal Government when it chose a site, 
 to be called Dalgety, about equidistant from 
 Sydney and Melbourne. New South Wales ob- 
 jected to the site and objected to the extent of 
 territory demanded for it. Mr. Deakin proposed 
 a survey of 900 square miles for the Federal 
 District. New South Wales saw no reason for 
 federal jurisdiction over more than 100 square 
 miles. 
 
 Ultimately Dalgety was rejected and a site 
 named Yass-Canberra, or Canberra, was agreed 
 upon and the choice confirmed by legislation. 
 
 It is in the Murray district, about 200 miles 
 southwest of Sydney. 
 
 A general election in the Commonwealth, near ' 
 the close of 1906, gave the Protectionists a small 
 increase of strength in Parliament, and the Labor 
 Party gained one seat, raising its representation 
 from 25 to 26. The losers were the so-called 
 Free Traders, or opponents of protective tariff- 
 
AUSTRALIA, 1906 
 
 AUSTRALIA, 1909 
 
 making. Tlieir leader, Mr. Reid, in the canvass, 
 dropped the tariff issue and made war on the 
 State Socialism of the Labor Party. He held in 
 the new Parliament a considerably larger follow- 
 ing than the Protectionist Premier, Mr. Deakin, 
 could muster, but it contained more Protection- 
 ists than Free Traders. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Developing the water sup- 
 ply. See (in this vol.) Conservation of Nat- 
 ural Resources: Australia. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — The “New Protection,’’ 
 under the Tariff Excise Act. See (in this 
 vol.) Laror Remuneration: The “New Pro- 
 tection.” 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Statistics of state schools. 
 See Education: Australia. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April-May). — Imperial Con- 
 ference at London. See British Empire: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Dec.). — Population of the 
 Commonwealth. — According to a letter to the 
 London Times, from Sydney, “the population 
 of Australia on December 31, 1908, was esti- 
 mated at 4,275,304 (exclusive of full-blooded 
 blacks), showing an increase of 509,965, or of 
 13.5 per cent, in the eight years of federation. 
 That,” said the writer, “ is not a satisfactory ex- 
 pansion, and we should have fared better. New 
 South Wales gained 231,367, or 17 per cent, and 
 Western Australia 87,143, or 48.4 per cent, but 
 all the other States fared indifferently. There 
 is reason to hope that in the change of fashion, 
 Australia will again grow into some favour with 
 the emigrant from home.” ■ 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Change of Ministry. — Late 
 in the year, the Ministry of Mr. Deakin lost the 
 provisional support of the Labor party, which 
 had kept it in control of the Government for 
 nearly four years, and suffered a defeat in Par- 
 liament which threw it out. For the second 
 time a short-lived Labor Ministry was formed, 
 under Mr. Andrew Fisher. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — The Governor-Generalship. 
 — After five years of service as Governor-Gen- 
 eral, Lord Northcote returned to England in the 
 fall of 1908 and was succeeded by Lord Dudley. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Attitude of the people to- 
 ward immigration. — Land-locking against 
 settlement. See (in this vol.) Immigration: 
 Australia. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — A summary of sixty years 
 of growth and progress. — Sir John Forrest, 
 Treasurer of the Commonwealth of Australia, 
 in his Budget Speech to the Federal House of 
 Representatives, in August, 1909, surveyed the 
 position of Australia as part of the British na- 
 tion, — a continent, he observed, containing two 
 billion acres, with a coast line of 12,000 miles, 
 no other nation having right or title to any part 
 of this splendid heritage of the Southern Hemi- 
 sphere. which was another home for the British 
 race. Sixty years ago, said Sir John, the popu- 
 lation of Australia was 400,000 and there were 
 no railways. Now the inhabitants numbered 
 nearly four-and-a-half millions, of whom 96 per 
 cent were British. They had £112,000,000 de- 
 posited in banks and deposits in savings banks 
 to the amount of over £46,000,000, the depositors 
 in these being one-third of the entire population. 
 They had produced minerals to the value of 
 £713,000,000. Ten million acres were under 
 crop. During last year Australia had produced 
 62,000,000 bushels of wheat. It had exported 
 
 butter of the value of £2,387,000 and wool of 
 the value of £23,000,000. Australia had 90,000,- 
 000 sheep, 10,000,000 cattle, and 2,000,000 horses. 
 The oversea trade in 1908 represented £114,000,- 
 000 . 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Proposed federalization of 
 state debts. — On the 8th of September, 1909, 
 the Government introduced a Bill in the House 
 of Representatives for the amendment of the 
 Constitution so as to enable the Commonwealth 
 to federalize the State debts incurred since the 
 inauguration of the Commonwealth, in addition 
 to those then existing. The Premier urged that 
 if the agreement was carried out the Common- 
 wealth would be freed financially, and if the 
 debts were taken over the per capita payments 
 would be appropriated to meet the interest on 
 the debts, the States making up any deficiency. 
 The Bill was passed by the House on the 7th of 
 October. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Federal acquisition of the 
 N orthern T erritory. — A Bill providing for the 
 transfer to the Commonwealth of the vast un- 
 populated Northern Territory of the Australian 
 Continent was before the Parliament of the 
 Commonwealth during the last summer. In ad- 
 vocating its passage, the Minister for External 
 Affairs explained that “ the area to be transferred 
 under the Bill was equal to France, Germany, 
 Belgium, Switzerland, and Italy together. Port 
 Darwin was nearer to Hongkong than to Syd 
 ney, and while the Northern Territory remained 
 unpeopled it was a perpetual menace to Austra- 
 lia. The military authorities, Sir George Le 
 Hunte, formerly Governor of South Australia, 
 and Lord Northcote, formerly Governor- General 
 of the Commonwealth, had all strongly urged 
 its effective occupation, and Mr. Roosevelt had 
 advised the Commonwealth to fill its ‘ empty 
 north. ’ 
 
 “By the terms of the agreement the Com- 
 monwealth would assume responsibility for the 
 debt of the territory, amounting to £2,725,000, 
 and the accumulated deficit of the past admin- 
 istration, amounting to £600,000. The measure 
 provided for the taking over of the Port Au- 
 gusta-Oodnadatta Railway at a price of £2,240,- 
 000, and for the Commonwealth to undertake 
 the construction of a trans continental line con- 
 necting the territory with South Australia, at 
 an estimated cost of £4,500,000. The latest re- 
 ports showed that the interior of the territory 
 was a fertile and well-watered white man’s coun- 
 try, the healthiest in the tropical world, and that 
 it was capable of carrying a large population.” — 
 Despatch from Melbourne to The Times , London. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May-June). — Opening of the 
 session of Parliament. — Programme of busi- 
 ness proposed. — The political situation. — 
 Coalition under Mr. Deakin against the min- 
 istry.— Its success. — Resignation of Pre- 
 mier Fisher and Cabinet. — Return of Mr. 
 Deakin to power. — His programme. — The 
 Federal Parliament was opened at Melbourne on 
 the 26th of May. In the speech of the Governor- 
 General, Lord Dudley, as reported to the Eng- 
 lish Press, he stated that “ notwithstanding a 
 decrease in the Customs and postal revenue, ar- 
 rangements had been made to pay old-age pen- 
 sions from July 1. Large financial obligations 
 would be incurred in the near future and would 
 demand careful attention. Parliament would be 
 invited to consider the financial relations between 
 
 33 
 
AUSTRALIA, 1909 
 
 AUSTRALIA, 1909 
 
 the Commonwealth and the States, with a view 
 to an equitable adjustment of them. Proposals 
 would be submitted for the establishment of a 
 Commonwealth silver and paper currency. 
 
 “The Governor-General went on to refer to 
 the coming Imperial Defence Conference and the 
 establishment of a General Staff for the Empire. 
 Engagements had, he said, been entered into for 
 the building of three destroyers, and Parliament 
 would be asked to approve a policy of naval con- 
 struction including the building of similar ves- 
 sels in Australia and the training of the necessary 
 crews. A measure providing for an effective 
 citizens’ defence force would be introduced at an 
 early stage. 
 
 “ It being recognized that the effective defence 
 of Australia required a vast increase in the popu- 
 lation, it was proposed to introduce a measure 
 of progressive taxation on unimproved land 
 values, leading to a subdivision of large estates, 
 so as to offer immigrants the inducement neces- 
 sary to attract them in large numbers. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Proposals would be submitted for the amend- 
 ment of the Constitution, so as to enable Parlia- 
 ment to protect the interests of the consumer 
 while ensuring a fair and reasonable wage to 
 every worker [see in this volume, Labor Remu- 
 neration : The ‘ New Protection ’] to extend 
 the jurisdiction of Parliament in regard to trusts 
 and combinations, and to provide for the nation- 
 alization of monopolies.” 
 
 In an editorial article on the situation at this 
 juncture in Australia, which was, it remarked, 
 “as interesting as it is obscure,” the London 
 Times rehearsed the main facts of it as follows: 
 
 ‘ ‘ It will be remembered that towards the close 
 of last year the withdrawal of its support by the 
 Labour party led somewhat unexpectedly to the 
 defeat and resignation of Mr. Deakin’s Cabinet. 
 A Labour Ministry was subsequently formed, and 
 was enabled by Mr. Deakin’s refusal to combine 
 with the Opposition against it to prorogue Parlia- 
 ment and get into recess. It has since elaborated a 
 programme, announced by Mr. Fisher, the Prime 
 Minister, to his constituents at Gympie, a few 
 weeks ago, and recapitulated yesterday in the 
 Governor-General's speech, which strongly re- 
 sembles in most particulars the national policy 
 advocated by Mr. Deakin when in power, and 
 includes besides one or two additional proposals, 
 such as ‘ the nationalization of monopolies,’ more 
 exclusively the property of the Labour party it- 
 self. These latter aspirations are probably more 
 pious than practical, and are certainly not the is- 
 sues on which the Labour Ministry is now to stand 
 or fall. It will stand or fall by its proposals for the 
 readjustment of the financial relations between 
 the Commonwealth and the States, the establish- 
 ment of a local flotilla designed for coastal de- 
 fence, the creation of a citizen army based on 
 universal training, and the imposition of a pro- 
 gressive land tax calculated to bring about the 
 subdivision of large estates. 
 
 “ This latter proposal is the only one in which 
 the Labour party cannot claim to be carrying out 
 the spirit, if not the letter, of Mr. Deakin’s own 
 programme ; but, curiously enough, it does not 
 seem to be the question on which Mr. Deakin has 
 taken immediate issue with them. He is taking 
 issue, we gather, first and foremost on the ques- 
 tion of defence. The Labour Ministry is to be 
 censured for refusing to make the offer of the 
 Australian Dreadnought in the name of the Com- 
 
 monwealth. In taking this line Mr. Deakin has 
 already made it clear that he has not in any way 
 modified his previous views on the necessity of 
 providing immediately for the creation of an 
 Australian flotilla, but he considers that this 
 necessity should in no way prevent Australia 
 from adding in emergency to the strength of the 
 British fleet. Speaking at Sydney last month, 
 he said : ‘ Our defence needs not only our own 
 flotilla but a fleet on the high seas as well. It is 
 for us to recognize that by joining New Zealand 
 and making our offer of a Dreadnought for the 
 Imperial Navy . . . the Commonwealth must 
 do its share to prove the reality of Australia’s 
 federal unity, to prove the unity of the Empire, 
 to stand beside the stock from which we came.’ 
 
 ‘ ‘ On this point there is no obscurity. It presents 
 a clear difference of view dividing Mr. Deakin 
 and the two sections of the Opposition with which 
 he has now coalesced from the policy of the Min- 
 istry in power. Bnt while it provides a rallying 
 ground from which the coalition may defeat the 
 Ministry, it provides no subsequent line of united 
 advance. The terms on which the coalition has 
 been formed seem indeed to contemplate no defi- 
 nite policy at all.” 
 
 The coalition against the Ministry of Mr. 
 Fisher, referred to in the above, accomplished its 
 purpose on the day after the opening of Parlia- 
 ment. by carrying a vote of adjournment which 
 the Ministry accepted as a vote of want of con- 
 fidence, and resigned. The former Premier, 
 Mr. Deakin, then resumed the reins of Govern- 
 ment, with a following that does not seem to 
 have been expected to hold together very long. 
 On the reassembling of Parliament, June 23, the 
 Prime Minister made a statement of the business 
 to be submitted to the House, including along 
 with other measures the following : “ A Bill 
 would be introduced establishing an inter-State 
 commission which, in addition to the powers con- 
 ferred by the Constitution, would undertake 
 many of the functions of the British Board of 
 Trade. It would also undertake the duties of a 
 Federal Labour Bureau, which woidd comprise 
 the study of the question of unemployment and 
 a scheme for insurance against unemployment. 
 The commission would also assist in the super- 
 vision of the working of the existing Customs 
 tariff. . . . An active policy of immigration 
 would be undertaken, it was hoped with the co- 
 operation of all the States. . . . The appoint- 
 ment of a High Commissioner in London with a 
 well-equipped office was necessary to take charge 
 of the financial interests of the Commonwealth, 
 to supervise immigration, and to foster trade and 
 commerce. . . . The Old Age Pensions Act was 
 to be amended in the direction of simplifying the 
 conditions for obtaining the pensions. . . . The 
 policy of the Government in the matter of land 
 defence would be founded on universal training, 
 commencing in youth and continuing towards 
 manhood. A military college, a school of mus- 
 ketry, and probably a primary naval college 
 would be established to train officers. The coun- 
 sel of one of the most experienced commanders 
 of the British Army would be sought for with ' 
 regard to the general development and disposi- 
 tion of Australia’s adult citizen soldiers. 
 
 “In view of the approaching termination of 
 the ten year period of the distribution of the 
 Customs revenue provided for in the Constitu- 
 tion, a temporary arrangement was being pre- 
 
AUSTRALIA, 1909 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1902 
 
 pared, pending a satisfactory permanent settle- 
 ment of the financial relation between the State 
 and the Commonwealth.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — Federal High Court de- 
 cision on Anti-Trust Law. See (in this vol.) 
 Combinations, Industrial, &c. : Australia. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Sept.). — The Imperial 
 Defense Conference. — Defense Bill in Par- 
 liament. — Proposed compulsory military 
 training. See War, The Preparations for: 
 Military and Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Coal Miners strike in 
 New South Wales. See Labor Organiza- 
 tion: Australia: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Meeting at Sydney of 
 Empire Congress of Chambers of Commerce. 
 See British Empire: A. D. 1909 (Sept.). 
 
 A. D. 1910 . — The last year of a trouble- 
 some Constitutional Requirement. — Article 
 87 of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of 
 Australia (see in Vol. VI. of this work), reads 
 as follows : “ During a period of ten years after 
 the establishment of the Commonwealth, and 
 thereafter until the Parliament otherwise pro- 
 vides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth 
 from duties of custom' and of excise not more 
 than one fourth shall be applied annually by the 
 Commonwealth towards its expenditure. The 
 balance shall, in accordance with this Constitu- 
 tion, be paid to the several States, or applied 
 toward the payment of interest on debts of the 
 several States taken over by the Commonwealth.” 
 This, which has been known as the Braddon sec- 
 tion, has imposed a serious handicap on the Fed- 
 eral Government. As its working was described 
 recently by an English Press correspondent, “ it 
 made the Commonwealth raise four pounds when- 
 ever it wanted to spend one. It made the States 
 begrudge the Commonwealth every penny it 
 spent, even out of its own quarter — for every 
 penny saved out of that quarter was an extra 
 penny for the States. And it prevented every 
 State Treasurer from knowing, until the Federal 
 Treasurer had delivered his Budget speech, how 
 much money he was likely to get from Federal 
 sources for his own spending.” 
 
 At the end of the year 1910 the requirement 
 of the Article will cease to be obligatory, and 
 the Federal Parliament will be free to make a 
 different appropriation of the revenue from cus- 
 toms and excise. Meantime the subject is under 
 
 discussion, and in August, 1909, it was an- 
 nounced that a conference of the State Govern- 
 ments had come to an agreement — subject to 
 ratification by the Federal Government — which 
 provides for the annual per capita payment of 
 25s. in lieu of the three-fourths of the Customs 
 revenue which has hitherto been returned to 
 them. Western Australia to receive a special 
 extra contribution of £250,000, decreasing by 
 £10,000 annually until it ceases. Until the ar- 
 rangement becomes operative, the Common- 
 wealth may deduct from the statutory payments 
 to the States £600,000 annually towards the cost 
 of old-age pensions. 
 
 The readjustment of State shares in the Cus- 
 toms revenue is said to involve an annual loss to 
 New South Wales of £1,000,000. According to 
 a London newspaper correspondent, “ the main 
 effects to the Commonwealth are the abolition of 
 the book-keeping system between the States, the 
 power to issue Australian stamps, telegrams, &c., 
 and the securing of about £2,300,000 a year, or 
 more, additional revenue. The States lose reve- 
 nue to a similar amount, but there is a transfer 
 of old-age pensions to the amount of nearly 
 £1,000,000, of which they are relieved. In three 
 of the States, all of which suffer little by the 
 change, the pensions are new, and a considerable 
 boon to the people. But more than half the 
 money sacrifice falls upon New South Wales, and 
 it goes to relieve her less prosperous neighbours. 
 Well, that is true Federation! Naturally the 
 Southern States would have nothing but a per 
 capita distribution from the Commonwealth, and 
 the New South Wales Ministers agreed to it with 
 their eyes open. At present the Commonwealth 
 Government secures the further revenue needed. 
 But whether this agreement will so distinctly 
 suit that Government as the State populations 
 grow is another matter.” 
 
 A Bill for the required amendment of the Fed- 
 eral Constitution was introduced in the House of 
 Representatives by the Prime Minister, Mr. Dea- 
 kin, on the 8 th of September. On the 4th of 
 November, in opposition to the Government, an 
 amendment to the Bill, limiting the duration of 
 the agreement, instead of giving it force in per- 
 petuity, was carried in committee of the whole 
 by the casting vote of the chairman. On the 
 1st of December the Bill had its third reading in 
 the Senate. 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY. 
 
 A. D. 1870 - 1905 . — Increase of population 
 compared with other European countries. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (June). — Renewal of the Triple 
 Alliance. See (in this vol.) Triple Alliance. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1903 . — Notice by Austria of 
 intention to end, in 1904 , the Customs Union 
 which formed part of the Ausgleich, or Feder- 
 ation Compact of 1867 . — Language strug- 
 gle in Austria. — The difficulties between Aus- 
 tria and Hungary, concerning a renewal of the 
 Ausgleich , or federation compact of 1867, which 
 created the dual empire, — some account of 
 which is given in Volume VI. of this work, — 
 were compromised in 1900 by an agreement 
 which extended the Ausgleich temporarily until 
 1907 (see, in that volume, Austria-Hungary: 
 
 A. D. 1899-1900). It was stipulated, however, 
 in the agreement, that if no permanent settle- 
 ment of the questions involved should have been 
 reached by the end of the year 1902, either party 
 to the Ausgleich should be free to dissolve the 
 Customs Union that formed part of it after 1904, 
 provided that said party should have formally 
 denounced the compact prior to Jan. 1, 1902. 
 The formal notice or denunciation was given ac 
 cordingly by Austria, whose government gave 
 notice that it would end the Customs Union un- 
 less better terms from Hungary could be secured. 
 In Hungary the Independence party led by 
 Ferencz Kossuth, the son of Louis Kossuth, was 
 eager for the break, desiring no union with Aus- 
 tria beyond that of the two crowns on one head. 
 The tariff question seemed insoluble, because 
 
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1904 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1905-1906 
 
 Hungary wanted protection for its agriculture, 
 which Austria believed to be greatly disadvanta- 
 geous to herself. 
 
 The prime ministers of the two Governments 
 came to an agreement which was submitted to 
 the two parliaments early in 1903, but obstruc- 
 tion in both bodies prevented any effective ac- 
 tion. On other questions the antagonism was 
 no less pronounced. The Hungarian Independ- 
 ence party was resolute in determining to sep- 
 arate the Hungarian from the Austrian army, 
 making it distinctly Hungarian, under Hunga- 
 rian officers and using the Hungarian word of 
 command. This drew from the Emperor, in 
 September, a public announcement that he must 
 and would hold fast to the existing organization 
 of the army. At length, in December, Kossuth 
 agreed, for his party, to abandon obstruction on 
 condition that Parliament should proclaim, as a 
 principle, that “in Hungary the source of every 
 right, and in the army the source of rights ap- 
 pertaining to the language of service and com- 
 mand, is the will of the nation as expressed 
 through the legislature.” But though ob- 
 struction from the Independence party ceased 
 then it was continued by a Catholic party, on 
 grounds of personal hostility to the Protestant 
 Premier, Count Tisza, and the Government, 
 deprived of authority to recruit the army, kept 
 in service the men whose term had expired. 
 
 An almost equal deadlock of legislation pre- 
 vailed in Austria, where the struggle over lan- 
 guage questions between Czechs and Germans 
 went fiercely on ; while Croatia was full of rebel- 
 lious spirit, excited by the Magyarizing policy 
 of its Hungarian governor. 
 
 Twice, during 1903, the Hungarian adminis- 
 tration underwent a change, the Szell Ministry 
 giving way in June to one headed by Count 
 Kuen Hedervary, he, in turn, being displaced 
 by Count Tisza in October. The latter was a son 
 of Koloman Tisza, who had formerly held the 
 reins in Hungary for many years. 
 
 A. D. 1903 - 1904 . — Concert with Russia in 
 submitting the Miirzsteg Programme of re- 
 form in Macedonia to Turkey. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Paralysis of Government in 
 both divisions of the dual empire. — Legisla- 
 tion in both Austria and Hungary was paralyzed 
 throughout 1904 by obstructive oppositions 
 which nothing could pacify. In Austria it was 
 the battle of Czech against German for language 
 rights; but, in the end, the German Premier, 
 Dr. Korber, lost the support of his own race, by 
 allowing Italian law-classes to be formed in the 
 University at Innspriick, with a faculty of their 
 own. He resigned on the last day of the year, 
 and was succeeded by Baron Gautsch. 
 
 In Hungary the obstruction was maintained 
 by a combination of three parties, — the Inde- 
 pendence Party of Ferencz Kossuth, which is ir- 
 reconcilable in its repudiation of the union with 
 Austria, the Liberal-Conservative Separatists, 
 so-called, led by Count Apponyi, and a Catholic 
 People’s Party, under Count Zichy. The ex- 
 traordinary attitude of these practical anarchists, 
 as they would seem to be, is indicated by a per- 
 formance at the opening of the session of the 
 Hungarian Parliament on the 13th of December, 
 1904, which is described in the Annual Register, 
 as follows: “They entered the House before the 
 usual time of meeting, assaulted the police when 
 
 they endeavored to prevent some of the mem- 
 bers from mounting the President’s platform, 
 tore down the woodwork, destroyed the furni- 
 ture, and finally had themselves photographed, 
 with the ex-Premier Baron Banffy at their head, 
 in the midst of the ruin they had wrought. This 
 extraordinary scene was described by M. Kos- 
 suth as ‘ a symbol of the political maturity of 
 the Magyars, who, after asserting their rights, 
 refrain from excesses ; ’ and by Count Apponyi 
 as ‘ an evidence of the importance attached to 
 continuity of legal right in Hungary.’ When 
 the broken furniture was removed and the House 
 was restored to something like its former appear- 
 ance, the members returned ; but all the attempts 
 of the Government to speak were howled down 
 by the Opposition.” The Opposition which ac- 
 complished this paralysis of Government in Hun- 
 gary numbered, in its three divisions, only 190 
 members, out of 451. 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — Effects in Europe and 
 on the Triple Alliance of the Russo-Japanese 
 War. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1904r- 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — - Action with other Powers in 
 forcing financial reforms in Macedonia on 
 Turkey. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — Hostility to the Serbo-Bul- 
 garian Customs Union. See (in this vol.) 
 Balkan States: Bulgaria and Servia: A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . — Continued deadlock, 
 seated mainly in Hungary. — Resignation of 
 Count Tisza. — The Fejervary Ministry. — 
 Dissolution of the Hungarian Parliament. — 
 Kossuth and his allies take office. — Uni- 
 versal male suffrage adopted in Austria. — 
 The deadlock of political forces in the Dual 
 Empire was prolonged through another year, 
 Hungary being the main seat of the block. Elec- 
 tions for the Hungarian Diet, in January, went 
 heavily against the Ministry of Count Tisza and 
 strongly in favor of that section of the Opposi- 
 tion which bore the name of the Independence 
 Party and which was led by Ferencz Kossuth. 
 Count Tisza resigned, and the Emperor-King en- 
 deavored to make terms with Kossuth, Apponyi, 
 and Andrassy under which the Government 
 might be carried on with parliamentary support. 
 This proved impracticable, especially by reason 
 of the insistent demand of the Opposition for a 
 separation of the Hungarian from the Austrian 
 part of the imperial army, and the determination 
 of the sovereign not to yield to that demand. 
 Count Tisza and his colleagues were kept in 
 office until June, despite a heavy vote of censure 
 in the Diet, and then the Emperor appointed as 
 Premier General Baron Fejervary, who com- 
 manded no more support than his predecessor 
 had done. The majority in the representative 
 chamber denounced the Ministry as unconstitu- 
 tional, and issued a manifesto, calling on the 
 people to withhold taxes and military service 
 from this simulacrum of Government, which had 
 no lawful claim to either. This was accepted as 
 good counsel by great numbers of people, and 
 grave embarrassments resulted from the non- 
 payment of taxes. 
 
 In the August number (1905) of The American 
 Review of Reviews Count Albert Apponyi, leader 
 of one of the parties united more or less in the 
 Hungarian Opposition, gave the Hungarian side 
 
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1905-1006 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1905-1906 
 
 of the political issues with Austria. In part, he 
 wrote: “ The writer had the honor of delivering 
 at St. Louis, at the Arts and Science Congress 
 of last year, a short historical account of our re- 
 lation with the Austrian dynasty. There are to 
 be found the chief facts, which show : (1) That 
 our forefathers called that dynasty to the Hun- 
 garian throne, not in order to get Hungary ab- 
 sorbed into an Austrian or any other sort of 
 empire, but, on the contrary, under the express 
 condition of keeping the independence and the 
 constitution of the Hungarian kingdom unim- 
 paired; (2) that this condition has been accepted 
 and sworn to by all those members of the dy- 
 nasty (Joseph II. alone excepted) who ascended 
 the Hungarian throne ; (3) that, nevertheless, 
 practical encroachments on our independence, 
 followed by conflicts and reconciliations, have 
 been at all epochs frequent ; (4) but that a ju- 
 ridical fact never occurred which could be con- 
 strued into a modification of that fundamental 
 condition of the dynasty’s title to Hungary. . . . 
 The physical person of the ruler is, in truth, the 
 same in both countries, but the juridical person- 
 ality of the King of Hungary is distinct and, as 
 to the contents of its prerogative, widely differ- 
 ent from the juridical personality of the Em- 
 peror of Austria. Hungary is the oldest consti- 
 tutional country on the European Continent. 
 The royal prerogative in her case is an emana- 
 tion of the constitution, — not prior to it, — and 
 consists in such rights as the nation has thought 
 fit to vest in her king. In Austria, on the other 
 hand, the existing constitution is a free gift of 
 the Emperor, and has conferred on the people of 
 Austria such rights as the Emperor has thought 
 fit to grant to them. The title of ‘ Emperor of 
 Austria-Hungary ’ . . . [sometimes used] is sim- 
 ply nonsense. The time-hallowed old Hungarian 
 crown has not been melted into the brand-new 
 Austrian imperial diadem. That imperial title 
 does not contain, to any extent, the Hungarian 
 royal title. The Emperor of Austria, as such, 
 has just as much legal power in Hungary as the 
 President of the United States has. He is, jurid- 
 ically speaking, a foreign potentate to us. 
 
 “On these fundamental truths, no Hungarian 
 — to whatever party he may belong — admits 
 discussion. . . . The Liberal party, vanquished 
 at the last elections, does not in the least differ 
 from the victorious opposition as to the princi- 
 ples laid down in these pages ; it only advocated 
 a greater amount of forbearance against the petty 
 encroachments which practically obscured them. 
 That policy of forbearance became gradually dis- 
 tasteful to the country; seeing it shaken in the 
 public mind, the recent prime minister, Count 
 Tisza, formed the unhappy idea of gaining a new 
 lease of power on its behalf by a parliamentary 
 coup d’etat. The rules of the House were broken, 
 in order to prevent future obstruction, chiefly 
 against military bills. This brought matters to 
 an acute crisis. The parliament in which that 
 breach of the rules had taken place became unfit 
 for work of any sort, the country had to be con- 
 sulted, and down went the Liberal party and the 
 half-hearted policy it represented with no hope 
 for revival. 
 
 “The army question, with its ever-recurring 
 difficulties, is a highly characteristic feature of 
 the chronic latent conflict between the Austrian 
 and the Hungarian mentality. It amounts to 
 this, that, as we are a nation, we mean to have 
 
 an armed force corresponding to our national in- 
 dividuality, commanded in our language, and 
 serving under our flags and emblems. It would 
 be unnatural for any nation, and would be, in 
 fact, an abdication of the title of ‘nation,’ to 
 renounce such a national claim. The Austrians, 
 on the other hand, — and, unhappily, their in- 
 fluence is still prevalent in this question, — not 
 yet having abandoned the idea of a pan-Austrian 
 empire, uncompromisingly adhere to the present 
 military organization, which makes the German 
 language and the imperial emblems prevalent 
 throughout the whole army, its Hungarian por- 
 tion included. ” 
 
 In September, 1905, the Emperor-King sum- 
 moned the chiefs of the opposing coalition to 
 Vienna and renewed his endeavor to make terms 
 with them ; but his own conditions, relative to 
 the army, to the language of command and ser- 
 vice in it, to the tariff relations between Austria 
 and Hungary, and to other matters of dispute, 
 were apparently as uncompromisable as theirs, 
 and only intensified the bad feeling in the coun- 
 try. 
 
 A little later the Fej ervary Ministry announced 
 a programme of policy which offered concessions 
 and many excellent measures, but all save one of 
 them were scorned. That one was a proposal of 
 universal suffrage, with direct secret balloting, 
 which in both Hungary and Austria had now 
 become a subject of wide popular demand. The 
 agitation for it became clamorous in the later 
 months of the year, especially in the Austrian 
 towns. But the leaders of the Hungarian Oppo- 
 sition were supposed to be personally hostile to 
 universal suffrage. “ As representatives of the 
 most educated, wealthy, and powerful race in the 
 kingdom, they have long enjoyed absolute politi- 
 cal control. But universal suffrage,” says a con- 
 temporary journalist, “would so increase the 
 non-Magyar elements in Parliament as to deprive 
 the Magyar leaders of much of their ascendency. 
 At present these leaders are strong enough to 
 defeat the King’s magnificent programme, an- 
 nounced by Baron Fe jervary. But such a defeat 
 would place them in an embarrassing position. 
 They would have definitely assumed an attitude 
 which belies their name of Liberal.” 
 
 The Fej ervary programme was well planned 
 to be troublesome to the opponents of the Gov- 
 ernment. While not surrendering to their demand 
 for the Magyar language of command in the 
 Hungarian part of the Imperial army, it proposed 
 that the men who do not speak that language 
 should be trained in it as far as possible. And 
 it included a number of other most important 
 measures: for compulsory free education; for 
 compulsory insurance of workmen ; for small 
 farm grants to the peasantry ; for the conversion 
 of mortgage debts that weigh on small land- 
 owners, and for various taxation reforms. Evi- 
 dently the Opposition endeavored to keep public 
 attention and public feeling focused on the claim 
 for a distinct Hungarian army, with the Magyar 
 language for its word of command. Kossuth, 
 the dominating leader of the coalition against the 
 Government, defined the argument for this claim. 
 No mention, he said, is made of any common 
 army in the agreement on which the Dual Empire 
 is founded. The Hungarian Constitution vests 
 in the Emperor of Austria, as King of Hungary, 
 “all those things which refer to the commanding 
 and administration ... of the Hungarian army." 
 
 37 
 
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1905-1906 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1907 
 
 But the Constitution does not hint that the Hun- 
 
 f arian army should be commanded in German. 
 
 t has not specifically forbidden such a thing, 
 but in another part of the Constitution it is pro- 
 vided that the language of public services in 
 Hungary shall be Hungarian. And is not the 
 army a “public service”? he asked. Besides, he 
 explained : “A century ago the Hungarian mag- 
 nates, generally, paid for their own soldiers, and 
 ours was not, in the beginning, a State army. 
 When the combination with Austria came about, 
 the officers were of all nations, and the Austrians 
 brought in many of their own. To tell the truth, 
 our own Hungarians were too lazy — there is no 
 other word for it — to take the trouble to reorgan- 
 ize and start a Hungarian army, so they left it to 
 the Austrians for the time being. It was for this 
 reason, and with the consciousness of this defect, 
 that Article XI. expressly left the language of 
 command to be determined, constitutionally, 
 later. But we also expressly confined it within 
 the limits of our own Constitution . . . and we 
 spoke of a Hungarian army, not a common one.” 
 The year 1906 opened with the discords of the 
 situation in Hungary rather heightened than 
 lessened, and on the 19th of February the Em- 
 peror dissolved the Hungarian Parliament, an- 
 nouncing that he did so for the reason that the 
 parties of the Opposition had “ persistently re- 
 fused to take over the Government on an accep- 
 table basis without violating the Royal rights as 
 by law guaranteed.” Disturbances on the occa- 
 sion were prevented by strong forces of soldiery 
 and police. Two days later the Austro-Hunga- 
 rian tariff and a commercial treaty, both of which 
 had been refused ratification in Hungary, were 
 promulgated as of force, pending future action ; 
 and by various other arbitrary measures the 
 Emperor-King assumed the right to prevent a 
 governmental collapse. This attitude on the 
 part of the sovereign appears to have produced 
 a change of attitude among his opponents ; for 
 early in April M. Kossuth and Count Andrassy 
 entered into an arrangement with him for the 
 formation of a Ministry by themselves and their 
 associates of the Coalition, with the understand- 
 ing that the army question should be put aside 
 until after the election of a new Parliament, to 
 meet in May. At that session they promised to 
 pass the budget, the new international commer 
 cial treaties, to maintain in every way the exist- 
 ing condition of things between Austria and 
 Hungary, to permit the passage of a bill provid- 
 ing for universal manhood suffrage, and then for 
 Parliament to terminate its labors, allowing the 
 election of a new one under the universal suffrage 
 system, the Cabinet to be re-formed conformably 
 to the desires of the parliamentary majority. 
 Thereupon the Emperor-King requested Dr. 
 Alexander Wekerle, a former Hungarian Prime 
 Minister, to form a Cabinet, including in it 
 Kossuth, Apponyi, Andrassy, and Zichy. At the 
 election, held soon after, the Independence party 
 won about 250 out of 400 seats. The new Parlia- 
 ment was opened on the 22d of May. 
 
 In Austria, the grand event of 1906 was the 
 franchise reform, which extinguished the whole 
 system of class representation and established a 
 representative Parliament on the broad basis of 
 a manhood vote. “Every male citizen who had 
 completed his twenty-fourth year and was not 
 under any legal disability was entitled to be 
 registered as a voter after one year’s residence. 
 
 Every male, including members of the Upper 
 House, who had possessed Austrian citizenship 
 for at least three years and had completed his 
 thirtieth year, was eligible for election as a 
 deputy ; but members of the Upper House elected 
 to the Lower could not sit in both at once. Vot- 
 ing was to be direct in all provinces. In Galicia, 
 however, every constituency would return two 
 deputies, each voter having one vote, so as to per- 
 mit of the representation of racial minorities, the 
 population being composed of Poles and Rutheni- 
 ans. Voting was to be obligatory under penalty 
 of a fine wherever a provincial Diet should so 
 decide. This Bill was passed, in the face of the 
 opposition of the Conservative and aristocratic 
 members of both Houses and of the extreme 
 representatives of the various nationalities, 
 mainly through the influence of the Emperor. 
 He regarded it as the only way to get rid of 
 Parliamentary obstruction, and the best means of 
 stimulating loyalty to the dynasty.” 
 
 Two changes of Ministry occurred in Austria 
 during 1906, Baron Gautsch, as Premier, giving 
 way to Prince Hohenlohe in April, and the latter 
 resigning in June, to be succeeded by Baron 
 Beck. Count Goluchowski, who had been 
 Austro-Hungarian Minister of Foreign Affairs 
 since 1895, resigned in October, because of ill- 
 feeling against him in Hungary, and was suc- 
 ceeded by Baron Aehrentlial. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (January-April). — At the Alge- 
 ciras Conference on the Morocco question. 
 See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Effects of universal and 
 equalized suffrage in Austria. — Elections were 
 held in Austria a few months after the passage 
 of the law which introduced equal and universal 
 male suffrage, and the character and disposition 
 of the elected Reichsrath, which met in June, 
 1907, afforded indications of some remarkable 
 effects from the extension and equalizing of the 
 franchise. It was expected, of course, to popu- 
 larize the Reichsrath, and break the domination 
 of the upper classes in that body; but, according 
 to reports, it has done much more. Prior to 1896, 
 the members of the Abgeordneten or lower house 
 of the Reichsrath, then numbering 353, were all 
 divided into four sections, elected by four classes 
 of people, as follows: 85 elected by the owners 
 of large landed estates, 22 by chambers of com- 
 merce and manufactures ; 115 by town taxpayers 
 assessed for five florins of annual tax, and by 
 doctors of universities; 131 by country taxpayers 
 assessed for five florins yearly. In that year the 
 membership was enlarged by an addition of 72, 
 who were to be representatives of the whole 
 people, elected by universal male suffrage, while 
 the old classified representation remained as be- 
 fore. The new law has swept away the whole 
 system of a classified representation, and the 
 representative house is now leveled to one foot- 
 ing, as a body of deputies from the people at 
 large. 
 
 The most conspicuous effect of this in the elec- 
 tions appears to have been a sudden break of the 
 power which the German element in the much- 
 mixed population of the Austrian dominion has 
 been able to exercise hitherto. Hence, it must 
 be the fact that the Germans hold far more than 
 their proportion of the property which the old 
 system represented, and derived from that, for- 
 merly, a weight in the Reichsrath which their 
 numbers cannot give them on the equalized vote. 
 
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1907 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1908-1909 
 
 Altogether, in the various Cisleithan states — 
 the two Austrias proper, Bohemia, Moravia, 
 Galicia, Silesia, Salzburg, Tyrol, Styria, Carin- 
 thia, Carniola, Istria, Dalmatia — they form a 
 little more tliau one third of the total population, 
 the other two thirds being mainly Slavonic, in 
 many divisions, principally Czech, Polish, and 
 Slovene. 
 
 Ten years ago the Austrian Reichsrath was 
 offering a spectacle of factious disorder so violent 
 that it drew the attention of the world, and was 
 made entertaining as well as interesting by Mark 
 Twain, then a resident for some months at Vienna 
 and writing descriptions of the scenes of tumult 
 that went on before his eyes. See in Volume VI. 
 of this work Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1897 
 (October-December). The specially bitter 
 race quarrel was over a language question be- 
 tween the Germans and the Czechs. The Czechs 
 had succeeded in forcing the government to give 
 their own tongue its rightful public use in Bo- 
 hemia, where the German had displaced it offi- 
 cially for along time past. The determination of 
 the Germans in the Reichsrath to undo this 
 change practically paralyzed that legislature for 
 a number of years, and seemed to be driving 
 the realm of the House of Austria to inevitable 
 wreck. 
 
 Indeed, some factious of the Germans made no 
 concealment of their wish for such a wreckage, 
 out of which the German Kaiser at Berlin might 
 pick the pieces that it pleased him to take. 
 They have never doubted the sympathy and 
 countenance of their kinsmen in the neighboring 
 empire, and that has emboldened them to an at- 
 titude which a minority, iD other circumstances, 
 would hardly take. 
 
 Within the last few years there has been a 
 quieting of the antagonism ; but most observers 
 of the state of things in Austria have looked for 
 serious troubles to arise, whenever the great per- 
 sonal influence of the present Emperor is with- 
 drawn by his death. The imperial dominion of 
 the Austrian archdukes could not be dissolved 
 and its parts redistributed without subjecting the 
 peace of Europe to such a trial as it never yet 
 has gone unbrokenly through. If the Germans 
 lose disturbing power in the Reichsrath, as the 
 late elections are said to indicate that they will, 
 and if racial factions give place to political parties, 
 as a consequence of the equalized and univer- 
 salized suffrage, then Austria may possibly be 
 welded into a nation, and her neighbors may not 
 be tempted to quarrel over her dismembered 
 remains. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Final negotiation of a new 
 financial Ausgleich. — Adjustment of the 
 vexed questions of tariff, joint debt, and 
 revenue quotas. — The loug struggle toward a 
 readjustment of the Ausgleich or Agreement of 
 1866 between Austria and Hungary, on its 
 financial side, was brought to a close on the 8th 
 of October, 1907, by the signing of a new agree- 
 ment that day. It continued the common cus- 
 toms arrangement until 1917, and provided 
 that commercial treaties concluded with foreign 
 powers must be signed by the representatives 
 of both Austria and Hungary — a concession by 
 Austria to Hungary. Hitherto the Austrian 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs had conducted such 
 negotiations. On its part, Hungary made the 
 minor concession of conforming its stock ex- 
 change laws to those of Austria. Previously, 
 
 excise duties had been common to both states; 
 henceforth they were to be left to each state to 
 be determined and levied. In. the joint fiscal 
 burden, Hungary’s contribution was increased 
 from 34.4 per cent to 36.4 per cent. Provision 
 was made for a court of arbitration, composed 
 of four Austrian and four Hungarian members, 
 who must chose a ninth member as chairman. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Hungarian politics. — 
 The State Bank question. — Split in the Inde- 
 pendence party. — M. de Justh, a new party 
 leader. — Attitude of M. Kossuth. — Dead- 
 lock returned. — The complete deadlock of 
 legislation in Hungary from 1904 into 1906 was 
 overcome but partially, and not for long, by the 
 patched-up coalition which started the wheels of 
 Government anew, under Dr. Wekerle, in April, 
 1906, as related above. In the course of the next 
 two years the Wekerle Ministry accomplished 
 some useful legislation, besides achieving the 
 ratification of the important tariff and commerce 
 agreement which settled long-troublesome dis- 
 putes with Austria; but its very slight coher- 
 ent energy was exhausted soon, — too soon for 
 its promise of universal suffrage to be fulfilled. 
 Practically, it seems to have been at the end of 
 its capabilities for some time before the spring of 
 1909, when, in April, it resolved to resign, and 
 began an effort to escape from office which went 
 on through the year without success. The Crown 
 could induce no one to take from Dr. Wekerle 
 the impossible task of government, and kept that 
 unfortunate gentleman in his powerless place. 
 
 In Austro-Hungarian politics a new contention 
 had now been developed, which divided the In- 
 dependence party, led hitherto by M. Kossuth 
 and Count Apponyi, so that it acquired on the 
 new question a third more extreme sectional 
 chief, in the person of the President of the 
 Chamber, M. de Justh. The followers of M. de 
 Justh were demanding the transformation of the 
 existing joint State Bank into two autonomous 
 banks, connected in operation, but distinctly 
 Hungarian in one organization and Austrian in 
 the other. This demand was opposed in Austria 
 as determinedly as the obnoxious demand for 
 army use of the Hungarian language in Hunga- 
 rian regiments, and the Crown would give sanc- 
 tion to neither. Apparently, neither Kossuth 
 nor Apponyi would act with M. de Justh on the 
 bank question, and the Independence party lost, 
 consequently, its advantage as the largest of 
 the various parties in the Chamber. 
 
 In November, when a test of numbers occurred 
 at a conference of the party, the following of M. 
 de Justh was found to be largely in the major- 
 ity. A resolution demanding the separate Hun- 
 garian State Bank was adopted by 120 votes 
 against 74, despite a declaration by M. Kossuth 
 that he would quit the party if it took that stand. 
 According to a Press report of what occurred at 
 the conference, the burden of Kossuth’s speech to 
 the conference was “that without his name and 
 his leadership the party would never have ob- 
 tained the majority, and that many of those who 
 were about to vote against him owed their seats 
 in Parliament to his recommendation. His speech 
 was indeed a scarcely- veiled threat that when de- 
 prived of the support of his name his opponents 
 would find themselves forsaken by their constit- 
 uents. The defeated minority proceeded forth- 
 with to constitute itself as the ‘ Independence, 
 1848, and Kossuth party,’ as distinguished from 
 
 39 
 
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1909 
 
 AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1909 
 
 the ‘ Independence and 1848 party,’ over which 
 M. de Justh now reigns supreme.” 
 
 Immediately after his triumph at the party 
 conference M. de Justh resigned the presidency 
 of the Hungarian Chamber and presented him- 
 self for reelection. In that test he suffered 
 defeat, the combined forces of the Andrassy 
 Liberals, the Clerical People’s party, and the 
 Kossuth group casting 201 votes against 157. 
 The Croatian Deputies abstained, owing, it is 
 said, to a promise made to them by Dr. Wekerle 
 that, if they remained neutral, he would deliver 
 Croatia from the oppressive rule of the Ban, 
 Baron Rauch. The political situation in Hun- 
 gary was thus more than ever confused. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — The “Greater Servia 
 Conspiracy.” — Alleged treasonable move- 
 ment of Servians in Croatia. — The Agram 
 trials. — The following telegram to the news- 
 paper press, from Agram, Austria, October 5, 
 1909, reported the conclusion and the result of 
 a long prosecution which had drawn wide atten- 
 tion and excited deep feeling in many parts of 
 Europe for a full year: “After a trial lasting 
 seven months, sentences were handed down 
 to-day in the cases of fifty-two school teachers, 
 priests, and other persons charged with connec- 
 tion with what is known as the ‘ Greater Servia 
 conspiracy.’ The prisoners were accused of high 
 treason in participating in a movement for the 
 union of Croatia, Slavonia, and Bosnia to Servia, 
 even carrying the propaganda among the troops 
 of the Austro-Hungarian army. Thirty of the 
 accused are condemned to terms of rigorous im- 
 prisonment varying from four to twelve years, 
 and twenty-two were acquitted. The persons 
 condemned have given notification of appeal.” 
 
 On the 31st of December it was announced 
 from Vienna that all but two of the condemned 
 had been set at liberty pending their appeal, 
 this being consequent on the revelations of for- 
 gery in the documents on which they were con- 
 victed. See Europe : A. D. 1908-1909 (Oct.- 
 March) at close of article. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Arbitrary annexation 
 of Bosnia and Herzegovina.- — Violence to 
 the Treaty of Berlin. — The European dis- 
 turbance and its settlement. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe : A. D. 1808-1809 (Oct. -March - ). 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The language quarrel in 
 Austria. — “Amid deafening uproar from the 
 Czech Radicals, the Austrian premier has sub- 
 mitted to the Chamber [February 3, 1909] two 
 bills for the regulation of the Bohemian language 
 question. The bills, which in present circum- 
 stances appear to have little chance of becoming 
 law, divide Bohemia into 239 judicial and 20 
 administrative districts. Of the former, 95 are 
 German, 138 Czech, and the remainder mixed, 
 while of the administrative districts five are Ger- 
 man, 10 Czech, and five mixed. In the German 
 districts German is to be the predominant lan- 
 guage, and in the Czech districts Czech, while 
 in the mixed districts, which include Prague, 
 the two languages are placed on an equal foot- 
 ing. Provision is, however, made for the use of 
 either language if necessary throughout the 
 whole province.” — N. 7. Eve. Post. 
 
 A telegram to the same journal from Vienna, 
 March 10, reported : “The Lower House of the 
 Austrian Parliament, which closed on February 
 5 , after a scene of extraordinary turbulence aris- 
 ing from old racial ill-feeling between the Ger- 
 
 mans and the Czechs, reopened to-day with every 
 promise of a continuance of the disorders. The 
 galleries of the House were crowded with par- 
 tisans of the two factions, and as soon as the 
 ministers appeared hostile shouts came from the 
 Czech and radical benches, drowning the cheers 
 of the members of the Left party and the Poles. 
 
 “Premier von Bienerth, amid an incessant tu- 
 mult, declared the nineteenth session opened, 
 saying he hoped the work would be crowned 
 with success and the proceedings not disturbed. 
 His statement sounded ironical in face of the un- 
 broken uproar.” 
 
 The following is a later Press despatch, No- 
 vember 2, from Vienna: “The Emperor has 
 accepted the resignations of the two Czech Min- 
 isters in the Austrian Cabinet, and has sanctioned 
 the laws adopted by the Diets of Upper and 
 Lower Austria, Salzburg and Vorarlberg, to 
 establish the unilingual German character of 
 those provinces. In the name of the Czech people 
 the Czech National Council addressed yesterday 
 a telegram to the Emperor begging that the laws 
 might not be sanctioned, since, runs the tele- 
 gram, they affect the honour of the Czech people 
 and must cause constant racial strife both in the 
 provinces and in Vienna, ‘ which is not only the 
 capital of Lower Austria, but is also the capital 
 of the whole empire and of all its races. These 
 laws are a dangerous beginning of constitutional 
 changes in your Majesty’s glorious empire.’ A 
 copy of the telegram was sent to the Polish 
 leader, Dr. Glombinski, with an * expression of 
 the deepest regret that members of the Polish 
 party should have supported as Ministers these 
 anti-Slav laws.’” 
 
 A revival of turbulent obstruction to legisla- 
 tive proceedings in the lower house of the Aus- 
 trian Reiclisrath led, at last, in December, to the 
 enactment of rules which so enlarge the powers 
 of the speaker as to enable him to suppress fac- 
 tious obstruction and to suspend deputies who 
 outrage the decencies of behavior in the Cham- 
 ber. The measure was limited in its operation to 
 a year, but is expected to be prolonged. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). — Alleged plan of a 
 Federated Triple Monarchy. — “ There has 
 been circulated in Paris a curious document, full 
 of figures, supposed to be based on authentic 
 information. This document relates to the plan 
 attributed to Prince Lentur and Count d’Aeh- 
 renthal to change the dual monarchy of Austria- 
 Hungary into a triple monarchy. Croatia, Bosnia- 
 Herzegovina, and Dalmatia, according to the 
 scheme, would be united into an independent 
 and constitutional kingdom, corresponding to 
 the old Illyria. The double state, Austria-Hun- 
 gary, would be changed into a three-fold Austria- 
 Hungary-Ulyria. A Slav nation would thus stand 
 side by side with the Teutonic nation of Austria 
 and the Magyar nation of Hungary. Its extent 
 would be a good deal smaller, a little more than 
 one-third, of the other two, and its population' 
 about a quarter of the Hungarian and one-sixth 
 of the Austrian. According to this document, 
 which is declared to have strong claims to be con- 
 sidered authentic, this change would no doubt 
 be followed by a further one. Bohemia and Mo- 
 ravia would also want home rule. The mon- 
 archy would thus become a kind of Federal 
 state. Hungary alone would remain standing 
 strong and united as the centre and leader of this 
 federation.” — N. 7. Eve. Post, Dec. 29, 1909. 
 
AUSTRIA-HUNGARY, 1910 
 
 BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — The Hungarian situa- 
 tion. — Late in December, Dr. de Lukacs, who 
 had served in the former Szell Ministry, was 
 persuaded by the Crown to undertake the for- 
 mation of a Government which might hope to 
 secure some measure of parliamentary support, 
 and on the 4th of January he was formally ap- 
 pointed Prime Minister ; but his undertaking 
 ended on the lltli, when he resigned, and Count 
 Khuen Hedervary was heroic enough to accept 
 the apparently hopeless task. The Hedervary 
 Ministry suffered defeat on the 28th of January, 
 when a vote of no confidence was carried by 
 M. de Justh, and the King thereupon prorogued 
 the chamber until March 24. A majority of 
 the members, however, remained in session until 
 they had adopted a resolution declaring the Gov- 
 ernment to be unconstitutional and forbidding 
 the payment of taxes to it. Such is the Hungarian 
 
 AUTOCRAT: Title denied to the Czar 
 by the Third Duma. See (in this vol.) Russia: 
 A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 AZAD-UL-MULK. See (in this vol.) Per- 
 sia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 situation at the time this record of events goes 
 to print — February, 1910. 
 
 A. D. 1910. — The Archduke Franz Fer- 
 dinand, Heir Apparent to the thrones. — Since 
 the tragically mysterious death (Jan. 30, 1889) 
 of the Emperor’s only son, Rudolph, the heir 
 apparent to the several Hapsburgh crowns has 
 been the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, son of the 
 Emperor’s brother, the late Archduke Karl Lud- 
 wig. In order to contract a morganatic marriage, 
 some years ago, he renounced the right of his 
 children to the imperial and regal succession ; 
 but it is believed that he will force the regular- 
 izing of his marriage and the annulling of his 
 renunciation, as he is reputed to be a man of 
 strenuous will. According to report, also, he is 
 strongly anti-democratic and reactionary, and 
 extremely likely to give trouble as a sovereign 
 to this democratic generation. 
 
 AZEFF : The Russian police spy and 
 agent provocateur. See (in this vol.) Russia: 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.-July). 
 
 AZUL, Party of the. See (in this vol.) 
 Paraguay. 
 
 B. 
 
 BABISM. See (in this vol.) Persia: A. D. 
 1908-1909. 
 
 BACON, Robert : Secretary of State. See 
 (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 BADEN: A. D. 1906. — Introduction of 
 universal suffrage. See (in this vol.) Elec- 
 tive Franchise: Germany: A. D. 1906. 
 
 BAEYER, Adolf von. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 BAGDAD RAILWAY, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways: Turkey: A. D. 1899-1909. 
 
 BA HAMED, Late Grand Wazeer of 
 Morocco. See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 
 1903. 
 
 BAHIA HONDA: Coaling and naval 
 
 station leased to the United States. See (in 
 this vol.) Cuba: A. D. 1903. 
 
 BAH IMA, The. See (in this vol.) Africa: 
 Its Colonizability. 
 
 BAILEY, L. H. : On Country Life Com- 
 mission. See (in this vol.) United States: 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (Aug.-Feb.). 
 
 BAKHMETIEFF, Madame : Her humane 
 work in Macedonia. See (in this vol.) Tur- 
 key: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 BAKHTIARI, The. See (in this vol.) Per- 
 sia : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 BAKU : Destruction of Oil Industry. See 
 (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905 (Feb. -N ov.). 
 
 BALDWIN ARCTIC EXPEDITION. 
 See (in this vol.) Polar Exploration. 
 
 BALFOUR, Arthur J. : Becomes Prime 
 Minister of England. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1902 (July). 
 
 His puzzling attitude on Mr. Chamber- 
 lain’s declaration for preferential trade 
 with the Colonies. — Correspondence on Mr. 
 Chamberlain’s resignation. See England: 
 A. D. 1903 (May-Sept.). 
 
 In the “ Dreadnought ” debate of 1909. 
 See War, The Preparations for: Naval. 
 
 BALFOUR MINISTRY: Its resigna- 
 
 tion. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 1905- 
 1906. 
 
 BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1907. — Complaint of European 
 non-action by Christian subjects of Turkey. 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1903-1907. 
 
 Bosnia: A. D. 1908. — Arbitrary annex- 
 ation to Austria-Hungary. See Europe: 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (Oct.-March). 
 
 Bulgaria: The influence of Robert College. 
 See Education : Turkey, &c. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — The Bulgarian committee 
 which directs revoluntionary operations and 
 assassinations in Macedonia. See Turkey: 
 A. D. 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Alleged promotion of revolt 
 in Macedonia. See Turkey: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1908. — Barbarities of Bulga- 
 rian bands in Macedonia. See Turkey: A. D. 
 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — The race struggle in Mace- 
 donia. See Turkey: A. D. 1908 (March). 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Independence of Turkey 
 declared and won. See (in this vol.) Europe: 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (Oct.-March). 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Prince Ferdinand assumes 
 the title of King. On the acquisition of com- 
 plete Bulgarian independence, Prince Ferdinand 
 was said at first to be intending to assume the 
 title of Tsar; but that intention, if it had been 
 formed, was changed, and he took the title of 
 King. 
 
 Bulgaria and Servia: A.D. 1905. — Customs 
 Union Convention between the two States. — 
 Anger and Hostility of Austria. — Dictatorial 
 demands on Servia. — The frontier closed 
 to trade. — “Servia and Bulgaria, in July, 1905, 
 
 41 
 
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 signed a Customs Convention, creating a customs 
 union and breaking down the tariff barriers be- 
 tween the two countries. The age is the age of 
 union in business, in finance, in every department 
 in life. . . . Not only has the Customs Conven- 
 tion between the two countries, which is, after 
 all, but the first step towards a real zollverein, 
 demonstrated the trend of international develop- 
 ment, but it has enabled the world to see clearly 
 the relations existing between the small Balkan 
 States — unprotected by any guarantee of neu- 
 tral ity — and their great neighbours. It has been 
 made clear that, despite all the many protesta- 
 tions in Vienna of goodwill to the Balkan States, 
 Austria does not wish to see real progress in that 
 part of Europe. And what is true of Austria is 
 true also of Russia. . . . 
 
 “True to her unvarying policy, Austria no 
 sooner heard of the Customs Convention than she 
 set to work to destroy it, claiming that it dam- 
 aged her commercial interests. By her unjust 
 attempts at coercion, plain and undisguised, Aus- 
 tria brought into being a political bond between 
 Bulgaria and Servia which was not in existence 
 at the time of the signature of the Customs Con- 
 vention. . . . 
 
 “ In the past Servia has fallen more and more 
 completely under the domination of Austria ; her 
 geographical position and her internal troubles 
 made her an easy prey for Vienna, and had it not 
 been for the desire of Russia to share the dainty 
 morsel, Servia would in all probability have gone 
 ere this to join the Servian provinces of Bosnia 
 and Hersegovina as an integral part of the Aus- 
 trian Empire. Her commerce is almost solely 
 with Austria or Hungary, and her finances are 
 under the control of a Freneh-Austrian syndi- 
 cate. It might therefore well seem incredible that 
 the small State, bound thus hand and foot to the 
 oppressor, should dare to oppose her desire for 
 liberty to the Austrian desire for gain, political, 
 commercial, or financial. But just as under the 
 Turkish rule the Servians began to fight for free- 
 dom in small bands, so the Customs Convention 
 with Bulgaria represents the first blow for eco 
 nomic and political freedom. . . . While the Con 
 vention represents an effort on Servia’s part to free 
 herself from the thrall of Austria, it was not di- 
 rected against that country. It seeks rather to 
 open up new markets and new means of export, 
 for which there was sufficient reason in the fact 
 that there was no increase in the export of Servian 
 goods to Austria during the last few years, some 
 of which even showed a decrease. Commercial 
 development demanded that new markets should 
 be sought and a new route via Bulgaria to the 
 Black Sea ports be opened up. . . . 
 
 “ On January 8th the Austrian Minister in Bel- 
 grade presented a note from his Government 
 making it a condition that in order that the ne- 
 gotiations for a commercial treaty should not be 
 suspended, the Servian Government should en- 
 gage not to bring the Customs Union before the 
 Skouptcliina before the conclusion of the treaty. 
 At the same time he indicated the disastrous 
 results of refusal on Servia’s part. The Servian 
 Cabinet accepted the Austrian proposals as to 
 the postponement of the presentation of the Cus 
 toms Union to the Skouptchina, and promised 
 also to consider the modification of the Conven- 
 tion in so far as these modifications were not con- 
 trary to the nature of the Customs Union. The 
 Austrian Minister recommended a change of the 
 
 BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 reply, because his Government would not accept 
 it as it stood. On the Servians refusing to make 
 any change, he gave them till the afternoon of 
 the next day to repent, with the alternative that 
 the treaty negotiations would be broken off and 
 the frontiers closed. . . . Servia insisted upon 
 maintaining her dignity as a nation, while ex- 
 pressing her readiness to meet Austria in every 
 possible economic way. Furious at the Servian 
 refusal, the Viennese authorities ordered the clos- 
 ing of the frontiers to Servian cattle, pigs, and 
 even fowls. This last restriction was contrary to 
 the existing treaty of commerce between the two 
 countries which does not expire till March 1st, 
 1906. The cattle and pigs were excluded under 
 the arbitrary veterinary convention, it having 
 been found that a pig had died of ‘diplomatic 
 swine fever, ’ a contagious disease, prevaleu t when 
 Servia opposes Austrian desires. The cool indif- 
 ference with which Austria ignored her treaty 
 obligations with Servia led to a profound feeling 
 that it was hardly worth making sacrifices in 
 order to obtain a new commercial treaty, which 
 could be as equally well ignored. Patriotic fer- 
 vour waxed great in Servia, and the people pre- 
 pared to make a good fight for their liberty. But 
 it was never overlooked that the relations with 
 Austria were of great and vital importance.” — 
 Alfred Stead, The Serbo-Bvlgarian Convention 
 and its Results {Fortnightly Review, March, 1906). 
 
 Herzegovina: A. D. 1908. — Annexation to 
 Austria. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 
 1908-1909 (Oct. -March). 
 
 Montenegro: A. D. 1905. — Prince Nicho- 
 las’s Constitution, and his operation of it. — 
 
 “ When Prince Nicholas heard that the Czar had 
 promised his people a Constitution, he, disciple 
 of Russia in all things, determined to outdo 
 Nicholas II., and, as a matter of fact, granted 
 his little country [December, 1905] a more lib- 
 eral Constitution than that which Russia enjoys. 
 In Russia certain things were not to be discussed 
 in the Duma. In Montenegro, everything could 
 be discussed. When this principle began to be 
 put in practice, however, although in the most 
 loyal and respectful manner, the Prince took 
 offence and began to imprison politicians who 
 dared to ask for information about the financial 
 condition of the principality. Asa consequence, 
 he made himself unpopular among what in 
 Russia would be called the ‘ intelligencia,’ but, 
 being a man of far stronger personality and 
 more striking genius than the Czar of Russia, 
 he is still feared and obeyed. He is, in fact, an 
 old soldier with all the old soldier’s preference 
 for barrack discipline as the only method of 
 rule, and in thinking that he understood what 
 is meant by the words ‘ constitutional govern- 
 ment’ he deceived himself, for he does not un- 
 derstand, and being an old man surrounded by 
 flatterers, he is perhaps less able to understand 
 now than he would have been thirty years ago. 
 
 “If he had been more adaptable, and had 
 taken greater pains to instruct his people in the 
 methods of parliamentary government, the con- 
 stitutionalist movement might have been a suc- 
 cess, but unfortunately he withdrew from Cet- < 
 tinje in a ‘ huff ’ when the Skupschina passed 
 some criticisms on the government, and declined 
 to cooperate with the deputies, though they 
 were all very anxious to have his advice. It is 
 stated, on the other hand, however, that the 
 Skupschina interpreted in too large a sense the 
 
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 Constitution that had been granted to them.” — 
 Special Cor. N. Y. Eve. Post , Cettinje, Dec. 15, 
 
 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — With Servia against 
 Austrian annexation of Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina. See (in this vol.) Europe: a. d. 1908- 
 1809 (Oct.-Maucii). 
 
 Roumania: A. D. 1866 - 1906 . — Development 
 of the country under King Charles I. and his 
 admirable Queen. — “The efforts of King 
 Charles have been principally devoted towards 
 internal improvement. Railways have increased 
 and improved since the State purchased them in 
 1886, at an outlay of 237,500,000 francs. Then 
 there were 1,407 kilometres; in 1903 these had in- 
 creased to 3,177. In the Dobrudja, given to Rou- 
 mania after the war with Turkey, the King has 
 created a great commercial port at Constantza, 
 whence the grain and petroleum of Roumania 
 can flood the market. From here will radiate a 
 Roumanian merchant marine, which will bear 
 the Roumanian flag to all parts of the world. 
 Agriculture has been carefully cherished, and 
 to-day the country is one of the principal grain- 
 exporting countries of the world, and the lot of 
 the peasant, formerly so low, has been improved. 
 An educational system has sprung into being, 
 owing much to the direct support and inspira- 
 tion of the Royal family. The finances have 
 been put on a stable footing, and although the 
 nation has already acquired a sufficiency of 
 debt, the future is not at all dangerously beset. 
 Thanks to the discovery of extensive petroleum 
 fields, Roumania has been strengthened and 
 raised from the position of a country relying 
 solely on the rain and sun for its prosperity; 
 while thanks to the King’s indefatigable efforts 
 and unceasing watchfulness, the petroleum in- 
 dustry has been protected from becoming the 
 monopoly either of the ruthless Standard Oil 
 Trust or of the politically guided and govern- 
 ment-supported German Bank. Had King 
 Charles done nothing else for Roumania, his de- 
 termined and wise action in this question would 
 have earned him all praise. But whether it be 
 in the question of the Danube, with its interna- 
 tional Commission, or of the transformation of 
 the twelve enormous Crown lands, dispersed 
 over the kingdom, into national and social 
 models, to see and follow — a work due princi- 
 pally to M. Kalindero — the King’s interest in 
 all things which directly or indirectly touch 
 Roumania is unabated. 
 
 “ And what manner of man is this, who has 
 thus created a European State out of the rem- 
 nants of a land cursed by a Turkish rule and 
 Phanariot sway ? First and foremost he is al- 
 ways a Hohenzollern, swayed by his obedience 
 to duty, and based upon that Hohenzollern 
 saying : 1 It is not enough to be born a prince, you 
 must show that you are worthy of the title,’ and 
 second, he is ever a true Roumanian, who has 
 caught much of the inspiration of those great 
 former Roumanian leaders and warriors. His 
 youth was one of discipline and healthy educa- 
 tion, while the influence of his father on his 
 character can never be overestimated. Every 
 inch a king, he never forgets that he is always also 
 a man — personal animosities never cloud his na- 
 tional judgment. An indefatigable worker and on 
 an organised plan tending towards definite ends, 
 King Charles devotes his whole time to his never- 
 ceasing task. By his marriage to Princess Eliz- 
 
 abeth of Wied’ [known in literature as Carmen 
 Sylva] ‘ a marriage so non-political as to make 
 it a political event of the first importance,’ he 
 brought to Roumania a queen who made herself 
 beloved of all, and speedily became the centre 
 of all charitable ideas and works.” — Alfred 
 Stead, King Charles I. of ltoumania ( Fortnightly 
 Review , July, 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Oppression of the Jews. — 
 Appeal of the United States to the signa- 
 tories of the Treaty of Berlin. — On the lltli 
 of August, 1902, Mr. John Hay, Secretary of 
 State in the Government of the United States, 
 addressed a communication to the American 
 Ambassadors and Ministers in Great Britain, 
 France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Russia, 
 Italy, and Turkey, whose governments were 
 parties to the Berlin Treaty of 1878, directing 
 that it be read to the proper ministers in the 
 governments of those countries. The commu- 
 nication related to the treatment of the Jews in 
 Roumania, which had long been a matter of deep 
 concern to the United States, not only from 
 sympathy with the persecuted people, but also 
 because of the state in which it drove them as 
 emigrants to this land. An abridgment of Sec- 
 retary Hay’s despatch, published at the time, 
 renders its substance as follows: 
 
 * ‘ As long ago as in 1872 this country protested 
 against the oppression of these Jews under 
 Turkish rule. The Treaty of Berlin it was sup- 
 posed would cure this wrong by the provisions 
 of its forty-fourth article, which prescribed that 
 ‘ in Roumania the difference of religious creeds 
 and confessions shall not be alleged against any 
 person as a ground for exclusion or incapacity 
 in matters relating to the enjoyment of civil and 
 political rights, admission to public employ- 
 ments, functions and honors, or the exercise of 
 the various professions and industries in any 
 locality whatsoever. These prescriptions, how- 
 ever, have, in the lapse of time, been rendered 
 nugatory as regards the native Jews of Rou- 
 mania. Apart from the political disabilities of 
 the Jews in that country, and their exclusion 
 from the liberal professions, they are denied the 
 inherent rights of man as a breadwinner in the 
 ways of agriculture and trade. They are prohib- 
 ited from owning land or from cultivating it as 
 common laborers ; they are debarred from resid- 
 ing in the rural districts, and many branches of 
 petty trade and manual production are closed to 
 them in the cities. They have become reduced 
 to a state of wretched misery. The experience 
 of the United States shows that the Jews pos- 
 sess in a high degree the qualities of good cit- 
 izenhood. No class of immigrants is more 
 welcome to our shores when coming equipped 
 in mind and body, but when they come as out- 
 casts, made doubly paupers by physical and 
 mental oppression in their native land, their mi- 
 gration lacks the essential conditions which make 
 alien immigration either acceptable or bene- 
 ficial. Many of these Roumanian Jews are 
 forced to quit their native country, and the 
 United States is almost the only refuge left to 
 them. They come hither unfitted by the condi- 
 tions of their exile to take part in the new life 
 of this land, and they are objects of charity for 
 a long time. Therefore the right of remon- 
 strance against the acts of the Roumanian Gov- 
 ernment is fairly established in favor of this 
 Government. This Government cannot be a 
 
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 tacit party to what it regards as an international 
 wrong. It is constrained to protest against 
 the treatment to which the Jews of Roumania 
 are subjected. The United States is not a sig- 
 natory to the Treaty of Berlin, and cannot, 
 therefore, appeal authoritatively to the stipula- 
 tions of that treaty, but it does earnestly appeal 
 to the principles consigned therein, because they 
 are the principles of international law and eter- 
 nal justice.” 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Agrarian and anti-Semitic 
 riots. — Serious riotings of the peasants of Rou- 
 mania, in botLGVIoldavia and Wallachia, occurred 
 in April, 1907." Before the rising could be sup- 
 pressed more than 100,000 troops were employed ; 
 the capital, Bucharest, was in a state of siege, 
 and martial law was proclaimed throughout the 
 country. At first the character of the uprising 
 seems to have been purely agrarian. The pea- 
 sants demanded land at low prices and tried to 
 throw off the yoke of the middlemen, who are 
 mostly Jews. As the revolt spread, villages, 
 farms, and even some towns were plundered and 
 destroyed by wholesale. Hundreds of peasants 
 were killed, and in several sections a state of real 
 war existed for more than a week. King Charles 
 issued a proclamation to his people promising 
 the redress of their grievances. The Conserva- 
 tive ministry resigned on March 24 and a Liberal 
 government was at once formed under the presi- 
 dency of Dr. Sturdza. 
 
 Servia: A. D. 1901-1903. — Royal Constitu- 
 tion-making and unmaking. — The character 
 of the Servian monarchy, and the value to the 
 nation of its king-made Constitution, may be 
 judged from the following report, May 12, i903, 
 to the State Department of the United States Gov- 
 ernment, by its Minister at Athens, who has the 
 care of American interests at Belgrade: “The 
 Servian constitution now in force is that which 
 was granted the country by King Alexander on 
 April 6-19, 1901. Under this constitution the in- 
 fluence of the radical part}' had gradually in- 
 creased to such an extent that the King thought 
 it was dangerous to the welfare of the country. 
 For some time there were rumors to the effect that 
 a new constitution was in contemplation and 
 would probably be put into force on the anniver- 
 sary of its predecessor. More or less excitement 
 was caused by these reports, and in consequence 
 the King determined to act at once. 
 
 “ On the afternoon of March 24r-April 6 last 
 [1903] a royal proclamation was issued to the 
 Servian people, explaining the King’s views of 
 the situation, suspending the constitution re- 
 ferred to above, annuling the ukase of April 6, 
 1901, and all subsequent ukases relating to the 
 election of senators, retiring all the members of 
 the council of state, dissolving the Skupshtina 
 (national chamber of deputies), annulling the 
 election of all senators chosen for the period 
 1901-1906, annulling various laws relating to the 
 liberty of the press, the election of deputies, etc., 
 and putting into force certain laws which had 
 previously been repealed. 
 
 “The next morning a second proclamation was 
 issued, putting the same constitution in force 
 again, and directing the life senators to elaborate 
 a provisional law for the election of senators and 
 deputies, who should hold office, respectively, 
 until September, 1909, and May, 1907. 
 
 “The date for the elections has been fixed for 
 the first part of June. It is considered probable 
 
 that the Radical members of the Government 
 (four ministers, I believe) will soon withdraw 
 from the cabinet.” 
 
 A. D. 1903. — The murder of King Alex- 
 ander, Queen Draga, her brothers, and two 
 ministers of state. — The military plot. — King 
 
 Alexander, who received the Servian crown, 
 as a mere boy, by the abdication of his father, 
 the erratic King Milan, in 1889 (see, in Vol- 
 ume I. of this work, Balkan and Danubian 
 States : a. d. 1879-1889), began his reign auto- 
 cratically, but attempted twelve years later, to 
 propitiate popular favor by the grant of a lib- 
 eral constitution, in 1901. This failed, however, 
 to win the good will of his subjects, and he 
 annulled it in April, 1903, with much of the 
 legislation it had produced. This intensified 
 public feeling against him, and against his un- 
 popular Queen, — the former lady-in-waiting at 
 his mother’s court, Madame Draga Maschin, his 
 marriage to whom in 1900 is related in volume 
 VI. of this work (see Balkan and Danubian 
 States: Servia, in that volume). There were 
 fears of an intention to force recognition of 
 Queen Draga’s brother as heir apparent to the 
 crown, and feeling in the army became especially 
 bitter against both king and queen. The out- 
 come was an awful tragedy of murder on the 
 night of June 11, 1903, when a party of officers 
 broke into the palace and slew, with barbaric 
 ferocity, the King, the Queen, the Queen’s 
 brothers, the Prime Minister, and the Minister 
 for War. The following account of the horrible 
 tragedy appeared in the next issue of The Con- 
 temporary Review : 
 
 “All traces of the midnight carnage in the 
 palace of Belgrade have been cleared away. 
 The Pretender for whose benefit it was perpe- 
 trated comes in. First proclaimed in the midst 
 of the still warm corpses, the title of military 
 acclamation has been ratified by a National As- 
 sembly, convened by the Pretorians almost si- 
 multaneously with the massacre to meet three 
 days after that event, and in the palace where 
 Colonel Maschine and his lieutenants, acting in 
 the names of outraged national dignity and social 
 purity, put to shame human nature, Karageor- 
 gevich, whose career as a Pretender in some 
 points resembles that of Louis Napoleon, accepts 
 the proffered crown. The telegraphic agencies 
 have informed us that order reigns at Belgrade, 
 and that Peter I. has entered his capital amid 
 demonstrations of public joy. The representa- 
 tives of the Press of Europe, numbering about 
 a hundred, were, through the civility of a palace 
 official who witnessed the nocturnal invasion, 
 taken through the theatre of one of the most 
 revolting crimes of modern history. They were 
 minutely informed of the circumstances con- 
 nected with it, saw the smashed doors and floors 
 where dynamite tubes had exploded, the pistol 
 shots in walls and ceilings ; the timepieces shaken 
 by the explosion had stopped at five minutes 
 past one on the morning of the 12th June. The 
 palace official took them into the little wardrobe 
 room in which the King and Queen had hidden 
 themselves, and, when found, met their doom< 
 unshriven, offering no resistance. . . . 
 
 “ Officers who had studied in the Zurich Poly- 
 technic school knew how to use dynamite with- 
 out injury to themselves when they wanted to 
 break in doors massive as those of a church. 
 Those who had been told off to cut the electric 
 
 44 
 
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 wires communicating with lamps had indiarub- 
 ber gloves. They searched by the light of com- 
 posite candles they had brought in their pockets 
 for the hiding-place of the King and Queen. 
 When they discovered the fugitives, some of 
 the officers held high the candles for their com- 
 rades to lay on and not spare the unfortunate 
 pair. There was no attempt to resist. All 
 Alexander wanted was ‘to die with Draga,’ 
 and this elevated him into the region of ro- 
 mance. It may hereafter furnish a theme to 
 Servian bards. Another modern circumstance 
 makes one’s flesh creep. The bodies, flung out 
 of a window, lay on a garden walk until dawn, 
 when a soldier received an order to wash them 
 there with a fireman’s hydrant, and when they had 
 been cleansed to lay them on the tables of the pal- 
 ace kitchen for dissection. The surgeons had been 
 requisitioned to come there at five o’clock. . . . 
 
 “ At the post-mortem in the palace kitchen at 
 Belgrade, the surgeons counted in the body of 
 Alexander six revolver wounds, each deadly, and 
 forty-two sword wounds. Draga received two 
 pistol balls and sixty-two sword cuts and slashes. 
 She had been cut to pieces, but they left her 
 face unmutilated. And — still more frightful — 
 her corpse bore black and blue marks that testi- 
 fied to a merciless pounding with strong fists. 
 The regicides gave so many conflicting accounts 
 of their adventure that one did not know what 
 to believe. It is now certain that the King and 
 Queen were defenceless, that they at once on 
 being aroused by the dynamite took refuge in 
 her wardrobe room, and that they never sought 
 to escape by the roof, and did not run through 
 a long suite of rooms, slamming the doors after 
 them. They had not a moment’s time to utter 
 a prayer. 
 
 “ Draga’s brothers received a five minutes’ 
 respite to make their souls. Nicodemus, the 
 eldest, for whom Mademoiselle Pach mourns in 
 Brussels, asked for cigars and for leave to em- 
 brace his brother. He and Nicholas faced un- 
 flinchingly a firing party, casting away the cigar 
 ends as they stood before a wall. . . . 
 
 “Colonel Maschine, who figures as the ring- 
 leader in the conspiracy, had been in the inner 
 circle of King Milan, who thought him a valu- 
 abl e offi cer. Milan , a man with conside rable abil - 
 ity and without his match in playing an intricate 
 and difficult diplomatic game, had been educated 
 in his mother’s fast set in Vienna, and at a Paris 
 lycee. . . . Military force as a means of gov- 
 ernment recommended itself to his barbarous 
 mind. It may be that he saw in Maschine a 
 man suitable for coup d’etat work. An osten- 
 sible reason for taking him into favour was Mas- 
 chine’s bravery in the campaign against Bulga- 
 ria and his personal fidelity to Milan, as twice 
 evinced in saving his life. The partiality of the 
 King buoyed up Maschine’s hopes of a brilliant 
 military career. Death overtook Milan, who so 
 often had escaped poison and assassin’s bullets, 
 on his way to Belgrade, where he was to have 
 set Alexander aside and remounted the throne. 
 His unexpected decease blighted the colonel’s 
 prospects, inasmuch as Draga gained thereby 
 uncontrolled influence over the King. She and 
 the Maschines had long kept up a bitter feud. 
 Barbarians like to brood over their grievances, 
 real or imaginary. Colonel Maschine could not 
 forget or forgive, and his pride prevented him 
 from trying to propitiate her when she let him 
 
 know that he thought her more intractable than 
 she really was He had set about the slander 
 that she poisoned her first husband, and then 
 made believe he committed suicide. This story 
 had been told by the Colonel to Milan. Alexan- 
 der, when his father repeated it to him, called 
 it a ‘machination,’ the name he ever after gave 
 to slanders and libels that came to his knowledge 
 about Draga. He refused to hear calumnious 
 tales, but could not prevent anonymous letters 
 passing into the hands of his secretary, and 
 spoke of the Court of Russia as being stupidly 
 turned against his wife by ‘machinations.’ One 
 can understand from this why Colonel Maschine 
 became the soul of the horrible conspiracy, and 
 bent his whole mind to carry out a plan which 
 has succeeded, through his perfect generalship 
 as to ensemble, the minutest attention to details, 
 the widest prescience, the coolest head and an 
 utter unscrupulousness.” — Ivanovich, The Ser- 
 vian Massacre (Contemporary Review, July, 1903). 
 
 In the same issue of The Contemporary, Dr. 
 Dillon wrote: “A graphic version of one scene 
 of the tragedy, which was given to me by one 
 of the murderers, Adjutant N., is as follows: 
 ‘We were wild with passion, trembling with 
 excitement, incapable of receiving any impres- 
 sions from the things and people around us. 
 Hence we cannot say who shot the King in the 
 head, who in the heart. But I have a vivid re- 
 collection of some things. I remember turning 
 out the electric light and going to fetch candles 
 to light my comrades on the way. That done 
 I remained together with them to the end. I 
 remember our breaking into the King’s bed- 
 room, finding it empty, and then looking into 
 the Queen’s wardrobe room, where we found 
 the pair. Who fired first? I don’t know ; no- 
 body knows. At first we did not fire at all. 
 We drew our sabres and cut off the fingers of 
 the King and Queen; four fingers were hewn 
 from the King’s hand. Then we fired.’” — E. 
 J. Dillon, Servia and the Rival Dynasties (Con- 
 temporary Review, July, 1903). 
 
 The hideous crime which ended the reign of 
 King Alexander excited horror everywhere ex- 
 cept in Servia. There it seemed to be approved 
 and rejoiced over universally, even the head of 
 the national Servian Church, the Metropolitan of 
 Belgrade, officiating at a thanksgiving service 
 and commending the army for what it had done. 
 Senators and Deputies of the Skupstchina filled 
 the vacant throne by the election of Prince Peter 
 Ivarageorgievitch, descendant of Kara Georg 
 (Black George), the primary hero of the later 
 struggle of the Servians with the Turk. King 
 Alexander had been of the house of Milosh Obren- 
 ovitch, founder of the Obrenovitch dynasty, 
 which supplanted that of Kara Georg (see 
 Balkan and Danubian States: 14th-19th 
 Centuries: Servia, in Volume I. of this work). 
 Prince Peter, then in exile at Geneva, accepted 
 the blood-stained crown, and was welcomed at 
 Belgrade on the 24th of June. Foreign govern- 
 ments, except those of Russia and Austria-Hun- 
 gary, gave no recognition to the new sovereign 
 for some time ; but, said a writer in The Fort- 
 nightly Review of the next month, “ no thrill of 
 horror has been manifested by the ‘ dear brothers ’ 
 and ‘ cousins ’ of the royal victims ; on the very 
 day of the holocaust, when the mangled corpses 
 of a King and Queen were being exposed to the 
 outrages of frenzied fiends, there was never a 
 
BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES 
 
 BEEF TRUST 
 
 pause in the pomp and circumstance and revelry 
 of European Courts. But the ghastly details of 
 the deed have appealed to the melodramatic in- 
 stincts of the vulgar, arousing a morbid indigna- 
 tion throughout every land. What honest per- 
 son could fail to be stirred by the story of the 
 conspirators, sitting over their wine under the 
 verandah of the Srbski Kruna, uproariously urg- 
 ing the gipsy band to play Queen Draga’s March 
 before they sallied forth to hack her to pieces 
 with their swords ; by the airy apologies of the 
 baffled murderers when they roused a citizen for 
 axes and candles, wherewith to track down their 
 victims in the sleeping palace ; by the thought 
 of the ill-starred young Sovereigns lying in their 
 own gardens, riddled with bullets, sighing 
 through the small hours for the long-delayed re- 
 lief of death ? In the pages of ancient or medi- 
 aeval history, even in sensational fiction, such 
 hellish horrors could not fail to arouse intense 
 emotion ; in the cold glare of the twentieth cen- 
 tury they are brought home so vividly that we 
 are almost eye-witnesses.” — Herbert Vivian, A 
 ‘ Glorious involution ’ in Servia ( Fortnightly Re- 
 view, July, 1903). 
 
 A general election in September gave the 
 Radicals a decisive majority in the Skupstchina, 
 and a Radical Ministry under General Gruitch 
 was formed. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Coronation of King Peter. — 
 
 King Peter was anointed and crowned with due 
 ceremony, at Zicha, on the 9th of October, 1904. 
 Representatives of all the Powers in Europe ex- 
 cept Great Britain did honor to the occasion by 
 their presence; thus condoning the foul crime 
 
 BALLINGER, Richard A.: Secretary of 
 the Interior, United States. See (in this vol.) 
 United States: A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 Action against Water Power Monopoly. 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : United States: A. D. 1909. 
 
 BALLOONS, Dirigible. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent. 
 
 BALTIC FLEET, The Russian: Its voy- 
 age and destruction. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1904-1905 (Oct.-May). 
 
 BALTIC PROVINCES: Peasant insur- 
 rection. See (iD this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905 
 (Feb.-Nov.). 
 
 BALTIMORE : A. D. 1904. — Destructive 
 fire. — Next to that at Chicago in 1871, the 
 most destructive fire among the many that have 
 devastated the cities of the United States oc- 
 curred at Baltimore on February 7th and 8th, 
 1904. It burned for thirty hours, in the heart of 
 the city, the center of its business, destroying 
 some 2600 buildings and consuming property to 
 the estimated value of $75,000,000. 
 
 BAMBAATA. See (in this vol.) South Af- 
 rica: Natal : A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 BANNARD, Otto T. : See (in this vol.) New 
 York City: A. D. 1909. 
 
 BARCELONA: A. D. 1902. — General 
 strike and battle with soldiery. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization: Spain. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Revolutionary outbreak. — 
 T rial and execution of Professor Ferrer. See 
 Spain: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Riotous hostility to war in 
 Morocco. See Morocco: A. D. 1909. 
 
 BARGE (ERIE) CANAL, The. See (in 
 this vol.) New York State: A. D. 1898-1909. 
 
 which smeared the new King’s crown with blood. 
 The officers who committed the crime had been 
 dismissed from their palace posts, but rewarded 
 by military promotion. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Attitude toward Austria 
 on the annexation of Bosnia and Herzego- 
 vina. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1908- 
 1909 (Oct.-March). 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — The alleged “ Greater 
 Servia Conspiracy.” — The Agram Trials. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Austria-Hungary: A. D. 
 1908-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Renunciation of the crown 
 by the Crown Prince. — The following note 
 was addressed to the Prime Minister of Servia by 
 the Crown Prince, George, on the 25th of March, 
 1909 : “ Driven by unjustified insinuations based 
 on an unfortunate occurrence, I beg in defence 
 of my honour, as well as of my conscience, to 
 declare that I renounce all claims to the Throne, 
 as well as any other privileges to which I am 
 entitled. I beg you to take note of this, and 
 to take the necessary steps that this action may 
 receive the necessary sanction. I place my ser- 
 vices as a soldier and citizen at the disposal 
 of my King and Fatherland, ready to give my 
 life for them. — George.” 
 
 The “unfortunate occurrence ” alluded to was 
 the death of one of the Prince’s servants from 
 injuries which the Prince was believed by the 
 public to have inflicted, as he was reputed to 
 have a brutal temper. 
 
 Servia and Bulgaria: A.D. 1905. — Customs 
 Union Convention. See above: Bulgaria and 
 Servia. 
 
 BARNATO, Harry. — Bequest for cancer 
 research. See (in this vol.) Public Health. 
 
 BARRETT, Charles Simon: President of 
 the National Farmers’ Union. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization : United States: 
 A. D. 1902-1909. 
 
 BARRETT, John. See (in this vol.) Amer- 
 ican Republics, International Bureau of. 
 
 Delegate to Second International Confer- 
 ence of American Republics. See (in this vol.) 
 
 American Republics. 
 
 BARTHOLDT, Richard. See (in this vol.) 
 War, The Revolt against : A. D. 1904-1909, 
 and 1907. 
 
 BARTON, Sir Edmund : Premier of Aus- 
 tralia. See (in this vol.) Australia : A. D. 
 1903-1904. 
 
 BAST, The taking of. See (in this vol.) 
 Persia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 BASUTOLAND: See (in this vol.) South 
 Africa : A. D. 1904, and 1909. 
 
 BAVARIA: A. D. 1906. — Introduction of 
 direct voting. See (in this vol.) Elective 
 Franchise : Germany : A. D. 1906. 
 
 BEATIFICATION OF JOAN OF ARC. 
 See (in this vol.) Papacy : A. D. 1909 (April). 
 
 BECHUANALAND: A. D. 1904.— Cen- 
 sus. See (in this vol.) South Africa : A. D. 
 1904, and 1909. 
 
 BECK, Baron. See (in this vol.) Austria- 
 Hungary : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 BECQUEREL, Henri. See (in this vol.) 
 Science, Recent : Radium ; also, Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 “ BEEF TRUST,” The: Investigations 
 and prosecutions by the U. S. Government. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial : 
 
BEERNAERT 
 
 BELGIUM 
 
 United States : A. D. 1901-1906 ; 1903-1906 ; 
 and 1910. 
 
 BEERNAERT, M. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes 
 
 BEHRING, Emil Adolf von. See (in this 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 BEIRUT: Joy over the restored consti- 
 tution of Turkey. See (in this vol.) Turkey: 
 A. I). 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 BELGIUM : A. D. 1870-1905. — Increaseof 
 population compared with other European 
 countries. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 
 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1900-1904. — Municipal systems of 
 insurance against unemployment. See (in 
 this vol.) Poverty, Problems of: Unem- 
 ployment. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Popular opposition to the 
 plural vote. — Demand for constitutional re- 
 vision defeated. — General strike in the coun- 
 try. — Substantially universal but not equal 
 suffrage is given to the male citizens of Belgium 
 by the Constitution of the kingdom as revised in 
 1893 (see Constitution of Belgium, in Volume 
 I. of this work). All have one vote, but certain 
 classes of persons, qualified by property owner- 
 ship, tax-payments, education, office-holding or 
 professional dignity, are given one or two supple- 
 mentary votes. Opposition to this political in- 
 equality had been growing from the first, until 
 it united the Socialist and Liberal parties in a 
 demand for the revision of the Constitution, not 
 only to abolish the plural suffrage, but to intro- 
 duce proportional representation and compulsory 
 education. The agitation attending this demand 
 brought about, in April, a general strike through- 
 out the country of workmen in all departments 
 of industry, to the extent of 350,000. The Gov- 
 ernment resisted the demand, maintaining that 
 the system of plural voting had not been suffi- 
 ciently tried, and the bill for constitutional re- 
 vision was defeated in the Chamber of Repre- 
 sentatives, after a bitter debate, by 84 votes to 
 64. 
 
 The situation was described as follows by Mr. 
 Townsend, the American Minister to Belgium, in 
 a despatch of April 19 : “The struggle between 
 labor and capital in Belgium has become ex- 
 tremely acute in the past few years. A large 
 industrial population, confined to a small super- 
 ficial area, with long hours of labor and small 
 wages, have combined to produce a feeling of 
 discontent among the working classes, who, per- 
 haps unjustly, blame the existing Government 
 for a condition of affairs which may be due to 
 economic conditions rather than political. This 
 is a factor which may be largely responsible for 
 the rapid growth of Socialism in Belgium during 
 the past few years. Liberals and Socialists have 
 combined to fight for universal suffrage, and have 
 raised the cry ‘ one man one vote ’ as a panacea 
 for the existing ills. 
 
 “ The Clericals maintain that the existing sys- 
 tem of plural voting meets the present require- 
 ments of the country ; that it places a premium 
 on education, and acts as a check to the power 
 of the ignorant, who are prone to resort to vio- 
 lence and disorder. The more moderate Liberals 
 in the House of Representatives expressed a 
 willingness to accept a compromise in the shape 
 of a total abolition of the triple vote, granting 
 one vote at 25 years and a second vote to married 
 men of 35 or 40 years, with legitimate issue. The 
 
 Clericals, however, would not consider a com- 
 promise and opposed revision in any form. 
 
 “During the past fortnight, while the debates 
 on the subject of revision were being held in 
 the House of Representatives, the socialists and 
 workingmen have held nightly meetings at the 
 Maison du Peuple, and have frequently paraded 
 the streets shouting for universal suffrage and 
 ‘ one man one vote.’ The Liberal members, as 
 well as some of the socialist leaders in the House, 
 have cautioned the paraders to be calm, to avoid 
 violence and disorder. But the ranks of the 
 paraders have been swelled by the addition of 
 the representatives of the very lowest and crimi- 
 nal classes of the population, the result being a 
 conflict with the police followed by the break- 
 ing of windows and other damages to property. 
 Shots were exchanged between the gendarmes 
 and rioters, several of the latter being killed and 
 wounded. Similar scenes were at the same time 
 enacted in other towns in Belgium, consequently 
 the Government called out the troops. Order 
 has been restored, but the streets of Brussels, as 
 well as the large towns, are lined with soldiers. 
 A general strike has taken place in all the indus- 
 trial centers of Belgium, with the avowed object 
 of forcing the Government to grant universal 
 suffrage, but without success. The feeling of 
 unrest is very general all over the country.” — 
 Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the U. 
 S., 1902, p. 85. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Enactment to compensate 
 workmen for injurious accidents. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization: Belgium: A. D. 
 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Agreement for settlement of 
 claims against Venezuela. See (in this vol.) 
 Venezuela : A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1905. — King Leopold’s admin- 
 istration of the Congo State. See (in this vol.) 
 Congo State : A. D. 1903-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Liberal gains in the elections, 
 at the expense of the Catholics and Socialists. 
 — Belgian elections, in May, reduced the majority 
 by which the Clericals still retained control of the 
 Government, and took six seats in the representa- 
 tive chamber from the Socialists, adding in all 
 nine to the representation of the Liberal party. 
 The latter continued, with no success, its demand 
 for a revision of the Constitution, especially for 
 the abolition of the plural vote, which gives the 
 Church party its majority in Parliament, while 
 its voters are an actual minority of the nation. 
 
 Belgian feeling on the subject of the charges 
 of brutal oppression in the Congo Free State was 
 deeply stirred, and its current ran strongly 
 against the accusers of the King. The public in 
 general appears to have been fully persuaded 
 that interested motives were actuating the whole 
 criticism of Congo administration, and that the 
 stories of inhumanity to the natives were wholly 
 false. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — At the Algeciras Conference 
 on the Morocco question. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — North Sea and Baltic agree- 
 ments. See Europe : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Oct.). — Annexation ofthe Con- 
 go State. See Congo State : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — New military law. — Com- 
 pulsory service with no substitution. See 
 War, The Preparations for : Belgian. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — The Government’s 
 
 47 
 
BELGIUM 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 programme of reforms in the Congo State. 
 
 See Congo State : A. D. 1909 (Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). — Death of King Leo- 
 pold. — Accession of King Albert. — On the 
 
 17th of December, 1909, King Leopold died. He 
 was succeeded on the throne by Prince Albert, 
 son of his brother, the Count of Flanders. Of 
 the new King, who was born in 1875, it was said 
 by The Times, of London: “The happiest ex- 
 pectations are cherished in Belgium for the new 
 King’s reign. He has shown, together with his 
 gracious Consort, that desire to identify himself 
 with the interests of the humblest of his subjects 
 which we are accustomed to admire among the 
 characteristic merits of our own Royal Family. 
 He was naturally precluded by his position from 
 taking any part in the controversies connected 
 with the Congo, but it may reasonably be thought 
 that if his uncle’s life had been less prolonged the 
 constitutional difficulties raised by the ‘ Congo 
 question ’ would have been avoided. He is known 
 to have been painfully impressed by the need of 
 reform during his recent visit to the colony.” 
 
 BELL, Richard: Secretary of the Amal- 
 gamated Society of Railway Servants. See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: England: 
 A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 BENEDICTINES: Forbidden to teach in 
 France. See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1908. 
 
 BENGAL: A. D. 1905. — Partition of the 
 Province. See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 BEQUESTS. See Gifts. 
 
 BERESFORD, Admiral Lord Charles: 
 On the “Dreadnought.” See (in this vol.) 
 War, The Preparations for: Dreadnought 
 Era. 
 
 BERKELEY, Cal.: Perfect example of 
 the “ Commission Plan ” of Government. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Municipal Government: 
 California. 
 
 BERLIN : A. D. 1903. — Sweeping victory 
 of Socialists in Imperial election. See (in this 
 vol.) Germany : A. D. 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1905.. — Strike in electrical indus- 
 tries. See Labor Organization : Germany. 
 
 BERLIN TREATY OF 1878, Violations 
 of the. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1908- 
 1909 (Oct. -March). 
 
 BETHMANN-HOLLWEG, Dr. von : Ap- 
 pointed Chancellor of the German Empire. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Germany: A. D. 1908-1909, 
 and 1909 (Oct. -Dec.). 
 
 “ BIG SIX,” The. See (in this vol.) Combi- 
 nations, Industrial: United States: A. D. 
 1903-1906. — The “Beef Trust.” 
 
 BIRRELL, Augustine, President of the 
 Board of Education. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1905 (Dec.), and 1905-1906. 
 
 Chief Secretary for Ireland. — Proposed 
 Councils Bill for Ireland. See Ireland: A. D. 
 1907 (May). 
 
 BISWAS, Ashutosh, Assassination of. See 
 (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 BITUMINOUS COAL STRIKES. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States. 
 
 BJORNSON, Bjornstjerne. See (in this 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 BLACK HAND, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Crime and Criminology. 
 
 BLERIOT, Louis. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence and Invention, Recent : Aeronautics. 
 
 BLIND, Karl: On the “Young Turks.” 
 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey: A D. 1908 (July- 
 Dec.). 
 
 “ BLOC,” Chancellor Biilow’s : Incongru- 
 ous coalition in the German Reichstag. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Germany: A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 Its break. See Germany : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 “ BLOODY SUNDAY.” See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 BOARDS OF CONCILIATION. See 
 Labor Organization: Germany: A. D. 1905- 
 1906. 
 
 BOBRIKOFF, Governor-General of Fin- 
 land : His assassination. See (in this vol.) 
 Finland: A. D. 1904. 
 
 BOER-BRITISH WAR, Last year of 
 the. See (in this vol.) South Africa: A. D. 
 
 1901- 1902. 
 
 BOERS, The : Repatriation and resettle- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) South Africa: A. D. 
 
 1902- 1903. 
 
 Active in movement for South African 
 Union. See South Africa: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 BOGOLIEPOFF, M., Assassination of. 
 See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 BOLIVIA: A. D. 1901-1906. — Participa- 
 tion in Second and Third International Con- 
 ferences of American Republics, at Rio de 
 Janeiro. See (in this vol.) American Repub- 
 lics. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Broad Treaty of Arbitration 
 with Peru. See Arbitration, International: 
 A. D. 1902 (Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1903-1909. — Boundary disputes in 
 the Acre region with Brazil and Peru. See 
 
 Acre Disputes. 
 
 BOMBAY PRESIDENCY, The Bubonic 
 Plague in. See (in this vol.) Public Health: 
 Bubonic Plague. 
 
 BONAPARTE, Charles J. : Secretary of 
 the Navy and Attorney-General. See (in this 
 vol.) United States: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 BOND, Sir Robert: Premier of Newfound- 
 land. — Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reci- 
 procity Treaty. See (in this vol.) Newfound- 
 land : A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 At the Imperial Conference of 1907. See 
 British Empire: A. I). 1907. 
 
 Resignation and defeat at election. See 
 Newfoundland: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 BONHAM, Captain W. F. See (in this vol). 
 South Africa : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 BONILLA, General Manuel: Revolution- 
 ary President of Honduras. See (in this vol.) 
 Central America: A. D. 1903, and 1907. 
 
 BONUS SYSTEM, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Remuneration: The Bonus System. 
 
 “BOODLERS,” so called, in municipal 
 government. See (in this vol.) Municipal Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 BORSTAL SYSTEM, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Crime and Criminology: Preventive 
 Detention. 
 
 BOSHIN CLUB. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 BOSNIA. See Balkan and Danubian , 
 States. 
 
 BOSTON: A. D. 1904. — International 
 Peace Congress. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Revolt against: A. I). 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — New plan of city government 
 chosen by popular vote. See Municipal Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 48 
 
BOTHA 
 
 BRAZIL 
 
 BOTHA, GENERAL LOUIS: In the clos- 
 ing year of the Boer-British War. See (in this 
 vol.) Soutii Africa: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 Premier of the Transvaal. — At the Impe- 
 rial Conference of 1907. See British Empire : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Leader in movement for South African 
 Union. See South Africa : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 BOURGEOIS, Leon: President of the 
 French Chamber of Deputies. See (in this 
 vol.) Prance: A. D. 1902. (April-Oct.). 
 
 President of Chamber of Deputies. See 
 France : A. D. 1903. 
 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs. See France: 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 BOURSE LAW, German: Revision of it. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Germany: A. D. 1908. 
 
 BOURSES DU TRAVAIL. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization : France: A. D. 
 1884^1909. 
 
 BOXER OUTBREAK, The: Penalty paid 
 by China for it. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 
 1901-1908. 
 
 Recurrence of. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 BOYCOTTING: In China: The boycot- 
 ting of the United States in 1905. See (in this 
 vol.) Race Problems: United States: A. D. 
 1905-1908. 
 
 In India. See India : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 In Ireland : The recent practice. See Ire- 
 land: A. D. 1902-1908. 
 
 In Turkey, of Austrian commodities. See 
 Europe: A. D. 1908-1909 (Oct. -March). 
 
 In the United States: By Trade Unions. — 
 Decisions of courts. See Labor Organiza- 
 tion: United States : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 BRADDON SECTION, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Australia: A. D. 1910. 
 
 BRANCO, Baron do Rio. See (in this vol.) 
 American Republics : Third International 
 Conference. 
 
 BRAUN, Ferdinand. See (in this vol.) No- 
 bel Prizes. 
 
 BRAZIL: A. D. 1901-1902. — Participation 
 in Second International Conference of Ameri- 
 can Republics. See (in this vol.) American Re- 
 publics. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Inauguration of President 
 Alves. Dr. Rodriguez Alves was inducted in 
 office as President of the United States of Brazil 
 on the 15th of November, 1902, succeeding Dr. 
 Campos Salles. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Settlement of boundary dis- 
 pute with Bolivia. See Acre Disputes. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — An impromptu Revolt that 
 became a comedy of errors. — “ To the Amer- 
 ican who is under the impression that all South 
 America is continually in the throes of one or 
 another revolution it will come as a surprise to 
 learn that this vast district, comprising one half 
 the territory and almost two thirds the popula- 
 tion of the whole continent, has known no revo- 
 lution since the founding of the Republic. The 
 revolts of 1893, 1897, and 1904, menacing in vary- 
 ing degree, were outbursts fostered by a central- 
 ization of national vitality which inspired the 
 belief in each insurrectionist that it was but ne- 
 cessary to strike the head, — the body would lie 
 dormant. The justification of this belief lay in 
 the historical fact that the vast majority of suc- 
 cessful revolts throughout South America have 
 consisted merely in coups d'itat. The masses 
 
 have lain dormant, and the fighting, if any, has 
 generally come after the somersault. 
 
 “ The revolt of November of last year in Brazil 
 was so typical of South American revolutions, 
 and so elementary, that it affords a lucid illus- 
 tration. Owing to the prompt and efficient 
 measures taken by the government to suppress 
 true reports of the disturbance, and owing, too, 
 to its signal failure, this revolt was scarcely 
 mentioned by the American press. Nevertheless, 
 it missed by little causing international commo- 
 tion. . . . 
 
 “ A great epidemic of smallpox led the govern- 
 ment to require of Congress a law making vac- 
 cination compulsory. Long and heated debate 
 on the constitutionality of the measure went on, 
 while the epidemic assumed alarming propor- 
 tions. The Executive’s patience being worn out, 
 arbitrary pressure was brought to bear, and the 
 law passed. This intervention brought down 
 the general censure of the press, and the oppo- 
 sition seized the handle with disproportionate 
 avidity. On the eleventh of November a mass 
 meeting was held in one of the central squares 
 of Rio Janeiro. . . . The mounted police broke 
 up the meeting with the flat of the sword: no 
 lives were lost. On the following day the scene 
 was duplicated, several people injured, and a 
 life lost. By night riots had broken out in vari- 
 ous parts of the city. 
 
 “Up to the fourteenth of November, revo- 
 lution was not even rumored. . . . Toward 
 evening city and government were genuinely 
 surprised by the news that General Travassos, 
 who was to have commanded a battalion in the 
 review, immediately upon the announcement of 
 its postponement had proceeded to the Military 
 Academy on the outskirts of the city, and, before 
 the student body, had demanded of the officer in 
 charge transfer of his command. Frightened by 
 the attitude of the cadets, the commanding officer 
 made a puerile protest, and surrendered. He and 
 his staff were allowed to withdraw, and carried 
 the news of the revolt to the city. It was soon 
 confirmed : the cadets were advancing on the 
 President’s palace, under the leadership of Gen- 
 eral Travassos. . . . 
 
 “ The shortest line of march was along the bay 
 front, and to repulse the attack were sent by 
 land a battalion of the line reinforced by police, 
 and by sea two gunboats under the play of 
 searchlights from an armored cruiser. The 
 cadets marched under the assurance that no 
 soldier of the line would fire on them, as the 
 army was back of the movement. . . . They 
 were met by an armed force, indistinguishable 
 owing to the destruction of all the lamps by 
 rioters. The force was the advancing battalion, 
 and it is generally believed that it fired on the 
 cadets, mistaking them for the returning body 
 of police which had followed the water front. 
 Brisk fighting ensued, when suddenly the cry 
 arose among the cadets that they had been be- 
 trayed, and were attacked by soldiers of the line. 
 They broke and made a disorderly retreat to the 
 Academy. Almost simultaneously the soldiers 
 learned their mistake, and that they had opposed 
 a commanding officer ; and they turned in pre- 
 cipitous flight. General Travassos was mortally 
 wounded in the engagement. . . . 
 
 “Meanwhile the detachment of police dis- 
 patched from the city had advanced along the 
 bay front to the stone quarry, where they awaited 
 
BRAZIL 
 
 BRIAND 
 
 the rebels. Drawn up at this spot under close 
 formation, they were mistaken by the gunboats 
 for the cadets, and were made the target of a 
 disastrous hail of bullets from quick-firing guns. 
 Their retreat also was precipitous. 
 
 “ Such was the comedy of errors which will be 
 known as the Revolt of 1904. Its net results 
 were a rude but salutary recall of the govern- 
 ment to watchfulness ; added prestige abroad for 
 the government, vouched by a rise in its bonds ; 
 and, most significant of all, spontaneous and im- 
 mediate support of the Chief Executive from 
 neighboring states. And yet the credit was not 
 due to the government, which avowedly had 
 been caught napping, but to the Goddess of 
 Chance, the arbiter of every coup d'etat." — G. 
 A. Chamberlain, The Cause of South American 
 Revolutions (Atlantic Monthly, June, 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Settlement of boundary be- 
 tween Brazil and British Guiana. — By the 
 decision of the King of Italy, to whom the 
 boundary question in dispute between Brazil 
 and British Guiana had been referred, the line 
 separating the territories of the two states was 
 defined, as drawn by Nature, along the water- 
 shed, starting from Mount Yakontipu and run- 
 ning easterly to the source of the river Mahu, 
 thence down that river to the Tacuta and up the 
 latter to its source, where it touches the bound- 
 ary already determined. Both countries to have 
 free navigation of the rivers in question. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Presidential Election. — The 
 quadrennial presidential election occurring in 
 Brazil in the spring of 1906 raised Dr. Alfonso 
 Moreira Penna from the Vice-Presidency to the 
 Presidency of the Republic, with no disturbance 
 of its quiet. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — German Colonies. — “Already 
 500,000 Germans, emigrants and their offspring, 
 are resident in Brazil. The great majority of 
 them, it is true, have embraced Brazilian citi- 
 zenship, but their ideals and ties are essentially 
 and inviolably German. In the south, where 
 they are thickest, they have become the ruling 
 element. German factories, warehouses, shops, 
 farms, schools and churches dot the country 
 everywhere. German has superseded Portu- 
 guese, the official language of Brazil, in scores 
 of communities. Twenty million pounds of 
 vested interests — banking, street railroads, elec- 
 tric works, mines, coffee-plantations, and a great 
 variety of business undertakings — claim the 
 protection of the Kaiser’s flag. A cross-country 
 railway and a still more extensive projected 
 system are in the hands of German capitalists. 
 The country’s vast ocean traffic, the Amazon 
 river shipping, and much of the coasting trade 
 are dominated by Germans. 
 
 “ Over and above this purely commercial con- 
 quest, however, looms a factor of more vital im- 
 portance to North American susceptibilities — 
 namely, the creation of a nation of Germans in 
 Brazil. That is the avowed purpose of three 
 German colonising concerns, which have become 
 lords and masters over 8,000 square miles of 
 Brazilian territory, an area considerably larger 
 than the kingdom of Saxony, and capable of 
 dwarfing half-a-dozen German Grand Duchies. 
 It is the object of these territorial syndicates to 
 people their lands with immigrants willing to 
 be ‘ kept German ’ — a race of transplanted 
 men and women who will find themselves amid 
 conditions deliberately designed to perpetuate 
 
 ‘ Deutschthum,’ which means the German lan- 
 guage, German customs, and unyielding loyalty 
 to German economic hopes.” — F. W. Wile, 
 German Colonisation in Brazil ( Fortnightly Re 
 view, Jan., 1906). 
 
 ‘ ‘ The talk about German exploitation of Brazil 
 for colonization purposes is pure buncombe. 
 The writer has visited the southern Brazilian 
 provinces of Rio Grande do Sul, Santa Catha- 
 rina, and Parana, where most of the Germans 
 reside, and he has seen no more reason for Brazil 
 to fear ulterior purposes on the part of Germany 
 than has the United States because Germans 
 form a large percentage of the population of 
 New York, Chicago, and Milwaukee. The Ger- 
 mans make excellent Brazilian citizens, while 
 loving the Fatherland from association and re- 
 specting the Emperor for his great personality.” 
 — John Barrett, The United States and Latin 
 America (North American Review, Sept. 21, 
 1906). See, also, Germany: A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Third International Confer- 
 ence of American Republics at Rio de Janeiro. 
 See American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Adoption of obligatory mili- 
 tary service. — By a law enacted in 1907 mili- 
 tary service was made obligatory. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Dreadnought building. See 
 War, The Preparations for. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Increasing immigration. 
 See Immigration and Emigration. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Frontier agreements and 
 demarcations. — The Message of President 
 Penna to Congress, May 3, 1909, contained the 
 following announcements: “On September 15 
 last, a treaty between Brazil and Holland was 
 finally approved at The Hague, to determine the 
 limits of our frontier with the Colony of Surinam 
 or Dutch Guiana. The demarcation of the new 
 frontier line between Brazil and Bolivia in Matto 
 Grosso is now completed, and awaits only the 
 approval of the two Governments interested. 
 The same mixed commission to which was in- 
 trusted this survey will now proceed to recon- 
 noitre the head-waters of the Rio Verde. The 
 Government of the French Republic proposes 
 the appointment of a mixed commission for the 
 demarcation of the common boundary estab- 
 lished on December 1, 1900, by arbitration of 
 the Swiss Federal Council. An agreement will 
 shortly be arrived at with Great Britain to de- 
 termine the frontier of Brazil with British Gui- 
 ana.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Death of President Penna. — 
 Accession of the Vice-President. — Dr. Al- 
 fonso Penna, President of Brazil, died suddenly 
 on the 14th of June, 1909, and was succeeded 
 in the office by the Vice-President, Senor Nilo 
 Pecanha, who will fill out the presidential term, 
 ending November 15, 1910. Meantime an active 
 canvass of candidates for the succeeding term 
 has been in progress, the names most discussed 
 being those of General Hermes de Fonseca, 
 Baron Rio Branco, Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 and Senor Ruy Barbosa, a prominent advo- 
 cate. 
 
 BRENNAN MONO -RAIL SYSTEM. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Science and Invention : 
 Railways. 
 
 BRIAND, Aristide: in the Ministry of 
 France as Minister of Public Instruction and 
 Public Worship. See (in this vol.) France: 
 
 | A. D. 1906. 
 
 50 
 
BRIAND 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 Prime Minister of France. See France: 
 A. D. 1909 (July). 
 
 On the French secular or neutral schools 
 and the clerical attack on them. See Educa- 
 tion : France : A. D. 1909. 
 
 BRENT, Bishop: Service on Interna- 
 
 tional Opium Commission and on Philippine 
 Committee. See (in this vol.) Opium Prob- 
 lem. 
 
 BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA: Its 
 
 parts suitable for European Settlement. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Africa. 
 
 BRITISH COLUMBIA: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 — Census. — Increased representation in 
 Parliament. See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 
 1901-1902. 
 
 BRITISH EAST AFRICA: Its habi- 
 tability by whites. See (in this vol.) Africa. 
 
 THE BRITISH EMPIRE. 
 
 A Census of the Empire. — In March, 1906, 
 a “Census of the British Empire” — the hist 
 ever undertaken — was published as a Parlia- 
 mentary Blue Book. Its preparation had been 
 proposed by Mr. Chamberlain, who suggested, 
 while Colonial Secretary, that the figures of the 
 census of the United Kingdom in 1901 should 
 be collated with those of other portions of the 
 empire, to be analyzed, tabulated, and published 
 as a whole. A full realization of the plan of col- 
 lation had been found impracticable, owing to 
 the wide differences of circumstance and of the 
 forms of census-taking in different parts of the 
 Empire ; but many summings up of highly in- 
 teresting and important facts were obtained. 
 
 The territory covered by the British Empire 
 was shown to be 11,908,378 square miles, being 
 an increase of 40 per cent, since 1861, and em- 
 bracing more than a fifth of the land surface of 
 the globe. This exceeds the area of the Russian 
 Empire (European and Asiatic) by more than 
 three millions of square miles. It is nearly three 
 times the area of the Chinese Empire, and more 
 than three times that of the United States and 
 their exterior possessions. An exact count of 
 population in all regions of the Empire was im- 
 possible, but the estimated total is 400,000,000, 
 of which 300,000,000 is assigned to Asia and 
 43,000,000 to Africa. The United Kingdom con- 
 tains 41,500,000, British America 7,500,000, 
 Australasia, 5,000,000, the Mediterranean pos- 
 sessions 500,000, and there are 150,000 in the 
 Channel Islands and the Isle of Man. Classified 
 by religion, there 208,000,000 Hindus, 94,000,000 
 Mohammedans, 58,000,000 Christians, 12,000,000 
 Buddhists, and 23,000,000 of other religions — 
 Parsees, Confucians, Jews, Sikhs, and Jaius, 
 over whom Edward VII. of England reigns as 
 Emperor or King. His Asiatic subjects alone are 
 three-fourths as many as the Emperor of China 
 is supposed to rule, and considerable more than 
 twice the number that live within the whole 
 sweep of the scepter of the Tsar. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Conference at London with 
 the Prime Ministers of the self-governing 
 Colonies. — Address of the Colonial Secre- 
 tary, Mr. Chamberlain.- — Results of the 
 Conference. — Taking advantage of the presence 
 in London of the Prime Ministers of the various 
 self-governing colonies of Britain, on the occa- 
 sion of the coronation of King Edward VII., a 
 Conference with them, touching questions of 
 general interest, was arranged by the Secretary 
 of State for the Colonies, Mr. Chamberlain, in 
 meetings which extended from June to August, 
 1902. The proceedings were confidential, and 
 no report of discussions made public ; but the 
 resulting resolutions, together with the opening 
 address of the Colonial Secretary, and certain 
 
 statements on subjects considered, are printed 
 in a Parliamentary paper (Cd. 1299) from which 
 the following account of the Conference is de- 
 rived: 
 
 Mr. Chamberlain in his address argued strongly 
 and with feeling for a political federation of 
 the Empire. He said: “I maybe considered, 
 perhaps, to be a dreamer, or too enthusiastic, 
 but I do not hesitate to say that, in my opinion, 
 the political federation of the Empire is within 
 the limits of possibility. I recognize as fully as 
 any one can do the difficulties which would at- 
 tend such a great change in our constitutional 
 system. I recognise the variety of interests 
 that are concerned: the immense disproportion 
 in wealth aud the population of the different 
 members of the Empire, and above all, the dis- 
 tances which still separate them, and the lack 
 of sufficient communication. These are difficul- 
 ties which at one time appeared to be, and indeed 
 were, insurmountable. But now I cannot but 
 recollect that similar difficulties almost, if not 
 quite as great, have been surmounted in the case 
 of the United States of America. And difficul- 
 ties, perhaps not quite so great, but still very 
 considerable, have been surmounted in the fed- 
 eration of the Dominion of Canada. . . . We 
 have no right to put by our action any limit to 
 the Imperial patriotism of the future ; and it is 
 my opinion that, as time goes on, there will be 
 a continually growing sense of the common in- 
 terests which unite us, and also, perhaps, which 
 is equally important, of the common dangers 
 which threaten us. At the same time I would 
 be the last to suggest that we should do any- 
 thing which could by any possibility be consid- 
 ered premature. We have had, within the last 
 few years, a most splendid evidence of the 
 results of a voluntary union without any formal 
 obligations, in the great crisis of the war through 
 which we have now happily passed. The action 
 of the self-governing Colonies in the time of 
 danger of the motherland has produced here a 
 deep and a lasting impression. . . . I feel, there- 
 fore, in view of this it would be a fatal mistake 
 to transform the spontaneous enthusiasm which 
 has been so readily shown throughout the Em- 
 pire into anything in the nature of an obligation 
 which might be at this time unwillingly assumed 
 or only formally accepted. The link which 
 unites us, almost invisible as it is sentimental 
 in its character, is one which we would gladly 
 strengthen, but at the same time it has proved 
 itself to be so strong that certainly we would 
 not wish to substitute for it a chain which might 
 be galling in its incidence. And, therefore, 
 upon this point of the political relations between 
 the Colonies and ourselves. His Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment, while they would welcome any ap- 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE, 1902 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE, 1902 
 
 proacli which might be made to a more definite 
 and a closer union, feel that it is not for them 
 to press this upon you. The demand, if it 
 comes, and when it comes, must come from the 
 Colonies. If it comes it will be enthusiastically 
 received in this country. 
 
 “And in this connection I would venture to 
 refer to an expression in an eloquent speech of 
 my right honorable friend, the Premier of the 
 Dominion of Canada — an expression which has 
 called forth much appreciation in this country, 
 although I believe that Sir Wilfrid Laurier has 
 himself in subsequent speeches explained that 
 it was not quite correctly understood. But the 
 expression was, ‘ If you want our aid call us to 
 your councils.’ Gentlemen, we do want your 
 aid. We do require your assistance in the 
 administration of the vast Empire, which is 
 yours as well as ours. The weary Titan stag- 
 gers under the too vast orb of its fate. We 
 have borne the burden for many years. We 
 think it is time our children should assist us to 
 support it, and whenever you make the request 
 to us, be very sure that we shall hasten gladly 
 to call you to our councils. If you are prepared 
 at any time to take any share, any proportionate 
 share, in the burdens of the Empire, we are pre- 
 pared to meet you with any proposal for giving 
 to you a corresponding voice in the policy of the 
 Empire. And the object, if I may point out to 
 you, may be achieved in various ways. Sug- 
 gestions have been made that representation 
 should be given to the Colonies in either, or in 
 both, Houses of Parliament. There is no ob- 
 jection in principle to any such proposal. If it 
 comes to us, it is a proposal which His Majes- 
 ty’s Government would certainly feel justified 
 in favourably considering, but I have always felt 
 myself that the most practical form in which we 
 could achieve our object would be the establish- 
 ment or the creation of a real council of the Em- 
 pire, to which all questions of Imperial interest 
 might be referred, and if it were desired to pro- 
 ceed gradually, as probably would be our course 
 — we are all accustomed to the slow ways in 
 which our Constitutions have been worked out — 
 if it be desired to proceed gradually, the Council 
 might in the first instance be merely an advisory 
 council. But, although that would be a prelim- 
 inary step, it is clear that the object would not 
 be completely secured until there had been con- 
 ferred upon such a Council executive functions, 
 and perhaps also legislative powers, and it is for 
 you to say, gentlemen, whether you think the 
 time has come when any progress whatever can 
 be made in this direction.” 
 
 Turning naturally from this to the subject of 
 imperial defence, Mr. Chamberlain gave the sub- 
 stance of a paper which would be submitted to 
 the Conference, exhibiting comparatively the 
 naval and military expenditure of the United 
 Kingdom and of the different self-governing 
 colonies. The cost of the armaments of the 
 United Kingdom had increased enormously since 
 1897, and “that increase,” he said, “is not en- 
 tirely due to our initiative, but it is forced upon 
 us by the action of other Powers who have made 
 great advances, especially in connection with 
 the Navy, which we have found it to be our 
 duty and necessity to equal. But the net result 
 is extraordinary. At the present moment the 
 estimates for the present year for naval and mili- 
 tary expenditure in the United Kingdom — not 
 
 including the extraordinary war expenses, but 
 the normal estimates — involve an expenditure 
 per head of the population of the United King- 
 dom of 29s. 3 d. per annum. In Canada the same 
 items involve an expenditure of only 2s. per 
 head of the population, about one-fifteenth of 
 that incurred by the United Kingdom. In New 
 South Wales — I have not the figures for the 
 Commonwealth as a whole, but I am giving 
 those as illustrations — and I find that in New 
 South Wales the expenditure is 3s. 5 d . ; in Vic- 
 toria, 3s. 3d. ; in New Zealand, 3s. 4 d . ; and in 
 the Cape and Natal, I think it is between 2s. and 
 3s. Now, no one, I think, will pretend that that 
 is a fair distribution of the burdens of Empire. 
 No one will believe that the United Kingdom 
 can, for all time, make this inordinate sacrifice. 
 ... I think, therefore, you will agree with me 
 that it is not unreasonable for us to call your 
 serious attention to a state of things which can- 
 not be permanent. We hope that we are not 
 likely to make upon you any demand that would 
 seem to you to be excessive. We know per- 
 fectly well your difficulties, as you probably are 
 acquainted with ours.” 
 
 The speaker passed next to the question of 
 commercial relations between the mother land 
 and its colonies. “Two salient facts” he set 
 with emphasis before his colonial audience. 
 “The first is this. That if we chose — that is 
 to say, if those whom we represent chose — the 
 Empire might be self-sustaining. It is so wide ; 
 its products are so various; its climates so dif- 
 ferent, that there is absolutely nothing which 
 is necessary to our existence, hardly anything 
 which is desirable as a luxury, which can not 
 be produced within the borders of the Empire 
 itself. And the second salient fact is that the 
 Empire at the present time, and especially the 
 United Kingdom — which is the great market 
 of the world — derives the greater part of its 
 necessaries from foreign countries, and that it 
 exports the largest part of its available produce 
 • — surplus produce — also to foreign countries. 
 This trade might be the trade, the inter-imperial 
 trade, of the Empire. It is at the present time, 
 as I say, a trade largely between the Empire 
 and foreign countries. Now, I confess, that to 
 my mind that is not a satisfactory state of 
 things, and I hope that you will agree with me 
 that everything which can possibly tend to in- 
 crease the interchange of products between the 
 different parts of the Empire is deserving of our 
 cordial encouragement. What we desire, what 
 His Majesty’s Government has publicly stated 
 to be the object for which they would most 
 gladly strive, is a free interchange. If you are 
 unabie to accept that as a principle, then I ask 
 you how far can you approach to it? If a free 
 interchange between the different parts of the 
 Empire could be secured it would then be a 
 matter for separate consideration altogether what 
 should be the attitude of the Empire as a whole 
 or of its several parts towards foreign na- 
 tions ? . . . 
 
 “Three proposals have been made for the con- 
 sideration of the present Conference, on the ini- 
 tiative of New Zealand. The first and the most 
 important one is that a preferential tariff should 
 be arranged in favour of British goods which 
 are now taxable in the respective Colonies and 
 in the United Kingdom. And although no pro- 
 posal comes to us from Canada, I am, of course, 
 
 52 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE, 1902 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE, 1907 
 
 aware that similar questions have been recently 
 specially discussed very actively and very in- 
 telligently in the Dominion, and that a strong 
 opinion prevails there that the time is ripe for 
 something of this kind.” 
 
 Thereupon Mr. Chamberlain examined the re- 
 sults of the Canadian preferential tariff, show- 
 ing that England derived very little commercial 
 benefit from it, and continued: “ I think the very 
 valuable experience, somewhat disappointing 
 and discouraging as I have already pointed out, 
 but the very valuable experience which we have 
 derived from the history of the Canadian tariff, 
 shows that while we may most readily and most 
 gratefully accept from you any preference which 
 you may be willing voluntarily to accord to us, 
 we cannot bargain with you for it; we cannot 
 pay for it unless you go much further and en- 
 able us to enter your home market on terms of 
 greater equality.” 
 
 On the subject of imperial defence, the result 
 of the Conference was an agreement from Aus- 
 tralia and New Zealand to increase their contri- 
 bution towards an improved Australasian squad- 
 ron and the establishment of a branch of the 
 Royal Naval Reserve to £200,000 a year for the 
 former and £40,000 for the latter; an agreement 
 from Cape Colony and Natal to contribute £50,- 
 000 and £35,000 per annum respectively toward 
 the general maintenance of the Navy, and a 
 pledge from Newfoundland of £3000 per an- 
 num toward a branch of the Royal Naval Re- 
 serve. From Canada no agreement was reported. 
 In a “Memorandum by the First Lord of the 
 Admiralty” of interviews held with the several 
 Premiers it is said: “Sir Wilfrid Laurier in- 
 formed me that His Majesty’s Government of 
 the Dominion of Canada are contemplating the 
 establishment of a local Naval force in the waters 
 of Canada, but that they were not able to make 
 any offer of assistance analogous to those enu- 
 merated above.” 
 
 Concerning preferential trade, the following 
 resolutions were adopted : 
 
 “1. That this Conference recognises that the 
 principle of preferential trade between the United 
 Kingdom and His Majesty’s Dominions beyond 
 the seas would stimulate and facilitate mutual 
 commercial intercourse, and would, by promot- 
 ing the development of the resources and indus- 
 tries of the several parts, strengthen the Empire. 
 
 “2. That this Conference recognises that, in 
 the present circumstances of the Colonies, it is 
 not practicable to adopt a general system of Free 
 Trade as between the Mother Country and the 
 British Dominions beyond the seas. 
 
 “ 3. That with a view, however, to promoting 
 the increase of trade within the Empire, it is de- 
 sirable that those Colonies which have not already 
 adopted such a policy should, as far as their cir- 
 cumstances permit, give substantial preferential 
 treatment to the products and manufactures of 
 the United Kingdom. 
 
 “ 4. That the Prime Ministers of the Colonies 
 respectfully urge on His Majesty’s Government 
 the expediency of granting in the United King- 
 dom preferential treatment to the products and 
 manufactures of the Colonies either by exemp- 
 tion from or reduction of duties now or hereafter 
 imposed. 
 
 1 ‘ 5. That the Prime Ministers present at the 
 Conference undertake to submit to their respec- 
 tive Governments at the earliest opportunity the 
 
 principle of the resolution and to request them 
 to take such measures as may be necessary to 
 give effect to it.” 
 
 The Prime Ministers of the Colonies also stated 
 the extent to which they were prepared to re- 
 commend to their several Parliaments a preferen- 
 tial treatment of British goods : The Premier of 
 Canada would propose to continue the existing 
 preference of 33£ per cent., and an additional 
 preference on lists of selected articles — ( a ) by 
 further reducing the duties in favor of the United 
 Kingdom ; (b) by raising the duties against for- 
 eign imports ; (c) by imposing duties on certain 
 foreign imports now on the free list. In New 
 Zealand the recommendation would be of a gen- 
 eral preference by 10 per cent., or an equivalent 
 in respect of lists of selected articles on the lines 
 proposed by Canada. At the Cape and Natal a 
 preference of 25 per cent, would be advised, or 
 its equivalent given by increasing duties on for- 
 eign imports. The recommendation in Austra- 
 lia would be of a preferential treatment not yet 
 defined. 
 
 A resolution was adopted favoring future 
 Conferences at intervals not exceeding four 
 years. Other resolutions recommended that a 
 preference be given to products of the Empire 
 in all Government contracts, Imperial or Colo- 
 nial ; that the privileges of coastwise trade within 
 the Empire be refused to countries in which the 
 corresponding trade is confined to ships of their 
 own nationality ; that a mutual protection of 
 patents within the Empire be devised ; that the 
 principle of cheap postage between the different 
 parts of the Empire on all newspapers and pe- 
 riodicals published therein be adopted ; that the 
 metric system of weights and measures be 
 adopted throughout the Empire. These were 
 the mainly important conclusions derived from 
 the Conference, and it was difficult to regard 
 them as quite satisfactory. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Mr. Chamberlain’s declara- 
 tion for preferential trade with the Colonies. 
 
 — Its political effects in Great Britain. — His 
 resignation from the Cabinet. — Disclosures 
 of the correspondence. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1903 (May-Sept.). 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Conference of Imperial and 
 Colonial Ministers at London. — Formulation 
 of the Constitution of the Conference, to be 
 known as the Imperial Conference. — Discus- 
 sion of preferential trade, imperial defence, 
 and other subjects. — Resolutions adopted. 
 
 — According to the resolution adopted by the 
 Colonial Conference of 1902, the next Conference 
 should have been held in 1906, but by agree- 
 ment of all parties it was deferred until the fol- 
 lowing year. In the interval, a protracted corre- 
 spondence occurred between the Colonial Office 
 and the Governments of the several States feder- 
 ated in the Commonwealth of Australia, each of 
 which claimed representation in the Conference 
 by its own Ministers, and protested against the 
 sufficiency of the representation that would be 
 given to it by the General Government of the 
 Commonwealth. The “State Rights” doctrine 
 received no encouragement, however, and only 
 the Premier of the Commonwealth, Mr. Deakin, 
 and one of the members of his Cabinet, took 
 part in the Conference, which held its first meet- 
 ing in London on the 15th of April and its final 
 one on the 14th of May. 
 
 At the first meeting there were present, as 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE, 1907 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE, 1907 
 
 representatives of the Imperial Government, the 
 Prime Minister, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, 
 the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Earl 
 of Elgin, in the Chair, and several other Members 
 of the Cabinet and officials of the Administration. 
 The Premiers of the self-governing colonies, ex- 
 cepting Sir Robert Bond, of Newfoundland, who 
 arrived a few days later, were all in attendance, — 
 namely, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, of Canada, the Hon. 
 Alfred Deakin, of Australia, the Honorable Sir 
 J. G. Ward, of New Zealand, Dr. L. S. Jameson, 
 •of Cape Colony, the Honorable F. R. Moor, of 
 Natal, and General Louis Botha, of the Transvaal. 
 The Conference was first addressed by the Prime 
 Minister, and responses to his remarks were made 
 by the several colonial premiers. It was then 
 agreed that the constitution of the Conference 
 and the question of military defence should be 
 the subjects first considered. Before ending this 
 preliminary sitting it was decided, as one ruling 
 ■on the constitution of the Conference, that any 
 Ministers accompanying their Prime Ministers, 
 should be at liberty to attend its meetings. 
 
 At the second session of the Conference resolu- 
 tions brought forward by the Governments of 
 Australia and New Zealand, proposing to give 
 the character of an Imperial Council to the Con- 
 ference, and a resolution from the Government 
 of Cape Colony on the subject of Imperial De- 
 fence, together with a draft resolution concern- 
 ing the constitution of the Conference which 
 the Chairman, Lord Elgin, submitted, were dis- 
 cussed, without action taken. The discussion 
 was continued at the third and fourth meetings, 
 and the resolution proposed by the Secretary of 
 State for the Colonies, being amended in some 
 particulars, was adopted at the end, as follows: 
 
 “ That it will be to the advantage of the Em- 
 pire if a Conference to be called the Imperial 
 Conference is held every four years at which 
 questions of common interest may be discussed 
 and considered as between His Majesty’s Govern- 
 ment and his Governments of the self-governing 
 Dominions beyond the seas. The Prime Minister 
 of the United Kingdom will be ex officio President, 
 and the Prime Ministers of the self-governing 
 Dominions ex officio members of the Conference. 
 The Secretary of State for the Colonies will be an 
 ex officio member of the Conference and will take 
 the chair in the absence of the President. He will 
 arrange for such Imperial Conferences after com- 
 munication with the Prime Ministers of the re- 
 spective Dominions. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Such other Ministers as the respective Govern- 
 ments may appoint will also be members of the 
 Conference — it being understood that, except 
 by special permission of the Conference, each dis- 
 cussion will be conducted by not more than two 
 representatives from each Government, and that 
 each Government will have only one vote. 
 
 “ That it is desirable to establish a system by 
 which the several Governments represented shall 
 be kept informed during the periods between the 
 Conferences in regard to matters which have 
 been or may be subjects for discussion, by means 
 of a permanent secretarial staff charged under 
 the direction of the Secretary of State for the 
 Colonies with the duty of obtaining information 
 for the use of the Conference, of attending to its 
 resolutions, and of conducting correspondence on 
 matters relating to its affairs. 
 
 “That upon matters of importance requiring 
 consultation between two or more Governments 
 
 which cannot conveniently be postponed until 
 the next Conference, or involving subjects of a 
 minor character or such as call for detailed con- 
 sideration, subsidiary conferences should be held 
 between representatives of the Governments con- 
 cerned specially chosen for the purpose.” 
 
 On the subject of Imperial Defence, which 
 was then taken up, and in the discussion of which 
 the Secretary of State for War took part, the 
 following resolutions were approved : 
 
 “ That the Colonies be authorized to refer to 
 the Committee of Imperial Defence through the 
 Secretary of State for advice any local questions 
 in regard to which expert assistance is deemed 
 desirable. 
 
 “That whenever so desired, a representative 
 of the colony which may wish for advice should 
 be summoned to attend as a member of the Com- 
 mittee during the discussion of the questions 
 raised. 
 
 ‘ ‘ That this Conference welcomes and cordially 
 approves the exposition of general principles em- 
 bodied in the statement of the Secretary of State 
 for War, and, without wishing to commit any 
 of the Governments represented, recognizes and 
 affirms the need of developing for the service of 
 the Empire a General Staff, selected from the 
 forces of the Empire as a whole, which shall study 
 military science in all its branches, shall collect 
 and disseminate to the various Governments mili 
 tary information and intelligence, shall under- 
 take the preparation of schemes of defence on a 
 common principle, and without in the least in- 
 terfering in questions connected with command 
 and administration, shall at the request of the 
 respective Governments advise as to the train- 
 ing, education, and war organization of the mili- 
 tary forces of the Crown in every part of the 
 Empire.” 
 
 At subsequent meetings the following resolu- 
 tions were adopted or accepted: 
 
 On the subject of Emigration : “ That it is de- 
 sirable to encourage British emigrants to proceed 
 to British colonies rather than foreign countries. 
 That the Imperial Government be requested to 
 cooperate with any colonies desiring immigrants 
 in assisting suitable persons to emigrate.” 
 
 On the subject of Judicial Appeals: The Con- 
 ference “agreed to the following finding: The 
 resolution of the Commonwealth of Australia, 
 ‘ That it is desirable to establish an Imperial 
 Court of Appeal,’ was submitted and fully dis- 
 cussed. 
 
 “The resolution submitted by the Government 
 of Cape Colony was accepted, amended as fol- 
 lows: ‘This Conference, recognizing the impor- 
 tance to all parts of the Empire of the appellate 
 jurisdiction of His Majesty the King in Council, 
 desires to place upon record its opinion — 
 “‘(1) That in the interests of His Majesty’s 
 subjects beyond the seas it is expedient that the 
 practice and procedure of the Right Honourable 
 the Lords of the Judicial Committee of the Privy 
 Council be definitely laid down in the form of a 
 code of rules and regulations. 
 
 “ ‘ (2) That in the codification of the rules re- 
 gard should be had to the necessity for the 
 removal of anachronisms and anomalies, the 
 possibility of the curtailment of expense, and 
 the desirability of the establishment of coursps 
 of procedure which would miuimize delays. 
 
 “‘(3) That, with a view to the extension of 
 uniform rights of appeal to all colonial subjects 
 
 54 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE, 1907 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE, 1907 
 
 of His Majesty, the various Orders in Council, 
 instructions to Governors, charters of justice, 
 ordinances and proclamations upon the subject 
 of the appellate jurisdiction of the Sovereign 
 should be taken into consideration for the pur- 
 pose of determining the desirability of equaliz- 
 ing the conditions which gave right of appeal to 
 His Majesty. 
 
 “‘(4) That much uncertainty, expense, and 
 delay would be avoided if some portion of His 
 Majesty’s prerogative to grant special leave to 
 appeal in cases where there exists no right of 
 appeal were exercised under definite rules and 
 restrictions.’ 
 
 “ The following resolutions, presented to the 
 Conference by General Botha and supported by 
 the representatives of Cape Colony and Natal, 
 were accepted: 
 
 “ ‘ (1) That when a Court of Appeal has been 
 established for any group of colonies geographi- 
 cally connected, whether federated or not, to 
 which appeals lie from the decisions of the Su- 
 preme Courts of such colonies, it shall be com- 
 petent for the Legislature of each such colony to 
 abolish any existing right of appeal from its Su- 
 preme Court to the Judicial Committee of the 
 Privy Council. 
 
 “ ‘(2) That the decisions of such Court of Ap- 
 peal shall be final, but leave to appeal from such 
 decisions may be granted by the said Court in 
 certain cases prescribed by the statute under 
 which it is established. 
 
 “ ‘ (3) That the right of any person to apply 
 to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council 
 for leave to appeal to it from the decision of such 
 Appeal Court shall not be curtailed.’ ” 
 
 And now, at last, on the 30th of April, the 
 Conference came to the discussion of the question 
 which had been dominant in all minds from the 
 first, — the question of preferential trade. Es- 
 sentially it was a settled question already, — 
 settled, that is, by the voters of the United King- 
 dom a year and a half before, when they took the 
 administration of their Government away from 
 the party which had approved the fiscal proposals 
 of Mr. Chamberlain. The commercial negotia- 
 tion of the colonies now was with a Ministry 
 that stood pledged against the preferential tariff 
 arrangements they desired. On their side they 
 had committed their fortunes to the stimulant 
 working of protective tariffs, against which the 
 judgment and experience of England was still 
 firm. The preferential tariffs which preferential 
 trade involved were in the line of their policy, 
 but directly antagonistic to hers. How impos- 
 sible this made an arrangement of reciprocity on 
 that line was intimated gently by the Prime 
 Minister when he spoke to the Conference at its 
 first sitting, but set forth later in plain words by 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Asquith, 
 and by the President of the Board of Trade, Mr. 
 David Lloyd-George. “If the Colonies,” said 
 Mr. Asquith, “thought it their duty to foster 
 industries by protective tariffs their action would 
 not evoke remonstrance or even criticism from 
 him. He noted that various self-governing 
 Colonies gave preference to the Mother Country, 
 but it was a fact that these preferential tariffs 
 did not admit the manufactures of the Mother 
 Country to compete on equal terms with the 
 local product. Doubtless the Colonies held this 
 to.be vital to their interests, and in the same way 
 His Majesty’s Government held that free trade 
 
 was vital in the interests of the United Kingdom 
 Reference had been made to the fact that Cobden 
 advocated free trade here as a part of a universal 
 system of free trade, but the official author of the 
 policy, Sir Robert Peel, defended it on the ground 
 of its necessity to this country alone. His Ma- 
 jesty’s Government held that it was more neces- 
 sary now than it was in his day. He pointed out 
 the position now existing. We had a population 
 of 44,000,000 bearing the whole weight of an 
 enormous debt largely contracted in building up 
 the Empire, and of the cost of Imperial diplomacy 
 and Imperial defence. That population was de- 
 pendent for food and raw materials on external 
 sources of supply. This is the essential point for 
 consideration. He asked how the supremacy of 
 Great Britain was maintained. He thought it 
 must be attributed to our special productive 
 activity, to the profits which we obtain from 
 keeping the biggest open market in the world, 
 and to the enormous earnings of our shipping. 
 All these were based in the long run on keeping 
 our food and our raw materials on the same basis 
 and as nearly as possible at the same price. Free 
 trade was no shibboleth, but a principle main- 
 tained because it was a matter of vital national 
 interest. He drew attention to the tariff reform 
 campaign, and observed that, after the fullest 
 examination and discussion, the people of Eng- 
 land had declared in favour of free trade by a 
 majority of unexampled size. As spokesman for 
 the people, His Majesty’s Government could not 
 accept any infringement of that policy, even by 
 way of such an experiment as Dr. Jameson had 
 suggested. It was necessary to state that fact 
 fully and frankly at the outset. . . . 
 
 “ For these reasons His Majesty’s Government, 
 speaking for the people of this country, could 
 not accept the principle of preferential trade by 
 way of tariff preference. He thought, however, 
 that the discussion had thrown light on other 
 methods by which inter-imperial trade relations 
 might be improved. Reference had been made 
 to the improvement of means of communication, 
 especially steamer services, to the increase in the 
 number of commercial agents in the Colonies, to 
 the desirability of removing or reducing the 
 Suez Canal dues, and of establishing mail com- 
 munication with the Australasian Colonies via 
 Canada. All these were matters on which His 
 Majesty’s Government would be fully ready to 
 consider and cooperate with any practical pro- 
 posals, and he said this the more earnestly as he 
 felt that in the performance of his duty it had 
 been necessary for him to enunciate a general 
 policy which was not in accord with the views of 
 the Colonial representatives.” 
 
 Mr. Lloyd-George was equally plain spoken. 
 “He had hoped,” he said, “it might have been 
 possible for those present, acknowledging the 
 limitations imposed on them by the convictions 
 they respectively held on fiscal issues, to see 
 whether it might not be possible to find other 
 means of attaining the object in view. The 
 Colonies regard a tax on our foods as necessary 
 both for raising revenue and also for the pro- 
 tection of their own industries. Mr. Deakin 
 acknowledged that the late election in Australia 
 was fought on the issue of protection and prefer- 
 ence. It was open for the representatives of the 
 Imperial Government to have ignored the man- 
 date given to Mr. Deakin and to have en- 
 deavoured to commit their colleagues here to a 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE, 1907 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE, 1907 
 
 policy of free trade within the Empire, to which 
 those colleagues would not assent without being 
 false to the trust reposed in them by their own 
 people. Sir William Lyne the other day had 
 urged the commercial union of the whole Empire, 
 quoting the consolidation of the United King- 
 dom, the United States, and the Federation of 
 South Africa and Australia. In these cases all 
 tolls and tariffs were removed. 
 
 “ Had a free-trade resolution been pressed by 
 His Majesty’s Government and refused, it might 
 have been said by the Press that the Colonies 
 had refused to listen to the appeal of the Mother 
 Country to be put on equal terms with her chil- 
 dren, and later that the door had been slammed 
 in the old mother’s face by her ungrateful pro- 
 geny. His Majesty’s Government had not taken 
 this course, recognizing the unfairness of ignor- 
 ing local conditions and exigencies. They were 
 not here to attempt to manoeuvre each other into 
 false positions, but to discharge the practical 
 business of the Empire. They were in perfect 
 accord as to the objects they could strive to pro- 
 mote. His Majesty’s Government were in fa- 
 vour of any scheme for the development of inter- 
 imperial trade which did not inflict sacrifices on 
 any individual community so as to create a sense 
 of grievance deep enough to introduce the ele- 
 ments of discontent and discord, and thus impair 
 the true unity of the Empire. . . . 
 
 “ He agreed that this federation of free com- 
 monwealths is worth making some sacrifice for. 
 He differed only on ways and means. He was 
 convinced that to tax the food of our people is 
 to cast an undue share of sacrifice on the poorest 
 part of the population, and that a tax on raw 
 material would fetter us in the severe struggle 
 with our foreign competitors. This, therefore, 
 was a sacrifice which would weaken our power 
 to make further sacrifices, and we ought not to 
 be called upon to make it. In Mr. Deakin’s re- 
 solution the Government were asked to do what 
 no protectionist country in the world would 
 do — viz. , to tax necessaries of either life or live- 
 lihood which we cannot produce ourselves, and 
 of which the Colonies cannot supply us with a 
 sufficiency for many years. 
 
 “ He wished to acknowledge the considerable 
 advantage conferred upon the British manufac- 
 turer by the preference recently given to him in 
 colonial markets. The Canadian tariff had pro- 
 duced a satisfactory effect on our export trade, 
 and apparently had also benefited Canada, for 
 our purchases from Canada had also increased. 
 The South African and New Zealand tariffs had 
 not yet been put to, the test by much actual 
 experience, but would no doubt have a similarly 
 happy result. The same applied to Australia, 
 and Great Britain felt grateful, not merely for 
 the actual concessions, but for the spirit of com- 
 radeship and affection which inspired the policy. 
 But it was said, ‘What are you prepared to do 
 in return ? ’ His first answer was that Great 
 Britain was the best customer the Colonies have 
 got for their products. To illustrate this he gave 
 the following figures: In 1905, the last year for 
 which the information was available, the exports 
 from the self-governing Colonies to all foreign 
 countries only amounted to 40 £ millions, while 
 the exports to the United Kingdom amounted 
 to 65J millions, exclusive of bullion and specie 
 (21f millions).” 
 
 The outcome of the discussion was a simple 
 
 reaffirmation of the five resolutions on the sub- 
 ject that were adopted at the Conference of 1902, 
 and which will be found in the report of that 
 Conference, preceding this. Before putting those 
 resolutions to vote Lord Elgin stated that His 
 Majesty’s Government could not assent to them 
 so far as they implied that it is necessary or ex- 
 pedient to alter the fiscal system of the United 
 Kingdom. They were agreed to, subject to that 
 reservation. Sir Wilfrid Laurier, who moved 
 their readoption, said in doing so: “ Free trade 
 within the Empire had been suggested, just as 
 there was free trade within the boundaries of the 
 United States, Germany, and France. For the 
 British Empire this was impossible for two rea- 
 sons — the United Kingdom was not prepared to 
 limit free trade to the Empire, and the Colonies 
 were not prepared to accept free trade even 
 within its boundaries. In Canada the policy of 
 free trade within the Empire was impracticable, 
 as it was necessary for her to have Customs 
 duties as a main source of revenue. Canada had 
 given the British preference deliberately, and 
 had no cause to regret it ; she had from time 
 to time increased it, and in the last tariff had 
 maintained it generally at the increased amount 
 of 33£ per cent. Canadian opinion had been 
 almost unanimous in favour of preference, for 
 Canada felt that she would as a result of the pre- 
 ference sell more to Great Britain and buy more 
 from her. Mr. Asquith had not given Canada 
 all the credit to which he thought she was en- 
 titled in making a comparison which showed no 
 great advantage to British goods. He dwelt on 
 the effect of the proximity of a nation like the 
 United States, of their own stock, enormous in 
 numbers, and most enterprising in trade; it was 
 not a matter for surprise that their trade with 
 that country had increased. But, so far as they 
 could, they had done everything to keep trade 
 within the Empire. They had built canals and rail- 
 ways from east to west of Canada, and they had 
 taken care to assist the principle of mutual trade 
 so far as legislation could do it. . . . He explained 
 that in the recent revision of the Canadian tariff 
 they had adopted anew principle in providing an 
 intermediate tariff for negotiation. They were 
 prepared to negotiate with nations like France 
 or Italy on the basis of that tariff, but their lower 
 preference tariff remained reserved for the British 
 Empire.” 
 
 Other resolutions adopted or accepted during 
 the last two sessions of the Conference were as 
 follows: 
 
 “ That it is desirable that the attention of the 
 Governments of the Colonies and the United 
 Kingdom should be called to the present state of 
 the navigation laws in the Empire, and in other 
 countries, and to the advisability of refusing the 
 privileges of coastwise trade, including trade be 
 tween the Mother Country and its Colonics and 
 possessions, and between one colony or possession 
 and another, to countries in which the correspond- 
 ing trade is confined to ships of their own nation- 
 ality, and also to the laws affecting shipping, with 
 a view of seeing whether any other steps should 
 be taken to promote Imperial trade in British ves- 
 sels.” (This was voted by the representatives of 
 the Colonies only, “His Majesty’s Government 
 dissenting.”) 
 
 “That it is desirable that His Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment, after full consultation with the Colonies, 
 should endeavour to provide for such uniformity 
 
 56 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE, 1909 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE, 1909 
 
 as may be practicable in the granting and pro- 
 tection of trade marks and patents.” 
 
 “ That it is desirable, so far as circumstances 
 permit, to secure greater uniformity in the trade 
 statistics of the Empire, and that the Note pre- 
 pared on this subject by the Imperial Govern- 
 ment be commended to the consideration of the 
 various Governments represented at this Con- 
 ference.” 
 
 “ That it is desirable, so far as circumstances 
 
 E ermit, to secure greater uniformity in Company 
 aws of the Empire, and that the memorandum 
 and analysis prepared on this subject by the 
 Imperial Government be commended to the con- 
 sideration of the various Governments repre- 
 sented at this Conference.” 
 
 “That, in view of the social and political ad- 
 vantages and the material commercial advan- 
 tages to accrue from a system of international 
 penny postage, this Conference recommends to 
 His Majesty’s Government the advisability, if 
 and when a suitable opportunity occurs, of ap- 
 proaching the Governments of other States, 
 members of the Universal Postal Union, in order 
 to obtain further reductions of postage rates, 
 with a view to a more general and if possible a 
 universal adoption of the penny rate.” 
 
 “ That, with a view to attain uniformity so far 
 as practicable, an inquiry should be held to con- 
 sider further the question of naturalization, and 
 in particular to consider how far, and under what 
 conditions, naturalization in one part of His 
 Majesty’s dominions should be effective in other 
 parts of those dominions, a subsidiary confer- 
 ence to be held, if necessary, under the terms 
 of the resolution adopted by this Conference on 
 April 20 last.” 
 
 “That in the opinion of this Conference the 
 interests of the Empire demand that in so far as 
 practicable its different portions should be con- 
 nected by the best possible means of mail com- 
 munication, travel, and transportation ; That to 
 this end it is advisable that Great Britain should 
 be connected with Canada, and through Canada 
 with Australia and New Zealand by the best 
 service available within reasonable cost; That 
 for the purpose of carrying the above project 
 into effect such financial support as may be ne- 
 cessary should be contributed by Great Britain, 
 Canada, Australia, and New Zealand in equitable 
 proportions.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The total of its prospective 
 Military Strength when present Imperial 
 plans are carried out. — In a speech made in 
 March, 1909, Mr. Haldane, Minister for War, 
 summed up the total of defensive military 
 strength which the Empire might count on 
 when recent plans for Imperial defence are 
 carried out. He said: “With the divisions be- 
 tween the Cape and Malta and those which Lord 
 Kitchener had in India, the Regular Army had 
 for overseas work 16 divisions, equivalent to 
 eight army corps, which was larger than any 
 other nation had for overseas work, the reason 
 being that we, unlike others, were responsible 
 for 12 million square miles and 400 millions of 
 human beings. The second line, what one 
 might call the local line of home defence, con- 
 sisted of the 14 divisions of the Territorial Army. 
 Supposing Canada, the population of which was 
 very rapidly increasing, were to build on the 
 foundations laid at the Conference, by the new 
 proposals which Canada had accepted she might 
 
 easily add five or six Territorial divisions of her 
 own. Those would be for her own defence, but 
 they knew that in 1899, when a supreme emer- 
 gency arose, she did not scruple to send forth 
 her strength to help the Mother Country. In 
 Australia there was a remarkable movement for 
 the organization of the forces of the Crown, 
 which might easily produce five Australian 
 Territorial divisions. New Zealand might pro- 
 duce another division, and South Africa could 
 rapidly produce four or five. ... If they could 
 add to the 14 second line divisions at home 16 
 for the second line Army of the Empire there 
 would be 30 divisions altogether, aud these, 
 added to the 16 Regular first line divisions for 
 use overseas, would give us an army for war 
 conceivably and practicably of 46 divisions, 
 equivalent to 23 army corps. The army of 
 Germany had 23 army corps, and no other army 
 in the world had an organization so great. He 
 was speaking of possibilities.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — The Imperial Press 
 Conference in England. — Among the many 
 endeavors of late years in England to draw 
 the distant peoples of the great British Empire 
 into closer relations with its sovereign Mother 
 Country, and into the feeling of stronger ties 
 of unity among themselves and with her, none 
 seems to have been wiser or more surely of 
 effect than that which brought about the Im- 
 perial Press Conference of June, 1909. It assem- 
 bled sixty representatives of the Newspaper 
 Press of every part of the Empire and of every 
 shade of political opinion. It entertained them 
 delightfully and impressively for three weeks. 
 It made all England and its colonies aud depend- 
 encies listen to their discussion of many ques- 
 tions, all bearing on the fundamental desire to 
 make the most and best that can be made of the 
 great political organism which extends its law 
 to every continent and its influence to all the 
 world. It brought before them its most distin- 
 guished and eloquent men to address them at 
 meetings and feasts. It assembled at Spithead 
 its stupendous central fleet of battleships, to 
 pass it in review before them. It filled their 
 minds with an undoubtedly new realization of 
 what the United Kingdom of Great Britain and 
 Ireland — the sovereign, the seat, the center of 
 greatness in their Empire — is to it ; and they 
 went back to Canada, to Australia, to South 
 Africa, to New Zealand, even to India, to propa- 
 gate that realization in other minds. 
 
 A Western Australian editor, speaking at one 
 of the banquets of the Conference, referred to 
 this result, saying: “The influence that had 
 been brought to bear upon the overseas dele- 
 gates could not fail to have very great effects 
 upon their writings in the future. Coming as 
 they did from isolated parts of the Empire, it 
 was an agreeable surprise to them to find that 
 they had all been thinking Imperially, and 
 thinking in much the same way. While the 
 spirit of nationalism was growing up very 
 strongly, they felt that the spirit of nationalism 
 was in no way out of harmony with the true 
 spirit of Imperialism ; and it had been a revela- 
 tion to the delegates to find the unanimity that 
 existed, not only among the English-speaking 
 people of the Empire, but among those who 
 came from different races. They had been 
 helped to strengthen that feeling of Imperial 
 unity in the certain hope that eventually the 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE, 1909 
 
 BRITISH EMPIRE, 1909 
 
 highest ideals of the best form of Imperialism 
 would be realized. That form of Imperialism 
 was not associated with a policy of aggrandise- 
 ment, but was associated with the policy that 
 would tend to promote the peace of the world, 
 and the prosperity and the betterment of hu- 
 manity generally.” 
 
 A writer in The Times, reviewing the Confer- 
 ence after it closed, quoted the above and added: 
 “The speaker just quoted travelled for seven 
 days across Australia before he reached the 
 capital of the State where he joined his fellow- 
 delegates from the Commonwealth. The Aus- 
 tralian party, when once it had left Sydney, 
 was three weeks on the ocean before it reached 
 the Pacific coast of Canada. A Canadian dele- 
 gate, speaking at a banquet in Glasgow, de- 
 clared that when at home he was as remote 
 from one of his Canadian colleagues as Egypt is 
 from London, and as remote from another, in 
 the opposite direction, as London is from Russia. 
 It might have been supposed that distances like 
 those just indicated would have had the effect 
 of causing some estrangement between men so 
 widely separated ; but the contrary proved to be 
 the case. The Australians, following the All- 
 Red route, which was defined as the official 
 route, were greeted on their arrival on Cana- 
 dian soil with an enthusiasm which both sur- 
 prised and touched them. Wherever they went 
 they found themselves among friends, anxious 
 and eager to exchange views and ideas on all 
 sorts of subjects affecting the common interests 
 of the two peoples. They were banqueted by 
 many representative men, from the Governor- 
 General downwards, and, having been welcomed 
 with the utmost heartiness at Victoria on the 
 Pacific coast, were given a not less hearty ‘ God- 
 speed ’ from Quebec on the St. Lawrence. 
 
 “Among the indirect results of the Confer- 
 ence must be mentioned the knowledge gained 
 from such experiences. When in Canada the 
 Australians were able to see how far their 
 own trade interests were identical with those of 
 the people among whom they had come, how 
 the Canadians are facing the same problems 
 both of politics and material development, of 
 commerce and agriculture. And when, the 
 feastings over, they found themselves on board 
 the steamer with their Canadian fellow-dele- 
 gates, a community of interests was at once 
 established, and lasting friendships were formed. 
 
 “ Similarly, when the delegates had all assem- 
 bled in England there arose a spirit of comrade- 
 ship which subsisted without a jarring note from 
 the beginning of the Conference to the end. Nor 
 must it be forgotten that the men who formed 
 part of this company of editors and writers of 
 the overseas Press were not wholly of British 
 race. From Canada came representatives of the 
 French-Canadians, from South Africa some of 
 Boer and Dutch extraction, from India one dele- 
 gate at least of Indian blood. The welding to- 
 gether of all these men in a spirit of loyalty to 
 the Empire in which they as well as we have a 
 share has been one of the most significant fea- 
 tures of the Conference.” 
 
 The practical object for which the Press Con- 
 ference strove most earnestly was a cheapening 
 of telegraphic communication, by cable or wire- 
 less, between the distant parts of the Empire, to 
 the end that there may be an ampler publica- 
 tion of news from each division of it in every 
 
 other. It received strong assurances of cooper- 
 ation from the Imperial Government in its efforts 
 to accomplish this end. To a deputation which 
 waited on him, the Premier, Mr. Asquith, said: 
 “Your Conference, if I may venture to say so, 
 has very wisely appointed a standing committee 
 to deal with that matter. The Post Office and 
 other Government departments concerned will 
 be anxious to assist and to keep themselves in 
 touch with this committee by information and 
 intercommunication and in all other ways that 
 may be practicable. I think it will be the solid 
 and substantial result of your deliberations on 
 this very great Imperial necessity that in regard 
 to the development of electric communication 
 between different parts of the Empire we shall 
 now have on the side of the Press a body for- 
 mally organized and constantly existing with 
 which we can enter into necessary communica- 
 tion, and by mutual discussion and reference, 
 having regard to the vaiious considerations to 
 which I have already adverted, we may acceler- 
 ate the developments of what we all agree to be 
 one of the first requisites of an Empire such as 
 ours — a cheap, a certain, a constant, a con- 
 venient, and a universally accessible system of 
 electric communication.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Aug.). — Imperial Defence 
 Conference. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Preparations for: Military and Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Congress of Empire 
 Chambers of Commerce. — A Congress of 
 Chambers of Commerce, representing all parts 
 of the Empire, which was assembled at Sydney, 
 New South Wales, on the 14th of September, 
 1909, gave much of its discussion to the proposi- 
 tion that the several parts of the Empire should 
 afford preferential treatment to each other in 
 their several markets, on a basis of reciprocity, 
 and adopted resolutions to the effect that the Con- 
 gress “ urges upon the Governments of the Em- 
 pire that they should treat this matter as of 
 present practical importance, and that the or- 
 ganizations represented at this Congress pledge 
 themselves to press their respective Govern- 
 ments to take such action at the next Imperial 
 Conference as will give effect to the principle 
 advocated in this resolution.” This was carried 
 on individual voting, by 81 votes to 31. On 
 voting by chambers, the resolution was passed 
 with 60 for, 8 against, and 11 neutral. 
 
 Among the other resolutions of the Congress 
 were the following: “ That this Congress urges 
 upon his Majesty’s Government and upon the 
 Governments of the Colonies the appointment 
 of an Advisory Imperial Council to consider 
 questions of Imperial interest, especially those 
 tending to promote trade between the various 
 parts of the Empire.” 
 
 “ That the settlement in adequate volume of 
 the Anglo-Saxon race in the British Dominions 
 is deserving of the constant solicitude of the 
 Home and Colonial Governments, who are 
 hereby urged to consider what further or better 
 steps than those at present existing should be 
 taken to elaborate a general State-aided scheme 
 at reduced rates to encourage emigration of suit- 
 able settlers under well-considered conditions.” 
 “This Congress is of opinion that it is desir- 
 able to complete the Imperial route between 
 the Motherland, Canada, Australia and New Zea- 
 land by State-owned electric communication 
 across Canada to Great Britain and that the 
 
 58 
 
BRITISH EMPIRE 
 
 BUFFALO 
 
 postal departments of the various Governments I combined scheme of substantial reductions in 
 of the Empire should be requested to frame a | telegraphic rates.” 
 
 BRITISH GUIANA: A. D. 1904. — Set- 
 tlement of Brazilian boundary dispute. See 
 (In this vol.) Brazil: A. D. 11)04. 
 
 BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA. See South 
 Africa 
 
 BROWNSVILLE AFFAIR, The. See (in 
 
 this vol.) United States: A. D. 1906 (Aug.). 
 
 BRYAN, William Jennings: Suggestion 
 at the Peace Congress in New York. See 
 
 (in this vol.) War, The Revolt against : A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 Nominated for President of the United 
 States. See United States: A. D. 1908(April- 
 Nov.). 
 
 BROTHERHOODS OF LOCOMOTIVE 
 FIREMEN and of Railway Trainmen. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States. 
 
 BRUSSELS: A. D. 1902-1907. — Sugar 
 Bounty Conference and Convention, 1902, 
 and Additional Act, 1907. See (in this vol.) 
 Sugar Bounty Conference. 
 
 BRYCE, James: Chief Secretary for Ire- 
 land. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 1905- 
 1906. 
 
 BUBONIC PLAGUE. See (in this vol.) 
 Public Health. 
 
 BUCHANAN, William I.: Delegate to 
 Second and Third International Conferences 
 of American Republics. See (in this vol.) 
 American Republics. 
 
 Diplomatic Service in Venezuela. See Ven- 
 ezuela: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 Commissioner Plenipotentiary to the Sec- 
 ond Peace Conference. See War, The Re- 
 volt against: A. D. 1907. 
 
 Death, October 16, 1909. 
 
 BUCHNER, Eduard. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 BUCKS STOVE COMPANY CASE. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 BUDGET OF 1909, The British. See (in 
 this vol.) England: A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 BUFFALO: A. D. 1901. — The Pan-Amer- 
 ican Exposition. — Assassination of Presi- 
 dent McKinley. — Vice-President Roosevelt 
 becomes President of the United States. — 
 In Volume VI. of this work, which went to press 
 in the spring of 1901, an account was given of 
 the plan and preparations made for the Pan- 
 American Exposition at Buffalo, then just at 
 the point of being opened, on the 1st of May. 
 The following characterization of the Exposi- 
 tion by a visitor is sufficient to add what was 
 then said of it : 
 
 “ They have staged electricity at Buffalo this 
 summer, and they call it the Pan-American Ex- 
 position. It took a rectangle of 350 acres for 
 the stage, and over 810,000,000 for the settings. 
 The result, baldly stated, is the most glorious 
 night scene the world has ever had the fortune 
 to witness. The staging of Niagara is the one 
 unforgettable thing about the affair. The Pan- 
 American is, however, much more than this. . . . 
 
 “ It may be well to say that the original gen- 
 eric scheme for the Exposition, that of joining 
 the three Americas in a unified attempt to show 
 one another their trade resources, seems to be in 
 results far less prominent than was hoped at 
 
 first. For one reason or another, — I have heard 
 European influences in South America given as 
 a chief cause, — the Latin Americas did not co- 
 operate as was expected. The great trade idea 
 upon which the Pan-American was originally 
 based gradually faded, and gave place to the 
 idea of an electrical beatification — for which 
 the spectator will perhaps be thankful. There 
 are exhibits, to be sure, from most of the South 
 American countries, but the United States oc- 
 cupies industrially foreground, background, and 
 middle distance. The other countries fill in the 
 odd corners. The ardent patriot will see no lack 
 of proportion in this ; and as there is a hint of 
 Mexico and the Argentine, and very creditable 
 exhibits by Chile and Honduras, we have enough 
 of the sister continent to justify the name. Most 
 of the southern republics are represented in one 
 way or another. It is hard, however, to ex- 
 plain the insufficiency of Canada’s exhibit. It 
 is upon much too small a scale to do credit to 
 her great resources. It is worthy of note that 
 when the other countries realized the importance 
 and beauty of the Pan-American, they set about 
 vigorously to retrieve themselves. 
 
 “So the staging of electricity was undertaken. 
 There was Buffalo to start with, and Buffalo is 
 backed in the great race of American cities by 
 the power of Niagara and the commerce of the 
 Lakes. It is delightfully accessible and pleas- 
 ing. Here was the psychological place. It was 
 also the psychological moment, — a period of 
 general prosperity, a time when America had 
 set about her great task of making commercial 
 vassals of the Old World countries. The psy- 
 chological idea came with electricity, and under 
 this happy triad of influences conspiring for 
 success the work was begun. 
 
 “The managers took a big rectangle of un- 
 used land to the north of a beautiful park, and 
 welded with it the most attractive portion of 
 that park for their groundwork. Then they 
 charted an effect. They put millions into an 
 attempt to please, and did more, for they have 
 both pleased and startled, — an effect peculiarly 
 delightful to Americans.” — E. R. White, Aspects 
 of the Pan-American Exposition ( Atlantic 
 Monthly , July, 1901). 
 
 The Pan-American Exposition may be said to 
 have been paralyzed in the first week of its fifth 
 month by the awful tragedy of the wanton mur- 
 der of President McKinley, while it entertained 
 him as its guest. Mr. McKinley, with Mrs. Mc- 
 Kinley, had arrived in Buffalo on the 4th of 
 September, for a long planned visit to the Expo- 
 sition, and had accepted the hospitality of its 
 President, Mr. John G. Milburn. On the after- 
 noon of the 6th he held a public reception in the 
 Temple of Music, on the Exposition grounds, 
 and it was there that the brutal assassin found 
 his opportunity for the deed. The following 
 graphic narrative of the tragedy is from the pen 
 of Mr. Walter Wellman in the American Review 
 of Reviews: 
 
 “Usually a secret-service agent is stationed 
 by the President’s side when he receives the 
 public, but on this occasion President Milburn 
 stood at the President’s left. Secretary Cor- 
 telyou was at his right, and a little to the rear. 
 Opposite the President was Secret-Service Officer 
 
 59 
 
BUFFALO 
 
 BUFFALO 
 
 Ireland. Eight or ten feet away was Officer 
 Foster. When all was ready, the line of people 
 was permitted to move, each one pausing to 
 shake the hand of the President. He beamed 
 upon them all in his courtly way. When one 
 stranger timidly permitted himself to be pushed 
 along without a greeting, the President called 
 out, smilingly, ‘Hold on, there; give me your 
 hand.’ Mr. McKinley would never permit any 
 one to go past him without a handshake. He 
 was particularly gracious to the children and to 
 timid women. Here, as we have often seen him 
 in Washington and elsewhere, he patted little 
 girls or boys on the head or cheek and smiled at 
 them in his sweet way. A woman and a little 
 girl had j ust passed, and were looking back at 
 the President, proud of the gracious manner in 
 which he had greeted them. Next came a tall, 
 powerful negro — Parker. After Parker, a 
 slight, boyish figure, a face bearing marks of 
 foreign descent, a smooth, youthful face, with 
 nothing sinister to be detected in it. No one 
 had suspected this innocent-looking boy of a 
 murderous purpose. He had his right hand 
 bound up in a handkerchief, and this had been 
 noticed by both of the secret-service men as well 
 as by others. But the appearance in a recep- 
 tion line of men with wounded and bandaged 
 hands is not uncommon. In fact, one had 
 already passed along the line. Many men carried 
 handkerchiefs in their hands, for the day was 
 warm. 
 
 ‘ ‘ So this youth approached. He was met with 
 a smile. The President held out his hand ; but 
 it was not grasped. Supporting his bandaged 
 right hand with his left, the assassin fired two bul- 
 lets at the President. The first passed through 
 the stomach and lodged in the back. The sec- 
 ond, it is believed, struck a button on the Presi- 
 dent’s waistcoat and glanced therefrom, making 
 an abrasion upon the sternum. The interval 
 between the two shots was so short as to be 
 scarcely measurable. As the second shot rang 
 out, Detective Foster sprang forward and inter- 
 cepted the hand of the assassin, who was en- 
 deavoring to Area third bullet into his victim. 
 The President did not fall. He was at once sup- 
 ported by Mr. Milburn, by Detective Geary, and 
 by Secretary Cortelyou. Before turning, he raised 
 himself on tiptoe and cast upon the miserable 
 wretch before him, who was at that moment 
 in the clutches of a number of men, alook which 
 none who saw it can ever forget. It appeared 
 to say, ‘You miserable, why should you shoot 
 me ? What have I done to you ? ’ It was the 
 indignation of a gentleman, of a great soul, when 
 attacked by a ruffian. A few drops of blood 
 spurted out and fell on the President’s waist- 
 coat. At once the wounded man was led to a 
 chair, into which he sank. His collar was re- 
 moved and his shirt opened at the front. Those 
 about him fanned him with their hats. Secre- 
 tary Cortelyou bent over his chief, and Mr. Mc- 
 Kinley whispered, ‘ Cortelyou, be careful. Tell 
 Mrs. McKinley gently.’ 
 
 “ A struggle ensued immediately between the 
 aasassin and those about him. Detective Foster 
 not only intercepted the arm of the murderer, 
 and prevented the firing of a third shot from the 
 revolver concealed in the handkerchief, but he 
 planted a blow square upon the assassin’s face. 
 Even after he fell, Czolgosz endeavored to twist 
 about and fire again at the President. Mr. Fos- 
 
 ter threw himself upon the wretch. Parker, the 
 colored man, struck him almost at the same in- 
 stant that Foster did. Indeed, a half-dozen men 
 were trying to beat and strike the murderer, and 
 they were so thick about him that they struck 
 one another in their excitement. A private of 
 the artillery corps at one moment had a bayonet- 
 sword at the neck of Czolgosz, and would have 
 driven it home had not Detective Ireland held 
 his arm and begged him not to shed blood there 
 before the President. Just then the President 
 raised his eyes, saw what was going on, and 
 with a slight motion of his right hand toward his 
 assailant, exclaimed: ‘ Let no one hurt him.’” 
 
 As soon as possible, the wounded President 
 was removed to the Exposition Hospital, and sur- 
 geons were quickly in attendance. The medical 
 director of the Exposition, Dr. Roswell Park, 
 President of the American Society of Surgeons, 
 chanced to be absent, at Niagara Falls, where 
 he was performing an operation at the time. 
 The necessary operation upon the President was 
 performed by Dr. Matthew D. Mann, assisted by 
 Dr. Herman Mynter, Dr. Eugene Wasdin, of the 
 Marine Hospital service, and others. The one 
 fatal bullet of the two that were fired was found 
 to have passed through both walls of the stom- 
 ach, and its further progress was not traced. 
 Dr. Park arrived on the scene before the opera- 
 tion was finished and took part in the subsequent 
 consultations. 
 
 From the hospital Mr. McKinley was removed 
 to Mr. Milburn’s house, where Mrs. McKinley, 
 being an invalid, had remained that day. There 
 he received all possible care during the eight 
 days in which the nation hoped against hope 
 that he might be saved Dr. Charles McBurney 
 was called from New York to join the attend- 
 ing physicians and surgeons, and approved all 
 that had been done. For a week there seemed 
 good ground for believing that the sound consti- 
 tution of the President would defeat the assas- 
 sin’s attempt ; but on Friday the 13th the signs 
 underwent a rapid change, and at fifteen minutes 
 past two o’clock of the morning of Saturday he 
 breathed his last. 
 
 Vice-President Theodore Roosevelt, who was 
 then at a camp in the Adirondacks, was sum- 
 moned at once, and arrived in the city that after- 
 noon. At the house of Mr. Ansley Wilcox 
 (whose guest he became), in the presence of the 
 members of the late President’s cabinet and of 
 a few friends and newpaper correspondents, he 
 took the oath of office as President, administered 
 by Judge Hazel, of the United States District 
 Court. Before taking the oath he said: “ I wish 
 to say that it shall be my aim to continue, abso- 
 lutely unbroken, the policies of President Mc- 
 Kinley for the peace, the prosperity, and the 
 honor of our beloved country.” 
 
 The assassin, who called himself Nieman at 
 first, was identified as Leon Czolgosz, a Pole, 
 having reputable parents at Cleveland, Ohio. He 
 had come under anarchist influences and been 
 taught to believe that all heads of government 
 were enemies of the people and ought to be 
 slain. There was no other motive discoverable 
 for his crime. He was arraigned in the County 
 Court, before Justice Emory, on the 17th of Sep- 
 tember, three days after his victim’s death, and, 
 having no counsel, two former Justices of the 
 Supreme Court of the State, Loran L. Lewis and 
 Robert C. Titus, consented to be assigned for 
 
BUFFALO 
 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 his defence. Ou the 23d he was tried in the Su- 
 preme Court, Justice Truman C. White presid- 
 ing, the only defence possible being that on the 
 question of sanity, and his guilt was pronounced 
 by the verdict of the jury. On the 26th he was 
 sentenced to be executed, in the State Prison 
 at Auburn, within the week beginning October 
 28. 
 
 See, also, under United States: A. D. 1901 
 (Sept.). 
 
 BU HAMARA, the Mahdi. See (in this 
 vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1903-1904, and 1909. 
 
 BULGARIA. See Balkan and Dandbian 
 States. 
 
 BULOW, Bernhard, Count von: Chancel- 
 lor of the German Empire: Action on the 
 Morocco question. See (in this vol.) Europe: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 On German Navy-building. See War, The 
 Preparations for: Naval. 
 
 Defeat in the Reichstag on attempted finan- 
 cial reform. — His resignation. See Germany : 
 A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN RE- 
 PUBLICS, International. See (in this vol.) 
 American Republics. 
 
 BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RE- 
 SEARCH. See (in this vol.) Municipal Gov- 
 ernment : New York City. 
 
 BURGER, Schalk W. See (in this vol.) 
 South Africa : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 BURLEY TOBACCO SOCIETY. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Kentucky: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 BURNS, John: President of the Local 
 Government Board. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1905-1906, 1905-1909, and 1909. 
 
 BURNS, William j. See (in this vol.) Mu- 
 nicipal Government: San Francisco. 
 
 BURTON, Joseph R.: United States Sen- 
 ator. — Convicted of having received $2500 from 
 a fraudulent concern, which had been debarred 
 from using the United States mails, in return 
 for his efforts to have embargo removed ; sen- 
 tenced to a fine of $2500 and nine months im- 
 prisonment, May, 1909. 
 
 BUTLER, Charles Henry: Technical 
 
 delegate to the Second Peace Conference. 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt against : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 BUTLER, Edward: Political “ Boss ” of 
 St. Louis, as seen in the confessions of 
 Charles F. Kelly. See (in this vol.) Municipal 
 Government. 
 
 BUTLER, Nicholas Murray: President 
 of Columbia University. See (in this vol.) 
 Education : United States : A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 Arrangement of professorial interchanges 
 with German universities. See Education : 
 International Interchanges. 
 
 BUXTON, Sidney C.: Postmaster-General 
 (British). See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 c. 
 
 CACERES, Ramon. See (in this vol.) San 
 Domingo : A. D. 1904-1907. 
 
 CADETS, Russian. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 CAJAL, Ramon y. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 CALABRIA: Destructive earthquake in 
 1905. See (in this vol.) Earthquakes. 
 
 CALAMITIES, Recent extraordinary. 
 
 See Earthquakes, Famines, Fire, Floods, 
 Volcanic Eruptions. 
 
 CALIFORNIA: A. D. 1900-1909. — 
 Growth. — Industries. — Products. — Rail- 
 way facilities, etc. — “Within the past decade 
 numerous events have tended to direct the atten- 
 tion of the United States and of the world to the 
 importance of the Pacific ocean and the lands 
 bordering upon it, as the field of great activities 
 in the near future. The Spanish-American war, 
 and particularly the voyage of the battleship 
 Oregon around South America hastened the 
 movement for an inter-oceanic canal. The de- 
 velopment of the Alaskan gold fields gave a 
 great impetus to shipping and trade in staple sup- 
 plies in Pacific coast cities. The war between 
 Russia and Japan revealed the maritime en- 
 terprise and established the naval prestige of 
 Japan. 
 
 “Since the earliest days of American occupa- 
 tion California has been steadily filling up with 
 people. These later movements in Pacific coast 
 history, together with the steady development 
 of natural resources, have greatly accelerated 
 the advance in population, especially in cities 
 as the centers of industrial and commercial ac- 
 tivity. The census of 1900 showed a total pop- 
 ulation of 1,485,053. At the beginning of 1909 
 the number is estimated by the State Board of 
 
 Trade at 2,564,363. The growth of cities in the 
 same period is shown by the following instances, 
 — the first figure being the population by the 
 census of 1900, the second the State Board of 
 Trade estimate for 1909. *• 
 
 
 1900. 
 
 1909. 
 
 Alameda .... 
 
 . . . 16,464 
 
 25,000 
 
 Berkeley .... 
 
 . . . 13,214 
 
 40,000 
 
 Fresno 
 
 . . . 12,470 
 
 32,000 
 
 Los Angeles . . . 
 
 . . . 102,479 
 
 305,000 
 
 Oakland .... 
 
 . . . 66,960 
 
 200,000 
 
 Sacramento . . . 
 
 . . . 29,282 
 
 55,000 
 
 San Francisco . 
 
 . . . 342,782 
 
 500,000 
 
 San Jose .... 
 
 . . . 21,500 
 
 45,000 
 
 Stockton .... 
 
 . . . 17,506 
 
 25,000 
 
 “Two features characterize the recent devel- 
 opment of California agriculture, — the increased 
 value of the products, and a greater variety of 
 crops. Originally wheat was the staple crop, 
 but now sugar beets, hops, beans, alfalfa, and 
 garden seeds must be added to the common ce- 
 reals to make the list of staples. In 1908 the 
 wheat crop was valued at $18,894,961, and the 
 barley at $26,841,394. 
 
 “ Orchards and vineyards furnish one of the 
 best records of advancing wealth. Shipments 
 out of the state by rail and by sea are given by 
 the State Board of Trade as follows : 
 
 
 1898. 
 
 1908. 
 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Green Deciduous Fruits . 
 
 . 69,732 
 
 161,224 
 
 Citrus Fruits 
 
 . 180,658 
 
 399,094 
 
 Dried Fruits 
 
 . 76,662 
 
 133,846 
 
 Raisins 
 
 . 47,796 
 
 29,601 
 
 Nuts 
 
 . 5,815 
 
 10,887 
 
 Canned Fruits .... 
 
 . 52,219 
 
 85,135 
 
CALIFORNIA 
 
 CALIFORNIA 
 
 “About ninety per cent of all the citrus fruits 
 go from the southern part of the State (south of 
 Tehachapi mountains) and substantially all the 
 fresh deciduous fruits go from the northern and 
 central portions, Sacramento being one of the 
 largest shipping points. Nearly all the dried 
 fruits, raisins, canned fruits, wine and brandy, 
 go from the northern and central portions. Most 
 of the walnuts are grown in the south, and most 
 of the almonds in the northern and central parts 
 of the state. Olives are grown in about equal 
 quantities, north and south. General farming, 
 including stock raising, is much more widely 
 pursued north of Tehachapi than south, and the 
 same is true of the mining industry. The prin- 
 cipal forests of the state are in the Sierra region 
 and in the Coast Range Mountains north of So- 
 noma county. 
 
 “ Formerly wool was an important product of 
 California. The industry reached its maximum 
 about thirty years ago, — the wool clip of 1876 
 amounting to 56,550,973 pounds. Since that 
 date the wool product steadily declined till 1906, 
 when the total amount was 24,000,000 pounds. 
 Since 1906 the decline has been swift, as shown 
 by the total of 15,000,000 pounds for 1908. 
 
 “In the production of the precious metals the 
 record of California is very steady in recent 
 years, — the gold output for 1900 being valued 
 at $15,863,355, and for 1907 at $16,727,928. On 
 the other hand the oil industry shows a marvel- 
 ous advance. The output of petroleum from 
 California oil wells was 4,000,000 barrels in 1900, 
 and 48,300,758 barrels in 1908. Since 1906 the 
 oil product of California has amounted to over 
 twenty-five per cent of the total production of 
 the United States. California petroleum now 
 exceeds in value the output of her gold mines. 
 
 “ For a long time the high cost of fuel retarded 
 the growth of manufactures in California. Re- 
 cently, however, the production of fuel oil and 
 the introduction of electrical power developed 
 from the water power in the streams of the Sierras 
 have given a great impetus to manufacturing 
 industries. The use of electricity is certain to 
 be greatly increased in the near future and for 
 this reason the people of California are tremen- 
 ously interested in the policy of the federal gov- 
 ernment in the preservation of the mountain 
 streams and in the disposition of water-power 
 sites. The value of the products of manufactur- 
 ing enterprises in the state for 1908 is estimated 
 at about $500,000,000, of which the sum of $175,- 
 000,000 is credited to San Francisco, $62,000,000 
 to Los Angeles, $52,000,000, to Oakland, with 
 Sacramento, San Jose, Stockton and Fresno fol- 
 lowing in the order of naming. 
 
 “California is a state of magnificent dimen- 
 sions and it is quite in keeping with the size of 
 the state to find that in 1907, with but two per 
 cent, of the total population of the United States 
 she had three per cent, of the total railway mile- 
 age of the country. New construction was al- 
 most entirely suspended in 1908, but has been 
 resumed in 1909. The most important new road 
 is the Western Pacific which enters the state by 
 the Beckwith Pass to the north of the line of the 
 Central Pacific route, from Sacramento to Ogden, 
 and with the advantage of crossing the Sierras at 
 2000 feet less elevation. It reaches the Sacra- 
 mento Valley by the canyon of the Feather River 
 and opens up a large area of rich country to 
 railway communication. It will be completed 
 
 through to San Francisco in 1910, and will be the 
 fifth trans continental line terminating on San 
 Francisco Bay. 
 
 “ Another great work of railway construction 
 in progress in 1909 is the rebuilding upon an im- 
 proved grade of the Central Pacific road through 
 the Sierras. The extreme elevation of the pre- 
 sent road at the summit of the range (7000 feet) 
 is to be diminished by a lengthy tunnel. Other 
 work of construction soon to be brought to com- 
 pletion is the extension of the Northwestern 
 Pacific, a coast road north from San Francisco 
 Bay to Eureka on Humboldt Bay, and the exten- 
 sion of the Ocean Shore Railway south along the 
 coast to Santa Cruz. 
 
 “ The records of the State Railroad Commis- 
 sion show in 1909 a total mileage in the state of 
 6744.54 miles. 
 
 “The lines operated by the principal com- 
 
 panies measure up as follows: 
 
 MILES. 
 
 Southern Pacific System 3,582 
 
 Santa Fe System 978 
 
 Northwestern Pacific 404 
 
 San Pedro, Los Angeles and Salt Lake . 341 
 
 Western Pacific 237 
 
 Yosemite Valley Railroad 79 
 
 “Suburban electric railways have reached a 
 high stage of development and utility in South- 
 ern California, in the Santa Clara Valley, con- 
 necting numerous cities and towms in the vicinity 
 of San Francisco Bay, and in the Sacramento 
 Valley. The increase of electric power by the 
 further utilization of the water power of the 
 Sierra Nevada streams will certainly bring about 
 in the near future a great extension of electri- 
 cal transportation for freighting as well as in 
 passenger traffic.” — Frederick H. Clark, Head, 
 of History Dept., Lowell High School, San Fran- 
 cisco. 
 
 A. D. 1900 - 1909 . — Constitutional changes. 
 
 — “ Amendments to the state constitution origi- 
 nate with the legislature, and are placed before 
 the voters of the state at the biennial state elec- 
 tions. Dissatisfaction with parts of the state 
 constitution is manifested by an increasing num- 
 ber of proposed amendments. So long as pro- 
 perty interests are not antagonized, the voters 
 show a willingness to make changes by ratifying 
 a large majority of the amendments proposed. 
 Among the important subjects upon which 
 amendments have been adopted within the past 
 ten years are the following : authorization of 
 legislation for the control of primary elections ; 
 providing for the use of voting machines; the 
 establishment of a system of state highways ; 
 increasing the salaries of judges and of state 
 executive officers ; changing the pay of members 
 of the legislature from $ 8.00 per diem for a 
 period not to exceed 60 days to the sum of $1000 
 for the regular session ; authorizing the legisla- 
 ture to provide a state tax for the support of 
 high schools; permitting exemption from taxa- 
 tion of various forms of property, such as build- 
 ings used exclusively for religious purposes and 
 the endowments of the Leland Stanford Junior 
 University, the California School of Mechanical 
 Arts, and the Cogswell Polyteclinical College, 
 
 — also personal property at the will of the owner ' 
 to the amount of $ 100 ; eight hours made a legal 
 day’s work on all public work throughout the 
 state ; authorization for the depositing of public 
 
CALIFORNIA 
 
 CANADA 
 
 funds in banks. An important change in the 
 state judiciary was made in 1904 by the creation 
 of district courts of appeal for the relief of the 
 congested condition of the business of the State 
 Supreme Court. Thestate was divided into three 
 judicial districts, in each of which was estab- 
 lished a court of appeal consisting of three judges 
 elected from within the district for a term of 
 twelve years. 
 
 “ A plan for the reorganization of the revenue 
 system of the state was placed before the voters 
 in 1908, but failed of adoption. The proposed 
 amendment was the outcome of a movement that 
 began in 1905 with the appointment of a special 
 commission on taxation. This commission em- 
 ployed expert assistance and made a thorough 
 study of the subject of public revenues. Its 
 work was placed before the next meeting of the 
 legislature from which came the proposed amend- 
 ment. Its central object was to discover new 
 sources of revenue for the state treasury, leaving 
 the direct property tax for the maintenance of 
 
 local government alone.” — Frederick II. Clark, 
 Head of History Hep't., LoweU, High School, San 
 Francisco. 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — Anti-Japanese agita- 
 tion. See (inthisvol.) Race Prohlems: United 
 States : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — The earthquake of April 18 . — 
 Destruction at San Francisco by fire follow- 
 ing the shock. — Cause of the occurrence. 
 See San Francisco : A. D. 1906. 
 
 CALIPHATE, The Mohammedan : The 
 Turkish Sultan’s title disputed. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1903-1905. 
 
 CAMPBELL, H. W. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence and Invention : Agriculture. 
 
 CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, Sir Hen- 
 ry : Prime Minister of the British Govern- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 1905- 
 1906. 
 
 Address at Colonial Conference. See Brit- 
 ish Empire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Death, April 22, 1908. 
 
 CANADA. 
 
 A. D. 1896 - 1909 . — The interchange of peo- 
 ple between Canada and the United States. 
 — The “ American Invasion.” — Rapid settle- 
 ment of the Canadian Northwest. — Immi- 
 gration in the last decade. — “Nature is 
 healing the schism of the race by her own slow 
 but efficacious methods. Hundreds of families 
 of the United Empire stock have gone back to 
 the United States, in some instances to the very 
 place of their origin. Upwards of a million 
 native Canadians are now living in the States, 
 the great majority as naturalised Americans ; 
 whilst American farmers, attracted by cheap 
 land and good laws, are entering the Canadian 
 North-West at the rate of 50,000 a year. The 
 exodus, as migration across the line is called, is 
 a heavy drain on Canada; like an ancient con- 
 queror, it sweeps away the flower of both sexes, 
 leaving the unfittest to survive. During the last 
 30 years we have spent $10,000,000 on immigra- 
 tion work in Europe, yet our population has not 
 held its natural increase, has not, that is, grown 
 as fast as the population of an old and over- 
 crowded country like England. The Canadian 
 lad thinks no more of transferring himself to 
 Buffalo or Chicago than a Scotch youth of going 
 up to London, perhaps not so much. On the 
 other hand, American tourists, ‘drummers,’ lec- 
 turers, sportsmen and investors come and go in 
 Canada precisely as if this were a State of the 
 Union. When we produce a champion athlete, 
 a clever journalist or eloquent divine, they annex 
 him and advertise him next day as a Yankee. 
 Marrying and giving in marriage is going on 
 without the slightest regard for the doctrines of 
 the Loyalists. There are said to be 200 college 
 professors of Canadian birth in the United States. 
 I am acquainted with some of them, and in their 
 opinion, whatever it may be worth, Canada can 
 best serve herself by becoming politically inde 
 pendent, and could best serve England by join- 
 ing the American Union, where her presence and 
 vote would offset the Anglophobia latent or active 
 in other elements. 
 
 “ The influence of the Canadian- Americans, to 
 say nothing of that of the Americans proper, is 
 
 visible on every side in English Canada ; they 
 are constantly visiting the old home, in many 
 cases paying the interest of the mortgage on it. 
 The French Canadians in New England have 
 taught those in Quebec that the priest has no 
 business to interfere unduly in elections, or to 
 make war on Liberalism ; that the Press ought 
 to be free, and theState, not the Church, supreme 
 within the sphere she defines as her own. Every 
 day the French Canadian papers publish columns 
 of correspondence from the French settlements 
 in the factory towns across the line, but of 
 British affairs editors and readers know little, 
 and, apparently, care less. I mention this not to 
 sneer at the French Canadian Press, but to show 
 those Englishmen who urge us to cultivate the 
 Imperialist spirit how difficult it would be for 
 Mrs. Partington to keep out the Atlantic. 
 
 “In English Canada, our newspapers supply 
 us with British news filtered through American 
 channels ; we read American books, are interested 
 in American politics, frequent their watering- 
 places and race tracks, imitate their tariffs, play 
 baseball and poker, live under local institutions 
 fashioned after theirs, think like them, speak like 
 them, eat like them, dress like them ; when we 
 visit England, we find ourselves taken for them 
 and treated well in consequence, better than if 
 we confessed ourselves Colonials.” — E. Farrer, 
 Canada and the new Imperialism ( Contemporary 
 Review, Dec., 1903). 
 
 ‘ ‘ Some ten years since there began to trickle 
 into the vast wastes of the West the tiny rivulet 
 of immigration which has now become a great 
 stream. Many influences have gone toward widen- 
 ing this current of immigration, but the initial 
 impulse which set it in motion came from the 
 courage of one man. In 1896 Clifford Sifton, a 
 young man, thirty-five years of age, who had al- 
 ready played a considerable rule in the politics 
 of Manitoba, became Minister of the Interior in 
 the Dominion Government. He was equipped 
 with a genius for organization, an almost un- 
 equaled capacity for persistent hard work, and, 
 above all, a faith in the West which knew neither 
 wavering nor questioning. He threw himself 
 
CANADA, 1896-1909 
 
 CANADA, 1896-1909 
 
 with immense energy into the task of advertis- 
 ing the Canadian West to the world and induc- 
 ing immigration. His conception of the problem 
 and its solution was Napoleonic ; for he saw 
 what others could not see and even scouted as 
 absurd, that the people who could be induced 
 most easily to lead the procession into the vacant 
 prairies lived in the adjoining States of the Amer- 
 ican Union. A new generation had grown up in 
 these States on the farms secured as free grants 
 by their fathers in the ’ 70's, and he saw that 
 when they looked for lands for themselves there 
 would be none available at all comparable with 
 those of Western Canada. Therefore, he argued, 
 to acquaint them with the opportunities and 
 possibilities of the new land to the north would 
 be to insure snch a migration as he desired, and 
 if the stream once began flowing it would widen 
 by its own velocity. This was the great idea 
 which, given effect to by an organization called 
 into being by first-class executive talent, operating 
 with limitless resources, broke forever the great 
 silence of the prairies and made them the Mecca 
 of the world’s landless folk. 
 
 “ There had been for years Canadian immigra- 
 tion agencies at various places in the United 
 States, but they had been administered in a spirit 
 of perfunctory hopelessness. These offices were 
 reorganized ; new ones opened ; tens of thousands 
 of dollars were expended in advertising and in the 
 distribution of printed literature ; enterprising 
 drummers were sent abroad throughout the W est- 
 ern States to preach up the opportunities of West- 
 ern Canada ; representative farmers were induced 
 to take trips through the Canadian West, all ex- 
 penses paid by the government, — in fact, every- 
 thing that trained business talent could suggest 
 was done. 
 
 “ The result ? In the first year of the new order 
 of things 2412 Americans came to Canada, and 
 thereafter the number mounted yearly. By 1899 
 the figures had reached 11,945; 1901, 17,987; 
 1902, 26,388; 1903, 49,473; 1904, 45,171; 1905, 
 43,652; 1906, 57,919. During the ten years end- 
 ing June 30, 1906, no less than 272,609 persons 
 left the United States to become residents of 
 Western Canada. These people came from all 
 parts of the United States. The government home- 
 stead records for 1906 show applications from 
 persons coming from every State and Territory 
 of the United States, including the District of 
 Columbia and Alaska. North Dakota led in the 
 applications, with Minnesota a close second ; then 
 came Iowa, Michigan, Washington, Wisconsin, 
 Illinois, tapering to two from Alabama and one 
 from Georgia. . . . 
 
 “It has given Canada over a quarter of a mil- 
 lion of settlers with the highest average of effi- 
 ciency. They, almost without exception, have 
 sufficient capital to make a good start, a most 
 important consideration in a new country where 
 money is scarce and dear. Akin to the Canadians 
 in race, language, political and social customs, 
 they become a part of the community just as 
 naturally as one stream flows into another at the 
 same level. These settlers have also brought with 
 them fifty years’ experience-in prairie farming, 
 and by their example have enormously affected 
 agricultural methods. . . . 
 
 “ More important, however, was the advertise- 
 ment which the ‘ American invasion’ gave West- 
 ern Canada. It was precisely what the country 
 needed — indeed there could have been no sub- 
 
 stitute for it in effectiveness. The Eastern Cana- 
 dian was rather out of conceit with his own West ; 
 and if a migratory instinct drove him onward he 
 went to the United States. In Great Britain West- 
 ern Canada could get no hearing at all, — her 
 emigrants went to Australia, the United States, 
 New Zealand, or even to alien lands in preference 
 to Canada. It is doubtful whether any possible 
 exertions by the Government could have turned 
 the attention of these people to Canada had not 
 the influx of Americans to the prairies, loudly 
 announced by all controllable agencies of public- 
 ity, challenged their attention and pricked their 
 national pride. Once the fact was driven into 
 their consciousness they began to hold that if 
 Western Canada was good enough for ‘ Yankees’ 
 it was good enough for them. British newspapers 
 in particular showed a belated but very real in- 
 terest. 
 
 “ The result has been a heavily increasing im- 
 migration from the British Isles, until it now ex- 
 ceeds by many thousands every year the arrivals 
 from the United States. For the ten-year period 
 specified above there were 311,747 immigrants 
 from Great Britain, compared with 272,609 from 
 the United States; with 248,250 from ‘ other coun- 
 tries,’ chiefly continental Europe. The Scandina- 
 vian, Teutonic, and Slavic peoples are all strongly 
 represented in Western Canada. The most nu- 
 merous non-British people are the Ruthenians, 
 or little Russians. In addition there is a large 
 yearly influx of Canadian settlers from the older 
 provinces, of whom there is no record excepting 
 in the homestead applications. These figures 
 showed that out of 41,869 applications for home- 
 steads last year 27 per cent, were Canadians, 29 
 per cent. Americans, 20 per cent, from the Brit- 
 ish Isles, while the remaining 24 per cent, com- 
 prised persons of eighteen different nationalities. 
 These statistics show that Western Canada is 
 overwhelmingly English-speaking.-” — John W. 
 Dafoe, Western Canada : Its Resources and Pos- 
 sibilities (American Review of Reviews, June, 
 1907). 
 
 Writing from Toronto, June 24,1909, the regu- 
 lar Correspondent of the London Times took the 
 subject of Canadian immigration, especially that 
 from the United States, for extended treatment. 
 Part of his remarks were as follows : 
 
 “ So long as the American States had free, fer- 
 tile lands, it was natural that population should 
 flow into the Republic. America, in the mind of 
 Europe, was the land of promise and the home 
 of freedom, and the United States was America. 
 Canada was but a fringe of inhospitable British 
 territory, where the spring came late and sum- 
 mer was brief, and winter was long and stern. 
 The first great impulse to settlement came with 
 the construction of the Canadian Pacific Railway, 
 but an even more material factor in Canadian 
 development was the comparative exhaustion of 
 the free land of the Western States and the in- 
 creasing reputation of the Canadian West as a 
 wheat-growing country. If the 20th century be- 
 longs to Canada, as Sir Wilfrid Laurier has said, 
 it is primarily because the American Republic 
 has become a far less formidable competitor for 
 British and European immigration, and because 
 thousands of American farmers have discovered 
 that they can sell their improved farms at good 
 prices and secure lands of equal value in Canada 
 for themselves and their sons with a very small 
 investment of capital. 
 
 64 
 
CANADA, 1896-1909 
 
 CANADA, 1903 
 
 “The total immigration since 1901 isestimated 
 at 1,200,000. In that year it was 49,149. It rose 
 in 1902 to 67,379. Thence there was a steady in- 
 crease until 1907, when the figures were 262,469. 
 In 1908 the total immigration was between 140, 
 000 and 142,000, and for this year the estimate 
 is 200,000. British immigrants began to come 
 in considerable volume in 1901, when there were 
 17,269 arrivals. The best year was 1907, when the 
 number reported was 120,182, as compared witli 
 83,975 from the Continent of Europe and 58,312 
 from the United States. The decline in 1908 was 
 chiefly in British and European immigration. 
 Between 50,000 and 55,000 came from across the 
 border, which was a greater number than came 
 from either Britain or Europe. This year it is 
 estimated that 70,000 Americans will come into 
 the country. They will take up between 20,000 
 and 25,000 homesteads, and as it is considered 
 that they bring property to the average value 
 of $1,000 each this would give a total new cap- 
 ital of $70,000,000. In 1907, the year in which 
 we had our greatest volume of immigration, 
 there were 178,500 British and Americans as com- 
 pared with 84,000 from the Continent of Europe. 
 For the last year there were 100,000 British and 
 Americans and not a third as many from Eu- 
 rope. 
 
 “ It is apparent that, even with the best busi- 
 ness management the Empire can apply to the 
 direction of its population, the American immi- 
 gration to Canada will continue to exceed that 
 from Great Britain. One of the most careful and 
 soberminded of our public men with whom I 
 talked a few days ago, a man who knows the 
 West and for years has had intimate official know- 
 ledge of the movements of population on botli 
 sides of the border, believes that in the next ten 
 or twelve years five millions of Americans will 
 come into Canada. Upon this I pronounce no 
 opinion, save to agree that the overflow from the 
 United States is bound to increase in volume. 
 Naturally there are those amongst us who regard 
 ‘the American invasion’ with uneasiness, and 
 fear the ultimate effect upon our institutions and 
 upon the relation of Canada to the Empire. In 
 this connexion I can only say that for some 
 years I have been at pains to consult men from 
 all parts of the West who should know the mind 
 of these American settlers and their general dis- 
 position towards the social and political institu- 
 tions of the country, and as yet I have not found 
 a single Western Canadian to express apprehen- 
 sion. They all agree that, while the Americans 
 have a natural affection for ‘ Old Glory ’ and as 
 yet may confuse the Fourth with the First of 
 July, they pay ready allegiance to the flag under 
 which they have come to live, and very generally 
 agree that the impartial and inflexible adminis- 
 tration of justice in Canada is in itself sufficient 
 reason for the permanence of the British alle- 
 giance and an honest loyalty to Canadian institu- 
 tions. What may be hidden in the womb of the 
 future, when many of these Americans sit in the 
 Legislatures and in the Federal Parliament, and 
 become powerful in moulding public policy, we 
 cannot know, but at least it is seldom that the 
 seeds of revolution thrive amongst a prosperous 
 agricultural population. 
 
 “ But it is to one particular phase of the move- 
 ment of population that I desire chiefly to call 
 attention. The migration to the West has had a 
 marked effect on the older Canadian provinces. 
 
 Many farms in the long settled districts have been 
 almost deserted. The old remain ; the young have 
 gone. The only compensation is that the sons 
 prosper in the West.” 
 
 According to a despatch from Ottawa in Sep- 
 tember, 1909, “the annual Immigration Report 
 states that the total arrivals in Canada during the 
 last fiscal year were 146,908. For the first time 
 in Canadian history immigrants from the United 
 States exceeded those from the United Kingdom ; 
 the figures are respectively 59,832 and 52,901. 
 The total immigration during the 13 years which 
 the present Government has been in office was 
 1,366,658. American immigrants in that period 
 have brought to Canada £12,000,000 in cash and 
 effects. Immigration from France and Belgium 
 declined last year and Japanese immigration fell 
 off by 7,106. Only six Hindus entered Canada, 
 compared with 2,623 in the previous year ; 3,803 
 immigrants were rejected at ocean ports, of whom 
 1,748 were deported. The total deportations 
 since 1902, when the system was first inaugurated, 
 were 3,149, of whom 2,607 were English.” 
 
 Two months later it was reported from Ottawa 
 that during the first six months of 1909 “home- 
 stead entries were made by 27,296 bona fide set- 
 tlers, representing free grants of Dominion lands 
 of 4,367,360 acres. This is an increase of 939 en- 
 tries and of 150,200 acres as compared with the 
 corresponding period of 1908. In September the 
 total number of homestead entries was 2,902 ; of 
 these 926 were American, 325 English, 109 Scotch, 
 54 Irish, 336 Canadians from Ontario, and 83 
 Canadians from Quebec.” 
 
 Previously, in August, it had been stated that 
 “German capitalists have interested Toronto 
 men in a big plan to colonize the lands of Alberta 
 and Saskatchewan on a time-payment system. 
 The scheme includes advances to settlers for the 
 purchase of implements and for help in house 
 building. The expectation is that 20,000 Ger- 
 mans will avail themselves of the scheme.” 
 
 A. D. 1898-1903. — German retaliation for 
 the tariff discrimination in favor of British 
 goods. See (in this vol. ) Tariffs. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — The Census of the Do- 
 minion. — New apportionment of parliament- 
 ary representation. — The census of the Do- 
 minion, taken in 1901, showed a total population 
 of 5,370,000, of which Ontario contained 2,182, - 
 947; Quebec, 1,648,898; Nova Scotia, 459,574; 
 New Brunswick, 331,120; Manitoba, 254,947; 
 British Columbia, 177,272 ; Prince Edward Is- 
 land, 103,259 ; The Northwest Territories, Yukon 
 included, 211,649. 
 
 The new distribution of parliamentary repre- 
 sentation, determined this year, gave the House of 
 Commons a total membership of 214, apportioned 
 as follows; Quebec 65 (as guaranteed by the 
 Confederation Act) ; Ontario 86 ; Nova Scotia 18 ; 
 New Brunswick 13 ; Manitoba 10 ; British Co- 
 lumbia 7 ; Northwest Territories 10; Prince Ed- 
 ward Island 4; the Yukon 1. The basis was 
 one representative for each 2500 people. On- 
 tario lost 6 seats, Nova Scotia 2, New Bruns- 
 wick and Prince Edward Island 1 each ; all the 
 other provinces gained, British Columbia to the 
 extent of 7 seats, the Northwest Territories 4, 
 and Manitoba 3. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Colonial Conference at Lon- 
 don. See (in this vol.) British Empire. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Discovery of the cobalt sil- 
 ver mines in Ontario. — Ore bodies carrying 
 
 65 
 
CANADA, 1903 
 
 CANADA, 1903-1905 
 
 values in silver, cobalt, nickel, and arsenic were 
 discovered in 1903, during the building of the 
 Temiskaming and North Ontario Railway near 
 the town of Haileybury, at a distance of about 
 103 miles from North Bay. The railway line 
 ran over the most important vein that has been 
 found, and signs of the latter were noticed in the 
 spring of the year named. Prospecting was be- 
 
 un in the fall with quick results of important 
 
 iscovery, and the rapid attraction of a large 
 mining population to what has become famous 
 as the Cobalt District. The production of sil- 
 ver in the district increased from $111,887 in 
 1904 to 89,500,000 in 1908. The ores are said 
 to be unique among those of North America. 
 — lOt A Annual Report of Ontario Bureau of 
 Mines. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (May). — Adoption of “ Empire 
 Day” in Great Britain. See (in this vol.) 
 England : A. D. 1903 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — Settlement of the Alas- 
 kan boundary question. See Alaska: A. D. 
 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — Measures to establish 
 sovereignty over land and sea of Hudson Bay 
 region. — ‘‘The agreement by Britain and 
 America to arbitrate at The Hague the New- 
 foundland Fishery Question will probably pave 
 the way for a similar solution of another en- 
 tanglement, as threatening and complicated as 
 that respecting the Alaskan Boundary, appar- 
 ently now imminent between Canada and the 
 United States over the sovereignty of Hudson 
 Bay. This has a special relation to the New- 
 foundland problem, being also based on the 
 treaty of 1818. The Canadian Government in 
 August, 1903, despatched the Newfoundland 
 sealing steamer ‘ Neptune’ (one of the type of 
 wood-built ships suited for the work) to the re- 
 gion, with an official expedition whose three-fold 
 object was : (1) to reassert British sovereignty 
 over all the land and seas there ; (2) to expel or 
 subject to Canadian authority the United States 
 whalers who fish there, illegally, it is held ; and 
 (3) to secure further data tending to determine 
 the navigability of the waters for an ocean grain 
 route and justify subsidising or discouraging 
 the construction of railways from the north-west 
 to the shores of Hudson Bay. 
 
 “ In the summer of 1904, in anticipation of the 
 ‘Neptune’s’ return, the Canadian Government 
 purchased from Germany the Antarctic explor- 
 ing steamer ‘Gauss,’ re-named her the ‘Arctic,’ 
 and sent her to Hudson Bay as an official cruiser, 
 she conveying also Major Moodie, of the North- 
 West Mounted Police, who was commissioned 
 as ‘ Governor of Hudson Bay ’ and was accom- 
 panied by a body of that famous force, to assist 
 him in the administration of this extensive pro- 
 vince, they tobuild posts there and establish them- 
 selves at the most important points. . . . The 
 undisguised purpose of the Dominion is to take 
 all possible steps to prevent the United States 
 from securing any advantage, territorial or diplo 
 matic, which would enable her to put forward 
 pretensions such as have been advanced by her 
 with respect to the Alaskan Boundary. 
 
 “ The similarity of this question to that of the 
 Alaskan Boundary is quite striking. Geograph- 
 ically, the Hudson Bay region is to the North- 
 eastern portion of the continent what Alaska is 
 to the North- western. In the variety and value 
 of natural resources both have much in common. 
 
 The development of the Hudson Bay region, 
 while not as advanced as that of Alaska, seems 
 destined to be much accelerated in the near fu- 
 ture in every department of industrial endeav- 
 our. The United States whalers, voyaging from 
 New Bedford into Hudson Bay, and from San 
 Francisco into Alaskan seas, penetrate to the 
 very confines of the Arctic zone itself. To pro- 
 ceed against them now, after their having en- 
 joyed for over seventy years an unrestricted ac- 
 cess to Hudson Bay, whether entitled thereto or 
 not, is a step which may provoke a repetition of 
 the difficulties which were recently experienced 
 over the Alaskan Boundary. . . . 
 
 “ [Canada] contends that from the entrance to 
 Hudson Strait, which she says is in a line drawn 
 from Cape Chidley, the northern projection of 
 Labrador, to Resolution Island, the southern ex- 
 tremity of Baffin Land, all the waters and lands 
 to the west, including the numerous islands of 
 Arctic America, are her exclusive possession. 
 She bases this contention on the following 
 grounds: — 
 
 ‘‘1. Discovery (the waters, coastline and hin- 
 terland having been discovered and charted by 
 British explorers). 
 
 ‘‘2. Occupation (the region having been occu- 
 pied only by the Hudson Bay Company). 
 
 “3. Treaty cession (the British rights to the 
 region having beeu admitted by the French in 
 1713). 
 
 “4. Acquiescence (the United States having 
 acknowledged the Hudson Bay Company’s rights 
 in 1818). 
 
 ‘‘5. Purchase (Canada having bought out the 
 Company iu 1870). 
 
 “ But Americans are indisposed to acquiesce 
 in any such conclusion as regards the waters of 
 the Bay. They contend that the British had 
 originally no rights beyond the three-mile limit, 
 that the French in i713 could cede them no 
 more, and that the American concurrence in 1818 
 could apply only to the same territorial waters. 
 In other words, they question the right of the 
 British Monarch to grant such a Charter as he 
 did, and it may be observed here that the same 
 point has frequently been made in England also 
 iu the past by opponents of the Company and 
 by legal critics.” — P. T. McGrath, The Hudson 
 Bay Dispute ( Fortnightly Review, Jan., 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1903-1905. — Attitude of the Cana- 
 dian Manufacturers’ Association toward 
 Great Britain and the United States on the 
 Tariff question. — ‘‘The attitude of the Cana- 
 dian Manufacturers’ Association toward both 
 the United States and Britain has been very fre- 
 quently misrepresented by opponents of tariff 
 reform in Canada and England. . . . The views 
 of the Association were clearly set forth in the 
 recommendations made by the Tariff Committee 
 at the annual meeting in September, 1903, and 
 adopted by the Association after full discussion. 
 The attendance was very large, and the meeting 
 was practically unanimous, only one member 
 dissenting. The resolutions were as follows : 
 
 ‘‘‘(1) That we reaffirm the tariff resolution 
 passed at the last annual meeting in Halifax, 
 as follows: Resolved, That in the opinion of 
 this Association, the changed conditions which 
 now obtain in Canada demand the immediate 
 and thorough revision of the tariff, upon lines 
 which will more effectually transfer to the work- 
 shops of our Dominion the manufacture of 
 
CANADA, 1903-1909 
 
 CANADA, 1905 
 
 many of the goods which we now import from 
 other countries ; that, in any such revision, the 
 interests of all sections of the community, 
 whether of agriculture, mining, fishing, or man- 
 ufacturing, should be fully considered, with a 
 view, not only to the preservation, but to the 
 further development, of all these great natural 
 industries; that, while such a tariff should pri- 
 marily be framed for Canadian interests, it 
 should nevertheless give a substantial prefer- 
 ence to the Mother Country, and also to any 
 other part of the British Empire with which 
 reciprocal preferential trade can be arranged, 
 recognizing always that under any conditions 
 the minimum tariff must afford adequate protec- 
 tion to all Canadian producers. (2) That, except 
 in very special cases, we are opposed to the 
 granting of bounties in Canada as a substitute 
 for a policy of reasonable and permanent protec- 
 tion. (3) That we are strongly opposed to any 
 reciprocity treaty with the United States affect- 
 ing the manufacturing industries of Canada. 
 (4) W e recommend that the Dominion Govern- 
 ment establish in Canada a permanent tariff 
 commission of experts, who shall have constant 
 supervision of tariff policy and changes, and 
 shall follow closely the workings of the Canadian 
 tariff with a view to making such recommenda- 
 tions to the Government as will best conserve 
 and advance the interests of the Dominion.’ 
 
 “These resolutions were reaffirmed at the an- 
 nual conventions in 1904 and 1905, meeting with 
 no opposition.” — Watson Griffin, Canadian 
 Manufacturers' Tariff Campaign (North Amer- 
 ican Review, Aug., 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1903-1909. — New transcontinental 
 railway project. — The Grand Trunk Pa- 
 cific. — “ Theprojectfor anew transcontinental 
 railway made the year 1903 industrially signifi- 
 cant. The scheme when finally presented to 
 Parliament by Sir Wilfrid Laurier, on July 
 31st, provided for the building of a new line 
 from Moncton, New Brunswick, through Quebec 
 to Winnipeg and the Pacific Coast at a terminus 
 then not fixed, but now known to be Prince 
 Rupert. The road is to be divided into two 
 parts’; the Eastern from Moncton to Winnipeg, 
 which is to be built by the Government, and the 
 Western from Winnipeg to Prince Rupert, to be 
 built by the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway Com- 
 pany. Provision was made for • a lease of the 
 Eastern section by the company and its purchase 
 after fifty years. This company is practically 
 the same as the Grand Trunk Railway Company. 
 Sir Wilfrid estimated the cost at $13,000, 000. 
 There were provisions for Government assist- 
 ance in the guaranteeing of the bonds of the 
 new company.” — F. B. Tracy, Tercentenary 
 History of Canada, v. 3, p. 1034 ( Macmillan 
 Co., N. Y., 1908). 
 
 At the half yearly meeting of the Grand 
 Trunk Company in London, Oct. 21, 1909, the 
 President, Sir C. Rivers Wilson, who had re- 
 cently returned from Canada, spoke of the pre- 
 sent state and prospects of the transcontinental 
 line, partly as follows: “They were, he re 
 marked, under an obligation to complete their 
 road through to Prince Rupert by December 1, 
 1911, but, owing to the want of labour, he feared 
 there was very little chance of their succeeding 
 in doing so. . . . They had built through to 
 Winnipeg on the one hand and to Lake Superior 
 on the other, but there remained an unfortunate 
 
 link of 245 miles to complete their junction 
 with Lake Superior. . . . After what had hap- 
 pened he was very chary of making any predic- 
 tion, but he should think that, after all that had 
 taken place, and after the great pressure which 
 was now being put on the contractors, the road 
 would be finished by next summer. Their great 
 object, of course, was to link up the west with 
 their eastern system. That would be done 
 during the summer by the road coming down to 
 Lake Superior, which would enable them to 
 communicate by water with their Georgian Bay 
 port, and during the winter, when navigation 
 was closed, by way of land north of Lake Su- 
 perior by the line the Government was to build 
 to a place called Cochrane, about 540 miles dis- 
 tant, where they would obtain communication 
 with North Bay and put themselves in contact 
 with their own Ontario road.” 
 
 A. D. 1904. — General Election. — Continu- 
 ance of the Laurier Ministry. — The Earl of 
 Minto succeeded as Governor-General by 
 Earl Grey. — The general election in 1904 re- 
 sulted in a parliamentary majority of 64 for the 
 Liberals, thus firmly reseating the Laurier Minis- 
 try. The Conservatives carried Ontario, but were 
 beaten heavily in the Maritime Provinces, in 
 Quebec, and in the West. The general prosperity 
 of the country gave a backing to the Liberals 
 which no political criticism could overcome. 
 
 The Earl of Minto was succeeded as Governor- 
 General, in 1904, by Earl Grey, grandson of the 
 Earl Grey who, as Prime Minister of England in 
 1832, carried through the first Reform of Parlia- 
 ment, extinguishing the “rotten boroughs,” 
 transferring political power from the land-own- 
 ing aristocracy to the middle class of English 
 people, and beginning the democratizing of gov- 
 ernment, :which two later reforms have made 
 nearly complete. “ There can be no doubt,” 
 said a Canadian correspondent of one of the Lon- 
 don journals lately, “that the present Governor- 
 General is more widely popular in Canada than 
 any of his predecessors in that high office were, 
 or could have been. Happy in his personality, 
 happier still in his opportunities, he is known 
 and liked by all sorts and conditions of Canadians 
 in every part of the country ; whereas more than 
 one of those who have represented the Sovereign 
 there since the creation of the Canadian Confed- 
 eracy were regarded as august functionaries 
 forming the ‘ dignified part ’ of the constitutional 
 mechanism (to use Bagehot’s phrase), and as 
 sedulously avoiding close contact with the peo- 
 ple at large.” 
 
 Within the past year it has been announced 
 officially from Ottawa that Lord Grey will fill 
 out his full period of six years in the office of 
 Governor-General, expiring in December, 1910. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Creation of the Board of Rail- 
 way Commissioners. — Its large regulative 
 powers. See (in thisvol.) Railways: Canada. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1909. — Race problems. — Re- 
 striction of Chinese Immigration. — Labor 
 hostility. — Riotous attacks on Japanese, 
 Chinese, and Hindu laborers. See Race Prob 
 lems: Canada. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — New Provinces created. — 
 Alberta and Saskatchewan. — Revival of the 
 Separate School controversy. — The compro- 
 mise settlement. — By Bills brought into the Do- 
 minion Parliament by the Premier, Sir Wilfrid 
 Laurier, on the 21st of February, 1905, and sub- 
 
CANADA, 1905 
 
 CANADA, 1906-1907 
 
 sequently passed, the four Northwest Territories 
 ceded to the Dominion by Great Britain in 1870 
 (see, in Volume IV. of this work, Northwest 
 Territories of Canada), were reorganized as 
 two provinces, and admitted to membership in 
 the Canadian Federal Union, bearing the names of 
 Alberta and Saskatchewan, with Edmonton for 
 the capital of the former and Regina for the lat- 
 ter. Saskatchewan includes the territories of 
 Saskatchewan, Assiniboia, and one-half of Atha- 
 basca, and Alberta the territory of Alberta and 
 the remainder of Athabasca. The entire area of 
 the two provinces is 550,345 square miles, and it 
 extends from Manitoba west to the 110th meri- 
 dian, and from the United States boundary to 60 
 north latitude. The population of each province 
 was reckoned at 250,000, and was rapidly in- 
 creasing. The Dominion Government retains 
 control of the public lands. Each of the new 
 provinces received at the beginning five repre- 
 sentatives in the Dominion House of Commons 
 and four in the Senate. A single Legislative 
 Chamber of twenty-five members was provided 
 for each ; each has a Lieutenant-Governor, with 
 a Cabinet of responsible Ministers. The Dominion 
 Treasury contributes $250,000 yearly to the rev- 
 enue of each. 
 
 A provision in these bills for conceding sepa- 
 rate schools to religious minorities revived the 
 controversy which raged in Canada for many 
 years, after the Province of Manitoba, in 1890, 
 had abolished denominational schools and estab 
 lished a free, compulsory, unsectarian school 
 system (see, in Volume VI. of this work, Can- 
 ada: A. D. 1890-1896, and A. D, 1898 (Jan 
 uary). The Government was forced to amend 
 the provision, devising a compromise which can- 
 not be said to have satisfied either party to the 
 dispute, but which saved the Government from 
 a probable defeat. This affords a half hour of 
 religious teaching, by denominational teachers, 
 at the end of school hours, the denominational 
 character of the instruction determined by the 
 majority in attendance, and its reception to be 
 optional. As explained at the time by a writer 
 in The Outlook, the working of the system is as 
 follows. “ The half-hour is the only noteworthy 
 feature of the separate schools. They are liable 
 for no other school taxation than that which is 
 Decessary to support those schools. In all other 
 respects, in every detail of government control 
 and oversight, they are exactly like the schools 
 of the majority. From nine o’clock in the morn- 
 ing until three o’clock in the afternoon the order 
 of lessons is the same for all ; so are the text- 
 books, the standards of efficiency, and the quali- 
 fications of the teachers. There cannot be any con- 
 trol of the school by any clerical or sectarian body. 
 There cannot be any sectarian teaching between 
 nine o’clock in the morning and three o’clock in 
 the afternoon. The Normal schools of the new 
 provinces will give a uniform normal training 
 for all teachers, and there will be uniform cur- 
 ricula and courses of study for all schools of 
 the same grade. There will be complete and 
 absolute control of all schools as to their govern 
 ment and conduct by the central school authority 
 created by the new provincial Legislature. The 
 distribution of the legislative grant to all schools 
 will be according to educational efficiency, a wise 
 provision which did not apply to separate schools 
 of the old type. To recapitulate, all the schools 
 are alike, except that where the trustees are 
 
 Protestant there is Protestant religious teaching 
 from half-past three to four, and where the 
 trustees are Roman Catholic there is Roman Cath- 
 olic teaching during the half-hour. That is the 
 only distinction, and neither Protestant nor Ro- 
 man Catholic children, when they are in the mi- 
 nority, need remain to hear any religious teaching 
 against their parents’ wishes.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Dominion Forest Reserves 
 Act. See (in thisvol.) Conservation of Natu- 
 ral Resources. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Passage of the “ Lord’s Day 
 Act.” See Sunday Observance. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Prisons and Reformatory 
 Act. See Children, under the Law : As 
 Offenders. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (May). — Departure of the last 
 British garrison. — On the 1st of May, 1906, 
 the last British garrison in the Dominion was 
 withdrawn from Esquimault, in British Colum- 
 bia, under an arrangement which leaves the Ca- 
 nadian Government in undivided control of all 
 military posts. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1907. — Political experiments in 
 Ontario. — Broadening the functions of gov- 
 ernment. — The Canadians of their Middle W est, 
 who used to be the most conservative of Britons, 
 have manifested lately a new spirit, wafted, per- 
 haps, from adventuresome New Zealand, and are 
 trying governmental experiments that would 
 stagger Oklahoma, — trying them, too, with what 
 looks like success. 
 
 For the development of the rich cobalt and 
 silver mining region on its eastern border, and 
 for the encouragement of colonization farther 
 northward on the same border, the Ontario Gov- 
 ernment has not hesitated to construct and own 
 and operate officially an important line of rail- 
 way, the Temiskaming and Northern Ontario, 
 which is reported to have been profitable from 
 the start. The road may possibly be extended to 
 James Bay, the southward projection of Hudson 
 Bay. 
 
 The progressive government of Ontario has 
 also undertaken to work for its own benefit the 
 mines in a large lately opened block of the Co- 
 balt mining territory, covering about 100 square 
 miles. In somewhat the same line of economic 
 policy, it determined in 1906 to control the de- 
 velopment and transmission of electric power at 
 and from Niagara Falls, and accomplished its 
 purpose by a contract with the Ontario Power 
 Company, which secures power to municipalities 
 in Ontario at an extremely reasonable rate. 
 
 This adventurous policy in economic directions 
 is less surprising, however, than an absolutely 
 novel experiment in the officializing of political 
 parties, asagenciesinrepresentative government, 
 which has been put on trial in Ontario during 
 two parliamentary sessions. For the first time 
 in constitutional history, the opposition leader 
 in a legislature has been made a recognized 
 functionary and salaried by the Government to 
 the extent of $7,000 a year. Theoretically, the 
 importance of an effectively critical opposition 
 to the majority party in a legislature is always 
 acknowledged. Is there not good sense, then, 
 theoretically at least, in a policy of government 
 which aims to increase the efficiency of that criti- 
 cism and give it a responsible character, in the 
 mode which the Ontarians are trying ? 
 
 After between two and three years trial of this 
 last named experiment, with a salaried leader of 
 
 68 
 
CANADA, 1007-1909 
 
 CANADA, 1908 
 
 the Opposition, the Toronto correspondent of the 
 London Times wrote, in June, 1909, to that paper 
 as follows: “ This is an experiment in Parlia- 
 mentary government which has not been at- 
 tempted elsewhere. It has both advantages and 
 disadvantages. There are few men of wealth or 
 leisure in Canadian public life, and generally a 
 private party fund has been provided for the 
 support of the leader of the Opposition. The 
 charge was commonly made that as this fund was 
 likely to be provided by the few wealthy men of 
 the party they would exact compensation in the 
 form of official appointment or legislative favour 
 when the Opposition leader became the head of 
 the Government. It was decided, therefore, to 
 give a salary, equal to the emoluments of a 
 Minister of the Crown, to the leader of the Oppo- 
 sition. Mr. Borden [leader of the Opposition in 
 Ontario for some time past] sanctioned this legis- 
 lation and accepted the remuneration provided. 
 It was argued that he thus became a pensioner 
 on the Government, and that a servile considera- 
 tion for his salary would affect his independence 
 and restrain his criticism of the paymasters on 
 the Treasury benches. Mr. Borden, while dis- 
 posed more than once to relinquish the salary, 
 felt that this criticism was unjust, and, knowing 
 the grave financial distresses which some of his 
 predecessors had experienced, waited patiently 
 for the attack to exhaust itself and for opportu- 
 nity to prove that he was not a dependent of 
 the Treasury. At length his course seems to 
 be justified, and the appropriation of a salary 
 for the leader of the Opposition seems likely 
 to become a settled feature of the Canadian 
 Parliamentary system. The real test will come, 
 however, if the system of Parliamentary groups 
 should ever replace the established two-party 
 system in Canada. But for the time the experi- 
 ment has been justified, and under the conditions 
 which so often obtain in Canada it may even be 
 said that the official salary enhances the inde- 
 pendence and dignity of the Opposition leader 
 in Parliament.” 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1908 . — The Canada Temper- 
 ance Act. See Alcohol Problem : Canada. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — The founding of Macdonald 
 College. See Education : Canada : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (March). — The “Industrial 
 Disputes Investigation Act,” to aid in the 
 prevention and settlement of Strikes and 
 Lockouts. See Labor Organization : Canada: 
 A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April-May). — Imperial Confer- 
 ence at London. See British E.mpire : A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — Convention respecting 
 commercial relations with France and its 
 amendment. — A Convention which greatly 
 liberalized the tariff regulations affecting trade 
 between Canada and France was concluded be- 
 tween the British and French Governments and 
 signed at Paris on the 19th of September, 1907. 
 It gave “ the benefit of the minimum tariff and 
 of the lowest rates of customs duty applicable to 
 like products of other foreign origin,” recipro- 
 cally, in each country to certain enumerated 
 products of the other ; with mutual pledges that 
 every reduction granted by either to any foreign 
 country should apply to similar products of the 
 other. 
 
 In January, 1909, an amended Convention was 
 negotiated which liberalized still further this 
 
 commercial agreement, enlarging the schedules 
 of favored products, especially the agricultural 
 schedules, giving important advantages to Can- 
 ada in the French market. The amended Con- 
 vention was ratified in France on the 13th of 
 July, and in Canada early in December. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Child Labor legislation. See 
 (in this vol.) Children, under the Law : As. 
 Workers. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Governmental undertaking of 
 a railway to Hudson Bay. See Railways: 
 Canada : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Convention for the 
 preservation and propagation of Food Fishes 
 in waters contiguous to the United States 
 and Canada. See Food Fishes. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty respecting the 
 demarcation of the International Boundary 
 between the United States and Canada. — A 
 Treaty “ providing for the more complete defini- 
 tion and demarcation of the international bound- 
 ary between the United States and the Dominion 
 of Canada,” negotiated by Ambassador Bryce 
 and Secretary Root, appointed Plenipotentiaries 
 of the Governments of Great Britain and the 
 United States, respectively, was signed at Wash- 
 ington on the 4th of June, 1908. The Treaty 
 provides for parcelling the boundary line in eight 
 sections, for the determination in each of which 
 each Government “ shall appoint, without delay, 
 an expert geographer or surveyor to serve as 
 Commissioner.” Its first article prescribes with 
 minuteness the procedure to be followed and the 
 consideration to be given to former surveys and 
 determinations of the boundary line “ in the 
 waters of Passamaquoddy Bay from the mouth 
 of the St. Croix River to the Bay of Fundy.” 
 The second article defines similarly the task ap- 
 pointed to the Commissioners who shall deter- 
 mine the ‘‘line drawn along the middle of the 
 River St. Croix from its mouth in the Bay of 
 Fundy to its source. ” The third article instructs 
 the Commissioners who shall fix the line from 
 the source of the St. Croix to the St. Lawrence. 
 The fourth deals in like manner with the next 
 section of the line, from “ the point of its inter- 
 section with the St. Lawrence River near the 
 forty-fifth parallel of north latitude, as deter- 
 mined under articles I. and VI. of the Treaty of 
 August 9, 1842, between Great Britain and the 
 United States, and thence through the Great 
 Lakes and communicating waterways to the 
 mouth of Pigeon River, at the western shore of 
 Lake Superior.” The fifth pursues the line from 
 “ the mouth of Pigeon River to the northwestern - 
 most point of the Lake of the Woods.” The 
 sixth traces the work to be done on the line from 
 that point of the Lake of the Woods to the sum- 
 mit of the Rocky Mountains. The seventh re- 
 lates to the section of boundary “along the 
 forty-ninth parallel of north latitude, from the 
 summit of the Rocky Mountains westward to the 
 eastern shore of the Gulf of Georgia, as defined 
 in article I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, be- 
 tween Great Britain and the United States and as 
 marked by monuments along its course,” — for 
 the renewing and completing of which monu- 
 ments commissioners were appointed by con- 
 current action of the two Governments in 1902 
 and 1903. The eighth article has to do with the 
 western terminal section of the task, carrying 
 the boundary line “ from the forty-ninth parallel 
 of north latitude along the middle of the channel 
 
 69 
 
CANADA, 1908 
 
 CANADA, 1909 
 
 •which separates Vancouver’s Island from the 
 mainland and the Haro Channel and of Fuca’s 
 Straits to the Pacific Ocean, as defined in article 
 I. of the Treaty of June 15, 1846, between Great 
 Britain and the United States, and as determined 
 by the award made on October 21, 1872, by the 
 Emperor of Germany as arbitrator. 
 
 In articles one and two there are provisions for 
 the arbitration of disagreements; and the con- 
 cluding article contains the following : 
 
 “ If a dispute or difference should arise about 
 the location or demarcation of any portion of 
 the boundary covered by the provisions of this 
 Treaty and an agreement with respect thereto is 
 not reached by the Commissioners charged herein 
 with locating and marking such portion of the 
 line, they shall make a report in writing jointly 
 to both Governments, or severally each to his own 
 Government, setting out fully the questions in 
 dispute and the differences between them, but 
 such Commissioners shall, nevertheless, proceed 
 to carry on and complete as far as possible the 
 work herein assigned to them with respect to the 
 remaining portions of the line. 
 
 “ In case of such a disagreement between the 
 Commissioners, the two Governments shall en- 
 deavor to agree upon an adjustment of the 
 questions in dispute, and if an agreement is 
 reached between the two Governments it shall be 
 reduced to writing in the form of a protocol, and 
 shall be communicated to the said Commission- 
 ers, who shall proceed to lay down and mark the 
 boundary in accordance therewith, and as herein 
 provided, but without prejudice to the special 
 provisions contained in Articles I and II regard- 
 ing arbitration. 
 
 “It is understood that under the foregoing 
 articles the same persons will be appointed to 
 carry out the delimitation of boundaries in the 
 several sections aforesaid, other than the section 
 covered by Article IV, unless either of the Con- 
 tracting Powers finds it expedient for some 
 reason which it may think sufficient to appoint 
 some other person to be Commissioner for any 
 one of the above-mentioned sections.” 
 
 A. D. 1908 (July). — Tercentenary Cele- 
 bration of the Founding of Quebec. — The 
 three hundredth anniversary of the founding of 
 Quebec by Champlain was celebrated at that 
 city in July, 1908, with remarkable spirit and 
 success. The Government of the Dominion took 
 an active and important part in the preparations, 
 nationalizing the battle-field of Wolfe’s victory 
 over Montcalm, on the Plains of Abraham, and 
 converting it into a park, where the principal 
 pageants and ceremonies of the occasion were 
 performed. The Imperial Government interested 
 itself warmly in the undertaking, the Prince of 
 Wales, Lord Roberts, the Duke of Norfolk, and 
 other distinguished personages from Great Brit- 
 ain coming as guests of the festivity and to bear a 
 part. Living descendants of Wolfe and Montcalm 
 were also invited guests, and the Governments 
 of France and the United States were officially 
 represented. Battleships from the fleets of these 
 nations and from Germany, Italy, Spain, Japan 
 and the Argentine Republic were brought to a 
 friendly concourse in the harbor of Quebec, for 
 participation in the brilliant spectacles of the 
 fete. These included a military representation 
 of the armies of Wolfe and Montcalm, on the 
 field where they fought ; a representation of the 
 landing of Champlain, from a ship which dupli- 
 
 cated the structure and equipment of his own, 
 and a number of other historical pageants, all 
 admirably planned and executed, and offering a 
 rare entertainment to the many thousands of vis- 
 itors who were attracted to Quebec from all parts 
 of the Dominion and the United States. 
 
 The celebration began on the 19th of July and 
 continued through two weeks. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Sept.). — Act to amend Civil 
 Service Act. See (in this vol.) Civil Service 
 Reform: Canada. 
 
 A. D. 1909.— The projected Georgian Bay 
 Canal. — Present state of the project. — 
 
 “The scheme for a canal to give through trans- 
 port for ocean-going steamers from Montreal to 
 the Great Lakes may now be said to have emerged 
 from the field of idealism into that of practical 
 politics, the need for such a waterway having 
 been generally recognized by Canadian politi- 
 cians. In commercial circles there is the strong- 
 est feeling that the canal works should be put 
 in hand at once, and at the end of April last a 
 powerful deputation representing 20 Canadian 
 Boards of Trade and 54 municipalities pressed 
 this point of view upon the Government. At the 
 present time questions of finance alone prohibit 
 the practical adoption of the enterprise. . . . 
 When the work is started, it will probably be 
 found that the contract will be entrusted to pri- 
 vate enterprise under Government supervision. 
 
 . . . The present position of the negotiations 
 between the Government and the canal company 
 is that the latter corporation having matured its 
 scheme, the Government engineers have made a 
 report, and a compromise has now to be effected 
 on those points where the recommendations of 
 the Government engineers differ from the scheme 
 of construction drawn up by the Georgian Bay 
 Canal Company. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The total distance of the route planned by 
 the canal company engineers between Georgian 
 Bay on Lake Huron to Montreal, the head of 
 ocean navigation on the St. Lawrence River, is 
 440 miles. The project is essentially a river and 
 lake canalization scheme, and for the greater 
 part of its course the projected route follows the 
 course of the French River and the Ottawa. 
 River and its lakes. From Georgian Bay to the 
 summit level it is proposed to utilize the middle 
 channel of French River to Lake Nipissing. 
 From the northern side of this lake to the sum- 
 mit level, a distance of over 80 miles from Geor- 
 gian Bay, it would be mainly an artificial water- 
 way. From the summit level, 677 ft. above sea 
 level, there is a long fall to Montreal, and the 
 route proposed by the canal company engineers 
 is via Trout and Turtle Lakes, the little Mattawa 
 River into Talon Lake to Sand Bay, a distance of 
 
 21 miles. A canal three miles long would carry 
 the waterway to the Mattawa River, 13 miles 
 of which would be utilized, and a short canal 
 cut would give access to the Ottawa River, which 
 would then be followed for a distance of 293 
 miles. Thence the St. Lawrence River or a 
 branch of the Ottawa River, known as the Back 
 River, would form the new waterway for the 
 last 25 miles. The difference in elevation of 659 ft. 
 between Montreal and the summit level, and 99 ft. 
 between the summit and Georgian Bay would 
 be bridged by 27 locks, ranging in lift from 5 ft. 
 to 50 ft. These locks would be designed for a 
 length of 940 ft., with a width of 70 ft. and with 
 
 22 ft. of water upon the lock sills, the proposed 
 
CANADA, 1909 
 
 CANADA, 1909 
 
 depth of the canal being 24 ft. The total length 
 of canal cutting for the route is estimated at 
 from 28 to 34 miles, and in all about 108 miles 
 out of the total length of 440 miles would require 
 excavation work for lock approaches, canals, and 
 submerged channels. 
 
 “The plans of the Government engineers, as 
 embodied in a report to the Department Of Public 
 Works, do not differ materially from those of 
 the canal company. The latter proposes a 24ft. 
 waterway, with 22 ft. upon the lock sills; the 
 Government plans provide for a 22ft. waterway, 
 which, it is poiuted out, would more than equal 
 the conditions as they exist to-day in the channels 
 connecting the waters of the Great Lakes, which 
 govern the draught of boats on the Lakes. . . . 
 The opening up of the Great Lakes for the first 
 time to ocean-going traffic would be an event of 
 the first commercial magnitude. It is not gener- 
 ally recognized that the trade of the Lakes is 
 greater than the coasting trade of England, of 
 France, and of Germany put together. The 
 statistical reports of Lake commerce passing 
 through the canals at Sault Ste. Marie, Michigan 
 and Ontario, show that the tonnage passing 
 through these canals increased during 1897 to 
 1907 from 18,982,755 to 58,217,214. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Reference should also be made to the water 
 powers which would be created by the present 
 plans for the construction of the canal. The re- 
 port of the Government engineers states that 
 nearly 1,000,000 h. p. could be secured along the 
 Ottawa and French rivers and it is estimated that 
 100,000 h. p. would be available within almost a 
 mile of the city of Montreal. 
 
 “ The question yet to be decided is when can 
 the country afford to start the work. Sir Robert 
 Perks, M. P. , who has been intimately associated 
 with the scheme, recently submitted an offer to 
 the Government on behalf of the canal company, 
 who own the charter, to provide £5,000,000 at a 
 3 per cent, guarantee, with % per cent, sinking 
 fund, for the construction of the French River 
 section of the canal, a distance of about 86 miles, 
 and to build docks and warehouses at North Bay 
 on Lake Nipissing. ... It is estimated that it 
 would take ten years from the inception of the 
 work before the canal would be open for naviga- 
 tion, and that the total cost would be about 
 £20,000,000 .” — Engineering Correspondence Lon- 
 don Times , Aug. 18, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Great Mackenzie Basin. 
 — The Newest Canadian West. — A report 
 on the agricultural possibilities of the great 
 Mackenzie Basin, prepared by a select committee 
 of the Dominion Senate, was made public in the 
 summer of 1909. “ Basing their calculations 
 
 upon the testimony of witnesses, the Committee 
 calculate that some two million square miles be- 
 tween the northern limits of Saskatchewan and 
 Alberta and the Arctic Circle can be used for 
 pasturage and for the cultivation of wheat, barley, 
 potatoes, and other vegetables. Until a few years 
 ago not only the Mackenzie basin but the valley 
 of Peace rivers were on account of their high 
 latitudes considered to be unfit for cultivation. 
 The comparatively mild climate, which, as the 
 report shows, they in reality enjoy, is said to be 
 due to the proximity of large bodies of water 
 such as the Great Slave and Great Bear lakes and 
 to the chinook wind, the warm current of' air 
 that blows across the Rocky Mountains from the 
 Pacific. The shortness of the sub-Arctic sum- 
 
 mer appears to be offset by the proportionate 
 length of the days and by the clearness of the 
 air. In regard to the future of the district with 
 which it deals the report points out that in 1870 
 the representatives of the people of Eastern 
 Canada were anxious to obtain in regard to what 
 is now the prosperous province of Manitoba ex- 
 actly the same information as the Committee has 
 been engaged in collecting about Canada’s ‘ new- 
 est west.’ ” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The opposition in Newfound- 
 land to union with the Dominion. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Newfoundland ; A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.).— The Waterways 
 Treaty between the United States and Great 
 Britain, concerning the waters between the 
 former and Canada. — Resulting from the la- 
 bors of an International Waterways Commis- 
 sion, appointed four years before, a Waterways 
 Treaty, having reference to the lakes and rivers 
 that lie along the boundary between Canada 
 and the United States, was concluded by Am- 
 bassador Bryce, on the part of the British Gov- 
 ernment, and Secretary of State Root, on the 
 part of the United States, in January, 1909. 
 The Treaty was ratified by the Senate of the 
 United States in the closing hours of the Con- 
 gressional session which ended March 4, but 
 with a proviso, in the form of a resolution at- 
 tached. The following is a summary of the pro- 
 visions of the Treaty as it went to the Senate : 
 
 “A preliminary article defines the Canadian 
 and American boundary waters. 
 
 “ Article I. enacts that the navigation of these 
 waters, including Lake Michigan and the canals 
 connecting them, shall for ever continue free 
 and open for the purposes of commerce to the 
 inhabitants of both countries. Regulations af- 
 fecting canals in the territory of either country 
 shall apply equally to inhabitants of the other 
 who may wish to make use thereof. 
 
 “ Article II. reserves to the signatories and to 
 the State and provincial Governments exclusive 
 control over the use, diversion, &c., of such 
 waters in their territory as flow into the bound- 
 ary waters or across the frontier. Any inhabitant 
 of either country injured by the use of this privi- 
 lege will be entitled to the legal remedies he 
 would have if he were a native of the defend- 
 ant country. The contracting parties, however, 
 reserve the right of objection whenever navi 
 gation on their own side of the boundary is 
 imperilled by any diversion of water across it. 
 
 “ Articles III. and IV. provide that no works 
 shall be undertaken on either side of the line, 
 if such works would be likely to affect the level 
 of the waters on the other side, without agree- 
 ment between the contracting parties and the 
 sanction of the Joint Commission. Pollution of 
 the waters is also forbidden. 
 
 “ Article V., which relates to the diversion of 
 the waters of Niagara, the control of the level 
 of Lake Erie, and the flow of the Niagara River, 
 has a clause which states that it is the desire of 
 both parties to accomplish these objects with the 
 least possible injury to the investments which 
 have already been made in the construction of 
 power plants on the United States side of the 
 Niagara River under grants of authority from 
 the State of New York, and on the Canadian 
 side of the river under licenses authorized by 
 the Dominion of Canada and the Province of 
 Ontario. 
 
CANADA, 1909 
 
 CANADA, 1909 
 
 “ Article VI. apportions the uses of the St. 
 Mary’s and Milk rivers and their tributaries in 
 the west. 
 
 “Article VII. provides for the creation of an 
 International Joint Commission, oonsisting of 
 three representatives of Canada and three of the 
 United States. 
 
 “Article VIII. provides that the Commission 
 shall have jurisdiction over, and shall decide all 
 cases involving, the waterways where, under 
 articles III. and IV., their approval is required, 
 and gives principles for their guidance. The 
 contracting parties are to have equal and simi- 
 lar rights. The uses of the water are to be con- 
 sidered in the following order: — First, domestic 
 and sanitary purposes; secondly, purposes of 
 navigation ; third, purposes of power and irriga- 
 tion. The Commission is invested with some 
 discretion with regard to departure from the 
 principle of equal division, &c. In case of a tie 
 vote each Commissioner is to make a separate 
 report to his Government ; whereupon the two 
 Governments shall attempt to reach an agree- 
 ment. 
 
 “The two following articles, IX. and X., re 
 quiring that all disputes shall be referred to the 
 Commission, stand out as the most important 
 provisions of the treaty. Article IX., after stat- 
 ing that matters of difference shall be referred 
 to the Commission whenever either Government 
 desires, goes on to authorize the Commission in 
 each case so referred to examine into and report 
 upon the facts and circumstances of the particu- 
 lar questions referred, together with such con- 
 clusions and recommendations as may be appro- 
 priate, subject, however, to any restrictions or 
 exceptions which may be imposed with respect 
 thereto by the terms of reference. Such reports 
 of the Commission are in no way to have the 
 character of an arbitral award. The Commis- 
 sion shall make joint report to both Govern- 
 ments in all cases wherein all or a majority of 
 the Commissioners agree, and in case of dis- 
 agreement the minority may make joint report 
 to both Governments, or separate reports to 
 their respective Governments. In case the Com- 
 mission is evenly divided upon any question 
 referred to it, separate reports shall be made by 
 the Commissioners, one on each side to their 
 own Government. 
 
 “Article X. extends the powers of the Com- 
 mission by providing that other matters of dif- 
 ference affecting the rights of either country 
 may be referred to the Commission. In each 
 case so referred the Commission is authorized 
 to examine into and report upon the facts and 
 circumstances of the particular questions and 
 matters referred, together with such conclusions 
 and recommendations as may be appropriate, 
 subject, however, to any restrictions or excep- 
 tions which may be imposed with respect thereto 
 by the terms of reference. A majority of the 
 Commission shall have power to render a de- 
 cision or finding upon any of the questions or 
 matters so referred. 
 
 “ In the event of a failure of the Commission 
 to agree upon the issues submitted to them for 
 decision or report, the article requires the Com- 
 missioners to make a joint report to both Gov- 
 ernments, or separate reports to their respective 
 Governments, showing the different conclusions 
 arrived at with regard to matters or questions 
 so referred, which shall thereupon be submitted 
 
 for decision by the high contracting parties to 
 an umpire chosen in accordance with procedure 
 prescribed in the fourth, fifth, and sixth para- 
 graphs of Article XLV. of The Hague Conven- 
 tion for the pacific settlement of international 
 disputes, dated October 18, 1907. Such umpire, 
 the article concludes, shall have power to render 
 a final decision on matters whereon the Commis- 
 sion have failed to agree.” 
 
 The resolution attached to the Treaty by the 
 Senate of the United States related to the use 
 of waters flowing at the rapids of St. Mary’s 
 River at Sault Ste. Marie, and was introduced 
 by Senator Smith of Michigan. It is as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 ' ‘ Resolved — As part of this ratification, the 
 United States approves this treaty, with the 
 understanding that nothing in the treaty shall 
 be construed as affecting or changing any ex- 
 isting territorial or riparian right in the water, 
 or the rights of owners of lands under water, on 
 either side of the international boundary, at the 
 rapids of St. Mary’s River at Sault Ste. Marie, 
 in the use of waters flowing over such lands, 
 subject to the requirements of navigation in the 
 boundary waters and of the navigation of canals, 
 and without prejudice to the existing right of 
 the United States and Canada, each to use the 
 waters of St. Mary’s River within its own terri- 
 tory ; and that this interpretation will be men- 
 tioned in the ratification of this treaty as con- 
 veying the true meaning of the treaty, and will 
 in effect form part of the treaty.” 
 
 This stipulation was objectionable to Canada, 
 and the consent of the Dominion Government 
 to a ratification of the Treaty on the part of 
 Great Britain was withheld. It has been under- 
 stood, however, that the objection will be sub- 
 stantially removed if the Government of the 
 United States acquires possession of the lands 
 and riparian property concerned, which was 
 provided for by an Act of Congress passed in 
 March. The necessary proceedings will con- 
 sume some time. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — The institution of a 
 Department of External Affairs. — An Asso- 
 ciated Press despatch from Ottawa, on the 18th 
 of February, 1909, made known that “the 
 Canadian Government has announced its inten- 
 tion of creating a portfolio of external affairs. 
 Heretofore all of the foreign business of Canada 
 has been carried on through the channel of the 
 British colonial and foreign office. Even after 
 the external affairs branch is created by Can- 
 ada this will be the principal avenue for such 
 business. That method is cumbersome. In the 
 case of negotiations with the United States, 
 papers have to cross the Atlantic twice in pass- 
 ing from Washington to Ottawa, being sent first 
 to the colonial office and then back to Canada. 
 The process has been much criticised and both 
 the prime minister and the opposition leader 
 have declared themselves in favor of a modifica- 
 tion. The creation of the external department 
 is regarded as the first step. The most radical 
 proposal is the intimation that in negotiations 
 with the United States there will hereafter be di- 
 rect communication between Washington and 
 Canada, through the medium of the British Am- 
 bassador.” 
 
 In the British Parliament, on the 4th of 
 March, the Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, replied 
 to a question on the subject, as follows: “ It is 
 
CANADA, 1909-1910 
 
 CARNEGIE IIERO FUNDS 
 
 understood that the Canadian Government pro- 
 pose to establish a Department of External Af- 
 fairs. This department is merely intended — 
 like the corresponding department of the Com 
 wealth Government — to conduct correspond- 
 ence with the Secretary of State for the Colonies, 
 and his Majesty’s Ambassador at Washington, 
 and with thie several departments of the Cana- 
 dian Government. At present delay occurs in 
 dealing with the correspondence, as there is no 
 department to conduct the work. No sugges- 
 tion has been made by the Canadian Government 
 for the increase of their powers in dealing with 
 external affairs.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — Participation in a 
 North American Conference on the Con- 
 servation of Natural Resources. See (in this 
 vol.) Conservation of Natural Resources: 
 North America. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — Statistics of the 
 Budget speech. - — • Revenue. — T rade. — No 
 increase of taxation. — The following was 
 reported in a despatch from Ottawa, April 20, 
 1909: “Notwithstanding the financial strin- 
 
 gency of the past year, which reduced the rev 
 enue of Canada by $11,500,000, Mr. Fielding, 
 Minister of Finance, in his Budget speech to- 
 day made the gratifying announcement that 
 there was a surplus of $1,500,000 for the year 
 ended March 31. The increase in the net debt 
 was $46,029,000, of which $32,000,000 was for 
 the National Transcontinental Railway and the 
 Quebec Bridge. The total trade of the country 
 during the past year was $553,737,000, a decrease 
 of $97,000,000, principally in imports. The esti- 
 mated expenditures for the current year were 
 $80,078,624. In the judgment of the Government 
 there was no necessity for increased taxation, 
 but the situation should be met by a substantial 
 reduction in expenditures.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — Important ruling by 
 the Railway Commission affecting American 
 
 Railways. See (in this vol.) Railways: Can- 
 ada: A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Aug.). — Imperial Defence 
 Conference. — Its agreements. See War, 
 The Preparations for : Military and 
 
 Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Aug.). — Meeting of the British 
 Association for the Advancement of Science. 
 
 See Science and Invention, Recent: Physi- 
 cal. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Aug.). — Proposed union of 
 the Maritime Provinces. — A Press despatch 
 of August 19, from Ottawa, reported : “At a 
 conference of the Boards of Trade of the Mari- 
 time Provinces at Charlottetown a resolution 
 was adopted in favour of the union of the Mari- 
 time Provinces. The Governments of Nova 
 Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward 
 Island were asked to appoint a committee to 
 draft terms of union. The general opinion is 
 that only union can avert the overwhelming in- 
 fluence of the West in future.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). — Convention relating to 
 obstructions in the St. John River. — “Com 
 missioners have been appointed on the part of the 
 United States to act jointly with commissioners 
 on the part of Canada in examining into the 
 question of obstructions in the St. John River, 
 between Maine and New Brunswick, and to 
 make recommendations for the regulation of the 
 uses thereof, and are now engaged in this work.” 
 — Message of the President of the V. S. to 
 Congress, Dec. 6, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — As affected by the new 
 tariff of the United States. See (in this vol.) 
 Tariffs: United States. 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Anti-Trust Bill in the Domin- 
 ion Parliament. See Combinations, Indus- 
 trial, &c. : Canada. 
 
 A. D. 1910 (Jan.). — Announcement of naval 
 programme. See War, The Preparations 
 for: Naval. 
 
 CANADA STEEL CORPORATION. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : Canada : A. D. 1909. 
 
 CANADIAN PACIFIC RAILWAY 
 STRIKE, 1908. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Organization : Canada : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 CANAL ZONE. See (in this vol.) Panama 
 Canal. 
 
 CANALS. See (in this vol.) Panama, 
 Georgian Bay, and (for Barge Canal) New 
 York State : A. D. 1898-1909. 
 
 CAMPANILE OF ST. MARK’S, at 
 
 Venice. — Its fall. See (in this vol.) Venice: 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 CANBERRA, or Yass- Canberra. — 
 Chosen site of the Capital of Australia. 
 See (in this vol.) Australia: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 CANCER RESEARCH. See (in this vol.) 
 Public Health. 
 
 CANDAMO, President Manuel. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Peru. 
 
 CAPE COLONY. See SouTn Africa. 
 CAPITALISTIC COMBINATIONS. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, &c. ; 
 also Railways: United States. 
 
 CAPUCHINS: Forbidden to teach in 
 France. See (in this vol.) France: A. D. 
 1903. 
 
 CARDUCCI, Giosue. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 CARLOS L, King of Portugal. — His as- 
 sassination. See (in this vol.) Portugal: A. 
 D. 1906-1909. 
 
 CARMEN SYLVA: Queen of Roumania. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Balkan and Danubian 
 States: Roumania: A. D. 1866-1906. 
 
 CARNEGIE, Andrew: Gift to Scottish 
 universities and students. See (in this vol.) 
 Education: Scotland: A. D. 1901. 
 
 Gift of a building at Washington for the 
 Bureau of the American Republics. See 
 American Republics, International Bu- 
 reau of. 
 
 Gift of a court house and library for 
 the Permanent Court of .Arbitration at The 
 Hague. See War, The Revolt against: 
 A. D. 1903. 
 
 At Peace Congress in New York. See 
 
 War, TnE Revolt against: A. D. 1907. 
 
 CARNEGIE FOUNDATION, for the 
 advancement of teaching. See (in this vol.) 
 Education: United States: A. D. 1905- 
 1908. 
 
 CARNEGIE HERO. FUNDS.— April 15, 
 1904, a letter from Andrew Carnegie was made 
 public announcing that he had set apart a fund 
 of §5,000,000 to be known as “The Hero Fund.” 
 In this letter Mr. Carnegie said: “ We live in an 
 heroic age. Not seldom are we thrilled by deeds 
 of heroism where men or women are injured or 
 
 73 
 
CARNEGIE HERO FUNDS 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 lose their lives in attempting to preserve or rescue 
 their fellows ; such are the heroes of civilization. 
 The heroes of barbarism maimed or killed. I have 
 long felt that the heroes and those dependent 
 upon them should be freed from pecuniary cares 
 resulting from their heroism and as a fund for 
 this purpose I have transferred to a commission 
 $5,000,000 of collateral 5 per cent bonds of the 
 United States Steel Corporation.” Only such as 
 follow peaceful vocations on sea or land in the 
 United States or Canada are eligible to receive 
 money or medals for heroic deeds. The commis- 
 sion which has charge of the fund has its head- 
 quarters in Pittsburg, Pa. A similiar fund in 
 Great Britain was created soon afterward by Mr. 
 Carnegie, and in May, 1909, he placed, for the 
 same purpose, $ 1 , 000,000 of the bonds of the 
 United States Steel Corporation in the hands of 
 trustees in France, under the sanction of the 
 French Government. 
 
 CARNEGIE INSTITUTE, The, at 
 Pittsburg: Its enlargement and re-dedica- 
 tion. See (in this vol.) Education: United 
 States: A. D. 1907. 
 
 CARNEGIE INSTITUTION OF 
 WASHINGTON. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention : Ca,rnegie Institution. 
 
 CARTAGO, Costa Rica: Institution of the 
 Central American Court of Justice. — Gift of 
 a building by Mr. Carnegie. See (in this vol.) 
 Central America: A. D. 1908. 
 
 CARTELS. See (in this vol.) Combinations, 
 Industrial (in Germany). 
 
 CASABLANCA: Bombardment by French 
 and Spanish fleets. — The Casablanca inci- 
 
 dent. See (in this vol.) Morocco : A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 CASEMENT, Roger: British consul in the 
 Congo State. — His reports. See (in this vol.) 
 Congo State : A. D. 1903-1905. 
 
 CASTRO, CIPRIANO: President of 
 
 Venezuela. See in this vol.) Venezuela, also 
 Colombia: 1898-1902. 
 
 CASTRO, Luciano de. See (in this vol.) 
 Portugal : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 CATALONIA: A. D. 1902 . — Disorders. 
 — See (in this vol.) Spain : A. D. 1905-1906, and 
 1907-1909. 
 
 CATHOLIC DISABILITIES, in Eng- 
 land : Majority vote in Commons for remov- 
 ing. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 1909(May). 
 
 CATHOLIC PEOPLE’S PARTY. See 
 (in this vol.) Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1904. 
 
 CATSKILL AQUEDUCT. See (in this 
 vol.) New York City: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 CATTLE DRIVING. See (in this vol.) 
 Ireland: A. D. 1902-1908. 
 
 CAUCASUS, The: Conflict of Tartars 
 and Armenians. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 
 1905 (Feb.-Nov.). 
 
 CENSORSHIP. See (in this vol.) Russia: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 CENSUS BILL, President Roosevelt’s 
 veto of the. See (in this vol.) Civil Service 
 Reform : United States. 
 
 CENSUS BUREAU, Creation of a perma- 
 nent. See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 
 1902 (March). 
 
 CENTER, or Centrum Party. See (in this 
 vol.) Germany : A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA. 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1906 . — Participation of all the 
 states in the Second and Third International 
 Conferences of American republics. — Their 
 signature of an obligatory arbitration con- 
 vention. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Treaty of compulsory arbitra- 
 tion and obligatory peace between the five 
 republics. See War, The Revolt against: 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Honduras: Revolution, es- 
 tablishing General Bonilla in the Presidency. 
 
 — In the spring of 1903 a rising in Honduras 
 against the Government was reported to be in 
 progress, under General Bonilla. Early in March 
 the situation was stated by the American con- 
 sular agent at Amapala as follows : 
 
 “ A great part of the members of the Congress 
 that was in session in Tegucigalpa, amongst them 
 the President of the Congress, fled from the 
 capital to the frontier of Salvador the 30tli of 
 January, so that Congress was de facto dissolved 
 on that date. It seems that the council of min- 
 isters formed a new Congress out of the remain- 
 ing deputies and the substitutes of the fugitives. 
 The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel 
 Arias president, and Gen. Maximo B. Rosales 
 vice-president of the Republic. The new Gov- 
 ernment was recognized by Nicaragua, but I do 
 not know if it was recognized by the other Cen- 
 tral American Republics. In the meantime Gen- 
 eral Bonilla has gone ahead with his military 
 operations against the new government. His 
 forces have taken the fortified towns of Ocote- 
 
 peque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier 
 of Nicaragua. On the 22d of February General 
 Bonilla w T as attacked in El Aceituno by General 
 Sierra, the ex-president, who was completely de- 
 feated and escaped with several hundred men, 
 the remainder of his troops, to the fortified town 
 of Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla 
 has now an army of about 4,500 men.” 
 
 In despatches of the 15th and 24th of April, 
 Minister Combs, who represented the United 
 States in transactions with both Guatemala and 
 Honduras, advised the State Department that 
 General Bonilla was in possession of Tegucigalpa ; 
 that ex-President Arias was a prisoner ; that 
 peace was restored, and that Bonilla should be 
 recognized as President. Accordingly the recog- 
 nition was given. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Nicaragua, Honduras, Salva- 
 dor, and Guatemala: Peace Conference. — A 
 
 despatch, August 31, 1904, from the American 
 Minister at San Jose, Costa Rica, to the State 
 Department at Washington, was as follows: ‘‘I 
 have the honor to advise that on the 21 st instant, 
 at Corinto, Nicaragua, the Presidents of Nica- 
 ragua, Honduras, and El Salvador, and a special 
 delegate representing the President of Guate- 
 mala, held a conference ostensibly for the pur- 
 pose of securing the peace of Central America. 
 
 . . . The parties holding the conference have 
 issued a lengthy manifesto, which indicates no- 
 thing of interest to our Government except that 
 the four governments represented are controlled 
 by parties who will aid each other hv military 
 
 74 
 
CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 force, if necessary, in maintaining the status quo, 
 and that the peace of Central America is thus 
 reasonably assured by making revolutionary 
 efforts more difficult and less liable to achieve 
 success.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Nicaragua and Honduras: 
 Agreement to arbitrate boundary dispute. — 
 
 In October, 1904, the United States Government 
 was informed that Nicaragua and Honduras had 
 agreed to submit a boundary dispute to the King 
 of Spain. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — Nicaragua : Treaty with Great 
 Britain concerning the Mosquito Territory. 
 
 — The following treaty between Great Britain 
 and the Republic of Nicaragua was signed at 
 Managua, Nicaragua, April 19, 1905: 
 
 Article I. The High Contracting Parties 
 agree that the Treaty of Managua of January 28, 
 1860, is and shall remain abrogated. 
 
 Article II. His Britannic Majesty agrees to 
 recognize the absolute sovereignty of Nicaragua 
 over the territory that constituted the former 
 Mosquito Reserve, as defined in the aforesaid 
 Treaty of Managua. 
 
 Article III. In consideration of the fact that 
 the Mosquito Indians were at one time under the 
 protection of Great Britain, and in view of the 
 interest that His Majesty’s Government and the 
 Nicaraguan Government take in their welfare, 
 the Niearaguan Government agree to grant them 
 the following concessions: — 
 
 (a) The Government will submit to the Na- 
 tional Assembly a law exempting, for fifty years 
 from the date of the ratification of this Treaty, 
 all the Mosquito Indians and the Creoles born 
 before the year 1894, from military service, and 
 from all direct taxation on their persons, property, 
 possessions, animals, and means of subsistence. 
 
 (b) The Government will allow the Indians to 
 live in their villages enjoying the concessions 
 granted by this Convention, and following their 
 own customs, in so far as they are not opposed 
 to the laws of the country and to public morality. 
 
 ( c ) The Nicaraguan Government will concede 
 a further period of two years for them to legalize 
 their rights to the property acquired in conform- 
 ity with the Regulations in force before 1894 in 
 the Reserve. The Government will make no 
 charge to the said inhabitants either for the lands 
 or the measurement thereof, or for the grant of 
 title-deeds. For this purpose the title-deeds in 
 the possession of the said Indians and Creoles be- 
 fore 1894 will be renewed in conformity with the 
 laws, and, in cases where no such title-deeds 
 exist, the Government will give to each family, 
 at their place of residence, eight manzanas of 
 land, if the members of the family do not exceed 
 four in number, and two manzanas for each per- 
 son if the family exceeds that number. 
 
 (d) Public pasture lands will be reserved for 
 the use of the inhabitants in the neighbourhood 
 of each Indian village. 
 
 (e) In the event of any Mosquito Indians or 
 Creoles proving that the lands which they held 
 in conformity with the Regulations in force be- 
 fore 1894 have been claimed by and allotted to 
 other persons, the Government will indemnify 
 them by the grant of suitable public lands of 
 approximate value as near as possible to their 
 present residences. 
 
 Article IV. The ex-Chief of the Mosquito 
 Indians, Robert Henry Clarence, will be per- 
 mitted by the Nicaraguan Government to reside 
 
 in the Republic of Nicaragua and to enjoy full 
 protection so long as he does not transgress the 
 laws, and provided his acts do not tend to incite 
 the Indians against Nicaragua. 
 
 Article V. The Mosquito Indians, and other 
 inhabitants of the former Reserve, will enjoy the 
 same rights as are secured by the laws of Nica- 
 ragua to other N icaraguan citizens. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Honduras, Guatemala, and 
 Salvador: War, ended by mediation of the 
 United States and Mexico. — Neither the Con- 
 vention of Peace and Compulsory Arbitration 
 signed at Corinto in 1902 by the presidents of all 
 five of the Central American republics, nor the 
 peace agreement between four of them two years 
 later, sufficed to prevent an outbreak of war in 
 1906 which involved the three states of Honduras, 
 Guatemala, and Salvador. President Roosevelt, 
 in his annual Message to Congress that year, re- 
 ferred to the war as having arisen from “ trouble 
 which had existed for some time ” ; but does 
 not indicate the nature of the “trouble” ; nor is 
 any light thrown on it in a long diplomatic cor- 
 respondence between the parties to it and the 
 governments of the United States and Mexico, 
 which appears in the American report of Foreign 
 Relations for 1906. Probably nobody outside of 
 the belligerents ever learned definitely why they 
 felt called upon to fight, or what they had to 
 settle when peace was made. 
 
 Seemingly Honduras was the aggressor; but 
 the affair seems hardly worth the trouble of any 
 deep investigation. Its chief importance is in 
 the successful mediation that was undertaken 
 jointly by the governments of the United States 
 and Mexico, of which President Roosevelt made 
 report in the Message referred to above : 
 
 “The thoroughly good understanding which 
 exists between the United States and Mexico,” 
 said the President, “enabled this Government 
 and that of Mexico to unite in effective mediation 
 between the warring Republics ; which mediation 
 resulted, not without long-continued and patient 
 effort, in bringing about a meeting of the re- 
 presentatives of the hostile powers on board a 
 United States warship as neutral territory, and 
 peace was there concluded ; a peace which re- 
 sulted in the saving of thousands of lives and in 
 the prevention of an incalculable amount of mis- 
 ery and the destruction of property and of the 
 means of livelihood. The Rio Conference passed 
 the following resolution in reference to this 
 action : 
 
 “ ‘ That the Third International American Con- 
 ference shall address to the Presidents of the 
 United States of America and of the United States 
 of Mexico a note in which the conference which 
 is being held at Rio expresses its satisfaction 
 at the happy results of their mediation for the 
 celebration of peace between the Republics of 
 Guatemala, Honduras, and Salvador.’ 
 
 “This affords an excellent example of one way 
 in which the influence of the United States can 
 properly be exercised for the benefit of the 
 peoples of the Western Hemisphere; that is, by 
 action taken in concert with other American re- 
 publics and therefore free from those suspicions 
 and prejudices which might attach if the action 
 were taken by one alone.” 
 
 The resulting “ General Treaty of Peace and 
 Amity, Commerce, etc., between the Republics 
 of Costa Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, and Hondu- 
 ras,” signed September 25, 1906, involved solemn 
 
 75 
 
CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 engagements in its first four articles, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 ‘ ‘ Aiiticlk 1 . There shall be perpetual peace and 
 a frank; loyal, and sincere friendship among the 
 Republics of Costa Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, 
 and Honduras, each and every one of the afore- 
 said Governments being in duty bound to con- 
 sider as one of their principal obligations the 
 maintenance of such peace and the preservation 
 of such friendship, by endeavoring to contribute 
 every means to procure the desired end, and to 
 remove, as far as lies in their power, any ob- 
 stacles, whatever their nature, which might pre- 
 vent it. In order to secure such ends they shall 
 always unite when the importance of the case 
 demands it, to foster their moral, intellectual, and 
 industrial progress, thus making their interests 
 one and the same, as it becomes sister countries. 
 
 “Article 2. In the event, which is not to be 
 expected, that any of the high contracting parties 
 should fail to comply with or cause any devia- 
 tion from any of the subjects agreed to in the 
 present treaty, such event, as well as any partic- 
 ular difficulty which may arise between them, 
 shall necessarily be settled by the civilized means 
 of arbitration. 
 
 “ Article 3. The Governments of Salvador, 
 Guatemala, and Honduras, in conformity with 
 the stipulations of the treaty executed on board 
 the Marblehead , hereby appoint as umpires, Their 
 Excellencies the Presidents of the United States 
 of America and of the United Mexican States, to 
 whom all particular difficulties arising among 
 said Governments shall be submitted for arbitra- 
 tion. 
 
 “ For the purpose of agreeing on the manner to 
 effect such arbitration, the above-mentioned Re- 
 publics shall accredit, at the latest within three 
 months from this date, their respective legations 
 near the Governments of the United States of 
 America and Mexico, and in the meanwhile 
 arbitration shall be ruled according to the stipu- 
 lations of the treaty of compulsory arbitration 
 concluded in Mexico on the 29th of January, 1902. 
 
 “ Article 4. Guatemala not having subscribed 
 to the Corinto convention of January 20, 1902, 
 Costa Rica, Salvador, and Honduras do hereby 
 respectively declare, that said Corinto conven- 
 tion is to continue in force, and that any particu- 
 lar difference which may arise among them shall 
 be settled in conformity with the aforesaid con- 
 vention and with the regulations established by 
 the Central American court of arbitration on the 
 9th of October of that year. ” 
 
 Notwithstanding these grave pledges to each 
 other, three of the parties to this treaty were at 
 war the next year. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Nicaragua, Honduras, and 
 Salvador: War. — Mexican and American 
 Mediation. — The Washington Peace Con- 
 ference. — General Treaty of Peace and 
 Amity. — Central American Court of Justice. 
 — In February, 1907, a fresh outbreak of Cen- 
 tral American war occurred, originally between 
 Nicaragua and Honduras, but involving Salva- 
 dor, presently, in alliance with Honduras. The 
 arbitration convention of 1904 had not accom- 
 plished a specific settlement of the boundary 
 disputes between Honduras and Nicaragua, and 
 President Zelaya, of the latter republic, accused 
 the former of encroachments. Mexico and the 
 United States had endeavored to pacify the dis- 
 putants before hostilities began, but without 
 
 success. The quarrel was fought out, and a 
 complete victory won by Nicaragua, whose 
 forces captured the Honduran capital and drove 
 President Bonilla from the country. A provi- 
 sional government was established in Honduras 
 and terms of peace arranged, April 24th. Then 
 the good offices of President Roosevelt and Pre- 
 sident Diaz were employed again, with the re- 
 sult which the former communicated to Congress 
 in his Message of December 3, 1907, as follows : 
 “ The effort to compose this new difficulty 
 has resulted in the acceptance of the joint sug- 
 gestion of the Presidents of Mexico and of the 
 United States for a general peace conference 
 between all the countries of Central America. 
 On the 17th day of September last a protocol 
 was signed between the representatives of the 
 five Central American countries accredited to 
 this Government agreeing upon a conference 
 to be held in the City of Washington 1 in order to 
 devise the means of preserving the good rela- 
 tions among said Republics and bringing about 
 permanent peace in those countries.’ The pro- 
 tocol includes the expression of a wish that the 
 Presidents of the United States and Mexico 
 should appoint ‘representatives to lend their 
 good and impartial offices in a purely friendly 
 way toward the realization of the objects of the 
 conference.’ The conference is now in session 
 and will have our best wishes and, where it is 
 practicable, our friendly assistance.” 
 
 The first regular session of the Conference was 
 held on the 14th of November, the place of 
 meeting being the building of the International 
 Bureau of the American Republics. In addition 
 to the delegates present from the States of Costa 
 Rica, Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nica- 
 ragua. the Republic of Mexico designated Senor 
 Don Enrique C. Creel, Ambassador Extraordi- 
 nary and Plenipotentiary to the United States, 
 and the United States designated Hon. William 
 I. Buchanan, as representatives from Mexico 
 and the United States at the conference. The 
 Hon. Elihu Root, Secretary of State of the United 
 States, was present, also, at the first session, over 
 which he presided until the organization of the 
 Conference had been effected. His opening ad- 
 dress to the Conference included these wise and 
 impressive remarks : 
 
 “We cannot fail, gentlemen, to be admon- 
 ished by the many failures which have been 
 made by the people of Central America to estab- 
 lish agreement among themselves which would 
 be lasting, that the task you have before you is 
 no easy one. The trial has often been made 
 and the agreements which have been elaborated, 
 signed, ratified, seem to have been written in 
 water. Yet I cannot resist the impression that 
 we have at last come to the threshold of a hap- 
 pier day for Central America. 
 
 “ It would ill become me to attempt to propose 
 or suggest the steps which you should take, but 
 I will venture to observe that the all-important 
 thing for you to accomplish is that while you 
 enter into agreements which will, I am sure, be 
 framed in consonance with the most peaceful 
 aspirations and the most rigid sense of justice, 
 you shall devise also some practical methods 
 under which it will be possible to secure the 
 performance of those agreements. The mere 
 declaration of general principles, the mere agree- 
 ment upon lines of policy and of conduct are 
 of little value unless there be practical and defi- 
 
 76 
 
CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 nite methods provided by which the responsi- 
 bility for failing to keep the agreement may be 
 fixed upon some definite person, 'and the public 
 sentiment of Central America brought to bear to 
 prevent the violation. The declaration that a 
 man is entitled to his liberty would be of little 
 value with us in this country were it not for 
 the writ of habeas corpus that makes it the duty 
 of a specific judge, when applied to, to inquire 
 into the cause of liis detention, and set him at 
 liberty if he is unjustly detained. The provi- 
 sion which declares that a man should not be de- 
 prived of his property without due process of 
 law would be of little value were it not for the 
 practical provision which imposes on specific 
 officers the duty of nullifying every attempt to 
 take away a man’s property without due pro- 
 cess of law. 
 
 “ To find practical definite methods by which 
 you shall make it somebody’s duty to see that 
 the great principles you declare are not violated, 
 by which if an attempt be made to violate them 
 the responsibility may be fixed upon the guilty 
 individual — those, in my judgment, are the 
 problems to which you should specifically and 
 most earnestly address yourselves.” 
 
 The address of Secretary Root was followed 
 by one of excellent counsel from the Mexican 
 Ambassador, and a reply to both was made, on 
 behalf of the Conference, by Senor Don Luis 
 Anderson, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Costa 
 Rica. The Conference then elected its officers, 
 choosing Minister Anderson for its President, and 
 procceeded to the transaction of business. 
 
 Fourteen sessions were held between Novem- 
 ber 14 and December 20, resulting from which 
 eight conventions were agreed to and signed on 
 the latter date. These conventions are: General 
 Treaty of Peace and Amity ; Additional Con- 
 vention to the General Treaty ; Establishing a 
 Central American Court of Justice; Extradi- 
 tion; On Future Conferences (Monetary); On 
 Communications; Establishing an International 
 Central American Bureau ; and Establishing a 
 Pedagogical Institute. 
 
 The essential provisions of the General Treaty 
 of Peace and Amity are in the following articles : 
 
 “Article I. The Republics of Central 
 America consider as one of their first duties in 
 their mutual relations, the maintenance of peace; 
 and they bind themselves to always preserve the 
 most complete harmony, and decide every differ- 
 ence or difficulty that may arise amongst them, 
 of whatsoever nature it may be, by means of the 
 Central American Court of Justice, created by 
 the Convention which they have concluded for 
 that purpose on this date.” 
 
 “ Article III. Bearing in mind the central 
 geographical position of Honduras and the fa- 
 cilities which this circumstance has afforded in 
 order that its territory should have been most 
 often the theatre of Central American conflicts, 
 Honduras declares from now on its absolute neu- 
 trality in any event of conflict amongst the other 
 Republics ; and the latter, in their turn, pro- 
 vided such neutrality be observed, bind them- 
 selves to respect it and in no case to violate the 
 Honduranean territory. 
 
 “Article IV. Bearing in mind the advan- 
 tages which must be gained from the creation 
 of Central American institutions for the devel- 
 opment of their most vital interests, besides the 
 Pedagogical Institute and the International Cen- 
 
 tral American Bureau which have been estab- 
 lished according to the Conventions celebrated 
 to that end by this Conference, the creation of a 
 practical Agricultural School in the Republic 
 of Salvador, one of Mines and Mechanics in that 
 of Honduras, and another of Arts and Trades 
 in that of Nicaragua, is especially recommended 
 to the Governments. 
 
 “ Article V. In order to cultivate the rela- 
 tions between the States, the contracting parties 
 obligate themselves each to accredit to the 
 others a permanent Legation. 
 
 “Article VI. The citizens of one of the 
 contracting parties, residing in the territory of 
 any of the others, shall enjoy the same civil 
 rights as nationals, and shall be considered as cit- 
 izens in the country of their residence if they 
 fulfill the conditions which the respective con- 
 stituent laws provide. Those that are not nat- 
 uralized shall be exempt from obligatory military 
 service, either by sea or land, and from every 
 forced loan or military requirement, and they 
 shall not be obliged on any account to make 
 more contributions or ordinary or extraordinary 
 imposts than those which nationals pay.” 
 
 “ Article X. The Governments of the con- 
 tracting Republics bind themselves to respect 
 the inviolability of the right of asylum aboard 
 the merchant vessels of whatsoever nationality 
 anchored in their ports. Therefore, only per- 
 sons accused of common crimes and by order of 
 the competent judge, after due legal procedure, 
 can be taken from them. Those prosecuted on 
 account of political crimes or common crimes in 
 connection with political ones, can only be taken 
 therefrom in case they have embarked in a port 
 of the State which claims them, whilst they may 
 remain in its jurisdictional waters, and after the 
 requirements hereinbefore exacted in the case of 
 common crime have been fulfilled.” 
 
 “ Article XIV. Public instruments executed 
 in one of the contracting Republics shall be valid 
 in the others, provided they shall have been 
 properly authenticated and in their execution the 
 laws of the Republic whence they proceed shall 
 have been observed.” 
 
 “ Article XVI. Desiring to prevent one of the 
 most frequent causes of disturbances in the Re- 
 publics, the contracting Governments shall not 
 permit the head men or principal chiefs of politi- 
 cal emigrations, nor agents thereof, to reside in 
 the departments fronting on the countries whose 
 peace they might disturb. 
 
 “Those who may have been actually estab- 
 lished in a permanent manner in a frontier de- 
 partment shall be able to remain in the place of 
 their residence under the immediate surveillance 
 of the Governments affording them an asylum, 
 but from the moment when they become a men- 
 ace to public order they shall be included in the 
 rule of the preceding paragraph. 
 
 “ Article XVII. Every person, no matter 
 what his nationality, who, within the territory 
 of one of the contracting parties, shall initiate or 
 foster revolutionary movements against any of 
 the others, shall be immediately brought to the 
 capital of the Republic, where he shall be sub- 
 mitted to trial according to law.” 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article XIX. The present Treaty shall 
 remain in force for the term of ten years counted 
 from the day of the exchange of ratifications. 
 Nevertheless, if one year before the expiration 
 of said term, none of the contracting parties shall 
 
CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 have given special notice to the others concerning 
 its intention to terminate it, it shall remain in 
 force until one year after such notification may 
 have been made.” 
 
 The “Additional Convention to the General 
 Treaty ” is in three articles, as follows : 
 
 “Article I. The Governments of the High 
 Contracting Parties shall not recognize any other 
 Government which may come into power in any 
 of the five Republics as a consequence of a coup 
 d’Etat, or of a revolution against the recognized 
 Government, so long as the representatives of 
 the people, freely elected, have not constitution- 
 ally reorganized the country. 
 
 “Article II. No Government of Central 
 America shall in case of civil war intervene in 
 favor of or against the Government of the coun- 
 try where the struggle may take place. 
 
 “ Article III. The Governments of Central 
 America, in the first place, are recommended to 
 endeavor to procure by the means at their com- 
 mand a constitutional reform in the sense of pro- 
 hibiting the reblection of the President of a Re- 
 public, where such prohibition does not exist, 
 in the second place to adopt all measures neces- 
 sary to effect a complete guarantee of the prin- 
 ciple of alternation in power.” 
 
 The “Convention for the Establishment of a 
 Central American Court of Justice” contains 
 thirty-eight articles, with a “ Provisional Arti- 
 cle” and an “Annexed Article ” appended. The 
 more important provisions are in the follow- 
 ing: 
 
 “Article I. The High Contracting Parties 
 agree by the present Convention to constitute 
 and maintain a permanent tribunal which shall 
 be called the ‘ Central American Court of Justice,’ 
 to which they bind themselves to submit all 
 controversies or questions which may arise among 
 them, of whatsoever nature and no matter what 
 their origin may be, in case the respective Depart- 
 ments of Foreign Affairs should not have been 
 able to reach an understanding. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article II. This Court shall also take cog- 
 nizance of the questions which individuals of 
 one Central American country may raise against 
 any of the other contracting Governments, be- 
 cause of the violation of Treaties or Conventions, 
 and other cases of an international character ; no 
 matter whether his own Government supports 
 said claim or not ; and provided that the remedies 
 which the laws of the respective country provide 
 against such violation shall have been exhausted 
 and that a denial of justice shall be shown. 
 
 “Article III. It shall also take cognizance 
 of the cases which by common accord contract- 
 ing Governments may submit to it, no matter 
 whether they arise between two or more of them 
 or between one of said Governments and indi- 
 viduals.* 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article IV. The Court may likewise take 
 cognizance of the international questions which 
 by special agreement any one of the Central 
 American Governments and a foreign Govern- 
 ment may have determined to submit to it. 
 
 “ Article V. The Central American Court of 
 
 * After signing the treaties an omission was discovered 
 in this Article. An additional protocol was thereupon 
 signed by all the delegates adding to this Article, and 
 to be considered as an integral part of the Convention, 
 the following words : 
 
 “ It shall also have jurisdiction over cases arising be- 
 tween any of the contracting Governments and indi- 
 viduals, when by common accord they may have been 
 submitted to it. 
 
 Justice shall sit at the City of Cartago in the 
 Republic of Costa Rica, but it shall be author- 
 ized to transfer its residence to another point in 
 Central America when it may deem it proper to 
 do so for reasons of health, of guaranteeing the 
 exercise of its functions, or of the personal 
 security of its members. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article YI. The Central American Court 
 of Justice shall consist of five Justices named, 
 one from each Republic and selected from among 
 the jurists who possess the qualifications which 
 the laws of each country may exact for the ex- 
 ercise of high judicial functions, and enjoy the 
 highest consideration, not only because of their 
 moral character but also on account of their pro- 
 fessional ability. The vacancies shall be filled 
 by substitute Justices, named at the same time 
 and in the same manner as the regular ones and 
 who shall unite the same qualifications as the 
 former. The attendance of the five Justices who 
 constitute the Tribunal is indispensable in order 
 to have a legal quorum in the judgments of the 
 Court. 
 
 “Article YII. The legislative power of each 
 one of the five contracting Republics shall name 
 one regular and two substitutes as their respec- 
 tive Justices. The salary of each Justice shall 
 be eight thousand dollars, gold, per annum, 
 which shall be paid by the Treasury of the 
 Court. The salary of the Justice of the place 
 where the Court resides shall be designated by 
 the respective Government. Besides, each State 
 shall contribute two thousand dollars, gold, an- 
 nually for the ordinary and extraordinary ex- 
 penses of the Tribunal. The Governments of 
 the contracting Republics bind themselves to 
 include their respective contributions in their 
 budgets of expenses and to remit quarterly in 
 advance to the Treasury of the Court the propor- 
 tion which corresponds to them on account of 
 such expenditures.” 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article XIII. The Central American Court 
 of Justice represents the national conscience of 
 Central America, wherefore the Justices who 
 compose the Tribunal shall not consider them- 
 selves prohibited from the exercise of their func- 
 tions because of the interest which the Repub- 
 lics, whence they derive their appointment, may 
 have in any case or question. With regard to 
 implications and challenges, the rules of pro- 
 cedure which the Court may fix shall make 
 proper provision.” 
 
 “ Article XXII. The Court is authorized to 
 determine its jurisdiction, interpreting the 
 Treaties and Conventions germane to the matter 
 in dispute, applying the principles of interna- 
 tional law. 
 
 “Article XXIII. Every final or interlocu- 
 tory decision shall be rendered in accordance 
 with the agreement of at least three of the J ustices 
 of the Court. In case of disagreement, one of the 
 substitute Justices shall be chosen by lot, and if 
 still a majority of three be not obtained other 
 Justices shall continue to be chosen by lot until 
 three votes in the same sense shall have been 
 obtained. 
 
 “ Article XXI Y. The decisions must be in 
 writing and shall contain a statement of the 
 reasons upon which they are based. They must 
 be signed by all the Justices of the Court and 
 countersigned by the Secretary. Once they have 
 been published they cannot be altered on any 
 account ; but, at the request of any of the parties,. 
 
CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 the Tribunal may decide the interpretation which 
 must be given to its judgment. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article XXV. The judgments of the Court 
 shall be communicated to the five Governments 
 of the Contracting Republics. The interested 
 parties solemnly bind themselves to submit to 
 said judgment ; and they all agree to lend every 
 moral support that may be necessary in order 
 that they may be properly fulfilled, in this man- 
 ner constituting a real and positive guarantee of 
 respect for this Convention and for the Central 
 American Court of Justice.” 
 
 “ Article XXVII. The High Contracting 
 Parties solemnly declare that for no motive nor 
 in any case will they consider the present Con- 
 vention as lapsed ; and that, therefore, they will 
 consider it as being always in force during the 
 term of ten years counted from last ratification. 
 In the event that the political entity of one or 
 more of the Contracting Republics is changed or 
 altered, the attributes of the Central American 
 Court of Justice created by this Convention shall 
 be suspended ipso facto ; and a conference to 
 adjust the constitution of said Court and the 
 new order of things shall be forthwith convoked 
 by the respective Governments ; in case they do 
 not unanimously agree the present Convention 
 shall be considered as rescinded.” 
 
 “ Provisionary Article. As a recommenda- 
 tion of the five Delegations an Article is annexed 
 which contains an amplification of the Central 
 American Court of Justice, in order that the 
 Legislatures that may deem it proper may see 
 fit to include it upon ratifying this Convention.” 
 “ Annexed Article. The Central American 
 Court of Justice shall also have jurisdiction over 
 the conflicts which may arise between the Legis- 
 lative, Executive and Judicial Powers, and when 
 as a matter of fact the judicial decisions and con- 
 gressional resolutions are not respected.” 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Inauguration of the Central 
 American Court of Justice. — Gift of a build- 
 ing for its use by Mr. Carnegie. — The Central 
 American Court of Justice, contemplated in the 
 treaty of 1907, quoted above, was formally in- 
 stituted, at Cartago, Costa Rica, with appropriate 
 ceremony, in the last week of May, 1908. The 
 Hon. William I. Buchanan, in attendance as 
 Commissioner from the United States, added in- 
 terest to the occasion by announcing the proffer 
 of a gift of 8100,000 by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, 
 for the erection of a building to be dedicated to 
 the exclusive use of the Court. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Financial undertakings in 
 New York. — Honduras, Costa Rica, and Gua- 
 temala. — In the summer of 1909 various finan- 
 cial undertakings by great banking houses in 
 New Y ork were announced, involving some hand- 
 ling of the debts of Honduras, Costa Rica, and 
 Guatemala. It was thought that these operations 
 were in line with efforts of the State Department 
 at Washington and the Bureau of American Re- 
 publics to bring about the establishment of a 
 chain of American banking houses in the Latin- 
 American countries, for the advancement of 
 American trade and the promotion of more in- 
 timate Pan-American relations. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Nicaragua. — Establishment 
 of a colony of Sioux Indians from the United 
 States. — A dispatch to the Press from Boston, 
 November 17, 1909, made the following state- 
 ment: “ To save the remnant of the Sioux tribe 
 of Indians from extinction by consumption and 
 
 other diseases, a colony of the Indians will be 
 established in Nicaragua early in the new year. 
 Chief Little Bison, a full-blooded Sioux, sailed 
 from Boston on the steamship Esparta to-day for 
 Nicaragua, where he will receive the deeds to 
 16,000 acres of land granted by the Nicaraguan 
 government for the establishment of the colony. 
 The project is supported financially by F. S. 
 Dellenbaugh, head of the American Geographi- 
 cal Society, and several wealthy New York 
 people. The emigration of the Indians is expected 
 to begin in January.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — President Zelaya a menace to 
 peace. — His conduct trying the patience of 
 the United States. — In the early spring of 
 1909 the disturbing attitude and conduct of the 
 Nicaraguan President, Zelaya, not only towards 
 his near neighbors of Salvador and Honduras, 
 but also in the relations of his Government with 
 that of the United States, had caused the latter 
 to enter again into consultation with the Mexican 
 Government, as to joint action to preserve peace. 
 
 For some years the United States had been try- 
 ing to bring about the settlement of a claim 
 against the Nicaraguan Government preferred by 
 an American company. This Emery claim, as it 
 was known, arose in connection with a conces- 
 sion granted in 1898 for cutting and exporting 
 mahogany. The concession provided that any dif- 
 ferences which should arise between the Govern- 
 ment and the company should be arbitrated by 
 a tribunal of three members, one to be selected 
 by the Government, one by the company, and the 
 third by these two arbitrators. In 1903 an accusa- 
 tion of smuggling was brought against the com- 
 pany, and the questions raised were submitted 
 to the stipulated tribunal. This decided that, in- 
 asmuch as the company had paid taxes to the 
 Government three years in advance, amounting 
 to 830,000, the concession could not be annulled, 
 as President Zelaya wished to have done. Never- 
 theless Zelaya declared it annulled, and caused 
 proceedings to be instituted for stopping the 
 company’s exportations. This led the American 
 Government to interpose. Under instructions 
 from Washington, its Minister at Managua, Mr. 
 Merry, addressed the following note to the Nica- 
 raguan Minister of Foreign Affairs, December 
 15, 1906 : “ I have the honor to inform you that I 
 have received instructions from my Government 
 to make an urgent and firm request that your 
 Excellency’s Government will settle the Emery 
 company controversy by an international arbitra- 
 tion, and that until a decision has been given 
 thereby, your Excellency’s Government will re- 
 store to the Emery company all its property, dis- 
 missing all legal prosecutions in the case, and 
 permitting the company to resume its work under 
 its concession, as if no controversy had arisen.” 
 
 This communication secured a promise of the 
 desired international arbitration, and the stop- 
 ping meantime of proceedings of interference 
 with the company’s business. But when the pro- 
 tocol of arbitration was to be drawn the Nicara- 
 guan Government refused to have any question 
 of damages to the company included. On this 
 contention the settlement was blocked for more 
 than two years, and the patience of the Washing- 
 ton Government was about worn out. In just 
 what wrappings of diplomatic language it made 
 that fact apparent has not yet been disclosed to 
 the public; but evidently the understanding of 
 Sefior Zelaya was duly penetrated. On the 26th 
 
CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICA 
 
 of May last (1909) his representative at Washing- 
 ton signed a protocol which provided that the 
 questions at issue between the Government of 
 Nicaragua and the Emery Company should be 
 submitted to arbitration, unless the parties could 
 make their own settlement within four months. 
 
 This, however, did not end troubles with Nic- 
 aragua, — or, rather, with its presidental dicta- 
 tor. Revolutionary attempts in the republic to 
 unseat him gave rise to new offenses on his part 
 against the United States, which President Taft, 
 in his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, 
 recounted as follows: 
 
 “Since the Washington conventions of 1907 
 were communicated to the government of the 
 United States as a consulting and advising party, 
 this government has been almost continuously 
 called upon by one or another, and in turn by all 
 of the five Central American republics, to exert 
 itself for the maintenance of the conventions. 
 Nearly every complaint has been against the 
 Zelaya government of Nicaragua, which has 
 kept Central America in constant tension or tur- 
 moil. The responses made to the representations 
 of Central American republics, as due from the 
 United States on account of its relation to the 
 Washington conventions, have been at all times 
 conservative and have avoided, so far as possible, 
 any semblance of interference, although it is very 
 apparent that the considerations of geographic 
 proximity to the Canal Zone and of the very sub- 
 stantial American interests in Central America 
 give to the United States a special position in the 
 zone of these republics and the Caribbean Sea. 
 
 ‘ ‘ I need not rehearse here the patient efforts of 
 this government to promote peace and welfare 
 among these republics, efforts which are fully 
 appreciated by the majority of them who are 
 loyal to their true interests. It would be no less 
 unnecessary to rehearse here the sad tale of un- 
 speakable barbarities and oppression alleged to 
 have been committed by the Zelaya government. 
 Recently two Americans were put to death by 
 order of President Zelaya himself. They were 
 officers in the organized forces of a revolution 
 which had continued many weeks and was in 
 control of about half of the republic, and as such, 
 according to the modern enlightened practice of 
 civilized nations, they were entitled to be dealt 
 with as prisoners of war. 
 
 “ At the date when this message is printed 
 this government has terminated diplomatic rela- 
 tions with the Zelaya government, for reasons 
 made public in a communication to the former 
 Nicaraguau charge d’affaires, and is intending to 
 take such future steps as may be found most 
 consistent with its dignity, its duty to American 
 interests, and its moral obligations to Central 
 America and to civilization. It may be neces- 
 sary for me to bring this subject to the attention 
 of the Congress in a special message.” 
 
 Some days previous to the date of the Presi- 
 dent’s Message, the Secretary of State, Mr. 
 Knox, had addressed a letter of extreme severity 
 to the Nicaraguan Charge d’Affaires at Washing- 
 ton, Mr. Rodriguez, reviewing the conduct of 
 the Nicaraguan Government, and saying: “In 
 these circumstances the President no longer 
 feels for the government of President Zelaya 
 that respectand confidence which would make it 
 appropriate hereafter to maintain with it regu- 
 
 lar diplomatic relations, implying the will and 
 the ability to respect and assure what is due 
 from one State to another.” The conclusion of 
 the letter was as follows: “To insure the future 
 protection of legitimate American interests, in 
 consideration of the interests of the majority of 
 the Central American republics, and in the hope 
 of making more effective the friendly offices ex- 
 erted under the Washington conventions, the 
 government of the United States reserves for 
 further consideration at the proper time the 
 question of stipulating also that the constitu- 
 tional government of Nicaragua obligate itself 
 by convention for the benefit of all the govern- 
 ments concerned as a guarantee for its future 
 loyal support of the Washington conventions 
 and their peaceful and progressive aims. 
 
 ‘ ' From the foregoing it will be apparent to you 
 that your office of charge d’affaires is at an end. 
 I have the honor to enclose your passports for 
 use in case you desire to leave tins country. 
 I would add at the same time that, although 
 your diplomatic quality is terminated, I shall 
 be happy to receive you as I shall be happy 
 to receive the representative of the revolution, 
 each as the unofficial channel of communi- 
 cation between the government of the United 
 States and the de facto authorities to whom I 
 look for the protection of American interests 
 pending the establisment in Nicaragua of a 
 government with which the United States can 
 maintain diplomatic relations.” 
 
 President Zelaya at once protested against this 
 arraignment, telegraphing to Secretary Knox 
 that his sources of information had been preju- 
 diced, and asking that the United States send 
 a commission of investigation, proposing to re- 
 sign if his administration was shown to be detri- 
 mental to Nicaragua. Receiving no reply, he 
 resigned the presidency of Nicaragua on the 16th 
 of December, announcing the fact by cable to 
 President Taft in these words: “To avoid 
 
 harm to my country, and desiring that it shall 
 renew friendly relations with the United States, 
 I have to-day sent my resignation to Congress. 
 As my opponents consider my presence a dis- 
 turbing factor, I propose to show my good faith 
 by leaving Nicaragua. I stand ready to account 
 for my acts.” « 
 
 The vacant presidential office was filled by 
 the Congress of Nicaragua, which elected Dr. 
 Madriz, the choice having been dictated, it was 
 believed, by Zelaya. The revolutionists with 
 whom Zelaya had been contending since Octo- 
 ber, and who had, on their part, elected and 
 proclaimed their leader, General Juan Estrada, 
 Provisional President of Nicaragua, refused to 
 recognize this Congressional election, and con- 
 tinued, against the government of Madriz, the 
 revolt they had organized against Zelaya, deter- 
 mined to secure for Estrada the power to order 
 a presidential election by the people. 
 
 On Christmas Eve Zelaya left Nicaragua for 
 Mexico, being conveyed by a Mexican gunboat 
 from Corinto to Salina Cruz. A few weeks later 
 he migrated to Europe and is understood to have 
 taken up his residence in Belgium. 
 
 The revolt led by General Estrada is still in 
 progress at the time this writing goes into print 
 (early in March, 1910), but the latest reports do 
 not warrant expectations of its success. 
 
 80 
 
CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS 
 
 CHICAGO 
 
 CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 
 
 See, also, American Republics. 
 
 CENTRAL BANK QUESTION. See (in 
 this vol.) Finance and Trade : United States : 
 A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 CENTRO CATOLICO. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands : A. D. 1907. 
 
 CHAFFEE, Major-General Adna R. : 
 Military Governor of the Philippines. See (in 
 this vol.) Philippine Islands : A. D. 1901. 
 
 CHAFIN, Eugene W.: Nominated for 
 
 President of the United States. See (in this 
 vol.) United States: A. D. 1908 (April-Nov.). 
 
 CHAMBERLAIN, Austen: Postmaster- 
 General in the English Ministry. See (in this 
 vol.) England : A. D. 1902 (July). 
 
 CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph : Address at 
 opening of Colonial Conference of 1902. See 
 (in this vol.) British Empire. 
 
 On a State-rights question in Australia. 
 See Australia : A. D. 1902. 
 
 Declaration for Preferential Trade with 
 the Colonies. — His resignation from the 
 Cabinet. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 
 1903 (May-Sept.). 
 
 Visit to South Africa. — ■ Views on the 
 Labor question. See South Africa : A. D. 
 1903-1904. 
 
 CHAMPLAIN TERCENTENARY 
 CELEBRATION. See (in this vol.) New 
 York State : A. D. 1909. 
 
 CHANG CHIH-TUNG: Measures as vice- 
 roy to check the use of opium. See (in this 
 vol.) Opium Problem. 
 
 CHANTABUN : Restored to Siam. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Siam : A. D. 1902. 
 
 CHANUTE, Octave. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent: Aero- 
 nautics. 
 
 CHARITIES. See (in this vol.) Poverty, 
 Problems of ; Social Betterment ; and Chil- 
 dren, under the Law. 
 
 CHARLES I., King of Roumania. — What 
 he has done for his kingdom. See (in this vol.) 
 Balkan and Danubian States: Roumania. 
 
 CHARLES, Prince, of Denmark: Election 
 to the Norwegian Throne. — Assumes the 
 name of Haakon VII. See (in this vol.) Nor- 
 way : A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 CHARLESTON : A. D. 1901. — The 
 “South Carolina and Interstate and West 
 Indian Exposition.” — Under this name, a very 
 beautiful and successful exhibit of the progress 
 of Southern industry and art, and of the possi- 
 bilities of West Indian and Spanish- American 
 trade, was opened at Charleston on the 1st of 
 December, 1901. The site of the exposition was 
 a tract of one hundred and sixty acres of ground, 
 only two and a half miles from the business 
 section of the city, embracing the famous old 
 Lowndes estate, with its historic mansion, which 
 the present owner permitted to be used as the 
 Women’s Building of the occasion. Fine taste 
 and a high public spirit entered into the making 
 of this very interesting Fair. 
 
 CHARTREUX MONKS. See (in this vol.) 
 France: A. D. 1904 (June-July). 
 
 CHEMULPHO. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July) and (Feb. -Aug.). 
 
 CHICAGO : A. D. 1896-1909. — Institution 
 and work of the Municipal Voters’ League. 
 See (in this vol.) Municipal Government : 
 Chicago. 
 
 A. D. 1899. — Institution of the first Juve- 
 nile Court. See Children, under tiie Law : 
 As Offenders. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — The burning of the Iroquois 
 Theater. — Chicago has now two of the most 
 painful memories of fire that are in the past of 
 any city. The second was added on the afternoon 
 of December 30, 1903, when 588 people perished 
 in the burning of the Iroquois Theater. The 
 audience was made up principally of women and 
 children, many of whom belonged to prominent 
 families. The whole city was plunged in grief, 
 and the whole world shared in the sorrow and 
 manifested its sympathy. The theater was a new 
 one, and was regarded as the best of any in the 
 city in its method of construction. But inquiry 
 soon proved that it was defective in its provi- 
 sions for safety. Further examination, moreover, 
 showed a similar condition in other places of 
 assembly, with the result that all the theaters, 
 with many churches and halls in Chicago, were 
 closed by order of the mayor, pending their com- 
 pliance with certain provisions of the law. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Strike of the Teamsters’ 
 Union. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion : United States: A. D. 1905 (April- 
 July). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1908. — Struggle for a better 
 charter. See Municipal Government. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Packing-House Investiga- 
 tion. See Public Health : Pure Food Laws : 
 United States. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — National Conference on 
 Trusts. See Combinations, Industrial: 
 United States : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Population, and race mix- 
 ture. — The City Statistician of Chicago, in his 
 manual for 1909, gives the number of the in- 
 habitants of the city as 2,572,835, of whom 
 699,554 are Americans or persons whose parents 
 are not foreign born. The Germans rank second, 
 with a population of 563,708; the Irish third, 
 with a population of 240,560. Next come the 
 Poles, with 173,409; the Swedes, with 143,307; 
 the Russians, with 123,238; the Bohemians, with 
 116,549. Thirty other foreign countries given 
 are all below the 100,000 mark. The Chinese 
 population is given as 1,801, the Japanese as 257. 
 The Albanians are the lowest, with a population 
 of 39. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — “ The Chicago Plan.” — Sys- 
 tematizing the future development. — “Early 
 in 1906 the Merchants’Club, comprising a group of 
 the younger business and professional men of the 
 city, arranged for the preparation of a complete 
 project for the future development of Chicago. 
 The next year the Merchants’ Club was merged 
 with the Commercial Club under the name of the 
 latter organization, and the city-planning work 
 was continued under the auspices of that body.” 
 The resulting ‘ ‘ Plan of Chicago ” was reported 
 in the course of the summer of 1909. “ The report 
 represents about thirty months’ work by men 
 whose thoughts for years have dwelt upon the 
 subject of city building and beautification. The 
 work was in charge of Daniel H. Burnham, chief 
 architect and director of works of the World’s 
 Columbian Exposition of 1893, who gave his 
 services to his city without compensation for the 
 purpose of this report. Even so, the expense of 
 preparing and publishing the report has approx- 
 imated $75,000, all raised by voluntary subscrip- 
 tions from the business men of Chicago.” — 
 
 81 
 
CHICAGO 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 George C. Sikes, The New Chicago ( The Outlook, 
 Aug. 28, 1909). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — The Second National 
 Peace Congress. See (in this vol.) Wak, The 
 Revolt against: A. D. 1909. 
 
 CHICAGO, MILWAUKEE AND ST. 
 
 PAUL TRANSCONTINENTAL LINE. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Railways: United States: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 CHI-KUAN-SHAN, Fort, Capture of. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (May- 
 Jan.). 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW. 
 
 As Dependents: 
 
 England: The Poor Law Children. — The 
 
 following is from a speech in Parliament June 
 17, 1909, by Mr. John Burns, President of the 
 Local Government Board, which administers 
 the Poor Laws and the Public Health Laws: 
 “In England and Wales there were 235,000 
 children supported by the rates either inside or 
 outside Poor Law institutions, and of these 
 70,000 were in cottage homes, barrack schools, 
 scattered homes, and similar institutions. The 
 cost per child maintained in cottage homes 
 varied from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d. per week, and in 
 scattered homes from 8 s. 6 d. to 11s. 2d. At this 
 moment the number of children in workhouse 
 schools, which in 1870 was 29,000, was only from 
 500 to 600 ; 19,000 of the Poor Law children were 
 being educated in elementary schools outside. . . . 
 With regard to sick children he was delighted to 
 hear the almost unanimous chorus of appeal that 
 the Local Government Board should do a great 
 deal by administration. They had, in fact, trans- 
 ferred 1,000 out of the 2,500 sick children from 
 the London workhouses and infirmaries to an in- 
 stitution on the healthy and breezy downs of 
 Surrey at Carshalton, where they could be better 
 treated, and where they would recover much 
 more quickly than in any of the workhouses and 
 infirmaries in London. If he could find more 
 buildings or institutions available he would trans- 
 fer more children. He should not rest until all 
 the sick children throughout the country were 
 transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to 
 institutions in the country where they would re- 
 cover health more rapidly.” 
 
 United States: Proposed Federal Child 
 Bureau. — Transmitting to Congress, on the 5th 
 of February, 1909, the proceedings of a confer- 
 ence held at Washington on the care of depend- 
 ent children, President Roosevelt accompanied 
 it with a message, in which he urged the estab- 
 lishment of a Bureau in one of the Departments 
 of the Federal Government, to centralize atten- 
 tion to the subject; with the enactment of such 
 legislation as will bring the laws and practices 
 in regard to the care of dependent children in all 
 Federal territory into harmony, and certain legis- 
 lation in behalf of dependent children in the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia. The President maintained 
 that such legislation is important not only for 
 the welfare of the children immediately con- 
 cerned, but “ as setting an example of a high 
 standard of child protection by the National Gov- 
 ernment to the several States of the Union, which 
 should be able to look to the nation for leader- 
 ship in such matters.” 
 
 Statistics showing the large number of de- 
 pendent children in the country were presented 
 by Mr. Roosevelt. “Each of these children, he 
 said, represents either a potential addition to the 
 productive capacity and the enlightened citizen- 
 ship of the nation, or, if allowed to suffer from 
 
 neglect, a potential addition to the destructive 
 forces of the community. The ranks of criminals 
 and other enemies of society are recruited in an 
 altogether undue proportion from children bereft 
 of their natural homes and left without sufficient 
 care. The interests of the nation are involved 
 in the welfare of this army of children no less 
 than in our great material affairs.” 
 
 In urging a Children’s Bureau, one of whose 
 duties will be to investigate and report upon all 
 matters pertaining to the welfare of children and 
 child life, the President pointed out that “the Na- 
 tional Government is the only agency which can 
 effectively conduct such general inquiries as are 
 needed for the benefit of all our citizens.” 
 
 As Dependents and as Offenders: 
 
 England: The Children Act of 1908 . — In- 
 fant Life Protection. — Reformatory and In- 
 dustrial Schools. —Treatment of Youthful 
 Criminals. — No death-sentence for them. — 
 Special “Places of Detention.” — Juvenile 
 Courts. — An act entitled The Children Act, 
 passed by the Parliament of the United King- 
 dom in December, 1908, and which came into 
 effect April 1, 1909, has such importance that it 
 has been described as “The Children’s Charter.” 
 According to its full title it is “ An Act to con- 
 solidate and amend the Law relating to the Pro- 
 tection of Children and Young Persons, Re- 
 formatory and Industrial Schools and Juvenile 
 Offenders, and otherwise to amend the Law 
 with respect to Children and Young Persons.” 
 It gathers into one great enactment nearly every- 
 thing in which the guardianship of Law can be 
 specially extended to them, except the matters 
 of education and child labor, which are subjects 
 of distinct, legislation. It repeals wholly twenty- 
 one previous enactments and amends more or 
 less seventeen more. It contains 134 sections 
 and fills a so-called Parliamentary “White 
 Book” of 93 pages. 
 
 As used in the Act, the word “child” means 
 a person under 14 years; the expression “young 
 person” means one above that age, but under 
 sixteen. 
 
 The Act is divided into six parts, which are 
 concerned with the following main subjects: — 
 (1) Infant Life Protection. (2) The Prevention 
 of Cruelty to Children and Young Persons. 
 (3) Juvenile Smoking. (4) Reformatory and 
 Industrial Schools. (5) Juvenile Offenders. ( 6 ) 
 Miscellaneous and General. 
 
 The provisions for “infant life protection” 
 have to do mainly with the supervision of 
 “baby-farming.” Foster parents are forbidden 
 to insure the life of a nurse-child and insurance 
 companies are forbidden to accept any such 
 insurance. 
 
 Juvenile smoking is dealt with very drasti- 
 cally, the penalties for selling cigarettes or the 
 material for making them to persons under six- 
 teen years of age being sharp, and both police- 
 
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 men and park-keepers in uniform being em- 
 powered to take such materials from the persons 
 of Juvenile smokers. 
 
 The part of the Act which relates to reforma- 
 tory and industrial schools enables the Courts 
 to deal effectively with youthful offenders with- 
 out subjecting them to the prison taint. Boys 
 or girls between the ages of 12 and 1G who are 
 convicted of offences punishable in the case of 
 adults with penal servitude or imprisonment 
 may be sent to a certified reformatory school. 
 In certain defined cases, children may be taken 
 from depraved or drunken parents and consigned 
 to a certified industrial school. In these cases 
 the child may be brought before the Court by 
 any person in order that the provisions of the 
 Act may be set in force. Parents who are un- 
 able to control their children may themselves 
 take advantage of the Act, and in these cases 
 the Court may place the children under the 
 supervision of a probation officer instead of 
 sending them to an industrial school. In all cases 
 of children who are liable to be consigned to an 
 industrial school, there is given to the Courts 
 the alternative power of committing them to 
 the care of relatives or other fit persons with or 
 without the supervision of the probation officer. 
 
 The most important part of the Act, perhaps, 
 is that relating to juvenile offenders. It allows 
 no young person under sixteen years of age to 
 be sentenced to death. “Sentence of death,” 
 says this Law, “ shall not be pronounced on or 
 recorded against a child or young person, but in 
 lieu thereof the Court shall sentence the child or 
 young person to be detained during his Maj esty’s 
 pleasure.” 
 
 In future, also, no child may be sentenced to 
 imprisonment or penal servitude for any offence, 
 or committed to prison in default of payment of 
 a fine, damages, or costs. No young person may 
 be sentenced to penal servitude for any offence, 
 nor may he be sentenced to imprisonment or 
 committed to prison in default of payment of a 
 fine or costs, unless the Court certifies that he is 
 of so unruly a character or so depraved that it 
 is not desirable to send him to a “ place of de- 
 tention” provided under the Act. These pro- 
 visions relating to the substitution of “deten- 
 tion ” for imprisonment did not come into force 
 until January 1, 1910. 
 
 This part of the Act makes elaborate arrange- 
 ments for the treatment of youthful criminals, 
 both before and after trial. Special “ places of 
 detention ” are to be opened in all petty sessional 
 divisions. Here children will be placed on arrest 
 (if for some special reason they cannot be re- 
 leased on a recognizance), or after being re- 
 manded or committed for trial. Here they may 
 be kept in custody instead of being lodged in 
 gaol if they are sentenced to terms of imprison- 
 ment of less than one month. Persons under 16 
 years of age must also be tried in special “ju- 
 venile Courts,” unless they are charged jointly 
 with adult offenders. A “juvenile Court” 
 must sit “either in a different building or room 
 from that in which the ordinary sittings of the 
 Court are held, or on different days or at differ- 
 ent times from those at which the ordinary sit- 
 tings are held.” Only the Court officials, those 
 directly interested in the case, and the repre- 
 sentatives of the Press may be admitted to these 
 Courts, unless the special leave of the magistrate 
 is obtained. Every effort is to be made, both be- 
 
 fore and after trial, to prevent the association of 
 children with adult criminals. Finally, parents 
 and guardians are to be required to attend the 
 hearing of charges against their children or 
 wards, and may be ordered to pay any fines, 
 damages, or costs imposed. 
 
 The miscellaneous provisions of the Act in- 
 clude a number of importance, to prevent the 
 giving of intoxicating liquors to children, to 
 exclude them from drinking places, to safe- 
 guard them at entertainments, and to make the 
 Act applicable to Scotland and Ireland. 
 
 As Offenders: 
 
 Canadian provision for Separate Deten- 
 tion, Reformatory Imprisonment, etc. — The 
 
 Canadian Prisons and Reformatory Act of 1906 
 provides that — “Young persons apparently 
 under the age of sixteen years who are, — ( a ) 
 arrested upon any warrant ; or, ( b ) committed to 
 custody at any stage of a preliminary inquiry 
 into a charge for an indictable offence ; or, (c) 
 committed to custody at any stage of a trial, 
 either for an indictable offence or for an offence 
 punishable on summary conviction ; or, ( d ) com- 
 mitted to custody after such trial, but before 
 imprisonment under sentence; shall be kept in 
 custody separate from older persons charged with 
 criminal offences and separate from all persons 
 undergoing sentences of imprisonment, and shall 
 not be confined in the lock-ups or police stations 
 with older persons charged with criminal of- 
 fences or with ordinary criminals.” 
 
 Other sections of the Act confer discretionary 
 authority on courts and magistrates to sentence 
 convicted offenders whose age does not exceed 
 sixteen years, and whose offence is punishable 
 by imprisonment, to reformatory prisons, for 
 not less than two nor more than five years ; also, 
 in certain cases, to commit such offenders to a 
 certified industrial school, from which they may 
 sometimes be permitted to be taken for appren- 
 ticeship to any respectable and trustworthy per- 
 son. 
 
 The George Junior Republic. — Much atten- 
 tion has been turned from many directions, within 
 the last few years, upon the reformatory experi- 
 ment which bears the name of The George Jun- 
 ior Republic. From an ordinary undertaking to 
 give a few summer weeks of country fresh air 
 to a group of neglected, roughly-bred boys, out 
 of the slums of the City of New York, it has 
 grown into a unique institution, which remolds 
 character and refashions life for hundreds of the 
 young of both sexes, who had been given wrong 
 startings in the world by the circumstances into 
 which they were born. It has done this by the 
 simple method of organizing them into a self- 
 governing community, — a republic in which 
 they are citizens, invested with all the responsi- 
 bilities, duties, and cares that go with republican 
 citizenship in its larger spheres. They make and 
 administer its laws, conduct its pubiic business 
 and its politics, manage its institutions, generate 
 and have experience of its public opinion. The 
 moral and social influence of this training has 
 now been proved by more than a decade of suc- 
 cess. 
 
 This remarkable organization was not framed 
 up by its architect, Mr. William R. George, on 
 the lines of a preconceived theory, but took its 
 shape slowly from suggestions of experience as 
 they came. He began in 1890 to take companies 
 of boys of the hoodlum class from New York 
 
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 City to bis place of summer residence, at Free- 
 ville, a few miles from Ithaca and not far from 
 Auburn, N. Y. He found it bard to rule them, 
 and no satisfactory corrections of wrong-doing 
 and bad behavior could be devised. Physically 
 they were bettered by their summer outings, 
 but he could not see much gain in other ways. 
 This continued for some seasons before his ex- 
 periments with them began. The first to be ap- 
 plied was a rule that such articles of clothing 
 and the like as had formerly been given to the 
 boys must be paid for in work. At the outset 
 they resented the idea ; but before the summer 
 was over they were all cheerfully at work, and 
 the tone of the party was much improved. In the 
 next year culprits, who robbed orchards and 
 committed other misdemeanors, were arraigned 
 before the whole community, for a hearing and 
 a public verdict as to their guilt. Hard labor at 
 stone-breaking and the building of a road now 
 became the penalty for wrong-doing, and, pre- 
 sently, there was a boy constable to see that they 
 did their work. 
 
 So, step by step, from year to year, the fabric 
 of self-government and self-supporting indus- 
 try was constructed, until the Junior Republic 
 emerged, with its President and other executive 
 officers, its representative legislature, its courts, 
 its police, its own monetary system and bank, — 
 a political and industrial commonwealth of boys 
 and girls (for both sexes have been included), 
 taken out of a derelict class for treatment by this 
 simple innoculation with social responsibilities. 
 Writing of the George Junior Republic in 1908, 
 Dr. Lyman Abbott said: “ It now has as a terri- 
 tory a hundred and fifty acres of land owned by 
 the Board of Trustees, and the practical use of a 
 hundred and fifty more belonging to Mr. George 
 and some other friends of the Republic who have 
 made their home here because such residence 
 affords them an opportunity to give guidance 
 and inspiration to the boys and girls. The citi- 
 zens, i. e. the boys and girls in the Republic, 
 number upwards of a hundred and fifty. They 
 are in some cases signed over to the Republic by 
 the parents, in other cases practically committed 
 on suspended sentences by the courts. They are 
 extraordinarily free within the territory, but are 
 not free to leave it. Laundry, baking, carpentry, 
 and printing are the principal trades indoors; 
 road-making and land improvement the principal 
 industries out-of-doors. There are two jails, one 
 for the boys, one for the girls; a library, a school- 
 house, a chapel, bank, and a well-organized 
 banking and currency system. There is a court, 
 and there is a judge, who is elected every year by 
 the citizens. From this court an appeal lies in 
 certain cases to a Supreme Court chosen by the 
 boys from the Board of Trustees, but this court 
 only passes on the regularity of the proceedings 
 in the court below, that is, on what might be re- 
 garded as equivalent to constitutional and juris- 
 dictional questions. There are a President, a Vice- 
 President, a Secretary of State, and a Secretary of 
 the Treasury, all of whom are elected annually ; 
 the three latter officers constituting the Police 
 Commissioners, the Board of Health, and the 
 President’s Cabinet. There are both a girl and a 
 boy District Attorney, who are appointed by the 
 President, and certain police officers and prison 
 keepers. All citizens of the Republic, both hoys 
 and girls, over fourteen years of age, are voters ; 
 no one can remain a citizen after twenty -one. 
 
 The legislature has been abolished by the citizens 
 themselves, and all laws are made in town meet- 
 ing, which is held once a month. . . . 
 
 “The Republic has been in existence long 
 enough to give the experiment a fair trial, and 
 the results justify the expectations of its friends. 
 In round numbers, about five hundred have gone 
 out from the Republic into life, most of them 
 taken from the class of boys and girls whose en- 
 vironment was fruitful of crime and whose ten- 
 dency was toward a criminal career. Of these 
 five hundred two or three are known to have re- 
 turned to crime, and five or six have disappeared 
 entirely. But of these eight or ten failures not one 
 was in the Republic more than a few months — 
 not long enough to get the benefit of the training. 
 The other four hundred and ninety are known to 
 be earning an honest livelihood by honorable 
 labor; and of these four hundred and ninety, 
 twenty have either graduated from college, are 
 now in college, or are just preparing to enter 
 college. At this writing two new Republics are 
 about being organized, one in Georgia and one in 
 California, and a movement is on foot for the 
 organization of a National Association. ” 
 
 Borne months later than the above account of 
 the Junior Republic there were reported to be 
 kindred organizations modelled upon it in Con- 
 necticut and Maryland, with movements to the 
 same end in Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and 
 New Jersey, as well as in some countries abroad. 
 Mr. Thomas M. Osborne, of Auburn, who has 
 been from an early day the chief supporter of 
 Mr. George in his work, said recently in a pub- 
 lished letter: “ I believe that the success of the 
 Junior Republic idea, as we have worked it out 
 during the last fourteen years, is no longer de- 
 pendent upon Mr. George, its originator, or 
 upon any one man. Its established principles 
 will now live on into the far future, and work 
 the sure righting of thousands of youngsters 
 gone wrong in every section of the greater re- 
 public.” 
 
 But it may work much more than “ the sure 
 righting of thousands of youngsters gone 
 wrong.” It may, if its working widens and 
 roots itself among the institutions of the future, 
 as it seems likely to do, have a very potent and 
 positive political influence in the world. If 
 men and women representative of a class that is 
 now troublesome to democracy, politically as 
 well as otherwise, should by and by be brought 
 in large numbers yearly from graduation in the 
 Young Republic training schools of imitative 
 citizenship, to be joined with their elders in 
 larger spheres of more entire self-government, 
 are they not likely to introduce a profounder 
 change in the operation of republican institu- 
 tions than can now be foreseen ? 
 
 Juvenile Courts. — Their origin and devel- 
 opment. — A collection of reportson “Children’s 
 Courts in the United States,” prepared for the 
 International Prison Commission and edited by 
 Mr. Samuel J. Barrows, Commissioner for the 
 United States, was published in 1904 as House 
 Document No. 701 of the 58th Congress, 2d Ses- 
 sion. The following account of the origin of 
 the now widely established Juvenile Courts of 
 America and Europe, and of their development 
 in the United States during the first four years 
 of their existence, is derived from those reports. 
 
 Commissioner Barrows opens his introduction 
 to the collected reports with the following re- 
 
 84 
 
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 marks: “ If the question be asked, ' What is the 
 most notable development in judicial principles 
 and methods in the United States within the last 
 live years?’ the answer may unhesitatingly be, 
 ‘The introduction and establishment of juvenile 
 courts.’ Never perhaps has any judicial reform 
 made such rapid progress. Beginning in Chicago 
 in 1899, this institution has sprung up in city 
 after city and State after State until it is now 
 established in eight States and eleven large cities. 
 This progress has been made not merely by 
 changes in procedure or legal technique, nor by 
 the introduction of a new method ; it is most of 
 all by the introduction of a new spirit and a new 
 aim. ... It must not be supposed that the ju- 
 venile court is only a smaller court for smaller 
 offenders or simply a court holding separate 
 sessions for such offenders ; it represents an al- 
 together different principle. The juvenile court 
 is a life-saving institute in society. 
 
 “It is scarcely necessary to say that child-sav- 
 ing methods, institutions, and organizations have 
 long flourished in the United States. The North- 
 ern States have regarded juvenile reformatories 
 as a part of their correctional equipment, and 
 the courts have served as vestibules for such in- 
 stitutions ; but they have only been incidentally 
 a part of the process. We have not before real- 
 ized what the court might be and do before re- 
 sorting to institutions. The children’s court 
 still maintains relations with the reform school, 
 but it represents in itself active and vital forces 
 and invokes a whole range of influence and mo- 
 tives which are personal and formative. It ap- 
 peals to the reform school not as the first, but 
 only as the last resort. The juvenile court has 
 discovered that the child is a child, and, as 
 Judge Hurley says, ‘ The child should be treated 
 as a child. Instead of reformation, the thought 
 and idea in the judge’s mind should always be 
 formation. No child should be punished for the 
 purpose of making an example of him.’ . . . 
 
 “ The methods of children’s courts, or juvenile 
 courts, as they are termed in some States, differ 
 in different places. In some States the judge is 
 detailed from some other court ; in some courts 
 but one judge is assigned to this work. In New 
 York several judges from the court of special 
 sessions act successively in turn as judges of the 
 children’s court. In Maryland and Indiana the 
 judges of the children’s courts exercise this 
 function only, and it is claimed that it is better 
 than the method of rotation, since the judge 
 who confines himself to juvenile court cases be- 
 comes a specialist in this work. In Colorado J udge 
 Lindsey is not only judge of the juvenile court, 
 but also of the county court. He finds advan- 
 tage in the fact that in his first capacity he can 
 protect the child, while as judge of the county 
 court he can also sentence the guardian or parent 
 who is responsible for the child’s delinquency. 
 
 “ An essential feature of every juvenile court 
 is the probation system and probation officers. 
 Their duty is to investigate the case before trial, 
 and, if the child is placed on probation, to exer- 
 cise watchcare over them until the period of 
 probation is closed. It is in this way that the 
 parental care of the State is exerted.” 
 
 The City of Chicago and the Legislature of 
 Illinois have the honors of the origination of 
 the Children’s Court as a distinct creation of law. 
 The Visitation and Aid Society of Chicago had 
 been laboring since 1891 to secure various mea- 
 
 sures of advanced legislation bearing on child- 
 saving, without much success, until, as related 
 in a report by Mr. Hurley, of that Society, the 
 Bar Association of Chicago took the matter in 
 hand, in 1899, and appointed a committee to press 
 it. This committee drafted the first juvenile court 
 law ever planned distinctly to that end and se- 
 cured its enactment by the Legislature of the 
 State. The law went into force on the 1st of 
 July, 1899. The Court was soon opened, and 
 Judge Tuthill, of the Circuit Court of Illinois, 
 who presided in it from the first, has stated the 
 principles of its constitution and action in these 
 following words : 
 
 “The basic principle of the law is this : That 
 no child under 16 years of age shall be considered 
 or be treated as a criminal ; that a child under 
 that age shall not be arrested, indicted, convicted, 
 imprisoned, or punished as a criminal. It of 
 course recognizes the fact that such children 
 may do acts which in an older person would be 
 crimes and be properly punishable by the State 
 therefor, but it provides that a child under the 
 age mentioned shall not be branded in the open- 
 ing years of its life with an indelible stain of 
 criminality, or be brought, even temporarily, 
 into the companionship of men and women whose 
 lives are low, vicious, and criminal. 
 
 “The law divides children into two classes, the 
 ‘ dependent ’ and the ‘ delinquent. ’ A dependent 
 child, in the language of the law, is a child — 
 ‘ who for any reason is destitute or homeless or 
 abandoned, or has not proper parental care or 
 guardianship, or who habitually begs or receives 
 alms, or who is found living in any house of ill 
 fame or with any vicious or disreputable person, 
 or whose home, by reason of neglect, cruelty, 
 or depravity on the part of the parents, guardian, 
 or other person in whose care it may be, is an 
 unfit place for such a child.’ A ‘ delinquent child ’ 
 is defined to be — ‘ any child under the age of 16 
 who violates any law of this State or any city or 
 village ordinance, or who is incorrigible, or who 
 knowingly associates with thieves, vicious, or 
 immoral persons, or who is growing up in idle- 
 ness or crime, or who knowingly frequents a 
 house of ill fame, or who knowingly patronizes 
 any policy shop or place where any gaming de- 
 vice is or shall be operated.’ 
 
 “The law places its enforcement upon the 
 judges of the circuit court, who are required to 
 select one of their number to perform these 
 duties as a part of the judicial work of such 
 judge. . . . The circuit court is a court of orig- 
 inal and unlimited jurisdiction, the highest in 
 the State, and the duty of holding the juvenile 
 court was placed in the circuit court (which for 
 convenience is designated the ‘ juvenile court ’) as 
 an indication by the legislature of the importance 
 to the State of the work to be done. 
 
 “The case of each child brought into court, 
 whether dependent or delinquent, becomes of 
 record, and every step taken in the case is shown 
 upon the court record.” 
 
 Interest in the Illinois Law was awakened 
 quickly in many parts of the country, and re- 
 quests for copies of it, says Mr. Hurley in his 
 historical sketch, “began to pour in from all 
 directions. These requests were promptly an- 
 swered and copies of the Juvenile Court Record, 
 published by the Visitation and Aid Society, 
 containing the necessary information, were sent 
 to applicants. Agitation began in other States 
 
 85 
 
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 for a law similar to the one passed in Illinois, 
 and those who helped to form the Illinois law 
 were invited to visit other States to explain the 
 measure and the method of administering the law 
 in Cook County. 
 
 “The Illinois law proved so satisfactory that 
 many judges throughout the country, not wish- 
 ing to await the action of a legislature, estab- 
 lished branches in their several courts for children 
 cases only, and in the treatment of the cases ap- 
 plied the probate and chancery powers of the 
 court. This was the case especially in Denver, 
 Colorado, where Judge Ben D. Lindsey had a 
 complete and well-equipped juvenile court and 
 probation system before the legislature took any 
 action whatever. A like court was subsequently 
 adopted in Indianapolis by George W. Stubbs. 
 The two latter courts were carried on practically 
 in the same way that they have been since laws 
 were adopted by these States. In most of the 
 States the probation officers are volunteers.” 
 
 Judge Lindsey, of Denver, has won celebrity 
 among the presiding magistrates of the Juvenile 
 Courts by the kindly shrewdness of the methods 
 by which he has won the confidence, the admira- 
 tion and devotion of the boys and girls of his 
 city, within the classes with which he has to 
 deal. The scene which his court-room presents 
 on the appointed days when the delinquents on 
 probation come in a body to report to him and 
 to be talked to by him has been often described, 
 and it seems to exemplify a kind of influence that 
 would go farther than any other in resistance to 
 the vitiating conditions which surround masses 
 of the young in all cities. Judge Lindsey’s ex- 
 tended report of his work and experience in the 
 Denver Juvenile Court, published in the collec- 
 tion referred to above, is a paper of remarkable 
 interest. 
 
 As stated already, the Juvenile Court is now 
 an established institution in nearly every part of 
 the United States, and in many countries abroad. 
 It was established in Great Britain by the not- 
 able “ Children Act ” of 1908 (see above), and was 
 instituted that year in several of the German 
 cities. A Press despatch from Berlin, March 
 15, 1909, reported the opening of a congress in 
 that city, under the auspices of the German As- 
 sociation for the Care of the Young, which aims 
 at the extension of this important reform. “ The 
 labors of the society,” says the despatch, “ seem 
 to have been stimulated by the passing of the 
 English Children Act of 1908, a German transla- 
 tion of which has been distributed to members 
 of the congress. The movement for the estab- 
 lishment of special Courts for juvenile offenders 
 was taken up in Germany later than in some 
 other countries, but has recently made rapid 
 progress. The first children’s Courts were estab- 
 lished on January 1, 1908, at Cologne, Stuttgart, 
 and Breslau, and there are now 26 such Courts 
 in Prussia. Official statistics, however, indicate 
 that in recent years the total number of juvenile 
 offenders in Germany has grown about three 
 times as fast as the total number of offenders of 
 all ages. During 1906, 55,211 persons under the 
 age of 18 were sentenced, as compared with 
 51,232 in 1905 and 49,993 in 1904.” 
 
 At the meeting of the International Prison 
 Commission, at Lausanne, Switzerland, in 1907, 
 it was significant of the deep interest which the 
 children’s court has awakened in Europe that 
 nineteen societies in France, including the Acad- 
 
 emy of Moral and Political Sciences, the General 
 Society of Prisons, and the faculties of law of 
 Paris, Lille, and Montpellier, and several of the 
 most prominent tribunals in France, asked to 
 have the whole subject of the organization of 
 children’s courts elucidated and discussed. A 
 similar interest was shown in Switzerland and 
 Germany. 
 
 In an extended letter to the London Times, 
 published August 19, 1909, Miss Florence Dav- 
 enport-Hill traced the origin of children’s courts 
 to Massachusetts, and gave the following account 
 of their introduction from that source of sug- 
 gestion into Australia, and thence, to some ex- 
 tent, into Great Britain. Miss Davenport-Hill’s 
 statements on the subject are, in part, as follows : 
 “ Although we hear little now from our earliest 
 exemplar, Massachusetts — possibly because she 
 has, I believe, cleared away the class to be dealt 
 with — it is desirable to remember it was she 
 who evolved the then new principle of absolute 
 separation of child from adult, and devised its 
 potent supporter, the probation system — a sys- 
 tem affording watchful and kindly help to strong 
 and maybe wilful weaklings. Thus did Massa- 
 chusetts become a noble example, making the 
 way plain for her successors. Mr. Joseph Sturge, 
 attracted early in the eighties by reports of the 
 ‘ plan,’ visited Boston to investigate its meth- 
 ods. He describes in a pithy narrative subse- 
 quently published how his highest expectations 
 were fulfilled ; and it is interesting to learn from 
 his pen that ‘ the probation system by which 
 juvenile offenders are saved from imprisonment 
 has been so successful, economically and morally, 
 that the city of Boston now employs a probation 
 agent to deal with suitable adult cases in a cor- 
 responding manner.’ 
 
 “A copy of Mr. Sturge’s narrative reached, 
 by good fortune, the Chief Justice of South 
 Australia, then presiding at a Royal Commission 
 of inquiry concerning adult and juvenile de- 
 pendents on the State. He recognized, and in 
 his forthcoming report expounded, the value of 
 the Massachusetts plan in its application to chil- 
 dren. The result was the creation by the South 
 Australian Government of a department, entitled 
 the State Children’s Council, consisting of 12 
 ladies and gentlemen nominated by the State as 
 honorary members, to deal with erring and neg- 
 lected children on the lines of that plan. . . . 
 
 “ Nineteen years ago the Children’s Court was 
 opened in Adelaide, and in October, 1903, thanks, 
 Sir, to your sympathetic courtesy, the repro- 
 duction in The Times of a letter describing it in 
 the Melbourne Argus from Miss Alice Henry 
 made known among us its scope, methods, and 
 success. Gradually Benches of Magistrates in 
 various parts of Great Britain and of Ireland 
 who led the way tried the experiment, which 
 was then discovered to be already existing 
 among us here and there, and in a more or less 
 developed form, as at Greenwich, Hull, &c.” 
 
 As Workers : 
 
 Canada : Child Labor Legislation. — 
 
 “There is not in any province a comprehensive 
 act dealing with the subject of child labor as a 
 whole, and even in Ontario, which has its Facto- 
 ries Act, its Shops Act, its Mines Act, its Munici- 
 pal Act, its Truancy Act — all bearing on the 
 matter more or less directly — it is still possible 
 for young children to be kept at work by their 
 parents for mercilessly long hours under sweat- 
 
 86 
 
CHILDREN, UNDER T1IE LAW 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 shop conditions. Prince Edward Island, Sas- 
 katchewan, and Alberta have neither Shops nor 
 Factories Acts. Ontario, Nova Scotia, Mani- 
 toba, and British Columbia have both ; Quebec 
 and New Brunswick have Factories Acts, and 
 six of the provinces have Mines Acts. The sev- 
 eral Factories Acts resemble one another closely. 
 In general, they prohibit the employment of girls 
 under eighteen and boys under sixteen in facto- 
 ries where the work is dangerous or unhealthy ; 
 forbid the employment of children under four- 
 teen in any manufacturing establishment (except 
 canning factories) in three provinces ; limit the 
 hours of labor for women and children to ten 
 hours a day and sixty hours a week ; and specify 
 the amount of overtime permissible for these 
 classes of workers. The Shops Acts, upon the 
 whole, allow greater latitude to the employers of 
 children ; thus the hours of labor are longer and 
 the conditions often not less injurious than those 
 in factories. Except in Ontario, no age limit is set 
 under which a child may not begin work in a 
 shop. Again by the Mines Acts of British Colum- 
 bia, children of twelve may be employed above 
 ground, and by those of Saskatchewan and Nova 
 Scotia boys of twelve may work under ground. 
 The enforcement of the laws restricting child 
 labor has, from various causes, proved some- 
 what inadequate. For instance, Nova Scotia 
 has had a Factories Act since 1901, but no in- 
 spector of factories till the present year ; while 
 Ontario, with a Truancy Act that, if enforced, 
 would prevent many children from engaging in 
 unsuitable labor, has vested the appointment of 
 truancy officers in the municipalities, and these, 
 in many instances, have neglected to make ap- 
 pointments.” — The Outlook , Nov. 14, 1908. 
 
 Recent changes in child labor laws in Canada 
 are as follows : 
 
 In Ontario the Factories Act limits the work- 
 ing time of boys under sixteen to ten hours, for- 
 bids the employment of children under twelve 
 within doors, and restricts the privileges ex- 
 tended to canning factories. The Shops Act is 
 amended by raising the age limit from ten to 
 twelve years. Manitoba forbids the employ- 
 ment of minors as bartenders. Alberta has raised 
 the age limit of children employed in mines from 
 twelve to sixteen years. British Columbia pro- 
 hibits the employment of boys under fourteen and 
 girls under fifteen except in the canning of fish. 
 
 England : The Employment of Children 
 Act, 1903 . — An Act “ to make Better Provision 
 for Regulating the Employment of Children” 
 became law in August, 1903. Most of the respon- 
 sibility for a proper protective regulation of child 
 labor was imposed by this enactment on the 
 local authorities of the Kingdom. Among its 
 provisions were the following : 
 
 “1. Any local authority may make byelaws — 
 
 (i) prescribing for all children, or for boys and 
 girls separately, and with respect to all occupa- 
 tions or to any specified occupation, — (a) the 
 age below which employment is illegal ; and (b) 
 the hours between which employment is illegal; 
 and (c) the number of daily and weekly hours be- 
 yond which employment is illegal: (ii) prohibit- 
 ing absolutely or permitting, subject to condi- 
 tions, the employment of children in any specified 
 occupation. 
 
 “2. Any local authority may make byelaws 
 with respect to street trading by persons under 
 the age of sixteen. . . . 
 
 “3. — (1) A child shall not be employed be- 
 tween the hours of nine in the evening and six 
 in the morning : Provided that any local author- 
 ity may, by byelaw, vary these hours either 
 generally or for any specified occupation. 
 
 (2) A child under the age of eleven years shall 
 not be employed in street trading. 
 
 (3) No child who is employed half-time under 
 the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, shall be 
 employed in any other occupation. 
 
 (4) A child shall not be employed to lift, carry, 
 or move anything so heavy as to be likely to 
 cause injury to the child. 
 
 (5) A child shall not be employed in any oc- 
 cupation likely to be injurious to his life, limb, 
 health or education, regard being had to his phy- 
 sical condition. . . . 
 
 “4. — (1) A byelaw made under this Act shall 
 not have any effect until confirmed by the Sec- 
 retary of State, and shall not be so confirmed 
 until at least thirty days after the local authority 
 have published it in such manner as the Secre- 
 tary of State may by general or special order 
 direct. . . . 
 
 “13. In this Act — The expression ‘child’ 
 means a person under the age of fourteen years : 
 “The expression ‘ guardian,’ used in reference 
 to a child, includes any person who is liable to 
 maintain or has the actual custody of the child : 
 “ The expression ‘ employ’ and ‘ employment,’ 
 used in reference to a child, include employment 
 in any labour exercised by way of trade or for 
 the purposes of gain, whether the gain be to the 
 child or to any other person : . . . 
 
 “The expression ‘street trading’ includes the 
 hawking of newspapers, matches, flowers, and 
 other articles, playing, singing, or performing 
 for profit, shoe-blacking, and any other like oc- 
 cupation carried on in streets or public places.” 
 Germany ; Child Labor Legislation and 
 its operation. — The Reichstag, in 1903, passed 
 a new law for the protection of children, concern- 
 ing the operation of which a well known English 
 student of social conditions in Germany wrote as 
 follows in 1908 : 
 
 “Several significant facts may be noted in re- 
 lation to the protection of childhood in Germany. 
 The legal age of admission to full employment 
 in factories and workshops is fourteen years, 
 though on the production of efficiency certificates 
 children may be employed for not more than six 
 hours daily at the age of thirteen, yet of the 
 5,607,657 industrial workers subject to inspection 
 in 1905 only 10,245, or under 0.2 per cent., were 
 below fourteen years, and in some States there 
 were none. To show the progress which has 
 been made in this respect it may be stated that in 
 1875 10 per cent. (88,000 out of a total of 880,500) 
 of the factory workers were between twelve and 
 fourteen years of age. ... At the same time 
 there is reason to believe that a serious exhaus- 
 tion of juvenile strength takes place in the unreg- 
 ulated home industries of Germany. Further, 
 from the age of six the child of the people attends 
 the primary school for seven or eight years, and 
 in many cases he is required to attend a contin- 
 uation school several years longer. In most of 
 the large towns the scholar from first to last re- 
 ceives free systematic medical care at the hands 
 of the school doctors. It begins with a thorough 
 examination on admission, and the health record 
 thus opened is continued throughout the whole 
 period of school life, so that the child is under 
 
 87 
 
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 constant medical supervision until it reaches the 
 working age. Many towns have gone further, 
 and have established dental surgeries, and at- 
 tached eye and ear specialists to the primary 
 schools.” — W. H. Dawson, The Evolution of 
 Modern Germany, p. 327 ( Unwin, London ; Scrib- 
 ner’s, N. Y. ). 
 
 United States: Child Labor Laws of the 
 several States in 1908 , and as amended since. 
 
 — The requirements of an effective child labor 
 law are set forth in Pamphlet No. 60 of the Na- 
 tional Child Labor Committee as resting “pri- 
 marily upon certain definite prohibitions, among 
 which are the following : Labor is prohibited 
 ( 1 ) for all children under the age of fourteen 
 years; labor is prohibited ( 2 ) for all children 
 under sixteen years of age who do not measure 
 sixty inches and weigh eighty pounds ; labor is 
 prohibited (3) for all children under sixteen years 
 of age who cannot read fluently and write legibly 
 simple sentences in the English language; labor is 
 prohibited (4) for all children under the age of six- 
 teen years, between the hours of 7 p. m. and 7 
 a. M. or longer than eight hours in any twenty- 
 four hours, or longer than forty -eight hours in 
 any week; labor is prohibited (5) for all children 
 under the age of sixteen years in occupations 
 dangerous to life, limb, health or morals.” Fur- 
 ther prescriptions of the Committee relate to the 
 regulations and agencies of authority requisite 
 to an effective enforcement of the Law. 
 
 In Bulletin No. 62 of the U. S. Bureau of 
 Labor published in January, 1906, there is pub- 
 lished a compilation of the laws relating to child 
 labor in each State of the Union, as amended and 
 in force at the close of the year 1905. An ex- 
 amination of them shows that the proposed 
 standard had not then been measured up to in 
 any State, or approached even nearly by more 
 than a few. In not one had the law prescribed 
 a test by weight or measure of the bodily de- 
 velopment of a child that should mark Nature’s 
 consent to his employment in any kind of work. 
 
 Thirteen States, namely, California, Connecti- 
 cut, Delaware, Indiana, Kansas, Minnesota, 
 New Jersey, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Ten- 
 nessee, West Virginia, and Wisconsin, prohibited 
 in general terms the employment of children 
 under fourteen years in mechanical, manufactur- 
 ing or mercantile establishments, or to that ap- 
 parent effect. New York did the same, with the 
 proviso that children over twelve might have em- 
 ployment during school vacation times. Rhode 
 Island, likewise, excepted the vacation time for 
 children under fourteen. The State of Washing- 
 ton allowed certain judges to make exemptions 
 from a similar prohibition, for the needed sup- 
 port of helpless parents. Maine, Michigan, New 
 Hampshire, North Dakota, Texas, Vermont, 
 Virginia, West Virginia, and Wisconsin fixed 
 the age under which no child may be employed 
 in wage-earning labor at twelve. Louisiana 
 appointed it at twelve for a boy and fourteen 
 for a girl. Colorado placed it at twelve for labor 
 in mines only. Florida raised it to fifteen, but 
 only as prohibitory without consent of “those 
 having legal control” of the child. Alabama 
 and Nebraska had it lowered to ten years. 
 South Carolina had kept it at ten until 1903, at 
 eleven until 1904, and at twelve until May, 1905. 
 In the Massachusetts law no absolute prohibi- 
 tion of child labor within any age line appeared. 
 
 Educational requirements, conditioning the 
 
 employment of children, were in most of the 
 State laws, as they stood at the end of 1905, and 
 many of them satisfied the third rule propounded 
 by the National Child Labor Committee, as 
 given above. 
 
 In the next three years after the Bureau of 
 Labor’s compilation of child labor laws, great 
 reforms in them were brought about, as shown 
 by comparison with the “Handbook 1908” of 
 “Child Labor Legislation” compiled by Jose- 
 phine Goldmark for the National Consumers’ 
 League, and published originally as a Supple- 
 ment. to the Annals of the American Academy 
 of Political and Social Science, May, 1908. 
 Some statements from this are given below : 
 “The age below which child labor is pro- 
 hibited varies from sixteen to ten years. The 
 number of employments prohibited also varies 
 greatly — from all employment during school 
 hours to mine work only. . . . Eleven states 
 prohibit work to the sixteenth birthday in either 
 mines or specific occupations injurious to health, 
 or both. These are, for mines, New York, Ok- 
 lahoma, Pennsylvania (inside anthracite mines), 
 Texas ; for specific occupations, Kentucky, 
 Minnesota, Missouri, Ohio, Wisconsin ; for both, 
 Illinois and Montana.” 
 
 The fifteen year age limit is prescribed in only 
 one State, South Dakota, which forbids it in 
 mines, factories, hotels, laundries, theatres, 
 bowling alleys, elevators, messenger service, or 
 places where liquors are sold. 
 
 The age limit of fourteen years is prescribed 
 differently in different States. With various 
 qualifications, employment below that age in fac- 
 tories, stores, offices, laundries, hotels, theatres, 
 bowling alleys, is prohibited in California, Idaho, 
 Illinois, Iowa, Indiana, Kentucky, Michigan, 
 Missouri, Nebraska, New York, Ohio, Pennsyl- 
 vania, and Wisconsin. 
 
 In factories or stores it is forbidden in Con- 
 necticut, Massachusetts, North Dakota, Oregon, 
 Rhode Island, and Washington. 
 
 In factories it is not permitted in Arkansas, 
 Colorado, Delaware, Kansas, Louisiana, Maine, 
 Minnesota, New Jersey, Tennessee, Texas, Wis- 
 consin. 
 
 In messenger service it is made unlawful in 
 California, Idaho, Illinois, Kentucky, Maryland, 
 Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, New York, Ohio, 
 Oregon, Pennsylvania, Vermont, Washington, 
 Wisconsin. 
 
 Children under this age are excluded from 
 mines in Arkansas, Colorado, Idaho, Indiana, 
 Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri, 
 North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, 
 Tennessee, Utah, Washington, Wisconsin, 
 Wyoming. 
 
 in all the prohibitions above cited many and 
 various exceptions are allowed in the laws of 
 different States — as for school-vacation periods, 
 for children of widows and disabled fathers, 
 etc. In like manner, the following State laws 
 which, on general principles, forbid all employ- 
 ment of children under fourteen years during 
 school hours, provide for numerous and differ- 
 ent exceptional circumstances : California, Col- 
 orado, Connecticut, District of Columbia, Idaho, 
 Illinois, Kentucky, Massachusetts, Minnesota, 
 Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, New Hampshire, 
 New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, South 
 Dakota, Vermont, Washington, West Virginia, 
 Wisconsin. 
 
 88 
 
CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 CHILDREN, UNDER THE LAW 
 
 The thirteen year age limit is fixed only in 
 North Carolina, 'which excepts apprentices. 
 
 The twelve year limit is applied (with excep- 
 tions for the vacation months) to factories or 
 stores in California, to most descriptions of regu- 
 lar employment in Maryland, and to factories in 
 West Virginia. It is applied to factories, with 
 varied exceptions, in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, 
 Louisiana, Mississippi, New Hampshire, North 
 Dakota, South Carolina, and Texas. It applies 
 to factories, quarries, railroads, and messen- 
 ger service in Vermont, and to factories, stores, 
 and mines in Virginia. To mines distinctly it 
 applies in Alabama, Florida, Maryland (if the 
 twelve-year child is not wholly illiterate), North 
 Carolina, North Dakota (in school hours), Penn- 
 sylvania (in bituminous mines only), South 
 Carolina, Virginia, West Virginia (vacation 
 excepted). 
 
 The ten year old limit for labor to be lawful 
 was only in Georgia factories, with exceptions 
 for the babes of widows and disabled fathers. 
 
 As to hours of labor, “six states limit em- 
 ployment to 9 hours in one day and 54 in one 
 week: — California, Delaware, Florida, Idaho, 
 Missouri, and New York (applying to children 
 under 16 in stores and as messengers). 
 
 “ Twenty-four states restrict work to 10 hours 
 in one day and either 55, 58 or 60 hours in one 
 week. 
 
 “ Five states, Alabama, Georgia, North Caro- 
 lina, Pennsylvania and Tennessee allow more 
 than 10 hours work in one day,” in the hours per 
 week they permit. 
 
 “Those states which fail to restrict the hours 
 of labor allowed in one week as well as in one day 
 invite the possibility of seven days’ labor. In 
 Washington, for example, women and girls may 
 not only work ten hours at night, they may do 
 this every night, including Sunday. 
 
 “ Work at night is effectively restricted to the 
 16th birthday in 18 states. Twelve states set 
 an early closing hour for children under 16 years, 
 New York fixing 5 p. m. ; Michigan, Ohio, Ore- 
 gon and Wisconsin 6 p. M.,and Alabama, Idaho, 
 Illinois, Kentucky, Minnesota, Missouri and New 
 Jersey (in stores) fixing 7 p. m. Of these, the 
 Ohio law is the most comprehensive, since it 
 includes girls to the 18th birthday.” 
 
 “Children have no positive immunity from 
 night work unless the hours are explicitly stated 
 between which it is unlawful to employ them. . . . 
 The District of Columbia, 4 territories and 20 
 states fail to prohibit work at night after a defi- 
 nite closing hour. The sinister feature of this 
 list is the presence of Connecticut, Delaware, 
 Indiana, Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, New 
 Hampshire, Tennessee and West Virginia, all of 
 them important manufacturing states having 
 industries in which children are employed.” 
 
 Since the compilation of the above several 
 states have made important changes in or addi- 
 tions to their child labor laws, as follows : 
 
 In Kentucky the age limit is raised to 14 years 
 during school terms, children between 14 and 16 
 not to be employed without certificate from school 
 authorities. The hours of labor are limited to ten 
 hours a day and sixty hours a week, and night 
 work is prohibited for children under 16 years. 
 
 In Louisiana a fourteen-year age limit is estab- 
 lished, with a 9 hour working day, and night 
 
 work is prohibited for boys under 16 and girls 
 under 18 years. 
 
 Mississippi has established a twelve-year limit, 
 applicants under sixteen being required to fur- 
 nish a certificate of age and educational advan- 
 tages, and one from county health officer show- 
 ing physical condition. The time limit is ten 
 hours daily, 58 hours a week. 
 
 “ New Jersey enacted a compulsory education 
 law, requiring school attendance of all children 
 between the ages of seven and seventeen, except 
 that children of fifteen who have completed the 
 grammar grades and are regularly employed may 
 be excused. This places the age limit for em- 
 ployment during the school period at fifteen 
 years. 
 
 “In New York a law was passed transferring 
 the enforcement of the mercantile child labor law 
 from local boards of health in cities of the first 
 class to the State Labor Department, and provid- 
 ing for the creation of a bureau of mercantile 
 inspection. This law became effective October 
 1st, 1908.” It made important changes, affect- 
 ing dangerous employments, which became 
 effective October 1st, 1909. 
 
 “ In Ohio an important measure was passed 
 limiting the hours for boys under sixteen and 
 girls under eighteen to eight per day and forty- 
 eight per week.” — National Child Labor Com- 
 mittee ( General Secretary’s Annual Report). 
 
 An act to regulate the employment of child 
 labor in the District of Columbia was passed by 
 Congress on May 28, 1908. This law prescribes 
 an age limit of fourteen years, and prohibits em- 
 ployment during school hours. Exceptions may 
 be made for children in the service of the Senate, 
 or for those whose labor is necessary for the sup- 
 port of a disabled or widowed parent. Street 
 trades are forbidden to boys under ten and girls 
 under sixteen years of age. The time limit for 
 children under sixteen is eight hours a day and 
 forty-eight hours a week. 
 
 The report of the National Child Labor Com- 
 mittee, for the year ending September 80, 1909, 
 gives the following additional changes : In South 
 Carolina a system of factory inspection was 
 adopted. The hours of labor, however, were 
 changed from 10 to 11 hours a day. In Maine 
 an educational test was adopted, and the hours 
 reduced from 60 to 58 per week. Rhode Island 
 reduced the hours for women and children from 
 60 to 56 per week. Pennsylvania enacted a law 
 requiring adequate proof of age of children seek- 
 ing employment, and requiring school certificate. 
 
 Hours of labor have been reduced in the follow- 
 ing States : Michigan to 54 hours a week for all 
 women and for males under 18 ; Kansas, Okla- 
 homa, North Dakota to 8 hour day and 48 hour 
 week ; Delaware to 9 hour day and 54 hour 
 week ; Maine to 10 hour day and 58 hour week 
 for boys under 16, and girls under 18; Rhode 
 Island to 56 hour week for minors under 16 and 
 all women. 
 
 Night work has been prohibited in the follow- 
 ing additional States : Delaware, Kansas, North 
 Dakota, Michigan, Oklahoma, California. 
 
 Compulsory education laws have been passed 
 in Arkansas and Tennessee, and revised and im- 
 proved in New Jersey, New York, and Missouri. 
 
 See, also. Labor Protection: Hours of 
 1 Labor. 
 
 89 
 
CHILDREN 
 
 CHINA 
 
 CHILDREN, Public Playgrounds for. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Playground Movement. 
 
 CHILDS, Richard S. See (in this vol.) 
 Elective Franchise: United States. 
 
 CHILE: A. D. 1901-1906. — Participation 
 in Second and Third International Confer- 
 ences of American Republics, at Rio de 
 Janeiro. See (in this vol.) American Repub- 
 lics. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Noble Peace Agreements be- 
 tween Chile and the Argentine Republic. — 
 Treatyfor Arbitration of all Disputes. — Lim- 
 itation of Armaments. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Sale of war vessels to Great 
 Britain. — Pursuant to her Convention with 
 Argentina, for the reduction of armaments, 
 Chile, in this year, sold two newly built war 
 vessels to Great Britain. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Installation of President 
 Montt. — -His prospective difficulties. — Don 
 Pedro Montt, elected President of Chile in June, 
 1906 , was installed in office on the 10 th of Sep- 
 tember following — the anniversary of Chilean 
 independence. United States Minister Hicks, 
 reporting the ceremony to his Government, added 
 the following remarks on the political situation: 
 “The new President takes office while enjoying 
 great personal popularity. He is the son of Don 
 Manuel Montt, who was President of Chile from 
 1851 to 1862 . His reputation is that of a calm, 
 well-balanced man, of unimpeachable integrity, 
 strong and self-reliant, but conciliatory and far- 
 seeing. He begins his career with many difficul- 
 ties on his hands. One question left over from 
 the last administration — that of the rectorship 
 of the university — is already causing consider- 
 able trouble. Under the law the President ap- 
 points the rector from three persons named by 
 the doctors of the university itself. Senor Lete- 
 lier has been so named, but as he is said to be a 
 liberal and even a freethinker, the church party 
 and the conservatives generally are fighting 
 him. The new President selected a cabinet last 
 week entirely different from the one now in 
 office, but owing to the rectorship question and 
 some other things it failed and a new one had 
 to be appointed hurriedly. 
 
 “Among other difficulties to be met by the 
 new President is the opposition of the Senate. 
 It is understood that there is a majority in that 
 body against him, and it is liable to operate un- 
 favorably to him. Still his friends have full 
 confidence that he will succeed in quieting oppo- 
 sition and will retain the unlimited confidence 
 of the people. 
 
 “ Under the Chilean constitution much of the 
 power delegated to the President under the 
 American Constitution is retained by Congress. 
 
 That body really dictates to the President the 
 appointment or removal of his cabinet and thus 
 his functions are quite different from those of 
 the President of the United States.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Destructive earthquake. See 
 (in this vol.) EARTHquAKES : Chile. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Diplomatic relations with 
 Peru reestablished. — Diplomatic relations with 
 Peru were reestablished in 1907 ; but the old 
 sore question between the two countries, con- 
 cerning the interpretation of the peace treaty 
 of Ancon ( 1884 ), relative to the provinces of 
 Tacna and Arica, which Chile took from Peru 
 in the preceding war (see Chile, in Volume 
 VI.), remains open. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Contract given for the Arica- 
 La Paz Railway. See (in this vol.) Railways: 
 Chile-Bolivia. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — -Arbitration of the Alsop 
 Claim of the United States. — “ Many years ago 
 diplomatic intervention became necessary to the 
 protection of the interests in the American claim 
 of Alsop and Company against the government 
 of Chili. The government of Chili had frequently 
 admitted obligation in the case, and had pro- 
 mised this government to settle it. There had been 
 two abortive attempts to do so through arbitral 
 commissions, which failed through lack of juris- 
 diction. Now, happily, as the result of the recent 
 diplomatic negotiations, the governments of the 
 United States and Chili, actuated by the sincere 
 desire to free from any strain those cordial and 
 friendly relations upon which both set such 
 store, have agreed by a protocol to submit the 
 controversy to definitive settlement by his Brit- 
 annic Majesty, Edward VII .” — Message to Con- 
 gress of President Taft, Dec., 1909 . 
 
 The claim referred to is that of “the Alsop 
 Company of New York and Connecticut which 
 advanced large sums of money to the Bolivian 
 government in exchange for the right to valu- 
 able guano deposits in that country and other 
 concessions. The government contracted further 
 to return a part of the loan from the receipts of 
 customs at the port of Arica. Before her con- 
 tract could be fulfilled Bolivia lost Arica and 
 the adjoining districts to Chili in war. In 1885 , 
 following representations by the American State 
 Department, Chili agreed to assume the obliga- 
 tions of Bolivia to the Alsop Company. She has 
 never, however, made good her promise, and 
 the matter has been the subject of diplomatic 
 negotiations ever since. The claim now amounts 
 to more than § 1 , 500 , 000 .” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Building of the Transandine 
 Railway Tunnel. See (in this vol.) Railways: 
 Argentina-Ciiile. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Naval plans. See War, 
 The Preparations for: Naval: Chilean. 
 
 CHINA. 
 
 A. D. 1887-1907. — Increase of Christian 
 Mission Schools. See (in this vol.) Education : 
 China. 
 
 A. D. 1900-1905. — Sudden and rapid up- 
 springing of newspapers. — “ Without giving 
 actual statistics, it may be mentioned that Pe- 
 king, which had no newspaper up to the time of 
 the Boxer rising — except a short-lived weekly 
 started by the Peking Reform Club and sup- 
 
 pressed by the Empress Dowager — has now 
 three daily newspapers and two fortnightly ones, 
 some of these being partly illustrated. Tientsin 
 has at least three dailies, one of these, the ‘ Ta- 
 kung Pao’ (' The Impartial ’), having the very 
 respectable circulation of twenty thousand. The 
 official organ which calls itself the ‘Times’ (the 
 ‘ Shih Pao’), although not so widely circulated, 
 is well written under European auspices and has 
 
 90 
 
CHINA, 1901-1902 
 
 CHINA, 1901-1902 
 
 considerable influence. In Shanghai there are 
 now sixteen daily papers (price, eight to ten 
 cash each), some of which have circulations 
 of as much as ten thousand, and besides these 
 there are many journals published there. 
 Further south (at Foochow, Sooehow, and Can- 
 ton), there are in all some six or seven daily 
 papers, and at Hong-Kong five, while Kiaochow 
 has one, which is supported by the local Ger- 
 man government. In addition to these, several 
 papers are now published in the interior, but the 
 majority, for various reasons, flourish in the 
 treaty ports.” — A. R. Colquhoun, The Chinese 
 Press of To-day (North American Review, Jan., 
 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1900-1906. — Progressive tariff and 
 internal taxation measures to check the 
 consumption of opium. See (in this vol.) 
 Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — The Russian grip on 
 Manchuria. — Coercive negotiations with 
 China. — Protests from other Powers. — The 
 Manchurian Treaty of 1902 and its im- 
 potence. — Early in December, 1901, the Ameri- 
 can Minister to China, Mr. Conger, reported to 
 Secretary Hay, at Washington, an impending 
 treaty which Russia seemed likely to force on 
 the Chinese Government, which would practi- 
 cally secure to that aggressive Power, through 
 a prolonged agreement of China with the Russo- 
 Chinese Bank, exclusive railway and mining 
 concessions in Manchuria, and which would pro- 
 tract the Russian evacuation of that country 
 through three years. England and Japan were 
 using all their influence at Peking to prevent the 
 signing of the treaty, and Mr. Hay entered a 
 vigorous protest on the part of the Government 
 of the United States, “animated now, as here- 
 tofore, by the sincere desire to insure to the 
 4 whole world full and fair intercourse with China 
 on equal footing.” The pressure from Russia 
 on China was so potent, however, that Mr. 
 Conger, on the 29th of January, 1902, reported 
 to Mr. Hay that Prince Ch’ing, who acted with 
 authority from his Government in the negotia- 
 tion with Russia, had informed him “ that the 
 latter has done the best he could and has held 
 out as long as possible, but that Russian pos- 
 session of Manchuria has become intolerable, 
 and that China must at once sign the conven- 
 tion or lose everything; that he has therefore 
 agreed to sign the convention [modified in some 
 particulars] and will also sign the separate 
 agreement with the Russo-Chinese Bank, which 
 practically gives exclusive privileges of indus- 
 trial development in Manchuria.” Nevertheless 
 the consummation of the Russian project of co- 
 ercive diplomacy was delayed until the 8th of 
 April, and the terms of the treaty then signed 
 were considerably moderated from the original 
 design. Its provisions of interest to others than 
 the contracting parties were as follows : 
 
 “ Article i. His Majesty the Emperor of all 
 the Russias, desiring to give a fresh proof of his 
 love of peace and his sentiments of friendship 
 for His Majesty the Emperor of China, notwith- 
 standing the fact that the first attacks upon the 
 peaceable Russian population were made from 
 various points of Manchuria, which is situated 
 on the frontier, consents to the reestablishment 
 of the authority of the Chinese Government in 
 the aforesaid province, which remains an inte- 
 gral part of the Empire of China, and restores to 
 
 the Chinese Government the right to exercise 
 governmental and administrative powers there 
 as before its occupation by the Russian troops. 
 
 “Art. II. In resuming possession of govern- 
 mental and administrative powers in Manchuria, 
 the Chinese Government confirms, as well in 
 regard to the terms as to all the other articles, 
 the engagement strictly to observe the stipula- 
 tions of the contract concluded with the Russo- 
 Chinese Bank on the 27th of August, 1896, and 
 assumes, according to article 5 of said contract, 
 the obligation to protect the railroad and its per- 
 sonnel by every means, and also pledges itself 
 to guarantee the security in Manchuria, of all 
 Russian subjects in general who reside there and 
 the enterprises established by them. The Rus- 
 sian Government, in view of the assumption of 
 this obligation by the Emperor of China, con- 
 sents on its part, in case there shall be no agita- 
 tions of any sort, and if the action of the other 
 powers shall offer no obstacle thereto, gradually 
 to withdraw all its troops from Manchuria so as 
 (a) To withdraw, in the course of six months 
 from the signing of the convention, the Russian 
 troops from the southwest portion of the pro- 
 vince of Moukden, as far as the Liao-he River, 
 and again to place China in control of the rail- 
 ways ; (b) To withdraw, in the course of the six 
 months following, the Imperial Russian troops 
 from the remaining portion of the province of 
 Moukden and the province of Kirin ; and (c) To 
 withdraw, in the'eourse of the six months follow 
 ing, the remainder of the Imperial Russian 
 troops now in the province of Hei-lung Kiang. 
 
 “ Art. III. In view of the necessity of obvi- 
 ating in future a repetition of the disturbances 
 of 1900, in which the Chinese troops quartered 
 in the provinces adjacent to Russia took part, 
 the Russian Government and the Chinese Gov- 
 ernment agree to order the Russian military au- 
 thorities and the dzian-dziuns, to come to an 
 understanding for the purpose of regulating the . 
 number and determining the places of cantonment 
 of the Chinese troops in Manchuria until the 
 Russian troops shall have been withdrawn there- 
 from. The Chinese Government further pledges 
 itself not to organize any other troops above the 
 number thus agreed upon by the Russian military 
 authorities and the dzian-dziuns which shall be 
 sufficient to exterminate the brigands and to 
 pacify the country. After the complete evacu- 
 ation of the country by the Russian troops, the 
 Chinese Government shall have the right to make 
 an examination of the number of troops in Man- 
 churia which are subject to increase or diminu- 
 tion, giving timely notice of such examination 
 to the Imperial Government, for the maintenance 
 of troops in the aforesaid province in superfluous 
 numbers would manifestly lead to the increase 
 of the Russian military forces in the adjacent 
 districts, and would thus occasion an increase of 
 military expenses, to the great disadvantage of 
 both countries. For police service and the mainte- 
 nance of internal order in this region outside of 
 the territory ceded to the Chinese Eastern Rail- 
 way Company, there shall be formed, near the 
 local dzian-dziun governors, a police force, both 
 on foot and mounted, composed exclusively of 
 subjects of the Emperor of China 
 
 “Art. IV. The Russian Government consents 
 to restore to their owners the raihvay lines of 
 Shan-hai-kwan — Yin-kow — Simminting. which 
 have been occupied and protected by the Russian 
 
CHINA, 1901-1902 
 
 CHINA, 1901-1908 
 
 troops since the end of the month of September, 
 
 1900. In consideration of this the Government 
 of the Emperor of China pledges itself : 
 
 “ 1. That in case it shall become necessary to 
 insure the security of the aforesaid railway lines 
 it will itself assume that obligation, and will not 
 request any other power to undertake or partici- 
 pate in the defense, construction, or exploitation 
 of these lines, and will not permit foreign powers 
 to occupy the territory restored by Russia. 
 
 “ 2. That the above-mentioned railway lines 
 shall be completed and exploited on the precise 
 bases of the agreement made between Russia 
 and England April 16, 1899, and on those of the 
 contract concluded September 28, 1898, with a 
 private company, relative to a loan for the con- 
 struction of the aforesaid lines, and, moreover, 
 in observance of the obligations assumed by the 
 company, especially : Not to take possession of 
 the Shan-hai -kwan — Y in-kow — Simmin tin g line 
 or to dispose of it in any manner whatever. 
 
 “3. That if a continuation of the railway lines 
 in the south of Manchuria, or the construction 
 of branch lines connecting with them, and the 
 construction of a bridge at Yin Kow or at the 
 transfer of the terminus of the Shan-hai-kwan 
 Railroad, which is situated there, shall hereafter 
 be undertaken, it shall be done after a previous 
 understanding between the Government of Rus- 
 sia and that of China.” — Papers relating to the 
 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1902, pp. 
 271-281. 
 
 During the next two years Russia was accused 
 from all sides of infidelity to the engagements 
 of this treaty, and her conduct, which seemed 
 especially menacing to Japan, gave rise to the 
 Russo-Japanese War. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902.- — Edicts for educational 
 reform. — Modernizing examinations for lit- 
 erary and military degrees. — Establishing 
 universities, colleges, and schools. — Sending 
 students abroad. See (in this vol.) Education : 
 China: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1904. — Persistent occupation 
 of Manchuria by the Russians. — Remon- 
 strances of the Japanese. See Japan: A. D. 
 1901-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1908. — Settlement of the in- 
 demnity to be paid to fourteen Powers on 
 account of the Boxer Rising. — Remission of 
 part of it by the United States. — In April, 
 
 1901, when the record of events connected with 
 the Boxer rising against foreigners in China was 
 closed in Volume VI. of this work, the Chinese 
 government had promised satisfaction and in- 
 demnity to the fourteen Powers whose subjects 
 had suffered from the barbarous attack and 
 whose forces had overcome it, and the measure 
 of indemnity to be paid was then being discussed. 
 The discussion and the reckonings involved were 
 prolonged till September. The final protocol 
 was signed Sept. 7, but it was not until the 30th 
 of that month that the formulated claims of the 
 Powers concerned were accepted by China, and 
 the responsibility of payment assumed by an 
 imperial decree. The total was 450,000,000 taels, 
 equivalent to $334,000,000, divided between 
 Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Denmark, France, 
 Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Nether- 
 lands, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden, and the 
 United States. The sum was not reckoned solely 
 for the covering of losses and expenses, conse- 
 
 quent on the Boxer outrages, but was intended 
 to be, in some degree, a penalty imposed on the 
 Chinese nation ; and some of the claimant nations 
 were said to be more exacting on this score than 
 others were. 
 
 The amount for which the United States stipu- 
 lated was $24,440,000, and the American govern- 
 ment received an indemnity bond for that sum. 
 But when the expenses of the American relief 
 expedition had been accurately ascertained, and 
 all losses and destruction of property belonging 
 to American claimants had been settled, it was 
 found that they would be largely overpaid. It 
 was possible, according to common practice in 
 international dealings, to regard the excess as 
 justly punitive ; but a different view was dictated 
 by the wish to show friendliness to China, and a 
 return of the overpayment was proposed. Recom- 
 mended by President Roosevelt, the necessary 
 sanction was given by Congress, and on the 11th 
 of July, 1908, the American Minister to China 
 addressed the following communication to the 
 Prince of Ch’ing, President of the Wai-Wu-Pu, 
 or Board of Foreign Affairs, at Peking : 
 
 ‘ ‘ Your Highness : 
 
 “ It is with great satisfaction that I have the 
 honor to inform your Highness, under direction 
 of the Secretary of State of the United States, 
 that a bill has passed the Congress of the United 
 States authorizing the President to modify the 
 indemnity bond given the United States by China 
 under the provisions of Article VI. of the final 
 protocol of September 7, 1901, from twenty-four 
 million, four hundred and forty thousand dollars 
 ($24,440,000), United States gold currency, to 
 thirteen million, six hundred and fifty-five thou- 
 sand, four hundred and ninety-two dollars and 
 twenty-nine cents ($13,655,492.29), with inter- 
 est at four per cent (4%) per annum. Of this 
 amount two million dollars ($2,000,000) are held 
 pending the result of hearings on private claims 
 presented to the Court of Claims of the United 
 States within one year. Any balance remaining 
 after such adjudication is also to be returned to 
 the Chinese Government, in such manner as the 
 Secretary of State shall decide. 
 
 “The President is further authorized under 
 the Bill to remit to China the remainder of the 
 indemnity as an act of friendship, such payments 
 and remissions to be made at such times and in 
 such a manner as he may deem just. 
 
 “ I am also directed by the Secretary of State 
 to request the Imperial Government kindly to 
 favor him with its views as to the time and man- 
 ner of the remissions. 
 
 “Trusting that your Imperial Highness will 
 favor me with an early reply to communicate to 
 my Government, I avail myself of this occasion 
 to renew to your Highness the assurance of my 
 highest consideration — W. W. Rockhill.” 
 
 In his reply, after reciting the statements con- 
 veyed to him by Mr. Rockhill, the Prince wrote 
 (as translated) the following: 
 
 “ On reading this despatch I was profoundly 
 impressed with the justice and great friendliness 
 of the American government, and wish to ex- 
 press our sincerest thanks. 
 
 “ Concerning the time and manner of the re- 
 turn of the amounts to be remitted to China, the 
 Imperial Government has no wishes to express in 
 the matter. It relies implicitly on the friendly 
 intentions of the United States Government, and 
 is convinced that it will adopt such measures 
 
CHINA, 1901-1908 
 
 CHINA, 1903 
 
 as are best calculated to attain the end it has in 
 view. 
 
 ‘‘The Imperial Government, wishing to give 
 expression to the high value it places on the 
 friendship of the United States, finds in its 
 present action a favorable opportunity for doing 
 so. Mindful of the desire recently expressed by 
 the President of the United States to promote 
 the coming of Chinese students to the United 
 States to take courses in the schools and higher 
 educational institutions of the country, and con- 
 vinced by the happy results of past experience 
 of the great value to China of education in 
 American schools, the Imperial Government has 
 the honor to state that it is its intention to send 
 henceforth yearly to the United States a consid- 
 erable number of students there to receive their 
 education. The Board of Foreign Affairs will 
 confer with the American Minister in Peking 
 concerning the elaboration of plans for the carry- 
 ing out of the intention of the Imperial Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 “ A necessary despatch. 
 
 “ Seal of the Wai-Wu-Pu.” 
 
 Simultaneously with the note from Prince 
 Ch’ing, the Wai-Wu-Pu as a body addressed the 
 following to Mr. Rockhill : 
 
 “ To his Excellency IF. W. Rockhill, American 
 Minister, Peking : 
 
 “Referring to the despatch just sent to your 
 Excellency regarding sending students to Amer- 
 ica, it has now been determined that from the 
 year when the return of the indemnity begins, 
 one hundred students shall be sent to America 
 every year for four years, so that four hundred 
 students may be in America by the fourth year. 
 From the fifth year and throughout the period 
 of the indemnity payments a minimum of fifty 
 students will be sent each year. 
 
 “As the number of students will be very great, 
 there will be difficulty in making suitable ar- 
 rangements for them. Therefore, in the matter 
 of choosing them, as well as in the matters of 
 providing suitable homes for them in America 
 and selecting the schools which they are to enter, 
 we hope to have your advice and assistance. The 
 details of our scheme will have to be elaborated 
 later, but we take this occasion to state the gen- 
 eral features of our plan, and ask you to inform 
 the American Government of it. We sincerely 
 hope that the American Government will render 
 us assistance in the matter. 
 
 “ Wishing you all prosperity, 
 
 (Signed) 
 
 Prince of Ch’ing, Yuan-Shih-k’ai, 
 Na-Tung Lien Fang 
 Liang-Tun- Yen. ” 
 
 The remittance of somewhat more than $10,- 
 000,000 of the indemnity did not involve a re- 
 payment of that sum of money to the Chinese 
 government, for the reason that payments on the 
 original indemnity bond were to be' in annual in- 
 stalments, running until 1940, certain revenues 
 being pledged to secure them. The remittance 
 is effected, accordingly, by a readjustment of 
 those payments hereafter. 
 
 Writing in The Outlook of this transaction, and 
 of the impression it has made in China, Mr. 
 George Marvin, who has been for some time in 
 official connection with the Chinese Government, 
 says: 
 
 “In pledging itself to the American educa- 
 tional mission the Chinese Government has given 
 
 the fullest evidence of its appreciation. Accord- 
 ing to estimates made in Peking last summer, 
 it was calculated that by aud after the fourth 
 year of the proposed educational foundation the 
 investment necessary to finance the Chinese 
 students in America would amount to $500,000 
 annually, a sum nearly equivalent to the entire 
 yearly revenue remitted. Already, and quite 
 apart from the scheme proposed in the note of the 
 Wai-Wu- Pu, there are maintained in the United 
 States by Imperial and Provincial funds one 
 hundred and fifty-five Chinese students, picked 
 boys and young men, sons of officials and promi- 
 nent and wealthy merchants, chosen often by 
 competitive examinations. The students now to 
 be sent annually by the Imperial Government 
 will be still more carefully selected. These are 
 the men destined for positions of responsibility 
 and influence in that ‘Awakening China’ of 
 which we hear so much.” — G. Marvin, in The 
 Outlook, Nov. 14, 1908. 
 
 A Special Ambassador from China, bearing a 
 letter of thanks from the Emperor, presented it 
 to the President on the 2d of December, 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Return to Peking of the 
 Emperor, Empress-Dowager, and Court. — 
 Receptions to foreign representatives. — 
 Withdrawals of foreign troops. — Recurrence 
 of Boxer outbreaks. — The Emperor, Empress 
 Dowager, and their suite reentered Peking on the 
 7th of January, 1902. On the 22d the foreign re- 
 presentatives were admitted to audience with the 
 Emperor ; on the 28th the Emperor and Empress- 
 Dowager, together, gave a reception to the diplo- 
 matic body, the Empress-Dowager being throned 
 on a higher seat than the Emperor ; on the 1st 
 of February the Empress-Dowager entertained 
 the ladies of the foreign legations at a banquet, 
 where presents of jewelry were made to all the 
 guests. Sorrow for the misdoings from which 
 the foreigners in China had suffered was ex- 
 pressed on all these occasions, and there seemed 
 to be an earnest desire to'make amends for them. 
 
 Foreign troops were withdrawn from Tien-tsin 
 on the 15th of August, 1902, and the city de- 
 livered to the Chinese Viceroy. Many improve- 
 ments in streets, bridges, and public grounds had 
 been made by the provisional government which 
 the Allies instituted in 1900. Shanghai was evac- 
 uated by the allied forces at the end of the year 
 1902. 
 
 Some recurrence of Boxer movements and in- 
 surrections occurred in different parts of the 
 Empire during 1902. Several missionaries and a 
 number of native converts were murdered, 
 chapels were burned, and other outrages com- 
 mitted ; but in general there was a restoration 
 of order in the country, and considerable build- 
 ing of railways and forwarding of other enter- 
 prises went on. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Russo-Chinese Treaty con- 
 cerning Tibet. See (in this vol.) Tibet : A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Jan.). — Agreement respecting 
 China between Great Britain and Japan. See 
 (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Feb.). — Wei-hai-wei found to 
 be strategically worthless by the British Gov- 
 ernment. See England: A. D. 1902 (Feb.). 
 
 A. D. 1902-1904. — The British opening of 
 Tibet by force. See Tibet: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (May-Oct.). — Treaty with the 
 United States. — Opening of two ports in 
 
CHINA, 1903 
 
 CHINA, 1904-1909 
 
 Manchuria. — Rights and privileges enlarged. 
 
 — “In the protocol of September 7, 1901, [see, 
 above, A. D. 1901-1908] China had agreed to ex- 
 tend the scope of her commercial treaties with the 
 powers. When the negotiation of a new treaty was 
 begun by Consul-General Goodnow at Shanghai, 
 the United States demanded that at least two 
 new ports in Manchuria be opened to foreign 
 trade k and residence. The Chinese commissioners 
 declined to discuss this subject, on the alleged 
 ground that they had no instructions to do so. 
 It was evident that there was secret opposition 
 somewhere, and on May 7, 1903, Mr. Conger re- 
 ported that it came from the Russian charge 
 d'affaires. Later he secured a written acknow- 
 ledgment from the Chinese government that such 
 was the case. . . . Mr. Hay then appealed with 
 the utmost directness to the Russian government. 
 
 . . . On July 14 a definite answer was at length 
 received from Russia, in which she declared that 
 it had never entered into her views to oppose the 
 opening of certain cities in Manchuria to foreign 
 commerce, but that this declaration did not apply 
 to Harbin, one of the cities selected by the United 
 States, which was situated within the railway 
 zone, and therefore was not under the complete 
 jurisdiction of China. A copy of this note was 
 shown to the Chinese government; which finally 
 agreed to insert in the treaty on October 8 (the 
 date on which Russia had agreed to completely 
 withdraw from Manchuria) a provision for the 
 opening of two ports. The United States agreed 
 to this arrangement, and on October 8 the treaty 
 was signed, and Mukden and Antung named as 
 the open ports.” — John H. Latane, America as 
 a World Power, ch. 6 ( Harper <£• Bros., N. Y., 
 1907). 
 
 The further scope of the treaty was announced 
 by President Roosevelt in his Message to Con- 
 gress, Dec. 7, 1903, as follows : “It provides not 
 only for the ordinary rights and privileges of di- 
 plomatic and consular officers, but also for an im- 
 portant extension of our commerce by increased 
 facility of access to Chinese ports, and for the 
 relief of trade by the removal of some of the 
 obstacles which have embarrassed it in the past. 
 The Qliinese Government engages, on fair and 
 equitable conditions, which will probably be 
 accepted by the principal commercial nations, 
 to abandon the levy of ‘ liken ’ and other transit 
 dues throughout the Empire, and to introduce 
 other desirable administrative reforms. Larger 
 facilities are to be given to our citizens who desire 
 to carry on mining enterprises in China. AVe have 
 secured for our missionaries a valuable privilege, 
 the recognition of their right to rent and lease in 
 perpetuity such property as their religious soci- 
 eties may need in all parts of the Empire.” 
 
 A. D. 1904. - — Railways and Chinese travel 
 on them. — Unused British Concessions.— 
 “ It may not have passed out of the public mind 
 that in February, 1899, Mr. Balfour came down 
 to the House of Commons and paraded before it 
 and the country the magnificent triumph Eng- 
 land had won in China in respect of Railway 
 Concessions [see, in Volume VI., China: A. D. 
 1898 (February-December.)]. They totalled 
 up to 2,800 miles! The House cheered, the 
 country indulged in a fit of self-complacency, 
 and the critic who asked questions was an igno- 
 ramus or a nuisance. AVell, five years have gone 
 by, and not one mile of those railways is in 
 existence except the Chinese Northern State 
 
 Railway, which has passed out of our hands. Of 
 the rest the two great trunk lines, one from Han- 
 kow to Canton, and the other in Yunnan, have 
 been abandoned, while among those of shorter 
 length the only one that still remains in active 
 force is the subject of this paper. . . . 
 
 “ In more than one recently published consular 
 dispatch attention has been drawn to the fact 
 that the Chinese, backward or hesitating in the 
 adoption of every other European or Western 
 innovation, have shown no reluctance to avail 
 themselves of improved means of locomotion. 
 The Northern Railway is used by several million 
 passengers every year; the sections already open 
 of the German railway in Shantung and of the 
 Belgian in Shansi can complain of no lack of 
 traffic. The fears of an earlier period as to what 
 the Chinese would do with regard to railways 
 have been dissipated by experience.” — D. C. 
 Boulger, The Shanghai- Nanking Railway ( Con- 
 temporary Review, June, 1904). 
 
 A. D. 1904. — The Russo-Japanese War in 
 Manchuria. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 
 1904 (Feb. -July) and after. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1909. — The Hankau Sze-chuen 
 Railway Loan. — The question of American 
 participation. — In 1904 the American Minister 
 at Peking concluded an agreement with the 
 Chinese Government to the effect that, when 
 loans for the construction of a projected railway 
 into the western province of Sze-chuen, from 
 Hankau, should be negotiated, Americans should 
 have an opportunity to subscribe to it. Nearly 
 five years passed before arrangements for the loan 
 were made, and then, in the spring of 1909, it 
 was found that terms had been concluded with 
 a group of British, German, and French bankers 
 for the whole sum sought, of $27,500,000, while 
 American capitalists had not been given the 
 promised opportunity. On behalf of the latter 
 the Government of the United States intervened, 
 claiming fulfilment of the agreement of 1904. 
 The matter was regarded as being both politi- 
 cally and financially important. “A precedent 
 is what we want to establish,” said Mr. Crane, 
 the newly appointed Minister to China, in an 
 interview on the subject at New York. “The 
 task of this Government to maintain its position 
 with the European Powers in the East will be 
 less difficult. We are looking twenty years 
 ahead.” As the result of communications in July 
 from Washington to Peking, in which President 
 Taft took part personally, the loan arrange- 
 ment was readjusted, and American capitalists 
 became participant in it to the extent of one- 
 fourth. 
 
 According to a despatch from Peking, August 
 17, the matter was settled definitely that day, 
 on the following terms: “The loan to be in- 
 creased from $27,500,000 to $30,000,000, and of 
 this latter amount American bankers to get one- 
 quarter, the other three-quarters going to British, 
 French, and German interests. Americans are to 
 have equal opportunity with the other nations 
 to supply material for both the Sze-chuen and 
 the Canton lines and the branches; they will 
 appoint subordinate engineers, and they will 
 have also one-half of all future loans of the Sze- 
 chuen Railroad and its branches with the corre- 
 sponding advantages.” 
 
 Subsequently, however, some difficulty in the 
 readjustment of business details in the matter 
 arose, which delayed the final settlement. The 
 
 94 
 
CHINA, 1905 
 
 CHINA, 1905-1908 
 
 motives of the American Government in claiming 
 a participation in the enterprise were stated as 
 follows by President Taft in his Message to 
 Congress, December 6 , 1909: “By the treaty of 
 1903 China has undertaken the abolition of likin 
 with a moderate and proportionate raising of 
 the customs tariff along with currency reform. 
 These reforms being of manifest advantage to 
 foreign commerce as well as to the interests of 
 China, this government is endeavoring to facili- 
 tate these measures with the needful acquiescence 
 of the treaty Powers. When it appeared that 
 Chinese likin revenues were to be hypothecated 
 to foreign bankers in connection with a great 
 railway project, it was obvious that the govern- 
 ments whose nationals held this loan would 
 have a certain direct interest in the question of 
 the carrying out by China of the reforms in 
 question. Because this railroad loan represented 
 a practical and real application of the open-door 
 policy through cooperation with China by inter- 
 ested Powers, as well as because of its relations 
 to the reforms referred to above, the Adminis- 
 tration deemed American participation to be of 
 great national interest. Happily, when it was as 
 a matter of broad policy urgent that this oppor- 
 tunity should not be lost, the indispensable in- 
 strumentality presented itself when a group of 
 American bankers, of international reputation 
 and great resources, agreed at once to share in 
 the loan upon precisely such terms as this gov- 
 ernment should approve. The chief of those 
 terms was that American railway material should 
 be upon an exact equality with that of the other 
 nationals joining in the loan in the placing of 
 orders for this whole railroad system. After 
 months of negotiation the equal participation of 
 Americans seems at last assured. It is gratifying 
 that Americans will thus take their share in this 
 extension of these great highways of trade, and 
 to believe that such activities will give a real 
 impetus to our commerce, and will prove a 
 practical corollary to our historic policy in the 
 Far East.” 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). — New agreement re- 
 specting China between Great Britain and 
 Japan. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1905 
 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Dec.). — Treaty with Japan rel- 
 ative to Manchuria. — By a treaty with Japan, 
 concluded December, 1905, China consented to 
 lease to Japan the Kwangtung peninsula, at the 
 southern extremity of which are Port Arthur 
 and Dalny, formerly held by Russia under lease 
 from China, and concede to Japan the control of 
 the railway on the peninsula northward as far 
 as Changchin. China also conceded to Japan 
 the right to build a railway from Antung on the 
 Yalu River to Mukden, the ancient capital of 
 Manchuria, provided, however, that at the end 
 of a certain period the road may be purchased 
 by China. More important is the fact that China 
 agreed in the treaty to open to the world’s com- 
 merce and trade sixteen principal ports and 
 cities in Manchuria, including Harbin, or Kliar- 
 bin, the modern Russian capital of the province 
 and its most important railway center. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1908 . — The stir of new ideas. 
 — Imperial Commission to study Represent- 
 ative Systems of Government. — Signs of fruit 
 from it. — Reformative movements. — The 
 Constitutional Programme set forth in Au- 
 gust, 1908 . — Nine years of approach to a 
 
 Promised Constitution. — A significant token 
 of the dawning in China of a changed state of 
 mind respecting the western world of Europe 
 and America, and its very different development 
 of scientific knowledge and of social institutions, 
 was afforded in the fall of 1905, when an impe- 
 rial commission, headed by Prince Tsai-Tse, was 
 sent abroad to study representative systems of 
 government. The Commission returned in the 
 following July, and in August a committee of 
 high dignitaries, with Prince Ch’ing for its chair- 
 man, was appointed to consider the report it had 
 submitted on administrative reforms. The out- 
 come, soon afterwards, was an imperial edict 
 which recognized a “lack of confidence between 
 the highest and the lowest, between the throne 
 and ministers and the masses,” and went so far 
 as to say that ‘ ‘ foreign countries become wealthy 
 and powerful by granting a constitution to the 
 masses and allowing suffrage to all.” While 
 intimating that China must look forward to a 
 similar admission of the masses to some voice in 
 the government, the edict set forth the prior 
 need of many reforms, in the official system, in 
 the laws, in education, in the finances, and in the 
 army and police. To begin the undertaking of 
 such reforms, Prince Tsai-Tse was put at the 
 head of a committee for dealing with the offi- 
 cial system, and before the year closed there 
 were several changes of importance introduced, 
 tending towards more simplicity of methods in 
 public business and more centering of responsi- 
 bilities. Examinations in Western subjects of 
 knowledge began to replace the old conventional 
 examinations in classic Chinese literature, as tests 
 for admission and promotion in official service, 
 and eagerness was shown in the opening of 
 schools and colleges that approached the Euro- 
 pean and American type. Simultaneously with 
 these stirrings of a new consciousness and pur- 
 pose in China, a great moral reform was taken in 
 hand. This was no less than an attempt to res- 
 cue the nation from its opium curse. Some ac- 
 count of the opium edict issued in September, 
 1906, will be found elsewhere, in this volume — 
 see Opium Problem. 
 
 That these reformative steps were actually 
 taken with a view to the ultimate granting of 
 “a constitution to the masses and allowing suf- 
 frage to all ” was proved in the summer of 1908, 
 when a programme of gradual approach to con- 
 stitutional government, by stages which extend 
 through the next nine years, was promulgated 
 at Peking on August 27th. According to West- 
 ern ideas the document lacks definiteness, but it 
 is not difficult to believe in the sincerity of its 
 intent. There may be great wisdom of sincerity 
 in the serial planning of successive measures that 
 are to unfold and introduce a constitution at the 
 end of nine years. 
 
 The edict of August 27 was summarized and 
 partially translated in a communication to the 
 New York Tribune, as follows : 
 
 “ The preamble alone fills twenty large pages 
 and is written in an incongruous mixture of Chi- 
 nese Classical terms and new Japanese termin- 
 ology invented to fit Western meanings. The 
 efforts of the authors have been aimed at con- 
 veying to the Chinese mind an understanding of 
 things hitherto beyond its comprehension. The 
 explanations often convey nothing to the West- 
 ern mind. 
 
 “The subject is approached in an almost 
 
CHINA, 1905-1908 
 
 CHINA, 1905-1908 
 
 prayerful attitude. The fact that China obtains 
 this constitution ‘ by the imperial will ’ is reiter- 
 ated again and again. It is set forth that the 
 imperial government, under the constitution, 
 shall not be criticised, on the principle that the 
 ‘ sacred majesty of the sovereign may not be of- 
 fended against,’ and that the leaders of the politi- 
 cal parties are to be appointed by the throne. Full 
 government under this constitution will become 
 effective at the end of nine years. While the 
 proposed system is called constitutional, it is far 
 removed from Western constitutional govern- 
 ment. 
 
 “Broadly speaking, the document follows the 
 constitution of Japan. Some of its most striking 
 clauses follow: 
 
 “ ‘We beg, as the condition of the country is 
 perilous, and the hearts of the people are uneasy 
 — trouble within and calamity from without, 
 danger threatening, and no parliament at the 
 side to investigate matters — that urgent mea- 
 sures may be taken to overcome half-heartedness 
 and procrastination, that there may be peace 
 above and completion below. 
 
 “‘We have therefore laid down the general 
 principles of the constitution and the programme 
 for the work of getting everything in readiness 
 in nine years. These may not be changed in the 
 least particular. 
 
 ‘ ‘ ‘ There will be boundless dai ly improvement. 
 May the “ silken sounds ” descend to inform the 
 empire and fix the road for ten thousand years, 
 comforting the hopes of the myriads who long 
 for peace.’ 
 
 “ Fourteen laws are then submitted, as follows : 
 
 “ 1. The Ta Ch’ing Emperor will rule supreme 
 over the Ta Ch’ing Empire for one thousand gen- 
 erations in succession, and be honored forever. 
 
 “2. Majesty of the sovereign. 
 
 “3. Right of promulgating laws. 
 
 “4. Convocation, suspension, extension and 
 dissolution of parliament. 
 
 “5. Appointment, payment, promotion, deg- 
 radation of officials. 
 
 “ 6. Command over army and navy. 
 
 “7. Power to make war, peace, treaties; to 
 receive and appoint ambassadors. 
 
 “ 8. Martial law. 
 
 “ 9. Rewards and pardons. 
 
 “ 10. Right over judges and the administration 
 of laws. 
 
 “11. Injunction. 
 
 “ 12. Right of raising funds when parliament 
 is not in session. 
 
 “13. Right of fixing the expenses of the im- 
 perial household. 
 
 “14. Respecting authority over the imperial 
 clan. 
 
 “ ‘We look to our Empress Dowager and Em- 
 peror and see that they take the measure of hea- 
 ven and earth as their measure and the heart of 
 the people as their heart. The officialsand people 
 within the wide seas are reverently grateful. 
 
 “‘The people should earnestly fulfil all the 
 duties without selfish reservations, which would 
 hinder the public welfare, and without rash im- 
 patience, which would confuse the regulation ; 
 not looking on the matter as too easy, so that the 
 deliberations become empty wrangling, not fail- 
 ing to understand the limitation of powers, so as 
 to make laws which overstep authority. 
 
 “ ‘The sovereign has absolute power, which he 
 exercises in constitutional form.’ 
 
 “ It is then set forth that on the dissolution of 
 parliament the people shall be called on to elect 
 a new parliament, and the document continues : 
 
 “ ‘Mercy is from above ; officials, below, may 
 not arrogate it to themselves. 
 
 ‘ ‘ ‘ Officers and people who keep within the law 
 will have freedom of speech, of the press and of 
 assembly. They shall not be disturbed without 
 cause in their possession of property, nor inter- 
 fered with in their dwellings ; and they have the 
 obligation to pay taxes and render military ser- 
 vice and the duty of obedience to the law of the 
 land. 
 
 “ ‘Members of parliament shall not speak disre- 
 spectfully of the court or slander others. Viola- 
 tion of this law will be punished.’ 
 
 “ The nine year programme is as follows : 
 
 ‘ ‘ ‘ Thirty-fourth year of Kwan g Hsu, or 1908 — 
 Local self-government ; rules for reorganization 
 of finance ; fusion of the Manchu and Chinese 
 military ; revision of criminal code. 
 
 “ ‘ Thirty-fifth year, or 1909 — Election of pro- 
 vincial assemblymen ; election to constitutional 
 commission; local self-government bureaus es- 
 tablished ; census ; provincial budgets ; deter- 
 mination of functions of Peking officials ; issuing 
 of school books. 
 
 “ ‘Thirty-sixth year, or 1910 — Provincial as- 
 semblies opened ; local self-government estab- 
 lished ; census reports ; tax rate fixed ; organiza- 
 tion of provincial officials ; courts of law at 
 provincial capitals and treaty ports ; publishing 
 criminal code ; extension of schools ; preparation 
 for organization of sub-prefecture; department 
 and district police. 
 
 “‘Thirty-seventh year, or 1911 — Local self- 
 government continued ; public account ; im- 
 perial budget ; rules on imperial taxation ; rules 
 governing appointments and salaries of civil 
 officials ; extension of schools; codes of municipal 
 and commercial laws and civil and criminal pro- 
 cedure drawn up. 
 
 “ ‘ Thirty -eighth year, or 1912 — Completion of 
 general arrangement of urban self-government ; 
 census reports ; publication of taxation laws of 
 empire ; perfection of arrangements for provincial 
 and lesser courts ; extension of schools. 
 
 “ ‘ Thirty -ninth year, or 1913 — Police registra- 
 tion ; imperial trial budget of variable expenses; 
 Supreme Court ; courts of law in prefectures, 
 sub-prefectures, departments and districts ; crim- 
 inal code promulgated ; urban self-government 
 established ; rules for rural self-government ; 
 rules for urban police. 
 
 “ ‘Fortieth year, or 1914 — Imperial trial budget 
 of fixed expenses ; publication of system of na- 
 tional accounts; rural self-government estab- 
 lished ; rules for lower courts. 
 
 “‘Forty-first year, or 1915 — Imperial house- 
 hold expenses fixed ; organization of the Banners’ 
 controller’s office ; public accounting enforced ; 
 lower courts established ; municipal and com- 
 mercial laws and civil and criminal procedure 
 rules established ; police system complete. 
 
 “ ‘Forty-second year, or 1910 — Promulgation 
 of full constitution and the laws of the imperial 
 clan ; parliamentary rules and rules for parliamen- 
 tary elections; budget for consideration of parlia- 
 ment ; reorganized official system ; appointment 
 of a premier.’ 
 
 “ The document concludes with these words : 
 
 “ ‘In the forty-third year of Kwang Hsu, or 
 1917, China will be, by following this plan, a 
 
CHINA, 1905-190!) 
 
 CHINA, 1905-1909 
 
 parliamentary country like Japan or Russia.”’ 
 — China's Constitution (New York Tribune, Oct. 
 19, 1908). 
 
 Prince Ito, the veteran statesman of Japan, 
 regards the constitutional experiment in China 
 with more anxiety than hopefulness. Speaking 
 on the subject in August, 1909, he expressed 
 doubt of its success, and thought failure would 
 imperil peace in the Far East. His reasoning 
 in brief was this: ‘‘First — the enormous area 
 of the Empire and the defective facilities for 
 communication would greatly impede the as- 
 sembling of a Parliament, especially in time of 
 emergency. Secondly, the immovable charac- 
 ter of Chinese conservatism forbade a change 
 even of the system of taxation, notwithstand- 
 ing the State’s urgent need of funds, and there 
 was, therefore, still greater difficulty iu effect- 
 ing the radical alterations required by a con- 
 stitutional system. Thirdly, the Chinese were 
 untrained in local administration, the institution 
 of which was an essential prelude to a national 
 Assembly. He said he was astonished at the 
 silence of Occidental publicists on this question 
 so vital to the peace of the Orient.” 
 
 A. D. 1905-1908. — Chinese Exclusion Laws 
 of the United States. — Boycott of American 
 goods in the Empire. See (in this vol.) Race 
 Problems: United States: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — Disputes with Japan. — 
 The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung- 
 Mukden Railway questions. — Settlement of 
 the latter by Japanese ultimatum. — It could 
 hardly have been possible for cordially friendly 
 relations to be maintained between China and 
 Japan, in the circumstances which transferred 
 to the latter the extensive rights and privileges 
 in Southern Manchuria, which Russia had ac- 
 quired in that Chinese province by treaty and 
 lease. By a protocol of December, 1905, after 
 the closing of the Russo-Japanese War, there 
 was an attempt, between Peking and Tokyo, to 
 define the effects of the Treaty of Portsmouth, 
 especially in the bearings of that article of the 
 Treaty which ceded to Japan, ‘‘with the con- 
 sent of the Government of China, the lease of 
 Port Arthur, of Talien, and of the adjacent ter- 
 ritories and territorial waters, as well as the 
 rights, privileges and concessions connected with 
 this lease or forming part thereof,” and likewise, 
 of “all the public works and property within 
 the territory over which the above lease ex- 
 tends”; but misunderstandings and differences 
 of opinion were sure to arise. Whether it has 
 been more by the fault of Japan than of China 
 that they arose and increased until, in the past 
 year, they became a serious estrangement, is a 
 question on which the judgment of foreign ob- 
 servers is conflicting. The veteran representative 
 of the London Times at Peking, whose friendship 
 for the Chinese is fast-fixed by long residence 
 among them, lays the greater weight of responsi- 
 bility on Japan, though he finds a lack of reason- 
 ableness on both sides. Japan, he says (writing 
 July 19, 1909), was welcomed in China with 
 open arms after her victorious war. “ No na- 
 tion ever had a greater opportunity, and faulty 
 must have been the policy which in so short a 
 time has wrought so great a change. Japan is 
 now regarded with a comprehensive distrust 
 that is most disquieting. Not long ago more 
 than 1,000 Japanese of different classes were 
 employed in China, in schools and colleges, in 
 
 the army and police, in law and prison reform, 
 in agriculture and sericulture, in telephone and 
 electric light companies, on railways, and iu 
 many other capacities. At present there are 
 fewer than 400, 52 of whom are in Peking, and 
 these numbers will be further reduced as exist- 
 ing contracts expire. Similar reductions are 
 noted in the number of Chinese being educated 
 in Japan. Three years ago there were more 
 than 20,000; last year there were more than 
 10,000. The number now is 5,125, and only 
 yesterday it was arranged that in the case of a 
 body of 300 Government students just returned 
 to China, only 88 would be sent to take their 
 places.” 
 
 “ At present each country, through its Press, 
 is protesting against the unreasonableness of 
 the other. Contradictory statements on ques- 
 tions of fact are made on almost every point at 
 issue.” 
 
 The main contention has related to the pro- 
 jected extension by China of a railway to Fa- 
 ku-menn from the terminus of an existing line 
 at Hsin-min-tun, west of Mukden. It was in the 
 agreement of December, 1905, that no railways 
 in competition with the South Manchurian line, 
 which Japan took from Russia, should be built. 
 The Japanese assert that they had in view this 
 very Fa-ku-menn extension when that stipula- 
 tion was inserted. The Chinese declare that the 
 negotiation on their part had reference solely to 
 the area east of the Liao River. Japan made 
 two alternative proposals for the settlement of 
 this question: “One that the Chinese should 
 build a railway from Fa-ku-menn to the South 
 Manchurian Railway instead of to Hsin-min-tun, 
 or that the Japanese should build a railway from 
 the South Manchurian line to Fa-ku-menn and 
 thence to the North, in which case Japan would 
 withdraw her objection to the Fa-ku-menn-Hsin- 
 min-tun railway, provided that China under- 
 took not to extend the line beyond Fa-ku-menn 
 without a previous agreement with Japan.” 
 China is said to have declined discussion of 
 these proposals, but offered arbitration of the 
 whole matter. Japan objected to arbitration 
 without previous discussion of her new propo- 
 sals. And so the dispute seemed deadlocked. 
 
 Another dispute turned on the interpretation 
 of a clause in the Agreement of December, 1905, 
 which reads : “ China agrees that Japan has the 
 right to improve the Antung-Mukden Railway so 
 as to make it fit for the conveyance of commer- 
 cial and industrial goods of all nations.” Japan 
 undertook, as a necessary “improvement” of 
 the road, to reconstruct it, with a change of 
 gauge to connect it with the standard gauge 
 of the South Manchuria and Korean roads. 
 China denied that the agreement gave a right 
 to reconstruction. Several other questions aris- 
 ing between the two peoples have helped to 
 raise hard feeling on both sides ; but these have 
 seemed to be at the front. 
 
 At length on the 6th of August, 1909, J apan 
 brought discussion of the Antung-Mukden Rail- 
 way question to a summary ending, by a note 
 to the Chinese Government which announced 
 that “the Imperial Government is now com- 
 pelled to take independent action, and to pro- 
 ceed to carry out the necessary work of recon- 
 struction and improvement according to treaty 
 rights.” Before taking this decisive step, the 
 Japanese Government is said to have consulted 
 
 97 
 
CHINA, 1906 
 
 CHINA, 1908 
 
 Great Britain and other powers, and to have had 
 approval of her action from London, if not from 
 elsewhere. China yielded to the ultimatum, 
 and this leading cause of quarrel between the 
 great nations of the East was removed on the 
 4th of September by the signing, at Mukden, of 
 a memorandum of agreement, reported in sub- 
 stance as follows: China agrees, first, not to 
 construct the Hsin-min-tum-Fa-ku-men Railroad 
 without consulting Japan ; second, that half 
 the capital required to extend the Kirin Railroad 
 shall be borrowed in Japan ; third, that Japan 
 will be permitted to extend the Yinkow and im- 
 prove and modernize the Antung-Mukden Rail- 
 roads, to which China was bitterly opposed ; 
 fourth, that Japan may work the mines in the 
 Fushun and Yentai districts, and have joint ex- 
 ploitation of the mines reached by the Antung 
 and Manchurian Railroad lines. 
 
 In the Chientao boundary dispute Japan agrees 
 to recognize China’s sovereignty, while China 
 agrees to open four trade marts in the district. 
 
 In a letter to a London journal, a few days 
 before this settlement of the Antung-Mukden 
 Railway question, Lord Stanhope said: “The 
 Chinese have surely deeper reasons for opposing 
 this scheme than the mere fact of reconstruc- 
 tion. They well realize that this railway, cross- 
 ing narrow valleys, can have no commercial 
 future, but is virtually a strategic railway to 
 strengthen the Japanese grip on Manchuria.” 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — A Commission sent to Amer- 
 ica and Europe for the study of political and 
 other institutions. — The new spirit astir in 
 China was manifested in the early months of 
 1906 by the sending of a large Commission of 
 carefully chosen men to the United States and 
 Europe, for observations that would be helpful 
 toward reforms in their own country. It was 
 headed by two High Commissioners of distinc- 
 tion, Tai Hung-chi and Tuan Fang, and they 
 were attended by thirty-five scholars and func- 
 tionaries of note. They received much attention 
 during their stay of five weeks in the United 
 States, and were placed by the Government under 
 the special charge of Professor J. W. Jenks. 
 Writing subsequently of their mission Professor 
 Jenks said: “The purpose of the commission is, 
 primarily, to make such a study of the political 
 institutions of the various countries visited that 
 they will be able, on their return, to offer valu- 
 able suggestions for the improvement of their 
 own. There is even serious talk among the high 
 officials in China of some form of a constitu- 
 tion. In consequence, the commissioners are 
 as eager to learn regarding the working of some 
 of our institutions as regarding their form of 
 organization. Inasmuch as political reform nec- 
 essarily involves social reform, even as a con- 
 dition precedent, the commission is devoting 
 special attention to the study of education, in 
 universities and schools, and to methods of 
 social amelioration, in prisons and asylums for 
 the insane and the poor. They, however, are not 
 neglecting the study of our large manufacturing 
 plants, and have clearly in mind, also, the im- 
 provement of the industrial conditions of China. 
 It is a matter of peculiar interest that the Em- 
 press-Dowager charged them to inquire espe- 
 cially into the education of girls in the United 
 States, since she hoped, on their return, to be 
 able to found a school for the education of the 
 daughters of the princes.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Sixty cities being opened to 
 foreign settlement. — A memorandum on the 
 subject of the foreign settlements at the open 
 ports of China, prepared by the Chinese Secre- 
 tary of the American Legation at Peking, was 
 transmitted to the State Department at Wash- 
 ington in December, 1906. It conveyed the fol- 
 lowing information: “In China proper and in 
 Manchuria 46 cities and towns have been thrown 
 open already to foreign residence and interna- 
 tional trade. This does not include Dalny, in 
 Manchuria, leased to Japan; Wei-hai-wei, in 
 Shantung, leased to Great Britain; Kiaochow, 
 in Shantung, leased to Germany; Kowloon, in 
 Kuangtung, leased to Great Britain ; nor Kuang- 
 chou-wan, in Kuangtung, leased to France. Be- 
 sides the above, there are 3 cities in Tibet thrown 
 open to trade, making 49 ports in the Empire. 
 In addition to these already declared open, there 
 are 13 cities whose opening in the immediate 
 future is arranged for, and 3 others whose open- 
 ing depends upon the acceptance by other 
 treaty powers of the provisions of Article VIII. 
 of the last commercial treaty between China 
 and Great Britain. No account is taken of the 
 cities of Turkestan, Mongolia, and the Amur 
 region, in which Russian subjects have for 
 many years enjoyed privileges of trade and con- 
 sular jurisdiction. It will be seen, therefore, that 
 in the immediate future foreigners will enjoy 
 the right of residence for purposes of trade at 
 more than 60 cities of the Chinese Empire.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Edict against the use of 
 opium. See (in this vol.) Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (January). — Chinese students 
 in Japan. See Education: China: A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1907. — Flood and famine in the 
 region traversed by the Grand Canal. — One 
 of the frequent destructive floods in China 
 which produce famine befell the region that is 
 traversed by the Grand Canal in the summer of 
 1906. Heavy rains covered its vast plains with 
 lakes of water, which drowned out the crops 
 throughout an area estimated at 40,000 square 
 miles. From ten to fifteen millions of people 
 were reduced to famine, and could only be kept 
 alive until the harvests of another year by the 
 generosity of the outside world. It was not 
 vainly appealed to ; but the suffering and death 
 in the afflicted country were appallingly great. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1907. — Christian Missions. See 
 (in this vol.) Missions: China. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Restriction on Chinese 
 immigration to Canada. — Labor hostility. 
 — Riotous attacks. — Lately modified regu- 
 lations. See Race Problems: Canada. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Expansion of the Postal Ser- 
 vice. — According to a report from Peking on 
 the working of the Imperial Chinese Post Office 
 in 1908, “the operations show an unprecedented 
 expansion.” The postal routes cover 88,000 
 miles, of which 68,000 are courier lines. The 
 number of post offices open in 1901 was 176. 
 There were 2,803 open in 1907, and 3,493 in 
 1908. The number of postal articles handled in 
 1901 was 10,000,000. The number was 168,000,- 
 000 in 1907, and 252,000,000 in 1908. The num- 
 ber of parcels was 127,000, weighing 250 tons, 
 in 1901; 1,920,000, weighing 5,509 tons, in 1907; 
 and 2,445,000, weighing 27,155 tons, in 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Administration of the De- 
 partment of Education. See (in this vol.) 
 Education: CniN.\: A. D. 1908. 
 
 98 
 
CHINA, 1908 
 
 CHINA, 1908 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Chinese students in the 
 United States. See Education: Cuina: A. 1). 
 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Nov.). — Death of the Emperor, 
 Kuang-hsu, and of the Empress-Dowager, 
 Tze-Hsi. — Accession of the child-Emperor, 
 Hsuan-Tung (Pu-Yi). — The circumstances of 
 the death, almost simultaneously, of the late 
 Emperor, Kuang-hsu, and of the Dowager- 
 Empress, Tze-Hsi, who had been the real ruler 
 of the Empire, are involved in considerable ob- 
 scurity. The Emperor is said to have died on 
 the 14th of November, 1908, and the Empress 
 on the following day. The announcement of 
 their decease was preceded by the publication 
 of two imperial edicts, one of which made Prince 
 Chun, of the royal family, Regent of the Em- 
 pire, while the other named Pu-Yi, the Prince’s 
 son, three years old, as the heir presumptive to 
 the throne. As communicated later to foreign 
 governments, the Regent was given, by another 
 imperial rescript, full power over the civil and 
 military departments of government, and the 
 entire appointment and dismissal of officials. 
 The promised creation of a Parliament was antic- 
 ipated in the prescription of his duties, among 
 which were the following: 
 
 “When a Parliament has been established 
 the Prince Regent shall attend the same in 
 place of the Emperor, but he need not attend 
 the ordinary sessions. When the Constitutional 
 Commission meets, the Prince Regent shall like- 
 wise represent the Emperor there. 
 
 “The Prince Regent shall have full authority 
 in negotiating treaties and in appointing repre- 
 sentatives abroad. 
 
 “ The Prince Regent shall enter and leave his 
 chair at the Ch’ien Ch’ing gate. The yamens, ac- 
 cording to their duty, shall draw up and report 
 on regulations modelled on the precedent estab- 
 lished by Prince Jui-Chung regarding the equi- 
 page, escort, and general preparations for move- 
 ments of the Prince Regent outside the palace. 
 
 “ Every year the Board of Finance shall trans- 
 fer to the Department of the Imperial Household 
 the sum of taels 150,000 for disbursement. When 
 the Emperor comes of age, his studies being 
 completed, and his marriage takes place, the 
 official body shall unite in asking him to assume 
 personal direction of the government.’’ 
 
 On the 21st of November the members of the 
 Diplomatic Corps at Peking were received in a 
 body at the palace, to present the condolences 
 of the Governments they represent on the deaths 
 of the late Emperor and Empress. As reported 
 to the Associated Press, there were present on 
 the occasion “every official or member of the 
 imperial family who recently has been reported 
 ill, dead by his own hand or estranged from the 
 government, and the desired impression of offi- 
 cial stolidity at Pekin which, it was most evident, 
 this occasion was intended to convey, was im- 
 parted successfully. This was the answer of the 
 government to the rumors of suicides and deaths 
 current in Pekin for the last week. 
 
 “Prince Ching, for the first time since the 
 passing away of their majesties, appeared offi- 
 cially as the head of the foreign board. The 
 heads of the various governmental departments 
 were present, with the members of the imperial 
 clan, and, in addition, several thousand minor 
 officials, all in white, had assembled at imperial 
 command. At the conclusion of the functions, 
 
 in honor of the dead, the diplomats paid homage 
 to Prince Oliun, the regent.” 
 
 On the 2d of December the strict mourning 
 observed at Peking was suspended briefly, to 
 permit the ceremonies attending the ascension of 
 the dragon throne by the child-Emperor, Pu-Yi, 
 who, as Emperor, took the name of IIsuan-Tung. 
 The ceremonies, described to the Associated 
 Press, lasted but half an hour. “The function 
 began by the princes of the imperial family 
 and the high officials of the empire kowtowing 
 to the memorial tablets of their late majesties. 
 After this they all kowtowed in turn to Pu-Yi : 
 Pu-Yi then offered a sacrifice before the tablets 
 of the Emperor and the Dowager Empress. 
 After this he was relieved of his dress of mourn- 
 ing and clad with much care in a diminutive 
 imperial garment, embroidered with the impe- 
 rial dragon. His nurses performed this duty 
 with great attention and care. Thus arrayed, the 
 toddling Emperor ascended the throne amid a 
 fanfare of drums, bells and firecrackers. He 
 made his way alone and showed no need of the 
 assistance which willing hands would have given 
 him had his little feet faltered. From the throne 
 Pu-Yi kowtowed to his stepmother, the Dow- 
 ager Empress Yiahonala. He then received the 
 kowtows, while still on the throne, of all the 
 princes and officials present. This over, he de- 
 scended from the throne and was again clad in 
 his little dress of mourning. 
 
 “The ceremony took place in the throne hall 
 of the Forbidden City. The officials present 
 were selected with great care and were the 
 highest men in the empire. According to an old 
 established custom, a number of humble coolies, 
 men from the lowest walks of life, were brought 
 into the sacred precincts of the Forbidden City 
 to act as witnesses. The soldiery played but an 
 inconspicuous part in the proceedings.” 
 
 Following the ceremony, an imperial edict 
 proclaiming the ascension was issued. This 
 edict grants amnesty for certain specified of- 
 fences ; rewards all the imperial princes, prin- 
 cesses, and dukes ; promotes all officials by one 
 degree and bestows honors on their parents ; 
 erases the demerits entered against minor offi- 
 cials ; advances the degree of scholars ; dismisses 
 all pending petty criminal cases ; excuses cer- 
 tain liabilities, and grants bounties to the sol- 
 diers in the service of the empire. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Dec.). — Decree reaffirming 
 the Constitutional Programme of the late 
 Empress Dowager. —An imperial edict re- 
 affirming the determination of the new govern- 
 ment of China to carry out in its entirety the 
 Constitutional programme laid down by the late 
 Empress Dowager of China in August, 1908, 
 was promulgated on the 4th of December. A 
 literal translation was made public at Washing- 
 ton in January as follows : 
 
 ‘ ‘ On the first day of the 8 th moon (August 27, 
 1908), the late Emperor reverently received the 
 excellent decree of the late great Empress Dow- 
 ager strictly ordering the officials and people of 
 Peking and of the provinces to carry out com- 
 pletely by the ninth year all the preparatory 
 work, so that at the appointed time the Consti- 
 tution may be proclaimed. Also proclamations 
 for the members of Parliament to assemble, and 
 other decrees brightly manifested the sacred in- 
 structions, and all between the seas applauded. 
 From ourselves down to the officials and people 
 
 99 
 
CHINA, 1909 
 
 CHINA, 1909 
 
 high and low all must sincerely obey the excel- 
 lent decree previously issued. The eighth year 
 of HsuauT’ung [whose first year dates from Jan. 
 22, 1909] is the limit of time. Let there be no 
 ‘reabsorption of sweat’ in this matter. Our 
 hope is that this will certainly be carried out. 
 Let the officials of Peking and the provinces on 
 no account look idly on, and procrastinate, de- 
 laying the opportune time. Let patriotism be 
 shone forth. Exert yourselves that constitutional 
 government may be established. And court and 
 ‘ wilds ’ (people) may have peace ; and so we may 
 Comfort the spirits of the late great Empress 
 Dowager and the late Emperor in heaven, and 
 make firm the foundations of countless years of 
 peaceful government.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Progress in the opium reform. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Progress in technical edu- 
 cation. See Education: China : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Existing treaties with United 
 States and existing laws in the latter country 
 relative to the admission of Chinamen. — The 
 question of their consistency with each other. 
 — Present status of the question. See Race 
 Problems: In the United States. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — Abrupt dismissal of 
 Viceroy Yuan Shih-kai from his offices. — 
 Much disturbance of feeling and apprehension 
 of a troublesome reaction in Chinese policy was 
 excited among the foreign representatives in 
 China, on the 2d of January, 1909, by the sud- 
 den dismissal of the able and powerful Viceroy 
 of Chi-li, Yuan Shih-kai, from all his offices. He 
 had been looked upon as the great leader of pro- 
 gress in China, — the statesman to be counted on 
 for the most and best influence in the govern- 
 ment of the Empire for some years to come. He 
 had the confidence of foreign powers, and was 
 supposed to have acquired a sure footing in the 
 councils at Peking. Latterly, however, it is 
 said to have become known in Peking that “ a 
 powerful Manchu cabal was working for his 
 downfall, led by Tieh-liang, the Minister of War, 
 and supported by the aged doctrinaire and 
 Chinese ex -Viceroy, Chang Chih-tung,” and the 
 stroke which overthrew him at the beginning of 
 the new year was ascribed to that source. “ The 
 cabal has been successful,” was the wired mes- 
 sage of the Peking correspondent of the London 
 Times to his paper ; and he summarized the 
 merits of the fallen statesman thus: “No man 
 in China deserved better of his country. He has 
 been in the forefront of progress, and is the best 
 administrator China has produced in this gen- 
 eration. When Governor of Shantung in 1900 
 his action in resisting the Boxer insurrection 
 and in safeguarding foreigners really saved the 
 Empire from disruption. He created China’s 
 modern army and was the leader of the modern 
 educational movement in China, and his famous 
 memorial of September 2, 1905, urging the sum- 
 mary abolition of the antiquated system of liter- 
 ary examination was epoch-making. Under his 
 Viceroyalty the Metropolitan province became 
 the most advanced in the Empire. With Tang 
 Shao-yi he led the anti-opium movement. Since 
 he entered the Ministry for Foreign Affairs China 
 has attained a measure of respect among the 
 Powers which was unknown before.” 
 
 Some weeks after the blow had fallen, and 
 when the peculiarly Oriental manner of its in- 
 fliction had been learned, a letter from Peking 
 
 to the New York Evening Post told of it as fol- 
 lows: “At 11 a. m. on Saturday, January 2, the 
 grand councillors were summoned by the regent. 
 Prince Ching had evidently heard a whisper of 
 what was to come, and he pleaded illness. The 
 other grand councillors answered the summons 
 promptly, but when Yuan reached the door of 
 the council chamber he was told that he was not 
 wanted. Three grand councillors therefore went 
 in and found the regent awaiting them with the 
 edict dismissing Yuan Shih-kai already drawn 
 up. ‘ I want no discussion. Sign this edict ! ’ 
 said the regent. Chang Chih-tung turned to re- 
 ply. The regent repeated his words impressively, 
 and the edict was signed without further demur. 
 
 “ Within the next hour, while Yuan Shih-kai 
 was hastily making plans for his personal 
 safety, the news flew around Peking and the city 
 throbbed with excitement. Every one but his 
 immediate councillors was astounded at Prince 
 Chun’s temerity. Never in the history of China 
 had such a man as Yuan been thrown out of 
 office at such short notice. To the Western mind, 
 however, there was nothing very harsh in the 
 edict ; it said simply : 
 
 “‘Yuan Shih-kai, a member of the Grand 
 Council and president of the Waiwupu, formerly 
 received repeated offices and advancement under 
 the late Emperor. After our enthronement we 
 gave him great honors, because we considered 
 that his talent certainly was one that could be 
 made use of, if he exerted himself in the public 
 service. Unexpectedly Yuan Shih-kai has now 
 contracted rheumatism in the foot, which makes 
 it hard for him to walk and difficult for him to 
 attend to the duties of his offices. Yuan Sliili- 
 kai, therefore, is ordered to vacate his posts and 
 return to his native place to nurse his disorder. 
 Thus is our great mercy to him manifested.’ ” 
 
 Yuan Shih-kai left Peking in haste, evidently 
 in fear of his life, and it was expected that his 
 whole following of friends and supporters would 
 be swept out of their offices and employments. 
 But no such result followed, and credit began to 
 be given to the assurances of the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment that the dismissal of Y uan meant no re- 
 versal of policy or reaction whatever. He was 
 distrusted, it was intimated, because he had been 
 disloyal to the late Emperor in 1898, when the 
 latter attempted great reforms, — see, in Vol- 
 ume VI. of this work, China: A. D. 1898 (June- 
 September), and after. Yuan Shih-kai was then 
 the chief agent and instrument of the Dowager- 
 Empress in overcoming the well-meaning but 
 weak sovereign and annulling his reformative 
 work. Hence, it was claimed, the present Gov- 
 ernment’s distrust of him. 
 
 The Ministers of Great Britain and the United 
 States had ventured some questions as to the 
 significance of the act, but their colleagues did 
 not join them, and no further discussion of the 
 matter diplomatically took place. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.).— Meeting of the Inter- 
 national Opium Commission at Shanghai. See 
 (in this vol.) Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — New Russo-Chinese 
 Agreement concerning the Chinese Eastern 
 Railway. — Municipalities on the Line. — The 
 Kharbin question. — The Chinese Eastern Rail- 
 way, so named, is the line which Russia, by 
 Convention with China in August, 1896, obtained 
 permission to construct, from a point on her 
 Trans-Siberian Railway, through Northern Man- 
 
 100 
 
CHINA, 1909 
 
 CHINA, 1909 
 
 churift, to Vladivostok. Under that agreement 
 the Russian authorities claimed a right to institute 
 certain organizations of municipal administration 
 at Kharbin and other towns of rising importance 
 on the line. This right was challenged in 1908 
 by the American Consul at Kharbin (sometimes 
 written Harbin), Mr. Fisher, who refused to 
 recognize some ordinances of the Russian ad- 
 ministration, on the ground that he was accred- 
 ited to China, only, and could know no other 
 sovereignty in Manchuria than the Chinese. 
 This led to a new Russo-Chinese Agreement, 
 signed at Peking on the 10th of May, 1909, dis- 
 tinctly authorizing the “organization of muni- 
 cipalities on the lands” of the Chinese Eastern 
 Railway. The “ sovereign rights of China ” are 
 “not to be prejudiced in any way,” says the 
 new Agreement; but “municipal bodies are to 
 be established in the commercial centres of a 
 certain importance situated on the lands of the 
 railway. The inhabitants of these commercial 
 centres, according to the importance of the lo- 
 calities and the number of the residents, shall 
 elect delegates by vote, who shall choose an Ex- 
 ecutive Committee; or else the residents them- 
 selves shall take part in the business of the 
 municipality and a representative shall be elected 
 from amongst them who will take upon himself 
 to carry out the resolutions decided upon by 
 meeting of all the residents. 
 
 “ No difference shall be made on the lands of 
 the railway between the Chinese population and 
 that of other nationalities ; all residents shall en- 
 joy the same rights and be subject to the same 
 obligations. 
 
 •“The right to vote shall belong to every 
 member of the community who owns real estate 
 of a fixed value or who pays a fixed annual 
 rental and taxes.” 
 
 Reading no farther in the Agreement than 
 this, imperial Russia and China would seem to 
 have jointly planted a seed of democratic muni- 
 cipalities in Manchuria; but that impression is 
 destroyed by qualifying provisions, such as this: 
 
 “ The President of the Chiao-She-Chu [a Mixed 
 Russo-Chinese Court, formerly created] and the 
 director of the railway, occupying a position 
 superior to the Presidents of the assemblies of 
 delegates and of committees, have a right of 
 control and personal revision, which they may 
 exercise whenever they think fit. . . . in the 
 event of decisions by the assembly of delegates 
 not being approved by the President of the 
 Chiao-She-Chu or the director of the railway, 
 these decisions shall be returned to the assembly 
 for further consideration. If the original deci- 
 sion is adopted by a majority of three-quarters 
 of the members present, it becomes binding.” 
 
 The effect of the whole agreement would un- 
 doubtedly be to give the Russian railway officials 
 supreme authority in the so-called municipalities. 
 Remonstrances against it by the Government of 
 the United States have been supported by Great 
 Britain, Germany, and Austria. The question 
 remains open and troublesome. Dr. Morrison, 
 of The Times, wrote of the situation in November 
 as follows : 
 
 “ The situation in Manchuria is receiving close 
 attention from the Legations because of the in- 
 creasing difficulty of the problems created by 
 Russian and Japanese claims to territorial and 
 administrative jurisdiction in connexion with 
 their respective railways, claims which conflict 
 
 with China’s unimpaired sovereignty and with 
 the treaty rights of other nations. A tentative 
 proposal was recently submitted to the consid- 
 eration of the Diplomatic Body, with the ap- 
 proval of the Wai-wu-pu and M. Korostovetz, 
 to create an international settlement at Kharbin 
 on a separate site adjoining the railway settle- 
 ment. The proposal was unacceptable to the 
 Powers interested because it implied a funda- 
 mental discrimination in favour of the railway 
 company, leaving it to exercise, in an important 
 trade centre, powers which are incompatible with 
 treaties and which are not conferred by its char- 
 ter. . . . 
 
 “ The Chinese Government entirely fails to 
 avail itself of its opportunities at this juncture. 
 The local authorities are unable, and the Peking 
 Government is unwilling, to take any initiative. 
 The Wai-wu-pu adheres to its policy of shifting 
 opportunism, as shown by its proposal to the 
 Russian Minister to cancel, in deference to the 
 protests of the Powers, the agreement with re- 
 gard to the Kharbin municipal regulations con- 
 cluded on May 10, a proposal unaccompanied 
 by any practical alternative whereby political 
 requirements might be reconciled with the un- 
 deniable vested interests of the railway. In this 
 connexion it is interesting to note that, whereas 
 England, America, France, Germany, Italy, and 
 Austria-Hungary refused an unqualified assent 
 to the Kharbin agreement, yet no exception has 
 been taken to the regulations of the Japanese 
 railway settlements, although, without any re- 
 ference to China, they confer the widest powers 
 on the Japanese authorities, including the right 
 of arbitrary taxation and forcible expulsion.” 
 
 The Russian side of the question was presented 
 in a semi-official statement, made public in Oc- 
 tober, 1909, as follows: 
 
 “ The representatives of certain Powers which 
 have trade interests in China have, both in Pe- 
 king and St. Petersburg, expressed doubts as to 
 the rights of authority exercised by the Kharbin 
 municipality. These representatives have en- 
 deavoured, in notes presented to the Chinese 
 and Russian Governments on the matter, and in 
 verbal communications, to prove that certain 
 paragraphs of the treaty which was signed at 
 Peking on May 10, 1909, violated the extra-ter- 
 ritorial rights granted to their nationals by treaty 
 with China, and further that some of the mea- 
 sures taken by the Kharbin authorities were op- 
 posed to the regulations of the international 
 concession which, in their opinion, has been re- 
 cently established at Kharbin. 
 
 “It is easy to demonstrate that such a point 
 of view is based on a misunderstanding. Extra- 
 territorial rights, so far as they are secured by 
 treaty, comprise exclusively the right of every 
 foreigner to be judged by his own Consul. They 
 do not, however, in any way exempt him from 
 the obligation to pay town and other taxes, or 
 to submit to established regulations. The dif- 
 ference between the pure Chinese open ports 
 where there are no foreign concessions and places 
 which lie in the territorial zone of the Chinese 
 Eastern Railway, and are open to foreign trade, 
 consists solely in the fact that in the former the 
 Chinese authorities have the power to make ad- 
 ministration rules at their own discretion, while 
 in places in the territorial zone of the Eastern 
 Railway the Chinese Government has, by the 
 concession agreement signed on August 28, 1896, 
 
 101 
 
CHINA, 1909 
 
 CHINA, 1909-1910 
 
 and the convention of May 10, 1909, transferred 
 the rights of administration to the Chinese East- 
 ern Railway Company, as a private concession, 
 so that the company acts as the agent of the 
 Chinese Government in supervising the adminis- 
 tration of Kharbin and other places. 
 
 “ Another misunderstanding lias evidently 
 given rise to the statement that Kharbin has re- 
 cently been converted into an international con- 
 cession. The contracting parties never had any 
 such intentions. By reason of legal acts, as well 
 as of traditions and conditions of a local charac- 
 ter, under which Kharbin originated, it is clear 
 that this is a special kind of concession, which 
 is distinguished from other concessions by its 
 exceptionally liberal and exceedingly hospitable 
 regulations in regard to foreigners.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Naval plans. See (in 
 this vo1.)War,The Preparations for: Naval: 
 Chinese. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Opening of the Peking- 
 Kalgan Line of Railway. — A purely Chinese 
 undertaking. See Railways : China. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.).- — Death of Chang Chih- 
 Tung. — Chang Chih-Tung, Grand Councillor 
 of the Empire of China, died on the 4th of 
 October, 1909, and Tai Hung-tze, President of 
 the Board of Justice, was appointed his succes- 
 sor in office. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct. -Nov.). — Election and 
 opening of Provincial Assemblies. — Begin- 
 nings of the institution of Constitutional and 
 Representative Government. — The following, 
 from the Peking reports to The Times , London, 
 narrates the actual beginning of the series of pro- 
 ceedings planned and promised for the gradual 
 institution of representative constitutional gov- 
 ernment. The first isof the date of Oct. 14, 1909: 
 
 “ To-day marks an era in the establishment of 
 constitutional government in China. In obedi- 
 ence to the Imperial decrees of October 19, 1907, 
 and of July 22, 1908, ordering the establishment, 
 within one year of the latter date, in each of the 
 22 provinces of China proper and in Manchuria 
 and the New Dominion of provincial deliberative 
 assemblies, elections have been in progress for 
 some time past, and the assemblies meet in ac- 
 cordance with the regulations for the first time 
 to-day, the first day of the ninth moon. . . . 
 
 “The elections have taken place according to 
 the regulations, and halls have been erected for 
 the assemblies to sit wherever a Viceroy or a 
 Governor has his seat. The number of members 
 varies from 140 in Chih li, 114 in Che-kiang, to 30 
 each in Kirin, Lehlun-chiang, and Hsin-kiang. 
 The incomplete returns which have been pub- 
 lished show nearly 1,000 voters for each repre- 
 sentative. 
 
 “ For weeks past reports have been coming in 
 from provincial authorities asking for instruc- 
 tions and information concerning this new de- 
 parture. An edict issued last night renews the 
 Imperial admonitions to members of the assem- 
 blies as to their deliberations, and to Viceroys and 
 Governors as to their supervision of the delibera- 
 tions, and exhorts all to display a loyal patriotism 
 so that the country may attain strength and pros- 
 perity. The event may be one of great histori- 
 cal importance.” 
 
 The next was sent from Peking on the 6th of 
 the following November : 
 
 “ Already, in the opening debates of these Pro- 
 vincial Assemblies, one apprehends the coming 
 
 chaos, one hears the first whispering of the ap- 
 proaching storm. Peking, panoplied in igno- 
 rance and petrified in medieval statecraft, trifles 
 with Demos at its doors, evidently hoping that 
 the Assemblies will consume their own smoke, 
 and that the Mandarin may be preserved by the 
 time-honoured device of holding the balance 
 between contending classes. But the spirits 
 which the Vermilion Pencil has called from the 
 Celestial deep, though elected with all possible 
 precautions of ‘silkcoated’ franchise, and under 
 the close direction of Viceroys and Governors, 
 show signs of scant respect for the Central Gov- 
 ernment and of little sympathy for its difficulties. 
 Already, within a fortnight of their birth, many 
 of the Assemblies have passed resolutions de- 
 nouncing several of the Government’s pet pro- 
 posals — e. g., the opium monopoly, the stamp 
 tax, and the foreign loan for the Hankau-Canton 
 and Hankau-Szechuan Railways. In the case 
 of the stamp tax, 15 provinces have expressed 
 the opinion, and have induced the local officials 
 in many cases to endorse it, that the proposed 
 levy is impracticable, so that, in the words of the 
 native Press, 1 its imposition is deferred and the 
 Ministry of Finance is at its wi ts’ end. ’ Concern - 
 ing the vexed question of the railway loan, the 
 Hupei Assembly is reported to have endorsed, 
 without a dissentient, their chairman’s declara- 
 tion that the Government’s scheme should be re- 
 sisted ‘to the death.’ 
 
 ‘ ‘ The spirit which animates these Assemblies 
 is evidently very similar to that which speaks 
 through the vernacular Press; iconoclastic, pa- 
 triotic — in the sense that it denounces every- 
 thing foreign — but lacking, so far, in intelli- 
 gent leadership and constructive policy. Their 
 attitude towards the Central Government is gen- 
 erally one of scarcely veiled contempt. I can- 
 not illustrate better its general tendency than in 
 the words of a native journalist who, in a recent 
 criticism of the Grand Council, congratulated 
 these rulers of China on their remarkable lon- 
 gevity, but observed that ‘ there is little hope 
 of longevity for an Empire that is governed by 
 such incompetent survivals.’” 
 
 A few weeks later, after the forty days’ session 
 of the new Provincial Assemblies had ended, this 
 writer had changed his view. Writing on the 22d 
 of December, he said : “ A study of the reports of 
 the proceedings so far available of the first session 
 of the Provincial Assemblies supports the con- 
 tention that the Throne has been justified in 
 granting the subjects of the Empire a limited 
 right of speech through their chosen represent- 
 atives. The programmes of debate have been 
 strictly in accordance with the Imperial edict, 
 and the proceedings have been marked with dig- 
 nity and decorum. The net result justifies the 
 declaration made by a high authority, who has 
 been given special opportunity of forming a 
 judgment, that the ‘ members have fulfilled their 
 appointed task of working in harmony with the 
 executive authorities in the interests of their re- 
 spective provinces.’ ” 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — Proposal of the United 
 States for the neutralization of Manchurian 
 Railways. — Proposed Chinchow Aigun Rail- 
 way. — Late in December, 1909, the United 
 States Government submitted to that of China, 
 and to the interested Powers, a proposition which 
 contemplated the neutralization of the railways 
 in Manchuria, now partly under Russian and 
 
 102 
 
CHINA, 1909-1910 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 partly under Japanese control, and which looked, 
 also, to an international undertaking of the con- 
 struction of a Chinehow-Aiguu line, to tap the 
 Russian Trans-Siberian road at Tsitshar. In a 
 published statement subsequently, the American 
 Secretary of State, Mr. Knox, explained that 
 his Government, during the recent railway loan 
 negotiations, had pointed out to the interested 
 Rowers that the greatest danger to the policy of 
 the open door in China and the development of 
 her foreign trade arose from disagreements 
 among the great Western nations, and had ex 
 pressed the opinion that nothing would afford so 
 impressive an object-lesson to China and the 
 world as the spectacle of the four great capitalist 
 nations — Great Britain, Germany, France, and 
 the United States — standing together forequal- 
 ity of commercial opportunity. The American 
 Government believed that one of the most effect- 
 ive steps to this end in order to secure for China 
 the enjoyment of all political rights in Manchu- 
 ria and to promote the normal development of 
 the Eastern provinces was to take the Manchurian 
 railroads out of Eastern politics and to place 
 them under an economic and impartial adminis- 
 tration by vesting in China herself the ownership 
 of the railways. Such a policy would require 
 the cooperation, not only of China, but of Russia 
 and Japan, both of whom it .would enable to 
 shift their onerous responsibilities in connexion 
 with those railways on to the shoulders of the 
 combined Powers, including themselves, and 
 would effect a complete commercial neutraliza- 
 tion of Manchuria. 
 
 The proposal of a neutralization of the exist- 
 ing Manchurian railways was not received with 
 favor in either Japan or Russia, and the other 
 Powers concerned have manifested a disposition 
 
 CHINA EMERGENCY APPEAL COM- 
 MITTEE. See (in this vol.) Education: 
 China: A. D. 1909. 
 
 CHINCHOW-AIGUN RAILWAY, Pro- 
 posed. See (in this vol.) China: A. I). 1909- 
 1910. 
 
 CHINESE HIGHBINDER ASSOCIA- 
 TIONS: Their dangerous character. See 
 (in this vol.) San Francisco: A. D. 1902. 
 
 CHINESE IMMIGRATION: The Re- 
 sistance to it in America, Australia, and 
 South Africa. See (in this vol.) Race Prob- 
 lems. 
 
 CH’ING, Prince of. See (in this vol.) China: 
 A. D. 1901-1908. 
 
 CHOATE, Joseph H. : Commissioner 
 Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Con- 
 ference. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1907. 
 
 CHRISTENSEN, Jens Christian. See (in 
 this vol.) Denmark: A. D. 1901, and 1905-1909. 
 
 CHRISTIAN IX., King of Denmark: 
 Death. See (in this vol.) Denmark: A. D. 
 1906. 
 
 CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. See Missions, 
 Christian. 
 
 CHUN, Prince: Regent of China. See (in 
 this vol.) China: A. D. 1908 (Nov.). 
 
 CHURCH OF SCOTLAND: Act of Par- 
 liament authorizing change of the Formula 
 of Subscription required from its ministers. 
 See (in this vol.) Scotland: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 CHURCH, Roman Catholic. See Papacy. 
 
 CHURCH AND STATE: The French 
 
 to defer to the view taken by those two Govern- 
 ments, which are most immediately touched by 
 it. The position of the Japanese Government on 
 the question was stated publicly in an address 
 to the Diet on the 27tli of January by Baron 
 Komura, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who said: 
 
 “The United States government recently pro- 
 posed a plan regarding the neutralization of Man- 
 churian railways. The Imperial government, in 
 view of the important Japanese interests in- 
 volved, and considering that the proposal came 
 from a friendly Power with which the empire 
 was on terms of close intimacy, submitted the 
 question tojthe most careful examination. While 
 determined to adhere scrupulously to the policy 
 of the open door and equal opportunity, it should 
 be recognized that the realization of the proposed 
 plan would involve radical changes in the condi- 
 tion of affairs in Manchuria which were e^ab- 
 lished by the treaties of Portsmouth and Peking. 
 The change must be attended by serious conse- 
 quences. In the region affected by the South 
 Manchurian Railway numerous undertakings 
 have been promoted in the belief that the rail- 
 way would remain in our possession. As a con- 
 sequence, the Imperial government, with regret, 
 was obliged to announce its inability to consent 
 to the proposal. I trust that the United States 
 will appreciate our position and that the other 
 Powers will equally recognize the justice of 
 Japan’s attitude.” 
 
 The Russian Government is understood to 
 have taken substantially the same ground, on 
 the general question of a neutralization of Man- 
 churian railways. There and elsewhere, however, 
 there is said to be a readiness to consider the in- 
 cidental proposition of an internationally financed 
 Chinchow-Aigun road. 
 
 Separation Law and its execution. See (in 
 this vol.) France: A. D. 1905-1906, 1906, and 
 1907 ; also, Papacy. 
 
 Russia: Emancipation of the Church urged 
 by M. Witte. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 
 1905 (April-Aug.). 
 
 CHURCH SCHOOL CONTROVER- 
 SIES. See (in this vol.) France: A. D. 1903; 
 England: A. D. 1902, and 1906; Canada: A. D. 
 1905. 
 
 CHURCHILL, Winston L.: Under Sec- 
 retary for the Colonies. See (in this vol.) 
 England: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 President of the Board of Trade. See Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1908 (April). 
 
 To the British Suffragettes. See Elective 
 Franchise: Woman Suffrage. 
 
 On the Budget of 1909 and the House of 
 Lords. See England: A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 CITIZENSHIP, American: Principles of 
 Naturalization defined. — The New Law. 
 See (in this vol.) Naturalization. 
 
 CITY GOVERNMENT. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government. 
 
 CITY PLANNING. See Social Better- 
 ment; also, Chicago: A. D. 1909. 
 
 CIVIC FEDERATION, The National. 
 See (in this vol.) Social Betterment: United 
 States; also, National Civic Federation. 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: Canada: 
 A. D. 1908. — Introduction of Competitive 
 Examinations and the Merit System of ap- 
 pointment and promotion. —An “Act to 
 Amend the Civil Service Act,” which came into 
 
 103 
 
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 force September 1, 1908, divides the Civil Ser- 
 vice of the Dominion into the Inside Service and 
 the Outside Service, the former embracing “that 
 part of the public service in or under the several 
 departments of the Executive Government of 
 Canada and in the offices of the Auditor General, 
 the Clerk of the Privy Council, and the Gov- 
 ernor-General’s Secretary, employed at the City 
 of Ottawa, or at the Experimental Farm Station 
 or the Dominion Astronomical Observatory near 
 Ottawa.” The employes of this Inside Service 
 are required to be classified according to their 
 salaries, in three divisions, and all appointments 
 to positions in it are (except as otherwise pro- 
 vided in the Act) to “ be by competitive exami- 
 nation, which shall be of such a nature as will 
 determine the qualifications of candidates for 
 the particular positions to which they are to be 
 appointed, and shall be held by the Commission 
 from time to time in accordance with the regu- 
 lations made by it and approved by the Gov- 
 ernor in Council.” 
 
 For the administration of the Act a Civil Ser- 
 vice Commission is created, consisting of two 
 members appointed by the Governor in Council, 
 who are to have no other office or employment, 
 and who may employ necessary assistance for 
 the examinations they conduct. The following 
 are provisions of the Act: 
 
 “No person shall be admitted to such an ex- 
 amination unless he is a natural-born or natural- 
 ized British subject, and has been a resident of 
 Canada for at least three years, and is, at the 
 time of the examination, of the full age of 
 eighteen years and not more than thirty-five 
 years, and presents the required certificates as 
 to health, character and habits. 
 
 “Before holding any such examination the 
 Commission shall require each head of a depart- 
 ment to furnish it with the number of additional 
 permanent officers or clerks likely to be required 
 in his department within the next six months. 
 
 “On this basis, and having regard also to the 
 requirement of the several departments for tem- 
 porary services, a computation shall be made 
 by the Commission of the number of competitors 
 to be selected at the next ensuing examination. 
 
 “ If there remain from a previous examination 
 successful competitors who have not received 
 appointments, their number shall be deducted 
 in making the computation, and their names, in 
 the order of merit, shall be placed at [the top of 
 the list] to be prepared in accordance with sec- 
 tion 17 of this Act. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Thereupon due notice of the examination 
 shall be given by the Commission, stating the 
 character and number of the positions to be 
 competed for. 
 
 “ Immediately after the examination the Com- 
 mission shall make out a list of the successful 
 competitors thereat for each position, in the 
 order of merit, up to the number computed in 
 accordance with Section 15. 
 
 “From the said list the Commission, on the 
 application of the deputy head, with the ap- 
 proval of the head, of any department, shall 
 supply the required clerks, whether for perma- 
 nent or temporary duty. . . . 
 
 “ The selections shall be, so far as practicable, 
 in the order of the names on the list, but the 
 Commission may select any person who in his 
 examination shows special qualifications for any 
 particular subject. . . . 
 
 “The cause of the rejection shall be reported 
 by the deputy head to the Commission, who 
 shall thereupon select another person to take 
 the place of the one rejected, and decide whether 
 the latter shall be struck off the list or allowed 
 a trial in another department. 
 
 “After a person so selected has served a pro- 
 bationary term of six months, [he shall be 
 deemed] to be permanently accepted for the 
 service. . . . 
 
 “The head of the department, on the report 
 in writing of the deputy head, may, at any time 
 after two months from the date of assignment, 
 and before the expiration of six months, reject 
 any person assigned to his department. . . . 
 
 “Promotion, other than from the third to the 
 second division, shall be made for merit by the 
 Governor in Council upon the recommendation 
 of the head of the department, based on the 
 report in writing of the deputy head and accom- 
 panied by a certificate of qualification by the 
 Commission to be given with or without exami- 
 nation, as is determined by the regulations of 
 the Commission. 
 
 “Except as herein otherwise provided, vacan- 
 cies in the first division shall be filled by promo- 
 tions from the second division.” 
 
 Regulations prepared by the Civil Service 
 Commission appointed under the Act require 
 fees, ranging from $2 to $10 to be paid by the 
 candidates for examination. 
 
 United States : A. D. 1901 - 1909 . — Pro- 
 gress of reform under President Roosevelt. 
 — At the close of the administration of Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt, the journal published by the 
 National Civil Service Reform League, entitled 
 Good Government, bore the following testimony 
 to the fidelity with which the principles of the 
 reform had been upheld and promoted by the 
 retiring executive: 
 
 “ One of the first acts of President Roosevelt 
 was the reorganization of the civil service com- 
 mission, which, under the administration of 
 President McKinley, had become lax and in- 
 effective. Since then the enforcement of the 
 law and rules by the commission has been sin- 
 cere, vigorous and impartial. Particularly strict 
 has been the enforcement of the prohibition 
 against political assessments. Twice in the 
 midst of political campaigns has the President 
 ordered the removal of prominent officials for 
 levying assessments on their subordinates. 
 
 “ During his administration President Roose- 
 velt has extended the scope of competition to 
 many new and important offices. Notable 
 among these extensions have been the restora- 
 tion of the field service of the War Department 
 (withdrawn by President McKinley) and the 
 classification of the rural free delivery service 
 (now numbering some 40,000), the forestry ser- 
 vice, deputy collectors of internal revenue, dep- 
 uty collectors of customs, deputy naval officers, 
 and cashiers and finance clerks in post offices. 
 Prevented by the civil service law from ‘ classi- 
 fying ’ unskilled laborers, President Roosevelt, 
 under general executive authority, has pre- 
 scribed a system of examination for laborers in 
 Washington and the principal cities. By execu- 
 tive order of June 27, 1906, he provided a system 
 of examination and promotion for the consular 
 service which has done away with the more fla- 
 grant evils of that service. His latest and most 
 striking extension has been the classification of 
 
 104 
 
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 over 15,000 fourth-class postmasters, thereby 
 taking them out of politics. 
 
 “ He has prohibited the participation of com- 
 petitive officials in politics further than to vote 
 as they please and to express privately their opin- 
 ions, and has made this prohibition effective by 
 incorporating it in the civil service rules, thus 
 giving to the commission the power to investi- 
 gate. He has by vetoing the Crumpacker census 
 bill defeated the attempt by Congress to obtain 
 as spoils some 4,000 clerkships for the next 
 census. 
 
 “ This is a brief record of President Roosevelt’s 
 service to civil service reform during his admin- 
 istration. In considering the criticisms of his 
 course which have been made from time to time 
 by the League and the press, this service should 
 be kept in mind and carefully weighed. For in- 
 stance, against this record of constant advance- 
 ment, the suspension of the rules in individual 
 cases — in all about 370 — although in our opin- 
 ion arbitrary and dangerous as precedents, are 
 of comparatively minor importance. A few 
 have been made for political reasons ; the far 
 greater number, however, were acts of charity 
 or personal impulse, and President Roosevelt 
 himself realized the danger in this practice and 
 took steps to curtail it. 
 
 “ In passing on the justice of the other criti- 
 cisms of President Roosevelt’s course regarding 
 the civil service one should keep in mind the 
 distinction which he has so sharply drawn be- 
 tween the classified and the unclassified service. 
 This is clearly set forth in a reply to a letter 
 from the civil service commission calling his 
 attention to the omission from the postal regula- 
 tions of President Cleveland’s ‘ pernicious ac- 
 tivity ’ order, and quoting a passage from the 
 11th report of the commission. President Roose- 
 velt said : ‘ I personally drew the paragraph 
 which you quote. The paragraph was drawn 
 with a view to making a sharp line between the 
 activity allowed to public servants within the 
 classified service and those without the classi- 
 fied service — the latter under our system are as 
 a rule chosen largely with reference to political 
 considerations, and as a rule are, and expect to 
 be, changed with the change of parties. ... It 
 seemed to me at the time, and I still think, that 
 the line thus drawn was wise and proper.’ 
 
 “ In considering such appointments to posi- 
 tions in the unclassified service as that of James 
 C. Clarkson as surveyor of the Port of New 
 York for instance, a just analysis must take into 
 account these frankly expressed views. Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt drew a line between the clas- 
 sified and unclassified service, and as to the 
 latter recognized and availed himself to some 
 extent of existing conditions. He believed that 
 so long as positions remained in the unclassified 
 service it was impractical to eliminate political 
 considerations and that any attempt to do so led 
 to hypocrisy. His remedy was to place the po- 
 sitions in the classified service, wherever practi- 
 cable. And he has extended the line of the 
 classified service higher than ever before. The 
 League does not believe this theory is ideal, 
 but in carrying it out the President has certainly 
 not set the reform back. Criticism based only 
 on the fact that one who has rendered great ser- 
 vice to a cause has not accomplished all that its 
 ardent supporters wish to accomplish can be 
 properly set down as captious. 
 
 “In performing its duty to the public, the 
 League has at various times during his admin- 
 istration frankly criticised certain acts of Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt, which in its opinion were not in 
 line with the best interests of the service. But 
 this does not prevent us from recognizing that 
 during his entire administration President Roose- 
 velt has been loyal to the reform with which 
 he has been so prominently identified. We do not 
 believe that any act of his was intended to in- 
 jure the reform. Wherever he has thought it 
 practicable to extend the reform he has done so. 
 A President less devoted to the reform would 
 not have been criticised for what President 
 Roosevelt has failed to do .” — Good Government , 
 March, 1909. 
 
 The following exhibit of the whole progress 
 in civil service reform, from its beginning to the 
 end of 1908, was made in the annual report of 
 the Council of the National Civil Service Re- 
 form League, presented at the meeting of the 
 League, on the 17th of December in that year: 
 “ The whole United States civil service, in 1883, 
 consisted of 110,000 persons, and of these 14,000 
 were put under the civil service law. Now the 
 federal civil service has grown to 352,000 posi- 
 tions, and, including the last extension, those un- 
 der the competitive system have increased from 
 14,000 to about 222,000. Not only in numbers 
 but in proportion to the total has the competitive 
 service increased from 12 7-10% in 1883 to 63% 
 now.” 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1903 . — Extension of classifica- 
 tion to the Rural Free Delivery Service. — 
 Order concerning unclassified laborers. — 
 
 “ During the year ended June 30 [1903], 25,566 
 persons were appointed through competitive ex- 
 aminations under the civil-service rules. This 
 was 12,672 more than during the preceding year, 
 and 40 per cent of those who passed the exami- 
 nations. This abnormal growth was largely oc- 
 casioned by the extension of classification to the 
 rural free-delivery service and the appointment 
 last year of over 9,000 rural carriers. A revision 
 of the civil-service rules took effect on April 15 
 last, which has greatly improved their operation. 
 
 . . . Executive orders of July 3, 1902 ; March 
 26, 1903, and July 8 , 1903, require that appoint- 
 ments of all unclassified laborers, both in the 
 Departments at Washington and in the field ser- 
 vice, shall be made with the assistance of the 
 United States Civil Service Commission, under 
 a system of registration to test the relative fit- 
 ness of applicants for appointment or employ- 
 ment. This system is competitive, and is open 
 to all citizens of the United States qualified in 
 respect to age, physical ability, moral character, 
 industry, and adaptability for manual labor : ex- 
 cept that in case of veterans of the civil war the 
 element of age is omitted. This system of ap- 
 pointment is distinct from the classified service 
 and does not classify positions of mere laborer 
 under the civil-service act and rules. Regulations 
 in aid thereof have been put in operation in sev- 
 eral of the Departments and are being gradually 
 extended in other parts of the service. The re- 
 sults have been very satisfactory, as extrava- 
 gance has been checked by decreasing the num- 
 ber of unnecessary positions and by increasing 
 the efficiency of the employees remaining.” — 
 President’ s Message, Dec. 7, 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Excellent legislation in Penn- 
 sylvania. See (in this vol.) Pennsylvania. 
 
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — The Reform of the Con- 
 sular Service. — A great and greatly needed 
 reformation of the consular service of the United 
 States was begun in 1906, by the passage of an 
 Act of Congress, approved April 5, which pro- 
 vided for the reorganization of the service, pri- 
 marily by the classifying and grading of the 
 consuls-general and the consuls, and the fixing 
 of salaries in each class. Consuls-general were 
 placed by the Act in seven classes, with salaries 
 as follows : 
 
 Class one, twelve thousand dollars. — London, 
 Paris. 
 
 Class two, eight thousand dollars. — Berlin, 
 Habana, Hongkong, Hamburg, Rio de Janeiro, 
 Shanghai. 
 
 Class three, six thousand dollars. — Calcutta, 
 Cape Town, Constantinople, Mexico City, Mont- 
 real, Ottawa, Vienna, Yokohama. 
 
 Class four, five thousand five hundred dollars. 
 
 — Antwerp, Barcelona, Brussels, Canton, Frank- 
 fort, Marseilles, Melbourne, Panama, Saint Pe- 
 tersburg, Seoul, Tientsin. 
 
 Class five, four thousand five hundred dollars. 
 
 — Auckland, Beirut, Buenos Ayres, Callao, 
 Chefoo, Coburg, Dresden, Guayaquil, Halifax, 
 Hankau, Mukden, Munich, Niuchwang, Rome, 
 Rotterdam, Saint Gall, Singapore. 
 
 Class six, three thousand five hundred dollars. 
 
 — Adis Ababa, Bogota, Budapest, Guatemala, 
 Lisbon, Monterey, San Salvador, Stockholm, 
 Tangier. 
 
 Class seven, three thousand dollars. — Athens, 
 Christiania, Copenhagen. 
 
 Consuls were divided among nine classes, re- 
 ceiving salaries that range from $8000 in the 
 first class and $6000 in the second, down to $2000 
 in the ninth. The first and second classes hold 
 but one incumbent each, at Liverpool and Man- 
 chester, respectively. There are eight places 
 in the third class, twelve in the fourth, and then 
 the numbers mount rapidly, up to the sixty-nine 
 included in the ninth class. 
 
 All fees allowed to be collected for services 
 rendered in connection with the duties of the 
 consular office (which the President may pre- 
 scribe) are directed by the Act to be accounted 
 for thereafter and paid into the Treasury of the 
 United States. All consular officers whose sala- 
 ries exceed $1000 are forbidden to be interested 
 in or to transact any business as a merchant, 
 factor, broker, or other trader, or a clerk or other 
 agent of one, or to practice as a lawyer for com- 
 pensation, or to be interested in the fees or 
 compensation of any lawyer. The whole service 
 is placed under inspection by five inspectors, to 
 be appointed from the members of the consular 
 service ; and each consular office must be in- 
 spected at least once in every two years. 
 
 In June following this important enactment, 
 the Secretary of State, Mr. Root, submitted , to 
 President Roosevelt the draft of a recommended 
 executive order, which prescribed new rules to 
 be followed in filling the consular offices, as 
 classified by the recent Act. In doing so, the 
 Secretary made this explanation: “The main 
 features of the order were embodied in the early 
 forms of the Consular Reorganization Bill passed 
 at this session of Congress, but they were dropped 
 out, largely for the reason that their enactment 
 by Congress would appear to be an infringement 
 upon the President’s constitutional power to 
 appoint consuls. Your adoption of these rules 
 
 by executive order will be free from that objec- 
 tion, and judging from the very positive com- 
 mendation which many members of both Houses 
 have expressed for the proposed change in the 
 method of appointing consuls, I do not doubt 
 that the new system will receive the hearty ap- 
 proval of the Senate and of Congress whenever 
 occasion may arise for an expression upon the 
 subject.” t 
 
 The recommended order was approved and 
 issued by the President. “ Subject to the advice 
 and consent of the Senate,” it declared in sub 
 stance as follows: (1) Vacancies in the office of 
 Consul-General and in the office of Consul above 
 class 8 (salary, $2500) shall be filled by promo- 
 tion from the lower grades of the service, based 
 upon “ ability and efficiency, as shown in the 
 service ” ; (2) vacancies in the office of Consul of 
 these two remaining classes, 8 and 9, are to be 
 filled (a) by promotion, “on the basis of ability 
 and efficiency, as shown in the service,” of con- 
 sular clerks, vice-consuls, and consular agents, 
 and (b) by new appointments from candidates 
 who have passed an examination ; (3) officials in 
 the service of the Department of State, with sal- 
 aries of $2000 or upward, shall be eligible for 
 promotion, always on the basis of ability and ef- 
 ficiency, as shown in the service, to any grade of 
 the consular service above the eighth class ; (4) 
 the board of examiners for admission to the ser- 
 vice shall consist of the Secretary of State (or 
 such other officer of the department as the Pre- 
 sident shall designate), the chief of the Consular 
 Bureau, and the chief examiner of the Civil Ser- 
 vice Commission (or such other officer, as this 
 commission shall designate) ; (5) this board of 
 examiners shall formulate the rules for examina- 
 tions; (6) among the compulsory subjects shall 
 be at least one modern language other than Eng- 
 lish, the natural industrial and commercial re- 
 sources and commerce of the United States, 
 political economy, and the elements of interna- 
 tional, commercial, and maritime law; (7) 80 
 per cent, shall be necessary for eligibility ; (8) 
 candidates must be over twenty-one and under 
 fifty years of age, citizens of the United States, 
 and of good character and physique. They must 
 also have been specially designated by the Pre- 
 sident for examination, 
 
 Other significant provisions of the order are 
 to the effect that no promotion shall be made 
 except for efficiency and conduct, that “neither 
 in the designation for examination or certification 
 or appointment will the political affiliations of 
 the candidate be considered”; and that “due 
 regard should be had to the rule that, as between 
 candidates of equal merit, appointments should 
 be made so as to secure in the service propor- 
 tional representation of all the States and Ter- 
 ritories.” 
 
 The first examination of candidates for ap- 
 pointment under this order was held on the 14th 
 and 15th of March, 1907, since which time no 
 one has entered the consular service of the 
 United States without satisfying that test. 
 
 In June, 1908, Secretary Root announced the 
 promotion or transfer of nearly sixty consular 
 offices, setting in motion the desirable advance- 
 ment of these officials from post to post, to make 
 the best use of their proved capacity and ac- 
 quired experience. About a year later, Mr. 
 Root’s successor, Secretary Knox, made public 
 the promotion of twenty-seven incumbents of 
 
 106 
 
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 consular office, and the appointment of twenty - 
 three new recruits to the service from his eligible 
 list. So the long striveu-for reform of the Ameri- 
 can consular service may safely be said to have 
 arrived. 
 
 A bill introduced in the Senate, providing for 
 a permanent consular service, based on competi- 
 tive examinations, was decided by the Commit- 
 tee on Foreign Relations to be unconstitutional, 
 for the reason that the Constitution itself confers 
 the power of appointment of consular officers 
 upon the President, and that Congress has no 
 right to limit this power in any way. Presi- 
 dent Taft, by an executive order, has practically 
 put the scope of the proposed bill into effect, 
 thereby, in part, limiting the power conferred 
 upon himself. This, in the opinion of the Sen- 
 ators, is all that can be done legally. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Extension of the Merit Sys- 
 tem to nearly one-third of the Fourth Class 
 Postmasters of the country. — In the Annual 
 Report of the Council of the National Civil Ser- 
 vice Reform League, presented at the annual 
 meeting of the League in December, 1908, it was 
 said: “ The great event of the year, which so aptly 
 commemorates the 25th anniversary of the pas- 
 sage of the Pendleton bill, is the extension of the 
 competitive system to all fourth class postmasters 
 in the part of the country north of the Ohio and 
 east of the Mississippi, that is, in the New England 
 States, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, and Michigan. 
 This is an extension covering more positions than 
 suggested by the civil service commission. It is 
 an extension large enough to be of present ad- 
 vantage, is made in the more thickly settled por- 
 tions of the country, where it is easiest to carry 
 it out, and yet it is not on so large a scale as to 
 invite mistakes or perhaps partial failure. This 
 extension coversabout 15,000 positions. The order 
 of President Cleveland of May 26, 1896 [see, in 
 Volume VI. of this work, Civil Service Re- 
 form: United States], covered about 31,000 
 places; and yet, from the point of political sig- 
 nificance, this present extension is the most im- 
 portant, we believe, in the history of civil ser- 
 vice reform since January 16, 1883, and when 
 its purpose is fully carried out it will include 
 some 53,000 places.” 
 
 The report then reviewed the efforts that had 
 been in progress since 1889, with the support of 
 Presidents Cleveland and Roosevelt, to bring 
 about the inclusion of this class of postmasters, 
 at the least, under the rule of appointment sub- 
 ject to competitive examination. President Roose- 
 velt, in his annual Message of 1907, had said : 
 “The fourth-class postmasters’ convention has 
 passed a very strong resolution in favor of plac- 
 ing the fourth-class postmasters under the civil- 
 service law. The Administration has already put 
 into effect the policy of refusing to remove any 
 fourth-class postmasters save for reasons con- 
 nected with the good of the service; and it is 
 endeavoring so far as possible to remove them 
 from the domain of partisan politics. It would 
 be a most desirable thing to put the fourth-class 
 postmasters in the classified service. It is possible 
 that this might be done without Congressional 
 action, but, as the matter is debatable, I earnestly 
 recommend that the Congress enact a law pro- 
 viding that they be included under the civil- 
 service law and put in the classified service.” 
 
 Congress refused the desired legislation. The 
 
 law committee of the League was unanimous in 
 the opinion that the President held authority 
 already to make the change by Executive Order, 
 and Mr. Roosevelt gave a hearing on the subject 
 to Messrs. Mcllhenny and Greene, of the National 
 Civil Service Commission, and the lion. Richard 
 Henry Dana, Chairman of the Council of the 
 League. Evidently he became persuaded that his 
 authority was sufficient, aud was prepared to act 
 accordingly. About the middle of November, 
 1908, the National League of Postmasters of the 
 United States, which had been organized in 1905, 
 sent a Committee, with its President, Mr. A. K. 
 Hoag, of Orchard Park, N. Y., to present to the 
 authorities at Washington their claim to a footing 
 of non-political appointment under civil service 
 rules. By good fortune they met at Washing- 
 ton Mr. Dana and Mr. Goodrich, of the National 
 C. S. R. League, who were visiting the Capital 
 on the same errand, and the doubled appeal had 
 quick success. In an interview with President 
 Roosevelt, the Committee of the Postmasters’ 
 League received assurances that he would issue 
 an order on the subject, provided that the Presi- 
 dent-elect, Mr. Taft, would approve his taking 
 that step. The Committee went at once to the 
 Hot Springs in Virginia, where the President- 
 elect was then sojourning, received his ready 
 endorsement of the plan, and conveyed it to the 
 President in power. A fortnight later, on the 1st 
 day of December, the memorable order was pro- 
 claimed. On the 1st of the following February a 
 plan of filling vacancies was put into effect. 
 
 It was wise, no doubt, to apply the extension 
 of the reform in post-office appointments to one 
 large and important section of the country, and 
 obtain a showing of practical results, before at- 
 tempting to overturn the old system as a whole. 
 That more will follow in due time is reasonably 
 sure. Mr. Hoag, the President of the National 
 League of Postmasters, in a private note, re- 
 marks : “It is already evident that the change 
 is to redound to a better service. Scores of new 
 buildings, new quarters and new equipments are 
 being installed by the emancipated postmasters; 
 which shows that postmasters of this class dare, 
 for the first time, to invest their money in better 
 equipment, feeling that they are likely to remain 
 postmasters long enough to make the investment 
 a paying one, now that their tenure of office does 
 not depend upon their relations to a political 
 faction or boss.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The Census Bill. — Invet- 
 eracy of Spoils-seeking in Congress. — -Veto 
 of the bill in its first form by the President. 
 - — The Amended Bill which became law. — 
 
 The greatness of the advance of civil service re- 
 form in the United States, within the quarter 
 century since its beginning, is one of the most 
 hopefully inspiring facts in recent American 
 history. But, by the side of it stands the warn- 
 ing and shaming fact, that it has been achieved, 
 from first to last, by forces outside of Congress, 
 and outside of all other legislative bodies which 
 supposedly represent the political will of the 
 people. Every measure of legislation that has 
 promoted it has been wrung from unwilling 
 majorities in those bodies, — yielded only when 
 they feared to refuse. That Congress, in both 
 Houses, would wreck with eagerness, to-day, if 
 it dared, the bettered public service of the 
 nation, to recover for its members and their 
 party henchmen the old “spoils” of office and 
 
 107 
 
CIVIL SERVICE REFORM 
 
 CLEVELAND 
 
 place, was shown unmistakably, within the last 
 year of this record, by its action on the bill to 
 provide for the taking of the Census of 1910. 
 
 The President, and every responsible official 
 connected with the Census Bureau, had borne 
 testimony to the inefficiency and wasteful cost- 
 liness of previous census-taking under the old 
 system of appointment, and had besought Con- 
 gress to provide in the bill for an effective test 
 of qualification for the employment by compet- 
 itive examination. Considerable majorities in 
 both House and Senate turned an equally deaf 
 ear to all considerations of public interest in the 
 matter, and passed a bill which enabled Senators 
 and Representatives to parcel out between them- 
 selves the large number of appointments to be 
 made. 
 
 President Roosevelt did not hesitate to veto 
 the bill, and gave it a thorough dissection in the 
 Message which explained his disapproval. In 
 part, his comments on the Act offered to him 
 were as follows: “Section 7 of the act provides 
 in effect that appointments to the census shall 
 be under the spoils system, for this is the real 
 meaning of the provision that they shall be sub- 
 ject only to non-competitive examination. The 
 proviso is added that they shall be selected 
 without regard to political party affiliations. 
 But there is only one way to guarantee that 
 they shall be selected without regard to politics 
 and on merit, and that is by choosing them 
 after competitive examination from the lists of 
 eligibles provided by the Civil Service Com- 
 mission. The present Director of the Census in 
 his last report states the exact fact about these 
 non-competitive examinations when he says: 
 ‘ A non-competitive examination means that 
 every one of the many thousands who will pass 
 the examinations will have an equal right to 
 appointment, and that personal and political 
 pressure must in the end, as always before, 
 become the determining factor with regard to 
 the great body of these temporary employments. 
 I cannot too earnestly urge that the Director of 
 the Census be relieved from this unfortunate 
 situation.’ 
 
 “To provide that the clerks and other em- 
 ployes shall be appointed after non-competitive 
 examination, and yet to provide that they shall 
 be selected without regard to political party 
 affiliations, means merely that the appointments 
 shall be treated as the perquisites of the politi- 
 cians of both parties, instead of as the perqui- 
 sites of the politicians of one party. I do not 
 believe in the doctrine that to the victor belongs 
 the spoils; but I think even less of the doctrine 
 that the spoils shall be divided without a fight 
 by the professional politicians on both sides; 
 and this would be the result of permitting the 
 bill in its present shape to become a law. Both 
 of the last censuses, the eleventh and the twelfth, 
 were taken under a provision of law excluding 
 competition; that is, necessitating the appoint- 
 ments being made under the spoils system. 
 Every man competent to speak with authority 
 because of his knowledge of and familiarity 
 with the work of those censuses has stated that 
 the result was to produce extravagance and 
 demoralization.” 
 
 The veto went to Congress on the 5th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1909, one month before the expiration of 
 President Roosevelt’s term of office. His succes- 
 sor-to-be was well known to be in sympathy 
 
 with his views of the public service, and no 
 attempt was made either to pass the bill over 
 the veto, or to proffer its spoils-seeking provi- 
 sions to the new occupant of the Presidency 
 when he came in. Congress was compelled, in 
 this case, as in many before, to surrender its 
 cherished spoils of salaried public employment 
 to civil service reform, simply because public 
 interests and public sentiment are better repre- 
 sented, as a rule, in the White House than in 
 the Capitol, which is not a pleasing fact. 
 
 During the extra session that was called by 
 President Taft, in March, an amended bill was 
 passed which came near to satisfying the de- 
 mands of reform. It kept a little opening for 
 political favoritism, in a proviso, that the direc- 
 tor of the Census may, “when the exigencies 
 of the service require,” make his selections from 
 the list of eligibles, not by the candidates’ rating, 
 but on the ground of “immediate availability” 
 or previous experience in census work ; but this 
 was so small a loophole that the President’s sign- 
 ing of the bill was generally approved. ‘ ‘ The act 
 empowers the director of the census to appoint 
 special agents to whom will be assigned princi 
 pally the work of obtaining statistics from man- 
 ufacturing establishments, mines and quarries. 
 While no qualifying test is required by law for 
 the appointment of these agents, Director Du- 
 rand has nevertheless provided for their selection 
 subject to a carefully worked out scheme of 
 competitive examinations, to be conducted by 
 the United States civil service commission. In 
 rating the candidates the experience declaration 
 and practical test are to be given equal credit. 
 All candidates who receive a combined rating 
 of 70 will be placed on an eligible list, from 
 which selection will be made as the needs of the 
 service require. Eligibility, according to the 
 instructions, ‘ is not of itself a guarantee of ap- 
 pointment, but selection will be made solely 
 with reference to equipment and availability 
 for appointment.’” — Good Government, Oct., 
 1909. 
 
 CIVIL VETO, in Papal Elections. See (in 
 this vol.) Papacy : A. D. 1904. 
 
 CIVILISTAS, The. See (in this vol). Peru. 
 
 CLANRICARDE ESTATE, Evicted ten- 
 ants of the. See (in this vol.) Ireland : A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 CLARION FELLOWSHIP. See (in this 
 vol.) Socialism : England : A. D. 1909. 
 
 CLARK, Edgar E.: On the Anthracite 
 Coal Strike Arbitration Commission. See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 CLEMENCEAU, Eugene: In the Sarrien- 
 Clemenceau Ministry, and as Prime Minister. 
 See (in this vol.) France: A. D. 1906, and after. 
 
 Disclaims for France the desire to revenge 
 the German conquest of Alsace. See War, 
 The Revolt against: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 T riumph in the senatorial elections of 1909. 
 See France: A. D. 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 His downfall from Premiership produced by 
 an intemperate speech. See France. A. D. 
 1909 (July). 
 
 CLERICAL PARTY. See (in this vol.) 
 France: A. D. 1903; Belgium: A. D. 1904; 
 Germany: A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 CLEVELAND, Grover: Trustee of stock 
 controlling the Equitable Life Assurance So- 
 ciety. See (in this vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 108 
 
CLEVELAND 
 
 COLOMBIA 
 
 CLEVELAND, Ohio: A. D. 1901-1908.— 
 The Farm Colony Experiment. See (in this 
 vol.) Crime and Criminology, Problems of. 
 
 COAL, Wasteful mining and use of. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Conservation of Natural Re- 
 sources. 
 
 COAL AND COKE CARTELS. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Combinations, Industrial (in Ger- 
 many). 
 
 COAL COMBINATION, Alleged Anthra- 
 cite: Proceedings of Government against it. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial : 
 United States : A. D. 1907-1909, and Rail- 
 ways: United States : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 COAL MINES EIGHT HOURS ACT. 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Protection: Hours 
 of Labor: England. 
 
 COAL MINING STRIKES. See Labor 
 Organization. 
 
 COBALT SILVER MINES. See (in this 
 vol.) Canada: A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907. 
 
 COLLECTIVISM. See Socialism. 
 
 COLLEGES. See Education. 
 
 COLOGNE: Insurance against unem- 
 
 ployment. See (in this vol.) Poverty, Prob- 
 lems of: Unemployment. 
 
 COLOMBIA: A. D. 1898-1902. — Castro, of 
 Venezuela, and the Liberals (Yellows) of 
 Colombia. — How they helped one another. 
 — The following passages are from an article 
 in the American Review of Reviews on “ South 
 American War Issues,” by Edwin Emerson, Jr., 
 who spent some time with the Colombian insur- 
 gents in 1902 and acquired a good knowledge of 
 the troubled political conditions in that republic 
 and its near neighbors. It adds something to 
 what is told in Volume VI. of this work concern- 
 ing the revolt started in 1899 by Rafael Uribe- 
 Uribe, and about its relation to the beginnings 
 of the career of Cipriano Castro, in Venezuela 
 (see, in that vol., Colombia, and Venezuela): 
 
 “ At the time when Spain was losing Cuba, the 
 last Congress of Colombia sat in Bogota. The 
 Liberal party had but one spokesman in the 
 Congress — to wit, Rafael Uribe-Uribe. The 
 government majority championed the cause of 
 Spain. Many of the more ardent Liberals were 
 fighting in the field for ‘Cuba Libre.’ Uribe 
 Uribe was the only man in the Congress who 
 spoke for America as against Spain. He was 
 hissed down. Next, the Panama Canal question 
 came up. The French concession was to be ex- 
 tended for ten years. Again Uribe-Uribe spoke 
 for America as against France. The project was 
 voted down. The Congress was dissolved. 
 President San Clemente, on his own motion, ex- 
 tended the French concession. For this lie is 
 said to have received one million dollars, cash. 
 Then the revolution broke out, and Uribe-Uribe 
 took the field, in Santander, the richest coffee- 
 growing state of Colombia. He fell upon the 
 town of Cucuta and took it, only to be driven 
 out again after a disastrous rout at Palo Negro. 
 To make things worse for the rebels, the Bishop 
 of Santander ordered the excommunication of 
 those who would not renounce liberalism or all 
 connection with Liberals. It was a crushing 
 blow, aimed at the wives and daughters of the 
 fighting insurgents. 
 
 “While affairs were thus disturbed in Santan- 
 der, Cipriano Castro, a Venezuelan exile living 
 in Cucuta, profited by the occasion to lead a 
 small band of Colombian Liberals into Vene- 
 
 zuela. They dashed across the border by night, 
 and fell into Castro’s native town, Capachio 
 Viejo. Castro’s father and five brothers, with 
 other townsfolk, joined his standard and helped 
 him win his first battle over a small detachment 
 of Venezuelan government troops. Now the 
 number of his adherents grew, especially as he 
 won battle after battle or bought over his rival 
 leaders. After a crushing defeat at Valencia, 
 President Andrade fled the country, and Castro 
 entered Caracas in triumph. His early Colom- 
 bian adherents got Venezuelan government jobs. 
 
 “All went well for a while, especially after 
 the prompt suppression of a counter-revolution, 
 until Castro’s sympathies with the Colombian 
 Liberals in the field began to tell on his foreign 
 policy. Uribe-Uribe had been badly beaten in 
 Colombia. He was made welcome by Castro in 
 Venezuela, and was intrusted with the com- 
 mand of a division on the Colombian frontier. 
 The command was recruited from Colombians 
 across the border. At the same time, Castro 
 arbitrarily stopped all navigation on the Zulia 
 and Catacumbo rivers, running from Colombian 
 Cordillera to the Lake of Maracaibo, in Venezu- 
 ela. This was a death-blow to the coffee indus- 
 try of the Colombian state of Santander, which 
 has no other outlet to the sea. Cucuta was 
 ruined. A German house failed for half a million 
 dollars, an American hacienda lost $200,000, and 
 other foreign merchants suffered in proportion. 
 All commerce in Cucuta and Maracaibo coffee 
 almost came to a standstill. Then it was that the 
 government forces in Santander, to bring relief 
 to the stricken district, tried to open the closed 
 rivers by a sudden armed invasion into that 
 region. For the sake of appearances, they were 
 led by Ranjel Garbiras, a Venezuelan revolu- 
 tionist. They made for the prosperous town of 
 San Cristobal, but Uribe-Uribe had managed 
 to gather his corps of insurgents, and beat off 
 the attack in a three days’ battle. Some two 
 thousand men fell on both sides. Uribe-Uribe 
 promptly prepared a counter invasion. He was 
 aided in this by Castro, who practically put all 
 Venezuelan forces in the Cordillera at his dis- 
 posal. 
 
 “President Castro, who was furious at so 
 overt an act of war on the part of his old ene- 
 mies, the Colombian Clericals, furthermore sent 
 another expedition across the Goajira desert to 
 aid his Colombian insurgent friends in that pen- 
 insula to take the Colombian port of Rio Hacha. 
 Venezuelan gunboats appeared before Rio Hacha 
 to do their part in the capture. Unfortunately 
 for the Liberal cause, the Venezuelan army in 
 the Goajira was taken unawares while on the 
 march, and was all but annihilated. The gun- 
 boats chose to retire without firing a shot. Cas- 
 tro never recovered from this reverse. The ex- 
 penses of his various armed expeditions ate up 
 all his ready finances. When he could no longer 
 maintain Uribe-Uribe’s troops, Uribe cut loose 
 and recrossed the border, to join forces with 
 other insurgent leaders in the interior of Colom- 
 bia. Uribe’s cousin proceeded to Panama, and 
 the civil war there broke out with fresh vigor. 
 By their recent brilliant stroke in the harbor of 
 Panama, the Colombian Liberals have won the 
 command of the sea on the Pacific side. To 
 assist them in doing the same on the Atlantic 
 side, Castro has now supplied them with a tor- 
 pedo-boat and a small gunboat.” 
 
COLOMBIA 
 
 COLOMBIA 
 
 These last mentioned successes of Uribe-Uribe 
 had no permanent effectiveness, for his surrender, 
 with 1300 men and 10 pieces of artillery, was 
 announced presently as having occurred on the 
 25 th of October, 1902 . It seemed unfortunate 
 that he did not succeed in overthrowing the 
 Conservatives, or “Blues,” who held the govern- 
 ment, since most accounts of their rule repre- 
 sented it as hopelessly bad ; but a change for 
 the better came without revolution after no long 
 time. 
 
 The state of civil war was closed by a treaty 
 of peace, signed on board the U. S. battleship 
 Wisconsin, November 21 . 
 
 A. D. 1901-1906. — Participation in Second 
 and Third International Conferences of 
 American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro. See 
 (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Rejection of Treaty with 
 the United States for the building of the 
 Panama Canal. — Revolt and independence of 
 Panama. See (in this vol. ) Panama Canal. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1906. — Feeling toward the 
 United States. — Of the feeling in Colombia 
 toward the United States, consequent on what 
 occurred in Panama, Mr. Barrett, American 
 Minister at Bogota, reported in 1906 as follows: 
 
 “ The question is continually asked me : What 
 is the attitude of the Colombian Government 
 and people toward Americans and American in- 
 terests on account of the Panama affair ? With- 
 out entering upon any political discussion, I 
 wish, in answering this pertinent inquiry, to 
 take advantage of the opportunity to pay a just 
 and frank tribute to Colombia. Speaking in the 
 first place for myself as minister, I can truth- 
 fully say that, ever since my arrival here seven 
 months ago, I have been treated with a gener- 
 ous kindness and sincere hospitality that have 
 made a deep impression on me and increased my 
 respect for Colombians in particular and Latin 
 Americans in general. The United States min- 
 ister has been extended invitations official and 
 personal, and the United States legation in turn 
 has been continually frequented by leading men 
 of all parties, as if nothing had ever happened 
 to mar the entente cordiale of the two coun- 
 tries. 
 
 “ In the granting of concessions and in the 
 hearing of claims the Government has treated 
 Americans with as much consideration as Euro- 
 peans. During my stay here, and up to this 
 writing, there has not been one complaint 
 lodged by Americans in this legation of unkind 
 treatment by Colombians due to any political 
 anti-American feeling. In my own travels in 
 various parts of the country, officials and peons 
 alike have everywhere accorded me polite and 
 even gracious attention. To let it be known 
 that I was United States minister has always 
 led to extra courtesies rather than to any lack 
 of them. 
 
 “I could not, however, have it understood 
 abroad that there is not still strong feeling 
 against the United States. It does exist, but the 
 passing of years, and generous, fair treatment 
 of Colombia and Colombians by the United 
 States and its citizens, in international relations 
 and friendly social and commercial intercourse, 
 can effect its gradual disappearance. Such feel- 
 ing does not take the attitude of personal enmity 
 toward Americans. The Colombians, high and 
 low, are too polite and sensible for that. It is a 
 
 11 
 
 feeling in the minds and hearts, based on high 
 political and patriotic grounds, which, however, 
 with commendable philosophy, recognizes the 
 inevitable and now turns to the future to bring 
 blessings that will counterbalance the losses 
 and sorrows of the past. The very courage and 
 nobility of this attitude of Colombia is one of the 
 chief reasons why I predict for her a magnifi- 
 cent future. Already this policy — if I may call 
 it a policy — is bearing fruit in the development 
 of a greater and more friendly and sympathetic 
 interest throughout the United States in Colom- 
 bia, which is destined to lead to a mutually 
 favorable understanding and settlement of all 
 differences in the near future.” 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Arbitration of boundary dis- 
 pute with Equador. — A treaty for the arbi- 
 tration of boundary questions with Equador was 
 concluded November 4 , 1904 . 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Arbitration Treaties with 
 Peru. See (in this vol.) Peru: A. D. 1905 . 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — A New Era, under Pre- 
 sident Reyes. — “The New Era in Colombia ” 
 is the title of an article in the American Review 
 of Reviews, May, 1906 , by Francis P. Savinien, 
 writing from the country in question. 
 
 “By judicious, if not generous, action,” says 
 the writer, “President Rafael Reyes [who be- 
 came President in the previous year] has suc- 
 ceeded in harmonizing nearly all elements of 
 the population. His administration is neither 
 Liberal nor Conservative. It is Nationalist. 
 Placed in power by Conservatives and sustained 
 by Liberals, his favors to the former preserve 
 order in the center of the country, and his im- 
 plicit trust in the latter insures peace on the 
 frontiers. He has made General Uribe-Uribe 
 minister to Chile, Argentina, and Brazil, and 
 General Herrera commander along the Venezue- 
 lan border, thus bestowing the highest diplo- 
 matic and military honors on Liberals. From 
 Conservatives he chose all his ministers (except 
 Dr. Modesto Garces, of the Department of Pub- 
 lic Works), the governor of the capital district, 
 and other high officials for the center of govern- 
 ment. His government is like that of Panama, 
 the secession of which made a policy of recon- 
 ciliation predominant in both countries. . . . 
 The Colombian army has become a body of 
 laborers. Troops are converted into sappers and 
 employed in building or improving ways of 
 communication. Idleness, as well as agitation, 
 is beginning to receive general condemnation. 
 It is true that there is little liberty. There is, 
 however, less persecution than formerly. Jour- 
 nals are abject and individuals mute. There is 
 no free speech or press. But there are few per- 
 sons in prison or exile for political reasons. The 
 policy of the government has become that of 
 abstention rather than restraint.” 
 
 General Reyes had represented Colombia at 
 the Pan-American Conference in the City of 
 Mexico, in 1902 , and had made a most favorable 
 impression on the delegates from the United 
 States. Referring to the occasion long after- 
 wards, Mr. Sylvester Baxter said of him: “It 
 is notable that in that Conference Colombia was 
 represented by General Rafael Reyes, a high 
 type of man — gentleman by birth and educa- 
 tion, of scientific attainments, a natural leader, 
 one of the strong characters of Spanish America; 
 a man whose existence makes things seem hope- 
 ful when else they might look hopeless; asoldier- 
 
 0 
 
COLOMBIA 
 
 COLOMBIA 
 
 statesman in whom many see the potentialities 
 of a second Diaz.” 
 
 A similar expression of admiration appears in 
 an interesting special report, entitled “Colom- 
 bia, a Land of Great Possibilities,” made in June, 
 1906, by the Hon. John Barrett, then American 
 Minister to Colombia, more recently the Direc- 
 tor of the International Bureau of American 
 Republics. “Great credit,” wrote Mr. Barrett, 
 “is due to General Rafael Reyes, President of 
 this Republic, for his untiring efforts to restore 
 the prosperity of his country to the position it 
 occupied before the last civil war and the loss 
 of Panama. If he succeeds, he will deserve a 
 place in history like that of President Diaz in 
 Mexico. He has so far effectually stopped revo- 
 lutions, and, if his life and health are spared, 
 Colombia would seem to be assured of peace at 
 least during his administration.” 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — Troubles with Vene- 
 zuela over the navigation of rivers flowing 
 through both countries. — The arbitrary action 
 begun by the ill-tempered and arrogant Castro, 
 of Venezuela, in 1902, when he stopped navi- 
 gation on the rivers which flow from Colombia 
 to Lake Maracaibo, in Venezuela, and thus open 
 communication to the sea (see above), was con- 
 tinued or resumed in subsequent years, and was 
 a distressing trouble to his Colombian neighbors. 
 
 In July, 1905, the Colombian Government ap- 
 pealed to that of the United States for its good 
 offices in maintaining the principle of free nav- 
 igation on rivers that are common to neighbor- 
 ing countries. “From the time of the award 
 which decided the boundary dispute between 
 the two countries,” said the Colombian Minister 
 to the United States, in a communication to the 
 American Secretary of State, “the policy of 
 Venezuela in matters relating to the transit trade 
 of Colombia and the navigation of the common 
 rivers, has been marked by a conspicuous spirit 
 of hostility. . . . Neither logical arguments nor 
 historic precedents, such as those submitted by 
 the Colombian chancellery to the Government of 
 Venezuela for the recognition by the latter of 
 the principle of free trade over the natural 
 waterways placed by God at the disposal of all 
 nations, have availed.” 
 
 The writer then reviewed at considerable 
 length the arguments with which the Govern- 
 ment of the United States had contended in the 
 past with Spain and Great Britain for the free 
 navigation of the Mississippi and the St. Law- 
 rence, and said in conclusion : “It would be de- 
 sirable, and I would ask that it be done if this 
 note were favorably received by the Government 
 of the United States, that the American minis- 
 ter at Caracas be appropriately instructed in the 
 sense of declaring on behalf of the commercial 
 interests of the citizens of the United States his 
 desire that the Government of Venezuela make 
 the navigation of the Zulia and Orinoco rivers 
 free, and urging, by persuasion, that the princi- 
 ple be solemnly consecrated in its public treaties. 
 My Government will join in such an action, 
 which comes within its traditional policy in the 
 matter, and will interpose no obstacle or delay 
 to the meeting of an international mixed com- 
 mission for the framing of regulations concern- 
 ing the use of the above-named rivers without 
 detriment to the legitimate interests of the coun- 
 tries through which they flow.” 
 
 To this request the then Acting Secretary of 
 
 1 ] 
 
 State, Mr. Adee, made a favorable reply, Au- 
 gust 5, saying: “ The principle of the free nav- 
 igation of rivers has been advocated by the 
 United States and maintained in its relations 
 with its neighbors for many years. This gov- 
 ernment is ready, therefore, to use its good 
 offices in the sense requested, and Mr. Russell 
 has been instructed upon arriving at his new 
 post in Venezuela to take advantage of fitting 
 occasion to express to the minister for foreign 
 affairs the great satisfaction with which the 
 United States would view the adoption and pro- 
 clamation by Venezuela of the general principle 
 of the free navigation of rivers and fluvial arte- 
 ries of communication common to neighboring 
 countries. 
 
 “It is of course to be understood that in 
 touching upon this matter this government does 
 not seek to intervene or mediate in any way in 
 the relations between Colombia and Venezuela, 
 but is merely interested in the universal recog- 
 nition of a policy beneficial to the commerce of 
 the world.” 
 
 In the following December, the endeavor 
 seemed promising ; for the American Minister 
 to Colombia was able to report the signing, at 
 Bogota, of a protocol, preparatory to a new 
 treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, to 
 be concluded at Caracas. Four months later, 
 on the 27th of April, 1906, Minister Russell, at 
 Caracas, announced the arrival there of the Co- 
 lombian plenipotentiary, General Benjamin Her- 
 rera, appointed for the negotiation of the treaty 
 agreed upon, but reported further that the Vene- 
 zuelan Government had refused to receive him, 
 demanding that somebody else be sent. No 
 settlement of the matter could be obtained 
 while Castro controlled Venezuela. Since his 
 elimination it has been reported that President 
 Gomez, his successor, has annulled his decrees 
 of hostility to Colombian commerce. 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1909 . — Efficient but arbitrary 
 Government produces discontent. — Opposi- 
 tion to treaty with Panama and the United 
 States. — Vacation of President Reyes which 
 ends in resignation. — Revolt. — Elections. 
 — While the Government organized under Presi- 
 dent Reyes was undoubtedly efficient and effect- 
 ive in restoring order and prosperity to the coun- 
 try, it was not satisfactory to the people ; and 
 perhaps it speaks well for them that they showed 
 discontent. It was not a representative govern- 
 ment, the existing Congress not being an elective 
 body, but a provisional legislature made up by 
 appointment. As admitted in the quotation 
 above from a friendly Colombian writer, the citi- 
 zens under it were tongue-tied subjects, having 
 no free speech or Press. The political situation 
 and the differing states of feeling produced by it 
 were discussed in April, 1909, by a special corre- 
 spondent of the New York Evening Post , who 
 wrote from Bogota : 
 
 “It seems to be confessed by the great major- 
 ity of the people here that the country has not 
 entered on that stage of political development in 
 which the people can govern themselves by par- 
 liamentary methods. The history of their nearly 
 one hundred years of independent national life 
 has been that of almost continual civil strife, and 
 of frequent civil wars, which have interrupted 
 and almost destroyed all efforts at self-govern- 
 ment ; so that the present system of government 
 by executive decrees, to be ratified by an ap- 
 
 11 
 
COLOMBIA 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 pointed ‘ Constitutional and Legislative Assem- 
 bly,’ is about the only one that can preserve the 
 peace and direct the country into the line of pros- 
 perity and progress. 
 
 “ Under this system of government the coun- 
 try has enjoyed almost perfect internal peace 
 during the year. This is the political theory 
 that is most widely accepted at the present time 
 in Colombia. Of course, there are those who do 
 not agree with this theory, which they consider 
 as the natural action of men who are more anx- 
 ious to preserve order than they are to establish 
 truth and justice, and there are not lacking those 
 who say that in the long run it will be found to 
 be a foolish system. 
 
 “It is pointed out that the idea that griev- 
 ances can be done away with by forbidding men 
 to complain, or that the criticisms can be met by 
 excommunicating the critics, or that changes can 
 be prevented by putting the troublers to silence, 
 is contradicted by the experience of the rest of 
 the world. The kind of effort that is being 
 made in Colombia to prevent the liberty of the 
 press, of public speech, and of personal opinion, 
 is like the effort to prevent the escape of steam 
 by the safety valve, and is very likely to result 
 in an explosion.” 
 
 The state of public feeling in Colombia be- 
 came further complicated, no doubt, when, early 
 in January, 1909, a tripartite treaty was nego- 
 tiated, with Panama and the United States, for 
 the settlement of questions connected with the 
 secession of Panama in 1903. Panama, in this 
 treaty, agreed to pay Colombia the sum of 
 $3,500,000, as her share of the Colombian public 
 debt, receiving recognition of her independence 
 in return. The treaty was submitted to the Co- 
 lombian Congress by President Reyes on the 24th 
 of February, with a special message of recom- 
 mendation ; but public feeling was said to be bit- 
 terly against it, for the reasons that no wrong- 
 fulness in the transaction was recognized and 
 the indemnity was insufficient. Disturbances 
 which broke out at Bogota and in the provinces 
 about the middle of March were attributed 
 mostly to this cause of discontent. For some 
 reason of discouragement or disgust, the Presi- 
 dent was reported to have resigned his office on 
 the 13th, but was persuaded to resume it next day. 
 
 It was now decided to suspend considera- 
 tion of the tripartite treaty, until it could be 
 submitted to an elected National Congress, the 
 election for which would be held on the 20th of 
 the coming July. In June, a few weeks before 
 the appointed election, President Reyes made a 
 sudden departure for Europe. Rumors that he 
 had gone because tired of political strife and 
 would not return were contradicted by the Co- 
 
 lombian Consul at New York, in a published 
 note which said : “His departure, the causes of 
 which are well known throughout Colombia, was 
 due to the fact that after five years’ strenuous 
 labor he desired a rest, and last March to the 
 National Assembly expressed his desire to retire 
 temporarily from the Presidency, but, owing to 
 the opposition of public sentiment and the 
 strong desire of the people to have him remain, 
 he determined not to leave the Presidency until 
 elections to the coming Congress had been made. 
 To this Congress, about to be convened, and 
 in which all parties are represented, President 
 Reyes confides many of the cares of govern- 
 ment, left by law under his jurisdiction until 
 Congress should assemble, and withdraws, tem- 
 porarily only, from the discharge of his Presi- 
 dential duties, leaving in his stead Gen. Jorge 
 Holguin, his most intimate friend and former 
 minister of war, who will continue to pursue in 
 all matters the same policy as that adopted by 
 his predecessor. Gen. Reyes during his stay in 
 Europe, whence he has gone, will perfect plans 
 for developing railroad and other industries in 
 Colombia. There is absolute peace and tran- 
 quillity in all parts of the country.” 
 
 But the “absolute peace and tranquillity” of 
 the country was shaken in the first week of July 
 by a revolutionary outbreak at Barranquilla, 
 soon suppressed, and the resignation of President 
 Reyes was received soon thereafter, from abroad. 
 The election of his successor now devolved on 
 the new National Congress, elected by the people 
 on the 20th of July. It gave the office, for the 
 remainder of the unfinished term (which expires 
 August 7, 1910) toSeiior Gonzales Valencia, who 
 had been proclaimed by the Barranquilla revo- 
 lutionists the month before, though he disavowed 
 their movement. 
 
 COLONIAL CONFERENCES, British. 
 
 See (in this vol.) British Empire. 
 
 COLONIAL DOMINION, The passing of 
 the age of. See (in this vol.) World Move- 
 ments. 
 
 COLONIZATION : The colonizable re- 
 gions of Africa. See (in this vol.) Africa. 
 
 COLOR ADOS. See (in this vol.) Paraguay: 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY: Inter- 
 
 change of Professors with German and Scan- 
 dinavian universities. See (in this vol.) Ed- 
 ucation : International Interchanges. 
 
 COMBES, Justin Louis Iimile : Head of 
 French Ministry. See (in this vol.) France: 
 A. D. 1902 (April-Oct.) ; also 1903, and 1905- 
 1906. 
 
 Vindication under scandalous charges. See 
 
 France : A. D. 1904 (June-July). 
 
 COMBINATIONS, INDUSTRIAL AND COMMERCIAL. 
 
 Australia: A. D. 1909. — Decision of the 
 Federal High Court on the Anti-Trust Law. 
 — Prosecutions by the Government. — “ The 
 
 first case brought under the Federal Anti-Trust 
 Law ended in June last in a decision of the 
 High Court to the effect that two important 
 sections of the Act were ultra vires, as the Con- 
 stitution only empowered the Commonwealth 
 to regulate foreign and inter-State trade and 
 gave it no authority to interfere with trade 
 
 within a State. The Federal Government is 
 now instituting proceedings against 27 firms 
 which are alleged to belong to a coal combine 
 trading with other countries and among the 
 States of the Commonwealth. Each firm has 
 been called upon to answer certain questions 
 under the Act in question.” — Reuter Telegram, 
 Melbourne, September 27, 1909. 
 
 Canada: A. D.1909. — Merger of Dominion 
 Iron, Steel, and Coal Companies. — Cement 
 
 112 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 Combination. — The following is a Press de- 
 spatch from Halifax, N. S., Nov. 13, 1909: “ The 
 formation of the Canada Steel Corporation, the 
 proposed $70,000,000 merger of the Dominion 
 Iron and Steel Company and the Dominion Coal 
 Company, was made possible by the agreement 
 of James Ross of Montreal, president of the Do- 
 minion Coal Company, to transfer to a syndicate 
 of Toronto capitalists a portion of his holdings 
 of the coal company stock. Final arrangements 
 regarding the stock transfer will be made here 
 to-day. President Ross owns coal company 
 stock of a par value of $5,000,000, and, although 
 he does not dispose of all this, he is to transfer 
 enough to give control of the coal company to 
 the Toronto capitalists, who have already ac- 
 quired a controlling interest in the steel com- 
 pany. The plants of the Dominion Iron and 
 Steel Company and the Dominion Coal Com- 
 pany are in Cape Breton, where they give em- 
 ployment to thousands of men, and where they 
 have caused little fishing villages to spring up 
 into flourishing cities.” Announcement of the 
 completion of the merger was made in December. 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Anti-T rust Bill in the Domin- 
 ion Parliament. — A strongly constructed 
 measure for controlling and regulating commer- 
 cial and industrial combinations, to check re- 
 straints of trade and undue enhancement of prices, 
 was brought into the Dominion House of Com- 
 mons on the 18th of January, 1910, by the Minister 
 of Labor, Mr. Mackenzie King, and its passage 
 was said to be assured. Mr King’s explanation 
 of the Bill, as summarized for the Associated 
 Press, was as follows : 
 
 “The Bill, Mr. King stated, was not designed 
 to interfere with trade, but to protect the pub- 
 lic from the operation of monopolies. The bill 
 provides that if six or more persons show prima 
 facie evidence to a superior court judge that a 
 combine exists, which has unduly enhanced the 
 price of a manufactured article, unduly limited 
 the production of any commodity, or unduly re- 
 stricted trade in any way, the judge shall order 
 the minister of labor to have an investigation 
 made. This shall be done by a board of three, 
 one member to be appointed by those who com- 
 plain, one by those complained against, and a 
 chairman by the first two, and if they fail to 
 select the judge who has heard the complaint 
 shall act. 
 
 “ This board has the full powers of a court to 
 compel the attendance of witnesses and the pro- 
 duction of evidence. The board must report to 
 the minister and he must give the report the full- 
 est publicity. 
 
 “Two remedies are provided where a combi- 
 nation is reported to exist. The government may 
 withdraw the tariff protection from the articles 
 produced by the combine and bring the manu- 
 facturers into competition with the world. 
 
 “ The other remedy is a provision that if the 
 combine persists in its course after ten days there 
 shall be a fine of $1,000 a day imposed until the 
 abuse is remedied. There is also provision that 
 when a patentee makes use of the protection of 
 the patent act to restrict trade or unduly enhance 
 prices his patent may be revoked. 
 
 “ The act provides for its expeditious and thor- 
 ough enforcement, and all expenses of investiga- 
 tion are to be borne by the goverment 
 
 “Where question is raised as to the scope of 
 the investigation, the board shall make it as 
 
 1 ] 
 
 thorough and complete as public interest re- 
 quires. Boards are to conduct their investiga- 
 tions in public and the decision of two members 
 shall be the decision of the board. Whenever 
 the minister of labor believes that counsel should 
 aid the investigation, the board may retain the 
 services of a lawyer upon the consent of the 
 minister of justice. Witnesses are to be allowed 
 the same fees and traveling expenses allowed at 
 the present in civil suits. With the consent of 
 the minister of labor a board may employ ex- 
 perts to examine books and to report upon 
 technical questions. ” 
 
 Germany: Corporation Reform as the Ger- 
 mans have handled it. — “Thirty years ago 
 the German people went through corporation 
 experiences much like our own. There, as here, 
 the corporation, as originally designed, was a 
 mere shell. There, as here, under the shelter 
 of that shell, the property of the country was 
 being transferred from the German people at 
 large, even the little they had, to the few. 
 There, thirty years ago, as here now, great cor- 
 porate scandals were exposed. And there, as 
 here, the human nature that is everywhere be- 
 hind civilization eventually began to recoil. It 
 began there before it began here, only because 
 conditions reached a climax there earlier than 
 here, and because we as a people were too pros- 
 perous and too busy to look even a little way 
 beneath the surface of things. 
 
 1 ‘ But when the work of reform did come there, 
 it was a genuine reform. It did not content 
 itself with indiscriminate denunciation, or with 
 mere lawsuits. Nor did it die out, leaving the 
 door still open to every character of corporation 
 the cunning of men might conceive. Before a 
 corporation can be organized in that country, it 
 must prove, as in a court proceeding, its rightful 
 title to a corporate existence. In the same way 
 it must establish the amount and the character 
 of the capitalization it is allowed to put out. 
 When property is turned in, its value must be 
 judicially ascertained. Upon officers and direc- 
 tors is not conferred supreme power; in the 
 German corporation the shareholders’ meeting is 
 the counterpart of our New England town meet- 
 ings — a genuine assembly intended to do some- 
 thing more than pass resolutions of approval. 
 And every violation of trust, not merely to the 
 public, but to the shareholder as well, is quickly 
 punished with punishment that smarts. There 
 is in the German corporation no room for one to 
 do, with impunity, in his capacity as a corpora- 
 tion officer or promoter, what if done individually 
 would land him in the penitentiary.” — Judge 
 Peter 8. Grosscup, The Corporation and the 
 People (The Outlook , Jan. 12, 1907). 
 
 The Cartels. — Industrial combinations, quite 
 as effective as the Trusts of the United States, 
 have been created in Germany on a wholly differ- 
 ent plan. The constituent organizations in them, 
 of capital and industry, are simply knitted or 
 tied together by hard and fast agreements, in- 
 stead of being fused into huge corporations, as 
 the Trusts are. For the kind of covenant which 
 unites them a military term has been borrowed, 
 and they are called Cartels. The difference be- 
 tween the Cartel and the Trust is described by a 
 Scottish writer, D. H. Macgregor, in his work on 
 Industrial Combinations, as follows : 
 
 “The Cartel is an agreement for a time, the 
 Trust is a permanent structure ; the former is 
 
 3 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 therefore a factor in industry full of speculative 
 possibilities, both as regards its actual operation, 
 and because the ‘ residual’ competition of par- 
 ties who break away at the end of the period is 
 considerably to be feared. . . . The principle of 
 the pure Cartel is compensatory action. It is an 
 organization in which certain producersdeal with 
 themselves, and exist for that purpose in a double 
 relation ; they are producers of goods, and pur- 
 chasers of their own produce. What they stand 
 to lose in one aspect they stand to gain in the 
 other. . . . 
 
 “The operation is broadly as follows. The 
 members of the Cartel, meeting as producers in 
 general assembly, determine a price for their 
 product which covers cost of production, being 
 in fact practically a competitive price. This is 
 the base or normal price (Ilichtpreis). Thus they 
 assure themselves, in this capacity, of adequate 
 remuneration. They then sell to the Syndicate, 
 that is to themselves as members of the Syn- 
 dicate, for what is called the ‘ taking over ’ or 
 ‘ accounting ’ price ( Verrechnunyspreis) which 
 is usually on the average higher than the base 
 price, so that they have now created for them- 
 selves as producers a ‘Cartel advantage.’ The 
 Syndicate then resells to the consumer, for a 
 price which will be as high as it can get, but 
 which varies with the competition to be met in 
 different parts of the market ; this price {Ver- 
 kaufspreis) may not in some cases be so high as 
 the taking-over price, or may not exceed it by 
 more than the margin necessary to cover the Syn- 
 dicate’s expenses of management. ... It is the 
 Syndicate which figures in the public eye ; and 
 while it itself offers no sign of monopoly profit it 
 shelters the companies which gain by its hand- 
 ling of their goods. It conceals monopoly div- 
 idends.” — D. H. Macgregor, Industrial Combi- 
 nation (G. Bell & Sons, Lond., 1906). 
 
 The Coal and Coke Cartels. — Their influ- 
 ence. — An elaborate history and description of 
 the “ Monopolistic Combinations in the German 
 Coal Industry,” by Francis Walker, was pub- 
 lished for the American Economic Association 
 in 1904. These are treated as representative, 
 because, says Mr. Walker, “ the most important 
 and fundamental of all German cartelled indus- 
 tries” are those in mining and metallurgy. He 
 traces their development from a beginning in 
 1858, when an association of the mining interests 
 of the mining district of Dormund was founded. 
 
 In part, his conclusions as to the effect of the 
 coal cartels are as follows: 
 
 “ The German coal cartels have not had an in- 
 jurious influence, in general, on the production 
 of coal. More particularly they cannot be ac- 
 cused, justly, of unduly limiting production 
 among themselves. Nor have they attempted 
 to accomplish the same end by crushing outside 
 competition, by unfair methods. It would be 
 preposterous to say that they have hindered tech- 
 nical progress. The cost of production, on the 
 other hand, probably has been somewhat in- 
 creased by the preservation of weak and costly 
 mines through participation in the cartels. In 
 regard to prices, the policy of the coal cartels, 
 on the whole, has been moderate, taking circum- 
 stances into consideration, while the policy of 
 the coke cartel may be fairly pronounced ex- 
 tortionate. The prices of coal have been more 
 stable than they would have been under free 
 competition ; during the hausse they were not 
 
 1] 
 
 screwed up so high as they might easily have 
 been, but, on the other hand, they have not de- 
 clined so quickly with the baisse. The like may 
 be said of the coke prices, but, at the same time, 
 they were exorbitant considered from the point 
 of view of costs and profits. . . . The deroute 
 of the iron industry was not due to the coal or 
 coke cartels in any important degree, i. e., even 
 with low prices, disaster to the iron industry 
 would have been inevitable. No other industry 
 was affected so much as iron, and it is at least 
 very questionable whether the cartels in general 
 (excluding the coal cartels in particular) are to 
 be blamed for the crisis. . . . That they are to be 
 blamed for the ill-judged over-development of 
 certain industries, which was apparently the real 
 cause of the crisis, does not seem to be a just 
 conclusion. On the other hand, the cartels may 
 be accused, with more probability of truth, of 
 retarding the convalescence of German industry 
 by not reducing prices, and if this is true, the 
 coal and coke cartels are specially to blame.” — 
 F. Walker, Monopolistic Combinations in the 
 German Coal Industry {Am. Economic Associa- 
 tion), 1904. 
 
 Growing magnitude of companies. ' — In- 
 dustrial concentration. — “The tendency to 
 industrial concentration is shown by the returns 
 of public companies, which point to the growing 
 domination of large undertakings. Of 4,749 reg- 
 istered public companies in 1895, 13.6 per cent, 
 had a share capital not exceeding £5,000, but in 
 1906, of 5,000 such companies, only 9.6 per cent, 
 had a capital of that amount ; the companies 
 with a capital of from £5,000 to £12,500 de- 
 creased from 14.0 to 10.4 per cent., and those 
 with a capital of from £12,500 to £25,000 de- 
 creased from 16. 9 to 14. 2 per cent. On the other 
 hand the companies with a capital of from 
 £25,000 to £50,000 increased from 20.7 to 21.3 
 percent.; those with a capital of from £50,000 
 to £250,000 increased from 28.5 to 35.0 per cent. ; 
 those with a capital of from £250,000 to £500,000 
 increased from 3.4 to 5.4 per cent., and those 
 with a capital exceeding £500,000 increased 
 from 2.9 to 4.1 per cent. In 1896 there were 
 only two companies with a capital exceeding five 
 millions ; in 1906 there were nine such compa- 
 nies, and their combined capital was over seventy 
 millions, having been more than doubled since 
 1896. In spite of this tendency towards the con- 
 centration of capital and the multiplication of 
 large undertakings, however, Germany is still an 
 interesting illustration of an industrial country 
 which has not yet entirely gone over to the fac- 
 tory system of production. The handicrafts, the 
 characteristic feature of which is the small, in- 
 dependent master-workman, surrounded by his 
 handful of journeymen and apprentices, contend 
 tenaciously, yet unfortunately with only partial 
 success, against the on-coming tide of ‘ great 
 capitalism ’ (private joint stock, and cooperative), 
 and the house industries continue to afford em- 
 ployment to a multitude of workers of both 
 sexes, estimated at half a million.” — William H. 
 Dawson, The Evolution of Modern Germany, 
 pp. 59-60 {Unwin, London ; Scribner's, N. Y., 
 1909). 
 
 “Among the home interests of the country 
 nothing loomed up so large last year [1904] as 
 the subject of industrial combinations. The 
 process of consolidating industries and banks 
 into powerful organizations again made gigantic 
 
 4 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 strides ; and the public mind, dazed and dis- 
 quieted, is wondering what will be its final out- 
 come. All the largest steel manufacturers have 
 united in an association that shall have complete 
 control of the steel and iron products of the coun- 
 try ; and it is already effecting agreements with 
 manufacturers of other countries for parceling 
 out the world’s markets. At the same time the 
 Coal Syndicate was reorganized to include all 
 the independent producers of the West ; and in 
 connection with it, a great shipping and selling 
 company was formed for the purpose of con- 
 trolling the retail trade and eliminating recalci- 
 trant dealers. These steel and coal combinations 
 are working in complete harmony, and no inde- 
 pendent manufacturer can exist against their 
 will. 
 
 “In that great industrial region many large 
 iron companies had come into possession of coal 
 mines. In order to induce these to put their 
 mines into the Syndicate, they were given the 
 right to produce, over and above their allot- 
 ments, all the coal that they might need for their 
 own furnaces. A ne\y impetus was thus given 
 to the process of consolidation. Strong coal 
 companies hastened to absorb iron establish- 
 ments, in order to earn larger profits by consum- 
 ing their own coal in indefinite quantities. Fur- 
 thermore, as the allotments were fixed absolutely 
 for a long period, the strongest companies pro- 
 ceeded to buy weaker, less economically worked 
 collieries, in order to shut them down and pro- 
 duce their allotments elsewhere at lower cost. 
 This movement assumed large proportions. Min- 
 ers by the thousand had to betake themselves to 
 other parts of the country, and entire communi- 
 ties were threatened with depopulation. Indus- 
 trial towns held indignation meetings, to protest, 
 and to demand the nationalization of the mines; 
 and excited operatives are still holding confer- 
 ences to discuss a general strike. The Govern- 
 ment has sent a commission to inquire into the 
 movement ; and the Minister of Commerce has 
 urged the coal magnates to proceed as mildly as 
 possible. 
 
 “ This powerful concentric movement of in- 
 dustries has taken a strong hold upon the 
 thoughts of people and Government alike. The 
 public is deeply concerned at the growth of pri- 
 vate monopolies, and many persons who had 
 hitherto favored letting economic development 
 take its own course now call for drastic measures 
 of prevention and repression. Country squires 
 of the most conservative type advocate the na- 
 tionalization of all coal deposits ; and it is already 
 asserted that a majority of the Prussian Diet 
 would vote for such a measure. This conver- 
 gence of the views of extreme Conservatism and 
 radical Socialism is certainly one of the oddest 
 results of the movement under discussion, — and 
 one of the most instructive. The natural trend 
 of events is unquestionably in the direction of 
 some form of socialism. The Social Democracy 
 clearly perceives this, and so hails every indus- 
 trial consolidation as but another milestone on 
 the way to state collectivism.” — - W. C. Dreher, 
 Becent Events in Germany ( Atlantic Monthly, 
 March, 1905). 
 
 International: of Transatlantic Shipping 
 Companies. — Agreements with the British 
 Government. — Announcement was made in 
 October, 1902, of the incorporation on the 1st of 
 that month, under a New Jersey charter, of the 
 
 11 
 
 International Mercantile Marine Company, with 
 a capital of $120,000,000, and an issue of 4j per 
 cent, bonds to the amount of $75,000,000. The 
 combination included the American, the Red 
 Star, the White, the Atlantic Transport, the Ley- 
 land and the Dominion lines. Both American and 
 British capitalists were represented in the board 
 of directors, the former in the majority. Sev- 
 eral partners in the firm of J. Pierpont Morgan 
 & Co. were included, and Mr. Morgan was un- 
 derstood to be the architect of the combination ; 
 but he did not appear personally in its organiza- 
 tion. 
 
 The first step towards such a shipping com- 
 bination had been taken sixteen years before, 
 when the British Inman steamship line was taken 
 over by the International Navigation Company, 
 made up of Americans, at the head of whom was 
 Mr. Clement A. Griscom, of Philadelphia. “The 
 British Government promptly withdrew the lib- 
 eral subsidy which it had been paying to the 
 Inman liners; but Mr. Griscom and his com- 
 rades brought the New York and Paris beneath 
 the Stars and Stripes, built the St. Louis and St. 
 Paul, secured a subsidy from the United States 
 and gave the first-class British lines a most for- 
 midable competitor. Indeed, commercial rivalry 
 in high grade ships on the North Atlantic soon 
 became too keen to permit of reasonable divi- 
 dends and Mr. Griscom found British ship-own- 
 ers in a responsive mood when he broached anew 
 the great idea of an international combination. 
 
 “This union was made all the easier by the 
 fact that meanwhile another important British 
 steamship concern, the Leyland line, had been 
 acquired by Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan in the spring 
 of 1901. This line, itself the fruit of several con- 
 solidations, controlled the largest British ton- 
 nage in the North Atlantic trade. It owned no 
 fast mail ships, no greyhounds. But it did pos- 
 sess forty or fifty good, useful steamships of 
 moderate speed, many of them of large tonnage, 
 and fit for passengers as well as freight. The 
 main Leyland service lay between Boston or New 
 York on this side, and Liverpool or London on 
 the other, and the business of the company had 
 been so profitable for a long term of years that 
 its shares were quoted at a handsome premium. 
 Mr. Morgan paid a generous price for his man- 
 time investment. It is said that he gave £14 
 10s. for each £10 share, or a bonus of 45 per cent. 
 But amazement at Mr. Morgan’s ‘liberality’ 
 ceased when the next stage in the great, far- 
 sighted negotiation was unfolded 
 
 “ This was the dramatic uniting of the Leyland 
 line with the American and Red Star lines of the 
 International Navigation Company, and the At- 
 lantic Transport line, another British steam fleet 
 owned by American capital. Later still it tran- 
 spired that the famous White Star line of fast 
 mail, passenger, and freight ships and the smaller 
 but excellent Dominion line were embraced in the 
 huge consolidation. The White Star was one of 
 the two lines — the Cu nard was the other — which 
 performed the British mail service between 
 Queenstown and New York. Its fleet included 
 the great liners Oceanic and Celtic, the swift Teu- 
 tonic and Majestic, and the favorite Britannic and 
 Germanic which had held ocean records in their 
 day, together with a considerable number of large 
 and efficient freighters. The American purchase 
 of the White Star line was long disputed, and 
 when it was finally confirmed, something like 
 
 5 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 consternation seized the British press and people, 
 for the White Star fleet had been regarded as dis- 
 tinctively a British institution as the Bank of 
 England. Its fast ships received not only the mail 
 pay of the post-office, but the subventions of the 
 Admiralty, and were enrolled on the ‘ merchant 
 cruiser’ list.” — WinthropL. Marvin, The Great 
 Ship “Combine” ( American Review of Reviews, 
 Dec., 1902). 
 
 The anxieties with which the combination was 
 regarded at first in Great Britain were allayed 
 materially by Mr. G. Balfour, President of the 
 Board of Trade, who made public, in a speech 
 at Sheffield, the terms of an arrangement that 
 had been made by the Government with the 
 Cunard Company, on one hand, and the Combi- 
 nation on the other. The Cunard Company, he 
 said, “pledged themselves to remain in every 
 respect a British company, managed by British 
 directors — tne shares not to be transferred to 
 any but British subjects. Their ships were to 
 be officered by British officers. They also en- 
 gaged to construct two vessels of twenty-four to 
 twenty-five knots which, as well as the entire 
 Cunard fleet, the Admiralty would have the right 
 to charter or purchase at any time on terms fixed 
 in the agreement. The money for the construc- 
 tion of the fast steamers would be advanced to 
 the company at the rate of 2| per cent, interest, 
 while in lieu of the present Admiralty subven- 
 tion — £28,000 a year for the contingent use 
 of three ships — the company would receive 
 £150,000 a year. With Mr. Pierpont Morgan, 
 the head of the Shipping Combination, who had 
 shown the utmost readiness to meet the wishes 
 of His Majesty’s Government, it had been agreed 
 that the British companies in the Combination 
 should remain British, not merely in name but 
 in reality. The majority of their directors were 
 to be British subjects. All their ships now fly- 
 ing the British flag were to continue to fly it, 
 and at least one-half of those hereafter to be 
 built for the Combination would likewise fly 
 British colours, be commanded by British officers, 
 and manned in reasonable proportion by British 
 sailors. On the other hand, the combined compa- 
 nies would continue to be treated, as heretofore, 
 on a footing of equality with other British 
 companies in respect of any services, whether 
 postal, or military, or naval, which His Majesty’s 
 Government might require from the British 
 mercantile marine. It had been further stipu- 
 lated that in the event of the Combination pur- 
 suing a policy hostile to our mercantile marine 
 or to British trade, the King’s Government should 
 have the right to terminate the agreement.’’ 
 
 United States: A. D. 1900. — Definition of 
 the term Industrial Combination formulated 
 at the Census Bureau. — Statistics as col- 
 lected in 1900. — “ The officials of the Census 
 Office, in order to prevent misconceptions and 
 insure consistency in the plan and system of tab- 
 ulation, formulated the following definition of 
 the term ‘ industrial combination ’ : 
 
 “ ‘For the purpose of the Census, the rule has 
 been adopted to consider no aggregation of mills 
 an industrial combination, unless it consists of 
 a number of formerly independent mills which 
 have been brought together into one company 
 under a charter obtained for that purpose. We 
 therefore exclude from this category many large 
 establishments comprising a number of mills, 
 which have grown up, not by combination with 
 
 1 
 
 other mills, but by the erection of new plants or 
 the purchase of old ones.’ . . . 
 
 “So far as can be ascertained from the data 
 in the Census Office, the number of these indus- 
 trial consolidations is 183. They control 2203 
 separate plants, scattered throughout the United 
 States, 2029 being active and 174 idle during the 
 census year. For 56 of the idle plants no returns 
 could be obtained, making the total number of 
 reporting plants 2147. The 183 combinations 
 extend to almost all lines of industry, produc- 
 ing articles of luxury, materials essential to the 
 upbuilding and growth of the country, and even 
 the very necessities of life. Fully 50 per cent, of 
 these combinations were chartered just prior to 
 or during the census year ; and it is noteworthy 
 that the epidemic of industrial consolidation, as 
 far as the so-called monopolies are concerned, has 
 been practically confined to the past four years. 
 It is evident, therefore, that the disease — if it 
 be regarded as such — has spread very rapidly. 
 
 “Naturally enough, iron and steel, with 69 
 combinations, heads the list. The number of re- 
 porting plants engaged in this industry is 469, 
 and the capital invested, consisting of land, build- 
 ings, machinery, tools and implements, and cash 
 and sundries, is valued at §348,000,000.” — W. R. 
 Merriam, “ Trusts” in the Light of Census Re- 
 turns ( Atlantic Monthly. March, 1902). 
 
 A. D. 1901-1903. — The question of Federal 
 Control and Regulation. — Urgency of Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt for effective legislation. — In 
 his first Message to Congress, three months after 
 his succession to the Presidency, President 
 Roosevelt expressed his mind frankly and clearly 
 on the then increasing demand in the country 
 for more stringent measures of government, to 
 control and regulate the exercise of the power 
 which great aggregations of incorporated capi- 
 tal have created in recent times. In part, he then 
 said: 
 
 “ The tremendous and highly complex indus- 
 trial development which went on with ever 
 accelerated rapidity during the latter half of 
 the nineteenth century brings us face to face, at 
 the beginning of the twentieth, with very seri- 
 ous social problems. The old laws, and the old 
 customs which had almost the binding force of 
 law, were once quite sufficient to regulate the 
 accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since 
 the industrial changes which have so enormously 
 increased the productive power of mankind, 
 they are no longer sufficient. The growth of 
 cities has gone on beyond comparison faster 
 than the growth of the country, and the up 
 building of the great industrial- centers has 
 meant a startling increase, not merely in the 
 aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very 
 large individual, and especially of very large cor- 
 porate, fortunes. . . . The process has aroused 
 much antagonism, a great part of which is 
 wholly without warrant. It is not true that as 
 the rich have grown richer the poor have grown 
 poorer. On the contrary, never before has the 
 average man, the wage-worker, the farmer, the 
 small trader, been so well off as in this country 
 and at the present time. There have been abuses 
 connected with the accumulation of wealth ; 
 yet it remains true that a fortune accumulated 
 in legitimate business can be accumulated by 
 the person specially benefited only on condition 
 of conferring immense incidental benefits upon 
 others. . . . The captains of industry who have 
 
 6 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 driven the railway systems across this continent, 
 who have built up our commerce, who have de- 
 veloped our manufactures, have on the whole 
 done great good to our people. Without them 
 the material development of which we are so 
 justly proud could never have taken place. . . . 
 
 It cannot too often be pointed out that to strike 
 with ignorant violence at the interests of one 
 set of men almost inevitably endangers the in- 
 terests of all. . . . Much of the legislation di- 
 rected at the trusts would have been exceedingly 
 mischievous had it not also been entirely inef- 
 fective. In accordance with a well-known socio- 
 logical law, the ignorant or reckless agitator 
 has been the really effective friend of the evils 
 which he has been nominally opposing. 
 
 “ All this is true ; and yet it is also true that 
 there are real and grave evils, one of the chief 
 being over-capitalization because of its many 
 baleful consequences ; and a resolute and prac- 
 tical effort must be made to correct these evils. 
 There is a widespread conviction in the minds 
 of the American people that the great corpora- 
 tions known as trusts are in certain of their 
 features and tendencies hurtful to the general 
 welfare. This springs from no spirit of envy 
 or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the 
 great industrial achievements that have placed 
 this country at the head of the nations struggling 
 for commercial supremacy. ... It is based 
 upon sincere conviction that combination and 
 concentration should be, not prohibited, but 
 supervised and within reasonable limits con- 
 trolled ; and in my judgment this conviction is 
 right. . . . The first essential in determining 
 how to deal with the great industrial combina- 
 tions is knowledge of the facts — publicity. In 
 the interests of the public, the Government 
 should have the right to inspect and examine 
 the workings of the great corporations engaged 
 in interstate business. . . . 
 
 “ When the Constitution was adopted, at the 
 end of the eighteenth century, no human wisdom 
 could foretell the sweeping changes, alike in 
 industrial and political conditions, which were 
 to take place by the beginning of the twentieth 
 century. At that time it was accepted as a matter 
 of course that the several States were the proper 
 authorities to regulate so far as was then neces- 
 sary, the comparatively insignificant and strictly 
 localized corporate bodies of the day. The con- 
 ditions are now wholly different and wholly dif- 
 ferent action is called for. I believe that a law 
 can be framed which will enable the National 
 Government to exercise control along the lines 
 above indicated ; profiting by the experience 
 gained through the passage and administration 
 of the Interstate-Commerce Act. If, however, 
 the judgment of the Congress is that it lacks the 
 constitutional power to pass such an act, then a 
 constitutional amendment should be submitted 
 to confer the power.” — President’s Message to 
 Congress, Dec. 3, 1901. 
 
 In the following summer, during a tour which 
 he made through some of the New England 
 States the President gave prominence to the same 
 subject in his addresses, emphasizing the neces- 
 sity of federal legislation to arm the General 
 Government with more effective authority for 
 regulating the action of corporations engaged 
 in interstate trade. In speaking at Providence 
 especially, his remarks caused a great stir of 
 feeling in the country, and seem to have signalled 
 
 11 
 
 the beginning of an open array of hostile cor- 
 porate interests against him. On that occasion 
 lie spoke partly as follows: 
 
 “Those great corporations containing some 
 tendency to monopoly, which we have grown to 
 speak of rather loosely as trusts, are the creatures 
 of the State, and the State not only has the right 
 to control them, but is in duty bound to control 
 them wherever the need for such control is 
 shown. There is clearly a need of supervision — 
 need to exercise the power of regulation on the 
 part of the representatives of the public, wher- 
 ever, as in our own country at the present time, 
 business corporations become so very strong, both 
 for beneficent work and for work that is not al- 
 ways beneficent. It is idle to say that there is 
 no need for such supervision. A sufficient war- 
 rant for it is to be found over and over again in 
 any of the various evils resulting from the pre- 
 sent system, or, rather, lack of system. 
 
 ‘ ‘ There is in our country a peculiar difficulty 
 in the way of exercising such supervision and con- 
 trol because of the peculiar division of govern- 
 mental power. When the industrial conditions 
 were simple, very little control was needed, and 
 no trouble was caused by the doubt as to where 
 power was lodged under the constitution. Now 
 the conditions are complicated, and we find it 
 difficult to frame national legislation which shall 
 be adequate, while as a matter of practical ex- 
 perience State action has proved entirely insuffi- 
 cient, and in all human probability cannot or will 
 not be made sufficient, to meet the needs of the 
 case. Some of our States have excellent laws — 
 laws which it would be well indeed to have en- 
 acted by the national legislature. But the wide 
 differences in these laws, even between adjacent 
 States, and the uncertainty of the power of en- 
 forcement result practically in altogether insuffi- 
 cient control. 
 
 “I believe that the nation must assume this 
 power of control by legislation, and if it be- 
 comes evident that the constitution will not per- 
 mit needed legislation, then by constitutional 
 amendment. The immediate need of dealing 
 with trusts is to place them under the real, not 
 nominal, control of some sovereign to which, 
 as its creature, the trusts shall owe allegiance, 
 and in whose courts the sovereign’s orders may 
 with certainty be enforced. That is not the case 
 with the ordinary so-called' trust’ to-day, for the 
 trust is a large State corporation, generally 
 doing business in other States also, and often 
 with a tendency to monopoly. Such a trust is 
 an artificial creature not wholly responsible to 
 or controllable by any legislature, nor wholly 
 subject to the jurisdiction of any one court. 
 Some governmental sovereign must be given full 
 power over these artificial and very powerful cor- 
 porate beings. In my judgment this sovereign 
 must be the national government. When it has 
 been given full power, then this full power can 
 be used to control any evil influence, exactly as 
 the government is now using the power con- 
 ferred upon it under the Sherman Anti-Trust 
 law. 
 
 “Even when the full power has been con- 
 ferred it would be highly undesirable to attempt 
 too much or to begin by stringent legislation. 
 The mechanism of modern business is as delicate 
 and complicated as it is vast, and nothing would 
 be more productive of evil to all of us, and es- 
 pecially to those least well off in this world’s 
 
 .7 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 goods, than ignorant meddling with this mechan- 
 ism, and, above all, if the meddling was done in 
 a spirit of class or sectional rancor. It is desir- 
 able that this power should be possessed by the 
 nation, but it is quite as desirable that the power 
 should be exercised with moderation and self- 
 restraint. The first exercise of that power 
 should be the securing of publicity among all 
 great corporations doing an interstate business. 
 The publicity, though non-inquisitorial, should 
 be real and thorough as to all important facts 
 with which the public has concern. The full 
 light of day is a great discourager of evil. Such 
 publicity would by itself tend to cure the evils 
 of which there is just complaint, and where the 
 alleged evils are imaginary, it would tend to 
 show that such is the case. When publicity is 
 attained it would then be possible to see what 
 further should be done in the way of regulation. 
 
 “Above all, it behooves us to remember not 
 only that we ought to try to do what we can, but 
 that our success in doing it depends very much 
 upon our neither attempting nor expecting the 
 impossible. . . . 
 
 “ I see no promise of a complete solution for all 
 the problems we group together when we speak 
 of the trust question. But we can make a begin- 
 ning in solving these problems, and a good be- 
 ginning if only we approach the subject with a 
 sufficiency of resolution, of honesty and of that 
 hard common sense which is one of the most val- 
 uable, and, unfortunately, not one of the most 
 common, assets in the equipment of any people. 
 I think the national administration has shown 
 its firm intention to enforce the laws as they now 
 stand on the statute books without regard to 
 persons, and I think that good has come from 
 this enforcement. I think, furthermore, that 
 additional legislation should be had, and can be 
 had, which will enable us to accomplish much 
 more than has been accomplished along these 
 same lines.” — Theodore Roosevelt, Address at 
 Providence , Aug. 23, 1902 (New York Tribune, 
 Aug. 24, 1902). 
 
 In his next Message to Congress, President 
 Roosevelt renewed his urgency for the needed 
 legislation. “No more important subject can 
 come before the Congress,” he said, “ than this of 
 the regulation of interstate business. This coun- 
 try cannot afford to sit supine on the plea that 
 under our peculiar system of government we 
 are helpless in the presence of the new condi- 
 tions, and unable to grapple with them or to cut 
 out whatever of evil has arisen in connection 
 with them. The power of the Congress to reg- 
 ulate interstate commerce is an absolute and un- 
 qualified grant, and without limitations other 
 than those prescribed by the Constitution. The 
 Congress has constitutional authority to make 
 all laws necessary and proper for executing 
 this power, and I am satisfied that this power 
 has not been exhausted by any legislation now 
 on the statute books.” — President’s Message to 
 Congress, Dec. 2, 1902. 
 
 A year later, when the President addressed 
 his Message to the next Congress, at the open- 
 ing of its first session, he was able to say : “ The 
 country is especially to be congratulated on what 
 has been accomplished in the direction of pro- 
 viding for the exercise of supervision over the 
 great corporations and combinations of corpora- 
 tions engaged in interstate commerce. The 
 Congress has created the Department of Com- 
 
 merce and Labor, including the Bureau of Cor- 
 porations, with for the first time authority to 
 secure proper publicity of such proceedings of 
 these great corporations as the public has the 
 right to know. It has provided for the expe- 
 diting of suits for the enforcement of the Fed- 
 eral anti-trust law ; and by another law it has 
 secured equal treatment to all producers in the 
 transportation of their goods, thus taking a long 
 stride forward in making effective the work of 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission.” — Presi- 
 dent’s Message to Congress, Dec. 1, 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1906 . — A summary of govern- 
 mental action against corporate wrongdoers, 
 by Elihu Root. — Legislation. — Litigation. — 
 Court decisions. — “The act creating the bu- 
 reau of corporations, the act expediting the trial 
 of trust cases, the anti-rebate act, the act for the 
 regulation of railroad rates, have made possible 
 redress which was impossible before. Under the 
 direction of two successive Attorney Generals of 
 the first order of ability, sincerity and devotion, 
 in hundreds of courts, incessant warfare has been 
 waged and is being waged under the federal 
 laws against corporate wrongdoers. 
 
 “The Northern Securities Company, which 
 sought to combine and prevent competition be- 
 tween two great continental railroads, has been 
 forced to dissolve by the judgment of the Su- 
 preme Court of the United States. The methods 
 of the Beef Trust in combining to suppress com- 
 petition in the purchase of livestock and the 
 sale of meat have been tried and condemned, and 
 the trust has been placed under injunction to 
 abandon these practices by judgment of the Su- 
 preme Court. The combination of paper manu- 
 facturers in the territory from Chicago to the 
 Rocky Mountains has been dissolved by the 
 judgment of the Supreme Court, and the com- 
 bination has been abandoned, and the price of 
 white paper in that territory has gone down 30 
 per cent. The Retail Grocers’ Association in 
 this country has been dissolved by decree of the 
 court. The elevator combination in the West 
 has been dissolved in like manner. The salt 
 combination west of the Rocky Mountains has 
 been dissolved by decree of the court. The 
 Wholesale Grocers’ Association in the South, the 
 meat combination and the lumber combination in 
 the West, the combination of railroads entering 
 the city of St. Louis to suppress competition 
 between the bridges and ferries reaching that 
 city; the Drug Trust, which suppresses compe- 
 tition all over the country, are being vigorously 
 pressed in suits brought by the federal govern- 
 ment for their dissolution. The salt combina- 
 tion has been indicted and convicted and fined 
 for failing to obey the judgment of dissolution. 
 The Beef Trust has been indicted for failing to 
 obey the injunction against them, and have been 
 saved so far only by a decision that they had 
 secured temporary immunity by giving evidence 
 against themselves. One branch of the Tobacco 
 Trust is facing an indictment of its corporations 
 and their officers in the federal court in New 
 York, and the other branches are undergoing 
 investigation. The lumber combination in Okla- 
 homa is under indictment. The Fertilizer Trust, 
 a combination of thirty-one corporations and 
 twenty -five individuals to support and fix prices, 
 has been indicted, the indictments have been 
 sustained by the courts, and the combination 
 has been dissolved. The ice combination of the 
 
 118 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 District of Columbia is facing criminal trial. 
 Special counsel are investigating tlie coal com- 
 bination, and special counsel are investigating 
 the Standard Oil combination. 
 
 “ Three of the causes won in the Supreme 
 Court of the United States have furnished deci- 
 sions of the utmost importance. In the Tobacco 
 Trust case of Hale agt. Henkel, the Supreme 
 Court denied the claim of the trust corporations 
 to be exempt under the Constitution from fur- 
 nishing testimony against themselves by the 
 production of their books and papers before a 
 federal grand jury. Thus, the protection of se- 
 crecy for corporate wrongdoing is beaten down. 
 
 In the Northern Securities case the Supreme 
 Court held that a wrong accomplished by means 
 of incorporating in accordance with the express 
 provision of the New Jersey statute was just as 
 much a violation of federal law as if there had 
 been no incorporation. Thus, the state rights 
 defence of protection from favoring state stat- 
 utes is beaten down. In the Beef Trust case the 
 Supreme Court held that, although the business 
 of manufacture was carried on within the limits 
 of a single state, yet the purchase of the raw 
 material in different states and the sale of the 
 finished product in different states brought the 
 business within the interstate commerce clause of 
 the Constitution and gave the federal govern- 
 ment authority over it. Thus, the defence that 
 the state alone can deal with manufacturing cor- 
 porations, however widespread their business, 
 is beaten down. 
 
 “ The obstacles to the enforcement of the fed- 
 eral anti-trust act thus removed are obstacles 
 which stbod in the way of all proceedings, and 
 they had to be cleared away before any proceed- 
 ings of the same character against the same 
 classes of corporations could be successfully 
 maintained. They have been removed, not by 
 newspaper headlines and denunciation, but by 
 skill, ability, and energy of the highest order. 
 
 “After the Elkins anti-rebate law was passed 
 by Congress in 1903 it was supposed, and the In- 
 terstate Commerce Commission reported, that the 
 railroads had substantially abandoned giving 
 rebates. Their good resolutions do not seem, 
 however, to have lasted. The struggle for busi- 
 ness enabled the shippers soon to secure a renewal 
 of rebates, or, by ingenious devices advantages 
 equivalent to rebates. Thereupon the Depart- 
 ment of Justice began active prosecutions for the 
 enforcement of the law. Fifty -three indictments 
 have been found against hundreds of defendants 
 and covering many hundreds of transactions. 
 There have been fourteen criminal convictions. 
 Fourteen individuals have been fined, to the 
 gross amount of $66, 125. Nine corporations have 
 been fined to the amount of $253,000. Thirty- 
 five indictments are ready for trial in their regu- 
 lar order upon the court calendar. The original 
 statute provided only for punishment by fine. 
 Last winter it was amended by providing for 
 punishment by imprisonment, and, if the lines 
 imposed under the original law shall not prove 
 to have stopped the practice, we shall see whether 
 fear of the penitentiary under the amendment 
 will not do so. 
 
 “Under this statute also it was necessary to 
 sweep away defences which stood as barriers to 
 general prosecution, and in the New York, New 
 Haven & Hartford Railroad case, decided by the 
 Supreme Court February 19 of this year, and 
 
 11 
 
 the Milwaukee Refrigerator Transit case, de- 
 cided in the Seventh Circuit on May 31 of this 
 year, the courts have held that the substance 
 and not the form is to control in the application 
 of the statute, and that, however the transaction 
 may be disguised, an unlawful discrimination 
 can be reached and punished. The way is there- 
 fore cleared for all other prosecutions. 
 
 “ The Railroad Rates act, which was the sub- 
 ject of such excited discussion during the last 
 session of Congress, has already justified itself. 
 Since the passage of the act, less than five months 
 ago, there have been more voluntary reductions 
 of rates by our railroads than during the entire 
 nineteen years of the previous life of the Inter- 
 state Commerce Commission. On the single day 
 of the 29th of August, 1906, two days before the 
 act went into force, over five thousand notices 
 of voluntary reduction of rates were tiled with 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission by the 
 railroads of the United States.” — Elihu Root, 
 Speech at Utica, Nov. 1, 1906 (New- York Tribune, 
 Nov. 2, 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1903-1906. — The “Beef Trust” 
 suits and investigations. — The United 
 States v. Swift & Co. et al. — Commissioner 
 Garfield’s investigation. — Indictment of 
 Armour & Co. and others. — Immunity de- 
 cision of Judge Humphrey. — Fines for re- 
 ceiving rebates from railways. — In the case 
 known as that of the United States v. Swift & 
 Co. et al., the defendants were seven corpora- 
 tions, one copartnership, and twenty-three other 
 persons (commonly styled “ the Beef Trust”), 
 charged with violations of the anti-trust law, by 
 combination in restraint of the trade which they 
 conducted, namely, the buying of live stock, 
 slaughtering the same in different states and 
 selling the meats thus produced. It was affirmed 
 by the Government that they, together, con- 
 trolled about sixty per cent, of the total volume 
 of that trade in the country, and that if the 
 alleged combination among them did not exist 
 they “would be and remain in competition 
 with each other” ; but that by such “ unlawful 
 combination and conspiracy ” they were direct- 
 ing and requiring their agents (1) not to bid 
 against one another in the live-stock markets of 
 the different States; (2) to bid up prices for a 
 few days so as to induce cattlemen to send their 
 stock to the stock-yards; (3) to fix prices at 
 which they would sell, and hence, when neces- 
 sary, to restrict shipments of meat; (4) to estab- 
 lish a uniform rule of credit to dealers and to 
 keep a blacklist ; (5) to make uniform and im- 
 proper charges for cartage; and (6) to obtain 
 less than lawful rates from the railways to the 
 exclusion of all competitors. 
 
 The case, on motion for injunction, was tried 
 first in the Circuit Court of the Northern Dis- 
 trict of Illinois, Judge Peter S. Grosscup. The 
 Opinion of the Court, given April 18, 1903, held 
 that, under the definition of the term by the 
 Supreme Court in the Trans-Missouri Freight 
 Association Case (see, in this vol., Railways: 
 United States; A. D. 1890-1902), “there can 
 be no doubt that the agreement of the defend- 
 ants to refrain from bidding against each other 
 in the purchase of cattle is combination in re- 
 straint of trade: so also their agreement to bid 
 up prices to stimulate shipments, intending to 
 cease from bidding when the shipments have 
 arrived. The same result,” continued the judge, 
 
 9 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 “follows when we turn to the combination of 
 defendants to fix prices upon and restrict the 
 quantities of meat shipped to their agents or 
 their customers. Such agreements can he no- 
 thing less than restriction upon competition, 
 and, therefore, combination in restraint of trade ; 
 and thus viewed, the petition, as an entirety, 
 makes out a case under the Sherman Act. . . . 
 The demurrer is overruled, and the motion for 
 preliminary injunction granted.” 
 
 On appeal, the case went to the Supreme 
 Court, where it was argued in January, 1905, 
 and decided on the 30th of the same month. 
 The Opinion of the Court, rendered by Justice 
 Holmes, with no dissent, affirmed, but modified, 
 the decree of injunction issued by Judge Gross- 
 cup ; the aim of the modifications being to give 
 more definiteness to the decree. “ The defend- 
 ants,” said Justice Holmes, for example, “can- 
 not be ordered to compete, but they properly 
 can be forbidden to give directions or to make 
 agreements not to compete. The injunction 
 follows the charge. No objection was made on 
 the ground that it is not confined to the places 
 specified in the bill. It seems to us, however, 
 that it ought to set forth more exactly the trans- 
 actions in which such directions and agreements 
 are forbidden. The trade in fresh meat referred 
 to should be defined somewhat as it is in the 
 bill, and the sales of stock should be confined to 
 sales of stock at the stock-yards named, which 
 stock is sent from other States to the stock- 
 yards for sale or is bought at those yards for 
 transport to another State.” — Federal Anti- 
 Trust Decisions , 1900-1906, v. 2, prepared and 
 edited by James A. Finch, by direction of the 
 Attorney -General ( Washington : Gov’t Printing 
 Office, 1907). 
 
 Investigation by the Commissioner of Cor- 
 porations. — On the 7th of March, 1904, the 
 House of Representatives adopted a resolution 
 requesting the Secretary of Commerce and Labor 
 to “investigate the causes of the low prices of 
 beef cattle in the United States since July 1st, 
 1903, and the unusually large margins between 
 the prices of beef cattle and the selling prices of 
 fresh beef, and whether the said conditions have 
 resulted in whole or in part from any contract, 
 combination, in the form of trust or otherwise, 
 or conspiracy, in restraint of commerce among 
 the several States and Territories or with foreign 
 countries ; also, whether said prices have been 
 controlled in whole or in part by any corpora- 
 tion, joint stock company, or corporate combi- 
 nation engaged in commerce among the several 
 States or with foreign nations ; and, if so, to in- 
 vestigate the organization, capitalization, profits, 
 conduct and management of the business of such 
 corporations, companies, and corporate combina- 
 tions, and to make early report of his findings 
 according to law.” 
 
 In compliance with this resolution, the Com- 
 missioner of Corporations, Mr. James R. Gar- 
 field, went to Chicago in April and began the 
 requested investigation, which was prosecuted 
 throughout most of the ensuing year. “The 
 inquiries of the Bureau of Corporations were 
 naturally concerned chiefly with the six great 
 concerns which, by the injunction of 1902, were 
 grouped together, and which were popularly 
 considered as the Beef Trust. The ‘Big Six,’ 
 in the approximate order of their magnitude as 
 indicated by the number of animals slaughtered, 
 
 are: Swift & Co., with seven large plants; Ar- 
 mour & Co., and the Armour Packing Company, 
 which have the same stockholders, and which 
 together operate five packing-houses ; the Na- 
 tional Packing Company, with eight compara- 
 tively large plants and two or three minor ones ; 
 Morris & Co., operating three plants; the Cud- 
 ahy Packing Company, with three plants in the 
 middle West and a minor one at Los Angeles; 
 and the Schwarzschild & Sulzberger Company, 
 operating three plants. Nearly all of the im- 
 portant packing-houses of these six companies 
 are situated in the eight great live-stock markets, 
 — Chicago, Kansas City, South Omaha, East 
 St Louis, South St. Joseph, Fort Worth, South 
 St. Paul, and Sioux City.” 
 
 As for the National Packing Company, it 
 grew, apparently, out of an abortive scheme for 
 the consolidation of the other five concerns which 
 was rumored in 1902.. “Shortly prior to the 
 formation of this company the Armour interests 
 had acquired control of the G. H. Hammond 
 Company and the Omaha Packing Company, 
 the Swifts had secured the Anglo-American Pro- 
 vision Company and the Fowler Packing Asso- 
 ciation, and the Morris family had become dom- 
 inant in the United Dressed Beef Company of 
 New York. The National Packing Company, 
 organized in 1903, took over the control of the 
 various corporations thus previously acquired 
 by the three packing interests named, and has 
 since absorbed two or three other smaller con- 
 cerns. The directorate of the National Company 
 consists almost wholly of representatives of the 
 Armour, Swift, and Morris companies. Aside 
 from this community of interest, the bureau 
 finds that there is no important inter-ownership 
 of securities among the six leading packing com- 
 panies.” 
 
 “The ‘Big Six’ are by no means the only 
 slaughterers of cattle in the United States. They, 
 with a few minor affiliated concerns, killed 
 5,521,697 cattle in 1903, while, from the best 
 available data, the Bureau of Corporations com- 
 putes the total slaughter of the country at about 
 12,500,000. But the proportion of 45 per cent, 
 thus indicated by no means measures the full 
 economic significance of the six great packers. 
 Their importance lies in the fact that they are 
 the only concerns which do an extensive busi- 
 ness in shipping dressed beef. . . . The ‘Big- 
 Six ’ kill about 98 percent, of the cattle slaugh- 
 tered at the eight leading Western markets above 
 named.” — Edward Dana Durand, The Beef In- 
 dustry and the Government Investigation ( Ameri- 
 can Review of Reviews, April, 1905). 
 
 Early in March, 1905, just before the adjourn- 
 ment of Congress, his report of it, in part, was 
 transmitted by the President to Congress. The 
 following summary of important facts set forth 
 in the extended report was published in The 
 Outlook of the following week: 
 
 “The report as sent to Congress deals with 
 the prices of cattle and dressed beef, the margins 
 between such prices, and the organization, con- 
 duct, and profits of the corporations engaged in 
 the beef-packing business. In some respects the 
 conclusions presented are distinctly favorable to 
 the packers; in others, quite as unfavorable. It 
 appears that the profits of the six great compa- 
 nies whose operations were covered by the in- 
 vestigation were very much smaller during the 
 years 1902 and 1903 than the public had been led 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 to suppose, — that, in fact, for a part of that 
 period the busiuess was conducted at an actual 
 loss. The percentage of profit on the gross vol- 
 ume of business during the years 1902-4 was 
 comparatively low. That realized by Swift & 
 Co. is placed at two per cent. This, however, 
 we repeat, is the percentage on total sales, which 
 is a very different thing from profit on the in- 
 vestment. It is a well-known fact that the 
 actual capitalization of the packing companies 
 is very much less than the annual volume of 
 business. From statements made by the six 
 companies to the Bureau of Corporations it ap- 
 pears that their gross business is not less than 
 §700,000,000 per year, while their nominal cap- 
 italization is only $ 88 , 000 , 000 , exclusive of 
 $5,000,000 bonds of Swift & Co. On the other 
 hand, it is practically impossible, as the report 
 shows, to determine accurately just what pro- 
 portion of the total investment represents plants 
 and properties concerned with the beef industry 
 exclusively. Still, it is obvious that Swift & 
 Co.’s net profit of two per cent, on their sales 
 would amount to very much more than two per 
 cent, on their investment. The report makes 
 an approximate estimate of twelve per cent. 
 
 “ On one other count the report is favorable 
 to the companies. It declares that they are ap- 
 parently not overcapitalized. This conclusion, 
 it is true, is robbed of some of its exculpatory 
 force when the private-car system is taken into 
 consideration. It is shown that the companies’ 
 profits on refrigerator cars, derived from mileage 
 paid by the railroads, has ranged from 14 to 22 
 per cent. The report gives clear and definite in- 
 formation as to the trust’s field of operations. 
 It shows that the six companies slaughtered in 
 1903 only about 45 per cent, of all the cattle 
 killed in that year, but that these companies 
 slaughter nearly 98 per cent, of all the cattle 
 killed in the leading Western packing centers, 
 and that they control a large percentage of the 
 trade in beef in many large cities — 75 per cent, 
 in New York, 85 per cent, in Boston, 95 per cent, 
 in Providence, and in a number of other impor- 
 tant cities from 50 to 90 per cent. In all these 
 centers of population the consumer is now pay- 
 ing more for meats than ever before, while the 
 cattle-grower on the Western plains is receiving 
 less for his beeves. These two facts are doubt- 
 less capable of explanation, but the published 
 results of the investigation ordered by Congress 
 throw little light on the matter.” 
 
 Case of the United States®. Armour & Co. 
 et al. — Soon after the publication of the report 
 of the Bureau of Corporations a special Federal 
 Grand Jury at Chicago began the investigation 
 of charges brought by the Attorney-General of 
 the United States against five of the corpora- 
 tions engaged in the meat-packing business and 
 seventeen of their officials. An indictment was 
 returned by the Grand Jury on the 1st of July, 
 1905, charging, in a number of counts, persistent 
 violation of the injunction laid on these corpora- 
 tions and their officials by Judge Grosscup with 
 affirmation by the Supreme Court, and continued 
 combination in restraint of trade, — by requiring 
 their purchasing agents to refrain from bidding 
 in good faith against one another ; by agreements 
 that fixed the prices of beef ; by restricting sales 
 to maintain prices, etc. On the trial of the in- 
 dictment, which was begun on the 29th of Jan- 
 uary and concluded on the 21st of March, 1906, 
 
 the defendants claimed immunity, under that 
 clause of the Fifth Amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States which reads: “Nor 
 shall any person be compelled in any criminal 
 case to be a witness against himself.” Their 
 claim for immunity under this constitutional pre- 
 scription was founded on the fact that “ upon 
 the lawful requirement of the Commissioner of 
 Corporations” they “had furnished evidence, 
 documentary and otherwise, of and concerning 
 the matters charged in the indictment” ; and that 
 a section of the Act creating the Department 
 of Commerce and Labor provides that persons 
 testifying or producing evidence before the Com- 
 missioner shall be entitled to the immunities con- 
 ferred by the Act in relation to testimony before 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission of Febru- 
 ary 11, 1893. Judge Humphrey, of the U. S. 
 District Court, before whom the case was tried, 
 sustained the plea in his charge to the jury, so 
 far as concerned the individual defendants, say- 
 ing : “Under the law of this case, the immunity 
 pleas filed by the defendants will be sustained as 
 to the individual defendants, the natural persons, 
 and denied as to the corporations, the artificial 
 persons, and your verdict will be in favor of the 
 defendants as to the individuals, and in favor of 
 the Government as to the corporations.” 
 
 Fines for accepting rebates. — The same 
 Federal Grand Jury at Chicago which returned 
 the indictments dealt within the case mentioned 
 above brought another indictment against four 
 men in the employ of one of the meat-packing 
 companies, who were accused of unlawfully 
 combining and agreeing to solicit rebates for 
 their corporation from the Michigan Central, the 
 Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific, the Grand 
 Trunk Western, the Lehigh Valley, the Boston 
 and Maine, and the Mobile and Ohio railroads. 
 It was charged that the defendants conspired 
 with one another in presenting to the railroad 
 companies pretended claims for damages which 
 were in fact claims for rebates. They were 
 brought for trial before Judge Humphrey in 
 September, 1905, and pleaded guilty. The Judge 
 then pronounced sentence on them as follows : 
 “Punishment for this offense as fixed by Con- 
 gress has a wide range, giving the Court unusual 
 latitude, ranging from a nominal fine without 
 imprisonment to a heavy fine and tw'o years’ im- 
 prisonment, all in the discretion of the Court. 
 I am disposed to consider this case with reason- 
 able moderation. The sentence of the Court in 
 the case of the defendant Weil will be a fine of 
 $ 10,000 and costs, and commitment to the county 
 jail until the fine is paid, and in the cases of 
 Todd, Skipworth, and Cusey a fine of $5,000 and 
 costs, with the same provision in regard to pay- 
 ment.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — The Standard Oil Com- 
 pany. — Federal Goverment investigation of 
 its methods of business. — Criminal prose- 
 cutions for violation of the law against re- 
 bates. — The $ 29 , 000,000 fine and its an- 
 nulment. — Acquittal of the Company. — After 
 a dozen years or more of slight oil production in 
 Kansas, that state became quite suddenly, in 
 1904, one of the important sources of petroleum 
 supply. The Standard Oil Company had taken 
 care to be prepared for whatever development 
 might occur, and had organized its operations in 
 this western field under the name of the Prairie Oil 
 and Gas Company, of Kansas. Its refineries were 
 
 121 
 
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 COMBINATIONS 
 
 ready to furnish a market to the Kansas pro- 
 ducers of crude oil, and they had no other. In- 
 dependent enterprises in oil refining were made 
 quite impossible, and the Prairie Oil and Gas 
 Company was complete master of the situation. 
 The Kansas oil producers were soon writhing un- 
 der its dictation of prices and rules of dealing, as 
 the Pennsylvanians had beenyearsbefore, and the 
 Kansas Legislature came promptly to theirrescue. 
 In the winter of 1904-5 it passed five vigorous 
 acts ; authorizing the establishment of a State 
 oil refinery ; making pipe lines common carriers 
 within the State ; placing them under the juris- 
 diction of the State board of railroad commis- 
 sioners ; fixing maximum rates for the transporta- 
 tion of oil by freight or pipe line ; and, finally, 
 prohibiting discrimination between localities in 
 the sale of any commodities. Furthermore, the 
 anti-trust laws of the State were brought into 
 action against the Standard Oil Company and the 
 railroads accused of giving it special rates and 
 privileges. 
 
 At the same time, the Kansas situation was 
 brought to the attention of Congress and the 
 Federal Executive. On motion of a Kansas re- 
 presentative, the lower House of Congress, in 
 February, adopted a resolution calling on the 
 President for an investigation of the methods of 
 business pursued by the Standard Oil Company. 
 The desired investigation was conducted in the 
 following year by Commissioner Garfield, the 
 head of the Bureau of Corporations, and his re- 
 port was communicated to Congress on the 5th 
 of May, 1906, with an accompanying special 
 message, by the President. Nothing of the de- 
 tail of facts in the report can be given here ; but 
 the conclusions drawn from them by the Com- 
 missioner were summed up by him, as follows: 
 
 “Upon the request of its attorney, all the 
 essential facts discovered by this Bureau were 
 presented to the company at the close of the in- 
 vestigation, and an exhaustive statement relating 
 thereto was made by its chief traffic officer. 
 There was no denial of the facts found, but ex- 
 planations of particular situations were offered, 
 and it was urged that the facts did not show any 
 violation by the Standard of the letter or spirit 
 of the interstate-commerce law. A most careful 
 review of the facts and the explanations leads to 
 the following conclusions: 
 
 ‘ ‘ The Standard Oil Company has habitually 
 received from the railroads, and is now receiving, 
 secret rates and other unjust and illegal discrim- 
 inations. 
 
 “During 1904 the Standard saved about three- 
 quarters of a million dollars through the secret 
 rates discovered by the Bureau of Corporations, 
 and of course there may be other secret rates 
 which the Bureau has not discovered. This 
 amount represents the difference between the 
 open rates and the rates actually paid. Many 
 of these discriminations were clearly in violation 
 of the interstate-commerce law, and others, 
 whether technically illegal or not, had the same 
 effect upon competitors. On some State business 
 secret rates were applied by means of rebates. 
 
 ‘ ‘ These discriminations have been so long con- 
 tinued, so secret, so ingeniously applied to new 
 conditions of trade, and so large in amount as 
 to make it certain that they were due to con- 
 certed action by the Standard and the railroads. 
 
 “The Standard Oil Company is receiving un- 
 just discriminations in open rates. 
 
 “ The published rates from the leading Stand- 
 ard shipping points are relatively much lower 
 than rates from the shipping points of its com- 
 petitors. The advantage to the Standard over 
 its competitors from such open discriminations 
 is enormous, probably as important as that ob- 
 tained through the secret rates. 
 
 “If an unfair discrimination be obtained by 
 one shipper through a device which in itself 
 is seemingly not prohibited by law, that fact 
 shows that the law is defective and should be 
 strengthened; it does not show that the discrimi- 
 nation is proper or just. 
 
 “ The following are a few of the most impor- 
 tant discriminations and the methods by which 
 they were obtained: 
 
 “(1) For about ten years the New England 
 territory has been in control of the Standard Oil 
 Company by reason of the refusal of the New 
 York, New Haven and Hartford road and of 
 the Boston and Maine road, on all but a few di- 
 visions, to pro-rate — i. e., to join in through 
 rates — on oil shipped from west of the Hudson 
 River, and by means of the adjustment of pub- 
 lished rates. . . . 
 
 “ (2) The Standard Oil Company has been able 
 to absolutely control for many years the sale of 
 oil in the northeastern part of New York and in 
 a portion of Vermont by means of secret rates 
 from its refineries at Olean and Rochester. . . . 
 
 “The saving to the Standard during 1904 by 
 the secret rate from Olean to Rochester alone 
 was $115,000. This and other less important 
 rates from Olean were unknown to the independ- 
 ent refiners, and were not published on the 
 ground that they were wholly State rates ; yet 
 in fact they were used for oil consigned to points 
 beyond the State boundary of New York. Fur- 
 thermore, all shipments from Olean on these 
 secret rates were blind-billed — i. e., the rates 
 were not shown on the waybills. 
 
 “(3) The Standard Oil Company has main- 
 tained absolute control of almost the whole sec- 
 tion of the country south of the Ohio River and 
 east of the Mississippi by means of secret rates 
 and open discriminations in rates from Whiting, 
 Ind. . . . 
 
 “ (4) The Standard Oil Company has for at least 
 ten years shipped oil from Whiting to East St. 
 Louis, 111., at a rate of 6 or 6£ cents on three of 
 the five railroads running between those places, 
 while the only duly published rate on all roads 
 has been 18 cents during all that period! This 
 discrimination saved the Standard about $240,000 
 in 1904. . . . 
 
 “Whiting is located in Indiana, about two 
 miles from the Illinois line. East St. Louis is 
 in Illinois, just across the river from St. Louis. 
 The secret low rates were given by the Chicago, 
 Burlington and Quincy, Chicago and Alton, and 
 Chicago and Eastern Illinois railroads. They 
 were not published, on the ground that they 
 were State rates. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ (5) In the Kansas-Territory field there were 
 some unfair open rates. . . . 
 
 “(6) In California direct rebates, as well as 
 discriminations by the use of secret rates, have 
 been given on oil. . . . 
 
 “ (7) Open published rates from Whiting into 
 a large part of the United States have given the 
 Standard Oil Company an unfair advantage of 
 from 1 to 20 cents per hundred pounds. 
 
 ‘ ‘ This discrimination seriously limits independ- 
 
 122 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 ent refiners in some markets, and shuts them out 
 completely from other markets. It is accom- 
 plished by the use of commodity rates — that 
 is, rates which apply only to petroleum and its 
 products — and by refusal to pro-rate.” — Report 
 of the Commissioner of Corporations on the Trans 
 portation of Petroleum, May 2, 1906, Letter of 
 Submittal, pp. xxi-xxv. (59th Congress, 1st Sess. 
 House Doc. no. 812). 
 
 Consequent on the information secured by this 
 investigation, criminal proceedings against the 
 Standard Oil Company in its various State or- 
 ganizations were instituted in 1906-7. The num- 
 ber and character of the indictments found in 
 these cases are set forth in tabular form, in an 
 article on “The Oil Trust and the Government,” 
 by Francis Walker, published in the Political 
 Science Quarterly, March, 1908. The following 
 statement of them is summarized from that ta- 
 ble: 
 
 In the Northern District of Illinois, Aug. 27, 
 1906, against the Standard Oil Co. of Indiana, 
 1903 and 134 indictments on shipments over the 
 Chicago and Alton Railway, from Whiting, Ind., 
 to East St. Louis, 111., and from Chappell, 111., 
 to St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 In same Dist., same date, against same Co., 
 2124 and 220 indictments on shipments over the 
 Chicago, Burlington and Quincy Railway, from 
 Whiting to E. St. Louis and St. Louis. 
 
 In same Dist., same date, against same Co., 
 1318 and 597 indictments on shipments over the 
 Chicago and Eastern Illinois and the Evansville 
 and Terre Haute railways, from Whiting to 
 Evansville. 
 
 In same Dist., same date, against same Co., 
 103 indictments, on shipments over the Chicago 
 and Eastern Illinois and the Evansville and Terre 
 Haute railways from Whiting, via Grand Junc- 
 tion, Tennessee, to various points in the South. 
 
 In the Eastern Division of the Western Dist. 
 of Tennessee, Oct. 16, 1906, against the Standard 
 Oil Co. of Indiana, 1524 indictments, on ship- 
 ments over the Illinois Central and Southern 
 railways, from Evansville, via Grand Junction, 
 to various points. 
 
 In the Eastern District of Missouri, Nov. 18, 
 1906, against the Waters-Pierce Oil Co., 76 in- 
 dictments, on shipments over the St. Louis, Iron 
 Mountain and Southern Railway, to various 
 points. 
 
 In the Western District of La., Jan. 28, 1907, 
 against the Waters-Pierce Oil Co., 32 indict- 
 ments, on shipments over the St. L., Iron Mt. 
 and S. R’y, to various points. 
 
 In the Western Dist. of N. Y., Aug. 10, 1907, 
 ag’st the Vacuum Oil Co., 23 indictments, on 
 shipments from Olean to Vermont. 
 
 Iu the Western Dist. of N. Y., August 24, 
 1906, ag’st the Standard Oil Co. of New York, 
 23 and 123 indictments, on shipments from Olean 
 to Vt. 
 
 In same Dist., Aug. 9, 1907, ag’st same Co., 
 188 and 40 indictments, on shipments from 
 Olean, N. Y., to Burlington, Vt., over N. Y. 
 Central and Rutland and Vermont Central 
 railways. 
 
 In same Dist., same date, ag’st the Vacuum 
 Oil Co., 188 and 40 indictments on shipments 
 from Olean to Burlington and to Rutland and 
 Burlington. 
 
 In same Dist., Sept. 6, 1907, ag’st the Standard 
 Oil Company of New York, 54 indictments, on 
 
 shipments from Olean and Rochester to points 
 in Vermont. 
 
 The most notable of these criminal prosecu- 
 tions has been the one described first in the list 
 above. The opening chapter of its history is 
 sketched as follows by Mr. Walker, in the article 
 already referred to: 
 
 “The only important case which, up to De- 
 cember, 1907, had come to trial, was the indict- 
 ment against the Standard Oil Company of In- 
 diana for accepting a secret rate on shipments 
 over the Chicago and Alton Railway, from 
 Whiting, Indiana, to East St. Louis, Illinois, 
 and from Chappell, Illinois, to St. Louis, Mis- 
 souri. The published rate on this trafBc was 
 eighteen cents per hundred pounds (as far as East 
 St. Louis, a bridge toll of one and a half cents 
 being added on shipments to St. Louis) ; while 
 the rate paid by the Standard Oil Company of 
 Indiana, during the period of about three years 
 covered by the indictment and for many years 
 before, was only six cents per hundred pounds. 
 On this rate, the Standard had transported, as 
 charged in the indictment, 1903 carloads of oil, 
 each carload being made the subject of a distinct 
 count and separate proof. The trial of this case 
 began in Chicago, on March 4, 1907. 
 
 “ The defence not only exhausted every device 
 of technical obj ection and obstruction but also at- 
 tacked the constitutionality of the ‘ Elkins’ law 
 forbidding rate discrimination, alleging the right 
 of the railroads and shippers to make private 
 contract rates, an impudent assertion which the 
 court justly characterized as an ‘ abhorrent her- 
 esy.’ The question of guilt in the matter of tech- 
 nical proof depended to a large extent on the 
 requirements of the law that carriers must file 
 rates, and the argument of the prosecution was 
 that shippers must be charged with the know- 
 ledge as to whether such rates were lawfully 
 filed or not. The defendant pretended ignorance 
 of the fact that the six-cent rate had not been 
 filed by the Alton and alleged that it was an un- 
 reasonable requirement to charge it with such 
 knowledge. On this point the court said in ren- 
 dering judgment: 
 
 “ ‘The honest man who tenders a commodity 
 for transportation by a railway company will 
 not be fraudulently misled by that company 
 into allowing it to haul his property for less than 
 the law authorizes it to collect. For the carrier 
 thus to deceive the shipper would be to delib- 
 erately incriminate itself, to its own pecuniary 
 detriment, which it may safely be trusted not to 
 do. The only man liable to get into trouble is 
 he who, being in control of the routing of large 
 volumes of traffic, conceives a scheme for the eva- 
 sion of the law, and connives with railway offi- 
 cials in its execution.’ 
 
 “The jury returned a verdict of guilty on 1462 
 counts, on April 14, 1907 : a considerable number 
 of counts, namely 441, were thrown out on tech- 
 nical grounds. In the matter of penalty, the Stand- 
 ard’s counsel argued (1) that there were only three 
 offences shown, namely, one for each year in 
 which the rate was in force ; (2) that there were 
 only 36 offences shown, namely, one for each 
 monthly settlement of freight charges ; and (3) 
 that each train 1 oad constituted a separate offence. 
 The court held, however, that the unlawful rate 
 was made on a carload basis, and that each car- 
 load unlawfully transported constituted a dis- 
 tinct offence. In considering the amount of the 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 fine to be levied, the court demanded informa- 
 tion from the officials of the Standard Oil Com- 
 pany regarding the net earnings and dividends 
 of the chief holding company of the trust — the 
 Standard Oil Company of New Jersey. Their 
 attendance and testimony were obtained only by 
 writ of subpoena ; and it was admitted that the 
 net profits during the years 1903 to 1905 (when 
 these rebates existed) amounted to $81,336,994, 
 $61,570,110, and $57,459,356 respectively. 
 
 “ In view of the fact that the counsel of the 
 defendant openly maintained the right of the 
 railways and shippers to make private contracts 
 for rates, the court declared that it was ‘ unable 
 to indulge the presumption that in this case the 
 defendant was convicted of its virgin offence.’ 
 The defendant also claimed that, as there were 
 no other shippers of oil over the Chicago and 
 Alton Railway, no one was inj ured by the secret 
 rate. On this matter the court said : 
 
 “ ‘ It is novel, indeed, for a convicted defend- 
 ant to urge the complete triumph of a dishonest 
 course as a reason why such a course should go 
 unpunished. 
 
 “ ‘Of course, there was no other shipper of 
 oil, nor could there be, so long as, by secret 
 arrangement, the property of the Standard Oil 
 Company was hauled by railway common car- 
 riers for one-third of what anybody else would 
 have to pay.’ 
 
 “Moved by these considerations, the court 
 adjudged, on August 3, 1907, that the defend- 
 ant should pay the maximum penalty and fined 
 the Standard Oil Company $20,000 for each of- 
 fence, that is, for each of the 1462 counts in the 
 indictment upon which conviction was obtained. 
 The total fine, therefore, amounted to $29,240,- 
 000.” — Francis Walker, The Oil Trust and the 
 Government ( Political Science Quarterly, March, 
 1908). 
 
 On a writ of error the case went now to the 
 United States Circuit Court of Appeals for the 
 Seventh Circuit, where it was argued at the 
 April session, 1908, and the opinion, by Judge 
 Peter S. Grosscup, Circuit Judge, delivered on 
 the 22d of the following July. In this opinion 
 the District Court was held to have erred in de- 
 ciding that each single carload of oil was to be 
 dealt with as a separate offence, and that it 
 reasoned erroneously in determining the fine 
 imposed. On this latter point Judge Grosscup 
 said: 
 
 “ Did the court, in the fine imposed, abuse its 
 discretion ? The defendant indicted, tried, and 
 convicted, was the Standard Oil Company, a 
 corporation in Indiana. The capital stock of this 
 corporation is one million dollars. There is no- 
 thing in the record, in the way of evidence, either 
 before conviction, or after conviction and before 
 sentence, that shows that the assets of this cor- 
 poration were in excess of one million dollars. 
 There is nothing in the record, either before con- 
 viction, or after conviction and before sentence, 
 that shows that the defendant, before the court, 
 had ever before been guilty of an offence of this 
 character. It may, therefore, be safely assumed, 
 that but for the relation of the defendant before 
 the court to another corporation, not before the 
 court — a relation to be presently stated — the 
 court would have measured out punishment on 
 the basis of the facts just stated. 
 
 “ That under such circumstances the punish- 
 ment would have been the maximum punish- 
 
 ment, does not seem possible ; for the maximum 
 sentence, put into execution against the defend- 
 ant before the court, would wipe out, many times, 
 and for its first offence, all the property of the 
 defendant. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ Briefly stated, the reason of the trial court 
 for imposing this sentence was because, after 
 conviction and before sentence, it was brought 
 out, on an examination of some of the officers 
 and stockholders of the Standard Oil Company 
 of New Jersey, that the capital stock of the 
 Standard Oil Company of Indiana, the defend- 
 ants before the court, was principally owned by 
 the New Jersey corporation, a corporation not 
 before the court — the trial court adding (upon 
 no evidence however to be found in the record, 
 and upon no information specially referred to) 
 that in concessions of the character for which 
 the defendant before the court had been indicted, 
 tried, and convicted, the New Jersey corporation 
 was not a ‘ virgin ’ offender. 
 
 “Is a sentence such as this, based on reason- 
 ing such as that, sound ? Passing over the fact 
 that no word of evidence or other information 
 supporting the trial court’s comment is to be 
 found in the record, would the comment, if duly 
 proven, justify a sentence such as this — one that 
 otherwise would not have been imposed? Can a 
 court, without abuse of judicial discretion, wipe 
 out all the property of the defendant before the 
 court, and all the assets to which its creditors 
 
 look, in an effort to reach and punish a party 
 that is not before the court- — a party that has 
 not been convicted, has not been tried, has not 
 been indicted even? Can an American judge, 
 without abuse of judicial discretion, condemn 
 any one who has not had his day in court? 
 
 “ That, to our mind, is strange doctrine in 
 Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence. . . . 
 
 “ The judgment of the District Court is re- 
 versed and the case remanded with instructions 
 to grant a new trial, and proceed further in ac- 
 cordance with this opinion.” 
 
 The Government failed in attempts to secure 
 a rehearing before the Appellate Court, as well 
 as in an application for the reviewing of the case 
 by the Supreme Court. 
 
 On the new trial to which the case was re- 
 manded Judge Landis, whose judgment had been 
 set aside, declined to sit, and Judge A. B. Ander- 
 son, of Indianapolis, was called to Chicago to oc- 
 cupy his bench. The trial was opened on the 23d of 
 February, 1909. On the 2d of March Judge An- 
 derson sustained the motion of the defence that 
 the government must proceed on the theory that 
 there were thirty -six alleged offences — that is, 
 that each settlement on which an alleged rebate 
 was paid instead of each carload, constituted a 
 separate offence. This made it impossible to claim 
 a penalty beyond $720,000, being at the rate of 
 $20,000 for each offence. But even that was put 
 out of the question by the ultimate decision of 
 the Judge, that the law, as laid down by the U. 
 S. Court of Appeals, required him to direct the 
 j ury to find the Standard Oil Company not guilty 
 on the charge of accepting rebates from the Chi- 
 cago and Alton Railroad. This instruction he 
 gave on the 10th of March, thus bringing the case 
 to an end. 
 
 The outcome in this case was said to mean that 
 all but two of the pending indictments against 
 the Standard Oil Company of Indiana, as recapit- 
 ulated above, are void and would be abandoned 
 
 124 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 by the Government. The two cases not affected 
 are cases involving the shipment of 1915 car- 
 loads of oil from Whiting, lnd., to Evansville, 
 Ind., via Dolton Junction, over the Chicago and 
 Eastern Illinois Railroad. 
 
 On the 15th of March, five days after the 
 acquittal of the Company in Illinois, a fine of 
 $20, 000 was imposed upon it bytheUnited States 
 District Court of the Western District of New 
 York, on one of the indictments founded on 
 shipments from Rochester and Olean to points 
 in Vermont. Previously, the New York Central 
 Railroad had paid a heavy fine for granting 
 rebates on those shipments. 
 
 Numerous State prosecutions, under State laws 
 in Missouri, Texas, Minnesota, Ohio, and else- 
 where, had been assailing the monopolistic cor- 
 poration simultaneously with the proceedings of 
 the General Government against it, and some of 
 them with greater seriousness of effect than the 
 Federal prosecutors had accomplished. The more 
 important of these were in Texas, against the 
 subsidiary Waters-Pierce Oil Company of Mis- 
 souri, and in Missouri, against that Company in 
 association with the Standard of Indiana, and 
 with another of the same Trust family. The 
 Texas suit, after making its slow way through 
 the State courts and to the U. S. Supreme Court, 
 came to its conclusion early in 1909, with the re 
 suit of a fine of $1,623,500, and the exclusion of 
 the Company from business in the State. The 
 suit in Missouri, as decided at about the same time 
 by the Supreme Court of the State, resulted in 
 an order for the dissolution of the Waters-Pierce 
 Company and for the perpetual exclusion of the 
 other companies, chartered elsewhere, from oper- 
 ations within the State. The outcome of this vin- 
 dication of the law of the State is understood to 
 have been an arrangement under which the busi- 
 ness of the Waters-Pierce Company is taken over 
 by a new company, the stock of which is held by 
 trustees approved by the Supreme Court of the 
 State and acting as officers of the Court. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — The Tobacco Trust 
 Case of Hale v. Henkel. — Denial by the Su- 
 preme Court of the claim of corporations to 
 be exempt from the production of books and 
 papers before a Grand Jury. — A proceeding 
 begun by the Government of the United States, 
 in the spring of 1905, to ascertain the lawfulness 
 or unlawfulness of the methods of business pur- 
 sued by the so-called Tobacco Trust, was em- 
 barrassed by the refusal of a witness to give 
 evidence for which he was summoned before the 
 grand jury of the Circuit Court of the United 
 States for the Southern District of New York. 
 The case pending was between the United States 
 and the American Tobacco Company and Mac- 
 Andrews & Forbes Company. The witness, 
 Hale, was secretary and treasurer of the Mac- 
 Andrews & Forbes Company. He refused to 
 answer any questions that were put to him con- 
 cerning the business of that company, or to pro- 
 duce any of the books, accounts, contracts, cor- 
 respondence, etc., that were demanded, being 
 advised by counsel that he was under no legal 
 obligation to do so, and that the evidence given 
 or produced by him might tend to incriminate 
 himself. He was held to be in contempt of 
 Court and was committed to the custody of the 
 U. S. Marshal. Being then, on a writ of habeas 
 corpus, brought before another judge of the same 
 Court, after a hearing, the writ was discharged 
 
 and he was remanded to custody (June 18, 1905). 
 An appeal to tiie Supreme Court followed, which 
 was argued in the early days of January, 1906, 
 and decided on the 12th of March following. 
 
 The decision of the Court, rendered by Justice 
 Brown, was on two issues which it found to be 
 presented in the case : The first involving “the 
 immunity of the witness from oral examination ; 
 the second the legality of his action in refus- 
 ing to produce the documents called for by the 
 subpcena duces tecum.” The witness justified 
 his refusal to answer questions, “1st upon the 
 ground that there was no specific ‘ charge ’ pend- 
 ing before the grand jury against any particular 
 person ; 2d that the answers would tend to crim- 
 inate him.” On the first point the Court found 
 it “ entirely clear that under the practice in this 
 country, at least, the examination of witnesses 
 need not be preceded by a presentment or indict- 
 ment formally drawn up, but that the grand 
 jury may proceed, either upon their own know 
 ledge or upon the examination of witnesses, to 
 inquire for themselves whether a crime cogniza- 
 ble by the Court has been committed.” As to 
 the plea of an apprehended self-incrimination, 
 the Court held that the witness was protected 
 by the act which provides that no person shall 
 be prosecuted on account of anything concerning 
 which he may testify or produce evidence. But 
 it was further insisted that while the immunity 
 statute may protect individual witnesses it would 
 not protect the corporation of which the appel- 
 lant was the agent and representative. “ This is 
 true,” says the Court, “but the answer is that 
 it was not designed to do so. The right of a 
 person under the Fifth Amendment to refuse to 
 incriminate himself is purely a personal privi- 
 lege of the witness. It was never intended to 
 permit him to plead the fact that some third 
 person might be incriminated by his testimony, 
 even though he were the agent of such person.” 
 
 On the second issue in the case, the substance 
 of the decision is in the following passages from 
 it : “ Having already held that, by reason of the 
 immunity act of 1903, the witness could not 
 avail himself of the Fifth Amendment, it follows 
 that he cannot set up that Amendment as against 
 the production of the books and papers, since in 
 respect to these he would also be protected by 
 the immunity act. . . . We are of the opinion 
 that there is a clear distinction in this particular 
 between an individual and a corporation, and 
 that the latter has no right to refuse to submit 
 its books and papers for an examination at 
 the suit of the State. . . . The individual may 
 stand upon his constitutional rights as a citizen. 
 He is entitled to carry on his private business in 
 his own way. . . . Among his rights are a re- 
 fusal to incriminate himself, and the immunity 
 of himself and his property from arrest or seiz- 
 ure except under a warrant of the law. . . . 
 Upon the other hand, the corporation is a crea- 
 ture of the State. It is presumed to be incor- 
 porated for the benefit of the public. ... Its 
 rights to act as a corporation are only preserved 
 to it so long as it obeys the laws of its creation. 
 There is a reserved right in the Legislature to 
 investigate its contracts and to find out whether 
 it has exceeded its powers. . . . The defense 
 amounts to this : That an officer of a corpora- 
 tion, which is charged with a criminal violation 
 of the statute, may plead the criminality of such 
 corporation as a refusal to produce its books. 
 
 125 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 To state this proposition is to answer it. While 
 an individual may lawfully refuse to answer 
 incriminating questions unless protected by an 
 immunity statute, it does not follow that a cor- 
 poration, vested with special privileges and 
 franchises, may refuse to show its hand when 
 charged with an abuse of such privileges.” 
 
 Taking note of the fact that the franchises of 
 the corporation in this case were derived from 
 one of the States, the Court proceeds to say: 
 “Such franchises, so far as they involve ques- 
 tions of inter-State commerce, must also be 
 exercised in subordination to the power of Con- 
 gress to regulate such commerce, and in respect 
 to this the General Government may also assert 
 a sovereign authority to ascertain whether such 
 franchises have been exercised in a lawful man- 
 ner, with due regard to its own laws. . . . The 
 powers of the General Government in this par- 
 ticular, in vindication of its own laws, are the 
 same as if the corporation had been created by 
 an act of Congress.” 
 
 Justices Harlan and McKenna dissented from 
 some of the views set forth in the opinion of the 
 majority, as declared by Justice Brown, but 
 concurred in the final judgment, which affirmed 
 the order of the Circuit Court, remanding the 
 prisoner to the custody of the Marshal. Justice 
 Brewer and the Chief Justice dissented from the 
 conclusions relative to corporations, and from 
 the judgment, holding that “the order of the 
 Circuit Court should be reversed and the case 
 remanded with instructions to discharge the pe- 
 titioner, leaving the grand jury to initiate new 
 proceedings not subject to the objections to 
 this.” — Federal Anti-Trust Decisions, 1900-1906, 
 prepared and edited by James A . Finch by direction 
 of the Attorney- General, v. 2, p. 874 ( Washington : 
 Gov’t. Printing Office, 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1910 . — The Standard Oil Com- 
 pany. — Suit of the Government for its disso- 
 lution. — Decree for its dissolution by the 
 Circuit Court. — Appeal to the Supreme 
 Court. — Entirely distinct from the criminal 
 prosecutions of the Standard Oil Company by 
 the United States Government, as reviewed 
 above was a suit begun in November. 1906, in 
 the U. S. Circuit Court for the Eastern Division 
 of Missouri. The former actions were to pe- 
 nalize the Company for violations of the Elkins 
 Act, by the procuring of railway rebates. The 
 later suit was to dissolve the combination in re- 
 straint of trade which the Company was alleged 
 to be, and therefore illegally existing, in the 
 view of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. The com 
 plaint was directed against the parent organiza- 
 tion, known as the Standard Oil Company of 
 New Jersey, with its various subsidiary corpora- 
 tions. It was also directed against seven indi- 
 viduals namely, John D. Rockefeller, William 
 Rockefeller, Henry M. Flagler, Henry H. Rog- 
 ers (now deceased), John D. Archbold, Oliver 
 H. Payne, and Charles M. Pratt. The main com- 
 pany, its branches, and these individuals were 
 charged in the complaint with having entered 
 into an agreement, combination, and conspiracy 
 to restrain trade and commerce among the sev- 
 eral States, to monopolize the trade in petro- 
 leum, both in its purchase and its shipment and 
 transportation by pipe-line steamships and by 
 rail, also in the manufacture and refining of pe- 
 troleum. 
 
 One of the evidences of its monopoly adduced 
 
 by the Government was the enormity of its earn- 
 ings which were summarized thus : The Stand- 
 ard Oil Trust and the Standard Oil Company, 
 on an investment of $69,024,480, had earned up 
 to the end of 1906, $838,783,783. Adding the 
 estimated profits of 1907 and 1908, we have sub- 
 stantially, the brief states, a billion dollars earned 
 by this company in twenty-seven years, witli 
 an original investment of about $69,000,000. 
 
 The United States asked for a perpetual in- 
 junction, and for the dissolution of the Standard 
 Oil combination. Hearings were held in New 
 York, Washington, Chicago, Cleveland, and St. 
 Louis, about four hundred witnesses being ex- 
 amined. It was not until the 5th of April, 1909, 
 that the case reached the stage of argument, be- 
 fore Judges Walter H. Sanborn, Willis Yan De- 
 vanter, William C. Hook and Elmer B. Adams, 
 constituting the U. S. Circuit Court at St. 
 Louis. The decision of the Court was announced 
 on the 20th of the following November, the four 
 judges concurring in the opinion, written by 
 Judge Sanborn, which held the Standard Oil 
 Company to be an illegal corporation and decreed 
 its dissolution. The character of the decision 
 appears from the syllabus of Judge Sanborn’s 
 opinion, which reads : 
 
 “ Congress has power under the commercial 
 clause of the Constitution to regulate and restrict 
 the use in commerce among the several States, 
 and with foreign nations, of contracts, of the 
 method of holding title to property and of every 
 other instrumentality employed in that com- 
 merce, so far as it may be necessary to do so, in 
 order to prevent the restraint thereof denounced 
 by the Anti-Trust Act of July 2, 1890 (26 Stat. 
 29). 
 
 ‘ ' Test of the legality of a combination under 
 this act is its necessary effect upon competition 
 in commerce among the States or with foreign 
 nations. If its necessary effect is only incident- 
 ally or indirectly to restrict the competition, 
 while its chief result is to foster the trade and 
 increase the business of those who make and op- 
 erate it, it does not violate that law. But if its 
 necessary effect is to stifle or directly and sub- 
 stantially to restrict free competition in com- 
 merce among the States, or with foreign nations, 
 it is illegal within the meaning of that statute. 
 
 “The power to restrict competition in com- 
 merce among the several States, or with foreign 
 nations, vested in a person or an association of per- 
 sons by a combination, is indicative of the char- 
 acter of the combination, because it is to the in- 
 terest of the parties that such a power should be 
 exercised, and the presumption is that it will be. 
 
 “The combination in a single corporation or 
 person, by an exchange of stock, of the power 
 of many stockholders holding the same propor- 
 tions, respectively, of the majority of the stock 
 of each of the several corporations engaged in 
 commerce in the same articles among the States, 
 or with foreign nations, to restrict competition 
 therein, renders the power thus vested in the 
 former greater, more easily exercised, more dur- 
 able, and more effective than that previously 
 held by the stockholders, and it is illegal. 
 
 “ In 1899 the stockholders of the Standard Oil 
 Company of New Jersey owned a majority of 
 the stock of nineteen other corporations in the 
 same proportions that they owned the stock of the 
 Standard Company, and those twenty corpora- 
 tions controlled by the owners of the majority of 
 
 126 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 their stock or otherwise many other corporations. 
 Each of these corporations was engaged in some 
 part of the business of producing, buying, refin- 
 ing, transporting, and selling petroleum and its 
 products, and they were conducting about 30 
 per cent, of the production of the crude oil and 
 more than 75 per cent, of the business of the 
 purchasing, refining, transporting, and selling 
 petroleum and its products in this country. 
 Many of them were engaged in commerce in 
 these articles among the several States and with 
 foreign nations, and were naturally competitive. 
 
 “ During the ten years prior to 1879 the seven 
 individual defendants had acquired control of 
 many corporations, partnerships, and refiners 
 that had been competing in this business, had 
 placed the majority of the stock of those corpo- 
 rations and the interests in property in busi- 
 ness thus obtained in various trustees to be held 
 and operated by them for the stockholders of 
 the Standard Oil Company, one of the nineteen 
 companies in which the individual defendants 
 were principal stockholders, and had thereby 
 suppressed competition among these corpora- 
 tions and partnerships. 
 
 “ In 1879, they and their associates caused all 
 the trustees to convey their interests in the 
 stock, property and business of these corpora- 
 tions to five trustees, to be held, operated and 
 distributed by them for the stockholders of the 
 Standard Company of Ohio. From 1879, until 
 1892, they prevented these corporations and 
 others engaged in this business, of which they 
 secured control, from competing in this com- 
 merce by causing the control of their operations 
 and generally of a majority of their stocks, to 
 be held in trust for the stockholders of the 
 Standard Company of Ohio, and, from 1892, 
 until 1899, they accomplished the same result 
 by a similar stock-holding device, and by the 
 joint equitable ownership of the majority of 
 the stocks of the corporations.” 
 
 Appeal from the decree has been taken to the 
 Supreme Court, where it was preceded by the 
 appeal of the Tobacco Trust from a similar de- 
 cree, involving substantially the same questions, 
 according to what seems to be the general view 
 of the Bar. On the 17th of January, 1910, the 
 Supreme Court of the United States granted the 
 motion of the Government for the advancement 
 on the docket of the Standard Oil case, and set 
 the hearing for March 14. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — The chief existing combi- 
 nations. — Their operation through stock 
 ownership. — “Passing the matter of railroad 
 combinations, as to which it may be said that 
 through stock ownership the control of all Ameri- 
 can lines is now concentrated in seven groups 
 of parent properties, we are chiefly concerned 
 with the practical use that has been made of the 
 new corporate power by the largest and strong- 
 est of our manufacturing and industrial enter- 
 prises. 
 
 “The United States Steel Corporation, organ- 
 ized under the laws of New Jersey, with a cap- 
 ital stock of $1,100,000,000 owns a majority of 
 the stock of eleven subsidiary companies, and 
 controls industries scattered over the entire coun- 
 try under different styles and corporate names. 
 This corporation owns or manages 213 manufac- 
 turing and transportation plants and forty-one 
 mines located in eighteen different States; it 
 has more than 1,000 miles of railroad tracks to 
 
 ore, coke and manufacturing properties, and a 
 lake fleet of 112 vessels. This stock ownership 
 gives it control of hundreds of millions of cap 
 ital that is not represented by its own billion 
 dollars of stock. 
 
 “The Amalgamated Copper Company, incor- 
 porated in New Jersey, has no asset whatever 
 except the stocks of other corporations. It owns 
 all the stock of four operating companies and a 
 controlling interest in seven others, and has taken 
 them over by an issue of $155,000,000 of its own 
 stock. 
 
 “The American Smelting and Refining Com- 
 pany, organized under the laws of New Jersey, 
 controls the business of thirteen corporations, in 
 which it either owns the entire stock or a ma- 
 jority interest. Associated with it are the 
 American Linseed Company, the National Lead 
 Company and the United Lead Company, and 
 they together control twenty -eight concerns and 
 ninety-three affiliated corporations. 
 
 “The Standard Oil Company, incorporated in 
 New Jersey, with a capital stock of $110,000,000, 
 controls, directs and manages more than seventy 
 corporations through its possession of a majority 
 of their stock. Some of these companies own 
 stock in still other corporations, and all together 
 the combine operates more than 400 separate and 
 distinct properties, thus monopolizing 90 per 
 cent, of the export oil trade and 84 per cent, of 
 the domestic trade. The market value of its 
 capitalization is about $650,000,000, and all this 
 vast property was brought together under one 
 head without the payment of a single dollar of 
 cash, the whole consolidation being effected 
 through the issue of stock in the holding com- 
 pany in payment of stock in the companies that 
 are held. 
 
 “The United Gas Improvement Company, in- 
 corporated in Pennsylvania, own stock in thirty 
 corporations doing the character of business for 
 which it was organized, and in addition to this 
 is interested in numerous street railway proper- 
 ties, including the New York City surface rail- 
 ways. With it is allied the Public Service Cor- 
 poration of New Jersey and the Rhode Island 
 Securities Company, which last named owns all 
 the stock of the Rhode Island Company, which 
 again has leased for 999 years several of the 
 most important railroad companies doing busi- 
 ness in that State. The power of this corpora- 
 tion, through this system of stock ownership, 
 is scarcely calculable, and the value of proper- 
 ties controlled would equal hundreds of mil- 
 lions, although its own capital stock is but 
 $36,000,000. 
 
 “ The American Tobacco Company, organized 
 under the laws of New Jersey, with a capital 
 stock of $40,000,000, practically controls the 
 whole market through its ownership of the stock 
 of innumerable other corporations. 
 
 “The International Harvester Company, in- 
 corporated in New Jersey, with a capital stock 
 of $120,000,000, while probably not a holding 
 company, maintains most, if not all, the corpo- 
 rations which it has bought out, and they are 
 operated as if they were distinct and competing 
 concerns. 
 
 “ The American Sugar Refining Company, in- 
 corporated in New Jersey, with a common stock 
 of $40,000,000, controls fifty-three other corpora- 
 tions. 
 
 “ The American Telegraph and Telephone 
 
 127 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 Company, incorporated in New York, with acap- 
 ital stock of §250,000,000 controls, through stock 
 ownership, thirty-five subsidiary corporations. 
 
 “The Western Union Telegraph Company 
 owns stock in twenty-four other corporations ; 
 the Distillers’ Security Company owns 90 per 
 cent, of the stocks of the Distilling Company of 
 America, and has acquired ninety-three plants, 
 representing 60 per cent, of the industry ; the 
 Philadelphia Rapid Transit Company owns the 
 stock of twelve elevated and street railway com- 
 panies ; the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company 
 owns the stock of seven others ; the Metropolitan 
 Securities Company of New York owns the stock 
 of many traction companies, and the control- 
 ling interest in others ; the Inter-State Railways 
 of New Jersey own all the stock of the United 
 Power and Transportation Company, which lat- 
 ter company controls the capital and franchises 
 of about forty other projected companies inNew 
 Jersey and Pennsylvania ; while the International 
 Mercantile Marine Company of New Jersey owns 
 a majority of the shares of many of the most im- 
 portant steamship companies whose vessels cross 
 the Atlantic Ocean. 
 
 “ These are but a few instances of the promo- 
 tion of combinations through stock ownership.” 
 — Wade H. Ellis, Attorney-General of Ohio, 
 Paper read at National Conference on Trusts and 
 Combinations , Chicago, Oct. 22, 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — National Conference on the 
 Trust Question, invited by the National 
 Civic Federation. — A remarkably represent- 
 ative and impressive assembly at Chicago, of 
 delegates from all parts of the country, and 
 voicing all interests, was brought about by the 
 invitation of the National Civic Federation, in 
 October, 1907, for a thorough discussion of the 
 questions which troubled the country and con- 
 fused its attitude toward Trusts and Combina- 
 tions, as subjects of regulation by law. There 
 had been a similar conference at Chicago in 1899, 
 at the call of the Civic Federation of that city ; 
 but no common ground of agreement could then 
 be found. The subject, as was afterwards said, 
 “was too new, too vaguely understood for men 
 to be of one mind in regard to it.” But eight 
 years later, in 1907, “it appeared to the leaders 
 of the National Civic Federation not improbable 
 that'a new conference might lead to some defi- 
 nite pronouncement of opinion. . . . Leaders of 
 opinion in all walks of life gave the project 
 their hearty endorsement. . . . The matter w;as 
 taken up with great interest by the Governors 
 of the several States and by the presidents of 
 commercial bodies, who named delegates in re- 
 sponse to the invitation of the National Civic 
 Federation. A significant evidence of this greater 
 interest is found in the larger number of dele- 
 gations appointed in 1907 than in 1899. The 
 records show the following: 
 
 Delegations. 1899. 1907. 
 
 Appointed by Governors 33 39 
 
 Appointed by national and State organ- 
 izations 22 33 
 
 Appointed by labor organizations ..714 
 Appointed by local commercial bodies 33 58 
 
 Total 95 144 
 
 “Furthermore, the attendance of 492 dele- 
 gates in 1907 might be contrasted with that of 
 238 delegates at the earlier conference. 
 
 “The conference of 1907, though larger in 
 numbers, was much more of a unit in sentiment. 
 It developed at an early stage of the discussion 
 that there was no important element antagoniz- 
 ing the trust and combination as such. There 
 were few speakers who failed to dwell upon the 
 advantages whiclqhad accrued to the nation from 
 some combinations, and from the spirit of asso- 
 ciation which, after all, cannot be separated 
 from them. On the other hand, there was no lack 
 of emphasis in dwelling upon the evils which had 
 been disclosed among trusts and combinations. 
 
 “The resolutions of the conference, adopted 
 by a unanimous vote, reveal these tendencies. 
 They are a call for further examination and 
 more light, but a call for such examination 
 along certain pretty well-defined lines. They 
 should receive the attention of Congress as an 
 expression of the popular will on this pressing 
 question.” 
 
 The Conference held nine sessions, extending 
 over four days, focusing the thought of the 
 best minds of the country, and the counsels of 
 the largest practical experience, on all points in 
 the many-sided problem before it. On all that 
 appear most important among those points it 
 came to a full and clear agreement in its con- 
 clusions, as embodied in the following resolu- 
 tions, which were adopted by unanimous vote, 
 a committee being appointed to present them 
 to Congress and to the President: 
 
 “ After twenty years of Federal legislation as 
 interpreted by the courts, directed against the 
 evils of trusts and combinations, and against 
 railroad rebates, beginning with the interstate 
 commerce act of 1887 and the anti-trust act 
 of 1890, a general and just conviction exists 
 that the experience gained in enforcing these 
 federal acts and others succeeding them demon- 
 strates the necessity of legislation which shall 
 render more secure the benefits already gained 
 and better meet the changed conditions which 
 have arisen during a long period of active pro- 
 gress, both in the enforcement of statute law and 
 in the removal of grave abuses in the manage- 
 ment of railroads and corporations. These 
 changes now demanded are : 
 
 “First — Immediate legislation is required, 
 following the recommendation of President 
 Roosevelt and the Interstate Commerce Commis- 
 sion, permitting agreements between railroad 
 corporations on reasonable freight and passen- 
 ger rates, subject in all respects to the approval, 
 supervision, and action of the Interstate Com- 
 merce Commission. 
 
 “Second — The enforcement of the Sherman 
 act and the proceedings under it during the ad- 
 ministrations of Presidents Harrison, Cleveland, 
 McKinley, and Roosevelt have accomplished 
 great national results in awakening the moral 
 sense of the American people and in asserting 
 the supremacy and majesty of the law, thus 
 effectually refuting the impression that great 
 wealth and large corporations were too power- 
 ful for the impartial execution of law. This 
 great advance has rendered more secure all 
 property rights, resting, as they must, under a 
 popular government, on universal respect for 
 and obedience to law. But now that this work 
 is accomplished, it has revealed the necessity 
 for legislation which shall maintain all that the 
 Sherman act was intended to secure and safe- 
 guard interests it was never expected to affect. 
 
 128 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 “ As the next step in executing the determi- 
 nation of the American people to secure in all 
 industrial and commercial relations justice and 
 equality of opportunity for all, with full sym- 
 pathy and loyal support for every effort to en- 
 force the laws in the past, we urge upon Con- 
 gress without delay to pass legislation providing 
 for a non-partisan commission, in which the in- 
 terests of capital, of labor, and of the general 
 public shall be represented. This commission, 
 like a similar commission, which proved most 
 successful in Germany in 1870, shall consider the 
 entire subject of business and industrial combina- 
 tions and report such proposals, as to the forma- 
 tion, capitalization, management and regulation 
 of corporations (so far as the same may be sub- 
 ject to federal jurisdiction) as shall preserve 
 individual initiative competition, and the free 
 exercise of a free contract in all business and 
 industrial relations. Any proposed legislation 
 should also include modification of the prohi- 
 bition now existing upon combinations on the 
 following subjects: 
 
 “1. National and local organizations of labor 
 and their trade agreements with employers re- 
 lating to wages, hours of labor, and conditions 
 of employment. 
 
 “2. Associations made up of farmers, intended 
 to secure a stable and equitable market for the 
 products of the soil free from fluctuations due 
 to speculation. 
 
 “3. Business and industrial agreements of 
 combinations whose objects are in the public 
 interest as distinguished from objects deter- 
 mined to be contrary to the public interest. 
 
 “ 4. Such commission should make a thorough 
 inquiry into the advisability of inaugurating a 
 system of federal license or incorporation as a 
 condition for the entrance of certain classes of 
 corporations upon interstate commerce and also 
 into the relation to the public interest of the 
 purchase by one corporation of the franchises 
 -or corporate stock of another. 
 
 “ On no one of these subjects must what has 
 been gained be sacrificed until something better 
 appears for enactment. On each, this conference 
 recognizes differences between good men. On 
 all, it asks a national non-partisan commission 
 to be appointed next winter to consider the 
 question and report at the second session of the 
 approaching Congress for such action as the 
 national legislature, in the light of this full in- 
 vestigation, may enact. 
 
 “Third — The examination, inspection and 
 supervision of great producing and manufac- 
 turing corporations, already begun by the De- 
 partment of Commerce and Labor and accepted 
 by these corporations, should be enlarged by 
 legislation requiring, through the appropriate 
 bureaus of the Department of Commerce and 
 Labor, complete publicity in the capitalization, 
 accounts, operations, transportation charges 
 paid, and selling prices of all such producing 
 and manufacturing corporations whose opera- 
 tions are large enough to have a monopolistic 
 influence. This should be determined and de- 
 cided by some rule and classification to be de- 
 vised by the commission already proposed. 
 
 “Fourth — The conflicts between State and 
 Federal authorities raised in many States over 
 Tailroad rates being now under adjudication and 
 under way to a final and ultimate decision by the 
 .Federal Supreme Court, this conference deems 
 
 the expression of an opinion on these issues un- 
 fitting, and confidently leaves this great issue to 
 a tribunal which for 118 years has successfully 
 preserved the balance between an indissoluble 
 union and indestructible State, defining the su- 
 preme and national powers of the one and pro- 
 tecting the sovereign and individual powers of 
 the other.” — Proceedings of the National Con- 
 ference on Trusts and Combinations , Chicago, 
 October 22-25, 1907 ( New York: National Civic 
 Federation, 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — Thievery of the Sugar 
 Trust. — In the fall of 1907 disclosures were 
 made to the Government which led to an investi- 
 gation of the methods whereby imports of raw 
 sugar for the American Sugar Refining Com- 
 pany, known commonly as the Sugar Trust, 
 were weighed for the payment of Customs du- 
 ties, at the Company’s docks in Williamsburgh 
 and Jersey City. The result of the investigation 
 was to prove that this enormously wealthy cor- 
 poration, not satisfied with extortions of profit 
 from the public by its monopoly of the vast 
 sugar trade of the country, had stooped to prac- 
 tices of systematic theft from the Government, 
 by devices that would almost shame the profes- 
 sional players of a thimble rigging game. Sev- 
 eral ingenious inventions of trickery with the 
 weighing scales had been employed at the sugar 
 docks prior to 1904, but the crowning one appears 
 to have been brought to use in thatyear. “This,” 
 said the New York Evening Post of April 29, 
 1909, in a full rehearsal of the story of the Sugar 
 Trust larcenies, “consisted of a thin steel corset 
 spring, which was inserted through a hole drilled 
 in the uprights or stanchions supporting the 
 scales. If inserted at a time when there was a 
 load on the platform, its pressure against the 
 walking beam of the scale resulted in creating a 
 false balance, and in making the load appear 
 considerably lighter than it really was. This 
 little device proved to be so satisfactory for the 
 purposes for which it was designed that it was 
 fitted to all the seventeen government scales at 
 the Havemeyer & Elder refinery. Holes were 
 drilled in the stanchions of each of the scales — 
 lienee the ‘ case of the seventeen holes ’ to which 
 Mr. Stimson called attention. So successful was 
 the operation of this mechanism that it was used 
 constantly down to the very day, November 20, 
 1907, when a United States Treasury agent found 
 it in use. 
 
 “ The method of use was simple. The scales 
 were placed with the stanchions in a dark corner, 
 next to the wall, and close beside this stanchion 
 sat the company’s checker, whose ostensible duty 
 it was to record in a little book the weight of 
 each load as it was read off to him by the govern- 
 ment weigher standing at the other end of the 
 scale. The checker’s really important duty 
 seems to have been, however, to manipulate the 
 steel spring through the hole in the stanchion, 
 so that on each truck load, the company which 
 employed him was saved the payment of duty 
 on some fourteen pounds of sugar. 
 
 “Evidence was adduced at the subsequent 
 trial to show that the company considered this 
 special service on the part of its checkers worthy 
 of additional compensation. For although there 
 were seventeen scales, all of which could be 
 used for this purpose, practically all the weigh- 
 ing was done on six, and the six reliable check- 
 ers who, year in and year out, operated the little 
 
 129 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 steel springs, all received extra pay in their 
 weekly pay envelopes for this service.” 
 
 Consequent on the discovery of these facts, 
 “several indictments were found against the 
 Sugar Trust’s employees, and with that discovery 
 as a basis the government began to work up its 
 case. . . . When the government came to work 
 up its case and to fix approximately the amount 
 out of which it had been defrauded, it was 
 found possible to present a piece of evidence 
 which so thoroughly clinched the case that de 
 fence, when it came to be made, was so weak 
 as to be negligible. This evidence consisted of 
 a tabulation comparing the weights of sugar on 
 which duty was paid and the weights for which 
 the company paid the planters between the time 
 the first cargo of sugar of December, 1901, 
 arrived at the refinery and the discovery of the 
 fraud in November, 1907. 
 
 ‘ ‘ It took a score or more of accountants work- 
 ing steadily for six months to complete the tab- 
 ulation, but when it was finished the astonishing 
 corroborative story it told made it well worth 
 all the time and trouble expended. Never was 
 there a better example of the deadly parallel. 
 For every entry the weights on which duties 
 were levied was set alongside of the weights for 
 which the company paid the planters.” 
 
 The first result of the proceedings of the Gov- 
 ernment against the thievish Trust was a pecu- 
 niary settlement with it, concerning which the 
 following official statement was given out at 
 Washington, by Attorney-General Wickersliam, 
 on the 29th of April, 1909: 
 
 “The Attorney-General, with the concurrence 
 of the Secretary of the Treasury, has just ap- 
 proved a settlement between the American Sugar 
 Refining Company and the United States Gov- 
 ernment of all the claims which the latter has 
 against it arising out of the fraudulent weighing 
 on the docks of its refineries at Brooklyn and 
 Jersey City. In making this settlement the 
 sugar company pays in full the recent judgment 
 for the penalty in the amount of §134,411.03, 
 which was awarded against it by the jury in the 
 case tried in the federal court last March, with 
 interest, and agrees to take no appeal from the 
 judgment. 
 
 “ In addition to this, it pays into the United 
 States treasury §2,000,000 more, representing the 
 duties which have been unpaid during the last 
 twelve years, owing to the fraudulent practices , 
 $1,239,088.97 of this amount has already been 
 paid in under protest to Collector Loeb on his 
 reliquidation, as a result of the trial above men- 
 tioned, of the duties upon the cargoes entered at 
 the Havemeyer & Elder refineries between the 
 years 1901 and 1907, when the frauds were dis- 
 covered. 
 
 “ The sugar company abandons its protests on 
 these payments and gives up its right to appeal 
 from Mr. Loeb’s reliquidation and in addition to 
 this pays into the United States treasury the 
 above judgment and over $760,000 more to cover 
 the duties unpaid at the Havemeyer & Elder 
 docks prior to 1901 and at the Jersey City re- 
 finery between 1896 and 1906. 
 
 “This settlement with the sugar company in 
 nowise affects the criminal prosecution of the 
 individuals who are responsible for the perpetra- 
 tion of these frauds, and such prosecutions will 
 be pressed to a finish by the government.” 
 
 [Soon after this settlement with the Govern- 
 
 ment by the Sugar Trust for shortage in pay- 
 ment of duties, the firm of Arbuckle Brothers- 
 made a similar settlement, paying $695,573.19.] 
 
 A few days after the above announcement of 
 a pecuniary settlement with the American Sugar 
 Refining Company, the Grand Jury of the Cir- 
 cuit Court in the New York District presented 
 indictments against Oliver Spitzer, who was 
 superintendent on the company’s docks, Thomas 
 Kehoe, Eugene M. Voelker, Edward A. Boyle, 
 J. R. Coyle, J. M. Halligan, Jr., and Patrick J. 
 Hennessy. 
 
 In November, further indictments were found 
 against these employees of the company, and 
 James F. Bendernagel, general superintendent 
 of the Williamsburgli refinery for many years 
 past, was arrested on an indictment found by the 
 same grand jury. The trial of the accused, in 
 the United States District Court, was opened on 
 the 30tli of November. 
 
 On the 17th of January, 1910, Charles R. 
 Heike, secretary and treasurer of the American 
 Sugar Refining Company, was arraigned before 
 Judge Hough in the criminal branch of the 
 United States Circuit Court, charged with mak- 
 ing false entries and conspiring to defraud the 
 government. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Suit of the Government 
 against the Tobacco Trust. — Decree of Cir- 
 cuit Court restraining the combined compa- 
 nies from interstate and foreign trade. — On 
 
 the 10th of July, 1907, the Government began suit 
 at New York against the so-called Tobacco Trust. 
 The defendants in the case included 65 corpora- 
 tions and 27 individuals, the principals, however, 
 being six companies, namely, the American To- 
 bacco Company, the Britisli-American Tobacco- 
 Company, the Imperial Tobacco Company, the 
 American Snuff Company, the American Cigar 
 Company, and the United American Cigarette 
 Company. Of these the parent organization, 
 dominating all the others, is the American To- 
 bacco Company, which began the finally gigantic 
 combination in a small way in 1890. The ob- 
 ject sought in the Government’s suit was an in- 
 junction to restrain the combination as such from 
 engaging in interstate and foreign trade, or for 
 the appointment of receivers to take the man- 
 agement of the business concerned. 
 
 The ease was argued before the Second Cir- 
 cuit Court of the United States in May, 1908, 
 and the decision of the Court was aunounced on 
 the 7th of November following, Judges Lacombe, 
 Noyes, and Coxe agreeing and Judge Ward dis- 
 senting. The Court found that an injunction 
 should issue against some, but not all, of the 
 principal defendants, to prevent the continuance 
 of their violation of the Sherman Anti -Trust 
 Law. It acquitted the Trust, however, of the 
 charge of dishonest and oppressive practices, 
 and it denied the application for receiverships. 
 The final decree of the Court was filed on the 
 15th of December, 1908. 
 
 Appeals to the Supreme Court of the United 
 States were taken, both by the Government and 
 by the defendants, and the case was pending in 
 that Court at the close of the year 1909. Mean 
 time the decree has been in suspense. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Suit to dissolve the al- 
 leged Anthracite Coal Combination. — The 
 following statements were made in an Associated 
 Press despatch from Philadelphia, March 8, 1909 : 
 
 ‘ ‘ Testimony of the Government in its suit against 
 
 130 
 
 A 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 the anthracite coal-carrying railroads and sev- 
 eral coal companies, to dissolve a so-called Trust 
 agreement, alleged to be existing among them, 
 has been filed in the Circuit Court of the United 
 States for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. 
 
 “ Suit was begun here on June 12, 1907, and 
 in the course of three months all the defendants 
 made answer, denying the allegations of the Gov- 
 ernment. Subsequently, the court appointed an 
 examiner to take testimony, and a great part of 
 last year was taken up in hearing witnesses, ses- 
 sions being held mainly in Philadelphia and New 
 York. 
 
 “ The Government closed its case in New Yoyk 
 several weeks ago, having taken more than its 
 allotted time, and the next move will be for the 
 Government to file a motion apportioning a cer- 
 tain amount of time for the defendant com- 
 panies to present their witnesses for examina- 
 tion. Much of the testimony thus far has been 
 documentary, and it is believed this will be the 
 case with the defendants. After all the testi- 
 mony is filed with the court for review, argu- 
 ments will be had on the case. 
 
 “ It is impossible at this time to indicate when 
 the case will be ended, but it seems probable 
 that a year or more will have elapsed before it 
 is legally decided whether a hard coal monopoly, 
 as alleged, exists in Pennsylvania.” 
 
 See, also, proceedings under the ‘‘Commodi- 
 ties Clause ” of the Hepburn Act, and decision of 
 U. S. Supreme Court, in this vol., under Rail- 
 ways: United States : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Declarations in Party Plat- 
 forms on Trusts. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1908 (April-Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Amending the Sherman 
 Anti-Trust Law. — Action of the National 
 Civic Federation. — The resolutions adopted 
 at the great National Conference of 1907 on the 
 Trust Question, as recited above, were duly pre- 
 sented to Congress at its next session, and to the 
 President, with results which were stated at the 
 annual meeting of the National Civic Federation 
 in December, 1908, by its President, the Hon. 
 Seth Low, as follows : “ When these resolutions 
 were presented to the two Houses, the Confer- 
 ence Committee was asked to submit a definite 
 Bill in legislative form to carry out its proposals. 
 The Conference itself had given no such author- 
 ity to any Committee ; but, in view of the situa- 
 tion as it had developed, the Executive Commit- 
 tee of the Federation took the matter up. The 
 result of its action was the preparation of a Bill, 
 which was submitted in due time to Congress, 
 and which became the subject of numerous hear- 
 ings before the Judiciary Committees both of the 
 House and of the Senate, but especially of the 
 House. The Bill of last spring was based upon 
 the belief that at that time, and before the ap- 
 proaching Presidential election, it would be im- 
 possible to change the substantive law as embod- 
 ied in the Sherman Anti-Trust Act. This being 
 taken for granted, it became impossible to do 
 more than propose a method by which, without 
 changing the law, certain restraints of trade, if 
 not disapproved in advance by some government 
 authority, might be assured freedom from prose- 
 cution. The hearings before the Congressional 
 Committees made it evident that no relief from 
 the embarrassments caused by the Sherman Anti- 
 Trust Law can be looked for along this line of 
 procedure. Perhaps it ought also to be said that 
 
 none ought to be looked for, because the situation 
 really calls for a change in the substantive pro- 
 visions of the law. Let no one imagine, how- 
 ever, that it is an easy thing to say what such 
 changes in the law ought to be. Your Commit- 
 tee last spring began its work in the hope that 
 it would be able to submit a law which would 
 command very large support, not only from em- 
 ployers but also from organized labor. After 
 working upon the subject for many weeks, the 
 Bill which it actually presented commanded no 
 large measure of support from either. The mer- 
 cantile classes favor amendments to the law 
 which, instead of forbidding all restraints of 
 trade, will forbid only unreasonable restraints 
 of trade ; and which will provide amnesty for 
 the past, ( 1 ) on the theoretical ground that what 
 has been done has often been done without any 
 realization that it was contrary to the law ; and 
 ( 2 ) on the practical ground that to attempt to rip 
 up what has already been done will destroy the 
 industry of the country. The representatives 
 of organized labor, on the other hand, ask to be 
 omitted altogether from the provisions of the 
 Sherman Act. It is evident to your Committee 
 that the changes desired by the mercantile classes 
 are going to meet with very serious objection, 
 unless they are combined with some positive leg- 
 islation which will provide some effective method 
 of assuring to the country, in the future, the 
 power to protect itself in advance from new com- 
 binations in the industrial sphere, such as have 
 been made in the past, and which originally cre- 
 ated the sentiment which placed the Sherman 
 Anti-Trust Law upon the statute books. 
 
 “ In other words, precisely as a city may desire 
 to limit the height of buildings, for the future, 
 without taking dowu those that are already 
 erected, so many persons believe that the right 
 to make commercial combinations, in the future, 
 should be under some sort of governmental con- 
 trol, even though those already formed be left 
 unmolested ; and such persons, also, believe that 
 there is the same inherent right in the body 
 politic to do the one as the other. On the other 
 hand, the demand of organized labor to be ex- 
 empted altogether from the operations of this 
 Act has been objected to in the past, and is likely 
 to be objected to in the future, as class legisla- 
 tion of a kind that has no place on American soil, 
 because organized labor is believed to be capable 
 of exercising restraint of trade no less than com- 
 mercial corporations. 
 
 ‘‘These being the terms of the problem, it is 
 apparent, on the face of things, that the effort 
 to amend the Sherman Anti-Trust Law in any 
 effective way is beset by difficulties at every 
 turn. . . . The whole subject is made infinitely 
 difficult by the Constitutional limitations upon 
 the power of Congress, which have led the 
 United States Supreme Court to decide, in effect, 
 that Congress can regulate inter-State commerce, 
 but cannot regulate the corporation that does it ; 
 because the corporation that does inter-State 
 commerce is a creature of the State and not of 
 the United States. The separate States, on the 
 other hand, can regulate the corporations that 
 do inter State commerce, because they create 
 them ; but the States cannot regulate the inter- 
 state commerce that is done, because under the 
 United States Constitution, inter-State com- 
 merce is under National control. It cannot be 
 too clearly apprehended that the effect of this 
 
 131 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 situation is, that neither sovereignty — neither 
 the National sovereignty nor the State sover- 
 eignty — can regulate both the agent that does 
 inter State commerce and the inter-State com- 
 merce that is done.” 
 
 In the National Civic Federation Review of 
 March, 1909, it was announced that “the Exec- 
 utive Council of the National Civic Federation 
 has appointed a committee to draft proposed 
 amendments to the Sherman Anti-Trust act. By 
 request of the lawyers upon the committee Seth 
 Low will serve as chairman. The other members 
 are Frederick P. Fish, of Boston ; Frederick N. 
 Judson, of St. Louis; Reuben D. Silliman, of 
 New York, and Henry W. Taft, of New York. 
 
 “ No attempt will be made to submit anything 
 to the present session of Congress. It is pro- 
 posed to draft a tentative bill as soon as a care- 
 ful study of the problems will permit. This will 
 then be submitted for examination and sugges- 
 tion to various representative bodies in all parts 
 of the country, and with the aid of thecomments 
 thus received the final draft of the bill to be 
 submitted will be prepared.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Report of the Commissioner 
 of Corporations on the Tobacco Combina- 
 tion, or so-called Trust. — Parts of an elabo- 
 rate report on the organization of the Tobacco 
 Combination were published in February, 1909, 
 by the Comissioner of Corporations, Herbert 
 Knox Smith. It showed the combination to be 
 composed of “the American Tobacco Company 
 and its three great subsidiary combinations, the 
 American Snuff Company, the American Cigar 
 Company, and the British-American Company, 
 besides eighty two other subsidiary concerns 
 doing business in the United States, Porto Rico, 
 and Cuba. The combination represents a total 
 net capitalization of over 8316,000,000. A very 
 small group of ten stockholders controls 60 per 
 cent, of the outstanding voting stock of the 
 American Tobacco Company, through which 
 company the entire combination is controlled. ” 
 
 A list of the subsidiary companies controlled, 
 “including over twenty hitherto secretly con- 
 trolled, so-called ‘bogus independent con- 
 cerns,' ” is given in the report. It is shown also 
 that the combination is practically the only im- 
 portant exporter of tobacco manufactures from 
 this country. In 1891 the combination con- 
 trolled 89 per cent, of the business of cigarette 
 manufactures, and this proportion practically is 
 maintained. In cigars its output increased from 
 4 per cent, of the business in 1897 to 14 7 10 per 
 cent, in 1906; while in manufactured tobacco 
 (chewing, smoking, fine-cut, and snuff) “the 
 combination’s output increased from 7 per cent, 
 of the total in 1891 to 77 per cent, in 1906. Fi- 
 nally, in 1906, the combination controlled of 
 these separate products, respectively, plug, 82 
 per cent. ; smoking, 71 per cent. ; fine-cut, 81 
 per cent., and snuff, 96 per cent.” In the year 
 1906 the combination used in the manufacture 
 of its various products nearly 300,000,000 pounds 
 of leaf tobacco. The report adds: 
 
 “An idea of the absorption of competing 
 plants and of the changes through combination 
 within the last decade may be had from the fact 
 that in 1897 the combination had ten plants, 
 each producing over 50,000 pounds of manu- 
 factured tobacco or snuff per year, while there 
 were 243 independent plants of the same class. 
 In 1906, on the other hand, the combination had 
 
 45 plants of this class, and independent manu- 
 facturers 140. Especially conspicuous has been 
 the absorption of the large plants. In 1897 the 
 combination had eight plants, each producing 
 over 1 , 000,000 pounds of these products per 
 year, while its competitors had forty-six such 
 plants. In 1906 the combination had thirty-four 
 plants of this size, and independent concerns 
 only seventeen.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Merger of Telephone and 
 Telegraph Corporations. — Announcement of 
 one of the most important financial mergers of 
 recent years was made Nov. 16, 1909, when the 
 American Telephone and Telegraph Company 
 disclosed its acquirement of control of the West- 
 ern Union Telegraph Company. “The American 
 Telephone and Telegraph Company has obtained 
 the control of a substantial minority interest in 
 the shares of the Western Union Telegraph Com- 
 pany,” was the wording of the official statement, 
 but it became known that sufficient voting rights 
 of other stock had been obtained to give the tele- 
 phone interests control of the telegraph company. 
 
 According to a statement issued on May 1 , 
 1909, the total capital and outstanding interest- 
 bearing obligations of the American Telephone 
 and Telegraph Company and allied systems was 
 $592,475,400 This amount included capital stock 
 aggregating $361,636,800, subdivided as follows : 
 American Telephone and Telegraph Company, 
 $208,393,500; associated operating companies in 
 the United States and Canada, about thirty-five 
 in number, $142,674,400; associated holding and 
 manufacturing companies, $10,668,900. "The 
 Western Union has a capitalization of $125,000,- 
 000 in stock and $40,000,000 in bonds. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Threatened combination to 
 control the Water Power of the country. — 
 Speaking at the National Irrigation Congress, 
 convened at Spokane, Washington, in August, 
 1909, the National Forester, Gifford Pinchot, de- 
 clared that, notwithstanding the contradictions 
 issued by the parties in interest, a gigantic com- 
 bination was forming to seize the sources of the 
 country’s water power, and be in a position later 
 to dominate all industry. 
 
 “There could be no better illustration,” he 
 said, “of the eager, rapid, unwearied absorption 
 by capital of the rights which belong to all the 
 people than the Water Power Trust, not yet 
 formed, but in rapid progress of formation. This 
 statement is true, but not unchallenged. We 
 are met at every turn by the indignant denial of 
 the water power interests. They tell us that there 
 is no community of interest among them, and yet 
 they appear year after year at these Congresses 
 by their paid attorneys, asking for your influence 
 to help them remove the few remaining obstacles 
 to their perpetual and complete absorption of 
 the remaining water powers. They tell us it has 
 no significance that the General Electric interests 
 are acquiring great groups of water powers in 
 various parts of the United States, and domi- 
 nating the power market in the region of each 
 group. And whoever dominates power, domi- 
 nates all industry. . . . The time for 11 s to agi- 
 tate this question is now, before the separate 
 circles of centralized control spread into the uni- 
 form, unbroken, nation-wide covering of a single 
 gigantic Trust. There will be little chance for 
 mere agitation after that. No man at all famil- 
 iar with the situation can doubt that the time 
 for effective protest is very short.” 
 
 132 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 The same warning has been given by others 
 who are in a position to speak with knowledge, 
 and heed has been given to them by the Govern- 
 ment. The annual report of the Secretary of the 
 Interior, the Hon. Richard A. Ballinger, made 
 public November 28, 1909, contained the follow- 
 ing important announcement: “In anticipation 
 of new legislation by Congress to prevent the 
 acquisition of power sites on the public domain 
 by private persons or corporations with the view 
 of monopolizing or adversely controlling them 
 against the public interest, there have been tem- 
 porarily withdrawn from all forms of entry ap- 
 proximately 603,355 acres, covering all locations 
 known to possess power possibilities on unappro- 
 priated lands outside of national forests. With- 
 out such withdrawals these sites would be enter- 
 able under existing laws, and their patenting 
 would leave the general government powerless 
 to impose any limitations as to their use. 
 
 “If theFederal government desires to exercise 
 control or supervision over water-power develop- 
 ment on the public domain, it can only do so by 
 limitations imposed upon the disposal of power 
 and reservoir sites upon the public lands, the 
 waters of the streams being subject to State 
 jurisdiction in their appropriation and beneficial 
 use. I would, therefore, advise that the Congress 
 be asked to enact a measure that will authorize 
 the classification of all lands capable of being 
 used for water-power development, and to direct 
 their disposal, through this department. . . . 
 
 “Unreasonable or narrow restrictions beyond 
 the necessity of public protection against mo- 
 nopoly, or extortion in charges, will, of course, 
 defeat development and serve no useful purpose. 
 The statute should, therefore, while giving full 
 protection against the abuses of the privileges 
 extended, so far as consistent, encourage invest- 
 ment in these projects; and it must always be 
 borne in mind that excessive charges for the 
 franchise will fall upon the consumer. Legis- 
 lation of this character proceeds upon the theory 
 that Congress can impose such contractual terms 
 and conditions as it sees fit in the sale or use per- 
 mitted of government lands so long as such lim- 
 itations do not conflict with the powers properly 
 exercised by the State wherein they may be sit- 
 uated.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Sugar Trust settles a 
 conspiracy charge. — While the American Sugar 
 Refining Company, in the spring of 1909, was 
 being forced to make good to the Government its 
 long cheating of the Custom House, it was being 
 compelled, at the same time, to indemnify a com- 
 petitor in business, whom it had ruined by means 
 which the Sherman Anti-Trust Law forbade. Its 
 victim was the Pennsylvania Sugar Refining Com- 
 pany, whose refinery had been established by Mr. 
 Adolph Segal, of Philadelphia, in 1903. Segal 
 became financially embarrassed, and was lured 
 into taking a loan of $1,250,000, from aperson who 
 acted secretly in the transaction for the Ameri- 
 can Sugar Refining Company. The loan was made 
 on terms which gave the lender control of a ma- 
 jority of the stock of the Pennsylvania Sugar Re- 
 fining Company, and Mr. Segal found, when too 
 late, that the real lender was the Sugar Trust. It 
 used its power to shutdown the plant, which was 
 said to be the most perfect of its kind, and the 
 Pennsylvania Company was wrecked. It brought 
 a suit for damages to the amount of $30,000,000, 
 inflicted upon it in contravention of tUe Anti- 
 
 Trust Law. Before the trial ended, thedefendants 
 found so much reason to fear its outcome that 
 negotiations were opened which resulted (June 
 8, 1909) in a settlement of the claim outside of 
 court. The settlement was said to involve a cash 
 payment by the American Company to the Penn- 
 sylvania Company of $750, 000, the cancellation of 
 the $1,250,000 loan made by the trust to Adolph 
 Segal, of Philadelphia, and the return of the se- 
 curities given by Segal as collateral for the loan. 
 
 Subsequently the Government procured indict- 
 ments of certain of the officials of the American 
 Sugar Refining Company for their participa- 
 tion in the conspiracy ; but the prosecution was 
 blocked in October by a decision from Judge 
 Holt, of the United States Circuit Court, that 
 the acts charged were outlawed by the statute of 
 limitations. Later, in November, it was reported 
 that the Government was preparing an appeal 
 to the Supreme Court. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Dissolution of a Paper-mak- 
 ing Combination. — By a decree of the United 
 States Circuit Court, Judge Hough, at New 
 York, in May, 1909, the Fiber and Manila As- 
 sociation, a combination of 25 paper manufac- 
 turers, located in many parts of the country, 
 East and West, was adjudged to be an illegal 
 combination in restraint of trade, and perpetually 
 enjoined from further operations in such com- 
 bination. The members were enjoined further 
 from fixing prices or the qualities that shall be 
 manufactured or to maintain any pool or fund 
 made up of contributions from its members. 
 Counsel for the Association announced that no 
 appeal would be made. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Chartering of the United Dry 
 Goods Companies. — “Details of the greatest 
 dry goods combination ever attempted in this 
 country were available to-day for the first time 
 since the United Dry Goods Companies took out 
 a Delaware charter last Friday [April 21, 1909], 
 The concern will control many of the largest dry 
 goods stores in this city and at important com 
 mercial centres of the South and West, acting 
 first as a holding company and later possibly as 
 an operating concern, with headquarters here. 
 John Claflin will be the head of the combination. 
 The present managers of the various absorbed 
 stores will be continued. J. P. Morgan & Co. 
 are financing the deal, and public announcement 
 will be made immediately. 
 
 “The United Dry Goods Companies will have 
 a capital of $51,000,000. Of this only $20,000,000 
 will be immediately issued in the form of $10,- 
 000,000 7 per cent, cumulative preferred stock 
 and $10,000,000 common stock. The preferred 
 stock has preference as to both assets and divi- 
 dends. The new combination will purchase 
 $8,650,000 of the outstanding $17,250,000 capital 
 stock of the Associated Merchants’ Company. . . . 
 
 “John Claflin said this afternoon that the new 
 company would not buy any mills, as it was not 
 the purpose of the combination to control the 
 sources of production. All the stores — there are 
 more than forty, which the United Companies 
 and its allies will own in whole or in part — will 
 be free to purchase from whatever interests they 
 wish, without being restricted to any one market 
 or to the product of any special mills. The gen- 
 eral business will be directed from the city, but 
 resident directors at different centres will have 
 full charge of the detail work .” — New York 
 Evening Post, May, 25-6, 1909. 
 
 133 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 COMBINATIONS 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The illegality of a Trust in- 
 validates a debt to it. — In a suit brought by 
 the Continental Wall Paper Company to recover 
 a debt, payment of which was resisted on the 
 ground that the Company was an illegal com- 
 bination in restraint of trade, the Supreme Court 
 of the United States, on the 1st of February, 
 1909, affirmed a judgment of the Circuit Court 
 of Appeals which had dismissed the suit. The 
 case was so decided by a bare majority of one. 
 The opinion of the majority, delivered by Justice 
 Harlan, held that a judgment in favor of the 
 Company would give effect to agreements con- 
 stituting the illegal combination. “Upon the 
 whole case,” said Justice Harlan, “and without 
 further citation of authority, we adjudge upon 
 the admitted facts that the combination repre- 
 sented by the plaintiff in this case was illegal 
 under the anti-trust act of 1890 ; is to be taken 
 as one intended, and which would have the ef- 
 fect, directly to restrain and monopolize trade 
 among the several states and with foreign states ; 
 and that the plaintiff cannot have a judgment 
 for the amount of the account sued on because 
 such a judgment would, in effect, be in aid of 
 the execution of agreements constituting that 
 illegal combination. We consequently hold that 
 the circuit court of appeals properly sustained 
 the third defense in the case and rightly dis- 
 missed the suit.” 
 
 In the dissenting opinion by Justice Holmes 
 and others it was set forth that “whenever a 
 party knows that he is buying from an illegal 
 trust, and still more when he buys at a price 
 that he thinks unreasonable, but is compelled 
 to pay in order to get the goods he needs, he 
 knows that he is doing an act in furtherance of 
 the unlawful purpose of the trust, which always 
 is to get the most it can for its wares. But 
 that knowledge makes no difference, because 
 the policy of not furthering the purposes of the 
 trust is less important than the policy of pre- 
 venting people from getting other people’s pro- 
 perty for nothing when they purport to be buy- 
 ing it.” 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — Morgan & Co. Banking 
 Combination. See (in this vol.) Finance and 
 Trade : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Special Message of President 
 Taft on Legislation touching “ Trusts.” — An 
 
 important special Message, recommendatory of 
 legislation on the two subjects of interstate com- 
 merce and the combinations called “Trusts,” was 
 addressed to Congress by President Taft on the 
 7th of January, 1910. It had been expected that 
 the Executive would advise amendments to the 
 Sherman Anti-Trust Law, so-called, but he did 
 not. On the contrary he favored the policy of 
 leaving that law untouched, on the ground that 
 its defects have been cured already to a great ex- 
 tent by judicial decisions, and that it is safer and 
 better for the business interests of the country to 
 trust the law to the gradual molding which the 
 courts are giving it, than to undertake amend- 
 ments which would start anew series of judicial 
 interpretations. But the President’s conclusions 
 on this point were supplemented by the advocacy 
 of an enactment to provide for the federal char- 
 tering of corporations engaged in interstate com- 
 merce, as a means of substituting continuous reg- 
 ulation of such organizations for the spasmodic 
 and disturbing investigations which the Gov- 
 ernment is now compelled frequently to institute. 
 
 In part, the President’s discussion of these 
 questions is as follows: — “The statute has been 
 on the statute book now for two decades, and the 
 Supreme Court in more than a dozen opinions has 
 construed it in application to various phases of 
 business combinations and in reference to various 
 subjects-matter. It has applied it to the union 
 under one control of two competing interstate 
 railroads, to joint traffic arrangements between 
 several interstate railroads, to private manufac- 
 turers engaged in a plain attempt to control 
 prices and suppress competition in a part of the 
 country, including a dozen States, and to many 
 other combinations affecting interstate trade. The 
 value of a statute which is rendered more and 
 more certain in its meaning by a series of deci- 
 sions of the Supreme Court furnishes a strong 
 reason for leaving the act as it is, to accomplish 
 its useful purpose, even though if it were being 
 newly enacted useful suggestions as to change of 
 phrase might be made. 
 
 “It is the duty and the purpose of the Ex- 
 ecutive to direct an investigation by the De- 
 partment of Justice, through the grand jury 
 or otherwise, into the history, organization, and 
 purposes of all the industrial companies with 
 respect to which there is any reasonable ground 
 for suspicion that they have been organized for 
 a purpose, and are conducting business on a 
 plan which is in violation of the Anti-Trust law. 
 The work is a heavy one, but is not beyond the 
 power of the Department of Justice, if sufficient 
 funds are furnished, to carry on the investiga- 
 tions and to pay the counsel engaged in the 
 work. But such an investigation and possi- 
 ble prosecution of corporations whose prosperity 
 or destruction affects the comfort not only of 
 stockholders, but of millions of wage-earners, 
 employees, and associated tradesmen, must ne- 
 cessarily tend to disturb the confidence of the 
 business community, to dry up the now flowing 
 sources of capital from its places of hoarding, 
 and produce a halt in our present prosperity 
 that will cause suffering and strained circum- 
 stances among the innocent many for the faults 
 of the guilty few The question which I wish 
 in this message to bring clearly to the consider- 
 ation and discussion of Congress is whether in 
 order to avoid such a possible business danger 
 something cannot be done by which these busi- 
 ness combinations may be offered a means, with- 
 out great financial disturbance, of changing the 
 character, organization, and extent of their busi- 
 ness into one within the lines of the law under 
 Federal control and supervision, securing com- 
 pliance with the anti-trust statute. 
 
 “Generally, in the industrial combinations 
 called ‘Trusts,’ the principal business is the 
 sale of goods in many States and in foreign 
 markets; in other words, the interstate and for- 
 eign business far exceeds the business done in 
 any one State. This fact will justify the Federal 
 government in granting a Federal charter to 
 such a combination to make and sell in inter- 
 state and foreign commerce the products of use- 
 ful manufacture under such limitations as will 
 secure a compliance with the Anti-Trust law. 
 It is possible so to frame a statute that while 
 it offers protection to a Federal company against 
 harmful, vexatious, and unnecessary invasion 
 by the States, it shall subject it to reasonable 
 taxation and control by the States, with respect 
 to its purely local business. 
 
 134 
 
COMBINATIONS 
 
 CONGESTED ESTATES 
 
 “Many people conducting great businesses 
 have cherished a hope and a belief that in some 
 way or other a line may be drawn between 
 ‘good Trusts ’ and ‘bad Trusts,’ and that it is 
 possible, by amendment to the Anti-Trust law, 
 to make a distinction under which good combi- 
 nations may be permitted to organize, suppress 
 competition, control prices, and do it all legally, 
 if only they do not abuse the power by taking 
 too great profit out of the business. . . Now, 
 the public, and especially the business public, 
 ought to rid themselves of the idea that such a 
 distinction is practicable or can be introduced 
 into the statute. Certainly under the present 
 Anti-Trust law no such distinction exists. It 
 has been proposed, however, that the word 
 ‘ reasonable ’ should be made a part of the stat- 
 ute, and then that it shoidd be left to the court 
 to say what is a reasonable restraint of trade, 
 what is a reasonable suppression of competition, 
 what is a reasonable monopoly. I venture to 
 think that this is to put into the hands of the 
 court a power impossible to exercise on any 
 consistent principle which will insure the uni- 
 formity of decision essential to just judgment. 
 It is to thrust upon the courts a burden that 
 they have no precedents to enable them to carry, 
 and to give them a power approaching the arbi- 
 trary, the abuse of which might involve our 
 whole judicial system in disaster. 
 
 “In considering violations of the Anti-Trust 
 law, we ought, of course, not to forget that that 
 law makes unlawful, methods of carrying on 
 business which before its passage were regarded 
 as evidence of business sagacity and success, 
 and that they were denounced in this act, not 
 because of their intrinsic immorality, but be- 
 cause of the dangerous results toward which 
 they tended, the concentration of industrial 
 power in the hands of the few, leading to oppres- 
 sion and injustice. In dealing, therefore, with 
 many of the men who have used the methods 
 condemned by the statute for the purpose of 
 
 COMMERCE AND LABOR, The United 
 States Department of. See (in this vol.) 
 United States: A. D. 1903 (Feb.). 
 
 COMMERCIAL UNIVERSITIES, in 
 Germany: Their recent rise. See (in this vol.) 
 Education : Germany : A. D. 1898-1904. 
 
 » COMMISSION PLAN,’’ of City Govern- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) Municipal Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 COMMITTEE OF ONE HUNDRED. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Public Health. 
 
 COMMITTEE OF UNION AND PRO- 
 GRESS. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1908 
 (July-Dec.), and after. 
 
 COMMODITIES CLAUSE, of the Hep- 
 burn Act : Supreme Court decision on. See 
 (in this vol.) Railways : United States: A. D. 
 1906-1909. 
 
 COMMUNAL SYSTEM, Russian: Its 
 modification. See (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 
 1906 and 1909 (April). 
 
 CONCENTRATION CAMPS. See (in this 
 vol.) South Africa: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 maintaining a profitable business, we may well 
 facilitate a change by them in the method of 
 doing business. . . . 
 
 “ To the suggestion that this proposal of Fed- 
 eral incorporation for industrial combinations is 
 intended to furnish them a refuge in which to 
 continue industrial abuses under Federal protec- 
 tion, it should be said that the measure contem- 
 plated does not repeal the Sherman Anti-Trust 
 law, and is not to be framed so as to permit the 
 doing of the wrongs which it is the purpose of 
 that law to prevent, but only to foster a contin- 
 uance and advance of the highest industrial effi- 
 ciency without permitting industrial abuses. . . . 
 
 “A Federal compulsory license law, urged 
 as a substitute for a Federal incorporation law, 
 is unnecessary except to reach that kind of cor- 
 poration which, by virtue of the considerations 
 already advanced, will take advantage volun- 
 tarily of an incorporation law, while the other 
 State corporations doing an interstate business 
 do not need the supervision or the regulation of 
 a Federal license and would only be unnecessa- 
 rily burdeued thereby. 
 
 “The attorney -general, at my suggestion, has 
 drafted a Federal incorporation bill embodying 
 the views I have attempted to set forth, and it 
 will be at the disposition of the appropriate com- 
 mittees of Congress.” 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Renewed investigation of 
 the Beef Trust. — A renewed investigation of 
 the business methods of the great meat-pack- 
 ing concerns at Chicago, by the grand jury of 
 tlie United States District Court, Judge Iv. M. 
 Landis, was begun on the 24tli of January, 1910. 
 It is understood to have special reference to the 
 causes of the rising prices of meats. The firms 
 against which the Government is thus prepar- 
 ing to proceed are : Swift & Co., Armour & Co., 
 and Morris & Co., who, it is alleged, control the 
 National Packing Company, for their common 
 benefit. 
 
 CONCILIATION BOARDS, Canadian. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Organization : Can- 
 ada: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 CONCILIATION COMMITTEE, ofNa- 
 tional Civic Federation. See (in this vol.) La- 
 bor Organization : United States : A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 CONCORDAT OF 1802 , The. See (in this 
 vol.) France: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 CONFEDERATION G^NERALE DU 
 TRAVAIL. See (in this vol.) Labor Organi- 
 zation : France: A. D. 1884^1909. 
 
 CONFERENCE OF STATE GOVERN- 
 ORS. See (in this vol.) Conservation of 
 Natural Resources : United States. 
 
 CONFERENCES FOR EDUCATION 
 IN THE SOUTH, Annual. See (in this vol.) 
 Educati6n : United States: A. D. 1898-1909. 
 
 CONGER, Edwin H.: U. S. Minister to 
 China. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1903 
 (May-Oct.). 
 
 CONGESTED ESTATES. See (in this 
 vol.) Ireland : A. D. 1909. 
 
 135 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE. 
 
 How the natives have been enslaved and 
 oppressed. — The “ Domaine Prive.” — “ The 
 
 Berlin Conference laid it down that no import 
 dues should be established in the mouth of the 
 Congo for twenty years. But in 1890 King Leo- 
 pold, alleging the heavy expenses to which he 
 had been put by the campaign against the Arabs 
 in the Upper Congo, applied for permission to 
 levy import duties. It was the first disillusion- 
 ment ; and the British Chambers of Commerce 
 began to wonder whether their opposition to the 
 Anglo-Portuguese Convention had not been mis- 
 taken. The King’s request was granted (the 
 Powers merely reserving to themselves the right 
 to revert to the original arrangement in fifteen 
 years), but not without the bitter opposition of 
 the Dutch, who had very important commercial 
 interests in the Congo, backed by the British 
 Chambers of Commerce and all the traders in the 
 Congo, irrespective of nationality. A represent- 
 ative gathering was held in London on Novem- 
 ber 4th, 1900, presided over by Sir Albert Rollit, 
 to protest against the imposition of import duties 
 and to denounce the hypocrisy which attributed 
 to philanthropic motives the desire on the part of 
 the Congo State so to impose upon them. . . . 
 
 “They were able to show that . . . King Leo- 
 pold, notwithstanding his formal assurances to 
 the commercial world that the Congo State would 
 never directly or indirectly itself trade within its 
 dominions, was buying, or rather stealing, ivory 
 from the natives in the Upper Congo and retain- 
 ing the proceeds of the sale on the European 
 market. They proved that, profiting by the si- 
 lence of the Berlin Treaty on the subject of ex- 
 port duties, the Congo State had already imposed 
 taxes amounting to 17£ per cent, on ivory, 13 per 
 cent, on rubber and 5 per cent, on palm kernels, 
 palm-oil and ground-nuts, the total taxation 
 amounting to no less than 33 per cent, of the 
 value of the whole of the trade. Finally they 
 had no difficulty in demonstrating that, with all 
 his professed wish to stamp out the slave-raiding 
 carried on by the half-caste Arabs in the Upper 
 Congo, His Majesty was himself tacitly encour- 
 aging the slave trade by receiving tribute from 
 conquered Chiefs in the shape of slaves, who 
 were promptly enrolled as soldiers in the State 
 army. . . . 
 
 “Five months after the termination of the 
 Berlin Conference King Leopold issued a decree 
 (July, 1885) whereby the State asserted rights of 
 proprietorship over all vacant lands throughout 
 the Congo territory. It was intended that the 
 term vacant lands should apply in the broadest 
 sense to lands not actually occupied by the na- 
 tives at the time the decree was issued. By suc- 
 cessive decrees, promulgated in 1886, 1887 and 
 1888, the King reduced the rights of the natives 
 in their land to the narrowest limits, with the 
 result that the whole of the odd 1,000,000 square 
 miles assigned to the Congo State, except such 
 infinitesimal proportions thereof as were covered 
 by native villages or native farms, became ‘terres 
 domaniales.' On October 17tli, 1889, the King 
 also issued a decree ordering merchants to limit 
 their commercial operations in rubber to barter- 
 ing with the natives. This decree was interest- 
 ing merely as a forewarning of what came later, 
 because at that time the rubber trade was very 
 
 small. In July, 1890, the same year as the Brus- 
 sels Conference, the Congo State went a step 
 further. A decree issued in that month con- 
 firmed all that was advanced in November of the 
 same year by the speakers at the London Con- 
 ference held to protest against the imposition of 
 import duties by the State. By its terms King 
 Leopold asserted that the State was entitled to 
 trade on its own account in ivory — the first open 
 violation of his pledges. Moreover the decree im- 
 posed sundry extra taxes upon all ivory bought 
 by merchants from the natives, which, since the 
 State had become itself a trading concern, con- 
 stituted an equally direct violation of the Berlin 
 Act, by establishing differential treatment in 
 matters of trade. Such were the plans King 
 Leopold made, preparatory to obtaining from the 
 Powers the power to impose import duties. 
 Everything was ready for the great coup, which 
 should also inaugurate the Fifth Stage of His 
 Majesty’s African policy. 
 
 “The Brussels Conference met. The Powers 
 with inconceivable fatuity allowed themselves 
 to be completely hoodwinked, and within a year 
 the greatest injury perpetrated upon the unfor- 
 tunate natives of Africa since the Portuguese in 
 the XVth century conceived the idea of expatri- 
 ating them for labour purposes had been com- 
 mitted, and committed too by a Monarch who had 
 not ceased for fifteen years to pose as their self- 
 appointed regenerator. On September 21st, 1891, 
 King Leopold drafted, in secret, a decree which 
 he caused to be forwarded to the Commissioners 
 of tlieStatein the Uban-ghi- Welle and Aruwimi- 
 Welle districts, and to the Chiefs of the military 
 expeditions operating in the Upper Ubanghi dis- 
 trict. This decree never having been published in 
 the official Bulletin of the State, its exact terms 
 can only be a matter of conjecture, but we know 
 that it instructed the officials to whom it was ad- 
 dressed ‘ to take urgent and necessary measures 
 to preserve the fruits of the domain to the State, 
 especially ivory and rubber.’ By ‘fruits of the 
 domain ’ King Leopold meant the products of the 
 soil throughout the ‘ vacant lands ’ which he had 
 attributed to himself, as already explained, by 
 the decree of 1885. The King’s instructions 
 were immediately followed, and three circulars, 
 dated respectively Bangala, 15th December, 
 1891, Basankusu, 8th May, 1892, and Yokoma, 
 14th February, 1892, were issued by the officials 
 in question. Circular No. 1 forbade the natives 
 to hunt elephants unless they brought the tusks 
 to the State’s officers. Circular No. 2 forbade 
 the natives to collect rubber unless they brought 
 it to the State’s officers. Circular No. 3 forbade 
 the natives to collect either ivory or rubber 
 unless they brought the articles to the State’s 
 officers, and added that ‘ merchants purchasing 
 such articles from the natives, whose right to 
 collect them the State only recognised provided 
 that they were brought to it, would be looked 
 upon as receivers of stolen goods and denounced 
 to the judicial authorities.’ Thus did the Sov- 
 ereign of the Congo State avail himself of the 
 additional prestige conferred upon him by the 
 Brussels Conference. . . . 
 
 “In theory, then, the decrees of September, 
 1891, and October, 1892, made of the native 
 throughout the Domaine Prive a serf. In theory 
 
 136 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE 
 
 a serf he remained, for a lit tle while But as the 
 grip of Africa’s regenerator tightened upon the 
 Domaine Price, as the drilled and officered can- 
 nibal army, armed with repeating rifles, gradu- 
 ally grew and grew until it was larger than the 
 native forces kept up by any of the great Pow- 
 ers of Europe on African soil, as the radius of 
 the rubber taxes was extended, as portions of 
 the country began to be farmed out to so-called 
 * Companies ’ whose agents were also officials of 
 the King, the native of the Domaine Price be- 
 came a serf not in theory only but in fact, ground 
 down, exploited, forced to collect rubber at the 
 bayonet’s point, compelled to pay onerous trib- 
 ute to men whose salaries depend upon the 
 produce returns from their respective stations — 
 the punishment for disobedience, slothfulness or 
 inability to comply with demands ever grow- 
 ing in extortion, being anything from mutila- 
 tion to death, accompanied by the destruction 
 of villages and crops.” — E. D. Morel, The Bel- 
 gian Curse in Africa ( Contemporary Review, 
 March, 1902). 
 
 A. D. 1903 - 1905 . — The alleged oppress- 
 iveness, barbarity, and rapacity of its ad- 
 ministration under King Leopold. — Observa- 
 tions of Lord Cromer on the Nile border.— 
 Reports of a British Consular Officer, and 
 of King Leopold’s Belgian Commission. — 
 Action of the British Government. — Serious 
 accusations of oppression and barbarity in the 
 exploiting of the natural wealth of the so-called 
 Independent Congo State, under the administra 
 tion of its royal proprietor, King Leopold, of 
 Belgium, were beginning to be made a dozen 
 years ago, as will be seen by reference to the 
 subject in Volume YI. of this work. The King 
 and the companies which operated in the region 
 under his grants were reputed to be taking enor- 
 mous profits from it. Of one of those conces- 
 sionaire companies, sometimes referred to as the 
 A. B. I. R. Co. and sometimes as “ the Abir,” 
 it was stated in 1901 that its £40,000 of shares 
 could have been sold for £2,160,000, and that 
 half of its profits went to Leopold. But, as was 
 said later by a member of the British Parliament, 
 who wrote on the subject in one of the reviews, 
 “meanwhile Europe was becoming aware of the 
 price that was being paid in Africa for these 
 profits in Belgium. Travellers, missionaries of 
 various nationalities, administrators in the neigh- 
 bouring territories belonging to England and 
 France, sent home graphic reports of the cruel 
 oppression that was being practised on the help- 
 less population. In England especially, through 
 the efforts of Sir Charles Dilke, of Mr Fox- 
 Bourne, the secretary of the Aborigines Protec- 
 tion Society, of Mr. E. D. Morel and of other 
 disinterested men, public opinion was informed 
 of the truth. In May, 1903, a resolution, which 
 I had the honor of moving in the House of Com- 
 mons, calling upon the Government to take ac- 
 tion with a view to the abatement of the evils 
 prevalent in the Congo Free State, was accepted 
 bj r Mr. Balfour and unanimously passed. A 
 diplomatic correspondence ensued between the 
 two governments. The British Consul in the 
 Lower Congo, Mr. Roger Casement, was sent 
 on a tour of inquiry into the interior, and his 
 lengthy and detailed report fully confirmed — in 
 some respect extending — the indictment that 
 had been drawn. A Congo Reform Association 
 was founded, and immediately secured influen- 
 
 tial support. ... At last King Leopold, pressed 
 by the despatches of the British Government and 
 bowing to the storm of public opinion, yielded 
 so far as to authorise further inquiry into the 
 charges that had been made. The investigation 
 by an International Commission, which had been 
 proposed, he rejected. He nominated three 
 Commissioners of his selection, one a legal officer 
 in the service of the Belgian Government, one 
 a judge in the service of the Congo State, and 
 the third a Swiss jurist of repute. In October, 
 1904, the Commission reached the Congo. It 
 stayed for five months and made an extended 
 journey into the interior. After an unexplained 
 delay of eight months its report was published 
 on the 6th of November of this year [1905]. . . . 
 
 “ Had the report embodied an acquittal of the 
 Congo State it would not, under the circum- 
 stances, have been surprising. The Commis- 
 sioners, however, have to a great degree risen 
 superior to their natural prepossessions. . . . 
 It is most regrettable . . that they present no- 
 minutes of the evidence taken before them — 
 a circumstance which deprives the report of ac- 
 tuality and force, and prevents outside observ- 
 ers from drawing their own conclusions from 
 the facts which had been ascertained. But the 
 inquiry was painstaking. The case was fairly 
 tried. The judgment is an honest judgment. 
 
 “Being honest, it is necessarily a condemna- 
 tion. The Belgian defenders of the Congo Gov- 
 ernment, who were led by a conception of patri- 
 otic duty as profoundly false as that of the anti- 
 Dreyfusards in France to deny everything and to 
 meet the critics merely with unceasing torrents 
 of abuse, now have their answer. A tribunal, 
 not of our choosing, selected by the defendant 
 in their cause, has shown that those who de- 
 nounced Congo misrule were in the right, that 
 the atrocities were not imaginarj 7 , that a cruel 
 oppression of the natives has been proceeding 
 unchecked for years.” — Herbert Samuel, The 
 Congo State ( Contemporary Review, Dec., 1905). 
 
 Before this report appeared many witnesses 
 had testified for and against the impeached Gov- 
 ernment and its commercial monopoly of the 
 Congo State. Atrocities of slaughter, mutilation 
 and flogging, committed by the soldiery, the 
 sentries and other extortioners of a labor tax 
 from the helpless natives, were asserted and 
 denied. It is best, perhaps, to drop these black- 
 est counts from the Congo indictment, because 
 of the controversy over them ; and enough re- 
 mains in the Report of the King’s own Com- 
 mission of Inquiry, and in general conditions 
 which are flagrantly in evidence, to convict King 
 Leopold and his agents of soulless rapacity, in 
 their treatment of the vast African country that 
 was entrusted to him by the Conference of 
 Powers assembled at Berlin in 1884-5. 
 
 There is great weight of meaning, for example, 
 in a few words that were written, in January, 
 1903, by Lord Cromer, while returning from a 
 long trip up the Nile, in which his steamer 
 passed along about eighty miles of Congolese 
 shore. Before reaching that border of Leopold’s 
 domain he had traversed 1100 milesof the country 
 lately wrested by the British from dervishes and 
 slave dealers, where, he remarks, “ it might well 
 have been expected that much time would be 
 required to inspire confidence in the intentions 
 of the new Government.” But, “ except in the 
 uninhabitable ‘Sudd’ region,” he wrote, “nu- 
 
 137 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE 
 
 merous villages are dotted along the banks of 
 the river. The people, far from flying at the 
 approach of white men, as was formerly the 
 case, run along the banks, making signs for the 
 steamer to stop. It is clear that the Baris, Shil 
 luks, and Dinkas place the utmost trust and con- 
 fidence in the British officers with whom they 
 are brought in contact. . . . 
 
 “The contrast when once Congolese territory 
 is entered is remarkable. From the frontier to 
 Gondokoro is about 80 miles. The proper left, 
 or western, bank of the river is Belgian. The op- 
 posite bank is either under the Soudanese or the 
 Uganda Government. There are numerous is- 
 lands, and as all these are under British rule — for 
 the thalweg which, under Treaty, is the Belgian 
 frontier, skirts the western bank of the river — I 
 cannot say that I had an opportunity of seeing a 
 full 80 miles of Belgian territory. At the same 
 time, I saw a good deal, and I noticed that, whereas 
 there were numerous villages and huts on the 
 eastern bank and on the islands, on the Belgian 
 side notasigu of a village existed. Indeed, 1 do 
 not think that any one of our party saw a single 
 human being in Belgian territory, except the 
 Belgian officers and men and the wives and chil- 
 dren of the latter. Moreover not a single native 
 was to be seen either at Kiro or Lado. I asked 
 the Swedish officer at Kiro whether he saw much 
 of the natives. He replied in the negative, add- 
 ing that the nearest Bari village was situated 
 at some distance in the interior. The Italian 
 officer at Lado, in reply to the same question, 
 stated that the nearest native village was seven 
 hours distant. The reason of all this is obvious 
 enough. The Belgians are disliked. The people 
 fly from them, and it is no wonder they should 
 do so, for I am informed that the soldiers are 
 allowed full liberty to plunder, and that pay- 
 ments are rarely made for supplies. The British 
 officers wander, practically alone, over most parts 
 of the country, either on tours of inspection or 
 on shooting expeditions. I understand that no 
 Belgian officer can move outside the settlements 
 without a strong guard.” 
 
 This is in line with some parts of the experience 
 of Mr. Casement, the British Consular Officer re- 
 ferred to in the article quoted above, who trav- 
 elled for about ten weeks on the Upper Congo 
 in 1903, and whose report of what he saw in- 
 cludes 6uch accounts as the following, of con- 
 ditions around Lake Matumba: “Each village I 
 visited around the lake, save that of Q. and one 
 other, had been abandoned by its inhabitants. To 
 some of these villages the people have only just 
 returned ; to others they are only now returning, 
 In one I found the bare and burnt poles of what 
 had been dwellings left standing, and at another 
 — that of R — the people had fled at the approach 
 of my steamer, and despite the loud cries of my 
 native guides on board, nothing could induce 
 them to return, and it was impossible to hold any 
 intercourse with them. At the three succeeding 
 villages I visited beyond R. , in traversing the 
 lake towards the south, the inhabitants all fled 
 at the approach of the steamer, and it was only 
 when they found whose the vessel was that they 
 could be induced to return.” 
 
 An incident related by Mr. Casement is this: 
 “ Steaming up a small tributary of the Lulongo, 
 I arrived, unpreceded by any rumour of my 
 coming, at the village of A. In an open shed 
 I found two sentries of the La Lulanga Com- 
 
 pany guarding fifteen native women, five of 
 whom had infants at the breast, and three of 
 whom were about to become mothers. The 
 
 chief of these sentries, a man called S who 
 
 was bearing a double-barelled shot-gun, for 
 which he had a belt of cartridges — at once 
 volunteered an explanation of the reason for 
 these women’s detention. Four of them, he said, 
 were hostages who were being held to insure 
 the peaceful settlement of a dispute between 
 two neighbouring towns, which had already 
 cost the life of a man. . . . The remaining 
 eleven women, whom he indicated, he said he 
 had caught and was detaining as prisoners to 
 compel their husbands to bring in the right 
 amount of india-rubber required of them on next 
 market day. When I asked if it was a woman’s 
 work to collect india-rubber, he said, ‘ No; that, 
 of course, it was man’s work.’ ‘Then why 
 do you catch the women and not the men?’ I 
 asked. ‘ Don’t you see,’ was the answer, ‘ if 
 I caught and kept the men, who would work 
 the rubber? But if I catch their wives, the 
 husbands are anxious to have them home again, 
 and so the rubber is brought in quickly and 
 quite up to the mark.’ When I asked what 
 would become of these women if their husbands 
 failed to bring in the right quantity of rubber 
 on the next market day, he said at once that 
 then they would be kept there until their hus- 
 bands had redeemed them.” — Parliamentary 
 Payers, Africa, No. 1 (1904), Cd. 1933. 
 
 But the facts which condemn the Congo ad- 
 ministration most conclusively are found in the 
 report of the Commission of Inquiry appointed 
 by King Leopold himself, — especially in what 
 it represents of the heartless oppression of the 
 labor tax, or labor imposed on the natives, in their 
 compulsory carrying of goods or collection of 
 rubber, food and wood, for the State and for the 
 companies that operate under the King’s grants. 
 As to the labor tax exacted in food, for example, 
 the Commission expresses itself as follows : 
 
 “The decree fixes at forty hours per month 
 the work which each native owes to the State. 
 This time, considered as a maximum, is certainly 
 not excessive, especially if one takes account of 
 the fact that the work ought to be remunerated ; 
 but as in the immense majority of cases ... it 
 is not precisely the work which is demanded of 
 the native, but rather a quantity of products 
 equivalent to forty hours of work, the criterion 
 of time disappears in reality and is replaced by 
 an equivalent established by the Commissioner 
 of the district after diverse methods. . . . 
 
 “ Chikwangue (kwanga)is nothing but manioc 
 bread. . . . The preparation of this food requires 
 many operations : the clearing of the forest, the 
 planting of manioc, the digging up of the root 
 and its transformation into chikwangue , which 
 comprises the operations of separating the fibers 
 and stripping the bark, pulverizing, washing, 
 making it into bundles, and cooking it. All these 
 operations, except clearing the land, fall to the 
 women. The chikwangues so prepared are car- 
 ried by the natives to the neighboring post and 
 served for the food supply of the personnel of 
 the State — soldiers and laborers. ... As the 
 chikwangue keeps only a few days, the native, 
 even by redoubling his activity, cannot succeed 
 in freeing himself from his obligations for nuy 
 length of time. The requirement, even if it does 
 not take all his time, oppresses him continually 
 
 138 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE 
 
 liy the weight of its recurrent demands, which 
 deprive the tax of its true character and trans- 
 form it into an incessant corvie. . . . Doubtless 
 the adage, ‘ time is money,’ cannot be applied 
 to the natives of the Congo ; it is none 
 the less inadmissible that a taxpayer should be 
 obliged to travel over ninety- three miles to carry 
 to the place of collection a tax which represents 
 about the value of twenty-nine cents. . . . 
 
 “Natives inhabiting the environs of Lulonga 
 were forced to journey in canoes to Nouvelle- 
 Auvers, which represents a distance of forty to 
 fifty miles, every two weeks, to carry their fish ; 
 and taxpayers have been seen to submit to im- 
 prisonment for delays which were perhaps not 
 chargeable to them, if we take into account the 
 considerable distances to be covered periodically 
 to satisfy the requirements of the tax.” 
 
 As applied to the collection of rubber, the so- 
 called labor tax was found by the commission to 
 consume so much of the time of the natives sub- 
 jected to it that it practically made slavesof them, 
 and nothing less. 
 
 When the abused native is pretendedly paid 
 for his labor or its product, it is by some trifle 
 in metal or flimsy woven stuff, which costs the 
 State and its tributary companies next to no- 
 thing and is next to worthless to the recipient. 
 
 And not only does the State exercise over the 
 unfortunate subjects that were delivered to it 
 an authority of Government which appears to 
 be little else than a power of extortion, but it 
 has taken all their lands from them, substantially, 
 and left them next to nothing on which to per- 
 form any labor for themselves. It has decreed 
 to itself the ownership of all land not included 
 in the native villages or not under cultivation. 
 Concerning which decree the Commission re- 
 marks : 
 
 “ As the greater part of the land in the Congo 
 has never been under cultivation, this interpre- 
 tation gives to the State a proprietary right, 
 absolute and exclusive, to almost all the land, 
 and as a consequence it can grant to itself all 
 the product of the soil and prosecute as robbers 
 those who gather the smallest fruit and as ac- 
 complices those who buy the same. ... It thus 
 happens sometimes that not only have the na- 
 tives been prohibited from moving their villages, 
 but they have been refused permission to go, 
 even for a time, to a neighboring village without 
 a special permit.” 
 
 In the summer of 1903 the British Government 
 was moved to address a formal communication 
 to all the Powers which had been parties to the 
 Act of the Berlin Conference of 1884-5, whereby 
 the Congo State was created and entrusted to 
 King Leopold, asking them to consider whether 
 the system of government and of trade monopoly 
 established in that State was in conformity with 
 the provisions of the Act. The British Foreign 
 Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, in his despatch 
 (August 8 , 1903), rehearsed at length the charges 
 that were brought against the Congo adminis- 
 tration, concerning its extortion of labor from 
 the natives by a method “but little different 
 from that formerly employed to obtain slaves,” 
 saying: “ His Majesty’s Government do not know 
 precisely to what extent these accusations may 
 be true ; but they have been so repeatedly made, 
 and have received such wide credence, that it is 
 no longer possible to ignore them, and the ques- 
 tion has now arisen, whether the Congo State 
 
 can be considered to have fulfilled the special 
 pledges, given under the Berlin Act, to watch 
 over the preservation of the native tribes, and to 
 care for their moral and material advancement.” 
 
 At the same time, the dispatch called the at- 
 tention of the Powers to the question of rights 
 of trade in the Congo, saying: “Article I of 
 the Berlin Act provides that the trade of all na- 
 tions shall enjoy complete freedom in the basin 
 of the Congo; and Article V provides that no 
 Power which exercises sovereign rights in the 
 basin shall be allowed to grant therein a mono- 
 poly or favour of any kind in matters of trade. 
 In the opinion of His Majesty’s Government, the 
 system of trade now existing in the Independent 
 State of the Congo is not in harmony with these 
 provisions. ... In these circumstances, His Ma- 
 jesty’s Government consider that the time has 
 come when the Powers parties to the Berlin Act 
 should consider whether the system of trade now 
 prevailing in the Independent State is in har- 
 mony with the provisions of the Act ; and, in 
 particular, whether the system of making grants 
 of vast areas of territory is permissible under 
 the Act if the effect of such grants is in practice 
 to create a monopoly of trade. ” — Parliamentary 
 Papers, Africa, No. 14 (1903), Cd. 1809. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Feeling in Belgium concern- 
 ing the charges of oppression and inhuman- 
 ity to the natives. See (in this vol.) Belgium : 
 A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1909 . — Reform Decrees and 
 their small effect. — Continued reports of ra- 
 pacious exploitation. — Concession secured 
 by American capitalists. — Annexation of the 
 State by Belgium. — Recognition of the an- 
 nexation withheld by Great Britain and the 
 United States. — Apparently the endeavor of 
 the British Government to set in motion some 
 action of the Powers which had been parties to 
 the creation of the Congo State, for the purpose 
 of ascertaining whether the provisions of the 
 Berlin Act were being complied with in the ad- 
 ministration of that great trust, had no practical 
 result. During the next two years the Congo 
 Government was persistent in denying and at- 
 tempting to refute some parts of the reports 
 sent home by British consular officers in the 
 Congo; but after the publication of the report 
 of its own investigating Commission, in 1905, 
 there seems to have been more reticence ob- 
 served. In June, 1906, a series of new decrees, 
 supposed to embody the recommendations of 
 the Reforms Commission, was sanctioned by the 
 King. But the Consuls who reported to London 
 from the Congo country do not seem to have 
 found the wretched natives much relieved by 
 these decrees. Vice-Consul Armstrong, writing 
 from Boma December, 1907, after a prolonged 
 journey through rubber-collecting regions, de- 
 clared his conviction that “the people worked 
 from twenty to twenty-five days a month ” to 
 satisfy their labor tax. He added: “The im- 
 provement that has been made by the applica- 
 tion of the Reform Decrees of June 1906 is solely 
 in the withdrawal of armed sentries, a reform 
 which the serious decimation of the population 
 by the sentries demanded. ... I saw nothing 
 which led me to view the occupation of this 
 country in the light of an Administration. The 
 undertakings of the Government are solely com- 
 mercial, with a sufficient administrative power 
 to insure the safety of its personnel and the suc- 
 
 139 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE 
 
 cess of its enterprise. . . . The following is an 
 estimate of the profits of the State on their rub- 
 ber tax. I take the village of N’gongo as being 
 a large one, and one of the few villages that 
 supply the amount actually assessed: — 
 
 Amount assessed yearly. 1,440 kilog. of rubber. 
 
 £ a. d. 
 
 1,440 kilog. of rubber at 10 fr. . 576 0 0 
 
 Amount paid to natives at 50 c. per 
 
 kilog 28 16 0 
 
 “1 calculate the rubber at 10 fr. per kilog., the 
 value placed upon it by the State in the Com- 
 mercial Report issued this year. The market 
 value in Antwerp is from 12 fr. to 13 fr. per 
 kilog. From this amount of 576Z. must be de- 
 ducted the cost of transport, which cannot be 
 more than 2 fr. per kilog. rendered at Antwerp, 
 so that the net profits derived from this one 
 village would be a little more than 456£. per 
 annum. One hundred and twenty natives, to- 
 gether with their wives and children, which 
 would bring the population of the town to 
 about 400 souls, share this amount of 28 1. 16s., 
 and as this is paid in cloth at 7$d. per yard 
 and salt at Is. 7 \d. per kilog., it is evident that 
 they cannot receive very much each, and that 
 they complain of their remuneration.” 
 
 These were not the only official witnesses now 
 testifying to the barbarities of commercial ex- 
 ploitation that were perpetrated in the Congo 
 country under pretences of administering the 
 Government of a State. Reports to the same 
 effect were coming to the Government of the 
 United States from its Consuls in the Congo. 
 Consul-General C. R. Slocum wrote on the lst/ff 
 December, 1906, to the Department of State at 
 Washington: “ I have the honour to report that 
 I find the Congo Free State, under the present 
 regime , to be nothing but a vast commercial en- 
 terprise for the exploitation of the products of 
 the country, particularly that of ivory and rub- 
 ber. Admitted by Belgian officials and other for- 
 eigners here, the State, as I find it, is not open 
 to trade in the intended sense of article 5 of the 
 Berlin Act under which the State was formed.” 
 A year later, the succeeding Consul-General 
 of the United States in the Congo State, Mr. 
 James A. Smith, made a similar report: “In 
 excluding the native,” he wrote, “from any 
 proprietary right in the only commodities he 
 possessed which would serve as a trade medium 
 — that is, the products of the soil — and in 
 claiming for itself and granting to a few con- 
 cessionary companies in which it holds an in- 
 terest exclusive ownership of these products, 
 the Administration, in its commercial capacity, 
 has effectively shut the door to free trade and 
 created a vast monopoly in all articles the free- 
 dom of buying and selling which alone could 
 form a proper basis for legitimate trade trans- 
 actions between the native and independent 
 purchasers. Competition, by which alone can 
 a healthy condition of trade be maintained, has 
 been entirely eliminated. The Government is 
 but one tremendous commercial organization; 
 its administrative machinery is worked to bar 
 out all outside trade and to absolutely control 
 for its own benefit and the concessionary com- 
 panies the natural resources of the country.” 
 
 In the same report Mr. Smith gave details of 
 an experiment he had made, in conjunction with 
 the chef de aecteur at Yambata, to test the truth 
 
 of the assertions made by the natives as to the 
 length of time necessary to gather the rubber 
 which they are compelled to furnish. The place 
 for the experiment was selected by the chef de 
 aecteur, and he chose the five natives who were 
 employed in the experiment, and who were pro- 
 mised rewards as an incentive to do their best. 
 The men worked for four hours, and although 
 Mr. Smith vouches for the fact that they did not 
 lose a minute, they only succeeded in gathering 
 650 grammes. From this, as Mr. Smith argues, 
 the amount of time they would have to spend 
 in collecting the rubber tax works out at 93 
 hours a month, or, counting eight hours a day, 
 at 140 days a year. This did not include the time 
 spent in travelling to and from the rubber-bear- 
 ing districts. 
 
 Before this time, American interest in the 
 Congo State had become more than humanita- 
 rian, and more than a commercial interest in 
 the general opportunities of trade; for heavy 
 American capitalists had secured concessions 
 from King Leopold in a large territory for the 
 development of railways, rubber production and 
 mines. The fact was announced in the fall of 
 1906, and the names of John D. Rockefeller, 
 Jr., Thomas F. Ryan, Harry Payne Whitney, 
 Edward B. Aldrich and the Messrs. Guggenheim 
 were mentioned as prominent in the group to 
 which the grant was made. 
 
 Under the Convention of 1890 between King 
 Leopold and the Congo State, as one party, and 
 the Kingdom of Belgium as the other, it became 
 the right of the latter, on the expiration of ten 
 years, in 1900, to annex the Congo State to itself 
 (see, in Volume VI. of this work, Congo State: 
 A. D. 1900). The right was not then exercised ; 
 but the question of taking over the sovereignty 
 of that great African domain came under warm 
 discussion in Belgium before many years, and, 
 finally, in 1908, it reached the point of a keen 
 negotiation of terms with the King, attended by 
 lively conflicts in the Belgian Chambers. While 
 the question was thus pending in Belgium, the 
 British Government took occasion to express its 
 views to the Belgian Government, as to the obli- 
 gations which such an annexation would involve. 
 This was done on the 27th of March, 1908, in a 
 despatch from the Foreign Minister, Sir Edward 
 Grey, communicating an extended “Memoran- 
 dum respecting Taxation and Currency in the 
 Congo Free State.” The language of the de- 
 spatch, in part, was as follows: 
 
 “His Majesty’s Government fully recognize 
 that the choice of the means by which the admin- 
 istration of the Congo may be brought into line 
 by the Berlin Act rests exclusively with Belgium. 
 Nevertheless, while disclaiming all idea of inter- 
 ference, His Majesty’s Government feel that in 
 fairness they should leave the Belgian Govern- 
 ment in no doubt that in their opinion the exist- 
 ing administration of the Congo State has not 
 fulfilled the objects for which the State was orig- 
 inally recognized, or the conditions of Treaties, 
 and that changes are therefore required, which 
 should effect the following objects : 1. Relief 
 of the natives from excessive taxation. 2. The 
 grant to the natives of sufficient land to ensure 
 their ability to obtain not only the food they re- 
 quire, but also sufficient produce of the soil to 
 enable them to buy and sell as in other European 
 Colonies. 3. The possibility for traders what- 
 ever their nationality may be to acquire plots of 
 
 140 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE 
 
 land of reasonable dimensions In any part of the 
 Congo for the erection of factories so as to enable 
 them to establish direct trade relations with the 
 natives. . . . 
 
 "Taking the three points enumerated above 
 in order, it appears to His Majesty’s Govern- 
 ment that — 
 
 “ 1. As regards the question of taxation in 
 labour, the abuses to which the system has given 
 rise have only been rendered possible by the 
 absence of a proper standard of value. They 
 believe, therefore, that the only sure and effica- 
 cious means of precluding the existence of such 
 abuses in the future is the introduction of cur- 
 rency throughout the State at the earliest pos- 
 sible' date. Both the Reports of the Commission 
 of Inquiry and the experience of His Majesty’s 
 Consular officers agree in the conclusion that the 
 native has learnt the use of money, and that cur- 
 rency would be welcomed by all classes, native 
 and European alike. 
 
 " 2. The natives in the concessionary areas 
 should not be compelled, by either direct or in- 
 direct means, to render their labour to the Com- 
 panies without remuneration. The introduction 
 of currency should contribute greatly to the 
 protection of the native against the illicit and 
 excessive exactions on the part of private indi- 
 viduals Such protection, however, cannot be 
 adequately secured unless the latter be com- 
 pelled to pay the native in specie at a fair rate 
 to be fixed by law 
 
 “3. They would urge that a large increase 
 should be made in the land allotted to the natives. ” 
 
 The exceptional failure of the Congo State, 
 among African colonies, to introduce the use of 
 currency in transactions with the natives, and the 
 connection of this failure with the state of things 
 existing there, is discussed at length in the Memo- 
 randum, with a practical summing up in these 
 sentences : “ The Secretaries-General said the 
 native in the Congo had nospecie. True, but why 
 has he no specie ? Because, as already explained, 
 during the twenty-three years that the Congo 
 State has been in existence no serious attempt, 
 in spite of all assertions to the contrary, has ever 
 been made by the State to introduce currency on 
 a sufficiently large scale. In every other European 
 Colony in Africa has the native come to learn the 
 practical value of a medium of exchange. What 
 are the reasons that the Congo State should stand 
 in an exceptional position in this respect ? They 
 are unfortunately obvious enough. The truth is 
 that it is precisely owing to the absence of a proper 
 standard of value that the Congo Government and 
 the Concessionary Companies have been able to 
 abuse the system of taxation in labour, and realize 
 enormous profits out of the incessant labour 
 wrung from the population in the guise of taxa- 
 ation.” 
 
 This communication from Great Britain to the 
 Belgian Government was followed soon (in April) 
 by memoranda from the Government of the 
 United States, setting forth the hopes and expec- 
 tations of administrative reform with which it 
 contemplated the proposed annexation of the 
 Congo State. 
 
 A few months later the treaty of annexation 
 was agreed upon, and the annexation consum- 
 mated by an Act of the Belgian Parliament, pro- 
 mulgated on the 20th of October, 1908. To an an- 
 nouncement of the fact by the Belgian Minister 
 at Washington, Secretary Root replied at consid- 
 
 1 
 
 erable length, in a communication which bears 
 the date of June 11, 1909: “ The Government of 
 the United States,” said the Secretary, "has ob- 
 served with much interest the progress of the 
 negotiations looking to such a transfer, in the 
 expectation that under the control of Belgium 
 the condition of the natives might be beneficially 
 improved and the engagements of the treaties 
 to which the United States is a party, as well as 
 the high aims set forth in the American memo- 
 randa of April 7 and 16, 1908, and declared in the 
 Belgium replies thereto, might be fully realized. 
 
 "The United States would also be gratified by 
 the assurance that the Belgian Government will 
 consider itself specifically bound to discharge the 
 obligations assumed by the Independent State of 
 the Congo in the Brussels Convention of July 2, 
 1890, an assurance which the expressions already 
 made by the Government of Belgium in regard 
 to its own course as a party to that convention 
 leave no doubt is in entire accordance with the 
 sentiments of that Government. Among the par- 
 ticular clauses of the Brussels Convention which 
 seem to the United States to be specially relevant 
 to existing conditions in the Congo region are the 
 clauses of Article II., which include among the 
 objects of the convention : 
 
 “ ‘To diminish intestine wars between tribes 
 by means of arbitration ; to initiate them in ag- 
 ricultural labour and in the industrial arts so as 
 to increase their welfare ; to raise them to civil- 
 ization and bring about the extinction of barbar- 
 ous customs. . . . 
 
 “ ‘ To give aid and protection to commercial 
 enterprises ; to watch over their legality by es- 
 pecially controlling contracts for service with 
 natives ; and to prepare the way for the founda- 
 tion of permanent centres of cultivation and of 
 commercial settlements.’ 
 
 ‘ 1 The United States has been forced to the con- 
 clusion that in several respects the system in- 
 augurated by the Independent State of the Congo 
 has, in its practical operation, worked out re- 
 sults inconsistent with these conventional obliga- 
 tions and calling for very substantial and even 
 radical changes in order to attain conformity 
 therewith.” Moreover, it renders nugatory the 
 provisions of the successive declarations and con- 
 ventions, cited by the Secretary, which have 
 given such rights in the Congo State to citizens 
 of the United States .and others as must be main- 
 tained. 
 
 “It should always be remembered,” -wrote 
 Mr. Root, “ that the basis of the sovereignty of 
 the Independent State of the Congo over all its. 
 territory was in the treaties made by the native 
 Sovereigns who ceded the territory for the use 
 and benefit of free States established and being 
 established there under the care and supervision 
 of the International Association, so that the very 
 nature of the title forbids the destruction of the 
 tribal rights upon which it rests without securing 
 to the natives an enjoyment of their land which 
 shall be a full and adequate equivalent for the 
 tribal rights destroyed.” 
 
 Referring to a statement made in the Belgian 
 reply given to his memorandum of April 16, 
 which he quotes as in these words : — “ When it 
 annexes the possessions of the Independent State 
 Belgium will inherit its obligations as well as its 
 rights; it will be able to fulfil all the engage- 
 ments made with the United States by the decla- 
 rations of April 22, 1884” — Mr. Root closes his 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONGO STATE 
 
 letter with these remarks : “ It would be gratify- 
 ing to the United States to know that the last 
 clause of the statement just quoted is not in- 
 tended to confine the rights of the United States 
 in the Independent State to the declarations of 
 the Commercial Association which preceded the 
 creation of the Congo State as a sovereign power, 
 but includes the conventional rights conferred 
 upon the United States by the treaty concluded 
 with the Independent State immediately after 
 its recognition. 
 
 “ In the absence of a fuller understanding on 
 all these points, I confine myself for the present 
 to acknowledging your note of November 4 last 
 and taking note of the announcement therein 
 made.” 
 
 Thus no recognition was given to the Belgian 
 annexation, llecognition was held in abeyance, 
 awaiting further information and evidence of re- 
 form in the administration of the Congo State. 
 And this is the attitude assumed by the British 
 Government, which waited long and with grow- 
 ing impatience for assurances from Belgium, 
 with proceedings that would give sign of mak- 
 ing them good. On the 24th of February, 1909, 
 the subject came up in Parliament, with asser- 
 tions that “oppression of the natives was still 
 going on just as before the annexation,” and that 
 “ Great Britain had waited for months while the 
 cruelties against which she had protested still 
 continued.” In the debate, Sir Charles Dilke 
 referred to the harmony of action in the matter 
 by the United States and Great Britain, and ex- 
 pressed his conviction that “the cooperation of 
 two such powerful Governments in the cause of 
 humanity would be irresistible.” Sir Edward 
 Grey, speaking for the Ministry, said: 
 
 “ I am glad that in the course of the debate it 
 has been emphasized that this attitude is not 
 ours alone, but that the United States has spo- 
 ken with equal emphasis and taken up the same 
 position. I am sorry that no other Power has 
 taken up the same position so strongly ; but as 
 there is only one Power which has declared it- 
 self so definitely on the question as ourselves, I 
 should like to say that I am glad it is the United 
 States.” 
 
 Alluding to a remark made by one of the 
 speakers in the debate, that the Government 
 might have prevented the annexation of the 
 State by Belgium, Sir Edward said: “Ido not 
 think we should have prevented the annexation, 
 but in any case I should not have tried to prevent 
 the annexation. And for this reason among oth- 
 ers — that if Belgium was not going to take the 
 Congo State in hand and put it right, who was ? 
 I have never been able to answer that question. 
 Certainly not ourselves, because we have always 
 denied the intention of assuming any responsi- 
 bility over an enormous tract of land where we 
 have sufficient responsibility already.” 
 
 The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech 
 by saying: “If Belgium makes the administra- 
 tion of the Congo humane and brings it into ac- 
 cord, in practice and spirit, with the administra- 
 tion which exists in our own and neighbouring 
 African colonies, no country will more cordially 
 welcome that state of things than this or more 
 warmly congratulate Belgium. But we cannot 
 commit ourselves to countersign, so to say, by 
 recognition a second time, the system of admin- 
 istration which has existed under the old regime. ” 
 
 Again, in May, the question came up in Par- 
 
 liament, with impatient criticism of the Gov- 
 ernment for not taking peremptory measures 
 to compel a reformation of Belgian rule in the 
 Congo State, one speaker suggesting a “ peace- 
 ful blockade ” of the mouth of the Congo. Sir 
 Edward Grey replied : 
 
 “If this question were rashly managed it 
 might make a European question compared to 
 which those which we have had to deal with in 
 the last few months might be child’s play. Take, 
 for instance, the question of peaceful block- 
 ade. It is no good talking of peaceful blockade. 
 Blockade is blockade. It is the use of force. If 
 you are to have blockade you must be prepared 
 to go to war, and a blockade of the mouth of the 
 Congo means blockading a river which is not the 
 property of the Congo or Belgian Government. 
 They have one bank of the river. It is a river 
 which by international treaty must be opened to 
 navigation, and if you are to blockade to any 
 effect you must be prepared to stop every ship 
 going in or out of the Congo, whether under the 
 French, Belgian, German, or whatever flag it 
 is. Surely if you are going to pledge yourself 
 to take steps of that kind, and to accept the re- 
 sponsibility for them, it is not too much to say 
 that you must be prepared to raise a European 
 question which would be of the gravest kind. 
 
 I do not say there are not circumstances which 
 might justify a question of that kind, but do 
 not let the House think that by smooth words, 
 such as by applying the adjective ‘peaceful’ 
 to blockade, you are going to minimize what 
 will be the ultimate consequences of the step 
 you are taking. ” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Programme of reforms 
 promised by the Belgian Government. — The 
 
 programme of long promised reforms to be in- 
 stituted bv the Belgian Government in its admin- 
 istration of the now annexed Congo State was 
 announced in the Belgian Chamber on the 28th 
 of October, 1909, by the Minister for the Colo- 
 nies, M. Renkin. “ He repeated his solemn as- 
 surance that the charges of cruelty or oppression 
 made against the Belgian Colonial Administra- 
 tion were false. He had questioned missioua 
 ries, officials, chiefs, and other natives during his 
 visit, and heard nothing to justify the accusa- 
 tion. Individual breaches of the law might pos- 
 sibly have occurred, but every abuse brought to 
 the notice of the authorities was immediately 
 made the object of inquiry. 
 
 “It was useless, he said, to refer to the past; 
 the situation had been radically altered by the 
 annexation. As regards the land system, the 
 assignment of vacant lands to the State was ju- 
 ridically unassailable, but they must also have 
 regard to the development of the natives. The 
 natives would therefore be granted the right to 
 take the produce of the soil in the Domain. 'Phis 
 would be accomplished in three stages. On J uly 
 1, 1910, the Lower Congo, Stanley Pool, Ubangi, 
 Bangala, Kwango, Kasai, Katanga, the southern 
 portion of the Eastern Province, Aruwimi, and 
 the banks of the liver as far as Stanleyville would 
 be opened to freedom of trade. On July 1, 1911, 
 the Domain of the Crown, and on July 1, 1912, 
 the Welle district would also be thrown open. 
 Furthermore, the Government would levy taxes 
 in money, and the system of the provisioning of 
 the agents would be abolished.” 
 
 M. Renkin said furthermore that in regard to 
 the territories held by concessionnaires in the 
 
 142 
 
CONGO STATE 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 Congo the Government would make an investi- 
 gation with a view to ascertaining whether it 
 would not he advisable to make fresh arrange- 
 ments in agreement with the persons inter- 
 ested. 
 
 Writing from Brussels a mouth later, an Eng- 
 lish correspondent represents the Belgian Re- 
 formers, who had most bitterly denounced the 
 atrocities of the Leopold regime in the Congo 
 State, as believing that M. Renkin's scheme is 
 on the whole a reasonable and satisfactory 
 scheme, and above all a practical scheme, that 
 the Belgian Government are sincerely deter- 
 
 mined to carry it through, and that, even if there 
 were any sufficient reason for doubting their 
 sincerity, the Belgian nation is in earnest and 
 has the means of enforcing the execution of the 
 reforms by the exercise of the Parliamentary 
 control with which it is now for the first time 
 invested over the affairs of the Congo as a con- 
 sequence of annexation. 
 
 On the other hand, English opinion, which 
 had been roused to much heat on the Congo 
 question, is far from satisfied with the Belgian 
 proposals, and criticises them with a sharpness 
 which the Belgians resent. 
 
 CONSERVATION OF NATURAL RESOURCES. 
 
 Australia: Undertakings of Irrigation and 
 Forestry. — During a brief visit to the United 
 States in 1902, Sir Edmund Barton, then Premier 
 of the Commonwealth of Australia, contributed 
 to The Independent an article on “Australia and 
 her Problems,” in which he wrote : 
 
 “Another great problem with which we are 
 struggling is that of irrigation, and a joint irri- 
 gation scheme is afoot for using the waters of 
 the Murray, our greatest river, to fertilize lands 
 in New South Wales and Victoria. The Murray 
 forms the boundary of those two States and 
 afterward flows through South Australia. It is 
 to the interest of New South Wales and Victoria 
 to use the waters of the Murray for irrigation 
 purposes, and it is to the interest of South Aus- 
 tralia to use the Murray for navigation. We hope 
 to harmonize those interests and are working to 
 that end. 
 
 “Just before I left Australia I attended a con- 
 ference, held on the border, between represent- 
 atives of the various States as a result of which 
 each has appointed a hydraulic engineer to a 
 joint commission on irrigation . These will make 
 an investigation and report their opinion in re- 
 gard to the best practicable system for conserv- 
 ing, storing and distributing the Murray’s waters 
 without interfering with its navigation. We 
 have good reason to believe that by means of a 
 system of locks and weirs it is quite possible to 
 irrigate a very large extent of dry country by 
 means of the Murray without injuring its navi- 
 gability. Later we will take up the problem of 
 using the waters of the Darling in a similar way. 
 It is a very long river, which during the rainy 
 season sends an immense volume of water into 
 the Murray. 
 
 “ Another of our problems is in regard to for- 
 estry. We have planted some trees but not 
 nearly enough of them, and cannot yet tell any- 
 thing about results. Along with this tree plant- 
 ing, also, denudation of our timber has been 
 going on, for Australian hard woods, being im- 
 pervious to water, are now used all over the 
 world for street paving purposes. Great harm 
 has been done, and the waste is still going on, 
 for our national Government cannot interfere in 
 the matter, and the land owners are in many in- 
 stances reckless. The remedy must come from 
 the common sense of the people.” 
 
 Since tha above was written, progress has been 
 made in carrying out the projects of irrigation, 
 as was stated in a speech by Lord Northcote 
 after his return to England, in the autumn of 
 1909, from five years of service as Governor- 
 
 General of Australia. “Both in New South 
 Wales and Victoria,” he said, “very large irri- 
 gation works are in progress, and will be com- 
 pleted in a very short time, adding enormously 
 to the acreage of land fit for cultivation.” 
 
 Canada: The Dominion Forest Reserves 
 Act. — Irrigation in the Northwest. — A Do- 
 minion Act of 190fi, thus short-titled, provides 
 as follows: “All Dominion lands within the 
 respective boundaries of the reserves mentioned 
 in the schedule to this Act are hereby withdrawn 
 from sale, settlement and occupancy under the 
 provisions of the Dominion Lands Act, or of any 
 other Act, or of any regulations made under the 
 said Act or any such Act, with respect to mines 
 or mining or timber or timber licenses or leases 
 or any other matter whatsoever; and after the 
 passing of this Act no Dominion lands within 
 the boundaries of the said reserves shall be sold, 
 leased or otherwise disposed of, or be located 
 or settled upon, and no person shall use or oc- 
 cupy any part of such lands, except under the 
 provisions of this Act or of regulations made 
 thereunder.” 
 
 The schedule referred to lists 21 Forest Re- 
 serves in British Columbia, Manitoba, Saskatch- 
 ewan, and Alberta. They are placed under the 
 management of the Superintendent of Forestry, 
 for the maintenance and protection of the grow- 
 ing timber, the animals and birds in them, the 
 fish in their waters and their water supply, the 
 Governor in Council to make the needed regu- 
 lations. 
 
 In a paper read before the Royal Colonial In- 
 stitute at London, England, in January, 191 C, 
 Mr. C. W. Peterson, Manager of the Cauadian 
 Pacific Irrigation Colonization Company, gave 
 the following account of what is being done in 
 the Arid Belt, so called, near Calgary, in the 
 Canadian Northwest: “The irrigated land in 
 Alberta and Saskatchewan nearly equalled half 
 of the total irrigated area of the United States. 
 In the year 1894 the Dominion Government 
 withdrew from sale and homestead entry a tract 
 of land containing some millions of acres lo- 
 cated east of the city of Calgary, along the main 
 line of the Canadian Pacific Railway. The ob- 
 ject of that reservation was to provide for the 
 construction, ultimately, of an irrigation scheme 
 to cover the fertile Bow River Valley. The 
 Canadian Pacific Railway Company undertook 
 to construct the gigantic irrigation system in 
 question, and selected as part of its land grant a 
 block comprising three million acres of the best 
 agricultural lands. It had now been opened for 
 
 143 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 ■colonization, and this project — the greatest of 
 the kind on the American continent — was beiug 
 pushed to its completion. The tract had an aver- 
 age width of forty miles from north to south, 
 and extended eastwards from Calgary 150 miles.” 
 
 Egypt : A. D. 1909. — Completion of the 
 Esneh Barrage. — An important addition to the 
 irrigation works in Egypt, supplementing the 
 great dam at Assouan and the Assiout barrage, 
 was completed in February, 1909, when the 
 Esneh barrage was formally opened, on the 9th 
 of that month. Esneh is a town of some 25,000 
 inhabitants, situated in Upper Egypt, on the 
 west bank of the Nile, and the work now com- 
 pleted will, even in the lowest of floods, ensure 
 a plentiful supply of water to a great tract of 
 land in the Nile valley from Esneh northwards. 
 In deciding to undertake the construction of this 
 latest barrage, at a point about 100 miles north 
 of the Assouan reservoir, the Government were 
 influenced by the great success of the Assiout 
 barrage, but that work differs from the new bar- 
 rage in being designed as a low-water summer 
 regulator, whereas the function of the Esneh 
 barrage is to hold up the water in low floods. 
 
 Germany: The work begun a century ago, 
 and its result. — “Germany, a century ago, 
 faced just such a situation as now confronts us 
 [the United States]. Then there began the work 
 which we must now undertake. New forests 
 were planted, wherever the land was unsuitable 
 for other purposes. This planting was done year 
 after year, so that each year a new tract would 
 come to maturity. Forest wardens watched for 
 tires, and laws forbade careless hunters setting 
 fires in the woods. Timbermen were forced to 
 gather and burn what twigs from the slashings 
 could not be used in the still or burned for char- 
 coal, and broad lanes were left through the for- 
 ests as stops for tires. In this way there arose 
 those magnificent German forests which now 
 return the empire au average net annual profit 
 of two dollars and a half for each acre, on land 
 which is otherwise unusable; and, besides, give 
 their services free for the storage of water and 
 for the retention of the soil. 
 
 “ In our own land something of this sort has 
 already been done. New York has nearly two 
 million acres of land in forest reserves which 
 are being carefully tended. Pennsylvania has 
 half as much. Minnesota is already securing 
 ■considerable profit from the management of its 
 white pine reserves and is seeding down large 
 areas; and the other lake states are also moving, 
 but all this is being done slowly, and lacks much 
 of the energy and cooperation which should ac- 
 company it.” — J. L. Mathews. The Conservation 
 of our National Resources ( Atlantic Monthly , 
 May , 1908). 
 
 Great Britain: Outline of undertakings by 
 the Government in 1909. — Development and 
 Road Improvement Act. — In his Budget speech 
 to the House of Commons April 29, 1909, the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd - 
 George, gave a broad indication of undertakings 
 contemplated by the Government, in forestry 
 work (afforestation, or reafforestation) and on 
 other lines directed toward a more effective pre- 
 servation and development of the natural re- 
 sources of the country. In the afforestation of 
 the waste lands of the country, he said, “ We 
 are far behind every other civilized country in 
 the world. I have figures which are very inter- 
 
 esting on this point. In Germany, for instance, 
 out of a total area of 133 million acres, 34 mil- 
 lions, or nearly 26 per cent., are wooded; in 
 France, out of 130 million acres, 17 per cent.; 
 even in a small and densely-populated country 
 such as Belgium, 1,260,000 acres are wooded, or 
 17 per cent. In the United Kingdom, on the 
 other hand, out of 77 million acres, only 3 mil- 
 lions, or 4 per cent., are under wood. Sir Her- 
 bert Maxwell, who has made a study of this 
 question for a good many years, and whose 
 moderation of statement is beyond challenge, 
 estimates? that, in 1906, ‘eight millions were paid 
 annually in salaries for the administration, for- 
 mation, and preservation of German forests, 
 representing the maintenance of about 200,000 
 families, or about 1,000,000 souls; and that in 
 working up the raw material yielded by the for- 
 ests wages were earned annually to the amount 
 of 30 millions sterling, maintaining about 600,000 
 families, or 3,000,000 souls.’ The Committee will 
 there perceive what an important element this 
 is in the labour and employment of a country. 
 Any one who will take the trouble to search out 
 the census returns will find that the number of 
 people directly employed in forest work in this 
 country is only 16,000. And yet the soil and the 
 climate of this country are just as well adapted 
 for the growth of marketable trees as that of the 
 States of Germany. Recently we have been 
 favoured with a striking report of a Royal Com- 
 mission, very ably presided over by my hon. 
 friend the member for Cardiff. A perusal of the 
 names attached to that report will secure for it 
 respectful aud favourable consideration. It out- 
 lines a very comprehensive aud far-reaching 
 scheme for planting the wastes of this country. 
 The systematic operation which the Commission 
 recommend is a gigantic one, and, before the 
 Government can commit themselves to it in all 
 its details, it will require very careful considera- 
 tion by a body of experts skilled in forestry. I 
 am informed by men whom I have consulted, 
 and whose opinion on this subject I highly value, 
 that there is a good deal of preliminary work 
 which ought to be undertaken in this country 
 before the Government could safely begin plant- 
 ing on the large scale indicated in that report. 
 ... I am also told that we cannot command the 
 services in this country of a sufficient number 
 of skilled foresters to direct planting. . . . 
 
 “I doubt whether there is a great industrial 
 country in the world which spends less money 
 directly on work connected with the develop- 
 ment of its resources than we do. Take the case 
 of agriculture alone. Examine the Budgets of 
 foreign countries — I have done it with great 
 advantage in other directions — examine them 
 from this particular point of view, and hon. 
 members, I think, will be rather ashamed at the 
 contrast between the wise and lavish generosity 
 of countries much poorer than ours and the short- 
 sighted and niggardly parsimony with which 
 we dole out small sums of money for the en- 
 couragement of agriculture in our country. . . . 
 
 “ I will tell the House what we propose. There 
 isacertain amountof money, notverymuch, spent 
 in this country in a spasmodic kind of way on 
 what I will call the work of national development 
 — in light railways, in harbours, in indirect but 
 very meagre assistance to agriculture. I propose 
 to gather all these grants together into one grant 
 that I propose to call a development grant, and 
 
 144 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 this year to add a sum of £ 200,000 to that grant 
 for these purposes. . . . The grant will be utilized 
 iii the promotion of schemes which have for 
 their purpose the development of the resources 
 of the country, and will include such objects as 
 the institution of schools of forestry, the pur- 
 chase and preparation of land for afforestation, 
 the setting up of a number of experimental for- 
 ests on a large scale, expenditure upon scientific 
 research in the interests of agriculture, experi- 
 mental farms, the improvement of stock — in 
 respect of which I have had a good many re- 
 presentations from the agricultural community 
 — the equipment of agencies for disseminating 
 agricultural instruction, the encouragement and 
 promotion of co-operation, the improvement of 
 rural transport so as to make markets more 
 accessible, the facilitation of all well-consid- 
 ered schemes and measures for attracting labour 
 back to the land by small holdings or reclama- 
 tion of wastes.” 
 
 In realization of this programme an important 
 “ Development and Road Improvement Funds 
 Act” was introduced by Mr. Lloyd-George in 
 August, and passed, after considerable amend- 
 ment of its administrative details in Committee 
 of the Commons and in the House of Lords. It 
 is divided into two parts, the first dealing with 
 development, or the aiding and encouraging of 
 agriculture and other rural industries, inclusive of 
 forestry, reclamation and drainage of land, im- 
 provement of rural transport, construction and im- 
 provement of inland navigation and harbors, and 
 the development and improvement of fisheries. 
 The Act enables the Treasury to make free grants 
 and loans, from a Development Fund fed by an 
 annual Parliamentary vote and by a charge on the 
 Consolidated Fund. An independent Develop- 
 ment Commission is to be appointed by the Trea- 
 sury, consisting of five members appointed for ten 
 years, whose recommendation for the rejection 
 of applications shall be final, though not that for 
 their acceptance. The second part of the Act sets 
 up a Road Board to carry out schemes of road 
 improvement, either under its own direct con- 
 trol or through the existing highway autiiorities. 
 
 North America : International Conference 
 of Delegates from Canada, Mexico, and the 
 United States. — The movement instituted in 
 the United States for a better conservation of the 
 natural resources of the country was broadened, 
 early in 1909, into a continental and international 
 movement, by an invitation from President 
 Roosevelt to the Governments of Canada and 
 Mexico to send delegates to a general conference 
 on the subject at Washington, for the purpose 
 of arranging some cooperative and harmonious 
 plans of action in the three countries. The in- 
 vitation was cordially accepted in both of the 
 neighboring countries, and the delegates sent 
 ■were met, on the 18th of February, by many of 
 the leaders of the conservation movement in the 
 United States, including the National Conserva- 
 tion Commission. After being received and 
 addressed by the President at the White House, 
 a two days session of the Conference was held 
 in the diplomatic room of the State Department, 
 with good results. 
 
 Turkey: A. D. 1909 . — Reclamation pro- 
 jects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta. See (in 
 this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Oct.). 
 
 United States : The Great Movement for 
 
 tional care-taking of Forests, Waters, Lands, 
 and Minerals. — Forest Service, Irrigation, 
 Development of Waterways. — It is more 
 than possible that the administration of Gov- 
 ernment in the United States under President 
 Roosevelt will be distinguished, in the judgment 
 of coming generations, most highly by the im- 
 pulse and the organization it gave to measures 
 for conserving the natural resources of the coun- 
 try, in woods, water sources, mineral deposits 
 and fertile or fertilizable soils, — rescuing them 
 from a hitherto unrestrained recklessness of 
 waste. The key-note of a new determination 
 in governmental policy, pointed to this end, was 
 sounded by the President in his first Message to 
 Congress, on the 3d of December, 1901, when he 
 opened the subject largely and earnestly, saying, 
 among other things, this : 
 
 “ The preservation of our forests is an impera- 
 tive business necessity. We have come to see 
 clearly that whatever destroys the forest, except 
 to make way for agriculture, threatens our well- 
 being. At present the protection of the forest 
 reserves rests with the General Land Office, the 
 mapping and description of their timber with 
 the United States Geological Survey, and the 
 preparation of plans for their conservative use 
 with the Bureau of Forestry, which is also charged 
 with the general advancement of practical for- 
 estry in the United States. These various func- 
 tions should be united in the Bureau of Forestry, 
 to which they properly belong The present dif- 
 fusion of responsibility is bad from every stand- 
 point. It prevents that effective cooperation 
 between the Government and the men who util- 
 ize the resources of the reserves, without which 
 the interests of both must suffer. The scientific 
 bureaus generally should be put under the De- 
 partment of Agriculture. The President should 
 have by law the power of transferring lands for 
 use as forest reserves to the Department of Agri- 
 culture. He already has such power in the case 
 of lands needed by the Departments of War and 
 the Navy. . . . 
 
 “The wise administration of the forest re- 
 serves will be not less helpful to the interests 
 which depend on water than to those which 
 depend on wood and grass. The water supply 
 itself depends upon the forest. In the arid re- 
 gion it is water, not land, which measures pro- 
 duction. The western half of the United States 
 would sustain a population greater than that 
 of our whole country to-day if the waters that 
 now run to waste were saved and used for irriga- 
 tion. The forest and water problems are perhaps 
 the most vital internal questions of the United 
 States. ... 
 
 “The forests alone cannot, however, fully 
 regulate and conserve the waters of the arid 
 region. Great storage works are necessary to 
 equalize the flow of streams and to save the 
 flood waters. Their construction has been con- 
 clusively shown to be an undertaking too vast 
 for private effort. Nor can it be best accom- 
 plished by the individual States acting alone. 
 Far-reaching interstate problems are involved; 
 and the resources of single States would often 
 be inadequate. It is properly a national func- 
 tion. at least in some of its features. . . . 
 
 “The reclamation of the unsettled arid public 
 lands presents a different problem. Here it is 
 not enough to regulate the flow of streams. The 
 object of the Government is to dispose of the 
 
 an Arresting of Waste. — An organized Na- 
 
 145 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 land to settlers who will build homes upon it. 
 To accomplish this object water must be brought 
 within their reach. . . . Whatever the Nation 
 does for the extension of irrigation should har- 
 monize with, and tend to improv?, the condi- 
 tion of those now living on irrigated land. We 
 are not at the starting-point of this development. 
 Over two hundred millions of private capital 
 have already been expended in the construction 
 of irrigation works, and many million acres of 
 .arid land reclaimed. A high degree of enter- 
 prise and ability has been shown in the work 
 itself; but as much cannot be said in reference 
 to the laws relating thereto. The security and 
 value of the homes created depend largely on 
 the stability of titles to water; but the majority 
 of these rest on the uncertain foundation of court 
 decisions rendered in ordinary suits at law. With 
 a few creditable exceptions, the arid States have 
 failed to provide for the certain and just division 
 of streams in times of scarcity. Lax and uncer- 
 tain laws have made it possible to establish 
 rights to water in excess of actual uses or neces- 
 sities, and many streams have already passed 
 into private ownership, or a control equivalent 
 to ownership.” — President' s Message to Congress, 
 Dec. 3, 1901. 
 
 The Nationalizing of Irrigation Works. — 
 
 The highest quality of statesmanship is repre- 
 sented by such recommendations as these. So 
 far as concerned the proposed nationalization 
 of irrigation works, to reclaim the arid lands of 
 the West, they bore fruit within a year, in the 
 passage by Congress of the Reclamation Act of 
 June 17, 1902. It devoted most of the proceeds 
 of the sale of public lauds, in Arizona, Califor- 
 nia, Colorado, Idaho, Kansas, Montana, Nevada, 
 New Mexico, North and South Dakota, Okla- 
 homa, Utah, Washington, and Wyoming, to a 
 special Reclamation Fund in the Treasury, for 
 the creation and maintenance of irrigation works. 
 This was a measure for which the late Major 
 John W. Powell, Director of the United States 
 Geological Survey, had labored incessantly for 
 many years. In his book on “The Lands of 
 the Arid Regions” he w T as the first to show the 
 possibility of redemption for most of the wide 
 spaces of land then supposed to be hopeless des- 
 ert, and he pleaded with Congress, session after 
 session, for some national undertaking to store 
 and distribute the waters from the mountains 
 that would give life to their soil. In 1888 he 
 succeeded so far as to win authority and means 
 for investigating the water supply for the re- 
 gion, and from that time he had kept an effi- 
 cient small corps of engineers at work in the 
 survey and measurement of streams, accumu- 
 lating information that was ready for immediate 
 use when actual constructive work was taken 
 in hand. At once, on the passage of the Reclama- 
 tion Act, the Director of the Geological Survey, 
 acting under the Secretary of the Interior, began 
 the execution of plans already well matured, for 
 irrigation in Arizona and Nevada; and was able 
 three years later to report similar undertakings 
 in progress within three of the ten Territories 
 and thirteen States. 
 
 In May, 1908, the following statement of the 
 reclamation work then in progress appeared in 
 The Outlook: “ The work as a whole rivals the 
 Panama Canal in the labor and expense involved. 
 The employment of 16,000 men and the expendi- 
 ture of $1,250,000 every month are but incidents 
 
 in the service. Already the canals completed 1 
 reach a total of 1,815 miles — as far as from New 
 York to Denver. Homes have been made for ten 
 thousand families where before was desert. In 
 the past five years $33,000,000 has been spent, 
 and the enterprises already planned will add 
 more than a hundred millions to this sum. Nor 
 is this money spent in one locality. In New 
 Mexico one of the largest dams in the world is 
 being constructed. In California and Nevada 
 great reservoirs and irrigation plants are being 
 built. In western Kansas the beet-sugar raisers 
 are to have a $250,000 plant for pumping the 
 ‘ underflow,’ or the sheet water found a few feet 
 beneath the top-soil, of the Arkansas River Val- 
 ley to the surface, that ditches may be filled and 
 crops made certain. On seven great projects, 
 involving the expenditure of $51,000,000 and the 
 reclamation of over a million acres, the benefit is 
 directly to the Northwest. These projects lie in 
 North and South Dakota, Montana, and Wash- 
 ington. In these States lands that have been 
 considered as worthless except for the coarsest 
 kind of grazing are being transformed into pro- 
 ductive farms. In South Dakota the largest 
 earth dam in the world is being constructed, that 
 ninety thousand acres of land may be made fer- 
 tile ; while just east of the Yellowstone Park is 
 being built a solid wall of masonry 310 feet high 
 to hold back the waters of the Shoshone River 
 until a reservoir of ten square miles, capable of 
 irrigating a hundred thousand acres, is formed. 
 The production of these irrigated lands is mar- 
 velous. ” 
 
 The latest official statistics that are available 
 represent the total of acres irrigated at the end 
 of the year 1907 as being 11,000,000, in 167,200 
 farms, at an average cost (of constructive work) 
 of $13.46 per acre. 
 
 A National Forest Policy. — Less prompti- 
 tude of action followed the President's urging 
 of measures for forest preservation, and his 
 warnings to Congress and the country, against 
 the consequences of this inaction, were repeated 
 from year to year. His Message of December, 
 1904, carried a specially urgent plea for legisla- 
 tion to unify the national forest work. “ I have 
 repeatedly,” he said, “called attention to the 
 confusion which exists in Government forest 
 matters because the work is scattered among 
 three independent organizations. The United 
 States is the only one of the great nations in 
 which the forest work of the Government is not 
 concentrated under one department, in conso- 
 nance with the plainest dictates of good ad- 
 ministration and common sense. The present 
 arrangement is bad from every point of view. 
 Merely to mention it is to prove that it should 
 be terminated at once. As I have repeatedly 
 recommended, all the forest work of the Gov- 
 ernment should be concentrated in the Depart- 
 ment of Agriculture, where the larger part of 
 that work is already done, where practically all 
 of the trained foresters of the Government are 
 employed, where chiefly in Washington there is 
 comprehensive first-hand knowledge of the prob- 
 lems of the reserves acquired on the ground, 
 where all problems relating to growth from 
 the soil are already gathered, and where all the 
 sciences auxiliary to forestry are at hand for 
 prompt and effective cooperation.” 
 
 During its following session Congress took 
 the desired action, and the whole forest service 
 
 146 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 was transferred to the Department of Agricul- 
 ture in February, 1905. 
 
 Early in June of that year the efforts of the 
 President to waken attention to the seriousness 
 of the forest destruction in the country were 
 greatly helped by a notable convention at Wash- 
 ington of about twelve hundred men, having 
 both interest and knowledge in the matter, who 
 came together to discuss the problems involved. 
 They were mostly practical foresters, intelligent 
 lumbermen, railway men, ranch-owners, engi- 
 neers and miners, and their urgency of a sys- 
 tematic conservative treatment of the surviv- 
 ing forest wealth of the country carried great 
 weight. The convention was under the direc- 
 tion of the Secretary of Agriculture, and was 
 addressed by the President 
 
 During a journey through parts of the South- 
 ern States, in October, 1905, the President took 
 occasion, in some of his speeches, to urge that 
 a large part, at least, of the rapidly disappearing 
 forests on the Atlantic side of the country should 
 be nationalized, for preservation in the manner 
 of the forest reserves of the Far West. In his 
 Message of 1906 he submitted this to Congress, 
 as a specific recommendation, saying that the 
 forests of the White Mountains and the South- 
 ern Appalachian regions need to be preserved, 
 and “cannot be unless the people of the States 
 in which they lie, through their representatives 
 in the Congress, secure vigorous action by the 
 National Government.” This proposal encoun- 
 tered strong opposition from selfish interests, 
 and Congress was prevailed upon with difficulty 
 to authorize a survey of the forests of the White 
 Mountainsand the Southern Appalachians, which 
 resulted in a recommendation by the Secretary 
 of Agriculture that 600,000 acres in the former 
 region and 5,000,000 in the latter be purchased 
 for a National Reserve. A bill responsive to 
 this recommendation was passed by the Senate, 
 but rejected by the House, which appointed a 
 commission, instead, to make further investiga- 
 tions in the matter. Meantime, in the White 
 Mountains alone, busy slaughterers of the for- 
 ests were said to be stripping three hundred 
 acres per day. 
 
 On the eve of the adjournment of Congress 
 in March, 1907, the President issued a proclama- 
 tion adding some seventeen millions of acres 
 of forest lands to the National Forest Reserves 
 already established. This was just before he 
 signed an Act of Congress which abridged his 
 authority to create reserves in Colorado, Wyo- 
 ming, Montana, Idaho, Oregon, and Washington. 
 It was a characteristic proceeding, for which 
 the President had ample power under a statute 
 of 1891, and it simply held the forests desig- 
 nated in safety from destruction until the ques- 
 tion of their treatment was more carefully 
 considered. The next Congress, or the next 
 President, could give them up to private owner- 
 ship, in whole or in part, if the one or the other 
 found reason for doing so. Meantime they were 
 sheltered from the axeman, while undergoing 
 study. As a matter of fact, Mr. Roosevelt’s 
 successor, President Taft, did conclude that 
 some of the lands reserved should be released 
 for sale, and so ordered soon after he entered 
 the executive office. 
 
 The Inland Waterways Commission. — In 
 
 his annual Message of December, 1907, the 
 President enlarged the range of considerations 
 
 that connect themselves with the question of 
 economic forestry, by directing attention to the 
 importance of the waterways of the country 
 and their claim to a more systematic develop- 
 ment. “For the last few years,” he said, 
 “through several agencies, the Government 
 has been endeavoring to get our people to look 
 ahead, and to substitute a planned and orderly 
 development of our resources in place of a hap- 
 hazard striving for immediate profit. Our 
 great river systems should be developed as Na- 
 tional water highways; the Mississippi, with 
 its tributaries, standing first in importance, and 
 the Columbia second, although there are many 
 others of importance on the Pacific, the Atlantic 
 and the Gulf slopes. The National Government 
 should undertake this work, and I hope a begin- 
 ning will be made in the present Congress; and 
 the greatest of all our rivers, the Mississippi, 
 should receive especial attention. From the 
 Great Lakes to the mouth of the Mississippi 
 there should be a deep waterway, with deep 
 waterways leading from it to the East and the 
 West. Such a waterway would practically 
 mean the extension of our coast line into the 
 very heart of our country. It would be of in- 
 calculable benefit to our people. If begun at 
 once it can be carried through in time appre- 
 ciably to relieve the congestion of our great 
 freight-carrying lines of railroads. . . . 
 
 “The inland waterways which lie just back 
 of the whole eastern and southern coasts should 
 likewise be developed. Moreover, the develop- 
 ment of our waterways involves many other 
 important water problems, all of which should 
 be considered as part of the same general scheme. 
 The Government dams should be used to pro- 
 duce hundreds of thousands of horsepower as 
 an incident to improving navigation ; for the 
 annual value of the unused water-power of the 
 United States perhaps exceeds the annual value 
 of the products of all our mines. As an inci- 
 dent to creating the deep waterway down the 
 Mississippi, the Government should build along 
 its whole lower length levees which taken to- 
 gether with the control of the headwaters, will 
 at once and forever put a complete stop to all 
 threat of floods in the immensely fertile Delta 
 region. The territory lying adjacent to the 
 Mississippi along its lower course will thereby 
 become one of the most prosperous and popu- 
 lous, as it already is one of the most fertile, 
 farming regions in all the world. I have ap- 
 pointed an Inland Waterways Commission to 
 study and outline a comprehensive scheme of 
 development along all the lines indicated. Later 
 I shall lay its report before the Congress.” 
 
 The Inland Waterways Commission thus ap- 
 pointed by the President in March, 1907, gave 
 its attention first to the project of a “Lakes-to- 
 the-Gulf Deep Water Way,” which had been 
 commanding wide interest in the Mississippi 
 Valley for some years. What the project, in its 
 full magnitude, contemplated, was stated as fol- 
 lows in the resolutions of a great convention, of 
 4000 delegates, from 44 States, assembled at 
 Chicago in October, 1908: “Any plan for the 
 inland waterway development so imperatively 
 necessary to the material welfare of the valley 
 should comprise a main trunk line in the form 
 of a strait connecting Lake Michigan with the 
 Gulf of Mexico by way of the Illinois and Mis- 
 sissippi rivers. The development of this trunk 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 line should begin at once. The improvement 
 of the branches of this main line, such as the 
 upper Mississippi, with its tributaries; the Ohio, 
 with its leading tributaries, including the Ten- 
 nessee and Cumberland ; the Missouri, the Ar- 
 kansas, the Red, the White, and other rivers, 
 and the interstate inland waterway of Louisiana 
 and Texas, should proceed simultaneously with 
 the development of the principal line. 
 
 “ The deep waterway is practically complete 
 from Chicago to Joliet through the courage and 
 enterprise of the single city of Chicago, which 
 has by the expenditure of $55,000,000 created a 
 deep waterway across the main divide between 
 the waters of Lake Michigan and those of the 
 Mississippi. A special board of survey, com- 
 posed of United States engineers, reported to 
 Congress in 1905 that the continuation of the deep 
 waterway from Joliet to St. Louis was feasible 
 and would cost only $31,000,000. The State of 
 Illinois, assuming that the Federal Government 
 will take the responsibility of completing the 
 waterway to the Gulf, is about to cooperate to 
 the extent of $20,000,000.” 
 
 The waterway here mentioned as being “ prac 
 tically complete from Chicago to Joliet” is that 
 known as the Chicago Drainage Canal. The $20,- 
 000,000 with which the State of Illinois would 
 cooperate in carrying out the whole project was 
 voted by that State in November. 1908, for build- 
 ing an extension of the Drainage Canal from 
 Joliet to Utica, Illinois, sixty-one miles, for a de- 
 velopment of water power. The depth of these 
 channels is and is to be twenty-four feet, and the 
 project of the Lakes-to-the-Gulf Deep Waterway 
 contemplated that depth throughout. The Board 
 of Engineers to which the project was referred 
 reported, however, in June, 1909, against the de- 
 sirability of a waterway of such depth. Its cost 
 from St. Louis to the Gulf is estimated to be 
 $128,000,000 for construction, and $6,000,000 
 yearly for maintenance. In the judgment of the 
 board, the present demands of commerce between 
 St. Louis and the Gulf will be adequately met 
 by an eight-foot channel from St. Louis to the 
 mouth of the Ohio and a channel of not less than 
 nine feet in depth below the mouth of the Ohio. 
 The board’s belief is that an eight-foot channel 
 from Chicago to St. Louis corresponding with 
 the eight-foot project from St. Louis to Cairo is 
 the least that would adequately meet the de- 
 mands of commerce. It adds that such a water- 
 way would be desirable, provided its cost is rea- 
 sonable. Present and prospective demands of 
 commerce between Chicago and the Gulf would 
 be adequately served, the board reports, by a 
 through nine-foot channel to the Gulf. 
 
 In the States bordering on the Atlantic a 
 “Deeper Waterways Association” is pressing 
 long-mooted plans for uniting the bays, sounds, 
 and navigable rivers along the Atlantic coast by 
 canals, thus affording safe deep-water communi- 
 cation from Boston on the east to Florida at the 
 far south. 
 
 Conference of Governors at Washington. 
 
 — In all his endeavors to establish a national 
 policy directed, systematically and scientifically, 
 to the arresting of waste in the use and treat- 
 ment of the natural resources of the country, Pre- 
 sident Roosevelt was assisted very greatly by the 
 knowledge and the energetic public spirit of the 
 chief of the National Forest Service, Mr. Gifford 
 Pinchot. It is understood to have been on the 
 
 initative of Mr. Pinchot that the crowning ex- 
 pedient for stirring and determining public feel- 
 ing on the subject was planned, early in the 
 winter of 1908, when the President invited the 
 Governors of all the States and Territories to a 
 Conference in Washington, for considering the 
 whole question of an economic conservation of 
 natural resources and concerting measures to 
 that end. It was said, indeed, by the President, 
 in addressing the meeting of Governors, that if 
 it had not been for Mr. Pinchot “ this convention 
 neither would nor could have been called.” The 
 invitation went to others than Governors, — to 
 men of national prominence in public life, in 
 scientific pursuits, in business experience, and 
 to heads of great associations. The resulting as- 
 sembly at the White House, on the 13th, 14th, and 
 15tli of May, 1908, marked an epoch in American 
 history. There were Governors from forty of 
 the forty-six States of the Union, with the Presi- 
 dent and members of his Cabinet, the Justices 
 of the Supreme Court, many Senators and Re- 
 presentatives from the Congress, and a distin- 
 guished gathering of such citizens as William 
 Jennings Bryan, Seth Low, Janies J. Hill, An- 
 drew Carnegie, John Mitchell and Samuel Gom- 
 pers. All sides of the national thriftlessness that 
 needed correction were discussed by men who 
 could best describe the evils produced and best 
 indicate the methods of remedy. Before adjourn- 
 ing their meeting the Governors present adopted 
 with unanimity a declaration in which they say : 
 
 “We agree that our country’s future is in- 
 volved in this : that the great natural resources 
 supply the material basis upon which our civil- 
 ization must continue to depend, and upon which 
 the perpetuity of the nation itself rests. We 
 agree, in the light of the facts brought to our 
 knowledge and from the information received 
 from sources which we cannot doubt, that this 
 material basis is threatened with exhaustion. . . . 
 
 “We declare our firm conviction that this 
 conservation of our natural resources is a subject 
 of transcendent importance which should engage 
 unremittingly the attention of the nation, the 
 States, and the people in earnest cooperation. 
 These natural resources include the land on which 
 we live and which yields our food; the living 
 waters which fertilize the soil, supply power, 
 and form great avenues of commerce ; the for- 
 ests which yield the materials for our homes, 
 prevent erosion of the soil, and conserve the 
 navigation and other uses of the streams ; and 
 the minerals which form the basis of our indus- 
 trial life, and supply us with heat, light, and 
 power. . . . 
 
 “We commend the wise forethought of the 
 President in sounding the note of warning as 
 to the waste and exhaustion of the natural re- 
 sources of the country, and signify our high 
 appreciation of his action in calling this Con- 
 ference to consider the same and to seek reme- 
 dies therefor through cooperation of the nation 
 and the States. . . . 
 
 “We agree in the wisdom of future confer- 
 ences between the President, Members of Con- 
 gress, and the governors of States on the con- 
 servation of our natural resources with a view 
 of continued cooperation and action on the lines 
 suggested ; and to this end we advise that from 
 time to time, as in his judgment may seem wise, 
 the President call the governors of States and 
 Members of Congress and others into conference. 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 “ We agree that further action is advisable to 
 ascertain the present condition of our natural 
 resources and to promote the conservation of 
 the same ; and to that end we recommend the 
 appointment by each State of a commission on 
 the conservation of natural resources, to cofip- 
 erate with each other and with any similar 
 commission of the Federal Government.” 
 
 The National Conservation Commission 
 and its Report. — The President acted with 
 promptitude on the suggestion of a National 
 Commission on the Conservation of Natural Re- 
 sources, to cooperate with kindred State Com- 
 missions. Within a month he announced the 
 appointment of such a Commission, composed of 
 nearly fifty men of special qualification for the 
 inquiries to be pursued, the recommendations to 
 be made, and the action to be taken. All sec- 
 tions of the country are represented on the Com- 
 mission, including such authorities on waters as 
 Professor Swain, of the Massachusetts Institute 
 of Technology ; on forests, as Professor Graves, 
 of the Yale Forestry School, and Mr. Charles 
 Lathrop Pack, of New Jersey ; on lands, as Ex- 
 Governor Pardee, of California, and Mr. James 
 J. Hill, the eminent railway president; on min- 
 erals, as Messrs. Andrew Carnegie, of New 
 York, John Hays Hammond, of Massachusetts, 
 and John Mitchell, of Illinois. 
 
 The Commission is divided into four sections, 
 one to consider forests, another waters, a third 
 minerals, and the fourth lands. Over these di 
 visions is an executive committee, of which Mr. 
 Gifford Pinchot is chairman. In each section 
 there are representatives from the Senate and 
 House of Representatives, and officials of Gov- 
 ernment from the Department which has to do 
 with the subject referred to it. 
 
 State action on the lines commended by the Con- 
 ference of Governors had already been instituted 
 in a number of States, and in many others it was 
 promptly set on foot ; so that the desired cooper- 
 ative organization of effort was soon well under 
 way, and contributing to the first undertaking 
 plauned by the Executive Committee of the Na- 
 tional Commission, which was the making of an 
 inventory of the natural resources of the United 
 States. So effective was the work done in the 
 summer and fall of 1908 that a Second Conference 
 of State Governors, jointly with the State and 
 National Commissions, was found desirable, for 
 consideration of the mass of facts collected as a 
 basis for definite plans. The Second Conference, 
 like the First, was in Washington, and it was 
 opened on the 8th of December, under the chair- 
 manship of the then President-elect of the United 
 States, the Hon. William H. Taft. The draft of a 
 report prepared to be made by the National Con- 
 servation Commission to the President of the 
 United States was submitted confidentially to 
 this Conference, and was sent to Congress a little 
 later with its approval, as well as with that of the 
 President. The Conference adopted, further- 
 more, two important resolutions, as follows: 
 
 “ Resolved , That a joint committee be ap- 
 pointed by the chairman, to consist of six mem- 
 bers of state conservation commissions and three 
 members of the National Conservation Commis- 
 sion, whose duty it shall be to prepare and pre- 
 sent to the state and national commissions, and 
 through them to the governors and the Presi- 
 dent, a plan for united action by all organizations 
 concerned with the conservation of natural re- 
 
 sources. (On motion of Governor Noel, of Missis- 
 sippi, the chairman and secretary of the confer- 
 ence were added to and constituted a part of this 
 committee.) ” 
 
 “We also especially urge on the Congress of 
 the United States the high desirability of main- 
 taining a National Commission on the Conserva- 
 tion of the Resources of the Country, empowered 
 to cobperate with State Commissions, to the end 
 that every sovereign commonwealth and every 
 section of the country may attain the high degree 
 of prosperity and the sureness of perpetuity nat- 
 urally arising in the abundant resources and the 
 vigor, intelligence and patriotism of our people.” 
 
 In subsequently communicating to Congress, 
 on the 22d of January, 1909, the report of the 
 National Conservation Commission, the Presi- 
 dent said: “With the statements and conclu- 
 
 sions of this report I heartily concur, and I 
 commend it to the thoughtful consideration both 
 of the Congress and of our people generally. It 
 is one of the most fundamentally important 
 documents ever laid before the American people. 
 It contains the first inventory of its natural re- 
 sources ever made by any nation.” 
 
 The report of the Commission was prefaced 
 by a brief explanatory statement from the Chair- 
 man of its Executive Committee, partly as fol- 
 lows: “ The executive committee designated in 
 your letter creating the commission organized 
 on June 19 and outlined a plan for making an 
 inventory of the natural resources of the United 
 States. On July 1 work was undertaken, ac- 
 cordingly, with the cooperation of the bureaus 
 of the federal departments, authorities of the 
 different States, and representative bodies of the 
 national industries. The results of this cooper- 
 ative work are herewith submitted as appen- 
 dices of the commission’s report. ... In its co- 
 operation ‘ with other bodies created for similar 
 purposes by States,’ the National Conservation 
 Commission has had most valuable assistance. 
 Within the first month after the creation of the 
 commission, the governors of 5 States had ap- 
 pointed conservation commissions, and an equal 
 number of organizations of national scope had 
 named conservation committees. At the time 
 of the recent joint conservation conference 33 
 States and Territories had formed conservation 
 commissions. The number has now increased to 
 36, with indications that nearly all of the remain- 
 ing States will soon take similar action. The 
 number of national organizations which have 
 appointed conservation committees is 41.” 
 
 An Inventory of Natural Resources. — From 
 the report itself it is only possible, in this place, 
 to glean a few of its most impressive and sig- 
 nificant disclosures of fact. For example : 
 
 CONCERNING FORESTS. 
 
 “Forests privately owned cover three-fourths 
 of the total forest area and contain four-fifths of 
 the standing timber. The timber pri vately owned 
 is not only four times that publicly owned, but 
 is generally more valuable. Forestry is now 
 practiced on 70 per cent, of the forests publicly 
 owned, and on less than 1 per cent, of the forests 
 privately owned, or on only 18 per cent, of the 
 total area of forests. 
 
 “The yearly growth of wood in our forests 
 does not average more than 12 cubic feet per 
 acre. This gives a total yearly growth of less 
 than 7,000,000,000 cubic feet. 
 
 149 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 “We have 200,000,000 acresof mature forests, 
 in which yearly growth is balanced by decay ; 
 
 250.000. 000 acres partly cut over or burned over, 
 but restocking naturally with enough young 
 growth to produce a merchantable crop, and 
 
 100.000. 000 acres cut over and burned over, 
 upon which young growth is lacking or too 
 scanty to make merchantable timber. 
 
 “We take from our forests yearly, including 
 waste in logging and in manufacture, 23,000,000,- 
 000 cubic feet of wood. We use each year 100,- 
 000,000 cords of firewood; 40,000,000,000 feet of 
 lumber; more than 1,000,000,000 posts, poles, 
 and fence rails; 118,000,000 hewn ties; 1,500,000,- 
 000 staves; over 133,000,000 sets of heading; 
 nearly 500,000,000 barrel hoops; 3,000,000 cords 
 of native pulp wood ; 165,000,000 cubic feet of 
 round mine timbers, and 1,250,000 cords of wood 
 for distillation. 
 
 “Since 1870 forest fires have destroyed a 
 yearly average of 50 lives and $50,000,000 worth 
 of timber. Not less than 50,000,000 acres of 
 forest is burned over yearly. The young growth 
 destroyed by fire is worth far more than the 
 merchantable timber burned. 
 
 “One-fourth of the standing timber is lost in 
 logging. The boxing of long-leaf pine for tur- 
 pentine has destroyed one-fifth of the forests 
 worked. The loss in the mill is from one-third 
 to two-thirds of the timber sawed. The loss of 
 mill product in seasoning and fitting for use is 
 from one-seventh to one fourth. Of each 1000 
 feet, which stood in the forest, an average of 
 only 320 feet of lumber is used. 
 
 “We take from our forests each year, not count 
 ing the loss by fire, three and a half times their 
 yearly growth. We take 40 cubic feet per acre 
 for each 12 cubic feet grown; we take 260 cubic 
 feet per capita, while Germany uses 37 and France 
 25 cubic feet. 
 
 “We tax our forests under the general property 
 tax, a method abandoned long ago by every other 
 great nation. Present tax laws prevent reforest- 
 ation of cut-over land and the perpetuation of 
 existing forests by use. 
 
 “ Great damage is done to standing timber by 
 injurious forest insects. Much of this damage 
 can be prevented at small expense. 
 
 “To protect our farms from wind and to re- 
 forest land best suited for forest growth will re- 
 quire tree planting on an area larger than Penn- 
 sylvania, Ohio, and West Virginia combined. 
 Lands so far successfully planted make a total 
 area smaller than Rhode Island ; and year by year, 
 through careless cutting and fires, we lower the 
 capacity of existing forests to produce their like 
 again, or else totally destroy them. . . . 
 
 “ By reasonable thrift we can produce a con- 
 stant timber supply beyond our present need, and 
 with it conserve the usefulness of our streams for 
 irrigation, water supply, navigation and power. 
 Under right management, our forests will yield 
 over four times as much as now. We can reduce 
 waste in the woods and in the mill at least one 
 third, with present as well as future profit. . . . 
 We can practically stop forest fires at a cost 
 yearly of one fifth of the value of the merchant- 
 able timber burned. 
 
 “ We shall suffer for timber to meet our needs 
 until our forests have had time to grow again. 
 But if we act vigorously and at once, we shall 
 escape permanent timber scarcity.” The report 
 adds much of interest on this subject. 
 
 CONCERNING WATERS. 
 
 “ Our mean annual rainfall is about 30 inches ; 
 the quantity about 215,000,000,000,000 cubic feet 
 per year, equivalent to ten Mississippi rivers. 
 Of the total rainfall over half is evaporated ; 
 about a third flows into the sea, the remaining 
 sixth is either consumed or absorbed. These por 
 tions are sometimes called, respectively, the fly- 
 off, the run-off and the cut-off. They are partly 
 interchangeable. About a third of the run-off, 
 or a tenth of the entire rainfall, passes through 
 the Mississippi. The run-off is increasing with 
 deforestation and cultivation. 
 
 “Of the 70,000,000,000,000 cubic feet annu- 
 ally flowing into the sea, less than 1 per cent, is 
 restrained and utilized for municipal and com- 
 munity supply ; less than 2 per cent, tor some 
 10 per cent, of that in the arid and semi-arid 
 regions) is used for irrigation ; perhaps 5 per 
 cent, is used for navigation, and less than 5 per 
 cent, for power. . . . 
 
 “ For irrigation it is estimated that there are 
 $200,000,000 invested in dams, ditches, reser- 
 voirs, and other works for the partial control of 
 the waters ; and that 1,500,000,000,000 cubic feet 
 are annually diverted to irrigable lands, aggre- 
 gating some 20,000 square miles. Except in some 
 cases through forestry, few catchment areas are 
 controlled, and few reservoirs are large enough 
 to hold the storm waters. The waste in the pub- 
 lic and private projects exceeds 60 per cent, 
 while no more than 25 per cent, of the water act- 
 ually available for irrigation of the arid lands 
 is restrained and diverted. 
 
 “There are in continental United States 282 
 streams navigated for an aggregate of 26,115 
 miles, and as much more navigable if improved. 
 There are 45 canals, aggregating 2,189 miles, 
 besides numerous abandoned canals. Except 
 through forestry in recent years, together with 
 a few reservoirs and canal locks and movable 
 dams, there has been little effort to control head- 
 waters or catchment areas in the interests of nav- 
 igation, and none of our rivers are navigated 
 to more than a small fraction even of their 
 effective low-water capacity. 
 
 “The water power now in use is 5,250,000 
 horse power; the amount running over govern- 
 ment dams and not used is about 1,400,000 horse- 
 power ; the amount reasonably available equals 
 or exceeds the entire mechanical power now in 
 use, or enough to operate every mill, drive every 
 spindle, propel every train and boat, and light 
 every city, town, and village in the country. 
 
 . . . Nearly all the freshet and flood water runs 
 to waste, and the low waters which limit the 
 efficiency of power plants are increasing in fre- 
 quency and duration with the increasing flood 
 run-off. . . . Thedireet yearly damage by floods 
 since 1900has increased steadily from $45, 000, 000 
 to over $238,000,000. . . . 
 
 “ A large part of that half of the annual rain- 
 fall not evaporated lodges temporarily in the soil 
 and earth. It is estimated that the ground water 
 to the depth of 100 feet averages 10jj percent, of 
 the earth-volume, or over 1,400,000,000,000,000 
 cubic feet, equivalent to seven years' rainfall or 
 twenty years’ run-off. This subsurface reservoir 
 is the essential basis of agriculture and other in- 
 dustries and is the chief natural resource of the 
 country. It sustains forests and all other crops 
 and supplies the perennial springs and streams 
 and wells used by four-fifths of our population 
 
 150 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 and nearly all our domestic animals. Its quan- 
 tity is diminished by the increased run-off due to 
 deforestation and injudicious farming.” 
 
 CONCERNING LANDS. 
 
 “The total land area of continental United 
 States is 1,900,000,000 acres. Of this but little 
 more than two-tifths is in farms, and less than 
 one-half of the farm area is improved and made 
 a source of crop production. We have nearly 
 0,000,000 farms; they average 146 acres each. 
 The value of the farms is nearly one-fourth the 
 wealth of the United States. There are more 
 than 300,000,000 acres of public grazing land. 
 The number of persons engaged in agricultural 
 pursuits is more than 10,000,000. . . . 
 
 “There has been a slight increase in the aver- 
 age yield of our great staple farm products, but 
 neither the increase in acreage nor the yield per 
 acre has kept pace with our increase in popula- 
 tion. Within a century we shall probably have 
 to feed three times as many people as now ; and 
 the main bulk of our food supply must be grown 
 ■on our own soil. 
 
 "The area of cultivated land may possibly be 
 doubled. In addition to the land awaiting the 
 plow, 75,000,000 acres of swamp land can be re- 
 claimed, 40,000,000 acres of desert land irrigated, 
 and millions of acres of brush and wooded land 
 •cleared. Our population will increase continu- 
 ously, but there is a definite limit to the increase 
 •of our cultivated acreage. Hence we must 
 greatly increase the yield per acre. The average 
 yield of wheat in the United States is less than 
 14 bushels per acre, in Germany 28 bushels, and 
 in England 32 bushels. We get 30 bushels of 
 ■oats per acre, England nearly 45, and Germany 
 more than 47. Our soils are fertile, but our 
 mode of farming neither conserves the soil nor 
 secures full crop returns. The greatest unne- 
 cessary loss of our soil is preventable erosion. 
 Second only to this is the waste, nonuse, and 
 misuse of fertilizer derived from animals and 
 men.” 
 
 CONCERNING MINERALS. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The available and easily accessible supplies 
 ■of coal in the United States aggregate approx- 
 imately 1,400,000,000,000 tons. At the present 
 increasing rate of production this supply will 
 be so depleted as to approach exhaustion before 
 the middle of the next century. 
 
 “The. known supply of high-grade iron ores 
 in the United States approximates 3,840,000.000 
 tons, which at the present increasing rate of con- 
 sumption can not be expected to last beyond the 
 middle of the present century. In addition to 
 this, there are assumed to be 59,000,000,000 tons 
 •of lower grade iron ores which are not available 
 for use under existing conditions. 
 
 “ The supply of stone, clay, cement, lime, sand, 
 and salt is ample, while the stock of the pre- 
 cious metals and of copper, lead, zinc, sulphur, 
 asphalt, graphite, quicksilver, mica, and the rare 
 metals can not well be estimated, but is clearly 
 exhaustible within one to three centuries unless 
 unexpected deposits be found. 
 
 “ The known supply of petroleum is estimated 
 at 15,000,000,000 to 20,000,000,000 barrels, dis 
 tributed through six separate fields having an 
 aggregate area of 8,900 square miles. The pro- 
 duction is rapidly increasing, while the wastes 
 .and the loss through misuse are enormous. The 
 
 supply can not be expected to last beyond the 
 middle of the present century. 
 
 “The known natural-gas fields aggregate an 
 area of 9,000 square miles, distributed through 
 22 States. Of the total yield from these fields 
 during 1907, 400,000,000.000 cubic feet, valued 
 at $62,000,000, were utilized, while an equal 
 quantity was allowed to escape into the air. 
 The daily waste of natural gas — the most per- 
 fect known fuel — is over 1,000,000,000 cubic 
 feet, or enough to supply every city in the United 
 States of over 100,000 population. 
 
 “Phosphate rock, used for fertilizer, repre- 
 sents the slow accumulation of organic matter 
 during past ages. In most countries it is scru- 
 pulously preserved ; in this country it is exten- 
 sively exported, and largely for this reason its 
 production is increasing rapidly. The original 
 supply can not long withstand the increasing 
 demand. . . . 
 
 “ The National Government should exercise 
 such control of the mineral fuels and phosphate 
 rocks now in its possession as to check waste and 
 prolong our supply.” 
 
 CONCERNING LIFE AND HEALTH 
 
 “Since the greatest of our national assets is 
 the health and vigor of the American people, 
 our efficiency must depend on national vitality 
 even more than on the resources of the minerals, 
 lands, forests, and waters. . . . 
 
 “ Our annual mortality from tuberculosis is 
 about 150,000. Stopping three-fourths of the 
 loss of life from this cause, and from typhoid 
 and other prevalent and preventable diseases, 
 would increase our average length of life over 
 fifteen years. There are constantly about 3,000, - 
 000 persons seriously ill in the United States, of 
 whom 500,000 are consumptives. More than 
 half this illness is preventable. . . . 
 
 “The National Government has now several 
 agencies exercising health functions which only 
 need to be concentrated to become coordinated 
 parts of a greater health service worthy of the 
 nation.” 
 
 FINAL WORDS. 
 
 “The inventory of our natural resources made 
 by your commission, with the vigorous aid of 
 all federal agencies concerned, of many States, 
 and of a great number of associated and individ- 
 ual cooperators, furnishes a safe basis for general 
 conclusions as to what we have, what we use 
 and waste, and what may be the possible saving. 
 But for none of the great resources of the farm, 
 the mine, the forest, and the stream do we yet 
 possess knowledge definite or wide enough to 
 insure methods of use which will best conserve 
 them. . . The pressing need is for a general 
 plan under which citizens. States and Nation 
 may unite in an effort to achieve this great end. 
 The lack of cooperation between the States and 
 the Nation, and between the agencies of the 
 National Government, is a potent cause of the 
 neglect of conservation among the people. An 
 organization through which all agencies, state, 
 national, municipal, associate, and individual, 
 may unite in a common effort to conserve the 
 foundations of our prosperity is indispensable to 
 the welfare and progress of the nation. To that 
 end the immediate creation of a national agency 
 is essential.” 
 
 Beginnings of a General Organization of 
 
 151 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSERVATION 
 
 all Conservation Agencies. — The Joint Com- 
 mittee which the Chairman of the Second Con- 
 ference of Governors was instructed to appoint, 
 for the preparation of “a plan for united action 
 by all organizations concerned with the conser- 
 vation of natural resources,” met at Washington 
 on the 5th of March, 1909, for its first consul- 
 tation. The Committee, of eleven members, 
 consists of six chairmen of State Conservation 
 Commissions, and five who are members of the 
 National Conservation Commission. In prepa- 
 ration for the meeting the various conservation 
 bodies which have been actively at work for 
 several months are sending in suggestions based 
 on their own experience. 
 
 Action for the preservation and increase of 
 forests has been stimulated in many if not all of 
 the States of the Union by the national agitation 
 of the subject in these late years. Nowhere has 
 the influence been more effective than in New 
 York, which has not only greatly enlarged its 
 control and improved its care and treatment of 
 the extensive forest tracts in the Adirondack 
 region, but has done even more important refor- 
 esting work in other parts of its territory. ‘ ‘ J ames 
 S. Whipple, forest, fish and game commissioner, 
 has not only planted more trees in this State than 
 have been planted in any other State, or even by 
 the national government, but this year he has 
 made another great advance in the reforesting 
 movement. The commission has sold to private 
 land owners at cost 1,034,050 pine and spruce 
 trees for reforesting land within the State.” — 
 N. T. Eve. Post, April 24, 1909. — These trees 
 went to every county of the State, in numbers 
 ranging from 50 to 200,000. 
 
 Threatened Monopoly of Water Power. 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : United States: A. D. 1909. 
 
 Withdrawal of Water Power Sites from 
 Land Office Entry. — What is said to be the 
 largest number of acres of land withdrawn for 
 temporary water power sites in the history of 
 the Interior Department was made August 13, 
 1909, when Acting Secretary Wilson withdrew 
 87,360 acres along the Colorado River, in Utah. 
 The land in question was withdrawn to prevent 
 “monopolies,” and with a view to procure leg- 
 islation from Congress to preserve them to the 
 Government. 
 
 The National Conservation Association. — 
 
 “ Great significance,” said a Press despatch 
 from Washington, September 16, 1906, “is at- 
 tached here to-day to the announcement from 
 Chicago of the formation of the National Con- 
 servation Association, with Charles W. Eliot, 
 ex-president of Harvard University, as president. 
 Friends of conservation interpret the launching 
 of the new organization to mean that a national 
 organization of the widest possible membership 
 and the greatest possible scope is to supplant 
 the American Forestry Association in adminis- 
 tration favor as the educational branch of the 
 conservation movement." 
 
 Not long after its formation the Association 
 issued an earnest appeal to the country to bring 
 the pressure of its opinion on Congress for 
 needed legislation. The special subject of this 
 appeal was the vast coal field in Alaska, which 
 can only be saved from monopoly by speedy 
 amendment of existing laws. “We, therefore,” 
 said the Association, “appeal to the American 
 people to bring the urgent needs of the situation 
 
 to the attention of their representatives in Con* 
 gress, in order that comprehensive legislation 
 upon this vital matter may be enacted at the 
 next session of Congress. To this end, every 
 individual citizen is urged to do his part, and to 
 act at once.” 
 
 On the request of Dr. Eliot, Mr. Gifford Pin- 
 chot, after the withdrawal of the latter from the 
 office of Chief Forester of the United States, was 
 made President of the Association, in January, 
 1910, but Dr. Eliot was named Honorary Presi- 
 dent. 
 
 Legislation recommended by President 
 Taft. — Earnestly upholding the Conservation 
 policy instituted by his predecessor, President 
 Taft, in a Special Message to Congress, January 
 14, 1910, recommended several measures of legis- 
 lation, for which suggested bills had been drafted 
 by the Secretary of the Interior. 
 
 “One of the most pressing needs,” said the 
 Message, “in the matter of public-land reform 
 is that lands should be classified according to 
 their principal value or use. . . . 
 
 “ It is now proposed to dispose of agricultural 
 lands as such, and at the same time to reserve 
 for other disposition the treasure of coal, oil, as- 
 phaltum, natural gas, and phosphate contained 
 therein. This may be best accomplished by 
 separating the right to mine from the title to the 
 surface, giving the necessary use of so much of 
 the latter as may be required for the extraction 
 of the deposits. The surface might be disposed 
 of as agricultural land under the general agri- 
 cultural statutes, while the coal or other min- 
 eral could be disposed of by lease on a royalty 
 basis. ” 
 
 The importance of an enlargement of the un- 
 dertakings of the Government in the line of irri- 
 gation works, for reclaiming arid lands, is urged 
 by the President with great force, and he recom- 
 mends “that authority be given to issue not 
 exceeding $30,000,000 of bonds from time to 
 time, as the secretary of the interior shall find it 
 necessary, the proceeds to be applied to the com- 
 pletion of the projects already begun and their 
 proper extension, and the bonds running ten 
 years or more to be taken up by the proceeds of 
 returns to the reclamation fund, which returns, 
 as the years go on, will increase rapidly in 
 amount.” 
 
 The Message gives approval to a Bill which 
 passed the lower House of the late Congress, 
 directing that “the national government appro- 
 priate a certain amount each year out of the re- 
 ceipts from the forestry business of the govern- 
 ment to institute reforestation at the sources of 
 certain navigable streams to be selected by the 
 Geological Survey with a view to determining 
 the practicability of thus improving and protect- 
 ing the streams for Federal purposes.” 
 
 Finally, on the subject of waterway improve- 
 ment, the Message recommends the project of 
 dams in the Ohio River from Pittsburg to Cairo, 
 and in the Upper Mississippi from St. Paul to 
 St. Louis. 
 
 A. D. 1910 . — Removal from office of Chief 
 Forester Pinchot. — Investigation of charges 
 against Secretary Ballinger. Unfortunate dif- 
 ferences between the Secretary of the Interior, 
 Mr. Ballinger, and the head of the Bureau of 
 Forestry, Mr. Pinchot, led to the removal of the 
 latter from office early in January, 1910. As a 
 further result, formal charges of unfaithfulness 
 
 152 
 
CONSERVATION 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA 
 
 to public interests, in conducting national mea- 
 sures of conservation, were brought against 
 Secretary Ballinger, and are undergoing inves- 
 
 tigation by a Congressional Committee at the 
 time of the passing of this matter to the printers 
 (March, 1910). 
 
 CONSERVATIVE-UNIONIST 
 PARTY: Surrender of the Government in 
 Great Britain. — Defeat in the Elections. See 
 
 (in this vol.) England : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 CONSPIRACY LAW, British, as affect- 
 ing Trades Unions. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Organization : England • A. D. 1906 (March). 
 
 CONSTABULARY, The Philippine. See 
 (in this vol.) Philippine Islands: A. D. 1901- 
 1902. 
 
 CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1901.— 
 
 Loss of political importance. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia : The Asiatic Future. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — The Turkish Revolu- 
 tion. See Turkey: A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.), 
 and after. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA: 
 Proposed Amendments. See (in this vol.) 
 Australia : A. D. 1909 and 1910. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF BRITISH IN- 
 DIAN GOVERNMENT : The Indian Coun- 
 cils Act. See (in this vol. ) India : A. D. 
 1908-1909. 
 
 CONSTITUTION FOR CHINA : Nine 
 years of approach to it. — Promised for 1907. 
 See (in this vol.) China : A. D. 1905-1908, 
 1908 (Dec.), and 1909 (Oct. -Nov.). 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF ENGLAND: 
 Resolution of the Commons contemplating a 
 change affecting the Legislative Power of 
 the House of Lords. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1906 (April-Dec.), and 1910. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF GEORGIA: 
 Suffrage Amendment. See (in this vol.) Geor- 
 gia: A. D. 1908. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF MONTENEGRO. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Balkan and Danubian States. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA.— 
 Some of the more radical features of the Consti- 
 tution under which Oklahoma was admitted to 
 the American Union are summarized in the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 “Legislative authority is vested in a legisla- 
 ture, but the people reserve to themselves the 
 power to propose laws and amendments to the 
 constitution and to enact or reject the same at 
 the polls independent of the legislature, and also 
 reserve power at their own option to approve or 
 reject at the polls any act of the legislature. 
 
 “ Eight per cent of the legal voters have the 
 right to propose any legislative measure and 15 
 percent of the legal voters have the right to pro- 
 pose amendments to the constitution by petition. 
 A referendum may be ordered, except as to laws 
 necessary for the immediate preservation of the 
 public peace, health or safety, either by petition 
 signed by 5 per cent of the legal voters or by the 
 legislature as other bills are enacted. The veto 
 power of the governor does not extend to mea- 
 sures voted on by the people. The powers of the 
 initiative and referendum are also reserved to the 
 legal voters of every county and district as to 
 local legislation or action. 
 
 “Every railroad, car or express company is re- 
 quired to receive and transport without delay or 
 discrimination each other’s cars, loaded or empty, 
 and passengers under such regulations as shall be 
 prescribed by law or any commission created for 
 that purpose. All oil-pipe companies are made 
 
 subject to the reasonable control and regulation 
 of the corporation commission, to which tele- 
 phone and telegraph lines are also subject in the 
 same manner. No public-service corporation may 
 consolidate with any other like corporation hav- 
 ing under its control a parallel or competing line 
 except by enactment of the legislature upon the 
 recommendation of the corporation commission. 
 The legislature, however, shall never enact any 
 law permitting any public-service corporation to 
 consolidate with any other public-service corpora- 
 tion organized under the laws of any other state 
 or of the United States owning or controlling a 
 parallel or competing line in the state. The giv- 
 ing of passes by railroad or transportation com- 
 panies is forbidden except in the case of employes 
 and other specified persons. 
 
 “A corporation commission is created, to be 
 composed of three persons, elected by the people 
 for terms of six years. The commission shall have 
 power to supervise and control all transportation 
 and transmission companies in the state in all 
 matters relating to the performance of their pub- 
 lic duties and their charges therefor and of cor- 
 recting abuses and preventing unjust discrimina- 
 tion and extortion by such companies; and to that 
 end the commission shall from time to time pre- 
 scribe and enforce such rates, charges, classifica- 
 tion of charges and rules and regulations and shall 
 require the companies to establish and maintain 
 until amended all such public service, facilities 
 and conveniences as may be reasonable and just. 
 
 “ Railroads, other than street or electric roads, 
 are forbidden to charge more than 2 cents a mile 
 for the transportation of passengers. The corpora- 
 tion commission may, however exempt those 
 roads which submit proof that they cannot earn 
 a just compensation for the services rendered by 
 them to the public if not permitted to charge 
 more than 2 cents a mile. 
 
 “No corporation 'may issue stock except for 
 money, labor done or property actually received 
 to the amount of the par value thereof and all 
 fictitious increase of stock or indebtedness shall 
 be void. 
 
 “No corporation doing business in the state 
 may be permitted to influence elections or official 
 duty by contributions of money or anything of 
 value. 
 
 “ Every license issued or charter granted to a 
 mining or public service corporation, foreign or 
 domestic, must contain a stipulation that such 
 corporation will submit any difference it may 
 have with employes in reference to labor to arbi- 
 tration. 
 
 “ The selling by firms or corporations of com- 
 modities at a lower rate in one locality than in an- 
 other for the purpose of creating a monopoly or 
 for destroying competition is prohibited. 
 
 “Municipal corporations may not be created 
 by special but by general laws, and every corpo- 
 ration now existing shall continue with its pre- 
 sent rights and powers until otherwise provided 
 by law. The powers of the initiative and refer 
 endum are reserved to the people of every 
 municipal corporation. No municipal corpora- 
 tion may ever grant, extend or renew a franchise 
 without the approval of a majority of the quali- 
 fied electors residing within its limits, and no 
 
 153 
 
CONSTITUTION OF OKLAHOMA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA 
 
 franchise may be granted, extended or renewed i Women are qualified to vote at school -district 
 for more than twenty-five years. I elections only. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA. 
 
 A Constitution for Persia was signed by the 
 Shah, Muzaffer-ed Deen, December 30, 1906, of 
 which the following is, in part, the text: 
 
 In the name of God the all Merciful ! Whereas 
 by our Firman of the 5th August, 1906, we 
 commanded the constitution of a National As- 
 sembly [Medjliss] for the progress and welfare of 
 the State and nation, the strengthening of the 
 foundations of the kingdom, and the carrying 
 out of the laws of Islam ; and whereas, in accord- 
 ance with the clause by which it is provided 
 that, as each individual member of the State 
 has a right to take part in the superintendence 
 and decision of public affairs, we therefore have 
 permitted the election and appointment of Depu- 
 ties on behalf of the nation ; and whereas the 
 National Assembly has been opened through our 
 gracious benevolence, we have decreed the fol- 
 lowing Articles of constitutional Regulations for 
 the National Assembly, including the duties 
 and business of the Assembly and its limita- 
 tions and relations toward Government Depart- 
 ments • 
 
 The Institution of the Assembly. 
 
 [Articles 1-14 declare the National Assembly 
 to be “ composed of members elected at Tehran 
 and in the provinces ” ; their place of meeting 
 to be at Tehran ; their number 160, but may if 
 necessary be increased to 200 ; their term of ser- 
 vice two years: they are “representative of the 
 whole Persian nation ” ; the Tehran deputies to 
 have “the option of instituting the Assembly 
 and starting discussion and debates,” and “ their 
 decisions by majority during the absence of the 
 provincial deputies will be valid and are to be 
 carried out.” The Assembly itself is given the 
 right to fix the time of its recess and its sitting ; 
 its members cannot be proceeded against by any 
 person ; its proceedings must be public and open 
 to newspaper reporting, but false reporting shall 
 be punished.] 
 
 The Duties of the Assembly, its Limita- 
 tions and Rights. 
 
 Art. 15. The National Assembly has the right 
 to discuss truthfully and sincerely all matters it 
 considers to be desirable in the interests of the 
 State and nation to investigate; and, subject to 
 the approval of a majority, to submit them, in 
 the enjoyment of the utmost safety and confi- 
 dence, with the approval of the Senate, to His 
 Imperial Majesty the Shah, through the first 
 person of the Government, for His Majesty’s 
 signature, and to be then put into execution. 
 
 Art. 16. In general, all laws necessary for the 
 strengthening of the Government and kingdom, 
 and the regulation of State affairs, and for the 
 Constitution of Ministries, must receive the 
 sanction of the National Assembly. 
 
 Art. 17. The necessary Bills for making new 
 laws, or for the alteration, amplification, or can- 
 cellation of existing laws, will, when desirable, 
 be prepared by the National Assembly to be 
 submitted to His Imperial Majesty the Shah for 
 signature with the approval of the Senate, and 
 to be then put into execution. 
 
 Art. 18. The regulation of financial matters, 
 
 the modification of the Budget, the alteration of 
 the arrangement of taxation, the refusal or ac- 
 ceptance of impositions, as well as the inspec- 
 tions which will be undertaken by the Govern- 
 ment, will be done with the approval of the 
 Assembly. 
 
 Art. 19. The Assembly will have the right, for 
 the purpose of reforming financial matters and 
 facilitating the relations of the Governors and 
 the apportioning of the provinces of Persia, and 
 the reappointment of Governors, after the Senate 
 has given its approval, to demand from the 
 Government authorities that the decision arrived 
 at should be carried out. 
 
 Art. 20. The Budget of each Ministry must 
 be finished for the succeeding year in the last 
 half of each year, and must be ready fifteen 
 days before the 20th March. 
 
 Art. 21. Should it be necessary with regard 
 to the constitutional laws of the Ministries to 
 make a new law, or to alter or cancel existing 
 laws, it will be done with the consent of the 
 National Assembly, whether its necessity be 
 first pointed out by the Assembly or by the re- 
 sponsible Minister. 
 
 Art. 22. Whenever a part of the revenue or 
 property of the Government or State is to be 
 sold, or a change of frontier or border becomes 
 necessary, it will be done with the approval of 
 the National Assembly. 
 
 Art. 23. Without the approval of the National 
 Assembly no concession whatever for the forma- 
 tion of Companies or Associations shall be 
 granted by the Government. 
 
 Art, 24. Treaties, Conventions, the granting 
 of concessions, monopolies, either commercial, 
 industrial, or agricultural, whether the other 
 party be a native or a foreigner, can only be 
 done with the approval of the National As- 
 sembly. Treaties which it may be in the inter- 
 ests of the Government or nation to keep secret 
 are excepted. 
 
 Art. 25. All Government loans of any nature 
 whatsoever, whether internal or foreign, will be 
 made with the knowledge and approval of the 
 National Assembly, 
 
 Art. 26. The construction of railways or roads, 
 whether the cost be defrayed by the Govern- 
 ment, by Associations or Companies, whether 
 native or foreign, can only be undertaken with 
 the approval of the National Assembly. 
 
 Art, 27. Should the Assembly find in any 
 place a fault, in the laws or an irregularity in 
 their fulfilment, it will draw the attention of the 
 responsible Minister to the same, and he will 
 have to give the necessary explanations. 
 
 Art. 28. Should a Minister, in contravention 
 of one of the laws which have received the 
 Imperial sanction, by misrepresentations obtain 
 the issue of a written or verbal order from II is 
 Imperial Majesty the Shah, and excuse himself 
 thereby for his delay and negligence, he will by 
 law be responsible to His Imperial Majesty the 
 Shah. 
 
 Art, 29. Whichever Minister who in a matter 
 or matters should not be able to answer for his 
 
 154 
 
CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA 
 
 actions in accordance with the laws approved 
 by Ilis Imperial Majesty, aud if it should heap- 
 parent that lie lias broken the law and trans- 
 gressed the stipulated limitations, the Assembly 
 will petition Ilis Imperial Majesty for his dis 
 missal, and when his fault has been determined 
 by the Courts of Justice he will not again be 
 allowed to serve the Government. 
 
 Art. 30. The National Assembly has the right 
 whenever it considers it desirable to make pe- 
 titions direct to His Imperial Majesty by the 
 means of a body composed of the President and 
 six Members elected by the six classes. The time 
 for the audience must be arranged for through 
 the Minister of Court. 
 
 Art. 81. The Ministers have the right to be 
 present at the sittings of the National Assembly, 
 and to sit in the place set apart for them, and to 
 hear the debates of the Assembly ; and should 
 they think it necessary, they may ask the Pre- 
 sident for permission to speak and give the ne- 
 cessary explanations for the discussion and inves- 
 tigation of affairs. 
 
 Art. 32. Any individual member of the public 
 may make a statement of his case, or complaints 
 or criticisms, to the office of the Assembly, and, 
 if the matter concerns the Assembly itself, a 
 satisfying answer will be given to him; but 
 should the matter concern one of the Ministries, 
 it will be sent to that Ministry for investigation, 
 and in order that a satisfying answer be given. 
 
 Art. 33. New laws which are necessary will 
 be prepared at the responsible Ministries, and 
 will be given to the National Assembly by the 
 responsible Minister or by the Sadr Azam, and 
 after receiving the approval of the Assembly 
 will receive His Imperial Majesty’s sign-man- 
 ual and be put into execution. 
 
 Art. 34. The President of the Assembly can, 
 if necessary, of his own initiative or by the 
 desire of ten Members of the Assembly or of a 
 Minister, form a Secret Committee, without the 
 presence of newspaper reporters or spectators, 
 composed of a number of persons chosen from 
 among the Members of the Assembly, at which 
 the other Members of the Assembly will not 
 have the right to attend. The result of the de- 
 liberations of the Secret Committee can, how- 
 ever, only be put into execution when the Secret 
 Committee in the presence of three quarters of 
 the persons elected accept the point at issue by 
 a majority of votes, and if the matter be not 
 passed by the Secret Committee, it will not be 
 stated in the Assembly and will remain secret. 
 
 Art. 35. Should the Secret Committee be in- 
 stituted by the President of the Assembly, he 
 has the right to inform the public of any part of 
 it he thinks fit; but if the Secret Corhmittee is 
 instituted by a Minister, the publication of the 
 debate can only be subject to that Minister’s 
 permission. 
 
 [Articles 36-42 are regulative of the transaction 
 of business between the Assembly and the Min- 
 istries of the Government in matters of debate, 
 inquiry, action on bills, etc.] 
 
 The Institution of the Senate. 
 
 Art. 43. Another Assembly, called the Senate, 
 will be constituted, composed of sixty Members, 
 whose sittings will coincide, after its constitu- 
 tion, with those of the National Assembly. 
 
 Art. 44. The Regulations of the Senate must 
 receive the approval of the National Assem- 
 bly. 
 
 Art. 45. The Members of the Assembly will 
 be chosen from among the enlightened, intelli- 
 gent, orthodox, and respectable persons of the 
 State, thirty persons on behalf of His Imperial 
 Majesty, of whom fifteen from among the in- 
 habitants of Tehran and fifteen from the inhab- 
 itants of the provinces, and thirty persons on be- 
 half of the nation, of whom fifteen persons elected 
 by the people of Tehran and fifteen persons 
 elected by the people of the provinces. 
 
 Art. 46. After the constitution of the Senate all 
 affairs must receive the approval of both Assem- 
 blies. If those affairs are initiated by the Senate 
 or by the body of Ministers, they must first be 
 determined in the Senate and passed by a major- 
 ity, and then be sent to the National Assembly 
 for approval ; but affairs initiated in the Na- 
 tional Assembly will, on the contrary, pass from 
 that Assembly to the Senate, with the exception 
 of financial matters, which will be the preroga- 
 tive of the National Assembly, and the Senate 
 will be informed of the arrangements made by 
 the Assembly regarding these affairs in order 
 that the Senate should make its observations on 
 the same to the National Assembly, which is, 
 however, at liberty, after the necessary investi- 
 gations, either to accept or to refuse the propo- 
 sals of the Senate. 
 
 Art. 47. So long as the Senate is not consti- 
 tuted affairs will require only the approval of 
 the National Assembly and the sign-manual of 
 His Imperial Majesty to be put into execution. 
 
 [Article 48 provides for the constituting of a 
 “ third assembly,” composed of an equal number 
 of members from the National Assembly and the 
 Senate, to deal with cases in which those two 
 bodies are in disagreement, and for the ultimate 
 dissolution of the National Assembly, prepara- 
 tory to the election of a new one, in case no set- 
 tlement of the disagreement is reached. 
 
 Article 49 allows the new Tehran deputies 
 then elected to begin their labors, outside of the 
 points at issue, as soon as they are ready. ] 
 
 The conclusion of the Constitution is as fol- 
 lows -. 
 
 Art. 50. During each term of election — that 
 is to say, during two years — a general election 
 will not be called more than once. 
 
 Art. 51. It is decreed that the Sovereign who 
 succeeds us should protect these limitations and 
 Articles, which aim at the strengthening of the 
 State and of the foundations of the kingdom, 
 and the protection of justice and contentment of 
 the nation, which we have decreed and put into 
 execution, aud which they must look upon as 
 their duty to fulfil. 
 
 In the month of Zilkade the Unclean, 1324. 
 
 O God the Almighty ! 
 
 The Constitutional Laws of the National As- 
 sembly and the Senate, containing fifty one Arti- 
 cles, are correct. 
 
 14th of the month of Zilkade, 1324 (30th De- 
 cember, 1906). 
 
 In the handwriting of Muzaffer-ed-Deen Shah; 
 
 It is correct. 
 
 (Sealed) Yaliahd (Mohammed Ali Sliah). 
 (Sealed) Mushir-ed-Dowleh (the Grand Vizier). 
 
 The Constitutional Law, as passed by the 
 National Assembly and signed by the Shah 
 on October 8 , 1907 . — One hundred and seven 
 articles “to complete the fundamental laws of 
 the Constitution of Pevsia” were “added to the 
 Constitional law ” by the signature of the Shah 
 
 155 
 
 / 
 
CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA 
 
 on the 30th of December, 1906. The first two 
 are as follows : 
 
 Article 1. The official religion of Persia is the 
 branch of the Twelve Imams of the Shia Sect of 
 Islam. The Sovereign of Persia must be of, 
 and contribute to the spread of, this religion. 
 
 Art. 2. The National Assembly has been 
 founded by the help of the Twelfth Imam, the 
 bounty of His Islamic Majesty, the watchfulness 
 of the Mujtelieds and the common people. The 
 laws passed by it must never to all ages be con- 
 trary to the sacred precepts of Islam, and the 
 laws laid down by the Prophet. It is obvious 
 that the decision as to whether the laws passed 
 by the Assembly are in opposition to the pre- 
 cepts of Islam rests with the Ulema. It is there- 
 fore officially decreed that for all ages a Com- 
 mittee composed of five persons, who shall be 
 Mujteheds and religious doctors, and who also 
 must be acquainted with the requirements of 
 the times, shall be elected in the following man- 
 ner: The Ulema and doctors of Islam who are 
 recognized by the Sliias as the centre of imitation 
 shall make known to the National Assembly the 
 names of twenty of the Ulema possessing the 
 above-mentioned qualities. The National As- 
 sembly shall, by agreement on casting of lots, 
 elect five of them or more, according to the re- 
 quirements of the age, and admit them as mem- 
 bers. This Committee shall discuss and thor- 
 oughly investigate the Bills brought in by the 
 National Assembly, and reject every one of these 
 Bills which is contrary to the sacred precepts of 
 Islam, in order that it may not become law. The 
 decision of this Committee is final. This Article 
 will not be liable to change until the advent of 
 the Twelfth Imam. 
 
 [Articles 3-7 relate to boundaries of the King- 
 dom, its capital, its flag, protection of the lives 
 and property of foreigners, and the integrity of 
 the Constitution. 
 
 Articles 8-25 are in the nature of a “ bill of 
 rights,” affirming equality of rights to all; im- 
 munity from arbitrary arrest, punishment, exile 
 or sequestration of property; freedom of “the 
 study of teaching of arts, letters and sciences” 
 
 ‘ ‘ except in so far as they are forbidden by the 
 Sheri”; freedom of publication for all “ except 
 heretical works”; freedom of “societies and 
 associations which do n.ot provoke religious or 
 civil strife ” ; inviolability of postal and tele- 
 graphic communications, except under authority 
 of law. All primary and secondary schools are 
 placed under the direction and surveillance of 
 the Ministry of Education. 
 
 Articles 26-29 define, as follows:] 
 
 The Powers of the Realm. 
 
 Art. 26. The powers of the realm spring from 
 the people. The Constitutional Law defines the 
 method of using those powers. 
 
 Art, 27. The powers of the realm are divided 
 into three parts: — 
 
 Firstly, legislative power, whose province it 
 is to make and amend laws. This power 
 emanates from His Imperial Majesty the Shah, 
 the National Assembly, and the Senate. Each 
 one of these three sources possesses the right of 
 originating laws; but their passing is condi- 
 tional to their not being contrary to the laws 
 of the Sheri, and to the approval of the two 
 Assemblies, and to their receiving the Imperial 
 signature. But the making and approval of 
 laws relating to the revenue and expenditure 
 
 of the realm belong to the National Assembly 
 alone. The interpretation and commentary of 
 laws is the peculiar duty of the National 
 Assembly. 
 
 Secondly, the judicial power, which consists 
 in the distinguishing of rights. This power 
 belongs to the Sheri Tribunals in matters apper- 
 taining to the Sheri, and to the Courts of Justice 
 in matters appertaining to the civil law (“urf”). 
 
 Thirdly, the executive power, which rests 
 with the Sovereign. That is to say, the Laws 
 and Decrees will be executed by the Ministers 
 and Government officials in the name of His 
 Imperial Majesty in the manner defined by law. 
 
 Art. 28. The three above-mentioned powers 
 shall always be differentiated and separated 
 from one another. 
 
 Art. 29. The particular revenues of each 
 province, department, and commune shall be 
 regulated by the Provincial and Departmental 
 Assemblies in accordance with their own par- 
 ticular laws. 
 
 [Articles 30-34 define the status of the mem- 
 bers of the National Assembly.] 
 
 Rights and Powers of the Crown. 
 
 [Articles 35-57 set forth the rights and powers 
 of the Crown. The sovereignty of Persia is de- 
 clared to be “a trust which, by the grace of 
 God, has been conferred on the person of the 
 Sovereign by the people.” The succession is 
 vested in Muliammed Ali Shah Kajar and his 
 descendants ; the Crown Prince to be “ the eldest 
 son of the Sovereign whose mother is a Persian 
 and a princess.” Provision is made for the 
 election by a joint committee of the Senate and 
 the National Assembly on the succession of a 
 minor, who cannot govern personally till his 
 age is eighteen. The powers of the sovereign 
 are thus defined :] 
 
 Art. 43. The Sovereign cannot, without the 
 approval and sanction of the National Assembly 
 and the Senate, interfere in the affairs of another 
 country. 
 
 Art. 44. The Sovereign is absolved from all 
 responsibility. The Ministers of State are re- 
 sponsible in all matters. 
 
 Art. 45. All the Decrees and Rescripts of the 
 Sovereign shall only be put into execution when 
 they have been signed by the responsible Minis- 
 ter, who is responsible for the accuracy of the 
 contents of that Firman or Rescript. 
 
 Art. 46. The dismissal and appointment of 
 Ministers are by order of the Sovereign. 
 
 Art. 47 The conferring of commissions in the 
 army and orders and honorary distinctions, with 
 due observance of law, is vested in the person of 
 the Sovereign. 
 
 Art. 48. The Sovereign has the right, with the 
 approval of the responsible Minister, to choose 
 the important officials of the Government De- 
 partments, either at home or abroad, except in 
 cases excepted by law. But the appointment of 
 the other officials does not concern the Sovereign, 
 except in cases defined by law. 
 
 Art. 49. The issuing of Firmans for the execu- 
 tion of laws is one of the rights of the Sovereign, 
 but he may not delay or suspend the execution 
 of those laws. 
 
 Art. 50. The supreme command of the mili- 
 tary and naval forces is vested in the person of 
 the Sovereign. 
 
 Art. 51. The declaration of war and the con- 
 clusion of peace rest with the Sovereign. 
 
 156 
 
CONSTITUTION OF PERSIA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 Art. 52. Treaties which, in accordance with 
 Article 24 of the Constitutional Law of the 14th 
 Zllaadeh, 1825 (80th December, 1906), must be 
 kept secret, must, on the removal of this neces- 
 sity, and provided that the interests and security 
 of the country demand it, be communicated by 
 the Sovereign to the National Assembly and the 
 Senate, with the necessary explanations. 
 
 Art. 58. The secret clauses of any Treaty can- 
 not annul the public clauses of that Treaty. 
 
 Art. 54. The Sovereign can summon the Na- 
 tional Assembly and the Senate to an extraordi- 
 nary Session. 
 
 Art. 55. Coins shall be struck, according to 
 law, in the name of the Sovereign. 
 
 Art. 56. The expenses of the Imperial house- 
 hold must be defined by law. 
 
 Art. 57. The powers and prerogatives of the 
 Sovereign are only such as have been defined by 
 the existing constitutional laws. 
 
 [Articles 58-70 relate to the Ministers, who 
 must be Mussulmans and native Persian subjects, 
 princes of the first rank not eligible. They are 
 severally and jointly responsible to both Assem- 
 blies. Commands of the sovereign cannot divest 
 them of responsibility, which is to be defined by 
 law. The Assembly or the Senate can accuse 
 and prosecute them for offenses before the High 
 Court of Appeal.] 
 
 Judicial Tribunals. 
 
 [The Judicial Tribunals of the Kingdom are 
 the subject of Articles 71-89. “The Supreme 
 Court of Justice and the subsidiary Courts” are 
 declared to be “ the official centres to which all 
 
 suits must be referred, and judgment in matters 
 appertaining to the Sheri rests with the fully 
 qualified Mujteheds.” Suits relating to political 
 rights concern the Courts of Justice, excepting 
 those which are excepted by law. No Court of 
 Law can be instituted except by law. One Court 
 of Appeal for the whole Kingdom is to be insti- 
 tuted at the Capital. The sittings of all tribu- 
 nals shall be public, except in cases when the 
 tribunal judges that this would be prejudicial 
 to order or decency. “ The Presidents and the 
 members of the Courts of Justice will be chosen 
 in the manner decreed by the law of the Ministry 
 of Justice, and will be appointed by virtue of a 
 royal Firman.” No judge may be suspended, 
 temporarily, or permanently, without a trial or 
 proof of offence. Military tribunals will be in- 
 stituted according to a special law.] 
 
 Miscellaneous. 
 
 [Provincial Assemblies of elected representa- 
 tives are provided for in Articles 90-93. 
 
 Articles 94-103 have relation to finances. 
 They declare that no taxes may be levied or ex- 
 emptions from them allowed except by law ; 
 that no favor to individuals shall be shown in 
 taxation ; that nothing shall, on any pretext, be 
 demanded from the people, otherwise than by 
 law ; and provision is made for the creation of a 
 State Accounts Department, to be chosen by the 
 National Assembly. 
 
 The last four articles relate to the Army, 
 which is required to be in all particulars under 
 regulation of law. “The army vote must pass 
 the National Assembly every year.”] 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF RUSSIA, The so- | called. See (in this vol.) Russia, A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA. 
 
 Omitting the preamble, which sets forth the 
 desirability and expediency, “for the welfare 
 and future progress of South Africa, that the 
 several British Colonies therein shall be united 
 under one Government in a legislative union 
 under the Crown of Great Britain and Ireland,” 
 the provisions of the enactment for that purpose 
 by the Parliament of the United Kingdom, ap- 
 proved September 20, 1909, are as follows: 
 
 I. — Preliminary. 
 
 1 . This Act may be cited as the South Africa 
 Act, 1909. 
 
 2 . In this Act, unless it is otherwise expressed 
 or implied, the words “the Union” shall be 
 taken to mean the Union of South Africa as con- 
 stituted under this Act, and the words “Houses 
 of Parliament,” “House of Parliament,” or 
 “Parliament,” shall be taken to mean the Parlia- 
 ment of the Union. 
 
 3 . The provisions of this Act referring to the 
 King shall extend to His Majesty’s heirs and 
 successors in the sovereignty of the United King- 
 dom of Great Britian and Ireland. 
 
 II. — The Union. 
 
 4 . It shall be lawful for the King, with the 
 advice of the Privy Council, to declare by pro- 
 clamation that, on and after a day therein ap- 
 pointed, not being later than one year after the 
 passing of this Act, the Colonies of the Cape of 
 Good Hope, Natal, the Transvaal, and the Orange 
 River Colony, hereinafter called the Colonies 
 shall be united in a Legislative Union under one 
 
 Government under the name of the Union of 
 South Africa. On and after the day appointed 
 by such proclamation the Government and Par- 
 liament of the Union shall have full power and 
 authority within the limits of the Colonies, but 
 the King may at any timeafter the proclamation 
 appoint a governor-general for the Union. 
 
 5 . The provisions of this Act shall, unless it is 
 otherwise expressed or implied, take effect on 
 and after the day so appointed. 
 
 6. The colonies mentioned in section four shall 
 become original provinces of the Union under 
 the names of Cape of Good Hope, Natal, Trans- 
 vaal, and Orange Free State, as the case maybe. 
 The original provinces shall have the same limits 
 as the respective colonies at the establishment of 
 the Union. 
 
 7 . Upon any colony entering the Union, the 
 Colonial Boundaries Act, 1895, and every other 
 Act applying to any of the Colonies as being 
 self-governing colonies or colonies with respon- 
 sible government, shall cease to apply to that 
 colony, but as from the date when this Act takes 
 effect every such Act of Parliament shall apply 
 to the Union. 
 
 III. — Executive Government. 
 
 8 . The Executive Government of the Union is 
 vested in the King, and shall be administered by 
 His Majesty in person or by a governor-general 
 as His representative. 
 
 9 . The Governor-General shall be appointed 
 by the King, and shall have and may exercise in 
 
 157 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 the Union during the King’s pleasure, but sub- 
 ject to this Act, such powers and functions of the 
 King as His Majesty may be pleased to assign 
 to him. 
 
 io. There shall be payable to the King out of 
 the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Union for 
 the salary of the Governor-General an annual 
 sum of ten thousand pounds. The salary of the 
 Governor-General shall not be altered during his 
 continuance in office. 
 
 n. The provisions of this Act relating to the 
 Governor-General extend and apply to the Gov- 
 ernor-General for the time being or such person as 
 the King may appoint to administer the govern- 
 ment of the Union. The King may authorise the 
 Governor-General to appoint any person to be 
 his deputy within the Union during his tempo- 
 rary absence, and in that capacity to exercise for 
 and on behalf of the Governor-General during 
 such absence all such powers and authorities 
 vested in the Governor-General as the Governor- 
 General may assign to him, subject to any limita- 
 tions expressed or directions given by the King; 
 but the appointment of such deputy shall not 
 affect the exercise by the Governor-General him- 
 self of any power or function. 
 
 12. There shall be an Executive Council to 
 advise the Governor-General in the government 
 of the Union, and the members of the council 
 shall be chosen and summoned by the Governor- 
 General and sworn as executive councillors, and 
 shall hold office during his pleasure. 
 
 13. The provisions of this Act referring to the 
 Governor-General in Council shall be construed 
 as referring to the Governor-General acting with 
 the advice of the Executive Council. 
 
 14. The Governor-General may appoint offi- 
 cers not exceeding ten in number to administer 
 such departments of State of the Union as the 
 Governor-General in Council may establish ; such 
 officers shall hold office during the pleasure of the 
 Governor-General. They shall be members of 
 the Executive Council and shall be the King’s 
 ministers of State for the Union. After the first 
 general election of members of the House of As- 
 sembly, as hereinafter provided, no minister shall 
 hold office for a longer period than three months 
 unless he is or becomes a member of either House 
 of Parliament. 
 
 15. The appointment and removal of all offi- 
 cers of the public service of the Union shall be 
 vested in the Governor-General in Council, un- 
 less the appointment is delegated by the Gov- 
 ernor-General in Council or by this Act or by a 
 law of Parliament to some other authority. 
 
 16. All powers, authorities, and functions 
 which at the establishment of the Union are in 
 any of the Colonies vested in the Governor or in 
 the Governor in Council, or in any authority of 
 the Colony, shall, as far as the same continue in 
 existence and are capable of being exercised after 
 the establishment of the Union, be vested in the 
 Governor-General or in the Governor-General in 
 Council, or in the authority exercising similar 
 powers under the Union, as the case may be, ex- 
 cept such powers and functions as are by this 
 Act or may by a law of Parliament be vested in 
 some other authority. 
 
 17. The command in chief of the naval and 
 military forces within the Union is vested in the 
 King or in the Governor-General as His repre- 
 sentative. 
 
 18. Save as in section twenty-three excepted, 
 
 Pretoria shall be the seat of Government of the 
 Union. 
 
 IV. — Parliament. 
 
 19. The legislative power of the Union shall 
 be vested in the Parliament of the Union, herein 
 called Parliament, which shall consist of the 
 King, a Senate, and a House of Assembly. 
 
 20. The Governor-General may appoint such 
 times for holding the sessions of Parliament as 
 he thinks fit, and may also from time to time, 
 by proclamation or otherwise, prorogue Parlia- 
 ment, and may in like manner dissolve the 
 Senate and the House of Assembly simulta- 
 neously, or the House of Assembly alone: pro- 
 vided that the Senate shall not be dissolved 
 within a period of ten years after the establish- 
 ment of the Union, and provided further that 
 the dissolution of the Senate shall not affect 
 any senators nominated by the Governor-General 
 in Council. 
 
 21. Parliament shall be summoned to meet 
 not later than six months after the establish- 
 ment of the Union. 
 
 22. There shall be a session of Parliament 
 once at least in every year, so that a period of 
 twelve months shall not intervene between the 
 last sitting of Parliament in one session and its 
 first sitting in the next session. 
 
 23. Cape Town shall be the seat of the Legis- 
 lature of the Union. 
 
 SENATE. 
 
 24. For ten years after the establishment of 
 the Union the constitution of the Senate shall, in 
 respect of the original provinces, be as follows: 
 (i) Eight senators shall be nominated by the 
 Governor-General in Council, and for each orig- 
 inal province eight senators shall be elected in 
 the manner hereinafter provided: (ii) The sen- 
 ators to be nominated by the Governor-General 
 in Council shall hold their seats for ten years. 
 One-half of their number shall be selected on 
 the ground mainly of their thorough acquaint- 
 ance, by reason of their official experience or 
 otherwise, with the reasonable wants and wishes 
 of the coloured races in South Africa. If the seat 
 of a senator so nominated shall become vacant, 
 the Governor-General in Council shall nominate 
 another person to be a senator, who shall hold 
 his seat for ten years: (iii) After the passing 
 of this Act, and before the day appointed for 
 the establishment of the Union, the Governor 
 of each of the Colonies shall summon a special 
 sitting of both Houses of the Legislature, and 
 the two Houses sitting together as one body 
 and presided over by the Speaker of the Legis- 
 lative Assembly shall elect eight persons to be 
 senators for the province. Such senators shall 
 hold their seats for ten years. If the seat of a 
 senator so elected shall become vacant, the pro- 
 vincial council of the province for which such 
 senator has been elected shall choose a person to 
 hold the seat until the completion of the period 
 for which the person in whose stead he is elected 
 would have held his seat. 
 
 25. Parliament may provide for the manner 
 in which the Senate shall be constituted after 
 the expiration of ten years, and unless and 
 until such provision shall have been made — 
 (i) the provisions of the last preceding section 
 with regard to nominated senators shall con- 
 tinue to have effect ; (ii) eight senators for 
 each province shall be elected by the members 
 
 158 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 of the provincial council of such province to- 
 gether with the members of the House of 
 Assembly elected for such province. Such 
 senators shall hold their seats for ten years 
 unless the Senate be sooner dissolved. If the 
 seat of an elected senator shall become vacant, 
 the members of the provincial council of the 
 province, together with the members of the 
 House of Assembly elected for such province, 
 shall choose a person to hold the seat until the 
 completion of the period for which the person 
 in whose stead he is elected would have held 
 his seat. The Governor-General in Council 
 shall make regulations for the joint election of 
 senators prescribed in this section. 
 
 26 . The qualifications of a senator shall be 
 as follows: — He must — (a) be not less than 
 thirty years of age; ( b ) be qualified to be regis- 
 tered' as a voter for the election of members of 
 the House of Assembly in one of the provinces ; 
 (c) have resided for five years within the limits 
 of the Union as existing at the time when he is 
 elected or nominated, as the case may be ; ( d ) 
 be a British subject of European descent; (e) in 
 the case of an elected senator, be the registered 
 owner of immovable property within the Union 
 of the value of not less than five hundred 
 pounds over and above any special mortgages 
 thereon. For the purposes of this section, resi- 
 dence in, and property situated within, a colony 
 before its incorporation in the Union shall be 
 treated as residence in and property situated 
 within the Union. 
 
 27 . The Senate shall, before proceeding to the 
 dispatch of any other business, choose a senator 
 to be the President of the Senate, and as often 
 as the office of President becomes vacant the 
 Senate shall again choose a senator to be the 
 President. The President shall cease to hold 
 office if he ceases to be a senator. He may be 
 removed from office by a vote of the Senate, or 
 he may resign his office by writing under his 
 hand addressed to the Governor-General. 
 
 28 . Prior to or during any absence of the 
 President the Senate may choose a senator to 
 perform his duties in his absence. 
 
 29 . A senator may, by writing under his 
 hand addressed to the Governor-General, resign 
 his seat, which thereupon shall become vacant. 
 The Governor-General shall as soon as practi- 
 cable cause-steps to be taken to have the vacancy 
 filled. 
 
 30 . The presence of at least twelve senators 
 shall be necessary to constitute a meeting of the 
 Senate for the exercise of its powers. 
 
 31 . All questions in the Senate shall be deter- 
 mined by a majority of votes of senators present 
 other than the President or the presiding senator, 
 who shall, however, have and exercise a casting 
 vote in the case of an equality of votes. 
 
 HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY. 
 
 32 . The House of Assembly shall be composed 
 of members directly chosen by the voters of the 
 Union in electoral divisions delimited as herein- 
 after provided. 
 
 33 . The number of members to be elected in „ 
 the original provinces at the first election and 
 until the number is altered in accordance with 
 the provisions of this Act shall be as follows : 
 Cape of Good Hope, fifty-one ; Natal, seventeen ; 
 Transvaal, thirty-six ; Orange Free State, seven- 
 teen. These numbers may be increased as pro- 
 
 vided in the next succeeding section, but shall 
 not, in the case of any original province, be di- 
 minished until the total number of members of 
 the House of Assembly in respect of the pro- 
 vinces herein provided for reaches one hundred 
 and fifty, or until a period of ten years has elapsed 
 after the establishment of the Union, whichever 
 is the longer period. 
 
 34 . The number of members to be elected in 
 each province, as provided in section thirty-three, 
 shall be increased from time to time as may be 
 necessary in accordance with the following pro- 
 visions : (i) The quota of the Union shall be 
 obtained by dividing the total number of Euro- 
 pean male adults in the Union, as ascertained at 
 the census of nineteen hundred and four, by the 
 total number of members of the House of As- 
 sembly as constituted at the establishment of 
 the Union: (ii) In nineteen hundred and eleven, 
 and every five years thereafter, a census of the 
 European population of the Union shall be taken 
 for the purposes of this Act: (iii) After any such 
 census the number of European male adults in 
 each province shall be compared with the num- 
 ber of European male adults as ascertained at 
 the census of nineteen hundred and four, and, in 
 the case of any province where an increase is 
 shown, as compared with the census of nineteen 
 hundred and four, equal to the quota of the 
 Union or any multiple thereof, the number of 
 members allotted to such province in the last pre- 
 ceding section shall be increased by an additional 
 member or an additional number of members 
 equal to such multiple, as the case may be: (iv) 
 Notwithstanding anything herein contained, no 
 additional member shall be allotted to any pro- 
 vince until the total number of European male 
 adults in such province exceeds the quota of the 
 Union multiplied by the number of members al- 
 lotted to such province for the time being, and 
 thereupon additional members shall be allotted 
 to such province in respect only of such excess: 
 
 (v) As soon as the number of members of the 
 House of Assembly to be elected in the original 
 provinces in accordance with the preceding sub- 
 sections reaches the total of one hundred and 
 fifty, such total shall not be further increased 
 unless and until Parliament otherwise provides ; 
 and subject to the provisions of the last preced- 
 ing section the distribution of members among 
 the provinces shall be such that the proportion 
 between the number of members to be elected at 
 any time in each province and the number of 
 European male adults in such province, as ascer- 
 tained at the last preceding census, shall as far 
 as possible be identical throughout the Union: 
 
 (vi) “Male adults” in this Act shall be taken to 
 mean males of twenty-one years of age or up- 
 wards not being members of His Majesty’s 
 regular forces on full pay : (vii) For the pur- 
 poses of this Act the number of European male 
 adults, as ascertained at the census of nineteen 
 hundred and four, shall be taken to be — For the 
 Cape of Good Hope, 167,546 ; for Natal, 34,784; 
 for the Transvaal, 106,493 ; For the Orange Free 
 State, 41,014. 
 
 35 . (1) Parliament may by law prescribe the 
 qualifications which shall be necessary to entitle 
 persons to vote at the election of members of the 
 House of Assembly, but no such law shall dis- 
 qualify any person in the province of the Cape of 
 Good Hope who, under the laws existing in the 
 Colony of the Cape of Good Hope at the estab- 
 
 159 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 lishment of the Union, is or may become capable 
 of being registered as a voter from being so regis- 
 tered in the province of the Cape of Good Hope 
 by reason of bis race or colour only, unless the 
 Bill be passed by both Houses of Parliament sit- 
 ting together, and at the third reading be agreed 
 to by not less than two-thirds of the total num- 
 ber of members of both Houses. A Bill so passed 
 at such joint sitting shall be taken to have been 
 duly passed by both Houses of Parliament. (2) 
 No person who at the passing of any such law is 
 registered as a voter in any province shall be re- 
 moved from the register by reason only of any 
 disqualification based on race or colour. 
 
 36. Subject to the provisions of the last pre- 
 ceding section, the qualifications of parliament- 
 ary voters, as existing in the several Colonies 
 at the establishment of the Union, shall be the 
 qualifications necessary to entitle persons in the 
 corresponding provinces to vote for the election 
 of members of the House of Assembly : Provided 
 that no member of His Majesty’s regular forces 
 on full pay shall be entitled to be registered as 
 a voter. 
 
 [Section 37 of the Act applies to the elections 
 of members of the House of Assembly all exist- 
 ing election laws in the respective provinces 
 relating to the elections for their more numer- 
 ous Houses of Parliament, excepting that it 
 requires all polls to be taken on one and the 
 same day throughout the Union. 
 
 Sections 38 to 43 inclusive provide for the 
 creation of a joint commission to determine the 
 first division of the provinces into equalized 
 electoral divisions, and for subsequent commis- 
 sions of three judges of the Supreme Court of 
 South Africa for re-divisions, as they may be- 
 come necessary. ] 
 
 44. The qualifications of a member of the 
 House of Assembly shall be as follows: — He 
 must — (a) be qualified to be registered as a 
 voter for the election of members of the House 
 of Assembly in one of the provinces; ( b ) have 
 resided for five years within the limits of the 
 Union as existing at the time when he is elected ; 
 (c) be a British subject of European descent. 
 For the purposes of this section, residence in a 
 colony before its incorporation in the Union 
 shall be treated as residence in the Union. 
 
 45. Every House of Assembly shall continue 
 for five years from the first meeting thereof, and 
 no longer, but may be sooner dissolved by the 
 Governor-General. 
 
 46. The House of Assembly shall, before pro- 
 ceeding to the despatch of any other business, 
 choose a member to be the Speaker of the House, 
 and, as often as the office of Speaker becomes 
 vacant, the House shall again choose a member 
 to be the Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to 
 hold his office if he ceases to be a member. He 
 may be removed from office by a vote of the 
 House, or he may resign his office or his seat by 
 writing under his hand addressed to the Gov- 
 ernor-General. 
 
 47. Prior to or during the absence of the 
 Speaker, the House of Assembly may choose a 
 member to perform his duties in his absence. 
 
 48. A member may, by writing under his 
 hand addressed to the Speaker, or, if there is no 
 Speaker, or if the Speaker is absent from the 
 Union, to the Governor-General, resign his seat, 
 which shall thereupon become vacant. 
 
 49. The presence of at least thirty members 
 
 of the House of Assembly shall be necessary to 
 constitute a meeting of the House for the exer- 
 cise of its powers. 
 
 50. All questions in the House of Assembly 
 shall be determined by a majority of votes of 
 members present other than the Speaker or the 
 presiding member, who shall, however, have 
 and exercise a casting vote in the case of an 
 equality of votes. 
 
 BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT. 
 
 [Section 51 prescribes the oath or affirmation 
 of allegiance to the British Sovereign which 
 each senator and member of the House of As- 
 sembly must subscribe to before taking his seat.] 
 
 52. A member of either House of Parliament 
 shall be incapable of being chosen or of sitting 
 as a member of the other House : Provided that 
 every minister of State who is a member of either 
 House of Parliament shall have the right to sit 
 and speak in the Senate and the House of As- 
 sembly, but shall vote only in the House of which 
 he is a member. 
 
 53. No person shall be capable of being chosen 
 or of sitting as a senator or as a member of the 
 House of Assembly who — (a) has been at any time 
 convicted of any crime or offence for which he 
 shall have been sentenced to imprisonment with- 
 out the option of a fine for a term of not less 
 than twelve months, unless he shall have re- 
 ceived a grant of amnesty or a free pardon, or 
 unless such imprisonment shall have expired at 
 least five years before the date of his election; 
 or ( b ) is an unrehabilitated insolvent ; or (c) is of 
 unsound mind, and has been so declared by a 
 competent court ; or ( d ) holds any office of profit 
 under the Crown within the Union: Provided 
 that the following persons shall not be deemed 
 to hold an office of profit under the Crown for 
 the purposes of this subsection: (1) a minister 
 of State for the Union ; (2) a person in receipt 
 of a pension from the Crown ; (3) an officer or 
 member of His Majesty’s uaval or military forces 
 on retired or half pay, or an officer or member 
 of the naval or military forces of the Union whose 
 services are not wholly employed by the Union. 
 
 54- If a senator or member of the House of 
 Assembly — (a) becomes subject to any of the 
 disabilities mentioned in the last preceding sec- 
 tion ; or (6) ceases to be qualified as required by 
 law ; or (c) fails for a whole ordinary session 
 to attend without the special leave of the Senate 
 or the House of Assembly, as the case may be ; 
 his seat shall thereupon become vacant. 
 
 [Section 55 imposes a penalty of £100 for each 
 day on which any disqualified person may know- 
 ingly sit in Parliament.] 
 
 56. Each senator and each member of the 
 House of Assembly shall, under such rules as 
 shall be framed by Parliament, receive an allow- 
 ance of four hundred pounds a year, to be reck- 
 oned from the date on which he takes his seat : 
 Provided that for every day of the session on 
 which he is absent there shall be deducted from 
 such allowance the sum of three pounds: Pro- 
 vided further that no such allowance shall be 
 paid to a Minister receiving a salary under the 
 Crown or to the President of the Senate or the 
 Speaker of the House of Assembly. A day of 
 the session shall mean in respect of a member 
 any day during a session on which the House of 
 which he is a member or any committee of which 
 he is a member meets. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 [Sections 57-58 relate to the privileges of each 
 House of Parliament and its right to make rules 
 and orders of procedure for the conduct of its 
 business.] 
 
 POWERS OF PARLIAMENT. 
 
 59. Parliament shall have full power to make 
 laws for the peace, order, and good government 
 of the Union. 
 
 60. — (1) Bills appropriating revenue or 
 moneys or imposing taxation shall originate only 
 in the House of Assembly. But a Bill shall not 
 be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys or to 
 impose taxation by reason only of its containing 
 provisions for the imposition or appropriation of 
 fines or other pecuniary penalties. (2) The Sen- 
 ate may not amend any Bills so far as they im- 
 pose taxation or appropriate revenue or moneys 
 for the services of the Government. (3) The 
 Senate may not amend any Bill so as to increase 
 any proposed charges or burden on the people. 
 
 61. Any Bill which appropriates revenue or 
 moneys for the ordinary annual services of the 
 Government shall deal only with such appropria- 
 tion. 
 
 62. The House of Assembly shall not originate 
 or pass any vote, resolution, address, or Bill for 
 the appropriation of any part of the public 
 revenue or of any tax or impost to any purpose 
 unless such appropriation has been recommended 
 by message from the Governor- General during 
 the Session in which such vote, resolution, ad- 
 dress, or Bill is proposed. 
 
 63. If the House of Assembly passes any Bill 
 and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it or passes 
 it with amendments to which the House of As- 
 sembly will not agree, and if the House of 
 Assembly in the next session again passes the 
 Bill with or without any amendments which 
 have been made or agreed to by the Senate and 
 the Senate rejects or fails to pass it or passes it 
 with amendments to which the House of Assem- 
 bly will not agree, the Governor-General may 
 during that session convene a joint sitting of the 
 members of the Senate and House of Assembly. 
 The members present at any such joint sitting 
 may deliberate and shall vote together upon the 
 Bill as last proposed by the House of Assent 
 bly and upon amendments, if any, which have 
 been made therein by one House of Parliament 
 and not agreed to by the other ; and any such 
 amendments which are affirmed by a majority of 
 the total number of members of the Senate and 
 House of Assembly present at such sitting shall 
 be taken to have been carried, and if the Bill 
 with the amendments, if any, is affirmed by a 
 majority of the members of the Senate and House 
 of Assembly present at such sitting, it shall be 
 taken to have been duly passed by both Houses 
 of Parliament : Provided that, if the Senate shall 
 reject or fail to pass any Bill dealing with the 
 appropriation of revenue or moneys for the pub- 
 lic service, such joint sitting may be convened 
 during the same session in which the Senate so 
 rejects or fails to pass such Bill. 
 
 64. When a Bill is presented to the Governor- 
 General for the King’s Assent, he shall declare 
 according to his discretion, but subject to the 
 provisions of this Act, and to such instructions 
 as may from time to time be given in that behalf 
 by the King, that he assents in the King’s name, 
 or that he withholds assent, or that he reserves 
 the Bill for the signification of the King’s plea- 
 
 sure. All Bills repealing or amending this section 
 or any of the provisions of Chapter IV. under 
 the heading “House of Assembly,” and all Bills 
 abolishing provincial councils or abridging the 
 powers conferred on provincial councils under 
 section eighty-five, otherwise than in accordance 
 witli the provisions of that section, shall be so 
 reserved. The Governor-General may return to 
 the House in which it originated any Bill so pre- 
 sented to him, and may transmit therewith any 
 amendments which he may recommend, and the 
 House may deal with the recommendation. 
 
 65- The King may disallow any law within 
 one year after it has been assented to by the 
 Governor General, and such disallowance, on 
 being made known by the Governor-General by 
 speech or message to each of the Houses of Par- 
 liament or by proclamation, shall annul the law 
 from the day when the disallowance is so made 
 known. 
 
 66. A Bill reserved for the King’s pleasure 
 shall not have any force unless and until, within 
 one year from the day on which it was presented 
 to the Governor-General for the King’s Assent, 
 the Governor-General makes known by speech 
 or message to each of the Houses of Parliament 
 or by proclamation that it has received the 
 King’s Assent. 
 
 67. As soon as may be after any law shall have 
 been assented to in the King’s name by the Gov- 
 ernor-General, or having been reserved for the 
 King’s pleasure shall have received his assent, 
 the Clerk of the House of Assembly shall cause 
 two fair copies of such law, one being in the 
 English and the other in the Dutch language 
 (one of which copies shall be signed by the Gov- 
 ernor-General), to be enrolled of record in the 
 office of the Registrar of the Appellate Division 
 of the Supreme Court of South Africa ; and such 
 copies shall be conclusive evidence as to the 
 provisions of every such law, and in case of 
 conflict between the two copies thus deposited 
 that signed by the Governor-General shall pre- 
 vail. 
 
 V. — The Provinces. 
 
 ADMINISTRATORS. 
 
 68. — (1) In each province there shall be a 
 chief executive officer appointed by the Gov- 
 ernor-General in Council, who shall be styled 
 the administrator of the province, and in whose 
 name all executive acts relating to provincial 
 affairs therein shall be done. (2) In the appoint- 
 ment of the administrator of any province, the 
 Governor-General in Council shall, as far as 
 practicable, give preference to persons resident 
 in such province. (3) Such administrator shall 
 hold office for a term of five years and shall not 
 be removed before the expiration thereof except 
 by the Governor-General in Council for cause 
 assigned, which shall be communicated by mes- 
 sage to both Houses of Parliament within one 
 week after the removal, if Parliament be then 
 sitting, or, if Parliament be not sitting, then 
 within one week after the commencement of the 
 next ensuing session. (4) The Governor-Gen- 
 eral in Council may from time to time appoint a 
 deputy administrator to execute the office and 
 functions of the administrator during his ab- 
 sence, illness, or other inability. 
 
 69. The salaries of the administrators shall be 
 fixed and provided by Parliament, and shall not 
 be reduced during their respective terms of office. 
 
 161 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 PROVINCIAL COUNCIL8. 
 
 70. — (1) There shall be a provincial council 
 in each province consisting of the same number 
 of members as are elected in the province for the 
 House of Assembly: Provided that, in any pro- 
 vince whose representatives in the House of As- 
 sembly shall be less than twenty-five in number, 
 the provincial council shall consist of twenty-five 
 members. (2) Any person qualified to vote for 
 the election of members of the provincial council 
 shall be qualified to be a member of such council. 
 
 [Sections 71-77 are regulative of the elections, 
 the terms ( three years), and the sittings of the 
 Provincial Councils. 
 
 Sections 78-84 are creative of Executive Com- 
 mittees, for which each Provincial Council shall 
 elect “ from among its members, or otherwise,” 
 four persons, to be joined with the administrator 
 of the Province, the latter being chairman of the 
 Executive Committee thus constituted. This 
 Committee, “ on behalf of the Provincial Coun- 
 cil,” being appointed to “carry on the adminis- 
 tration of provincial affairs,” and, “subject to 
 the provisions of this Act,” to be invested with 
 “all powers, authorities, and functions which 
 at the establishment of the Union are vested in 
 or exercised by the Governor in Council, or any 
 minister of the Colony. ”] 
 
 POWERS OF PROVINCIAL COUNCILS. 
 
 85. Subject to the provisions of this Act and 
 the assent of the Governor- General in Council as 
 hereinafter provided, the provincial council may 
 make ordinances in relation to matters coming 
 within the following classes of subjects (that is 
 to say) : — (i) Direct taxation within the pro- 
 vince in order to raise a revenue for provincial 
 purposes: (ii) The borrowing of money on the 
 sole credit of the province with the consent of the 
 Governor-General in Council and in accordance 
 with regulations to be framed by Parliament: 
 (iii) Education, other than higher education, for 
 a period of five years and thereafter until Parlia- 
 ment otherwise provides : ( iv) Agriculture to the 
 extent and subject to the conditions to be defined 
 by Parliament: (v) The establishment, mainte- 
 nance, and management of hospitals and chari- 
 table institutions: ( vi) Municipal institutions, 
 divisional councils, and other local institutions 
 of a similar nature : (vii) Local works and under- 
 takings within the province, other than railways 
 and harbours and other than such works as 
 extend beyond the borders of the province, and 
 subject to the power of Parliament to declare 
 any work a national work and to provide for 
 its construction by arrangement with the pro- 
 vincial council or otherwise: (viii) Roads, out- 
 spans, ponts, and bridges, other than bridges 
 connecting two provinces : (ix) Markets and 
 pounds : (x) Fish and game preservation : (xi) 
 The imposition of punishment by fine, penalty, 
 or imprisonment for enforcing any law or any 
 ordinance of the province made in relation to 
 any matter coming within any of the classes of 
 subjects enumerated in this section : (xii) Gen- 
 erally all matters which, in the opinion of the 
 Governor-General in Council, are of a merely 
 local or private nature in the province: (xiii) All 
 other subjects in respect of which Parliament 
 shall by any law delegate the power of making 
 ordinances to the provincial council. 
 
 [Sections 86-93 are regulative of the exercise 
 of the powers thus conferred.] 
 
 94. The seats of provincial government shall 
 be — For the Cape of Good Hope, Cape Town ; 
 for Natal, Pietermaritzburg; for the Transvaal, 
 Pretoria; for the Orange Free State, Bloemfon- 
 tein. 
 
 VI. — The Supreme Court of South Africa. 
 
 95. There shall be a Supreme Court of South 
 Africa consisting of a Chief Justice of South Af- 
 rica, the ordinary judges of appeal, and the other 
 judges of the several divisions of the Supreme 
 Court of South Africa in the provinces. 
 
 96. There shall be an Appellate Division of the 
 Supreme Court of South Africa, consisting of 
 the Chief Justice of South Africa, two ordinary 
 judges of appeal, and two additional judges of 
 appeal. Such additional judges of appeal shall 
 be assigned by the Governor-General in Council 
 to the Appellate Division from any of the pro- 
 vincial or local divisions of the Supreme Court of 
 South Africa, but shall continue to perform their 
 duties as judges of their respective divisions 
 when their attendance is not required in the Ap- 
 pellate Division. 
 
 97. The Governor-General in Council may, dur- 
 ing the absence, illness, or other incapacity of the 
 Chief Justice of South Africa, or of any ordinary 
 or additional judge of appeal, appoint another 
 judge of the Supreme Court of South Africa to 
 act temporarily as such chief justice, ordinary 
 judge of appeal, or additional judge of appeal, 
 as the case may be. 
 
 98. — (1) The several supreme courts of the 
 Cape of Good Hope, Natal, and the Transvaal, 
 and the High Court of the Orange River Colony 
 shall, on the establishment of the Union, become 
 provincial divisions of the Supreme Court of 
 South Africa within their respective provinces, 
 and shall each be presided over by a judge-presi- 
 dent. 
 
 [Further prescriptions on the same subject are 
 contained in this and the next section of the Act.] 
 
 100. The Chief Justice of South Africa, the 
 ordinary judges of appeal, and all other judges 
 of the Supreme Court of South Africa to be ap- 
 pointed after the establishment of the Union shall 
 be appointed by the Governor-General in Coun- 
 cil, and shall receive such remuneration as Parlia- 
 ment shall prescribe, and their remuneration shall 
 not be diminished during their continuance in 
 office. 
 
 101. The Chief Justice of South Africa and 
 other judges of the Supreme Court of South Af- 
 rica shall not be removed from office except by 
 the Governor-General in Council on an address 
 from both Houses of Parliament in the same ses- 
 sion praying for such removal on the ground of 
 misbehaviour or incapacity. 
 
 102. Upon any vacancy occuring in any divi- 
 sion of the Supreme Court of South Africa, other 
 than the Appellate Division, the Governor-Gen- 
 eral in Council may, in case he shall consider 
 that the number of judges of such court may 
 with advantage to the public interest be reduced, 
 postpone filling the vacaucy until Parliament 
 shall have determined whether such reduction 
 shall take place. 
 
 [Rules concerning the cases, civil and criminal, 
 which may be appealed from inferior courts to 
 the Appellate Division, and not to the Supreme 
 Court, are laid down in sections 103-105.] 
 
 106. There shall be no appeal from the Su- 
 preme Court of South Africa or from any divi- 
 sion thereof to the King in Council, but nothing 
 
 162 
 
CONSTITUTION OP SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 herein contained shall be construed to impair 
 any right which the King in Council may be 
 pleased to exercise to grant special leave to 
 appeal from the Appellate Division to the King 
 in Council. Parliament may make laws limiting 
 the matters in respect of which such special 
 leave may be asked, but Bills containing any 
 such limitation shall be reserved by the Governor- 
 General for the signification of His Majesty’s 
 pleasure: Provided that nothing in this section 
 shall affect any right of appeal to His Majesty 
 in Council from any judgment given by the 
 Appellate Division of the Supreme Court under 
 or in virtue of the Colonial Courts of Admiralty 
 Act, 1890 . 
 
 107. The Chief Justice of South Africa and 
 the ordinary judges of appeal may, subject to 
 the approval of the Governor-General in Council, 
 make rules for the conduct of the proceedings 
 of the Appellate Division and prescribing the 
 time and manner of making appeals thereto. 
 Until such rules shall have been promulgated, 
 the rules in force in the Supreme Court of the 
 Cape of Good Hope at the establishment of the 
 Union shall mutatis mutandis apply. 
 
 [Other details concerning the rules and the 
 sessions of the several provincial and local divi- 
 sions of the Supreme Court, the execution of 
 their writs and other processes, etc., are set 
 forth in sections 108-116 ] 
 
 VII. — Finance and Railways. 
 
 1x7. All revenues, from whatever source aris- 
 ing, over which the several Colonies have at 
 the establishment of the Union power of appro- 
 priation, shall vest in the Governor-General in 
 Council. There shall be formed a Railway and 
 Harbour Fund, into which shall be paid all 
 revenues raised or received by the Governor-Gen- 
 eral in Council from the administration of the 
 railways, ports, and harbours, and such fund 
 shall be appropriated by Parliament to the pur- 
 poses of the railways, ports, and harbours in the 
 manner prescribed by this Act. There shall also 
 be formed a Consolidated Revenue Fund, into 
 which shall be paid all other revenues raised or 
 received by the Governor-General in Council, and 
 such fund shall be appropriated by Parliament 
 for the purposes of the Union in the manner 
 prescribed by this Act, and subject to the charges 
 imposed thereby. 
 
 [Sections 118-123 provide for a commission 
 “ to institute an inquiry into the financial rela- 
 tions which should exist between the Union and 
 the provinces”; prescribe the division to be made 
 meantime of the Consolidated Revenue Fund ; 
 make the interest of the public debts a first 
 charge on that fund ; transfer to the Union all 
 stocks, moneys, and securities, all crown lands, 
 public works, etc., and all rights in mines and 
 minerals that belonged to each of the colonies at 
 the establishment of the Union.] 
 
 124. The Union shall assume all debts and 
 liabilities of the Colonies existing at its estab- 
 lishment, subject, notwithstanding any other 
 provision contained in this Act, to the conditions 
 imposed by any law under which such debts or 
 liabilities were raised or incurred, and without 
 prejudice to any rights of security or priority in 
 respect of the payment of principal, interest, 
 sinking fund, and other charges conferred on the 
 creditors of any of the Colonies, and may, sub- 
 ject to such conditions and rights, convert, re- 
 new, or consolidate such debts. 
 
 125. All ports, harbours, and railways be- 
 longing to the several Colonies at the establish- 
 ment of the Union shall from the date thereof 
 vest in the Governor-General in Council. No 
 railway for the conveyance of public traffic, and 
 no port, harbour, or similar work, shall be con- 
 structed without the sanction of Parliament. 
 
 126. Subject to the authority of the Governor 
 General in Council, the control and management 
 of the railways, ports, and harbours of the Union 
 shall be exercised through a board consisting 
 of not more than three commissioners, who shall 
 be appointed by the Governor-General in Coun- 
 cil, and a minister of State, who shall be chair- 
 man. . . . 
 
 [Of the remaining sections of the Act ( 127 - 152 ) 
 the following are the more important or the more 
 significant.] 
 
 133. In order to compensate Pietermaritzburg 
 and Bloemfontein for any loss sustained by them 
 in the form of diminution of prosperity or de- 
 creased rateable value by reason of their ceasing 
 to be the seats of government of their respective 
 colonies, there shall be paid from the Consoli- 
 dated Revenue Fund for a period not exceeding 
 twenty-five years to the muncipal councils of 
 such towns a grant of two per centum per an- 
 num on their municipal debts, as existing on the 
 thirty-first day of January nineteen hundred and 
 nine, and as ascertained by the Controller and 
 Auditor-General. The Commission appointed 
 under section one hundred and eighteen shall, 
 after due inquiry, report to the Governor-General 
 in Council what compensation should be paid to 
 the municipal councils of Cape Town and Pre- 
 toria for the losses, if any, similarly sustained by 
 them. Such compensation shall be paid out of 
 the Consolidated Revenue Fund for a period not 
 exceeding twenty-five years, and shall not ex- 
 ceed one per centum per annum on the respect- 
 ive municipal debts of such towns as existing 
 on the thirty-first January nineteen hundred and 
 nine, and as ascertained by the Controller and 
 Auditor-General. 
 
 134. The election of senators and of mem- 
 bers of the executive committees of the provin- 
 cial councils as provided in this Act shall, 
 whenever such election is contested, be accord- 
 ing to the principle of proportional representa- 
 tion, each voter having one transferable vote. 
 The Governor-General in Council, or, in the case 
 of the first election of the Senate, the Governor 
 in Council of each of the Colonies, shall frame 
 regulations prescribing the method of voting 
 and of transferring and counting votes and the 
 duties of returning officers in connection there- 
 with, and such regulations or any amendments 
 thereof after being duly promulgated shall have 
 full force and effect unless and until Parliament 
 shall otherwise provide. 
 
 136. There shall be free trade throughout the 
 Union, but until Parliament otherwise provides 
 the duties of custom and of excise leviable 
 under the laws existing in any of the Colonies 
 at the establishment of the Union shall remain 
 in force. 
 
 137. Both the English and Dutch languages 
 shall be official languages of the Union, and 
 shall be treated on a footing of equality, and pos- 
 sess and enjoy equal freedom, rights, and privi- 
 leges; all records, journals, and proceedings of 
 Parliament shall be kept in both languages, and 
 all Bills, Acts, and notices of general public im- 
 
 163 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 portance or interest issued by the Government 
 of the Union shall be in both languages. 
 
 138. All persons who have been naturalised 
 in any of the Colonies shall be deemed to be 
 naturalised throughout the Union. 
 
 140. Subject to the provisions of the next 
 succeeding section, all officers of the public ser- 
 vice of the Colonies shall at the establishment of 
 the Union become officers of the Union. 
 
 141. ( 1 ) As soon as possible after the estab- 
 lishment of the Union, the Governor-General in 
 Council shall appoint a public service commis- 
 sion to make recommendations for such reor- 
 ganisation and readjustment of the departments 
 of the public service as may be necessary. The 
 commission shall also make recommendations in 
 regard to the assignment of officers to the sev- 
 eral provinces. . . . 
 
 142. After the establishment of the Union the 
 Governor-General in Council shall appoint a per- 
 manent public service commission with such 
 powers and duties relating to the appointment, 
 discipline, retirement, and superannuation of 
 public officers as Parliament shall determine. 
 
 143. Any officer of the public service of any 
 of the Colonies at the establishment of the 
 Union who is not retained in the service of the 
 Union or assigned to that of a province shall be 
 entitled to receive such pension, gratuity, or 
 other compensation as he would have received 
 in like circumstances if the Union had not been 
 established. 
 
 147. The control and administration of native 
 affairs and of matters specially or differentially 
 affecting Asiastics throughout the Union shall 
 vest in the Governor-General in Council, who 
 shall exercise all special powers in regard to 
 native administration hitherto vested in the Gov- 
 ernors of the Colonies or exercised by them as 
 supreme chiefs, and any lands vested in the Gov- 
 ernor or Governor and Executive Council of any 
 colony for the purpose of reserves for native 
 locations shall vest in the Governor-General in 
 Council, who shall exercise all special powers 
 in relation to such reserves as may hitherto have 
 been exerciseable by any such Governor or Gov- 
 ernor and Executive Council, and no lands set 
 aside for the occupation of natives which cannot 
 at the establishment of the Union be alienated 
 except by an Act of the Colonial Legislature 
 shall be alienated or in any way diverted from 
 the purposes for which they are set apart except 
 under the authority of an Act of Parliament. 
 
 148. — ( 1 ) All rights and obligations under any 
 conventions or agreements which are binding on 
 any of the Colonies shall devolve upon the Union 
 at its establishment. 
 
 ( 2 ) The provisions of the railway agreement 
 between the Governments of the Transvaal, the 
 Cape of Good Hope, and Natal, dated the second 
 of February, nineteen hundred and nine, shall, 
 as far as practicable, be given effect to by the 
 Government of the Union. 
 
 IX. — New Provinces and Territories. 
 
 149. Parliament may alter the boundaries of 
 any province, divide a province into two or 
 more provinces, or form a new province out of 
 provinces within the Union, on the petition of 
 the provincial council of every province whose 
 boundaries are affected thereby. 
 
 150. The King, with the advice of the Privy 
 Council, may on addresses from the Houses of 
 Parliament of the Union admit into the Union 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 the territories administered by the British South 
 Africa Company on such terms and conditions 
 as to representation and otherwise in each case 
 as are expressed in the addresses and approved 
 by the King, and the provisions of any Order 
 in Council in that behalf shall have effect as if 
 they had been enacted by the Parliament of the 
 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 
 
 151. The King, with the advice of the Privy 
 Council, may, on addresses from the Houses of 
 Parliament of the Union, transfer to the Union 
 the government of any territories, other than 
 the territories administered by the British South 
 Africa Company, belonging to or under the pro- 
 tection of His Majesty, and inhabited wholly or 
 in part by natives, and upon such transfer the 
 Governor-General in Council may undertake the 
 government of such territory upon the terms 
 and conditions embodied in the Schedule to this 
 Act. 
 
 X. — Amendment of Act. 
 
 152. Parliament may by law repeal or alter 
 any of the provisions of this Act : Provided that 
 no provision thereof, for the operation of which 
 a definite period of time is prescribed, shall dur- 
 ing such period be repealed or altered : And pro- 
 vided further that no repeal or alteration of the 
 provisions contained in this section, or in sec- 
 tions thirty-three and thirty-four (until the num- 
 ber of members of the House of Assembly has 
 reached the limit therein prescribed, or until a 
 period of ten years has elapsed after the estab- 
 lishment of the Union, whichever is the longer 
 period), or in sections thirty-five and one hundred 
 and thirty-seven, shall be valid unless the Bill 
 embodying such repeal or alteration shall be 
 passed by both Houses of Parliament sitting to- 
 gether, and at the third reading be agreed to by 
 not less than two-thirds of the total number of 
 members of both Houses. A Bill so passed at 
 such joint sitting shall be taken to have been 
 duly passed by both Houses of Parliament. 
 
 Schedule. 
 
 1 . After the transfer of the government of any 
 territory belonging to or under the protection of 
 His Majesty, the Governor-General in Council 
 shall be the legislative authority, and may by 
 proclamation make laws for the peace, order, 
 and good government of such territory : Pro- 
 vided that all such laws shall be laid before both 
 Houses of Parliament within seven days after 
 the issue of the proclamation or, if Parliament 
 be not then sitting, within seven days after the 
 beginning of the next session, and shall be effec- 
 tual unless and until both Houses of Parliament 
 shall by resolutions passed in the same session 
 request the Governor-General in Council to re- 
 peal the same, in which case they shall be re- 
 pealed by proclamation. 
 
 2 . The Prime Minister shall be charged with 
 the administration of any territory thus trans- 
 ferred, and he shall be advised in the general 
 conduct of such administration by a commission 
 consisting of not fewer than three members with 
 a secretary, to be appointed by the Governor- 
 General in Council, who shall take the instruc- 
 tions of the Prime Minister in conducting all 
 correspondence relating to the territories, and 
 shall also under the like control have custody of 
 all official papers relating to the territories. 
 
 3 . The members of the commission shall be 
 appointed by the Governor-General in Council, 
 
CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH AFRICA 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY 
 
 and shall be entitled to hold office for a period 
 of ten years, but such period may be extended 
 to successive further terms of five years. . . . 
 
 14. It shall not be lawful to alienate any land 
 in Basutoland or any land forming part of the 
 native reserves in the Bechuanaland protectorate 
 and Swaziland from the native tribes inhabiting 
 those territories. 
 
 15. The sale of intoxicating liquor to natives 
 shall be prohibited in the territories, and no pro- 
 vision giving facilities for introducing, obtain- 
 ing, or possessing such liquor in any part of the 
 territories less stringent than those existing at 
 the time of transfer shall be allowed. 
 
 16. The custom, where it exists, of holding 
 pitsos or other recognised forms of native as- 
 sembly shall be maintained in the territories. 
 
 17. No differential duties or imposts on the 
 produce of the territories shall be levied. The 
 laws of the Union relating to customs and excise 
 shall be made to apply to the territories. 
 
 18. There shall be free intercourse for the in- 
 habitants of the territories with the rest of South 
 Africa subject to the laws, including the pass 
 laws, of the Union. 
 
 19. Subject to the provisions of this Schedule, 
 all revenues derived from any territory shall be 
 expended for and on behalf of such territory. . . . 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY.— The 
 
 following is a synopsis of the Constitution 
 promulgated December 23, 1876, the first year 
 of the reign of Abd-ul Hamid, then soon with- 
 drawn, and practically forgotten for thirty -two 
 years, but brought to light by the revolution of 
 1908 and promulgated anew, on the 24th of July 
 in that memorable year; — see, in this vol., 
 Turkey: A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.): 
 
 The indivisibility of the Ottoman Empire. 
 The Sultan, the supreme Caliph of the Mussul- 
 mans and sovereign of all Ottoman subjects, is 
 irresponsible and inviolable. His prerogatives 
 are those of the constitutional sovereigns of the 
 West. The subjects of the empire are called, 
 without distinction, Ottomans. Individual lib- 
 erty is inviolable, and is guaranteed by the laws. 
 
 Islamism is the religion of the state, but the 
 free exercise of all recognized creeds is guaran- 
 teed, and the religious privileges of the com- 
 munities are maintained. No provision invest- 
 ing the institutions of the state with a theocratic 
 character exists in the constitution. 
 
 The constitution establishes liberty of the 
 press, the right of petition to both chambers for 
 all Ottomans, liberty of education, and the equal- 
 ity of all Ottomans before the law. They all 
 enjoy the same rights, and have the same duties 
 toward the country. Ottoman subjects, without 
 distinction of religion, are admitted to the ser- 
 vice of the state. Taxation will be equally dis- 
 tributed ; property is guaranteed, and the domi- 
 cile is declared inviolable. No person can be 
 taken from the jurisdiction of his natural judges. 
 
 The Council of Ministers will deliberate under 
 the presidency of the Grand-Vizier. Each min- 
 ister is responsible for the conduct of the affairs 
 of his department. The Chamber of Deputies 
 may demand the impeachment of the ministers, 
 and a high court is instituted to try them. In 
 the event of the Chamber adopting a vote hostile 
 to the ministry on any important question, the 
 Sultan will change the ministers or dissolve the 
 Chamber. The ministers are entitled to be pre- 
 sent at the sittings of both Chambers, and to take 
 part in the debates. Interpellations may be ad- 
 dressed to the ministers. Public functionaries 
 will be appointed in conformity with the con- 
 ditions fixed by law, and cannot be dismissed 
 without legal and sufficient cause. They are 
 not discharged from responsibility by any orders 
 contrary to law which they may receive from a 
 superior. 
 
 The General Assembly of the Ottomans is com- 
 posed of two Chambers, the Senate and the 
 Chamber of Deputies, who will meet on the 1st 
 of November in each year, the session lasting 
 four months. A message from the Sultan will be 
 
 sent to both Chambers at the opening of each 
 session. The members of both Chambers are 
 free with regard to their vote and in the expres- 
 sion of their opinions. Electors are prohibited 
 from imposing binding engagements upon their 
 representatives. The initiative in proposing laws 
 belongs in the first place to the ministry, and 
 next to the Chambers, in the form of proposi- 
 tions. Laws must be first submitted to the 
 Chamber of Deputies, then to the Senate, and 
 finally to the imperial sanction. The Senate is 
 composed of members nominated by the Sultan 
 and chosen from among the most eminent per- 
 sonages in the country. The Senate votes the 
 laws already passed by the Chamber of Depu- 
 ties, and returns to the latter, or rejects, any 
 provisions contrary to the constitution or to the 
 integrity or safety of the state. In the event of 
 a dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies, the 
 general election shall be held and the new Cham- 
 ber meet within six months from the date of dis- 
 solution. The sittings of the Chamber of Depu- 
 ties are public. The deputies may not be arrested 
 or prosecuted during the session without author- 
 ity from the Chamber. The Chamber votes the 
 laws article by article, and the budget by chap- 
 ters. There is to be one deputy for every fifty 
 thousand inhabitants, and the elections will be 
 made by secret ballot. A special law will deter- 
 mine the mode of election. The mandate of a 
 deputy will render him ineligible for any public 
 office, except for a ministry. Each legislature 
 will continue for a period of four years. The 
 deputies will receive 4,600 francs for every ses- 
 sion, which will last from November to March. 
 The senators are appointed for life by the Sul- 
 tan, and will receive 2,300 francs monthly. 
 Judges are irremovable. 
 
 The sittings of the tribunals are public. The 
 advocates appearing for defendants are free. 
 Sentences may be published. No interference 
 can be permitted in the administration of j ustice. 
 The jurisdiction of the tribunals will be exactly 
 defined. Any exceptional tribunals or commis- 
 sions are prohibited. The office of Public Prose- 
 cutor is created. The High Court, which will 
 try ministers, members of the Court of Cassation, 
 and other persons charged with the crime of 
 lese Majeste , or of conspiracy against the state, 
 will be composed of the most eminent judicial 
 and administrative functionaries. 
 
 No tax can be established or levied except by 
 virtue of a law. The budget will be voted at the 
 commencement of each session, and for a period 
 of one year only. The final settlement of the 
 budget for the preceding year will be submitted 
 to the Chamber of Deputies in the form of a bill. 
 The Court of Accounts will send every year to 
 
CONSTITUTION OF TURKEY 
 
 COPYRIGHT 
 
 the Chamber of Deputies a report upon the state 
 of public accounts, and will present to the Sul 
 tan, quarterly, a statement showing the financial 
 condition of the country. The members of the 
 Court of Accounts are irremovable. No dismis- 
 sal can take place except in consequence of a 
 resolution adopted by the Chamber of Deputies. 
 
 The provincial administration is based upon 
 the broadest system of decentralization. The 
 Councils-General, which are elective, will delib- 
 erate upon and control the affairs of the province. 
 Every canton will have a council, elected by each 
 of the different communities, for the manage- 
 ment of its own affairs. The communes will be 
 administered by elective municipal councils. 
 Primary education is obligatory. 
 
 The interpretation of the laws belongs, accord- 
 ing to their nature, to the Court of Cassation, 
 the Council of State, and the Senate. 
 
 The constitution can only be modified on the 
 initiative of the ministry, or of either of the two 
 Chambers, and by a vote of both Chambers, 
 passed by a majority of two-thirds. Such modi- 
 fication must also be sanctioned by the Sultan. 
 — (Applet oris' Annual Cyclopaedia , 1876, pp. 
 773-774.) See amendments, in this vol., under 
 Turkey: A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED 
 STATES: Proposed Income Tax Amend- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 
 1909 (July). 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF VENEZUELA, 
 New. See (in this vol.) Venezuela : A. D. 1904. 
 
 CONSTITUTION, A World: The Mak- 
 ing of it in Process. See (in this vol.) World- 
 Movements. 
 
 CONSTITUTION ISLAND.— “In the 
 
 Hudson River opposite West Point lies Constitu- 
 tion Island. It is a wood-covered tract of nearly 
 three hundred acres, and for many years it has 
 been coveted by the authorities of the Military 
 Academy and the War Department. Its owner, 
 Miss Anna Bartlett Warner, was always willing 
 to sell to the Government, but Congress could 
 never be induced to make the necessary appropri- 
 ation for its purchase. Now Mrs. Russell Sage has 
 joined with Miss Warner in making a gift of the 
 island to the Nation, to be used as a part of the 
 military reservation at West Point .” — The Out- 
 look, September 19, 1908. 
 
 CONSTITUTION-MAKING, and Un- 
 making, in Servia. See (in this vol.) Balkan 
 and Danubian States: Servia. 
 
 CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRATS. 
 See (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 1905-1907, and 
 1906 and 1907. 
 
 CONSULAR SERVICE, The Reform of 
 the American. See (in this vol.) Civil Service 
 Reform: United States: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 CONSUMPTION. See Public Health: 
 Tuberculosis. 
 
 CONVICT LEASE SYSTEM: Its aboli- 
 tion in Georgia. See (in this vol.) Crime and 
 Criminology. 
 
 COOK, Frederick A.: Claimant of North 
 Pole discovery. See (in this vol.) Polar Ex- 
 ploration. 
 
 COOLEY, Dr. Harris R.: Director of 
 Charities and Corrections, Cleveland, Ohio. 
 See (in this vol.) Crime and Criminology. 
 
 COOPERATION, Industrial and Com- 
 mercial. See (in this vol.) Labor Remunera 
 tion. 
 
 COPENHAGEN: A. D. 1906. — Confer- 
 ence of the International Woman Suffrage 
 Alliance. See (in this vol.) Elective Fran- 
 chise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 COPYRIGHT : The new Law in the 
 United States. — “To the general surprise, the 
 new copyright bill slipped through both houses 
 of Congress yesterday [March 3, 1909], It 
 consists of one complete and consistent copy- 
 right statute, in sixty four sections. The term 
 of copyright is lengthened. The bill leaves the 
 present first term of twenty -eight years un- 
 changed, but provides for a renewal term of 
 twenty-eight years instead of fourteen, thus 
 making possible a period of protection of fifty- 
 six years from the publication of the work. 
 The bill also provides for the extension of sub- 
 sisting copyrights upon the same basis. 
 
 “ Copyright may now be secured for all the 
 ‘ writings ’ of an author, using the constitu- 
 tional expression. In enumerating and classify- 
 ing works protected by copyright, the bill is 
 more explicit than the present statutes, and adds 
 the following new designations : ‘ Lectures, 
 sermons, and addresses, prepared for oral deliv- 
 ery’; ‘ dramatico-musical compositions’; ‘ plas- 
 tic works of a scientific or technical character’; 
 
 ‘ reproductions of a work of art,’ and ‘ prints 
 and pictorial illustrations,’ in lieu of ‘ engrav- 
 ings,’ ‘cuts,’ and ‘cliromos,’ and ‘works of 
 art ’ instead of the present specific designations, 
 
 ‘ painting,’ ‘ drawings,’ ‘ statue,’ and ‘ statuary.’ 
 Express provision is made that compilations, 
 abridgments, adaptations, arrangements, drama- 
 tizations, or translations and works republished 
 with new matter shall be considered new works 
 subject to copyright. 
 
 “ As regards a musical work, the bill provides, 
 as does the present law, that the author shall 
 have the sole right to perform the work pub- 
 licly for profit, but adds the sole right ‘ to make 
 any arrangement or setting of it or of the melody 
 of it in any system of notation or any form of 
 record from which it may be read or repro- 
 duced.’ The composer’s control of the repro- 
 duction of his music by mechanical instruments 
 is qualified as follows: (a) to cover only music 
 published and copyrighted after the act goes 
 into effect ; (b) not to include music by a foreign 
 author or composer unless the foreign state or 
 nation of which he is a subject grants to citi- 
 zens of the United States similar rights ; (c) 
 whenever the owner of a musical copyright has 
 used or permitted or acquiesced in the use of 
 his work upon parts of instruments serving to 
 reproduce mechanically the musical work, any 
 other person may make similar use of the work 
 upon the payment of a royalty of two cents on 
 each part manufactured, notice to be filed in the 
 copyright office of such use or license to use by 
 the copyright proprietor. 
 
 “ American manufacture is required in the case 
 of a book, not only as regards type-setting in 
 the United States, but ‘ if the text be produced 
 by lithographic or photo-engraving process, then 
 by a process wholly performed within the limits 
 of the United States.’ The provision is also 
 extended to illustrations within a book, and to 
 separate lithographs and photo engravings, ‘ex- 
 cept where in either case the subjects repre- 
 sented are located in a foreign country.’ The 
 printing and binding of the book must also be 
 performed within the United States. Photo- 
 
COPYRIGHT 
 
 CRETE 
 
 graphs are released from the present require- 
 ment that they ‘shall be printed from negatives 
 made within the United States or from trans- 
 fers made therefrom.’ The ‘original text of a 
 book of foreign origin in a language or lan- 
 guages other than English ’ is also excepted 
 from the requirements of type-setting in the 
 United States. A new ad interim protection is 
 given books printed abroad in the English lan- 
 uage. If one complete copy of such book is 
 eposited in the copyright office not later than 
 thirty days after publication abroad, copyright 
 is granted for a period of thirty days from the 
 date of receipt of the copy. If an authorized 
 edition of the book is produced from type set in 
 the United States during this second thirty days, 
 the full term of copyright is secured. 
 
 “The much discussed provisions prohibiting 
 the importation of copyrighted books are con- 
 siderably modified. The importation of piratical 
 copies of any work copyrighted is prohibited, 
 aud the importation of any books, 'although 
 authorized by the author or proprietor,’ which 
 have not been produced in accordance with the 
 manufacturing provisions, is prohibited. The 
 Act of 1891 permits importation of books in 
 ' the case of persons purchasing for use and not 
 for sale, who import, subject to the duty thereon, 
 not more than two copies of such book at any 
 one time.’ The new law permits importation, 
 ‘ not more than one copy at one time, for indi- 
 vidual use, and not for sale,’ and adds the pro- 
 viso that ‘ such privilege of importation shall 
 not extend to a foreign reprint of a book by 
 an American author copyrighted in the United 
 States.’ The Act of 1891 allows importation in 
 good faith for the use of societies incorporated 
 or established for educational, philosophical, lit- 
 erary, or religious purposes, or for the encour 
 agement of the fine arts, or for any college, 
 academy, school, or seminary of learning. The 
 new law confines the privilege to incorporated 
 societies or institutions, but adds scientific so- 
 cieties and ‘ any State, school, college, univer- 
 sity, or free public library’ ; but while the Act 
 of 1891 permits ‘ two copies in any one invoice ’ 
 to be so imported, the new law provides for ‘ not 
 more than one copy of any such book in one in- 
 voice’ when ‘for use and not for sale.’ 
 
 “In the case of infringement, an injunction 
 may issue, as now, and damages be recovered 
 as well as all the profits due to the infringement.” 
 — New York Evening Post, March 4, 1909. 
 
 Pan-American Convention. See (in this vol ) 
 American Republics. 
 
 CORINTO, Treaty of. See (in this vol.) 
 War, The Revolt against : A. D. 1902 : Cen- 
 tral America. 
 
 CORPORATE WRONGDOING: Sum- 
 mary of recent Governmental Action against 
 it in the United States. See (in this vol.) 
 Combinations, Industrial : United States : 
 A. D. 1901-1906. 
 
 CORPORATION TAX, United States. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Tariffs : United States. 
 
 CORPORATIONS : Forbidden to contrib- 
 ute to Political Elections. See (in this vol.) 
 United States : A. D. 1907 (Jan.). 
 
 CORPORATIONS AND THE PUBLIC. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c., and Railways. 
 
 CORPORATIONS, The Bureau of. — Its 
 establishment in the Federal Administration 
 
 ofthe United States. See (in tliisvol.) United 
 States: A. D. 1903 (Feb.). 
 
 CORRAL, Ramon : Vice-President of 
 Mexico. See (in this vol.) Mexico A. D. 1904- 
 1905. 
 
 CORREGAN, Charles Hunter: Nomi- 
 
 nated for President of the United States. 
 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1904 
 (March-Nov.). 
 
 CORTELYOU, George B.: Secretary of 
 Commerce and Labor and Secretary of the 
 Treasury. See (in this vol.) United States: 
 A D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909. 
 
 COST OF LIVING. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Remuneration : Wages, &c. 
 
 COSTA RICA. See Central America. 
 
 COUNTRY LIFE COMMISSION, Re- 
 port of the. See (in this vol.) United States : 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (Aug.-Feb.). 
 
 COURTS, Industrial, German. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization : Germany . A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 COURTS OF LAW. See (in this vol.) Law' 
 and its Courts. 
 
 COWPER-TEMPLEISM. See (in this 
 vol.) Education: England: A. D. 1906. 
 
 CREEK NATION, Alleged frauds on the. 
 See (in this vol.) Indians, American. 
 
 CREMER, William Randal : Originator 
 ofthe Inter-parliamentary Union. See (in this 
 vol.) War, The Revolt against : A. D. 190L- 
 1909 ; also Nobel Prizes. 
 
 CRETE: A. D. 1905-1906. — Insurgent de- 
 mand of Union with Greece. — Investigation 
 of discontent by the Protecting Powers.— 
 Resignation ofthe High Commissionership by 
 Prince George. — Appointment of Zaimis. — 
 A determined revolutionary movement to secure 
 union with Greece was set on foot in March, 1905. 
 Remonstrance against it by Prince George was 
 unavailing, and the National Assembly, newly 
 elected on the 2d of April, gave support to the in- 
 surgents, proclaiming the desired union of Crete 
 with “her mother Greece,” and ordering the 
 Greek flag to be raised over the public buildings 
 of the island. The government of Greece, while 
 declaring its sympathy with the feeling which the 
 movement expressed, could not give countenance 
 to it, and urged the insurgents to lav down their 
 arms. The latter, however, continued to hold the 
 interior of the island and to make attacks on the 
 Mohammedan population, until the approach of 
 winter, when, on the 19th of November, they 
 gave up their arms. The four protecting Powers 
 then appointed a commission to investigate the 
 grounds of discontent in the island, and its report 
 made in the following spring j ustified a good deal 
 of the Cretan complaint of arbitrary rule. In May 
 a new Assembly was elected, in which the Gov- 
 ernment won 78 seats, the Opposition 36, and the 
 Moslems were represented by 16. In July a reso- 
 lution in favor of annexation to Greece was voted 
 by acclamation in the Assembly, and its sittings 
 were suspended to await the decision of the 
 Powers. The latter announced a little later the 
 intention to organize a gendarmerie to take the 
 place of foreign troops in the island ; and also to 
 extend the operations of the Greek Finance Com- 
 mission to Crete. Prince George now expressed 
 his unwillingness to continue in the office of High 
 Commissioner, and, on the request of the Powers, 
 the King of Greece nominated M. Zaimis to suc- 
 ceed him. The nomination was accepted, and 
 
 I 
 
 167 
 
CRETE 
 
 CRETE 
 
 Prince George withdrew from the island, after 
 issuing a farewell proclamation, September 25th. 
 M. Zaimis arrived and assumed office on the 14th 
 of October, being warmly received. He was un- 
 derstood to have the powers of a Greek Viceroy, 
 with a mission to prepare the island for annexa- 
 tion to Greece. 
 
 “ I should not like,” said a writer in the sum- 
 mer of 1905, “to speak too positively of Prince 
 George’s mistakes ; but I have met no European 
 who has lived in the island who had a good word 
 to say for his administration. On the one hand, 
 he played the despot. The local independent 
 newspapers were destroyed, and the right of 
 public meeting withdrawn. Worst of all, the 
 mayors and prefects, who had originally been 
 elected by the inhabitants of their districts, were 
 degraded to the position of mere officials nomi- 
 nated by the Prince. At the same time, he as- 
 pired to be a sort of party leader. Quite early 
 in his term of office he contrived to alienate the 
 best men among the leaders who had conducted 
 the insurrection with so much patience and wis- 
 dom. The President of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment, Dr. Sphakianakis, an extremely able and, 
 what is rarer, a wise and disinterested man, went 
 into retirement when the Prince arrived. . . . 
 
 “ By the summer of last year. [1904] when the 
 Prince cast Professor Jannaris, a philologist of 
 European reputation, into Canea gaol, the rift 
 between himself and his people had become des- 
 perate. ... It was now quite clear that no solu 
 tion remained save union with Greece. To Prince 
 George it provided an honorable and graceful 
 path of retreat. He could retire and bring with 
 him in his withdrawal a great gift to the Greek 
 nation, and confer, at the same time, contentment 
 on Crete. . . . Prince George, accordingly, de- 
 voted the closing months of 1904 to a tour among 
 the European courts. The Powers had never 
 intended to make him the permanent sovereign 
 of Crete. His mandate was only for three years, 
 and it had already been prolonged for a second 
 term. He urged that the time had at length 
 arrived for a definite solution, which could only 
 be a union with Greece. But either his plead- 
 ing was half-hearted or the Powers were deaf. 
 His term was once more extended, and he was 
 weak enough, or vain enough, to accept the dan- 
 gerous mission. He returned to Crete and re- 
 ported his failure. 
 
 “What followed is recent history. For a 
 month or two the Cretans were passive, and then 
 suddenly they rose in arms. A sort of provi- 
 sional government was established at Therisso, 
 a stronghold in the mountains, near enough to 
 Canea to threaten the Prince’s administration, 
 far enough from the sea to be out of range of the 
 European war-ships. Dr. Sphakianakis and MM. 
 Venizelos and Foumis are at its head, and it soon 
 received the allegiance of the whole interior. 
 Simultaneously, under very strained conditions, a 
 general election was held ; and, though the mem- 
 bers were probably drawn for the most part from 
 the Prince’s party, the Chamber adopted the 
 programme of the insurgents and solemnly pro- 
 claimed the annexation of the island to Greece. 
 The Prince threatened, but he had no force be- 
 hind him ; and he too could only reiterate his 
 prayer that Europe should assent to union. It 
 is a whimsical display of unanimity. In other 
 lands, subjects rebel to emphasize some differ- 
 ence of opinion with their rulers. The Cretans 
 
 have taken up arms to prove how violently they 
 all agree.” — H. N. Brailsford, The Future of 
 Crete ( North American Review, Aug., 1905 j. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — How and why the Cre- 
 tans have been restrained by the F our Protect- 
 ing Powers. — In February, 1907, the Cretans 
 framed and adopted a new Constitution, pro- 
 viding for an Assembly of sixty-four Deputies, 
 elected every two years, and continuing the exec- 
 utive office of High Commissioner, with a Council 
 of three. They were fully exercising all the rights 
 of independent self-government, under the pro- 
 tection of the four Powers which still maintained 
 the old “Concert,” namely, Great Britain, 
 France, Russia, and Italy. The Turkish Govern- 
 ment touched them in no other way than through 
 the theoretical, intangible suzerainty which the 
 Sultan claimed. But that claim, acknowledged 
 by their potent protectors, barred them from an- 
 nexation to the kingdom of their fellow Greeks, 
 which was their heart’s desire. If Turkey had 
 continued in the condition to which it had sunk 
 when the Powers set them free from all but a 
 fiction of feudal law (see in Volume VI. of this 
 work, Turkey: A. D. 1897-1899) there seems 
 little doubt that they would have won their wish 
 in no long time, with the help of those Powers; 
 but the great change in Turkish conditions which 
 came about in 1908 was not favorable to Cretan 
 hopes. 
 
 To the Cretans, in October, 1908, the Turkish 
 Revolution appeared to have brought them the 
 best of opportunities for breaking the irksome 
 thread of an unexercised Ottoman sovereignty. 
 Bulgaria snapped the thread; why should not 
 they ? But Bulgaria had no responsible guardians 
 to look after her conduct; while Crete was, un- 
 fortunately at this juncture, the ward of an inter- 
 national trust company, whose responsibilities for 
 her were made immeasurably more serious by 
 the very circumstances which invited her to an 
 escapade. The revolutionary undertaking of the 
 Young Turks, to reform their own nation, claimed 
 the sympathy and good will of every right-feeling 
 government in the world. Great Britain, France, 
 and Italy, at least, could not afford to lay, or con- 
 sent to the laying, of a straw of difficulty in its 
 way. A declaration of Cretan independence and 
 annexation to Greece, countenanced by the Pow- 
 ers, would have raised excitements in Turkey 
 more than likely to wreck the reform movement 
 in a catastrophe of war, which might involve 
 much larger fields than those that lie between 
 Turkey and Greece. The action of Bulgaria and 
 that of Austria in annexing Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina had put a dangerous strain on the sit- 
 uation ; but neither of these had tried Turkish 
 feeling as it would have been tried if Crete and 
 Greece had been suffered to follow their exam- 
 ple by the four protecting Powers. 
 
 The attempt was made in Crete on the 12th of 
 October, 1908, when the Assembly voted union 
 with Greece, and elected a committee of six 
 members to conduct the Government in the name 
 of the King of Greece, under Greek laws. The 
 four Powers intervened in a soothing way, agree- 
 ing to treat with the Turkish Government on 
 the subject, provided that order in the island 
 should be maintained and protection afforded to 
 the Mohammedan population. In the previous 
 May they had decided to withdraw the forces 
 they were jointly keeping in Crete, and had an- 
 nounced that their evacuation of the island should 
 
 168 
 
CRETE 
 
 CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 be completed by the end of July, 1909. When 
 the time thus appointed drew near there was 
 some anxiety as to what might follow the with- 
 drawal of troops; but the Powers adhered to 
 their agreement. Meantime the Turkish Gov- 
 ernment was giving plain expression to its de- 
 termination to “ maintain Ottoman rights in 
 Crete.” Early in July, 1909, the intentions of the 
 four Powers were made known by an announce- 
 ment to the French Chamber of Deputies from 
 the Foreign Minister of that Government. The 
 international contingents of troops, he stated, 
 would be recalled by the contemplated date of 
 July 27 ; but four war ships ( stationnaires ) would 
 be sent, one by each Power, “to guard the Ot- 
 toman flag and the flags of the four Powers, as 
 well as to ensure, in case of trouble, the protec- 
 tion of the population. A declaration would be 
 addressed to the people of Crete promising, in 
 particular, that the Powers will continue to oc- 
 cupy themselves with the Cretan question in a 
 benevolent spirit, but adding that it is their duty 
 to see that order is maintained and the safety of 
 the Mussulmans in Crete assured; that with this 
 object they reserve the right of adopting such 
 measures as may be expedient for the restoration 
 of tranquillity, in case disturbances should break 
 out which the local authorities were unable to 
 quell. The declaration addressed to the Cretans 
 to be communicated to the Porte and a declara- 
 tion to be made at Constantinople, in order to 
 give an exact account of the spirit in which the 
 foregoing measures have been adopted. ” 
 
 This decision was communicated formally to 
 the Greek and Turkish governments a little later. 
 The latter, in reply, thanked the four Powers 
 for their promise to safeguard Ottoman interests 
 in the island, but declared that it could not 
 tolerate “ any extension of the privileges of the 
 Cretans beyond those guaranteed by their auto- 
 nomy, least of all any such extension as might 
 give rise to the supposition that Crete was in 
 any way politically connected or dependent on 
 the Hellenic kingdom.” 
 
 The attitude of the four Powers in their action 
 was stated very distinctly to the British House 
 of Commons on the 22d of July, by Sir Edward 
 Grey, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as follows : 
 “ The status quo maintained in Crete is that Crete 
 remains in trust to the four Powers who hold the 
 island in trust, and continue to maintain the 
 obligations of preserving the supreme rights of 
 Turkey. That is the status quo, and to put any 
 
 other interpretation upon it and say that it means 
 this or that, or that it amounts to virtual annexa- 
 tion, is misleading and is not true. That is not 
 intended. The question of Crete has been ex- 
 ceedingly difficult, partly for the very reasons 
 which I have already named, that it was raised 
 at a time when the Turkish Government itself 
 was passing through a stage exceedingly diffi- 
 cult, but exceedingly hopeful. What we have 
 desired to do with regard to Crete is to secure 
 that nothing shall happen which will be damag- 
 ing to the prestige of the new regime in Turkey, 
 and by being damaging to that jjrestige make 
 the prospects of reform and of the increasing 
 welfare of Turkey less hopeful.” 
 
 The last of the international contingents left 
 Crete on the 26th of July ; whereupon the Cretans 
 ran up the Greek flag on the fortress evacuated. 
 Some days passed before the naval stationnaires 
 of the four Powers arrived on the scene, and 
 Turkey opened a somewhat sharp correspond- 
 ence with Greece. The Powers intervened, as- 
 suming responsibility for conditions in Crete, and 
 asking that communications on the subject be 
 addressed to them. At the same time, the Cre- 
 tans were admonished to take down the Greek 
 flag. As they did not do so, sailors from the war 
 ships were landed on the 18tli of August, who 
 lowered the flag and cut the flag-staff down. 
 Sixty were left on guard to prevent further 
 demonstrations of a provocative kind. To the 
 time of this writing (February 1, 1910) nothing 
 has occurred since to disturb the quiet in Crete. 
 In November, however, the Turkish Govern- 
 ment addressed to the four Powers a request for 
 a definite settlement of the status of Crete. The 
 reply, given on the 9th of December, was as 
 follows : 
 
 “ The protecting Powers do not deem the mo- 
 ment opportune for diplomatic negotiations tend- 
 ing to establish a definite regime in the island. 
 The circumstances have not changed since the 
 date of evacuation of the island by the inter- 
 national troops. Though infractions of the 
 status quo had been committed, they were at 
 once suppressed, and if more serious infractions 
 occurred the Powers would meet them in ac- 
 cordance with the standpoint expressed in their 
 Notes of July last with regard to the supreme 
 rights of the Sultan. In present conditions ne- 
 gotiations on the Cretan question might excite 
 public opinion in Turkey and elsewhere, and 
 lead to dangerous complications.” 
 
 CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY: THEIR PROBLEMS. 
 
 “Black Hand,” The: Sicilian Blackmail 
 Terrorism brought to the United States. — 
 
 “ Toward the end of the last century the Sicilian 
 gangs which made their living by blackmail be- 
 came aware that not a few Italians who had left 
 their home country as peasants had acquired 
 wealth across the Atlantic. Even the ordinary 
 workman, they learnt, who could gain only 40 
 cents a day in Sicily, could make about four 
 times that wage in New York. Accordingly 
 they hastened to exploit by their familiar methods 
 the rich field of the Italian colony in that city. 
 It was not long before the American police found 
 themselves faced by an elaborate machinery of 
 crime far more ingenious and complicated than 
 
 anything with which they had previously had to 
 deal. The Black Hand, as the society called it- 
 self, proceeded normally to extort what it wanted 
 by frank demands and threats, and it did not 
 hesitate at kidnapping, outrage, and murder 
 when these means seemed necessary to its ends.” 
 — N. 7. Cor. London Times, March 16, 1909. 
 
 Cleveland’s Farm Colony. — “A City in the 
 Life Saving Business” is the title given by Mr. 
 Frederick C. Howe to an article in The Outlook 
 of January 18, 1908, descriptive of the Farm 
 Colony which the City of Cleveland, Ohio, has 
 substituted for the old time “work-house” or 
 “penitentiary ” for the detention and treatment 
 of its vagabonds and petty offenders. The change 
 
 169 
 
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 has been wrought within the past seven years 
 by the City Director of Charities and Corrections, 
 Dr. Harris R. Cooley. The following facts of it 
 are summarized from Mr. Howe’s article: 
 
 The colony occupies the larger part of a 1900 
 acre farm, on which some other institutions, such 
 as a city infirmary, are to be placed ; but the ex- 
 workhouse-prisoners are, so far, the interesting 
 occupants of the farm. They are prisoners with 
 no prison. They wear no convict garb, drag no 
 ball and chain, are surrounded by no wall or 
 stockade, are watched by no armed guards. 
 They are working a quarry, making roads and 
 sewers, gathering stone, doing all descriptions 
 of farm work, as free in their movements as farm 
 laborers who work for hire. And out of hun- 
 dreds on whom this treatment has been tried for 
 nearly seven years “only a handful,” it is said, 
 “ have ever taken advantage of their liberty. 
 And it was the other prisoners who were most 
 incensed at their escape.” 
 
 These unimprisoned prisoners are put on 
 honor; they are treated as men to whom society 
 would like to do good. It gives them a few 
 weeks or months of healthful, honestly laborious 
 life, in the midst of wholesome and beautiful 
 surroundings (for the farm is nobly situated); 
 and when they are dismissed from it they do not 
 go dispirited and weakened and marked with a 
 prison brand, as they would go from a work- 
 house, but strengthened in body, helped to self- 
 respect, and encouraged to a change of life by 
 the experience they have had. It is not punish- 
 ment they have received, but a revelation, in 
 most cases, of a better side of life than they had 
 known. And this treatment is proving its suc- 
 cess. 
 
 There are classes for instruction, on various 
 lines, at the farm, and some come back, foreven- 
 ing study, after their release. Two years ago 
 one of the released colonists began the formation 
 of a Brotherhood among those who came out, to 
 assist their fellows and take care of them till they 
 got a new footing in the world ; and no less than 
 427 had received that helping hand of fellowship 
 when Mr. Howe wrote his account. The Bro- 
 therhood was then occupying a rented house, on 
 the furnishing of which it had expended over 
 $2000, made up within its own ranks. 
 
 Besides its Farm Colony, Cleveland has estab- 
 lished another, somewhat similar, farm for boys. 
 This, called Boyville, is 285 acres in extent, and 
 the young delinquents sent to it live in cottages, 
 named Washington Cottage, Lincoln Cottage, 
 etc., each with a motherly woman in charge. 
 They are kept in attendance at a school pursuing 
 the same studies as in the city schools ; their big 
 playground affords them all kinds of healthful 
 sports. They have horses, cattle, goats and dogs 
 to take care of, and they are drilled in a fire com- 
 pany which is expected to protect the property 
 of Boyville. 
 
 The Convict Lease System : Its abolition 
 in Georgia. — During the Civil War the Peni- 
 tentiary buildings of the State of Georgia, at 
 Milledgeville, were destroyed, and for many 
 years subsequently the prevailing conditions 
 were not favorable to their replacement. There 
 grew up, in consequence, an evil practiceof work- 
 ing convicts in chain-gangs, leading finally to the 
 leasing of such gangs to contractors. A fright- 
 ful brutalizing of all concerned in the operation 
 of the vicious system — convicts, overseers, and 
 
 lessees alike — is said to have been the result, 
 as it could hardly fail to be. Within late years 
 public attention, in Georgia and outside of the 
 State, was increasingly drawn to the treatment 
 and condition of the chain-gangs, by shocking 
 stories of barbarity and depravity; yet the evil 
 was hard to reform, because of the profit which 
 the State derived from the hire of its criminals. 
 Years of agitation and exertion by right-minded 
 people in Georgia were required to overcome the 
 sordid influence of this fact, and it was not until 
 September, 1908, that the Legislature, called in 
 special session by Governor Hoke Smith to deal 
 with the question, passed an Act which brought 
 the lease system to an end on the 31st of March, 
 1909. Provision was made at this important ses- 
 sion for an establishment of State farms on which 
 convicts can be employed; for introducing a 
 parole system into the penological policy of the 
 State, and for the institution of juvenile courts. 
 The legislative session was a memorable one. 
 
 English Court of Criminal Appeal. See (in 
 this vol.) Law and its Courts: England. 
 
 The English Prevention of Corruption Act. 
 — The object of the English Prevention of Cor- 
 ruption Act, passed in 1906, is to check the prac- 
 tice of giving and taking secret commissions, 
 which, as the late Lord Russell of Killowen 
 caused the country to realize, was widely pre- 
 valent in commercial and professional circles, as 
 well as in the humbler sphere of the “ servants’ 
 hall.” Before the passing of the Act, of course, 
 it was illegal to give and receive secret commis- 
 sions. After the Act came into force, it became 
 criminal. The provisions of the measure make 
 it a misdemeanour, punishable, on summary con- 
 viction or on indictment, with fine or imprison- 
 ment — 
 
 (1) For any agent corruptly to receive any 
 gift or consideration for doing or not doing any 
 act, or showing or not showing favour or disfa- 
 vour, in relation to his principal’s affairs; 
 
 (2) For any person corruptly to offer such gift 
 or consideration to any agent ; 
 
 (3) For any person to give to an agent, or for 
 any agent to use, any false or defective receipt 
 or other business document with intent to de- 
 ceive the principal. 
 
 Two years after the Act came into force its 
 effects were discussed by a writer in the London 
 Times, who said : ‘ The circumstances that the 
 fiat of the Attorney-General must be obtained 
 before any prosecution can be instituted under 
 the Act, and that, until recently, there was no 
 organization qualified to take active steps to pre- 
 vent the Act from becoming a dead letter, account 
 for the comparatively small number of cases in 
 which proceedings have been taken under the 
 Act during the past two years. Fifteen prose- 
 cutions have been authorized by the Attorney- 
 General. In 12 cases there have been convictions, 
 one case has been abandoned, and two are still 
 pending. These figures show, at any rate, that 
 prosecutions are not lightly instituted, and that 
 the charges which have been preferred against 
 offenders have been, as a rule, well founded. 
 
 “It is undoubtedly true, in this matter as in 
 others, that ‘everybody’s business is nobody’s.’ 
 Soon after the passing of the Act it was realized 
 that, if it was to prove effective ‘for the better 
 prevention of corruption,’ some organization 
 must be formed to give effect to the measure — 
 to furnish information in respect to its provi- 
 
 170 
 
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 sions, to investigate complaints, and, if neces- 
 sary, to institute prosecutions. A society was 
 formed, therefore, with the title of ‘The Secret 
 Commissions and Bribery Prevention League,’ 
 to work on lines similar to those of the societies 
 which strengthen the arm of the law so effect- 
 ively in respect of cruelty to children and cruelty 
 to animals. . . The committee have investi- 
 
 gated a large number of cases which have been 
 brought to their knowledge, they have given 
 advice freely to members and others interested 
 in the working of the Act, they have issued 
 thousands of circulars and letters, as well as 
 occasional ‘ news sheets,’ they have made repre- 
 sentations to the War Office and other public 
 bodies as opportunities occurred, and have sum- 
 moned various trade conferences for the consid- 
 eration of points of importance arising out of 
 the Act. The value of the League’s work is 
 emphasized by the fact that the members in- 
 clude many important limited liability compa- 
 nies and trade associations, and that the League 
 is becoming in a special sense representative of 
 the commercial community as a whole.” 
 
 Indeterminate Sentence and the Parole 
 System of New York State.— The first pro- 
 vision in New York for indeterminate sentences 
 was by Section 74, Chapter 382 of the Laws of 
 1889, as follows: “Whenever any male person 
 over sixteen years of age, shall be convicted of a 
 felony which is punishable by imprisonment in a 
 State prison, for a term to be fixed within certain 
 limits by the court pronouncing sentence, the 
 court authorized to pronounce judgment upon 
 such offender, instead of pronouncing upon such 
 offender a definite sentence of imprisonment in 
 a State prison for a fixed term, may pronounce 
 upon such offender an indeterminate sentence of 
 imprisonment in a State prison for a term with 
 minimum and maximum limits only specified, 
 without fixing a definite term of sentence within 
 such limits named in the sentence, but the max- 
 imum limit so specified in the sentence shall 
 not exceed the longest period for which such 
 offender might have been sentenced, and the 
 minmum limit in said sentence specified shall not 
 be less than the shortest term for which such 
 offender might have been sentenced. The maxi- 
 mum term specified in such indeterminate sen- 
 tence shall be limited in the same manner as a 
 definite sentence in compliance with the provi- 
 sions of section six hundred and ninety-seven of 
 the Penal Code.” 
 
 A Parole Board was constituted under this 
 Act, composed of the Superintendent of Prisons 
 and the chief officers of the four State Prisons. 
 
 “It will be noted that this law permitted the 
 indeterminate but did not abolish the definite 
 sentence. Its provisions applied to all classes of 
 male felons over sixteen years of age. No dis- 
 tinction was made between the first offenders 
 and the professional and persistent criminals. 
 The court in its discretion could impose either 
 form of sentence on any convicted male felon 
 provided he was more than sixteen years old. 
 How general the preference of the judges was 
 for the definite sentence is shown by the fact 
 that during the twelve years that this law was 
 in force approximately 13,000 prisoners were 
 received at the prisons, only 115 of whom had 
 indeterminate terms. . . . 
 
 “As there were but 60 men paroled during 
 the life of this statute (1889 to 1901), there was 
 
 naturally but slight progress made during that 
 period toward organizing, systematizing and 
 perfecting the parole system ; but some experi- 
 ence was gained and data secured that has since 
 been useful. . . . 
 
 “The Legislature of 1901 passed two impor- 
 tant and effective laws relative to the parole of 
 prisoners which became operative September 1, 
 
 1901. The first amended Section 74 of Chapter 
 382, Laws of 1889, to read as follows: — ‘ Every 
 person now confined in a state prison, or in the 
 Eastern New York Reformatory, under sentence 
 for a definite term for a felony, the maximum 
 penalty for which is imprisonment for five years 
 or less, exclusive of fines, who has never before 
 been convicted of a crime punishable by impris- 
 onment in a state prison shall be subject to the 
 jurisdiction of the board of commissioners of 
 paroled prisoners and may be paroled in the 
 same manner and subject to the same conditions 
 and penalties as prisoners confined under inde- 
 terminate sentences. The minimum and maxi- 
 mum terms of the sentences of said prisoners are 
 hereby fixed and determined to be as follows: 
 The definite term for which each person is sen- 
 tenced shall be the maximum limit of his term, 
 and one-third of the definite term of his sentence 
 shall be the minimum limit of his term.” (A« 
 amended by ch. 260, L. 1901, and by ch. 508, L. 
 
 1902. ) 
 
 “ By this Act the members of the State Com- 
 mission of Prisons were constituted a Board of 
 Commissioners for Paroled Prisoners and they 
 were to meet at each of the prisons four times 
 a year. The Superintendent of State Prisons was 
 authorized to appoint a parole officer for each 
 prison 
 
 ‘ ‘ The other law amended the Penal Code by 
 adding a new section. § 687 a. — A person never 
 before convicted of a crime punishable by im- 
 prisonment in a state prison, who is convicted in 
 any court in this state of a felony, the maximum 
 penalty for which, exclusive of fines, is imprison- 
 ment for five years or less, and sentenced to a 
 state prison, shall be sentenced thereto under an 
 indeterminate sentence, the minimum of which 
 shall not be less than one year ; or in case a mini- 
 mum is fixed by law, not less than such mini* 
 mum, and the maximum of which shall not be 
 more than the longest period fixed by law for 
 which the crime is punishable of which the of- 
 fender is convicted. The maximum limit of such 
 sentence shall be so fixed as to comply with the 
 provisions of section 697 of the Penal Code.” 
 
 “This Act was amended in 1902 to provide 
 also that any first offender convicted of a felony 
 other than murder first and second degrees, the 
 maximum penalty for which exceeded five years, 
 might be sentenced to an indeterminate term. 
 Few prisoners, however, were so sentenced for 
 crimes that carried a penalty of more than five 
 years. 
 
 “The passage of these Acts put the parole sys- 
 tem in active operation in 1901. Many prisoners 
 then in the prisons whose terms thus became 
 indeterminate were immediately eligible for pa- 
 role. Others became eligible from month to 
 month. ... In the first year under this law the 
 Board considered the applications of 583 prison- 
 ers and granted parole to 272. 
 
 “The scope of the parole system was materi- 
 ally enlarged and the work of the Board vastly 
 increased by the legislation of 1907. Chapter 
 
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 737, Laws of 1907, provides, that all first offend- 
 ers convicted of felonies other than murder first 
 and second degrees and sentenced to a state 
 prison must be sentenced to indeterminate terms. 
 As a result of this law the class of prisoners sub- 
 ject to the jurisdiction of the Board will gradu- 
 ally increase to more than double the present 
 number. . . . 
 
 “Chapter 738, Laws of 1907, changed the 
 penalty for murder second degree from life im- 
 prisonment to an indeterminate term having a 
 minimum of 20 years and a maximum of life. 
 Also, by this Act the sentences of all prisoners 
 then in the prisons serving life sentences for 
 murder second degree were made indeterminate 
 terms with limits as above given [and 12, out of 
 17, were soon released on parole], 
 
 “Chapter 645, Laws of 1907, provides, that a 
 person convicted for the fourth time for felony 
 shall be sentenced to an indeterminate term, the 
 maximum of which shall be life. 
 
 “It is the intent of this law that the man who 
 has demonstrated the fact that he is a persistent 
 criminal shall be kept under supervision dur- 
 ing life. That the counties shall be saved the 
 expense of repeatedly trying him and, more 
 important still, that the baneful effects of his 
 association with, and influence over, prisoners in 
 the jails, shall be avoided. If at any time after 
 he has served his minimum term there is a rea- 
 sonable probability that he will remain at liberty 
 without violating the law, the Board may parole 
 him.” 
 
 The Act of 1907, which became effective 
 June 10, in that year, provides that “the board 
 of parole for state prisons shall be composed of 
 the superintendent of state prisons and two citi- 
 zens appointed by the governor and confirmed 
 by the senate ; and that said board shall meet 
 at each of the prisons every month. It shall 
 also make examination and report to the gov- 
 ernor with its recommendations on all applica- 
 tions for pardon referred to them by the gov- 
 ernor. ” — Report of the Board of Parole for State 
 Prisons, 1907. 
 
 To serve with the Superintendent of Prisons 
 as the Board of Parole the Governor of New 
 York appointed the Hon. George A. Lewis and 
 the Hon. Albion V. Wadhams, for five years. 
 
 In the annual report of the Superintendent of 
 Prisons for 1908 he discusses the working of the 
 law, in part as follows: “The results attained 
 with State prison convicts under the indetermi- 
 nate sentence law have been satisfactory so far 
 as the term limits fixed by the courts have per- 
 mitted the proper application of the parole fea- 
 tures of the law. In many cases, however, the 
 terms of the sentences have been so inconsistent 
 with the evident purpose and intent of the law 
 as to render its parole provisions wholly, or to 
 a good degree, inoperative. 
 
 “In several sentences imposed by the courts, 
 the maximum and minimum terms have been 
 identical as ‘ Not less than three years or more 
 than three years.’ As will be seen, this is really 
 a definite sentence and no parole period is pro- 
 vided for. In a very great number of cases, 
 the margin between the minimum and maximum 
 terms is but one, two or three months. While 
 prisoners so sentenced may be paroled, the pe- 
 riod of their probation is so limited that there 
 is little opportunity to influence and train the 
 man. . . . 
 
 “The Superintendent is satisfied that the in- 
 determinate has many advantages over the defi- 
 nite sentence, but its full benefit cannot be had 
 under the law as it now stands and is applied. 
 It should be amended so as to provide for longer 
 parole periods and for minimum sentences never 
 exceeding the maximum penalty for the crime 
 of which the prisoner is convicted less the com- 
 mutation allowed on definite sentences.” 
 
 In May, 1909, Governor Hughes signed a re- 
 tro-active law which extends to all convicts now 
 in prison, who, being first offenders, have been 
 sentenced for crimes committed prior to Septem- 
 ber 1st, 1907. 
 
 Pan-American Extradition Convention. 
 
 See (in this vol. ) American Republics. 
 
 Preventive Detention in Great Britain. — 
 The Borstal System of Discipline and T rain- 
 ing for Young Offenders. — An Act entitled 
 The Prevention of Crime Act, passed by the 
 British Parliament in December, 1908, came into 
 force on the 1st of August, 1909. It is described 
 in the preamble as an “Act to make better pro- 
 vision for the prevention of crime, and for that 
 purpose to provide for the reformation of young 
 offenders, and the prolonged detention of habit- 
 ual criminals, and for other purposes incidental 
 thereto.” “The principle of ‘ preventive deten- 
 tion’ is accepted and embodied in the Act, such 
 detention to continue until the offender gives 
 sufficient assurance that he will take to an hon- 
 est life, or until by age or infirmity he becomes 
 physically incapable of resuming a life of crime. 
 In no case is life imprisonment contemplated, 
 but when a man is convicted on indictment of a 
 crime and is sentenced to penal servitude, if the 
 jury find that he is an habitual criminal the 
 Court may pass a further sentence. They must 
 first be satisfied, however, that by reason of his 
 criminal antecedents and his mode of life it is 
 expedient for the protection of the public that 
 he should be kept in detention for an extended 
 period. The jury will have to be satisfied, first 
 that the man just convicted of an offence has 
 been convicted of at least three serious crimes, 
 and, secondly, that when convicted he was lead- 
 ing an habitually dishonest life. The charge of 
 being an habitual criminal cannot be made ex- 
 cept by the consent of the Director of Public 
 Prosecutions. The accused man will have an 
 unqualified right of appeal. After serving his 
 term of penal servitude he will be committed to 
 a place of detention which will be a prison spe- 
 cially adapted for the purposes of the Act. The 
 prison discipline will be less rigorous than that 
 now prevailing, alike as regards hours, talking, 
 recreation, occupations, and food. 
 
 “The Act provides that the Secretary of State 
 [the Home Secretary] shall once at least in every 
 three years during which the person is detained 
 in custody under a sentence of preventive deten- 
 tion, take into consideration the condition, his- 
 tory, and circumstances of that person with a 
 view to determining whether he shall be placed 
 out on license, and if so, on what conditions. 
 Directors of convict prisons are to report period- 
 ically to the Secretary of State upon the conduct 
 and industry of persons undergoing preventive 
 detention, and their prospects and probable be- 
 haviour on release. For this purpose they are 
 to be assisted by a committee at each prison, 
 consisting of such members of the board of vis- 
 itors and such other persons of either sex as the 
 
 172 
 
CHIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 CHIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 Secretary of State may from time to time ap- 
 point. Every such committee is to hold meet- 
 ings at intervals of not more than six months, as 
 may be prescribed, for the purpose of personally 
 interviewing persons undergoing preventive de- 
 tention in the prison and preparing reports for 
 the assistance of the directors.” 
 
 The part of the Act which relates to the re- 
 formation of young offenders provides for the 
 establishment and regulation of what are named 
 “Borstal institutions.” “These are places in 
 which young offenders may be given during their 
 detention such industrial training and other in- 
 struction and be subjected to such disciplinary 
 and moral influences as will conduce to their re- 
 formation and the prevention of crime. The Act 
 will apply to persons of not less than 16 or more 
 than 21 years of age who may be convicted on 
 indictment of an offence for which they are liable 
 to be sentenced to penal servitude or imprison- 
 ment. In such cases ... it will be lawful for 
 the Court, instead of passing a sentence of penal 
 servitude or imprisonment, to pass one of deten- 
 tion under penal discipline in a Borstal institu 
 tion. Such detention will not be less than for one 
 year or more than three years. Power is given to 
 detain in Borstal institutions youthful offenders 
 sentenced to detention in reformatory schools. 
 
 . . Powers are also given to the Secretary of 
 State to transfer persons in certain cases from 
 prison to Borstal institutions. 
 
 “Subject to regulations by the Secretary of 
 State, the Prison Commissioners may, after six 
 months, or in the case of a female three months, 
 from the commencement of the term of detention, 
 if satisfied that there is reasonable probability 
 that the offender will abstain from crime and 
 lead a useful and industrious life, by license 
 permit him to be discharged from the Borstal 
 institution, on condition that he be placed under 
 the supervision or authority of any society or 
 person named in the license who may be willing 
 to take charge of the case. Every person sen- 
 tenced to detention in a Borstal institution shall, 
 on the expiration of the term of his sentence, 
 remain for a further period of six months under 
 the supervision of the Prison Commissioners.” 
 
 The introduction of this system has been 
 brought about by the efforts of an organization 
 which bears the name of the Borstal Association, 
 concerning whose experimental undertakings the 
 London Times said, lately, in an editorial arti- 
 cle: “Those who have hitherto been sceptical 
 as to effective treatment of the criminal classes 
 would do well to consult the report for 1909 of 
 the Borstal Association. They can scarcely fail 
 to admit that new and powerful agencies for 
 good are at work. The experiment, which has 
 been more successful than its authors anticipated, 
 began in a small way at Bedford Prison, and has 
 been gradually extended. At first it was applied 
 to selected offenders in the metropolitan prisons 
 between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one who 
 had been committed for six months. It was 
 soon discovered that little good could be done 
 with criminals under successive short sentences. 
 This has been rectified. . . . Speaking lately of 
 the Borstal methods, the Bishop of Wakefield 
 said truly that the problem is how to combine 
 in the treatment of young criminals ‘ tenderness 
 and strength,’ to ‘draw the line between stern- 
 ness and sympathy.’ In the past the tendency 
 was to be punctiliously severe. . . . To-day the 
 
 tendency, the danger, is to forget that the prison 
 is not a place of recreation; to dwell too much 
 on the hardships of its inmates; to plead a little 
 too much for their comforts; to ask and expect 
 too much ; to be unduly critical of prison author- 
 ities. The advocates of the Borstal system claim 
 to have avoided these mistakes. ‘ It is not,’ 
 they say, ‘a namby-pamby system; only those 
 who accept its strong incentive and reformative 
 methods find it tolerable; those who do not, 
 entreat for removal to other prisons where less 
 development and improvement of their latent 
 capacities are demanded.’ It seeks to inure to 
 hard work the lads subject to its discipline ; it 
 would make them strong and fit to handle tools 
 intelligently; it would turn them into healthy 
 and well set-up men. The fact that they may 
 quit Borstal with some proficiency in a trade 
 counts for much.” 
 
 Probation System, as established by recent 
 legislation in New York. — “Probation, as 
 authorized by the laws of New York State, is a 
 system of discipline and correction, or, in some 
 cases, of moral guardianship, applied by courts 
 to suitable offenders, after conviction, for the 
 purpose of improving their conduct and circum- 
 stances without committing them to institutions. 
 The defendants are released conditionally on 
 their good behavior, under suspended sentence, 
 and under the friendly but authoritative super- 
 vision of a representative of the court, known 
 as a probation officer. The probation law con- 
 templates that in placing a defendant on proba- 
 tion certain terms and conditions shall be im- 
 posed, and it provides that if the probationer 
 violate these conditions, his probation officer 
 may return him to court for the execution of 
 sentence. Besides usually requiring each proba- 
 tioner to report to him from time to time, the 
 probation officer is expected to visit the proba- 
 tioner at frequent intervals and to do whatever 
 seems essential to improve his surroundings and 
 habits. The probation officer should report regu- 
 larly to the court concerning the progress of each 
 probationer. When so directed by the court, the 
 probation officer also investigates cases, particu- 
 larly with reference to the history, circumstances 
 and character of the defendants, in order to lay 
 before the court facts which may be important 
 in determining whether they should be placed on 
 probation. 
 
 “ It is desirable to keep the distinction between 
 probation and parole clearly in mind. Under the 
 New York laws the word probation refers to the 
 supervision of defendants who, after conviction, 
 are released under suspended sentence. The sus- 
 pension of sentence alone does not constitute 
 probation; there must also be oversight by a 
 probation officer. The word parole, on the other 
 hand, is applied to two entirely different sys- 
 tems. In some courts before convictions are 
 found, cases are adjourned from time to time 
 and the defendants conditionally released ; and 
 this is called parole. There is no authority to 
 apply the term probation to this practice, be- 
 cause under the New York State laws a person 
 cannot be placed on probation until after convic- 
 tion. Parole is the appropriate word to use also 
 in connection with the conditional release of 
 inmates from penal or reformatory institutions 
 before the expiration of their term of commit- 
 ment. . . . 
 
 “Twenty-seven hundred and fifty-four boys 
 
 173 
 
CRIME AND CRIMINOLOGY 
 
 CUBA 
 
 and girls, and 7,680 adults, making a total of 
 10,434 persons, were reported by probation offi- 
 cers as on probation during 1908. Of these 8,762 
 were placed on probation during the year. On 
 December 31, 1908, there were 2,378 persons re- 
 maining on probation. The corresponding num- 
 ber for December 31, 1907, was 1,672. Three hun- 
 dred and twenty probation officers supervised 
 probationers during the year, which is more than 
 double the number of active probation officers 
 reported in the last report of this Commission. 
 During 1908 the probation system was used in 
 the courts of 26 cities as against 16 cities reported 
 in 1907, in 8 town and village courts in 1908 as 
 against 1 village court in 1907, in 23 county 
 courts as against 11 in 1907, and, as far as the 
 reports of probation officers indicate, in the Su- 
 preme Court in 6 counties as against none in 
 1907.” — Second Rept. of N. Y. State Probation 
 Commission, March 15, 1909. 
 
 As amended in May, 1909, “the law creates 
 the position of county probation officer, and makes 
 the services of such an officer available not only 
 in the county court, but also in the Supreme 
 Court and the courts of all towns, villages and 
 third-class cities within the county.” 
 
 The English “ Probation of Offenders Act.” 
 — This Act, which became law in August, 1907, 
 provides that, “ where any person is charged be- 
 fore a court of summary jurisdiction with an 
 offence punishable by such court, and the court 
 thinks that the charge is proved, but is of opin- 
 ion that, having regard to the character, antece- 
 dents, age, health, or mental condition of the per- 
 son charged, or to the trivial nature of the offence, 
 or to the extenuating circumstances under which 
 
 CRISES, Financial, of 1903 and 1907. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Finance and Trade : A. D. 
 1901-1909. 
 
 CROCKER, George: Bequest for Cancer 
 Research. See (in this vol.) Public Health : 
 Cancer Research. 
 
 CROMER, Sir Evelyn Baring, Viscount: 
 
 the offence was committed, it is inexpedient to 
 inflict any punishment or any other than a nomi- 
 nal punishment, or that it is expedient to release 
 the offender on probation, the court may, without 
 proceeding to conviction, make an order either 
 
 — (i) dismissing the information or charge; or 
 (ii) discharging the offender conditionally on his 
 entering into a recognizance, with or without 
 sureties, to be of good behaviour and to appear 
 for conviction and sentence when called on at any 
 time during such period, not exceeding three 
 years, as may be specified in the order.” 
 
 Similarly after conviction of the offender, when 
 a court deems punishment inexpedient, it may, 
 “in lieu of imposing a sentence of imprisonment, 
 make an order discharging the offender condi- 
 tionally on his entering into a recognizance, with 
 or without sureties, to be of good behaviour and 
 to appear for sentence when called on at any time 
 during such period, not exceeding three years, 
 as may be specified in the order ; ” and it may, in 
 addition, order the offender to pay damages for 
 injury or compensation for loss that is consequent 
 on his offence. 
 
 The Act provides further that a recognizance 
 ordered in such a case may contain a condition 
 that the offender shall be under the supervision 
 of such person as shall be named, during the 
 specified period of probation; that certain persons 
 of either sex may be appointed as probation of- 
 ficers, — some such, when circumstances permit, 
 to be specially “children’s probation officers,” 
 
 — and that salaries in the discretion of the courts 
 may be paid to these officers. 
 
 See, also, Children, under the Law : As 
 Offenders, and Law and its Courts. 
 
 Crowned King by the Sudanese. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Sudan, The. 
 
 What he saw on the Nile border of the 
 Congo State. See Congo State : A. D. 1903 - 
 1905 . 
 
 Statement of conditions in Egypt. See 
 
 Egypt : A. D. 1907 (Jan.). 
 
 CUBA. 
 
 Gains to Spain from its loss. See (in this 
 vol.) Spain : A. D. 1898-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — Organization of Free 
 Government under a Republican Constitu- 
 tion. — Transfer of Executive Authority from 
 the provisional Military Governor to the 
 President-elect. — Official correspondence of 
 the occasion. — Events in and relating to 
 Cuba, after the surrender of the island by Spain 
 and the organization of a provisional military 
 government by the United States are narrated 
 in Volume VI. of this work, down to the adop- 
 tion by the Congress of the United States of the 
 stipulations known as “ The Platt Amendment ” 
 (see pages 189-190 in that volume), which the 
 constitutional government for Cuba then in 
 process of formation was asked to agree to, in 
 order to define the future relation of the pro- 
 posed new republic with the United States. 
 This enactment was approved by the President 
 on the 2d of March, 1901, and communicated, 
 through the provisional Military Governor of 
 the island, General Leonard Wood, to the Cuban 
 Constitutional Convention. Doubt as to possi- 
 
 ble interpretations of the third clause of the 
 Platt Amendment having then arisen in the 
 Convention, the following despatch went from 
 Washington to the Military Governor April 3d : 
 
 “You are authorized to state officially that in 
 view of the President the intervention described 
 in the third clause of the Platt amendment is 
 not synonymous with intermeddling or inter- 
 ference with the affairs of the Cuban Govern- 
 ment, but the formal action of the United States, 
 based upon just and substantial grounds, for 
 the preservation of Cuban independence and the 
 maintenance of a government adequate for the 
 protection of life, property, and individual lib- 
 erty, and adequate for discharging the obliga- 
 tions with respect to Cuba imposed by the 
 treaty of Paris on the United States.” — Elihu 
 Root, Secretary of War. 
 
 On the 12tli of June, 1901, the convention 
 adopted an ordinance making provisions identi- 
 cal with those of the Platt Amendment, a part 
 of the constitution of Cuba. 
 
 “ On October 1, 1901, the convention per- 
 formed its remaining duty by adopting an elec- 
 
 174 
 
CUBA, 1901-1902 
 
 CUBA, 1901-1902 
 
 toral law providing for a general election 
 throughout the island, to be held on the 31st 
 day of December, 1901, to choose governors of 
 provinces, provincial councilors, members of 
 the house of representatives, and presidential 
 and senatorial electors. The law also provided 
 that on the 24th day of February, 1902, the sev- 
 eral bodies of electors thus chosen should meet 
 and elect a president, vice-president and sen- 
 ators. The elections were to be held under the 
 direct supervision of a central board of scrutiny, 
 composed of the president of the convention 
 and four other members selected for that pur- 
 pose. The law was promulgated by a general 
 order of the military governor on the 14th of 
 October, 1901. 
 
 “The constitution thus adopted and perfected 
 was treated by the United States as an accept- 
 able basis for the formation of the new govern- 
 ment to which, when organized and installed, 
 the control of the island was to be transferred. 
 
 “ In conformity to the Cuban constitution and 
 electoral law, elections were held by the Cuban 
 people on the 31st of December, 1901, and by 
 the electoral college on the 24th of February, 
 1902, when a president [T. Estrada Palma], vice- 
 president, senate, and house of representatives 
 were chosen. 
 
 “ The situation at this important juncture in 
 the affairs of Cuba is described by Secretary 
 Root in his annual report for 1902 as follows: 
 
 “ ‘The whole governmental situation in Cuba 
 was quite unprecedented, with its curious device 
 of a suspended sovereignty given up by Spain, 
 but not in terms vested in anybody else, and 
 if vested remaining dormant, while a practical 
 working government of military occupation in 
 time of peace, deriving its authority from the 
 sovereignty of another country, claimed tempo- 
 rary allegiance, made and enforced laws, and 
 developed a political organization of the Cuban 
 people to take and exercise the suspended or 
 dormant sovereignty. It was important that in 
 inaugurating the new government there should 
 be no break in the continuity of legal obliga- 
 tion, of rights of property and contract, of juris- 
 diction, or of administrative action. It would 
 not do to wait for the new government to pass 
 laws or to create offices and appoint adminis- 
 trative officers and vest them with powers, for 
 the instant that the new government was cre- 
 ated the intervening government ceased, and 
 the period of waiting would be a period of 
 anarchy. 
 
 “‘It was necessary, therefore, to take such 
 steps that the new Government should be created 
 as a going concern, every officer of which should 
 be able to go on with his part of the business of 
 governing under the new sovereignty without 
 waiting for any new authority. That everything 
 necessary to this end should be done, and that 
 it should be done according to a consistent and 
 maintainable legal theory, caused the Depart- 
 ment a good deal of solicitude. It is gratifying 
 to report that it was done, and that the Govern- 
 ment which, until noon of May 20, was proceed- 
 ing under the authority of the President of the 
 United States, went on in the afternoon of that 
 day and has ever since continued under the 
 sovereignty which had been abandoned by Spain 
 in April, 1899, without any more break or con- 
 fusion than accompanies the inauguration of a 
 new President in the United States. This could 
 
 not have been done without the most perfect 
 good understanding, mutual confidence, and 
 sympathetic cooperation on the part of our 
 officers who were about to retire, and the newly 
 elected officers of Cuba, who were about to take 
 the reins of Government.’ ” 
 
 One of the most interesting pages in history 
 is that which records the peaceful withdrawal 
 of the flag and forces of the United States from 
 Cuba, and the inauguration of the Government 
 of the Republic of Cuba. The story cannot be 
 told in more interesting form or manner than as 
 it is presented in the orders of Secretary Root and 
 the exchange of letters between the President of 
 the United States, the Secretary of War, and the 
 President of the Republic of Cuba. These docu- 
 ments in part are as follows : 
 
 “ Washington, D. C., March 24, 1902. 
 “Brig. Gen. Leonard Wood, 
 
 Military Governor of Cuba. 
 
 “ Sir : You are authorized to provide for the 
 inauguration, on the 20th of May next, of the 
 government elected by the people of Cuba ; and, 
 upon the establishment of said government, to 
 leave the government and control of the island 
 of Cuba to its people pursuant to the provisions 
 of the act of Congress entitled ‘ An act making 
 appropriation for the Army for the fiscal year 
 ending June 30, 1902,’ approved March 2, 1901. 
 
 “ Upon the transfer of government and control 
 to the President and Congress so elected, you 
 will advise them that such transfer is upon the 
 express understanding and condition that the 
 new government does thereupon, and by the ac- 
 ceptance thereof, pursuant to the provisions of 
 the appendix to the constitution of Cuba, adopted 
 by the constitutional convention on the 12th of 
 June, 1901, assume and undertake all and several 
 the obligations assumed by the United States 
 with respect to Cuba by the treaty between the 
 United States of America and Her Majesty the 
 Queen Regent of Spain, signed at Paris on 
 the 10th day of December, 1898. 
 
 “ It is the purpose of the United States Govern- 
 ment, forthwith upon the inauguration of the 
 new government of Cuba, to terminate the oc- 
 cupancy of the island by the United States, and 
 to withdraw from that island the military forces 
 now in occupancy thereof : but for the preser- 
 vation and care of the coast defenses of the 
 island, and to avoid leaving the island entirely 
 defenseless against external attack, you may 
 leave in the coast fortifications such small num- 
 ber of artillerymen as may be necessary, for such 
 reasonable time as may be required to enable the 
 new Government to organize and substitute 
 therefor an adequate military force of its own : 
 by which time it is anticipated that the naval 
 stations referred to in the statute and in the ap- 
 pendix to the constitution above cited, will have 
 been agreed upon, and the said artillerymen may 
 be transferred thereto. 
 
 “You will convene the Congress elected by 
 the people of Cuba in joint session at such rea- 
 sonable time before the 20th of May as shall be 
 necessary therefor, for the purpose of perform- 
 ing the duties of counting and rectifying the 
 electoral vote for President and Vice-President 
 under the fifty-eighth article of the Cuban con- 
 stitution At the same time you will publish 
 and certify to the people of Cuba the instru- 
 ment adopted as the constitution of Cuba by 
 the constitutional convention on the 21st day of 
 
 175 
 
CUBA, 1901-1902 
 
 CUBA, 1901-1902 
 
 February, 1901, together with the appendix 
 added thereto and forming a part thereof 
 adopted by the said convention on the 12th 
 day of June, 1901. It is the understanding of 
 the Government of the United States that the 
 government of the island will pass to the new 
 President and Congress of Cuba as a going con- 
 cern; all the laws promulgated by the govern- 
 ment of occupation continuing in force and 
 effect, and all the judicial and subordinate 
 executive and administrative officers continuing 
 in the lawful discharge of their present func- 
 tions until changed by the constitutional officers 
 of the new government. At the same moment 
 the responsibility of the United States for the 
 collection and expenditure of revenues and for 
 the proper performance of duty by the officers 
 and employees of the insular government will 
 end, and the responsibility of the new govern- 
 ment of Cuba therefor will commence. 
 
 “In order to avoid any embarrassment to the 
 new President, which might arise from his 
 assuming executive responsibility with subordi- 
 nates whom he does not know, or in whom he 
 has not confidence, and to avoid any occasion 
 for sweeping changes in the civil-service per- 
 sonnel immediately after the inauguration of 
 the new Government, approval is given to the 
 course which you have already proposed of con- 
 sulting the President-elect, and substituting, 
 before the 20th of May, wherever he shall so 
 desire, for the persons now holding official posi- 
 tions, such persons as he may designate. This 
 method will make it necessary that the new 
 President and yourself should appoint repre- 
 sentatives to count and certify the cash and 
 cash balances and the securities for deposits 
 transferred to the new government. The con- 
 sent of the owner of the securities for deposits 
 to the transfer thereof you will of course 
 obtain. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The vouchers and accounts in the office of 
 the Auditor and elsewhere, relating to the re- 
 ceipt and disbursement of moneys during the 
 government of occupation, must necessarily 
 remain within the control, and available for the 
 use, of this Department. Access to these papers 
 will, however, undoubtedly be important to the 
 officers of the new government in the conduct 
 of their business subsequent to the 20th of May. 
 You will accordingly appoint an agent to take 
 possession of these papers and retain them at 
 such place in the island of Cuba as may be 
 agreed upon with the new government until 
 they can be removed to the United States with- 
 out detriment to the current business of the 
 new government. 
 
 “ I desire that you communicate the contents 
 of this letter to Mr. Palma, the President-elect, 
 and ascertain whether the course above de- 
 scribed accords with his views and wishes. Very 
 respectfully, Elihu Root, Secretary of War." 
 
 On the 20th of May, 1902, the transfer of ex- 
 ecutive authority from the American Military 
 Governor, General Wood, to President elect 
 Palma was made in due form, and the following 
 correspondence passed between President Palma, 
 General Wood, President Roosevelt, and Secre- 
 tary Root: 
 
 “Habana, May 20, 1902. 
 “Hon. Gen. Leonard Wood. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Sir : As President of the Republic of Cuba, I 
 hereby receive the Government of the Island of 
 
 Cuba which you transfer to me in compliance 
 with orders communicated to you by the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, and take note that by 
 this act the military occupation of Cuba ceases. 
 
 “ Upon accepting this transfer I declare that 
 the Government of the Republic assumes, as 
 provided for in the constitution, each and every 
 one of the obligations concerning Cuba imposed 
 upon the United States by virtue of the treaty 
 entered into on the 10th of December, 1898, be- 
 tween the United States and Her Majesty the 
 Queen Regent of Spain. 
 
 “ I understand that, as far as possible, all pe- 
 cuniary responsibilities contracted by the mili- 
 tary government up to this date have been paid ; 
 that §100,000, or such portion thereof as maybe 
 necessary, have been set aside to cover the ex- 
 penses that may be occasioned by the liquidation 
 and finishing up of the obligations contracted by 
 said government, and that there has been trans- 
 ferred to the Government of the Republic the 
 sum of $689,191.02, which constitutes the cash 
 balance existing to-day in favor of the State. . . . 
 
 “I take this solemn occasion, which marks 
 the fulfillment of the honored promise of the 
 Government and people of the United States in 
 regard to the island of Cuba, and in which our 
 country is made a ruling nation, to express to 
 you, the worthy representative of that grand 
 people, the immense gratitude which the people 
 of Cuba feel toward the American nation, to- 
 ward its illustrious President, Theodore Roose- 
 velt, and toward you for the efforts you have 
 put forth for the successful accomplishment- of 
 such a precious ideal. 
 
 T. Estrada Palma.” 
 
 “ Habana, May 20, 1902. 
 
 “Theodore Roosevelt, President, Washington. 
 
 “The government of the island having been 
 just transferred, I, as Chief Magistrate of the 
 Republic, faithfully interpreting the sentiments 
 of the whole people of Cuba, have the honor to 
 send you and the American people testimony of 
 our profound gratitude and the assurance of an 
 enduring friendship, with wishes and prayers 
 to the Almighty for the welfare and prosperity 
 of the United States. 
 
 T. Estrada Palma.” 
 
 “ Washington, May 20, 1902. 
 
 “ President of the Republic of Cuba : 
 
 “Believe in my heartfelt congratulations upon 
 the inauguration of the Republic which the 
 people of Cuba and the people of the United 
 States have fought and labored together to 
 establish. With confidence in your unselfish 
 patriotism and courage and in the substantial 
 civic virtues of your people, I bid you godspeed, 
 and on this happy day wish for Cuba for all 
 time liberty and order, peace and prosperity. 
 
 Elihu Root, Secretary of War." 
 
 “ Habana, May 21, 1902. 
 “Elihu Root, Secretary of War, Washington. 
 
 “I am deeply moved by your heartfelt mes 
 sage of congratulation on the inauguration of 
 the Republic of Cuba, to the birth of which the 
 people and the Government of the United States 
 have contributed with their blood and treasure. 
 Rest assured that the Cuban people can never 
 forget the debt of gratitude they owe to the 
 great Republic, with which we will always cul- 
 tivate the closest relations of friendship and for 
 
 17G 
 
CUBA, 1902 
 
 CUBA, 1903 
 
 the prosperity of which we pray to the Al- 
 mighty. 
 
 T. Estrada Palma.” 
 
 On the 10th of June, General Wood, at Wash- 
 ington, made the following report to the Adju- 
 tant-General of the U. S. Army ■ 
 
 ‘ ‘ Sir : I have the honor to inform you that the 
 Republic of Cuba was established at 12 o’clock 
 noon, May 20, 1902. The transfer was made 
 upon the lines indicated in the instructions of 
 the honorable the Secretary of War, and the 
 autograph letter of the President read to Presi- 
 dent Palma and presented to him. President 
 Palma responded, expressing his sincere appre- 
 ciation of the work done by the United States 
 in Cuba, and the lasting gratitude of himself 
 and the people of Cuba. 
 
 “ The transfer was made in the main reception 
 hall of the palace of the military governor. There 
 were present the President-elect and his cabi- 
 net, the military governor and the officers of 
 his staff, civil and military, the Cuban Congress, 
 the judiciary, officers of the British and Italian 
 navies, the captain and staff of the U. S. S. 
 Brooklyn, and the consular representatives of 
 foreign countries. . . . 
 
 “ I left the palace at twenty-five minutes past 
 12 o’clock, accompanied by the officers of my 
 personal and departmental staff. We were ac- 
 companied to the capitania del puerto by Presi- 
 dent Palma with his cabinet, the Cuban Con- 
 gress, and all others who had been present at the 
 ceremonies. President Palma bade us farewell 
 at the wharf after again expressing his most 
 sincere and lasting good will and appreciation. 
 
 “ Accompanied by my personal staff, I imme- 
 diately embarked upon the U. S. S. Brooklyn. 
 The officers of the department staff embarked 
 on the 8 . S. Moro Castle, which sailed at a quarter 
 past 3. The U. S. S. Brooklyn sailed at about 
 3.45. 
 
 Leonard Wood, Brig. Gen. TJ. S. Army." 
 
 The above account of the “ Establisnment of 
 Pree Government in Cuba ” is taken wholly from 
 a narrative thus entitled, compiled by the 
 Bureau of Insular Affairs, U. S. War Depart- 
 ment, and published as Document No. 312, in 
 Volume 7 of Senate Documents, 58th Congress, 
 2d Session. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Tomas Estrada Palma, the 
 First President of the Cuban Republic. — 
 
 “There was such manifest propriety in the se- 
 lection of Gen. Estrada Palma to be the first 
 president of the Cuban Republic that the attempt 
 to bring forward another candidate was unavail- 
 ing. There was no excitement at the popular 
 election, and the voting was light, because the 
 result was a foregone conclusion. The two most 
 important men in the last struggle for Cuban 
 freedom were Gen. Maximo Gomez and Gen. 
 Estrada Palma. Gomez commanded the armies 
 in the field, and employed methods which, as 
 we have repeatedly said, entitle him to rank as 
 one of the greatest of all modern commanders. 
 Palma was the agent of the Cuban patriots in 
 the United States, and he, more than any other 
 man, is to be credited with having kept alive 
 the military movement in Cuba by means of 
 material aid and assistance sent from the outside. 
 Most important of all, he addressed himself with 
 success to bringing about that awakening of 
 public opinion in the United States which finally 
 
 took the form of an irresistible moral crusade on 
 behalf of Cuban freedom. If these two men 
 had died, or were otherwise ineligible, Cuba 
 would not, indeed, have been left without trained 
 and patriotic sons who could have filled the 
 presidential office with ability and success. But 
 since Gomez and Palma were both alive, and 
 available in every sense, they were the two men 
 to whom Cuba might naturally turn, rather than 
 to any others, as candidates for the presidency. 
 The military hero is always the man to be first 
 considered, and Gomez for a time was the candi- 
 date whose name was upon all lips. But he de- 
 clared that he had no ambition for political office, 
 and in due time it appeared that Gomez was 
 shaping things in Cuba for the nomination of 
 Palma. . . . 
 
 “Tomas Estrada Palma is sixty-six years of 
 age. His father was a wealthy planter in the 
 easternmost province of Cuba, and the son was 
 well educated in Cuba and in Spain, and became 
 a lawyer, with a view not so much to the prac- 
 tice of his profession as to the better management 
 of the affairs of a large estate. His patriotic 
 sympathies led him to active service in the ten 
 years’ struggle for independence which began 
 in 1868 and ended in 1878, and early in that pe- 
 riod he became a general in the insurgent army. 
 Toward the end of the war, he became the presi- 
 dent of the provisional government, a position 
 which at least indicated the confidence in which 
 he was held by the Cuban people. He was made 
 a prisoner, taken to Spain, at the risk of his life 
 refused to swear allegiance, witnessed, in con- 
 sequence, the confiscation of his estates, and 
 some time after the final termination of the 
 struggle regained his personal liberty, at the 
 loss, however, of his Cuban property and home. 
 When he goes to Cuba, two or three months 
 hence, to assume the duties and high honors of 
 the presidency, it will be after an absence of 
 twenty four years. After his release, at the end 
 of the Ten Years War, Palma traveled in Span- 
 ish- American countries, and settled in Honduras, 
 where he married the daughter of the president 
 of that republic and became postmaster-general. 
 Subsequently he came with his wife and one 
 little child to New York, and saw an opportu- 
 nity to establish a school for young people from 
 the Spanish-American countries. His institute 
 was located in the little town of Central Valley, 
 in Orange County, N. Y., some forty miles from 
 the metropolis. He has now lived in Central 
 Valley for eighteen years, and his six children, 
 five of whom were born there, have known no 
 other home.” — Am. Review of Reviews, Feb., 
 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Lease of Coaling and Naval 
 Stations to the United States. — Reciprocity 
 with the U. S. — Cession of the Isle of Pines. 
 
 — In consonance with Article VII. of the so- 
 called “ Platt Amendment,” which became an 
 Appendix to the Constitution of the Republic of 
 Cuba, an Agreement between the United States 
 and Cuba for the lease to the former, in Guan- 
 tanamo and Bahia Honda, of lands for coaling 
 and naval stations, was signed in February, 1903. 
 The consequent lease was signed and ratifications 
 exchanged in the following July and October. 
 According to the terms of the Agreement 
 “ while, on the one hand, the United States re- 
 cognizes the continuance of the ultimate sover- 
 eignty of the Republic of Cuba over the above 
 
CUBA, 1903 
 
 CUBA, 1906 
 
 described areas of land and water, on the other 
 hand the Republic of Cuba consents that during 
 the period of the occupation by the United States 
 of said areas under the terms of this agreement 
 the United States shall exercise complete juris- 
 diction and control over and within said areas 
 with the right to acquire (under conditions to 
 be hereafter agreed upon by the two Govern- 
 ments) for the public purposes of the United 
 States any land or other property therein by pur- 
 chase or by exercise of eminent domain with full 
 compensation to the owners thereof.” The yearly 
 rental to be paid for the use of the lands defined 
 in the Agreement is $2000. 
 
 An arrangement of reciprocity between Cuba 
 and the United States, conceding to Cuban sugar 
 a rebate of 20 per cent, from the Dingley tariff 
 rate, and giving 20 to 40 per Cent, of reduction in 
 Cuba on American goods, was ratified by the 
 U. S. Senate in December. 
 
 A treaty ceding all claims of the United States 
 to the Isle of Pines was signed in December, and 
 awaited ratification by the Senate when the year 
 closed. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Participation in Third Inter- 
 national Conference of American Republics. 
 See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Aug.-Oct.). — Outbreak of in- 
 surrection. — Appeal of President Palma for 
 American intervention. — The Republic prac- 
 tically without a Government. — Secretary 
 Taft, sent to the Island, establishes a Provi- 
 sional Government. — Governor Magoon. — 
 The first report to the Government of the United 
 States of an outbreak of insurrection in Cuba 
 was sent from the American Legation at Ha- 
 vana on the 21st of August, 1906. Between 
 1000 and 1500 men were then said to be in arms 
 in Pinar del Rio, under Colonel Pino Guerra, “ a 
 Liberal member of the present Congress and a 
 veteran of the War of Independence.” The in- 
 surgents represented the political party called 
 Liberal, hostile to the party called Moderate 
 which controlled the Government and enjoyed 
 the favor of President Palma. They complained 
 of unfairness in late elections and demanded a 
 new electoral law with a new election to be held 
 under it. The Government had no effective 
 armed forces to use against them, and some effort 
 by business men of Havana and by “ veterans” 
 to mediate between the parties and pacify the 
 revolutionists were without avail. Events, there- 
 fore, moved rapidly to the producing of a sit- 
 uation in which President Palma, on the 12th 
 of September, asked for American intervention, 
 and begged ‘‘that President Roosevelt send to 
 Havana with rapidity 2000 or 3000 men, to avoid 
 any catastrophe in the capital.” Two days 
 later the request was repeated with more urgency, 
 the Consul-General at Havana stating in a tele- 
 gram to the State Department at Washington: 
 ‘‘President Palma has resolved not to continue 
 at the head of the Government, and is ready to 
 present his resignation, even though the present 
 disturbances should cease at once. The vice- 
 president has resolved not to accept the office. 
 Cabinet ministers have declared that they will 
 previously resign. Under these conditions it is 
 impossible that Congress will meet, for the lack 
 of a proper person to convoke same to designate 
 a new president. The consequences will be 
 absence of legal power, and therefore the pre- 
 vailing state of anarchy will continue unless 
 
 the United States Government will adopt the 
 measures necessary to avoid this danger.” 
 
 The action then taken by President Roosevelt 
 was recounted by him in his next annual Mes- 
 sage to Congress, as follows: ‘‘It was evident 
 that chaos was impending, and there was every 
 probability that if steps were not immediately 
 taken by this Government to try to restore order, 
 the representatives of various European nations 
 in the island would apply to their respective 
 governments for armed intervention in order to 
 protect the lives and property of their citizens. 
 Thanks to the preparedness of our Navy, I was 
 able immediately to send enough ships to Cuba to 
 prevent the situation from becoming hopeless ; 
 and I furthermore dispatched to Cuba the Secre- 
 tary of War and the Assistant Secretary of State, 
 in order that they might grapple with the situa- 
 tion on the ground. All efforts to secure an agree- 
 ment between the contending factions, by which 
 they should themselves come to an amicable un- 
 derstanding and settle upon some modus vivendi 
 — some provisional government of their own — 
 failed. Finally the President of the Republic 
 resigned. The quorum of Congress assembled 
 failed by deliberate purpose of its members, so 
 that there was no power to act on his resignation, 
 and the Government came to a halt. In accord- 
 ance with the so-called Platt amendment, which 
 was embodied in the constitution of Cuba, I 
 thereupon proclaimed a provisional government 
 for the island, the Secretary of War acting as 
 provisional governor until he could be replaced 
 by Mr. Magoon, the late minister to Panama 
 and governor of the Canal Zone on the Isthmus ; 
 troops were sent to support them and to relieve 
 the Navy, the expedition being handled with 
 most satisfactory speed and efficiency. The in- 
 surgent chiefs immediately agreed that their 
 troops should lay down their arms and disband ; 
 and the agreement was carried out.” 
 
 From an “ Epitome of events attendant upon 
 the establishment of the Provisional Government 
 of Cuba,” published in Part 1 of “ Papers relat- 
 ing to the Foreign Relations of the United 
 States,” for 1906, the following is taken: 
 
 “On Saturday, September 29, 1906, a provi- 
 sional government exercising Cuban sovereignty 
 under the authority of the President of the 
 United States was established, and a proclama- 
 tion was issued to the Cuban people setting forth 
 the causes for this action and defining the posi- 
 tion of the United States toward Cuba. 
 
 “Since the American commissioners under- 
 stand that the Republic of Cuba is continuous 
 and that they are only the ad interim executives, 
 the various departments continue to function as 
 before with the assistant secretaries as acting 
 heads, the only officials discharged being those 
 taken on to meet the exigencies of the revolution. 
 
 “ At the time the commissioners assumed con- 
 trol there were many political prisoners in the 
 jails throughout the island. These, of whom 
 several were prominent liberals who had several 
 times been consulted by the commissioners while 
 on parole, were immediately set at liberty 
 “ The disbanding and disarming of the rebel 
 forces and, incidentally, the government militia, 
 enlisted specially for the revolution, has been 
 the chief concern of the provisional government 
 from its establishment until now. It was car- 
 ried out by a commission of American and Cu- 
 ban military officers, of which Gen. Frederick 
 
 178 
 
CUBA, 1906-1909 
 
 CUBA, 1906-1909 
 
 Funston was head, and has been practically com- 
 pleted. 
 
 “ On the 10th instant [October] Provisional 
 Governor Taft issued a general amnesty procla- 
 mation to the people of Cuba, thus indicating 
 that quiet and peace have been restored. Save 
 for sporadic local disturbances, the entire coun- 
 try is tranquil. 
 
 “On Tuesday, the 9th instant, Governor Ma- 
 goon, who has succeeded Mr. Taft as provisional 
 governor, and General Bell, who is to take com- 
 mand of the military forces of the United States 
 in the island, reached Habana, and on Saturday, 
 the 13th, Governor Taft issued a proclamation 
 transferring the provisional governorship to Gov- 
 ernor Magoon.” 
 
 In his proclamation of September 29th, on 
 taking possession of the Government, Secretary 
 Taft used these clear and distinct words: “The 
 provisional government hereby established will 
 be maintained only long enough to restore order, 
 peace, and public confidence, by direction of 
 and in the name of the President of the United 
 States, and then to hold such elections as may be 
 necessary to determine on those persons upon 
 whom the permanent government of the repub- 
 lic should be devolved. 
 
 “ In so far as is consistent with the nature of 
 a provisional government established under the 
 authority of the United States this will be a Cu- 
 ban Government, conforming with the constitu- 
 tion of Cuba. The Cuban flag will be hoisted 
 as usual over the government buildings of the 
 island, all the executive departments and pro- 
 vincial and municipal governments, including 
 that of the City of Havana, will continue to be 
 administered as under the Cuban Republic; the 
 courts will continue to administer justice, and 
 all the laws not in their nature inapplicable by 
 reason of the temporary and emergent character 
 of the government will be in force.” 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — Under the Provisional 
 American Government. — Election of a new 
 Congress and a new President. — Restoration 
 of the Republic. — In his Message to Congress, 
 December, 1907, President Roosevelt described 
 the conditions that had prevailed in the island 
 for two years under the provisional government, 
 instituted by Secretary Taft and over which 
 Governor Magoon had presided, in a few words, 
 as follows : “Absolute quiet and prosperity have 
 returned to the island because of this action. 
 We are now taking steps to provide forelections 
 in the island and our expectation is within the 
 coming year to be able to turn the island over 
 again to a government chosen by the people 
 thereof. Cuba is at our doors. It is not possible 
 that this Nation should permit Cuba again to 
 sink into the condition from which we rescued 
 it. All that we ask of the Cuban people is that 
 they be prosperous, that they govern themselves 
 so as to bring content, order and progress to their 
 island, the Queen of the Antilles ; and our only 
 interference has been and will be to help them 
 achieve these results.” 
 
 Provincial elections held in the following Au- 
 gust went generally in favor of the Conservative 
 party, and that party was accordingly expected 
 to win the presidential election, appointed to 
 occur in November, 1908 ; but such was not the 
 result. Three parties were in the field, Conser- 
 vatives, Miguelistas, and Zayistas. TheMiguel- 
 istas were political follow'ers of General Jose 
 
 Miguel Gomez, whose middle name they took 
 for their party designation ; the Zayistas were 
 partisans of Dr. Alfredo Zayas; the Conserva- 
 tives were reputed to be substantially identical 
 with the party known as Moderates in the pol- 
 itics of the First Republic. Their leader was 
 General Menocal. The Liberals of former con- 
 tests were now divided between Miguelistas and 
 Zayistas. They were reunited in the national 
 election of November, and swept the Moderates 
 into the background, electing both their leaders, 
 Gomez and Zayas, the one to be President, the 
 other to be Vice-President, of the reconstituted 
 Republic : electing, at the same time, an effective 
 majority in the Congress for their support. 
 
 January 28, 1909, was the day fixed for dis- 
 solving the provisional government and reinvest- 
 ing the Cubans with political independence ; but 
 the Congress was organized and held its initial 
 session on the 13th. The President and Vice- 
 President elect were inaugurated with simple 
 ceremonies on the 28tli. President Roosevelt, 
 on that day, sent a message to the President and 
 the Congress in these words : 
 
 “Gov. Magoon will, by my direction, turn 
 over to you on the 28tli of this month the con- 
 trol and government of the island of Cuba, and 
 he will thereupon declare the provisional admin- 
 istration of the affairs of the island by the United 
 States to be at an end. Upon the occasion of 
 this final act, I desire to reiterate to you the sin- 
 cere friendship and good wishes of the United 
 States and our most earnest hopes for the sta- 
 bility and success of your government. Our 
 fondest hope is that you may enjoy the blessing 
 of peace, prosperity, justice, and orderly liberty, 
 and that the friendship which has existed be- 
 tween the republic of the United States and the 
 republic of Cuba, may continue for all time to 
 come.” 
 
 Governor Magoon, in his brief address, sur- 
 rendering the reins of government to President 
 Gomez, said, in part : 
 
 “ It is the understanding of the United States, 
 and it now declares that all the executive and 
 legislative decrees and rulings of the provisional 
 government now in force shall continue in force 
 and effect until such time as the same shall be 
 legally revoked by Cuba. 
 
 “All money obligations of the provisional 
 government down to this date have been paid as 
 far as practicable. Such claims and obligations, 
 however, as may remain unpaid are to be re- 
 garded as claims and obligations of Cuba, and 
 the United States understands that these claims 
 and obligations will be so treated.” 
 
 President Gomez replied : 
 
 “We receive from you the government of 
 Cuba which you turn over to us in compliance 
 with the instructions of the President of the 
 United States. All acquired rights shall be re- 
 spected in harmony with the principles of inter- 
 national law, the principles of our constitution 
 and the provisions of the appendix of the con- 
 stitution. The constitution shall be upheld in 
 all its integrity because our chief concern will 
 be to preserve it inviolate. 
 
 “We are indebted to your nation for its gen- 
 erous aid in the maintenance of our institutions 
 and the cordial relations existing will never grow 
 less through any act of ours. Once again we 
 are masters of our fate and there is not a Cuban 
 heart but swears to maintain for all time the 
 
 179 
 
CUBA, 1907 
 
 CUBA, 1907 
 
 newly-acquired integrity of the nation, and 
 who does not at the same time feel the pro- 
 foundest gratitude towards those who, after 
 governing them, have faithfully performed their 
 agreement and now leave us in the full enjoy 
 ment of our sovereignty.” 
 
 According to newspaper reports, however, 
 the popular feeling was somewhat different 
 from the sentiment expressed by President Go- 
 mez, if the coldness with which the Cuban 
 crowd of that day watched the departure of 
 Governor Magoon and his associates could be 
 taken for a sign. They sailed for home immedi- 
 ately, on the new battleship Maine. About 
 3000 American troops remained on the island, 
 under command of Major-General Thomas L. 
 Barry, until the 1st of April following. On the 
 departure of these, President Gomez said to 
 General Barry : “ It is pleasing to me to ac- 
 knowledge the great aptitudes and qualities of 
 the Army of Pacification under your command, 
 which has brought to a happy conclusion its 
 honorable mission of watching over our country 
 in the difficult days, now happily past, and in 
 maintaining and reaffirming the most friendly 
 relations with our people, in whose name I as- 
 sure you your efforts have been crowned with 
 the most flattering success. I pray you, gen- 
 eral, to express to your valiant soldiers the ex- 
 treme gratitude and admiration which the gov 
 ernment and the people of Cuba have for them.” 
 Of President Gomez the following account 
 was given at the time of his inauguration by 
 the New York Evening Post : “Major-Gen. Jose 
 Miguel Gomez, the first President of the new 
 Cuban Republic, is fifty-three years of age, and 
 a native of Santa Clara province, where he has 
 always enjoyed extraordinary popularity and 
 influence. He participated in two Cuban revo- 
 lutions against Spain, in the first of which he 
 reached the rank of major and in the second 
 that of major-general. He was selected as Gov- 
 ernor of Santa Clara province by the govern 
 ment of intervention, and when his term expired 
 he was elected Governor. 
 
 “In May, 1905, the general was nominated 
 for the Presidency by the National Liberal Con- 
 vention, but resigned his candidacy four months 
 later, giving as the reason for this action that it 
 was impossible to continue the campaign within 
 the bounds of the law, and laying part of the 
 blame on the United States, owing to the Platt 
 amendment. An uprising in Cuba followed, 
 which ended with the deposition of President 
 Palma and the intervention of the United States. 
 
 “In August, 1906, Gen. Gomez was arrested, 
 charged with conspiring against the Administra- 
 tion of the late President Palma, but he denied 
 the allegation, and was released from custody 
 after a month’s imprisonment. In December 
 of the same year Gov. Magoon appointed him 
 secretary of a commission to revise the laws of 
 Cuba. These included the drafting of an elec- 
 toral law, new provincial and municipal laws, a 
 law defining the organization and functions of 
 the judiciary, a civil service law, and also laws 
 on such other subjects as may be referred to it 
 by the provisional Governor.” 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Population. — Remarkable 
 increase in eight years. — “The population 
 of Cuba on September 30, 1907, was 2,048,980; 
 at the census next preceding, taken under the 
 American administration in 1899, at the close of 
 
 the Spanish- American War, the population wa3 
 
 I, 572,797. The rate of increase in these eight 
 years is not less than 30 per cent, or at the rate 
 of 39 per cent per decade. This is a very rapid 
 rate of increase — greater than that of any other 
 country with which I am acquainted. This in- 
 crease has not been brought about by immigra- 
 tion, for in the eight years the net immigration 
 (that is, the excess of arrivals over departures) 
 numbered only 75,000, and the element of foreign 
 birth increased from 11 per cent to 11.2 per cent 
 only, but it has been brought about almost en- 
 tirely by the excess of births over deaths. . . . 
 One peculiar phenomenon of this increase is 
 that the rural population has gained much more 
 rapidly than has the urban — a condition which 
 rarely exists, as in nearly every country in the 
 world the drift of population is toward the 
 cities. The urban population, including all 
 places of 1,000 inhabitants and over, was 43.9 
 per cent of the total population. In 1899 it was 
 47.1 per cent. If the urban population be limited 
 to towns of 8,000 inhabitants, the proportion was 
 30.3 per cent. The chief cities are Habana, with 
 297,159 inhabitants, or about one-seventh of the 
 population of Cuba ; Santiago de Cuba, 45,470 ; 
 Matanzas, 36,009; Cienfuegos, 30,100; and Ca- 
 maguey, 29,616. The number of inhabitants per 
 square mile in the island as a whole was 46.5, or 
 about the same as in Missouri, Virginia, or South 
 Carolina. The foreign-born population formed 
 
 II. 2 per cent of the total. Of this element four- 
 fifths were born in Spain and less than three per 
 cent in the United States ; Chinese and Africans 
 were more numerous than United States peo- 
 ple. . . . 
 
 “ As to color, about seven-tenths of the popu- 
 lation were white, the remaining three-tenths 
 being colored, including negroes, mixed, and a 
 few thousand Chinese. As in the United States, 
 the colored element is increasing less rapidly 
 than is the white population.” — Henry Gannett, 
 National Geographic Magazine , Feb. , 1909. 
 
 As reported from Washington, nearly 57 per 
 cent, of the population of Cuba, at least ten years 
 of age, can read, the percentage in the large 
 cities being 82.6 and in the rest of the island 
 47.9 according to figures obtained in the census 
 recently taken. This census shows that in 1907 
 almost one-third of the children were attending 
 school, as compared with less than one-sixtli in 
 1899. See also (in this vol.) Education: Cuba. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April). — Decision of Supreme 
 Court of the United States respecting the 
 Isle of Pines. — A decision by the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, rendered on the 8th 
 of April, 1907, determined that the Isle of Pines 
 is foreign territory, in the view of the United 
 States customs laws, and, inferentially, that 
 the United States has practically no title to the 
 island. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — 111 conditions along 
 with material prosperity. — “What may 
 prove to be the largest sugar crop in Cuba’s his- 
 tory — certainly it is the most profitable she has 
 harvested in many along year — is almost in. It 
 is estimated at a million and a half tons. It has 
 obtained the very satisfactory average price of 4| 
 reales, reckoning from January 1 to date. . . . 
 Ordinarily, this condition of affairs as regards 
 her biggest crop would be equivalent to the 
 best of times for Cuba, especially since last 
 year also was a good year for sugar men, and 
 
CUBA, 1909 
 
 DAVIS 
 
 this year the tobacco crop, too, is fair in quan- 
 tity and quality and going at satisfactory prices. 
 But, so extraordinary is the present situation, 
 times were never harder in all the history of 
 this island than they are to-day, material evi- 
 dences of prosperity to the contrary notwith- 
 standing. 
 
 “Yet values have not dropped. This is no 
 panic. It is merely a standing still — a waiting 
 for something to happen. Just what it is that is 
 due to occur nobody will say. Asked what he is 
 afraid of, the Spaniard, who is the business man 
 of Cuba, shrugs his shoulders and shifts his eyes ; 
 pressed for a reply, he answers enigmatically: 
 ‘There is no confidence.’ The feeling grows 
 that the present government will be forced into 
 the hands of a receiver, like any other bankrupt 
 concern, before even its liveliest opponents can 
 organize to end it more heroically. . . . 
 
 “ In 1906, when Cuba’s customs receipts, which 
 are almost her sole source of revenue, were at 
 their maximum, her budget stood at §17,915,- 
 013.25. In 1909, weakened as she is, she is bur- 
 dened with a budget of §33,825,448.53 — Presi- 
 dent Gomez’s estimate of expenditure necessary 
 in the first fiscal year of his Administration ! 
 In other words, while collections have fallen off, 
 the governmental expenditures they must cover 
 have increased 100 per cent.” — Havana Cor. N. 
 T. Eve. Post , June 19, 1909. 
 
 “The Senate and House abruptly adjourned 
 
 CUNARD COMPANY: Agreements with 
 the British Government. See (in this vol.) Com- 
 binations, Industrial: International. 
 
 “CURB MARKET,” The, of New York: 
 Report on its operations. See (in this vol.) 
 Finance and Trade : United States . A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 CURIA, New Apostolic Constitution of 
 the Roman. See (in this vol.) Papacy: A. D. 
 1908. 
 
 CURIE, Marie Sklodovska. See (in this 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 CURIE, Pierre. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 CURIE, Professor and Madame: Their 
 discovery of Radium. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence, Recent : Radium ; also, Physical. 
 
 CURRENCY. See (in this vol.) Finance 
 and Trade. 
 
 CURRY, J. L. M.: Originator of the An- 
 nual Conferences for Education in the South. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Education: United States: 
 A. D. 1898-1909. 
 
 CURTIS, Glenn H. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence and Invention, Recent: Aeronautics. 
 
 this evening. Tiiis was the final day of the reg- 
 ular session of Congress, but no definite action 
 was taken on the question of the approval of the 
 budget. . . . The House yesterday approved 
 the budget in its entirety, and it was expected 
 that the Senate would approve it to-day. The 
 latter body, however, after devoting much time 
 to a bill legalizing cockfighting, which was 
 passed, made sundry minor modifications in the 
 budget, sending it again to the House, in the 
 apparent expectation that the modifications 
 would be accepted by the House, which, in the 
 meantime, had adjourned. The adjournment 
 of the House was not known until after the 
 Senate had also adjourned.” — Havana Telegram 
 to Associated Press, June 30, 1909. 
 
 “Owing to the failure of the Cuban Senate 
 to pass the budget, President Gomez, early this 
 morning, issued a decree making effective Gov. 
 Magoon’s budget of 1908-09 amounting to §24,- 
 285,000. The deficiency to cover the cost of the 
 army and other increased expenses of the repub- 
 lic, amounting to nearly §10,000,000, will be 
 supplied by Presidential decree. This will prac- 
 tially repeat the conditions of the last year of 
 the Palma regime, when, in default of a budget, 
 the decrees to this same end issued by President 
 Palma were declared to violate the Constitution, 
 and precipitated the revolution of August, 1906.” 
 — Havana Telegram, July, 1. 
 
 CURZON, George N., Lord: Partition of 
 Bengal. See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 Resignation of Viceroyalty of India. See 
 India: A. D. 1905 (Aug.). 
 
 CURZON-WYLLIE, Sir, Assassination 
 of. See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1909 (July). 
 
 CUSTOMS ADMINISTRATION: Pro- 
 posals of the Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 CUSTOMS COURT OF APPEALS, U. 
 S. See (in this vol.) Tariffs: United States. 
 
 CUSTOMS SERVICE, United States: 
 Corruptions disclosed. See (in this vol.) 
 United States: A. D. 1909 (Oct.-Nov.). 
 
 CUSTOMS UNION, Serbo-Bulgarian. 
 See (in this vol.) Balkan States: Bulgaria 
 and Servia : A. D. 1905. 
 
 CZECHS: Struggle with Austrian Ger- 
 mans over the language question. See (in this 
 vol.) Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1902-1903, and 
 1904. 
 
 CZOLGOSZ, Leon: Assassin of Presi- 
 dent McKinley. See (in this vol.) Buffalo: 
 A. D. 1901. 
 
 D. 
 
 DAIDO CLUB. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 DALGETY: Rejected Site for Australian 
 Capital. See (in this vol.) Australia: A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 DALNY : Russian Evacuation. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D 1904 (Feb. -July), and 1904- 
 1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 When Dalny, by the Treaty of Portsmouth, be- 
 came the property of Japan its name was changed 
 to Tairen. 
 
 DAMASCUS: Railway to Mecca. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Railways: Turkey, Asiatic: A. D. 
 1908. 
 
 DARWIN, Charles: Centenary Commemo- 
 ration of. See (in this vol.) Science and In- 
 vention : Anniversary Celebrations. 
 
 DARWINISM, Bearing of Mendel’s Law 
 on. See (in this vol. ) Science and Invention, 
 Recent : Biological. 
 
 DAVENPORT, Dr. Charles B. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention, Recent : Carne- 
 gie Institution. 
 
 DAVIS, General George B.: Commissioner 
 
 181 
 
DAVIS 
 
 DEATH DUTIES 
 
 Plenipotentiary to the Second Peace Confer- 
 ence. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 DAVIS, Henry G. : Delegate to Second In- 
 ternational Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 DAVIS, Jefferson: Unveiling of Monument 
 to. See (in this vol.) Richmond. Va. 
 
 DAYANAND SARASWATI. See (in this 
 vol.) Arya Samaj. 
 
 DAYLIGHT SAVING MOVEMENT.— 
 
 What is known as the Daylight Saving Move- 
 ment, which has acquired much strength in Eng- 
 land and has gained some favor in the United 
 States and elsewhere, is said to have been first 
 mooted by a builder in London, Mr. Willet, who 
 suggested the possibility of securing a most im- 
 portant general advantage to the whole commu- 
 nity by establishing a legal difference between 
 summer and winter in the numbering of the 
 hours. The proposition is to retain the standard 
 clock time for all the year except between a 
 given date in April and a given date in Sep- 
 tember, within which period the clocks shall be 
 set forward one hour, making six o’clock in the 
 morning, for example, become seven. 
 
 At first the proposition excited little but 
 laughter; but the more it has been considered 
 the more advocacy it has won. A bill to realize 
 it has been twice before Parliament, failing to 
 be passed, but gaining votes. The main diffi- 
 culty is to make people see why there should be 
 legislation on the subject ; why those who wish 
 to begin the labors of the day an hour earlier in 
 the summer than in the winter may not do so 
 without any meddling of law with the clocks. 
 The reasons why were set forth very clearly in 
 one of the debates of Parliament on the subject. 
 Said one speaker: “The Bill was intended to 
 benefit town dwellers. Two- thirds, if not three- 
 fourths, of the population dwelt in towns, and 
 it was these who suffered from failure to take 
 advantage of the summer daylight. It had been 
 asked why it was necessary, in order to induce 
 town populations to follow the example of agri- 
 culturists, to proceed by way of legislation. The 
 answer was simple. There were 140 statutes in 
 which various phases of town life were regu- 
 lated by the clock, and if they desired those who 
 lived in towns to take advantage of the summer 
 daylight by beginning work earlier in the morn- 
 ing, it was surely easier to accomplish that end 
 by passing a general Act of this kind than by 
 bringing in Bills to amend each of the statutes 
 in which particular hours were specified.” 
 
 As another (Mr. Winston Churchill) explained : 
 “It was quite impossible for an individual to 
 make alterations in the hours at which he dis- 
 charged particular duties, while every one else 
 remained unchanged, without subjecting him- 
 self to a great deal of inconvenience, and the 
 fact that particular firms had already adopted 
 this early rising system, in spite of the enormous 
 inconvenience which attended all alterations 
 from the regular habits of the community as a 
 whole, was not, as the hon. member for Rye 
 suggested, an argument against the necessity 
 of the Bill. It was, in his judgment, very good 
 evidence of the real, natural pressure that there 
 was behind a measure of this character. If all 
 the world were to change clock time together, 
 no one would be conscious that that change had 
 occurred, except at the moment of change. But 
 
 where a change of clock time came into contact 
 with unchanged times, as in the case of the 
 American markets or of the Continental mails 
 and trains, there, undoubtedly, they would get 
 friction and discordance. He was, however, 
 not at all sure that that friction and discordance 
 bore any sensible proportion to the interests 
 which might be beneficially affected or that that 
 friction and discordance could not be adjusted 
 without any very serious inconvenience. But 
 whether that was so or not, he was quite clear 
 that any such change as this must be made by 
 legislation, or it could not be made at all.” 
 
 DEAKIN, Alfred: Premier of Australia. 
 See (in this vol.) Australia : A. D. 1903-1904, 
 and after. 
 
 At the Imperial Conference of 1907. See 
 British Empire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Defeat and resignation in 1908. — Recov- 
 ery of the Premiership in 1909. See Austra- 
 lia : A. D. 1908, and 1909 (May-June). 
 
 DEATH DUTY, or Inheritance Tax. — 
 Defeated proposal in Germany. See (in this 
 vol.) Germany : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 DEATH DUTIES: Treaty between Great 
 Britain and France, to prevent frauds in 
 connection with Succession or Death Du- 
 ties. — The following Treaty between the Gov- 
 ernments of Great Britain and France was 
 signed November 15, 1907, and ratified Decem- 
 ber 9: 
 
 “ The Government of His Britannic Majesty 
 and the Government of the French Republic, 
 being desirous of preventing as far as possible 
 frauds in connection with succession duties, have 
 authorized the Uudersigned to conclude the fol- 
 lowing Agreement : — 
 
 “ Article 1. The Government of His Britan- 
 nic Majesty undertake, in the case of the decease 
 of all persons domiciled in France, to furnish an 
 extract from the affidavit, containing the full 
 name, domicile, date and place of death of the 
 deceased; all information relating to his succes- 
 sors, and the details respecting that portion of 
 the estate which is moveable. This extract shall 
 be furnished, however, only in cases where the 
 value of the moveable estate shall amount to a 
 sum of not less than lOOf. 
 
 “ Article 2. The Government of the French 
 Republic undertake, in the case of the decease of 
 all persons domiciled in the United Kingdom of 
 Great Britain and Ireland, to furnish an extract 
 from the declaration de mutation through death, 
 containing the particulars enumerated in Article 
 1. This extract shall be furnished, however, 
 only in cases where the value of the moveable 
 estate declared shall amount to a sum of not less 
 than 2,520 fr. 
 
 “ Article 3. The extracts from affidavits or 
 declarations de mutation shall be certified by the 
 officers intrusted with the duty of receiving or 
 registering these affidavits or declarations. 
 
 “In the event, however, of either of the two 
 Governments deeming it necessary, the certify- 
 ing and authentication of the signatures, as 
 required according to the procedure customary 
 in that country, shall, upon request and with- 
 out fee, be affixed to these extracts. 
 
 “Article 4. The extracts from affidavits or 
 declarations received or registered during each 
 quarter shall be forwarded directly, within a 
 period of six weeks from the last day of the 
 quarter, by the Board of Inland Revenue to the 
 
 182 
 
DEATH DUTIES 
 
 DENMARK, 1905-1909 
 
 Direction Generate de l’Enregistrement, and re- 
 ciprocally. 
 
 “All correspondence respecting the said ex- 
 tracts shall also be conducted directly between 
 those two Central Administrations.” 
 
 DEATH STATISTICS : Fatal Accidents 
 to Workmen in the United States. See (in 
 this vol.) Labor Protection. 
 
 DEBTS, Public: Compulsory collection. 
 See (in this vol.) Drago Doctrine. 
 
 DEBS, Eugene V. : Nomination for Presi- 
 dent of the U. S. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1904 (March-Nov.), and 1908 
 (April-Nov.). 
 
 DEEP WATERWAYS, Movement for. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Conservation op Natural 
 Resources : United States. 
 
 DE LAVAL, Gustave Patrick. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention, Recent: Tur- 
 bine Engine. 
 
 DELAGRANGE, M. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence and Invention, Recent : Aeronaut- 
 ics. 
 
 DELBRUCK, Herr. See (in this vol.) Ger- 
 many : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 DELCASSE, Theophile : French Minis- 
 ter of Foreign Affairs. See (in this vol.) 
 France : A. D. 1902 (April-Oct.). 
 
 Resignation forced by the German Govern- 
 ment. See Europe : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 Controversy with M. Clemenceau in the 
 Chamber of Deputies which threw the latter 
 out of office. See France : A. D. 1909 (July). 
 
 DELHI : A. D. 1903. — Great Durbar. See 
 (in this vol.). India: A. D. 1903 (Jan.). 
 
 DELYANNIS, Theodoros : Assassina- 
 
 tion. See (in this vol.) Greece : A. D. 1905. 
 
 DEMOCRACY, Political: Involved in the 
 South African Labor Question. See (in this 
 vol.) South Africa: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 Triumphant in Denmark. See (in this vol.) 
 Denmark: A. D. 1901. 
 
 DEMOCRATAS, The. See (in this vol.) 
 
 DEMOCRISTIANA. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization : Italy. 
 
 DENMARK: A. D. 1909. — Democracy in 
 Power after a thirty-years’ struggle with 
 Landlordism. — Landlordism in Denmark, en- 
 trenched in the upper house of the Parliament, 
 was dislodged from the control of Government 
 by the Democratic party, in the elections of 
 April, 1901, after a struggle of thirty years. A 
 Danish correspondent of The American Review 
 of Reviews a spirited account of the victory 
 to that magazine in the following October, from 
 which the following is taken : 
 
 “At the elections of April, 1901, out of 114 
 members in the lower house only 5 were won by 
 the Conservatives, with small majorities, and 
 even the strong Conservative majority in the 
 upper house was reduced to one vote through 
 the rebellion of the Conservatives. The Danes 
 are now a thoroughly radical and democratic 
 people, with a more perfect system of self-gov- 
 ernment in politics and business than perhaps 
 any other nation. The population has increased 
 so much that it is now as large as the whole 
 population of the kingdom and duchies before 
 1864 After England, it is also the richest 
 country in the world per head of the population, 
 and the excellence of its educational system is 
 matter of common knowledge. Denmark, there- 
 
 fore, enters the new century steaming full speed 
 ahead, and with the best hopes for the future. 
 
 “The victory of April 3 last was as complete 
 over the Moderates as over the Government. 
 Before the poll the Moderates were twenty-two 
 strong, but Mr. Bojesen, the evil genius of the 
 democracy, withdrew his candidature and re- 
 tired into private life, while several of his sup- 
 posed adherents declared during the campaign 
 that, if reelected, they would join the Radicals. 
 Mr. Bojesen’s constituency, which he had re- 
 presented since 1869, was taken by the Radicals, 
 and the Moderates, now reduced to twelve or 
 thirteen — of whom about half will join the 
 Radicals if allowed — have lost all their former 
 importance. The premier and minister of jus- 
 tice is M. Deuntzer, professor of law at the uni- 
 versity, an old Radical who in 1885 publicly 
 opposed the government. The minister of agri- 
 culture is Mons. Ole Hansen. He is a common 
 farmer from a village in Seeland, owner of a 
 farm of about one hundred acres ; M. P. since 
 1890. . . . The law officer of the crown is Mons. 
 Alberti, who is a leader of many cooperative 
 undertakings of the peasantry ; M. P. since 1892. 
 
 “Mr. Jens Christian Christensen is the most 
 important member of the new cabinet. He was 
 born in West Jutland, in 1856, the son of a 
 farmer, and earned his living when a boy as a 
 shepherd. He passed the examination for village 
 schoolmaster in Jutland, and taught till recently 
 in the little village of Stadil, in West Jutland. In 
 1890 he wasreturned for Parliament, and in 1895 
 became leader of the opposition. Of late years, 
 the Conservative Government being so utterly 
 weak, he practically ruled the country in his ca- 
 pacity of president of the finance committee of 
 the Folkething. A few months ago he resigned 
 his post as schoolmaster, succeeded in being 
 elected a ‘revisor of the state,’ and is now min- 
 ister of religion and education. After Mr. Chris- 
 tensen, Mr. Harup is considered the greatest 
 triumph for the Democrats. Born in 1841, the 
 son of a schoolmaster in an Iceland village, he 
 became a law student , taking his degree in 1867 
 at the university. . . . He is one of the most bril- 
 liant and best known of Danish journalists — 
 the most brilliant, according to George Brandes.” 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Proposed sale of Danish 
 West Indies to the United States. — Nego- 
 tiations for the sale of the Danish islands in the 
 West Indies to the United States were brought 
 to a point of agreement between the two govern- 
 ments which the Danish Ministry submitted to 
 the two chambers of the Rigsdag. The Folke- 
 thing — the popular branch of the parliament — 
 assented to the sale, while the other chamber, 
 the Landsthing, rejected the proposed terms. 
 The Rigsdag was then, in May, 1902, prorogued, 
 and assembled again in the following October. 
 Meantime an election of one half of the member- 
 ship of the Landsthing had taken place, and the 
 Conservatives had lost ground in it ; notwith- 
 standing which fact the proposition was defeated 
 in that body again, and the projected sale came 
 to naught. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — The Fortification and 
 Naval-Defense Question in Danish Politics. 
 
 — “ That German y within recent times has paid 
 considerably more than passing attention to the 
 defense plans of Denmark has not escaped the 
 Danes, whose military astuteness is proverbial. 
 At the instigation of the Kaiser himself, Lieut. 
 
 183 
 
DENMARK, 1905-1909 
 
 DENMARK, 1905-1909 
 
 Col. R. von Bieberstein inspected the quite 
 openly exposed fortifications of Copenhagen, and 
 what he has written regarding the vulnerability, 
 or otherwise, of the Danish capital has been taken 
 to heart in Denmark’s military circles. Beyond 
 a doubt, Denmark to-day is much more favorably 
 situated than when Prussia despoiled the country 
 of Schleswig-Holstein, and while little apprehen- 
 sion exists on the score of Germany again attack- 
 ing her northern neighbor, should a war break 
 out between England and the German Empire it 
 might prove impossible for either belligerent to 
 keep Danish territory inviolate. Denmark’s neu- 
 trality would be thrown to the winds where the 
 fate of empires would be at stake. Still, in her 
 defense of such neutrality, Denmark would gain 
 time sufficient to make any trespasser pause be- 
 fore advancing. Meanwhile, the Scandinavian 
 allies of the Danes would be enabled to assert 
 themselves effectively. 
 
 “ Following the recent Danish cabinet crisis, 
 when the portfolios of war and navy were given 
 into the hands of a civilian, J. C. Christensen, the 
 former minister for instruction of the Deuntzer 
 Regime, a special defense commission has had 
 under consideration ways and means best suited 
 for the protection of the country. . . . The Dan- 
 ish Defense Commission is far from being unani- 
 mous as to what is the best plan making for a 
 complete protection of the capital. The majority 
 of the members are for the abandoning of the 
 land defenses and the strengthening of Seeland’s 
 coast line by adding more forts and introducing 
 a mining system covering all the adjacent wa- 
 ters. The minority of the commission, however, 
 and the leading military experts of the country 
 are for the retention of the present land fortifica- 
 tions, in order that the capital may be securely 
 protected against an enemy invading Seeland 
 from the north or the west. The very circum- 
 stance that Seeland’s coast line in its entirety 
 does not lend itselflto a complete protection 
 through either forts, mines, or torpedo equip- 
 ment speaks favorably for the claim of the Dan- 
 ish military experts in their assertion that, apart 
 from what is done toward protecting Copenha- 
 gen from the sea, the land fortifications must be 
 retained. Nearly one hundred million kroner 
 have been expended on the land defenses, which 
 sum it would be extremely difficult to raise a 
 second time were it a question of abandoning 
 the forts for the present and removing the guns, 
 and in after years restoring them to serviceable 
 condition.” — Julius Moritzen, Denmark, the 
 Buffer State of the North ( American Review of 
 Reviews, Sept., 1905). 
 
 Since the above was written the question of 
 defense, between land fortification and naval 
 development, has not only been the burning one 
 in Danish politics, but has excited much inter- 
 est in Europe at large. Politically, the contro- 
 versy was curiously altered in February, 1909, 
 by a sudden change of front on the part of the 
 Premier, M. Neergaard, of which the Copen- 
 hagen correspondent of the London Times gave 
 the following account: 
 
 “ The Premier, who represents the majority in 
 the House, declared that he had changed his 
 opinion and now shared the views of the small 
 group of the Right on a question which is the 
 most urgent of the day — namely, that of na- 
 tional defence, or, to speak precisely, how Den- 
 mark can be placed in a position effectively to 
 
 maintain her neutrality if threatened by any 
 Power. He adopted the opinion that Copen- 
 hagen must be fortified on the land side as well 
 as on that of the sea, and that Denmark, in view 
 of her difficult strategical situation, should avoid 
 showing any favour to Russia, Germany, or 
 Great Britain. The surprise which the Premier’s 
 speech caused in all political circles was un- 
 bounded. M. Neergaard had kept the secret of 
 his scheme so well that only a few persons knew 
 that the Premier might enter into negotiations 
 with the Right, which has its main support in 
 the Upper House. That he would go so far as 
 to adopt the Conservative view was wholly un- 
 expected. 
 
 “The Defence Committee, which had been 
 sitting for seven years, issued a report which 
 contained no very clear recommendations. But 
 M. Neergaard, who is, by the way, himself no 
 soldier, working in conjunction with the Dan- 
 ish general staff upon the material which the 
 committee had collected, drew up a scheme of 
 Danish defence, based upon practical views and 
 considerations of international law, but almost 
 the direct contrary of the proposals which his 
 own party, the Left, had adopted only one year 
 ago. And this position was taken up so defi- 
 nitely that at the general election in May the 
 people will have to decide definitely for or 
 against the Premier. It is evident that M. Neer- 
 gaard himself must be aware that his action will 
 split up his party, the allied Centre groups in 
 the Folkething, that some members will go over 
 to the Right, and that others will approach the 
 Radicals and Socialists. The comments of the 
 Government Press already clearly show this. 
 
 “For land and sea fortifications, the construc- 
 tion of 20 torpedo-boats and six submarines, im- 
 provements in the system of mines, &c. , the sum 
 of 42,200,000 kr. (£2,344,444) is demanded im- 
 mediately, while an annual increase in the mili- 
 tary budgets of about 3,327,000 kr. (£184,833) is 
 also proposed. This is a large amount of money 
 for a small country with but 2,600,000 inhabit- 
 ants ; but, as is well known, the country is in a 
 strong financial position — exceptionally strong, 
 in the opinion of some observers.” 
 
 In May, as the elections approached, the same 
 correspondent wrote : “All parties unite in the 
 view that Denmark must adhere to a policy of 
 the strictest neutrality. But while the Conser- 
 vatives urge that this policy must be observed 
 by a system of fortifications, strong enough to 
 show that Denmark is ready to defend her neu- 
 trality if she is threatened, the Socialists preach 
 the gospel of disarmament as a step towards 
 eternal peace, and urge furthermore that Den- 
 mark is too weak and small to organize any real 
 defence, and must therefore rely upon the gen- 
 erosity of her stronger neighbours. 
 
 “In addition to the two main parties there 
 are a number of political groups which are des- 
 tined to play an important part in the elections 
 and may in fact decide their issue. These groups 
 consist of the Moderate Left, the Reform Left, 
 and the Radical Left. The Moderate Left, the 
 party of the present Premier, Mr. N. Neergaard, 
 has, however, already adopted the policy of the 
 Conservatives and needs little more than men- 
 tion. The Reform Left, the party of the former 
 Premier, Mr. F. C. Christensen, numbered until 
 a few months ago 56, or nearly one half of the 
 Folkething, which has 114 members. Now it 
 
 184 
 
DENMARK, 1906-1909 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA 
 
 has been split up on the defence question. Of 
 its members 14 agree with Mr. Neergaard and 
 the Conservatives, and 33 are reorganized under 
 the leadership of Mr. Christensen, who wants 
 Copenhagen fortified, but not on the lines of the 
 Neergaard scheme with its new land fortifica- 
 tions.” 
 
 The elections were held on the 25th of May 
 and the following was reported next morning to 
 the press: “The election campaign has been 
 heated. The returns up to the present show 
 that the ministerials have elected 38 adherents, 
 M. Christensen’s party 34, the parties of the So- 
 cialists and the Radicals, which opposed forti- 
 fications, 39, and that eleven are doubtful. The 
 ministers of finance, justice and commerce have 
 been unseated. Premier Neergaard and the other 
 ministers have been re-elected.” 
 
 An extraordinary session of the new Parliament 
 was summoned by the King on the 9th of Sep- 
 tember. Premier Neergaard lacked a majority 
 in the Folkething, and failed to arrange an 
 agreement with ex-Premier Christensen on the 
 defence question. He and his Ministry resigned 
 office, accordingly, in a few weeks, and a new 
 Cabinet was formed under Count Holstein-Led- 
 reborg, in which M. Christensen was included as 
 Minister of Defence. The appointment of the 
 latter was offensive to a large part of the public, 
 which held him responsible for gross frauds in 
 the public service, committed b 3 r a former Minis- 
 ter of Justice, M. Alberti. An immense popular 
 demonstration against the obnoxious Minister of 
 Defence was carried out at Copenhagen on Au- 
 gust 29th; but he stayed in office some weeks 
 longer, until a scheme of defence had been agreed 
 upon between ex-Premier Neergaard and him- 
 self, and carried through Parliament, September 
 24th. The scheme provides for strong sea fortifi- 
 cations for Copenhagen, while the land defences 
 of the eighties will be maintained and somewhat 
 strengthened by two new forts, which are, how- 
 ever, officially characterized as sea forts. 
 
 Three weeks after the passage of the Defence 
 Act M. Christensen resigned, and was followed 
 out of office by the whole Holstein-Ledreborg 
 Ministry before the end of October. For the 
 first time in Denmark a Radical Ministry was 
 then formed, under M. Zahle. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Death of King Christian IX. 
 — Succession of Frederick VIII. — Gains by 
 Social Democrats in the elections of the 
 spring. — Visit from the Icelandic Parlia- 
 ment. — On the 29th of January, 1906, King 
 Christian IX. died, at the age of eighty eight. 
 He was succeeded by his son, Frederick VIII., 
 who is said to have inherited his father’s char- 
 acter and ability in a marked degree. He had 
 already reached the age of sixty-three when he 
 came to the throne. When his accession was 
 proclaimed he spoke from the balcony of the 
 palace at Copenhagen to the multitude of people 
 assembled in these words : “ Our old King, my 
 dearly beloved father, has closed his eyes. He 
 fell asleep peacefully and calmly, having faith- 
 fully discharged his royal duties to the last. In 
 taking over the heavy heritage placed on my 
 shoulders, I cherish the confident hope, and offer 
 a sincere prayer, that the Almighty may grant 
 me strength and happiness to carry on the gov- 
 ernment in the spirit of my dearly beloved 
 father, and that I may have the good fortune to 
 reach an understanding with the people and their 
 
 chosen representatives on all that tends to the 
 good of the people and the happiness of our be- 
 loved fatherland. Let us join in the cry, ‘ Long 
 live the fatherland 1 ’ ” 
 
 At a general election for the Folkething, the 
 lower house of the Danish Rigsdag, in May, 
 the Social Democrats made heavy gains, raising 
 their representation in the chamber from sixteen 
 to twenty-four. The Government party, known 
 as the Left Reform party, lost three seats, the 
 Moderate Left lost three, and the Radical Left 
 lost four. The Conservatives gained two seats. 
 Later, when half of the elective part of the upper 
 house was chosen, the Social Democrats made 
 gains there, too, of three seats, and the Govern- 
 ment lost five. 
 
 In September, on the invitation of King Fred- 
 erick, the members of the Icelandic Parliament 
 visited Denmark, and their entertainment was an 
 interesting event. See (in this vol.) Iceland. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Municipal Suffrage extended 
 to Women. See (in this vol.) Elective Fran- 
 chise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — North Sea and Baltic agree- 
 ments. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — T reaty with England, 
 France, Germany, the Netherlands, and 
 Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo 
 on the North Sea. See (in this vol.) Europe : 
 A. D. 1907-1908 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — Murder of General 
 Beckman. — In June, 1909, during a visit of the 
 Tsar of Russia to the Danish Court, at Copen- 
 hagen, a Swedish anarchist, Adolf Vang, who had 
 planned an attempt at the murder of the Russian 
 sovereign, and was enraged on being baffled by 
 the police, fired at two officers whom he met, pro- 
 voked by nothing but their uniforms, and slew 
 one, General Beckman. 
 
 DENVER, Colorado : The Juvenile Court 
 of Judge Lindsey. See (inthisvol.) Children, 
 under the Law : As Offenders. 
 
 DEPEW, Chauncey M. : United States 
 Senator from New York. — Annual retainers 
 from the Equitable Life Assurance Society. 
 See (in this vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 DES MOINES CHARTER, The. See (in 
 this vol.) Municipal Government : Galveston. 
 
 DEUNTZER, M.: Premier of Denmark. 
 See (in this vol.) Denmark : A. D. 1901. 
 
 DE VRIES, Dr. Hugo: His biological dis- 
 coveries. See (in this vol.) Science and In- 
 vention, Recent : Carnegie Institution. 
 
 DEVELOPMENT AND ROAD IM- 
 PROVEMENT FUNDS ACT. See (in this 
 vol.) Conservation of Natural Resources: 
 Great Britain. 
 
 DIAMOND FIELDS : In German South- 
 west Africa. See (in this vol.) Africa: Ger- 
 man Colonies. 
 
 DIAZ, Porfirio: The President of Mexico 
 enters his seventh term. See (in this vol.) 
 Mexico : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 Meeting with President Taft. See United 
 States: A. D. 1909 (Sept. -Oct.). 
 
 DICKINSON, James M.: Secretary of 
 War. See (in this vol.) United States : A. D. 
 1909 (March). 
 
 DIRECT PRIMARY. See (in this vol.) 
 Elective Franchise : United States. 
 
 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA : A. D. 1908 . 
 — Enactment against Race-track Gambling. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Gambling. 
 
 185 
 
DOGGER BANK INCIDENT 
 
 EARTHQUAKES 
 
 DOGGER BANK INCIDENT, of the 
 voyage of the Russian Baltic Fleet. See (in 
 this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904^1905 (Oct. -May). 
 
 DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. See (in this 
 vol.) San Domingo. 
 
 DOMINICANS: Forbidden to teach in 
 France. See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1903. 
 
 DORE, Pfere Le. See (in this vol.) France : 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 DOUGLAS, A. Akers : Home Secretary in 
 the British Government. See (in this vol.) 
 England : A. D. 1902 (July). 
 
 DOUGLAS, Dr. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention, Recent : Opsonins. 
 
 DOWAGER-EMPRESS, of China: Her 
 death. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1908 
 (Nov.). 
 
 DRAGA, Queen : Assassination. See (in 
 this vol.) Balkan and Danubian States : 
 Servia. 
 
 DRAGO DOCTRINE, The. — So named 
 from Dr. Luis Drago, Argentine Minister of 
 Foreign Relations, who rallied the South Ameri- 
 can Republics to the support of it at the Rio de 
 Janeiro Pan-American Conference and at the 
 Second Peace Conference at The Hague. See 
 (in this vol.) American Republics: Third 
 International Conference; and War, The 
 Revolt against : A. D. 1907 (Second Con- 
 vention). 
 
 DREADNOUGHTS. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Preparations for. 
 
 DREIBUND. See Triple Alliance. 
 
 DREYFUS, Alfred: Justice'and repara- 
 tion of the great wrong done him. — His 
 reinstatement in the Army. — His decora- 
 tion as a Chevalier of the Legion of Honor. 
 See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1906. 
 
 DRUDE, General : Operations in Morocco. 
 See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 DRY FARMING. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention : Agriculture. 
 
 DRYGALSKI, Dr. : Commanding Antarc- 
 tic Expedition. See (in this vol.) Polar Ex- 
 ploration. 
 
 DU BOIS, Professor W. E. Burghardt. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Race Problems : United 
 States. 
 
 DUCOMMUM, Elie. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 DUFF, Grant: British Minister to Per- 
 sia : See (in this vol.) Persia : A. D. 1905- 
 1907. 
 
 DUMA, Russia : The First and Second. — 
 Their dissolution. — Election of the Third. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 1906 and 1907. 
 
 DUNANT, Henri. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes 
 
 DURBAR AT DELHI. See (in this vol ) 
 India . A. D. 1903 (Jan.). 
 
 DURHAM, Israel W. : Political “ Boss ” 
 of Philadelphia. See (in this vol.) Municipal 
 Government. 
 
 DWIGHT, James H. and William B. : 
 Founders of Robert College. See (in this 
 vol.) Education : Turkey. 
 
 E. 
 
 EAGLE’S NEST FORT, Capture of. See I (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904- 1905 (May- 
 
 | Jan.). 
 
 EARTHQUAKES. 
 
 California : A. D. 1906 . — Consequent de- 
 structive fire at San Francisco and great dis- 
 tress. See (in this vol.) San Francisco . A. D. 
 1906. 
 
 Chile: A. D. 1906 . — Destructiveness of 
 life and property at Valparaiso. — One of the 
 
 most destructive of the many appalling earth- 
 quake shocks of the pastdecade was experienced 
 in Chile on the 16th of August, 1906. It was 
 widely felt, even to the distant Hawaiian Islands ; 
 but its most deadly effects were concentrated on 
 the unfortunate city of Valparaiso. The wreck 
 of buildings in the city was followed, as in San 
 Francisco, by fires, which the disabled inhab- 
 itants were almost powerless to combat. The 
 total loss of life, there and elsewhere, was es- 
 timated finally, when all was known that could 
 be known, at 2000. The homeless for a time 
 were substantially the whole population of the 
 city. Relief was sent to the afflicted city and 
 country from all parts of the world. 
 
 The prediction of another earthquake on the 
 Pacific coast of America within some short time 
 had been made by Dr. Becker, of the U. S. Geo- 
 logical Survey, in a letter to the New York Tri- 
 bune written the dayafterthe shock at San Fran- 
 cisco. Such a severe upheaval at one point on the 
 earthquake belt which follows the rim of the 
 Pacific from Singapore, through Japan, the Aleu- 
 
 tian Islands, the coast of Alaska, California, and 
 South America to Valparaiso, was sure, he said, 
 to be followed by sympathetic movements at 
 other points on the circuit. 
 
 Formosa: A. D. 1906 . — Over 6000 persons 
 are reported to have been killed or injured by an 
 earthquake that occurred in the island of For- 
 mosa in March, 1906. 
 
 France: A. D. 1909 (June). — Serious con- 
 vulsion along the Mediterranean coast. — A 
 
 shock which ran through Southern France on the 
 night of June 11 was most severe in the Bouches- 
 du Rhone, but extended over a very wide area, 
 including the whole Mediterranean coast of 
 France, and was also felt in Spain and Portugal. 
 Official reports stated that 55 lives were known 
 to have been lost. A great amount of damage had 
 been done, especially in the villages; in the towns 
 the buildings for the most part withstood the 
 shock, though it was sufficiently violent to cause 
 panic among the population in Marseilles, Tou- 
 lon, and other places. 
 
 Greece: A. D. 1909 (July). — Destruction 
 in Ellis. — An earthquake which occurred, on 
 the 15th of July, in the province of Ellis, the 
 seat of the most famous of the ancient Olympic 
 games, was reported to have killed or injured 
 over 300 persons. Despatches from Athens to 
 Loudon made the following statements: “At 
 
EARTHQUAKES 
 
 EARTHQUAKES 
 
 the village of Iiavari 400 houses have been com- 
 pletely destroyed. Some 30 persons are known 
 to have perished there, while many others have 
 been injured. The neighbouring villages have 
 also suffered severely. All the houses of Ama- 
 liada have been rendered uninhabitable. Vol- 
 canic eruptions have occurred in the village of 
 Ponhioti. Shocks of earthquake have also been 
 felt at Patras, Pyrgos, Kalamas, Tripoli, and 
 Missolonghi. People have been killed and in- 
 jured in about ten villages. Assistance has been 
 sent to the affected districts.” 
 
 India: A. D. 1905. — In the Punjab and 
 the United Provinces. — One of the most 
 terrific of earthquakes occurred in Northern 
 India on the 4th of April, 1905. Its most vio- 
 lent and destructive effects were in the Kangra 
 District of the Punjab, and its neighborhood ; 
 but the area of shock extended over several 
 thousand square miles. The finally ascertained 
 and estimated loss of human life was no less in 
 number than 373,000. The villages destroyed 
 numbered 409. As for the destruction of pro- 
 perty, including houses, bridges, irrigation 
 works, cattle, and crops, it was beyond com- 
 putation. In the central region of the earth- 
 quake every habitation and human structure 
 of any description went instantly down. The 
 shocks, as described, were first from north to 
 south, then immediately reversed, and followed 
 by a horrible sinking of the earth. The Em- 
 press, a monthly periodical published at Cal- 
 cutta, gave the following, among other per- 
 sonal experiences of the disaster. The narrator 
 was a manager of large tea estates near Palam- 
 pour: 
 
 “On the morning of the 4th April, at about 
 6 A. m., we were disturbed in our sleep by a 
 slight earthquake, quickly followed by a severe 
 one, and lastly by the worst shock of all, which 
 appeared to come from the northeast and hav- 
 ing a sudden circular action traveling toward 
 the west. The first one I took no notice of, 
 thinking it was one of the many slight shocks 
 off and on experienced up here. When the 
 second shock came, I sat up in bed and called 
 out to my wife to come to the window. I had 
 hardly done so when I saw the highest wall of 
 our bedroom fall in like a torrent on my poor 
 sleeping child ; then all became dark with fear- 
 ful dust from the falling walls. I felt suffo- 
 cated, and pushed my hand through the panes 
 of glass in the window into which I had crept; 
 had I not done so I should have been killed by 
 the wall that fell in on the head of my bed. I 
 shall never forget those few moments that ap- 
 peared like years, — the noise of the falling 
 masonry, smashing of beams, planks, and slates. 
 
 I had fully made up my mind that we should 
 all perish. When the shock was over I opened 
 the window and dropped into the lower veranda, 
 rushed out, and cried out for help. No one 
 could be seen, — all had fled to the villages to 
 help their friends and relations. A fearful sight 
 presented itself to my eyes. All our houses 
 (with the exception of the mail's hut) were 
 leveled to the ground, including a magnificent 
 factory built of cut stone which my poor old 
 father had lately built. All was still as death 
 save for the wailing of a man who afterward 
 turned out to be my head clerk. After a few 
 minutes had elapsed 1 succeeded in getting a 
 few of my household servants together and dug 
 
 with bare fingers among limestone and plaster 
 for my only child. We had to make a coffin 
 out of planks taken from the d&bris, bury her 
 without ceremony in a quiet sequestered spot 
 on the tea estate. To look around the valley, 
 nothing but desolation meets the eye. The once 
 pretty little villages, with their bluish-white 
 walls and slated roofs, mixed here and there 
 with thatched buildings, all leveled to the 
 ground. We have been ruined; lost tens of 
 thousands of rupees. As for our loss in machin- 
 ery, it is unknown, being all buried beneath the 
 ruins. And this is not all. We are afraid we 
 shall lose thousands yet, owing to our terror- 
 stricken workmen and coolies, who believe that 
 this picturesque valley is to be totally destroyed. 
 They have made little thatch sheds for their 
 families and cattle, and pass the day in sorrow 
 and fear, refusing to return to work or even 
 work at their own fields. A great many fami- 
 lies have been wiped out.” 
 
 The same magazine tells of the destruction of 
 the very ancient temple of Bhowan — one of the 
 oldest in the world — burying 2000 worshippers 
 in its ruins: “On the night of the 3d April, 
 about two thousand pilgrims arrived in the small 
 town of Bhowan, which is about three miles from 
 Kangra town, to worship at the temple. On the 
 morning of the 4th, at 6 o’clock, a rumbling 
 noise was heard, and before the people could 
 realize what it was, they felt the terrible shock, 
 and within four seconds the whole town was de- 
 stroyed. The shock lasted three minutes, but 
 all the damage was done in the first few seconds. 
 About two thousand people were buried beneath 
 the ruins of the temple, and under the adjacent 
 buildings. The Guru, or High Priest of the 
 Temple, was dug out of the ruins and buried 
 near the site of the Toshakhana, adjoining the 
 temple.” 
 
 Italy: A. D. 1905. — In Calabria. — A terri- 
 ble earthquake, accompanied by storms and vol- 
 canic disturbances, occurred in Calabria on 
 September 8th. “ Hundreds of dead were swal- 
 lowed up, and ruin was spread far and wide in 
 a country already sorely tried by an unfortunate 
 system of land ownership. The public authori- 
 ties, the provinces and towns of Italy, strained 
 every nerve to soften the misery of the Calabrian 
 population, and the King eagerly hastened to 
 the scene of the disaster. The public mind, how- 
 ever, was embittered by reports that the rich Cala- 
 brian landowners had shown great want of con- 
 sideration for their unhappy tenants, and that 
 the work of restoration was greatly hindered by 
 absurd disputes between civil and military au- 
 thorities.” — Annual Register, 1905, p. 278. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Dec.). — In Calabria and Sicily. 
 — Destruction of Messina and Reggio. — The 
 most appalling in history. — Of all catastrophes 
 of earthquake recorded in history, the one 
 which has seemed most appalling to the Euro- 
 pean and American world was that which de- 
 stroyed the cities of Messina and Reggio and many 
 smaller towns in northeastern Sicily and south- 
 ern Italy, on both sides of the Straits of Messina, 
 on the early morning of Monday, December 28, 
 1908. The time favored an exceptionally great 
 harvest of death. From Christmas until Twelfth 
 Night is a period of feasting among the Southern 
 Italians, when the members of scattered families 
 come together as fully as they are able to do. 
 The doomed cities, accordingly, contained on the 
 
EARTHQUAKES 
 
 EARTHQUAKES 
 
 fatal day a large number of guests, and were 
 emptied, at the same time, of large numbers of 
 their residents; but the merry-making of the pre- 
 vious days had induced later slumbers, generally, 
 on that dread Monday morning, and few had 
 risen from their beds when the shock came which 
 buried them in the ruins of their dwellings. It 
 shook Messina at twenty minutes past five 
 o’clock, long before day had begun to dawn. 
 The late F. Marion Crawford, who wrote, three 
 months after the occurrence, for The Outlook , a 
 carefully prepared account of it, derived from 
 personal inquiries and investigations on the spot, 
 describes the overwhelming moment thus: 
 
 “ A southwest wind was blowing and the sky 
 was black when the fatal moment came, but it 
 was not yet raining. Those who were awake 
 and survived remember hearing the horrible 
 subterranean thunder that preceded the shock 
 and might have been a warning to many in 
 waking hours; it seemed to begin far away and 
 to approach very quickly, swelling to a terrific 
 roar just before the crash. Another instant 
 and the solid earth rose and fell in long waves, 
 twice, three times, four times perhaps, and the 
 houses and churches swayed from side to side, 
 in the darkness; for the young moon had set be- 
 fore midnight, and it lacked more than an hour 
 of dawn. The whole city and the towns on the 
 opposite side of the Straits fell at once with a 
 crash that no language can describe ; then fol- 
 lowed the long-resounding rumble of avalanches 
 of masonry ; and when those awful moments 
 were over, nearly two hundred thousand human 
 beings were dead, on both sides of the Straits. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Almost at the same moment another sound 
 was heard, almost more terrible than the first — 
 the sound of a moving mountain of water ; for 
 the sea had risen bodily in a monstrous wave 
 and was sweeping over the harbor, carrying 
 away hundreds of tons of masonry from the 
 outer pier, tearing ships and iron steamers from 
 their moorings like mere skiffs and hurling them 
 against the ruins of the great Palazzata that was 
 built along the semicircular quay, only to sweep 
 them back, keel upwards and full of dead and 
 dying men, as the hill of water sank down and 
 ebbed away. When it had quite subsided, the 
 inner portion of the harbor was half full of sand 
 and mud and stranded wrecks. 
 
 “Those who say that they ‘saw ’ these things 
 are either untruthful, or else, in vivid recollec- 
 tion of sensation, but without the true memory 
 of events, they confuse what they heard and felt 
 with what they might have felt and seen ; for 
 though some of the gaslights in the streets con- 
 tinued to burn for a few minutes, the darkness 
 was almost total.” 
 
 The American Vice-consul at Messina, Mr. 
 Stuart K. Lupton, who escaped unhurt from the 
 ruins of the hotel in which he lodged, carrying 
 his clothing in his hands, and hastened in the 
 darkness to give aid, if possible, to his chief, 
 Dr. Cheney, made a report of his experiences to 
 the Department at Washington, from which the 
 following is taken : “I had not proceeded more 
 than fifty yards when I found myself walking 
 in water up to my knees in a place which should 
 have been eight feet above the water level. Next 
 I came to a pile of rubbish some fifteen or twenty 
 feet high over which I clambered on my hands 
 and knees. By this time I began to see that 
 the affair was much more serious than I had at 
 
 first believed, but I was still in inky darkness, 
 so I could not form any ideas as to the extent of 
 the disaster. After three-quarters of an hour I 
 arrived where I supposed the consulate to be 
 and waited for daylight, which came in a few 
 minutes. I looked for the consulate, but could see 
 nothing that reminded me of it. Half the water 
 front appeared to be down. Here and there the 
 walls were standing, while the interior had col- 
 lapsed. A few fires were breaking out, but ow- 
 ing to the solid construction of the town they 
 made little progress. 
 
 “ At the place I supposed the consulate to be 
 there was nothing but a heap of ruins, iron 
 beams, splintered wood, bricks, and stones in 
 hapless confusion. I was not sure of the spot 
 and climbed over the ruins to see if I could find 
 anything familiar. Finally I came across a bat- 
 tered teapot, which I recognized as the property 
 of Mrs. Cheney, and remembering the spot where 
 it had stood, was able to get my bearings. I 
 climbed directly over the spot where their room 
 had been, and called, in the hope that if they 
 were still alive, they would answer. I heard 
 nothing, however, and further search revealed 
 a piano covered to a depth of about ten feet in 
 rubbish. I knew that the Cheneys had no piano, 
 so it must have come down from one of the up- 
 per stories. As the shock was so strong that no 
 one could stand, and the consulate went down 
 almost immediately, it was absolutely an im- 
 possibility for Dr. Cheney to have opened four 
 doors and gone down a long flight of steps which 
 had three sections. Nothing belonging to the 
 office could be seen except the teapot. . . . 
 
 “People were beginning to appear by this 
 time, some half-clothed, others entirely naked. 
 
 I gave part of my clothes away, but found I 
 could do nothing, there were so many. People 
 were calling from upper windows, asking that 
 some one should aid them, but ladders and ropes 
 were necessary, and they had to be left. Some 
 men were trying to lower an old lady from the 
 fourth floor, but as soon as the weight came 
 upon the cord, it broke, precipitating the poor 
 soul to the pavement below. Another up- 
 per window was choked with rubbish, out of 
 which stuck a man’s arm. He was unable to 
 call out, but rattled against the railing with a 
 stick, trying to attract attention. Without men 
 and tools it was impossible to do anything, so I 
 kept on, trying to shut my ears. 
 
 “Almost all the natives were hysterical, 
 shrieking and moaning. Some were held by 
 their friends, as they seemed to be absolute 
 maniacs. . . . Light shocks were felt every few 
 minutes, adding to the alarm of the people. 
 About eleven o’clock I went on board the steamer 
 Chesapeake, belonging to the Anglo-American 
 Oil Company, and managed to get a cup of tea 
 and a sandwich. Capt. Mort was very kind, and 
 told me to send people in need on board, and 
 he would do anything he could for them. I 
 went again to the shore to see what could be 
 done, and by that night over seventy, principally 
 women and children, were on board. About 
 three o’clock rain began to fall, adding to the 
 misery of the people. Scores and hundreds of 
 them were to be seen sitting in all the squares 
 or wider streets, and looking as if they had 
 abandoned all hope.” 
 
 From all directions, by all communities and 
 governments, relief to the stricken cities, for 
 
 188 
 
EARTHQUAKES 
 
 EARTHQUAKES 
 
 the rescue, feeding and shelter or removal of the 
 survivors, was hastened with the greatest pos- 
 sible speed. War ships from many navies, 
 Italian, French, Russian, British and German, 
 were quickly at the scene, their sailors and 
 marines performing heroic work in discovering 
 and saving many still living people, who had 
 been entombed under mountains of ruin for 
 many days. Even after such burial for thirteen 
 and fourteen days some victims were found 
 alive. The rescuing forces were soon in excess 
 of the need, and a want of systematic organiza- 
 tion and direction among them became a subject 
 of complaint. But the outflow of sympathy and 
 eager generosity of helpful desire in all the world 
 was the noblest, without doubt, that has ever 
 been called forth. 
 
 By good fortune, when news of the disaster 
 came, a supply ship of the United States Navy 
 was being laden at New York with a million 
 and a half of rations, destined for the fleet of 
 American battle-ships then voyaging round 
 the world. The supply-ship was to meet the 
 fleet at Gibraltar ; but orders were given imme- 
 diately for dispatching it to Messina, with an 
 added shipment of tents, clothing, blankets and 
 medical supplies. Furthermore, from the fleet 
 itself, which was about to enter the Suez Canal, 
 a store ship was hastened forward to Messina 
 for such offerings as it could make. The Amer- 
 can Congress, reassembled on the 4th of January 
 after the Christmas recess, by action of both 
 Houses that day, appropriated $800,000 for fur- 
 ther relief of the Italian need, and a large part 
 of this sum was expended according to the fol- 
 lowing statement made public by the Secretary 
 of the Navy, January 16 : “ The Navy Depart- 
 ment has arranged for the expenditure of approx- 
 imately $500,000 in the purchase of building 
 materials, including all articles necessary for the 
 construction of substantial frame houses for the 
 Italian sufferers, and the shipments will begin by 
 the sailing of two steamers probably on Monday. 
 This lumber is being delivered to-day in New 
 York, and the sailing of the vessels will proceed 
 as fast as they can be loaded. Each ship will 
 carry all the materials for the construction of 
 about 500 houses, and it will require not less 
 than six steamers for the entire amount pur- 
 chased. If possible, the department intends to 
 send with each vessel several civilian house car- 
 penters, with plans, to assist in the erection of 
 these houses.” 
 
 With this material a suburb of 1500 de- 
 tached frame houses, of two or four rooms, were 
 built at Messina ; 500 were constructed at Reg- 
 gio, and the remainder at other towns and vil- 
 lages. 
 
 The Italian Parliament appropriated 30,000,- 
 000 lire ($5,000,000) for immediate relief and for 
 the reconstruction of the ruined cities. The 
 plans formed by the Italian Government in- 
 cluded measures to provide for the temporary 
 protection of the orphaned young, the deserted, 
 and the insane ; to prosecute the recovery of 
 personal property : to draw up official lists of 
 the dead ; to rewrite the civil registers and the 
 records of property transfers ; to reestablish, 
 provisionally, administrative and judicial dis- 
 tricts within the provinces of Messina and 
 Reggio. New building regulations were to be 
 enacted by a royal commission in conjunction 
 with the Ministry of Public Works. To en- 
 
 courage the reconstruction of the ruined places, 
 all new buildings were exempted from taxation 
 for a period of fifteen years. Loans from state 
 and private financial institutions to be made at 
 a rate of interest not exceeding 4 per cent., to 
 be repaid within thirty years in semi-annual in- 
 stalments, the Government to contribute half 
 of these periodical payments. 
 
 To the effective help and relief rendered by 
 her Mediterranean squadron, Great Britain added 
 large contributions of money, mainly collected 
 as a “ Mansion House Fund ” by the Lord Mayor 
 of London. There, and everywhere, the Red 
 Cross Societies were instant in the field and un- 
 tiring, receiving and expending immense funds 
 and sending large corps of trained workers to 
 the scene of distress. No summary has yet been 
 made of the whole outpour of gifts and service 
 to the suffering people, and it is imposible even 
 to indicate what a world-feeling it expressed; 
 but its like was never known before. 
 
 Estimates of the total destruction of life by 
 the earthquake are still uncertain. Mr. Craw- 
 ford, when he wrote, thought it doubtful 
 whether as many as fifteen per cent, of the pop- 
 ulation of Messina were then alive, scattered in 
 groups throughout Italy. That would mean 
 that only about 20,000 out of 150,000 in the one 
 city escaped. Of the loss of life on the other side 
 of the Straits he said: “The proportion of those 
 saved on the Calabrian side is certainly larger — 
 principally, I think, because the houses in Reg- 
 gio, Villa San Giovanni, Palmi, and the other 
 towns destroyed were much lower than those in 
 the city. Moreover, as will be seen before long, 
 many persons died of hunger and thirst in Mes- 
 sina, where the whole water supply was cut off 
 by the ruin of the first shock, and bread was not 
 obtainable at any price for many days ; but on 
 the Calabrian side the survivors camped out in 
 the orange groves, and the fruit, which is almost 
 ripe at Christmas in that latitude, stayed their 
 hunger and assuaged their thirst.” 
 
 Generally, the total of deaths from the earth- 
 quake, in Sicily and Calabria, seems now to be 
 estimated at 200,000. 
 
 A report from Rome, issued on the 3d of Au- 
 gust, 1909, by the Central Relief Committee, 
 of which the Duke of Aosta is president, an- 
 nounced that the receipts of the Committee to 
 that time had been 25,100,000 lire (£1,004,000, 
 or $5,020,000). The fund for the orphans had 
 all been handed over to the Queen Helena Home. 
 
 For the building of shelters the sum of 4,000,- 
 000 lire had been paid over to the Minister of 
 Public Works for the construction of 3,000 shel- 
 ters. The number of persons assisted had been 
 14,000, but it would eventually reach 20,000. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July 1). — A second shock at 
 Messina and Reggio. — During six months fol- 
 lowing the great catastrophe, Messina had been 
 so far rebuilt and reoccupied as to have acquired 
 a population of somewhat more than 25,000. To 
 them, on the evening of June 30 and the morning 
 of July 1, came once more the dread quaking of 
 their unstable portion of the earth. The shocks 
 as described in despatches to the Press “were 
 similar to the fatal disturbances of December, 
 and were accompanied by the same roaring noises. 
 The people fled with cries of terror. They hurried 
 to the open places of the city and the surround- 
 ing country, praying to the saints that their lives 
 be spared. ... So far as is known, however. 
 
 189 
 
EARTHQUAKES 
 
 EARTHQUAKES 
 
 only a few people were hurt, and this undoubt- 
 edly is due to the fact that the city was only par- 
 tially rebuilt. Had the walls of all the houses 
 been standing the loss of life would have been 
 heavy. One woman was killed by a falling wall, 
 and a child was seriously injured.” Reggio, as 
 before, shared the experience, but there is said 
 to have been no loss of life. 
 
 Late in the year it was reported to a London 
 newspaper that “at Reggio a very fair advance, 
 has been made, and the city is already acquiring 
 some air of its former busy prosperity; but in 
 Messina and its neighborhood, little or nothing 
 has been done in the way of permanent work, 
 while the temporary accommodations for the sur- 
 vivors still leave much to be desired.” 
 
 Jamaica: A. D. 1907. — The destruction 
 of Kingston by earthquake and fire. — ‘On 
 Monday afternoon, the 14th January, 1907, at 
 about 3.30 p. m., the city of Kingston and its 
 suburbs was almost entirely destroyed by heavy 
 earthquake shocks. There was little or no wind 
 at the time; what little there was was from the 
 east, and the atmospherical conditions were quite 
 normal. The shocks apparently approached from 
 the south at first and then from the west. They 
 are variously estimated to have lasted from ten 
 to thirty seconds, the latter estimate being the 
 general opinion. On the other hand, several 
 Englishmen who were in the open at the time 
 and in no immediate danger from falling houses, 
 &c., consider 20 seconds the outside limit of time 
 taken by the shocks. During this period an 
 enormous amount of damage was done to life 
 and property. Large numbers of buildings at 
 once collapsed. As is, unfortunately, usual in 
 such cases, fires broke out in several places in 
 the commercial portion of the town. . . . 
 
 “ Unfortunately, the Central Fire Station was 
 destroyed by earthquake, so the fire engine was 
 not available. The means at hand were thus 
 very inadequate for fighting the flames, although 
 they were supplemented greatly by fire-extin- 
 guishing appliances from the various shipsalong- 
 side the wharves, and those belonging to the 
 wharves themselves. The fire, however, spread 
 with terrible rapidity, and all efforts were di- 
 rected towards isolating the burning area. Dur- 
 ing this time the light wind blowing was about 
 north-east, but it later in the afternoon went 
 round to the north and north-west, thus lending 
 tremendous assistance to the people in their ef- 
 forts to extinguish the fire. Many injured per- 
 sons, buried in the falling debris, were burnt to 
 death. Meanwhile, vast numbers of the inhabit- 
 ants were flying northwards to the racecourse 
 and open spaces outside the town, where they 
 spent the night — small earthquake shocks being 
 felt at frequent intervals during that time. It 
 may be said that the whole of Kingston and its 
 suburbs are either destroyed or in ruins. A few 
 of the substantially built houses are still stand- 
 ing, but so shaken and injured by the shocks 
 that it will be impossible to repair them. . . . 
 
 “It is extremely difficult to estimate the total 
 loss of life in the earthquake and fire. The 
 Government have called on the inhabitants to 
 register the names of their killed and missing, 
 but up to this date [January 29] there has been 
 little response. On the 25th January, some 
 eleven days after the catastrophe, the numbers 
 recorded at the Registrar’s Office were only 121, 
 although at least four times that number are 
 
 known to have been buried or cremated. The 
 careful opinion of prominent officials in Kings- 
 ton is that the loss of life will be about 1000. 
 Of the injured the daily number of in-patients 
 at the hospital is about 300, mostly cases of 
 concussions and legs amputated. . . . 
 
 “ The large numbers of women, children, and 
 old or disabled men encamped in the Public 
 Gardens and racecourse, &c., were supplied with 
 food rations daily, under the supervision of the 
 Relief Committee. Over 3,000 people daily have 
 been receiving this relief. At no time does there 
 appear to have been a scarcity of food or water. 
 A tremendous strain at once came on the staff of 
 the hospital, the place being besieged with the 
 injured and their relatives. Large numbers of 
 medical men from the out districts at once pro- 
 ceeded to Kingston and assisted in attending to 
 the wounded. With the aid of their ready as- 
 sistance, and that of many volunteer nurses from 
 the civil population, the hospital staff were en- 
 abled to cope with the situation, and at the pre 
 sent time work is proceeding there with great 
 smoothness and regularity. The American ships 
 ‘Indiana,’ ‘Missouri,’ and ‘Whipple,’ also, on 
 arrival, landed their surgeons, who at once es- 
 tablished a hospital on shore and rendered great 
 assistance. . . . 
 
 “ Directly after the earthquake, and while the 
 fire was in progress, the greater portion of the 
 black and coloured population were stupefied 
 with terror and amazement, and lent little or no 
 aid to the white members of the community and 
 the troops and firemen in their rescue work. Vast 
 numbers of them fled from the city. Some be- 
 came frenzied and ran here and there declaring 
 the end of the world had arrived, impeding the 
 work and terrifying the workers. Others formed 
 groups and commenced praying. At the Peni- 
 tentiary, the prisoners, who remained seated in 
 their ranks on the parade ground all night, spent 
 the time in singing hymns without ceasing. As 
 soon as the first panic had subsided, the black 
 population became quite apathetic, and it was 
 with great difficulty that the Government were 
 able to get able-bodied men to take part in the 
 work of demolition and clearing the streets. 
 This, in spite of the fact that the wages offered 
 were 25 per cent, more than the usual rate. . . . 
 
 “ Considering the magnitude and widespread 
 nature of the disaster, the loss of life might 
 easily have been on a much larger scale. The 
 earthquake came at a time of day when the la- 
 bouring part of the population were at work 
 away from their houses, and the streets in the 
 busy commercial quarter presented the com- 
 paratively deserted appearance so usual in the 
 afternoons in tropical places. As the streets in 
 this quarter were very narrow and the buildings 
 on each side of them lofty and of solid construe 
 tion the loss of life must have been largely in- 
 creased had the earthquake happened during 
 the busy portion of the day. . . . 
 
 “ Owing to the dry weather now prevailing 
 here, the homeless population, roughly en- 
 camped on the open spaces, are suffering little 
 or no hardship. It is to be hoped they may be 
 permanently sheltered before the wet season 
 commences.” — Report by Major Chown, R. M. 
 L. /., of H. M. S. “ Indefatigable dated 
 Kingston, January 29, 1907. 
 
 Relief to the stricken island came so swiftly 
 and profusely from all parts of America, Eu- 
 
 190 
 

 EARTHQUAKES 
 
 rope, and almost every part of the world, that 
 Governor Swettenham was able to telegraph on 
 the 23d of January : “Money and provisions 
 more than ample for relief. Except for rebuild- 
 ing no funds needed.” Three ships of the 
 United States Navy, despatched by Admiral 
 Evans from a Cuban port on the instant of re- 
 ceiving news of the disaster, reached Jamaica 
 on the 17th and gave assistance in clearing the 
 ruins, besides rendering hospital service and 
 furnishing food and medical supplies. For the 
 general lifting of the community from its pros- 
 tration, the British Government, in May, by 
 vote of Parliament, made a free grant to it of 
 £150,000, and a loan to the Colonial Government 
 of £800,000 more. — Correspondence relating to 
 the Earthquake at Kingston, Jamaica ( Parlia ■ 
 jnentary Papers, Cd. 3560). 
 
 Persia: A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — Destructive 
 shock in Luristan. — Seismographs in many 
 parts of the world gave token of a violent 
 earthquake on the 23d of January, 1909 ; but 
 three weeks passed before the locality of the 
 shock was learned. It proved to have been 
 centered in Western Persia, in the mountainous 
 province of Luristan, and to have been heavily 
 destructive of life. Its greatest severity was 
 
 ECHEGARAY, Jose. See (in this vol.) No- 
 bel Prizes. 
 
 ECONOMIC FORESTRY. See (in this 
 vol.) Conservation of Natural Resources. 
 
 ECUADOR: A. D. 1901-1906. — From 
 
 revolution to revolution. — General Eloy Al- 
 faro, who was made President by the revolu- 
 tion of 1895 (see in Volume VI.), was succeeded 
 peacefully in 1901 by General Leonidas Plaza, 
 and the latter, in turn, by Lugardo Garcia ; but 
 in 1906 the revolutionary method was revived in 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 reported to have been in a region at two days 
 journey from Burujurd. Many villages were 
 wholly or partly destroyed, several having been 
 completely engulfed, and the loss of life is es- 
 timated to have been between 5000 and 6000 
 people. 
 
 Portugal: A. D. 1909 (April). — Lisbon 
 and its neighborhood upheaved. — Lisbon and 
 the country surrounding it were shaken violently 
 on the evening of Friday, April 23d, 1909 There 
 were no fatalities in the city, but the outlying 
 districts suffered severely, especially the towns 
 of Benavente, Samora, and Santo Estevan. Re- 
 ports three days after the disaster announced 46 
 killed and 38 injured at Benavente and Samora. 
 Both villages were completely destroyed, and 
 their 6000 inhabitants, starving and homeless, 
 were encamped in the fields 
 
 Sumatra: A. D. 1909 (June). — Shocks 
 and sea-wave in Upper Padang district. — 
 News was received at The Hague in June, 1909, 
 of severe shocks of earthquake, on the 3d of that 
 month, at Korinchi, Upper Padang, Sumatra. 
 The shocks were accompanied by an enormous 
 sea-wave. Two hundred and thirty people were 
 killed and many injured. Much damage was 
 done. 
 
 favor of General Alfaro, and he ousted Senor 
 Garcia from the presidential chair. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1906. — Participation in Sec- 
 ond and Third International Conferences of 
 American Republics, at Rio de Janeiro. See 
 
 (in this vol. ) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Arbitration of boundary ques- 
 tion with Peru. See (in this vol.) Peru: A. D. 
 1905. 
 
 EDMONTON : Capital of the Province of 
 Alberta. See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1905. 
 
 EDUCATION. 
 
 Australia: A. D. 1907. — Latest Statistics 
 of State Schools. — Statistics published in July, 
 1909, by the Commonwealth Government show 
 that over £2,500,000 was spent on education by 
 the Australian States in 1907 in 7500 State 
 schools. The total daily average attendance at 
 the schools for the year was 444,000. The dis- 
 bursements of the States on University education 
 amounted to £113,000. 
 
 Canada: A. D. 1905. — The question of 
 State Support to Sectarian Schools revived 
 on the creation of two new Provinces. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — The founding and endow- 
 ment of Macdonald College. — On the 16tli of 
 October, 1907, there was opened a new college of 
 fine character and great importance, on a noble 
 site, overlooking the Ottawa river, at Sainte de 
 Bellevue, twenty miles west of Montreal. It 
 bears the name of its founder. Sir William Mac- 
 donald, from whom it received an endowment of 
 S4, 000, 000. This Macdonald College is divided 
 into three schools : The School for Teachers, the 
 School of Agriculture, the School of Household 
 Science. Its main purposes are announced to 
 be: (1) “ The carrying on of research work and 
 investigation and the dissemination of know- 
 ledge, with particular regard to the interests and 
 needs of the population in rural districts”; and 
 
 (2) the providing of “suitable and effective 
 training for teachers, especially for those whose 
 work will directly affect the education in schools 
 in rural districts.” It thus appropriates to itself 
 a field of education for the betterment of farm 
 life and work, the important need of which, 
 looking to everything in national character and 
 prosperity, is only beginning to be understood. 
 
 China: A. D. 1887-1907. — Christian Mis- 
 sion Schools. — “In the historical volume pre- 
 sented in 1907 at the Shanghai Conference [see, 
 in this vol., Missions, Christian] Dr. Arthur H. 
 Smith makes the following interesting compari- 
 son of the statistics presented at the three Pro- 
 testant Missionary Conferences held in China in 
 1887, 1890, and 1907: 
 
 
 1876. 
 
 1889. 
 
 1907. 
 
 Number of societies. . . 
 
 29 
 
 41 
 
 82 
 
 Foreign teachers 
 
 473 
 
 1,296 
 
 3,833 
 
 Stations and substations 
 
 602 
 
 
 5,734 
 
 Pupils in schools 
 
 4,909 
 
 16,836 
 
 57,683 
 
 “ The above statistics, although incomplete, 
 do serve as an indication of the vigorous growth 
 of Protestant missionary educational activity in 
 China. In this work the various missionary 
 foundations made their most notable advance in 
 interdenominational cooperation. In many in- 
 stances several denominations have combined in 
 
 191 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 union schools or colleges. . . . One of the chief 
 agencies in reaching this unity and effective co- 
 operation has been the Educational Association 
 of China, founded as early as 1887. . . . 
 
 “No survey of missionary education in China 
 would be complete without mention of the wide- 
 spread, well-organized Roman Catholic activi- 
 ties. Of the eleven different Catholic .orders 
 having representatives in China, the Jesuits are 
 carrying on the largest educational work. In 
 1907, in their five colleges and seventy-two 
 schools, a total of 25,335 students were enrolled. 
 All the Catholic orders together supervise the 
 instruction of over 75,000 Chinese students; this 
 total, it will be seen, being somewhat higher 
 than that of Protestant missions.” — George 
 Marvin, The American Spirit in Chinese Educa- 
 tion ( The Outlook , Non. , 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — Edicts of Reform.— 
 Modernizing of Examinations for Literary 
 Degrees and for Military Degrees. — New 
 Universities, Colleges, and Schools.- — Stu- 
 dents sent abroad. — “ An Edict on Reform in 
 Education, published by the Chinese Govern- 
 ment on the 29th of August, 1901, commanded 
 the abolition of essays or homilies on the Chinese 
 classics in examinations for literary degrees, 
 and substituted for them essays and articles on 
 modern matters, Western laws, and political 
 economy. The same procedure was also to be 
 observed in the future in the examination of 
 candidates for office. By the same Edict it was 
 ordered that as the methods in use for gaining 
 military degrees — namely, trials of strength 
 with stoneweights, agility with the great sword, 
 and marksmanship with the bow and arrow on 
 foot and on horseback — were not of the'slightest 
 value in turning out men for the army, where 
 knowledge of strategy and military science were 
 the sine qua non for military officers, these trials 
 of strength, etc., should be thenceforth abolished 
 forever. 
 
 “ Another Edict for the establishment of new 
 universities, colleges, and schools in China was 
 published on the 12th of September, 1901. It 
 commanded all existing colleges in the empire 
 to be turned into schools and colleges of Western 
 learning. ' Each provincial capital was to have a 
 University like the Peking University, whilst the 
 colleges in the prefectures and districts of the 
 various provinces were to be schools and colleges 
 of the second and third classes. 
 
 “ Another Edict, for sending students to be 
 educated abroad, was published on the 17th of 
 September, 1901. It commanded the Viceroys 
 and Governors of other provinces of the Empire 
 to follow the example of the Viceroy Liu Kun-yi 
 of Liangkiang, Chang Chihtung of Hukuang, 
 and Kuei Chun (Manchu) of Szechuen, in send- 
 ing young men of scholastic promise and ability 
 abroad to study any branch of Western science 
 or art best suited to their abilities and tastes, so 
 that they might in time return to China and 
 place the fruits of their knowledge at the service 
 of the empire. 
 
 “ Those who are acquainted with China know 
 very well that many of the Edicts of the Govern- 
 ment do not amount to much more than waste 
 paper. In this case, however, it has not been so. 
 The Imperial College in Shansi has been opened, 
 with some 300 students, in the hope that it will 
 develop into one of the provincial universities. 
 It is divided into a Chinese and a Foreign De- 
 
 partment. . . The Edicts have not been a 
 
 dead letter in the other provinces either, though 
 there has been enormous difficulty in getting a 
 sufficient number of professors to teach or of 
 text-books to use. Some Chinamen who under 
 the old system of education would not have got 
 more than £30 per annum now get £240, and 
 there are not enough of them. At the lowest 
 estimate text-books and books of general know- 
 ledge of the West to the value of £25,000 must 
 have been sold during this year alone. Books to 
 the value of £6,000 were sold by the Society for 
 the Diffusion of Christian Knowledge. 
 
 “ I subjoin a list of the new colleges opened 
 in ten different provinces in 1901-2: 
 
 Provinces. Funds provided. 
 
 Chekiang 50,000 strings of cash per annum 
 
 (about Taels 50,000, or over £6,000). 
 
 Honan 30,000 Taels per annum. 
 
 Kweichow. . . .20,000 Taels per annum. 
 
 Fookien 50,000 Mex. Dollars per annum. 
 
 (about £5,000). 
 
 Kiangsi over 60,000 Mex. Dollars per an- 
 
 num. 
 
 Kwangtung. . . 100,000 Taels per annum. 
 
 Soochow several tens of thousands of Taels. 
 
 Nanking 
 
 Shantung 50,000 Taels per annum. 
 
 Shansi 50,000 Taels per annum. 
 
 Chihli 
 
 Prefectural Colleges in Soochow. . .Taels 10,000. 
 Prefectural Colleges in Shantung 
 
 under R. C. Bishop Anzer Taels 2,000 
 
 “This comes to about half a million of Taels 
 annually for the whole Empire for modern edu- 
 cation. Such is the new departure, which dates 
 from 1901-2.” — Timothy Richard, The New 
 Education in China (Contemporary Review, Jan., 
 1903). 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Chinese Students in Japan. 
 
 — The following is from a communication to 
 the State Department at Washington from the 
 American Legation at Tokyo, under date of 
 January 3, 1906: “During the past year 
 Chinese students have come to this country in 
 continually increasing numbers. Last summer 
 the number was estimated at 5000, of whom 
 2000 had been sent at the expense of the Chi- 
 nese Government. In November the number is 
 said to have reached 8000. In addition to the 
 supervision of the Chinese legation the students 
 are looked after by eight superintendents sent 
 to reside here by their Government. 
 
 “ Until recently the Japanese authorities seem 
 to have done nothing in this matter, but the 
 magnitude of the number of Chinese students 
 finally made a certain degree of supervision on 
 their part seem wise. Accordingly, regulations 
 for controlling schools open to the Chinese were 
 promulgated by the minister for education on 
 November 2, to go into effect from the 1st 
 instant. . . . The publication of these regu- 
 lations was greeted by a storm of protest. 
 Bodies of Chinese students passed indignant 
 resolutions, saying that their liberty was being 
 assailed and seemed to find in the new rules an 
 indignity to their nationality. The restriction 
 in choosing schools and lodgings and the need 
 of a letter of recommendation annoyed them 
 most. The agitation was so great that over a 
 thousand students returned to China ; and no 
 more have been coming since the trouble.” 
 
 192 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — The administration of the De- 
 partment of Education in the Chinese Govern- 
 ment. — Under the date of November 9, 1908, the 
 Peking correspondent of the London Times wrote 
 ■of the administration of the governmental De- 
 partment of Education as follows : “ The Minis- 
 try of Education is under the presidency of a 
 learned scholar of the old type, Chang Chih-tung. 
 The old system of examination has entirely been 
 abolished. Education is improving, but there is 
 little attempt at uniformity. There is no lack of 
 •desire to learn, but the teaching outside of the 
 mission schools or of colleges under foreign con- 
 trol is quite unsatisfactory. No attempt is made 
 to obtain the services of the best man. Japan 
 engaged the best foreign teachers that money 
 could find, with the result that the standard of 
 ■education is there very high. But China seems 
 to think any teacher good enough so long as he 
 is a shade better educated than the pupil he has 
 to teach.” 
 
 On the other hand, Professor Thomas C. Cham- 
 berlin, of the University of Chicago, who spent 
 four months of the past year in China, investigat- 
 ing educational conditions, has reported that “ the 
 old. education has practically passed away, and 
 the government is making strenuous, and on the 
 whole remalkably successful, efforts to build up 
 a system of education modelled on that of Europe 
 and America. In all the larger cities of China 
 buildings have been erected, teachers and pupils 
 gathered, and schools of the modern type organ- 
 ized. In not a few cases, as, for example, at Foo- 
 ■chow and in the far west at Chentu, the old ex- 
 amination halls have been torn down to make 
 place for schools modelled on those of the west.” 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Chinese Students in America. 
 — “The disposition on the part of the Chinese 
 ■Government to send picked students to America 
 for tlieireducation, although interrupted formally 
 years after the first set of twenty came in 1872, 
 Las since 1890 shown a comparatively steady 
 growth. During the past year 155 Chinese stu- 
 dents were maintained at various educational in- 
 stitutions in this country on foundations provided 
 either by the Imperial or the Provincial Govern- 
 ments. Out of this number seventy -one are under 
 the charge of the Imperial Chinese Legation at 
 Washington; twenty-seven are under the direc- 
 tion of Chang-Chuan, Commissioner of Educa- 
 tion for the Viceroyalties of Hupuh and Kiang- 
 man ; fifty-seven others have beenduring the past 
 year under the direction of Dr. Tenny, at present 
 Chinese Secretary of our Legation at Peking. 
 These last, although coming from various parts 
 of the Empire, all received their elementary edu- 
 cation at the Peyang College in Tientsin, of which 
 Dr. Tenny was formerly principal. At the request 
 of Yuan-Shih-Kai, then Viceroy of Chihli, of 
 which province Tientsin is the chief city, Dr. 
 Tenny in 1906 assumed charge at Cambridge of 
 the Peiyang candidates sent to America, includ- 
 ing those now at Harvard and the various other 
 colleges where, at his suggestion, they were 
 quartered. Since Dr. Tenny’s return in July last 
 to Peking, his position has been filled by the ap- 
 pointment of Mr. H. F. Merrill, for many years 
 Commissioner of Customs at Tientsin. . . . 
 
 “Quite apart from this official recognition of 
 the advantages of an American education, many 
 Chinese families send their sons at their own ex- 
 pense to schools and colleges in this country. It 
 has been impossible to procure exact statistics of 
 
 the numberof these privately supported students, 
 but, according to the best advices obtainable at 
 the Chinese Legation, there are about two hun- 
 dred. . . . 
 
 “More important than anything that has yet 
 taken place in this movement of Chinese educa- 
 tion in America is the recent determination on 
 the part of the I imperial Government to devote 
 a sum equal to that placed at their disposal by 
 the remission of the Boxer indemnity to the 
 founding of an Educational Mission in this coun- 
 try. . . . According to the terms of the agree- 
 ment contained in the note of Prince Ch’ing to 
 Mr. Rockliill last July, by the end of the fourth 
 year from the inauguration of the scheme four 
 hundred students, sent by the Imperial Govern- 
 ment, will be added to the large and growing 
 number of their young fellow-countrymen al- 
 ready coming to America.” — George Marvin, 
 The American Spirit in Chinese Education ( The 
 Outlook , Nov., 1908). 
 
 An English correspondent, writing from Pe- 
 king, Sept. 24, 1909, reported: “This week 47 
 students selected by examination for proficiency 
 in English and Chinese are leaving Peking for the 
 United States to enter upon studies paid for by 
 funds from the unexpended balance of the Boxer 
 indemnity. They have been selected from nearly 
 500 candidates who competed for this great re- 
 ward from many provinces of the Empire. An 
 excellent body of young men, they ought to do 
 credit to their country.” See, also (in this vol.) 
 China: A. D. 1901-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Progress in Technical Ed- 
 ucation. — The following statements were in 
 a Press despatch from Tien-tsin, July, 1909 : 
 “Technical education in China shows unmistak- 
 able signs of extension. A very few years ago 
 nothing existed which was worthy of the name, 
 while now it is not too much to say that in the 
 course of a few years the engineering schools of 
 China will be second only to the best in Europe 
 and America. Engineering courses are now T being 
 given at the following institutions: Imperial 
 Polytechnic Institute, Shanghai ; Imperial Uni- 
 versity of Shansi, Tai-yuan-fu ; Tangshan En- 
 gineering and Mining College, Tangshan; and 
 Imperial Pei Yang University, Tien-tsin.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Formation in Great Britain 
 and America of the China Emergency Appeal 
 Committee. — “ Speaking at the Mansion House 
 meeting [London] of the China Emergency 
 Committee held under the presidency of the 
 Lord Mayor on March 16, 1909, Sir Robert Hart, 
 whose long work as Inspector-General of the 
 Imperial Chinese Customs has given him the 
 profoundest knowledge of China and its people, 
 said: ‘We are alarmed lest Western knowledge 
 and Western science may give the Chinese peo- 
 ple strength without principle, and may even 
 bring in a crude materialism without that higher 
 teaching and higher guidance which are neces- 
 sary for the best welfare of any people.’ 
 
 “It is the realization of that danger, but even 
 more a realization of the needs of China, which 
 have led to the formation of the China Emer- 
 gency Appeal Committee. ... It is the object 
 of this Committee to utilize to the full the un- 
 exampled present opportunity of establishing in 
 China institutions through which the Chinese 
 people may be trained to educate themselves in 
 the Western knowledge and civilization which 
 they have set themselves to acquire. 
 
 193 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 “There is, first, China’s crying need of med- 
 ical education — of schools and hospitals in 
 which Chinese students will be taught and prac- 
 tise medicine and surgery. . . . Not less needed 
 is the establishment of colleges and centres for 
 the training of Chinese teachers for the primary 
 and secondary schools which are being estab- 
 lished everywhere throughout this Empire of 
 400,000,000 inhabitants. The China Emergency 
 Committee appeals for £40,000 to build and 
 equip these training colleges. Thirdly, there is 
 a demand throughout China for translations of 
 European books. The demand far exceeds the 
 supply, though it is only through literature that 
 the Chinese gentleman will acquaint himself 
 with Western thought and learning. The books 
 sell in vast numbers, but the work of transla- 
 tion involves heavy preliminary expenses. . . . 
 These are the three objects for the attainment 
 of which the China Emergency Committee has 
 been established.” — London Times, July 17, 
 1909. 
 
 On the initiative of the English Committee, of 
 which Sir Robe rt Hart is chairman, a proposal 
 to move similarly in America came before a re- 
 cent conference of foreign mission boards of the 
 United States aud Canada. A committee, Rev. 
 Dr. Arthur J. Brown, chairman, to whom the 
 proposition was referred, reported favorably. 
 The conference approved the report, and pro- 
 vided that a permanent committee be appointed, 
 to consist of those serving with Dr. Brown, to- 
 gether with twelve laymen, to be chosen by the 
 committee. This new committee is “to pro- 
 mote a larger interest in Christian education in 
 China.” It will assist the boards and other 
 Christian agencies and cooperate with the general 
 education committee appointed by the Shanghai 
 conference and with the China Educational As- 
 sociation. 
 
 Cuba: A. D. 1899-1907. — Organization of 
 Schools during the American Occupation. — 
 Census-showing of resultsin 1907. — “ During 
 the American occupation of Cuba especial atten- 
 tion was given to the establishment of common 
 schools and other educational institutions. The 
 enrollment of the public schools of Cuba imme- 
 diately before the last war shows 36,306 scholars, 
 but an examination of the reports containing 
 these figures indicates that probably less than 
 half the names enrolled represented actual at- 
 tendance. There were practically no separate 
 school buildings, but the scholars were collected 
 in the residences of the teachers. There were 
 few books and practically no maps, blackboards, 
 desks, or other school apparatus. 
 
 “The instruction consisted solely in learning 
 by rote, the catechism being the principal text- 
 book, and the girls occupying their time chiefly 
 in embroidery. The teachers were allowed to 
 eke out their unpaid salaries by accepting fees 
 from the pupils. ... At the end of the first six 
 monthsof American occupation the public school 
 enrollment of the island numbered 143,120. The 
 schools were subjected to a constant and effect- 
 ive inspection and the attendance was practically 
 identical with the enrollment. . . . 
 
 “ All over the island the old Spanish barracks 
 and the barracks occupied by the American 
 troops which had been withdrawn were turned 
 into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. 
 The pressure for education was earnest and uni- 
 versal. The appropriations from the insular 
 
 treasury for that purpose during the first year 
 of American occupation amounted to four and 
 a half millions. 
 
 ‘ 1 At the close of American occupation there 
 were 121 boards of education elected by the peo- 
 ple (the system was kept out of politics); the 
 work of changing the old barracks throughout 
 the island into schoolhouses had been completed ; 
 a thoroughly modern school building costing 
 $•50,000 had been erected at Santiago; one school 
 building in Habana had 33 rooms, with a mod- 
 ern kindergarten, manual-training branch, two 
 gymnasiums, and baths; large schools had been 
 established by changes in government buildings 
 at Guineas, Pinar del Rio, Matanzas, Cieguo de 
 Avila, and Colon ; over 3600 teachers were sub- 
 jected to examination, and approximately 6000 
 persons applied for and received examination as 
 teachers. For six weeks during the summer 
 vacation of 1901, 4000 teachers were collected 
 in teachers’ institutes.” — Establishment of Free 
 Government in Cuba (58 (h Congress, 2d Session, 
 Senate Document no. 312). 
 
 “ The public-school system organized under 
 the first intervention in Cuba, is producing ex- 
 cellent results. Of the population 10 years of 
 age and over, 56.6 per cent could read, showing 
 a decided gain in that respect since 1899. Of 
 the native whites, 58.6 per cent could read, and 
 of the colored 45 per cent were similarly edu- 
 cated.” — National Geographic Magazine, Feb., 
 1909, p. 202. 
 
 Egypt: A. D. 1901-1905. — Recent De- 
 velopment of Public Primary Schools. — 
 Schools for Girls. — “Before the English oc- 
 cupation great masses of Egyptians remained 
 ignorant. Over 91 per cent, of the males and 
 almost 99 j per cent, of the females could neither 
 read nor write. Until within the last five years 
 public primary education for the poorer classes, 
 aside from the mere learning of the Koran, was 
 almost unknown. At the present time public 
 schools are being established everywhere, and 
 grants in aid of these schools are paid in propor- 
 tion to the attendance and the records made by 
 the pupils. Likewise, certain positions in the 
 civil service can be filled only by those who hold 
 certificates from schools of certain grades. As 
 a consequence there has been a great awakening 
 of interest. Most of the teachers of these public 
 schools are Mohammedan, and the schools are 
 non-Christian in their instruction. The Koran 
 is still used as a text-book for many purposes, 
 but the education is practical in its general 
 nature. The children are taught, besides read- 
 ing and writing, the elements of the sciences, 
 and they choose either French or English as the 
 foreign language which they will learn, and 
 that in which they will receive instruction in the- 
 more advanced studies where Arabic text-books 
 cannot readily be provided. It is a noteworthy 
 fact that while, in the earlier days, French was 
 the language more frequently chosen, nearly all 
 the pupils are now selecting English. There- 
 are also provisions for training in law, medicine, 
 agriculture , engineering, etc. The law school 
 is the most popular, while the agricultural col- 
 lege — although the basis of Egyptian wealth 
 and prosperity is and must always be agriculture 
 — suffers from lack of pupils. Female education 
 has not been neglected, and we may expect in 
 the near future that instead of 991 per cent, of 
 the women being unable to write, a very large- 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 per cent, of the mothers of the country will be 
 able to give their children the rudiments of edu- 
 cation at home.” — Prof. J. W. Jenks, The Egypt 
 of To-day ( International Quarterly Iiev., Oct., 
 i902). 
 
 “A revolution is a growth, not a cataclysm : 
 the seeds of the Egyptian Revolution were sown 
 in the autumn of 1901 when Miss Amina Hafiz 
 Maghrabi was admitted to the Stockwell Road 
 Training College for Teachers. Miss Amina is 
 the daughter of one of the Officials in the Ministry 
 of Public Instruction at Cairo, and after passing 
 a preliminary examination was sent to England 
 to be educated at the expense of the Egyptian 
 Government. . . . Miss Amina spent nearly 
 three years at Stockwell ; then she returned to 
 her own people ; now she is a teacher at the 
 Abbas Public Girls’ School at Cairo, and the 
 right hand of Miss Spears, the Principal ; this 
 seed is bearing fruit. No Revolution can be a 
 success unless the women take it up, and it is 
 the women who are going to turn Egypt upside 
 down ; it is the Mussulman women who have 
 already begun to do so. . . . 
 
 ‘‘The really astonishing work that has been 
 going on for nearly two years is the education 
 for the teaching profession of girls of the better 
 class aged from about fourteen to twenty. There 
 are two or three schools where these girls are 
 received as boarders, and carefully tended by 
 European mistresses ; the amazing thing is that 
 they throw aside their veils and consent to be 
 taught by men. ... In all the State schools 
 of Egypt the Koran is taught. In one corner of 
 the garden is a small room built to serve as a 
 mosque; attendance is voluntary, but three times 
 a day each girl retires there for private prayer. 
 
 “These schools have been recently founded 
 to provide female teachers ; they have not been 
 in existence long enough for any girls to have 
 completed the two-years’ course ; it may be they 
 will fail in their primary object ; it is possible 
 that the girls who have been educated will none 
 of them persevere in the teaching profession ; 
 nevertheless, as Egyptian wives and mothers, 
 they must become the leaders of the revolution.” 
 — Edmund Yerney, A Revolution in Egypt ( Con- 
 temporary Review, July, 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Gordon Memorial College at 
 Khartoum. — From the eighth annual report of 
 the Director of Education in the Sudan it ap- 
 pears that the Gordon Memorial College, founded 
 at Khartoum in 1899 (see, in Vol. VI. of this work, 
 Egypt: A. D. 1898-1899), is now composed of 
 the following educational units : “ The primary 
 school, which has been attended by 190 pupils, 
 the training college — vernacular and English — - 
 by 178, of which 150 belong to the vernacular 
 side, and the uppfer school for the training of 
 engineers and surveyors by 28 students. One 
 hundred and seventy-two are on the roll of the 
 instructional workshops. There is, he remarks, 
 no doubt whatever about the popularity of the 
 military school among the inhabitants of the 
 country, both Arab and Sudanese. Some 20 
 young men have now received commission in the 
 famous black battalions, or in the new Arab 
 levies now being raised. They have almost all 
 been well reported on. He understood that the 
 responsible Army authorities propose to increase 
 this school substantially, and to render it capable 
 of holding twice the present number of cadets.” 
 The College is reported to have “ felt the strain 
 
 of existing financial difficulties very keenly, and 
 the rate of progress has hardly been maintained 
 this year.” — 1908. 
 
 England: A. D. 1902. — The Education 
 Act, in the interest of the Voluntary or 
 Church Schools. — Text of its provisions 
 most obnoxious to the Nonconformists. — 
 “ Passive resistance ” among them to the 
 law. — Under the Education Act of 1870, which 
 created in England for the first time a system 
 of officially regulated and publicly supported 
 elementary schools (see, in Volume I. of this 
 work, Education: Modern: England: A. D. 
 1699-1870), those schools divided the work of 
 elementary education with schools of another, 
 older system, founded, maintained, and managed 
 by the churches of the country, — mainly by 
 the predominant Established Church of Eng 
 land. The public elementary schools, supported 
 out of local rates and governed by locally-elected 
 school boards were called Board Schools ; the 
 others were called Voluntary Schools. The 
 latter received some public money from an 
 annual Parliamentary grant, but nothing from 
 the local taxation which supported the former. 
 In the Voluntary Schools under church control 
 religious teaching was prescribed and given 
 systematically ; in the Board Schools it was not. 
 Those who held religious teaching, of their own 
 denominational orthodoxy, to be a vital part of 
 education, were ardent partisans of the Volun 
 tary Schools. Those who approved the exclu- 
 sion of theological differences from the teach- 
 ing of the Board Schools were equally ardent 
 champions of those. As a rule, the adherents 
 of the Established Church and of the Roman 
 Catholic Church were opponents of the public 
 system, while the Dissenters or Nonconformists 
 of all sects gave it strenuous support. Thus 
 the two systems were mischievously antago- 
 nized, and almost from the beginning of the 
 operation of the Act of 1870 it had been mani- 
 fest that one or the other must ultimately give 
 way to its rival. 
 
 In 1902 the Conservative party, in which the 
 Established Church of England is most largely 
 represented, found itself strong enough in Par- 
 liament to undertake the nationalizing of the 
 Voluntary Schools in England and Wales, in- 
 corporating them with their rivals in one recon- 
 structed national system, but securing their 
 domination in it, along with equal sharing from 
 the public purse. A Bill for the purpose was 
 proposed to the House of Commons on the 24th 
 of March by Mr. Balfour, then the Administra- 
 tion leader in the House. In his speech on a 
 motion for leave to bring it in he spoke of the 
 need of a single authority for education, pri- 
 mary, secondary, and technical ; of the disad- 
 vantages of the two organizations of elementary 
 schools, and of the absurdity of supposing that 
 the great number of Voluntary Schools and 
 Endowed Schools could be swept away and re- 
 placed at enormous public cost. The proposed 
 Bill, based on these views, would extinguish 
 the local School Boards and make the County 
 Council in counties and the Borough Council in 
 county boroughs the one local education author- 
 ity. As introduced subsequently and enacted, 
 after heated and long debate, the Bill accom- 
 plished its leading objects, so far as concerned 
 elementary education, by provisions of which 
 the following is the text : 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 “Part III. Elementary Education. 5. 
 The local education authority shall throughout 
 their area have the powers and duties of a school 
 board and school attendance committee under 
 the Elementary Education Acts, 1870 to 1900, 
 and any other Acts, including local Acts, and 
 shall also be responsible for and have the control 
 of all secular instruction in public elementary 
 schools not provided by them, and school boards 
 and school attendance committees shall be abol- 
 ished. 
 
 “ 6 . — (1) All public elementary schools pro- 
 vided by the local education authority shall, 
 where the local education authority are the coun- 
 cil of a county, have a body of managers consist- 
 ing of a number of managers not exceeding four 
 appointed by that council, together with a num- 
 ber not exceeding two appointed by the minor 
 local authority. Where the local education au- 
 thority are the council of a borough or urban 
 district they may, if they think tit, appoint for 
 any school provided by them a body of managers 
 consisting of such number of managers as they 
 may determine. 
 
 “ (2) All public elementary schools not pro- 
 vided by the local education authority shall, in 
 place of the existing managers, have a body of 
 managers consisting of a number of foundation 
 managers not exceeding four appointed as pro- 
 vided by this Act, together with a number of 
 managers not exceeding two appointed — ( a ) 
 where the local education authority are the coun- 
 cil of a county, one by that council and one by 
 the minor local authority ; and ( b ) where the 
 local education authority are the council of a 
 borough or urban district, both by that authority. 
 
 “ (3) Notwithstanding anything in this section 
 — (a) Schools may be grouped under one body 
 of managers in mauner provided by this Act; 
 and (b) Where the local education authority con- 
 sider that the circumstances of any school require 
 a larger body of managers than that provided 
 under this section, that authority may increase 
 the total number of managers, so, however, that 
 the number of each class of managers is propor- 
 tionately increased. 
 
 “ 7 . — ( 1 ) The local education authority shall 
 maintain and keep efficient all public elementary 
 schools within their area which are necessary, 
 and have the control of all expenditure required 
 for that purpose, other than expenditure for 
 which, under this Act, provision is to be made 
 by the managers ; but, in the case of a school not 
 provided by them, only so long as the following 
 conditions and provisions are complied with: — 
 
 “ (a) The managers of the school shall carry 
 out any directions of the local education author- 
 ity as to the secular instruction to be given in 
 the school, including any directions with respect 
 to the number and educational qualifications of 
 the teachers to be employed for such instruction, 
 and for the dismissal of any teacher on educa- 
 tional grounds, and if the managers fail to carry 
 out any such direction the local education au- 
 thority shall, in addition to their other powers, 
 have the power themselves to carry out the di- 
 rection in question as if they were the managers; 
 but no direction given under this provision shall 
 be such as to interfere with reasonable facilities 
 for religious instruction during school hours: 
 
 “(b) The local education authority shall have 
 power to inspect the school ; 
 
 “ (c) The consent of the local education au- 
 
 thority shall be required to the appointment of 
 teachers, but that consent shall not be withheld 
 except on educational grounds; and the consent 
 of the authority shall also be required to the dis- 
 missal of a teacher unless the dismissal be on 
 grounds connected with the giving of religious 
 instruction in the school. . . [Here follow pro- 
 visions relative to schoolhouses and teachers’ 
 dwellings.] 
 
 “ (3) If any question arises under this section 
 between the local education authority and the 
 managers of a school not provided by the author- 
 ity, that question shall be determined by the 
 Board of Education. 
 
 “ (4) One of the conditions required to be ful- 
 filled by an elementary school in order to obtain 
 a parliamentary grant shall be that it is main- 
 tained under and complies with the provisions 
 of this section. 
 
 “ (5) In public elementary schools maintained 
 but not provided by the local educational author- 
 ity, assistant teachers and pupil teachers may be 
 appointed, if it is thought fit, without reference 
 to religious creed and denomination, and, in any 
 case in which there are more candidates for the 
 post of pupil teacher than there are places to be 
 tilled, the appointment shall be made by the local 
 education authority, and they shall determine 
 the respective qualifications of the candidates 
 by examination or otherwise. 
 
 “( 6 ) Religious instruction given in a public 
 elementary school not provided by the local edu- 
 cation authority shall, as regards its character, 
 be in accordance with the provisions (if any) of 
 the trust deed relating thereto, and shall be under 
 the control of the managers : Provided that no- 
 thing in this subjection shall affect any provi- 
 sion in a trust deed for reference to the bishop 
 or superior ecclesiastical or other denomina- 
 tional authority so far as such provision gives to 
 the bishop or authority the power of deciding 
 whether the character of the religious instruction 
 is or is not in accordance with the provisions of 
 the trust deed. 
 
 “(7) The managers of a school maintained but 
 not provided by the local education authority 
 shall have all powers of management required for 
 the purpose of carrying out this Act, and shall 
 (subject to the powers of the local education 
 authority under this section) have the exclusive 
 power of appointing and dismissing teachers. 
 
 “ 8 . — (1) Where the local education authority 
 or any other persons propose to provide a new 
 public elementary school, they shall give public 
 notice of their intention to do so, and the man- 
 agers of any existing school, or the local edu- 
 cation authority (where they are not themselves 
 the persons proposing to provide the school), or 
 any ten rate payers in the a#ea for which it is 
 proposed to provide the school, may, within three 
 months after the notice is given, appeal to the 
 Board of Education on the ground that the pro- 
 posed school is not required, or that a school 
 provided by the local education authority, or 
 not so provided, as the case may be, is better 
 suited to meet the wants of the district than the 
 school proposed to be provided, and any school 
 built in contravention of the decision of the Board 
 of Education on such appeal shall be treated as 
 unnecessary. 
 
 “(2) If, in the opinion of the Board of Educa- 
 tion, any enlargement of a public elementary 
 school is such as to amount to the provision of a 
 
 196 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 new school, that enlargement shall be so treated 
 for the purposes of this section. 
 
 “ (3) Any t ransfer of a public elementary school 
 to or from a local education authority shall for the 
 purposes of this section be treated as the provision 
 of a new school. 
 
 “ 9 . The Board of Education shall, without 
 unnecessary delay, determine, in case of dispute, 
 whether a school is necessary or not, and, in so 
 determining, and also in deciding on any appeal 
 as to the provision of a new school, shall have 
 regard to the interest of secular instruction, to 
 the wishes of parents as to the education of their 
 children, and to the economy of the rates; but a 
 school for the time being recognized as a public 
 elementary school shall not be considered un- 
 necessary in which the number of scholars in 
 average attendance, as computed by the Board 
 of Education, is not less than thirty.” 
 
 The main contentions were raised by these 
 sections of the Bill, and as soon as their bearing 
 and effect were discerned the Nonconformist 
 opposition was rallied in strong force. “The 
 main ground of objection taken,” says the An- 
 nual Register, “was that, while throwing the 
 whole charge of the maintenance of denomina- 
 tional schools (apart from that of the fabrics) on 
 public funds, it failed to secure to the local pub- 
 lic any real control over the management of the 
 schools so maintained, and amounted in effect to 
 a new endowment of the Church of England ; 
 also that it perpetuated and enhanced the injus- 
 tice of the pressure of the system of religious 
 tests in the profession of elementary teaching, 
 which would now, it was said, if the Bill should 
 pass, be the permanent monopoly of Anglicans 
 in the schools educating more than half of the 
 children of the working classes. Denunciatory 
 resolutions based generally on grounds of this 
 character, were passed by the National Free 
 Church Council, the London Congregational Un- 
 ion (April 8 ), the General Committee of the Pro- 
 testant Dissenting Deputies, and other bodies ; 
 and at an early date a disposition, to which both 
 encouragement and expression were vigorously 
 administered by the British Weekly, was some- 
 what extensively shown to urge that it would be 
 the duty of Nonconformists to refuse to pay the 
 education rate if the Bill should become law. 
 Dr. Parker, of the City Temple, in a letter to the 
 Times (April 5), avowed himself earnestly in 
 favour of this policy, which was also defended 
 by the Rev. H. Price Hughs. It was opposed 
 by the Rev. John Watson, of Liverpool (known 
 in the literary world as ‘ Ian Maclaren ’), but the 
 voices of restraint among the Nonconformist op- 
 position were less audible than those of indig- 
 nant reproach and menace.” — Annual Register, 
 1902, p. 107. 
 
 The following from an article by Rev. J. 
 Guinness Rogers shows the attitude and feeling 
 of the Nonconformist opposition : 
 
 “Hitherto a certain proportion of the cost 
 of these schools has been borne by Churchmen 
 themselves, and Nonconformists have been con- 
 tent to regard that as fairly providing for the 
 sectarian teaching that was given. They did 
 not regard the arrangement as wise or salutary. 
 But they acquiesced considering that they had 
 no responsibility whatever for the denomina- 
 tional teaching that was given. The new Act 
 altered all the conditions. The State now as- 
 sumes all the responsibility for the support of 
 
 these schools. The last vestige of voluntary 
 support is swept away, and they become in 
 every sense part of the National School system. 
 The burden of their support is thrown upon 
 the public funds. Only in the matter of control 
 and of their religious teaching do they retain 
 anything of their private character. . . . They 
 are to be supported out of the public funds. 
 But they constitute a privileged class of schools 
 under private managers, and their chief teach- 
 ers have to belong to a particular Church and to 
 give instruction in its principles and doctrines. 
 It is this which has stirred the indignation of 
 Nonconformists. They conscientiously object 
 to pay for the support of schools staffed by 
 Anglican teachers and employed in the dissem- 
 ination of Anglican doctrines. . . . 
 
 “ For thirty years the Free Churches of Eng- 
 land have quietly submitted to an arrangement 
 which practically left thousands of the schools 
 under the absolute sway of the clergy. There 
 were thus vast districts of the country, and those 
 the districts least open to the free play of public 
 opinion, in which Nonconformist children were 
 forced into the ranks of the pupils, while Non- 
 conformist teachers were just as resolutely kept 
 out of these favoured preserves of sectarianism. 
 But even this did not satisfy the clergy and their 
 friends. During almost the whole of the period 
 in question there have been continual attempts 
 to secure better terms for those already so highly 
 privileged. At length came the period for de- 
 cided action. . . . The whole character of our 
 educational apparatus has been changed, and 
 changed in a manner as unfavourable to consti- 
 tutional liberty as to religious equality. School 
 boards were institutions in which Nonconform- 
 ists had taken a deep interest and in which in 
 many of the large towns they had achieved con- 
 spicuous success. They have been ruthlessly 
 swept away, and henceforth the work of educa- 
 tion in our large towns and cities is entrusted to 
 committees chosen by County Councils ; Mr. Bal- 
 four showing here the same dislike of popular 
 control as characterises his administration in the 
 House of Commons. Can it be thought wonder- 
 ful that Nonconformists have been goaded into 
 resistance by a policy so high-handed and so de- 
 termined ? We have heard enough of the intoler- 
 able strain put upon the supporters of the volun- 
 tary schools. The strain of clerical intolerance 
 and Tory partiality has become still more intoler- 
 able.” — J. Guinness Rogers, The Nonconform- 
 ist Uprising {Nineteenth Century, Oct., 1903). 
 
 A weightier and more statesman like objection 
 to the Act was set forth by the Rt. Hon. James 
 Bryce in the following : 
 
 “ Of all the causes which have kept education 
 in England, secondary as well as elementary, 
 below the level it has reached in such countries 
 as Switzerland and Scotland and New England, 
 the most deep seated is the want of popular in- 
 terest and popular sympathy. The people have 
 not felt the schools to be their own, have not 
 been associated with the management, have not 
 realised how largely the welfare and prosperity 
 of the nation depend on the instruction which 
 each generation receives. Since 1870 something 
 has been done to stimulate popular interest by 
 the creation of School Boards (whose admirable 
 work in the large towns is admitted even by the 
 Ministry which proposes to destroy them), by 
 the introduction of a large representative ele- 
 
 197 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 ment upon the governing bodies of endowed 
 secondary schools, and by entrusting County 
 and Borough Councils with power to spend 
 money upon technical instruction. What can be 
 plainer than that a wise statesmanship ought to 
 follow in the same path endeavouring to create 
 everywhere local educational authorities chosen 
 by the people and responsible to the people, 
 keeping these local authorities up to the mark 
 by making a share in the imperial grant condi- 
 tional upon full efficiency, but teaching them to 
 look upon the schools as their own, and to feel 
 that it is their own interest as parents and citizens 
 to make their schools worthy of an advancing 
 nation? No such idea has been present to those 
 who framed this Bill. It reduces, instead of in 
 creasing, the element of popular interest and 
 popular control. 
 
 “School Boards are to be swept away, and 
 with them those elected women members who 
 have been so valuable and influential an element. 
 The substituted County and Borough Councils 
 are, no doubt, elective bodies. But they have 
 so many functions already besides those educa- 
 tional functions which are now to be thrown on 
 them that the latter will play a small part, and 
 their discharge of those functions cannot be ef- 
 fectively reviewed by the people at an election. 
 Moreover, every Council is directed to act 
 through an Education Committee largely, or 
 possibly entirely, consisting of persons outside 
 their own bodies. It is certainly desirable to se- 
 cure an element of special knowledge. But the 
 policy of these committees — and policy (except 
 as regards finance) is to rest with them — will 
 never be subject to any review by the electors, 
 to whom the committees are nowise responsible. 
 The fault is still worse when we come to the 
 local managers. Where there exist only denom- 
 inational schools, there will be no popular con- 
 trol at all, for the permissive appointment by the 
 Education Committee of not more than one-tliird 
 of the local managers is a merely nominal con- 
 cession, quite illusory for the purpose of secur- 
 ing any local power, any local interest,' any local 
 sympathy. In most cases this permissive right 
 of appointment will probably be used to add to 
 the denominational managers some person or per- 
 sons recommended by them, or one of them, to 
 the Education Committee, which sits in the dis 
 tant county town and may know nothing about 
 the locality. 
 
 “ It is not from any superstitious faith in pop- 
 ular election or in what are called ‘ democratic 
 principles’ that I deplore these provisions of the 
 Bill. It is because they tend to withdraw from 
 education one of its most valuable propulsive 
 forces. Let us hear the Schools Inquiry Com- 
 missioners of 1868, among whom were the pre- 
 sent Archbishop of Canterbury, the late Bishop 
 of Winchester, and another eminent ecclesiastic. 
 
 “ ‘ No skill in organisation, no careful adapta- 
 tion of the means in hand to the best ends, can 
 do as much for education as the earnest co-oper- 
 ation of the people. The American schools ap- 
 pear to have no great excellence of method. But 
 the schools are in the hands of the people, and 
 from this fact they derive a force which seems 
 to make up for all their deficiencies. ... In 
 Zurich the schools are absolutely in the hands 
 of the people, and the complete success of the 
 system must be largely ascribed to this cause. . . . 
 It is impossible to doubt that in England also in- 
 
 ferior management, if it were backed up by very 
 hearty sympathy from the mass of the people, 
 would often succeed better than much greater 
 skill without such support.’ 
 
 “ These words were spoken of secondary edu- 
 cation. They apply with even greater force to 
 elementary. The experience of thirty-four years 
 confirms them. But there is nothing in this Bill 
 to give effect to their principle. ” — James Bryce, 
 A Few Words on the Few Education Bill {Nine- 
 teenth Century, May, 1902). 
 
 The Education Bill passed its third reading in 
 the House of Commons on the 3d of December, 
 by a vote of 246 against 123, being a majority 
 of exactly two-thirds. In the House of Lords it 
 received brief discussion and a few amendments, 
 which the Commons accepted, and it was sent 
 quickly to the King, receiving the royal assent 
 December 18. And now there came into action 
 the stubborn revolt which took the name of 
 “passive resistance,” — the refusal, that is, of a 
 considerable body of people to pay the rates 
 levied for school purposes under a law which 
 they held to be unjust. Their attitude, and the 
 consequences they suffered, in imprisonment and 
 the seizure and sale of their property, are de- 
 scribed in the following passages from an article 
 by one of the leaders of the movement : 
 
 “ It is difficult to believe that, at the beginning 
 of the twentieth century, Englishmen of high 
 character and indisputable loyalty are being 
 sent to prison for exactly the same reasons as 
 those which were urged for committing John 
 Bunvan to Bedford Gaol ; for exposing Richard 
 Baxter to the browbeating of Judge Jeffreys and 
 a sentence of eighteen months incarceration; 
 and for sending George Fox to the noisome dun- 
 geons of Carlisle and Derby, Lancaster and Lon- 
 don. Americans cannot credit it. The colonists 
 of Canada and Australia say, ‘ Can these things 
 be ? and even Englishmen would never accept 
 the humiliating conclusion, if they were not con- 
 fronted by the undeniable fact. The fact is that 
 nearly one hundred freemen of England, respect- 
 able and God-fearing citizens, have been sen- 
 tenced to different periods of imprisonment since 
 November, 1903. . . . 
 
 “ Imprisonment is only one phase of this ad- 
 vancing cause ; another is that of the public sale 
 of the furniture, pictures and books of those who 
 refuse to submit. The first sale was at Wirks- 
 worth, in Derbyshire, on June 26th, 1903; and 
 it has been followed by about 1,600 more in dif- 
 ferent towns and villages, all over England. . . . 
 In one extremely flagrant instance, one hundred 
 pounds’ worth of goods were taken for the sum 
 of fifteen shillings, and in many cases fidelity 
 to conscience has meant loss of trade and of 
 position, i . . No less than 40,000 summonses 
 have been sent forth by the overseers to compel 
 recalcitrant rate-payers to appear before the 
 magistrates and ‘show cause’ why they will 
 not pay. . . . 
 
 “ Now, it is for that process we cannot and 
 will not pay any rate whatever. We object to 
 many of the provisions of the Education Acts. 
 They are anti democratic, unfair, unjust; they 
 are destructive of educational efficiency and so 
 c.ial peace ; but the one thing that has created 
 the Passive Resistance movement is not the de- 
 struction of the School Board, not the loss of pop- 
 ular control, but this intrusion into the realm 
 of conscience by the State. That is the prime 
 
 198 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 factor in this situation. To that ‘ wc will not 
 submit,’ declared l)r. Fairbairn to Mr. Balfour 
 when the Bill was before the House. In short, we 
 say with Bunyan to our persecutors, ‘ Where 
 I cannot obey actively, there I am willing to 
 lie down, and to suffer what they shall do unto 
 me.’” — John Clifford, Passive Resistance in 
 England and Wales ( North American Review, 
 March, 1905). 
 
 In Wales, where the Nonconformists are very 
 strong, the resistance became more than passive. 
 The County Councils refused generally to put the 
 Act into operation, and Parliament, in August, 
 1904, passed what was described as the “Welsh 
 Coercion Act,” to compel their obedience to it. 
 This Act authorized the central Board of Educa- 
 tion, in the case of a county proclaimed in de- 
 fault to provide for Church schools and to de- 
 duct such appropriation from the Government 
 rant for educational uses to the county. As the 
 eficit thus caused in the sum available for the 
 National schools would have to be made up by 
 the county, the recalcitrant county would thus 
 indirectly be saddled with the maintenance of 
 the Church schools. But Welsh resistance was 
 not so easily overcome ; for a new plan was 
 devised, according to which every proceeding 
 under the Coercion Act would be met by the re- 
 signation of county education committees and 
 managers of the National schools. This would 
 paralyze the central Board, which has no power 
 to fill the places thus vacated. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Church Attendance in School 
 Hours. — A circular issued by the Board of Ed- 
 ucation, in July, relative to the taking of chil- 
 dren from Church schools, during school hours, 
 to attend Church services on Saints' days, caused 
 great dissatisfaction and complaint in Church 
 circles. The practice had been permitted hitherto ; 
 but the Board ruled that school time-tables mak- 
 ing provision for this must have the sanction 
 of the local school authorities, which in many 
 cases were opposed to the practice. A “Church 
 Schools Emergency League ” was now organized 
 to contest the action of the Board. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — Underfed School Children. — 
 An order issued by the Local Government Board, 
 in April, directed that, in the case of school 
 children under sixteen, found to be underfed, 
 who were not blind, deaf or dumb, and who 
 were living with a father not in receipt of relief, 
 there must be application for relief made to the 
 guardians of the poor by a teacher empowered 
 by the managers, or by an officer authorized by 
 the education authorities. The guardians must 
 then investigate the case and decide whether 
 relief should be given as a loan or in the ordi- 
 nary mode, and notify the father accordingly ; 
 thus giving the parent the opportunity to make 
 the needed provision himself. If he did not do 
 so, the guardians were empowered to recover 
 from him the cost of the necessary relief by 
 county court process. 
 
 The report of the Board of Education for the 
 year 1907-1908, published in March, 1909, states 
 with reference to the feeding of necessitous 
 school children that: “From December 21, 1906, 
 when the Education (Provision of Meals) Act, 
 1906, came into operation, to July 31, 1908, 51 
 local education authorities have been authorized 
 to spend money from the rates in providing 
 food for school children. Of the 20 authorities 
 referred to in last year’s report as having taken 
 
 power to spend money for this purpose 14 have 
 obtained sanction to spend money in a second 
 year.’’ 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Education Bill passed by the 
 House of Commons and killed by amend- 
 ments in the House of Lords. — The defeat of 
 the Conservatives and Unionists in the Parlia- 
 mentary elections of January, 1906, was as- 
 cribed very largely to popular dissatisfaction 
 with the Education Act of 1902. Hence, on 
 the resignation of the Balfour Ministry and the 
 call of the Liberals, under Sir Henry Campbell- 
 Bannerman, to the administration of the Gov- 
 ernment, the new masters of legislative authority 
 were held to have received a mandate from the 
 people to amend the objectionable law. On the 
 9th of April a Bill to that, end was brought for- 
 ward by Augustine Birrell, President of the 
 Board of Education and again the old disputes 
 over denominational religious teaching in schools 
 supported by the public at large were re-en- 
 livened and re-lieated, in Parliament and out. 
 In December it passed the House of Commons 
 by a majority of 192, and went to the Lords. A 
 succinct and clear statement of the intent of the 
 Bill, as framed by the Government, was given in 
 an article contributed to The Outlook of August 
 4, 1906, by Dr. Clifford Webster Barnes, Special 
 Commissioner of the Religious Education Asso- 
 ciation to investigate moral and religious instruc- 
 tion in European schools. In the framing of the 
 Bill it had been assumed that the overwhelming 
 majority which swept the new Government into 
 power had determined that the following prin- 
 ciples should be enacted into law: 1. Unification 
 of the public school system. 2 . Complete local 
 control where public funds are received. 3. 
 Abolition of religious tests for teachers. 
 
 “The new bill by its first clause,” wrote Dr. 
 Barneg, “has virtually met these three require- 
 ments. It makes it impossible for the State, 
 hereafter, to recognize or provide for any school 
 unless it comes under the absolute control of the 
 local authority ; and as church boards are thus 
 supplanted, religious tests for teachers need no 
 longer be feared. In later clauses, also, special 
 safeguards are arranged to protect the teachers 
 from this sort of test. If the bill, after providing 
 the necessary machinery with which to carry 
 out its first clause, went no further, the extreme 
 Nonconformist would undoubtedly have given it 
 most hearty support, and the wrath of the Church 
 party might possibly have been no greater. But 
 love for fair play has prevailed in the Cabinet, 
 and the Liberal Government has proved its right 
 to the title by introducing, in clauses 2, 3, and 4, 
 special provisions for leasing the denominational 
 schools and for permitting their owners to give 
 the religious instruction distinctive of the church 
 to which they belong. . . . 
 
 “The bill, therefore, makes the following con- 
 cessions : 
 
 “ 1. For the purpose of continuing any exist- 
 ing voluntary school it permits the local author- 
 ity, on some arrangement being made with the 
 owners, to take over such school, provided it is 
 structurally fit. The State will then pay the en- 
 tire cost of maintenance, keep the property in 
 good repair, and use it only between the hours 
 of 9 a. m. and 4 p. m., from Monday to Friday 
 inclusive. At all other times the owners are 
 privileged to do with it as they see fit. On two 
 mornings of the week, between 9 and 9.45, the 
 
 199 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 religious teaching peculiar to the denomination 
 owning the property may be given, but children 
 whose parents do not wish such teaching are to 
 be excused during that time. 
 
 “2. In urban areas where there is a population 
 of five thousand or over, a Church school may 
 remain as denominational as at present, the dis- 
 tinctive dogmas of the Church being taught as 
 much as may be desired, provided the parents of 
 four-fifths of the children vote in favor of this 
 arrangement, and provided, also, that there are 
 accommodations in some neighboring school for 
 those whose parents prefer undenominational in- 
 struction. In every case that portion of the re- 
 ligious teaching which is distinctively denomi- 
 national must be paid for by the church giving 
 it. Statistics show that by this concession one 
 hundred per cent, of the Jewish schools will be 
 able to preserve their denominational character, 
 seventy-five per cent, of the Catholic schools, 
 fifty per cent, of the Wesleyan, and twenty-five 
 per cent, of the Church of England. By the 
 previous concession, of course, all the remaining 
 schools of the various denominations will be able 
 to give their distinctive theological teaching on 
 two mornings of each week. 
 
 “ But this denominational instruction is not 
 the only religious education which the schools 
 will provide. By the bill of 1870 local authori- 
 ties were permitted to introduce a kind of sim- 
 ple Bible teaching which has been nicknamed, 
 front the author of the act, ‘ Cowper-Temple- 
 ism.’ It consists of Bible lessons covering 
 the Old and New Testaments arranged accord- 
 ing to some well-planned syllabus, the majority 
 of these being modeled after that of the London 
 County Council. The exercise opens with 
 prayer and a hymn, after which the children tell 
 the Bible story of the day and are assisted by 
 the teacher to draw from it some suitable moral 
 lesson, but no creed or religious formulary dis- 
 tinctive of any denomination can be used. This 
 teaching must be given in the first hour of the 
 morning, between 9 and 9.45, and any child 
 may be excused from attendance upon the re- 
 quest of its parent. It is a significant fact that 
 the Nonconformists of 1870 were unanimously 
 opposed to the Cowper-Temple clause, and that 
 it was put through only by the strong and 
 united effort of the bishops. Now it is the Non- 
 conformists who, to a man, favor this kind of 
 instruction, while some at least of the bishops, 
 in their eagerness to preserve denominational- 
 ism, go so far as to say ‘ this teaching under- 
 mines the foundations of Christianity.’” 
 
 In the House of Lords the Bill came under the 
 Church influences which had dictated the Act 
 of 1902, and it was slashed with amendments 
 which would totally reverse its operation on all 
 the controverted points. That procedure killed 
 the measure, of course; and so the burning 
 school question remains unsettled, while Eng- 
 land gives much thought to another question, 
 — What to do with the House of Lords ? — See 
 England : A. D. 1906 (April-Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). — Failure to compro- 
 mise the Religious Sectarian Differences 
 concerning Public Education. — Attempts 
 to negotiate a compromise with the religious 
 bodies whose antagonism wrecked the Educa- 
 tion Bill of 1906 went so far as to induce the 
 Government, in November, 1907 , to introduce a 
 Bill embodying the points on which agreement 
 
 had been reached. The outcome was stated in 
 the report of the Board of Education for 1907-8, 
 as follows: “It became apparent after some 
 progress had been made in Committee that de- 
 nominational assent could only be obtained by- 
 still further concessions, including a substantial 
 increase in the grant to contracting-out schools. 
 Your Majesty’s Government have always main- 
 tained that the number of schools availing them- 
 selves of the privilege of contracting-out, must 
 be strictly limited, that the grant provided by 
 the Bill was sufficient to afford a limited num- 
 ber of schools a reasonable chance of existence,, 
 and that to increase the grant beyond this sum 
 would enable the great majority of schools to- 
 take advantage of the privilege, and would in- 
 volve the establishment of a system of contract- 
 ing-out as the rule instead of the exception. 
 In view of the impossibility of obtaining agree- 
 ment without such amendments as were, in the 
 opinion of your Majesty’s Government, inad- 
 missible, it was found necessary to withdraw 
 the Bill.” 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Provisions of the Children 
 Act relating to Industrial and Reformatory 
 Schools. See (in this vol.) Children, under 
 the Law. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Oxford Teaching for 
 Working People. — In 1908 the Convocation of 
 the University of Oxford passed a statute which 
 gave the University Extension Delegacy power 
 to form a committee consisting of working-class 
 representatives in equal numbers with members 
 of the Delegacy, with the object of enabling 
 Oxford to take its proper share in the work of 
 providing higher education for the manual work- 
 ing classes. In January, 1909, the committee 
 organized eight tutorial classes, at Chesterfield, 
 Glossop, Littleborough, Longton, Oldham, Roch- 
 dale, Sv^don and Wrexham. At the end of 
 the firs(^^fc|lve weeks of the work results were 
 reportec^^Mollows: “The number of students 
 enrolled \^fcabout 234, among whom were 20 
 women ; |^Bgll of these pledged themselves 
 to study.^^^fcuously under the supervision of 
 the tutorsJHBided by Oxford for a period of 
 three yeai^l^rlie subjects studied were indus- 
 trial history and economics. . . . The members 
 with few exceptions are men and women engaged 
 in manual labour during the day. Out of 169 
 students 48 were engineers, 35 were engaged in 
 the textile industries, 17 belonged to the build- 
 ing trades, 12 were labourers, ten were potters, 
 seven were in the clothing trades, five were 
 miners, and four were printers. Sixty per cent, 
 of the 234 students were under the age of 34. 
 Many of them were members' of working-class 
 organizations. . . . Few students abandoned 
 the classes after beginning to attend them, ex- 
 cept for reasons such as illness, overtime or 
 unemployment. The average attendances are 
 about 90 per cent, of the maximum, possible. 
 The paper work in some cases would probably 
 compare with the work done by first-class stu- 
 dents in the final honours schools at Oxford. . . . 
 The committee consider that any movement to- 
 shorten the hours of labour would enormously 
 increase the opportunities for higher education 
 among work people.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Official Reports and State- 
 ments of the extent and operation of the 
 English agencies of Public Education. — 
 On the 2 d of March, the President of the Board 
 
 200 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 of Education, Mr. Ilunciman, received a depu- 
 tation of the Parliamentary Committee of the 
 Trade Union Congress, who presented a resolu- 
 tion passed at the Congress stating that no so- 
 lution of the educational problem would be sat- 
 isfactory that did not give free education from 
 the elementary school to the University, and 
 demanding the immediate abolition of fees in 
 secondary schools and technical colleges. One 
 of the speakers of the deputation complained 
 that secondary school fees were mounting so 
 high that working people could not afford to 
 pay them, and that in some cases the rule as to 
 the reservation of 25 per cent, of free places in 
 secondary schools had not been observed. Mr. 
 Ilunciman, in reply, said that the difficulties 
 which had been raised centered around local 
 finance. The Board of Education had not been 
 idle during the last three years in assisting local 
 authorities, especially for secondary education. 
 In the year 1906-7 the grant for this purpose 
 amounted to £480,000 ; £691,000 was granted in 
 1907-8 ; and in the estimate for 1908-9 £802,000 
 was put aside for secondary education ; and as 
 far as he could see at present the amount to be 
 granted for secondary education purposes next 
 year would be even larger. ... Of the total 
 number of secondary schools which were now 
 required to comply with the free places regula- 
 tion, 368, or more than half, provided in 1907-8 
 more than the stipulated 25 per cent., and the 
 great majority of the whole of them provided 
 the 25 per cent. There were, it was true, a num- 
 ber of cases where a smaller number of free 
 places had been granted, but that fact was due 
 purely to local considerations. . . . He should 
 do all he could to prevent secondary schools 
 from becoming class schools, but it was not 
 every child who was suitable to enter a^s econd- 
 ary school, and they must have a fa®fc good 
 standard examination for the chl^Hr who 
 wished to enter. He would very mi^^leplore 
 indeed if the cost of secondary eduea^^Lwere to 
 make it prohibitive, or so to restri allow 
 
 it to be open only to the children ^^Hrl-to-do- 
 parents. He hoped, before the nejj^^ulations 
 were published, to clear away some of the ob- 
 stacles in the direction of throwing open a larger 
 number of free places to scholars and towards 
 making the secondary schools as much schools 
 for the clever poor children as for the clever 
 rich children. 
 
 A few days later in March the report of the 
 general Board of Education for the school year 
 1907-8 was issued, bringing statistical informa- 
 tion of the English schools down to the 31st of 
 July in the latter year. During the year then 
 ended, the number of new public elementary 
 schools sanctioned under the Education Act, 
 1902, was, in England, 215, giving accommoda- 
 tion for 80,351 children, and in Wales 64, ac- 
 commodating 13,942 students. Enlargements, 
 numbering 94 and 21 respectively, provided ac- 
 commodation for 17,697 children in England and 
 3,407 in Wales. During the year ending July 
 31, 1907, the number of ordinary public element- 
 ary schools in England and Wales increased by 
 44, the council schools increasing by 223, while 
 the number of voluntary schools decreased by 
 179. One hundred voluntary schools were trans- 
 ferred to local education authorities. During 
 the next 12 months the number of schools grew 
 by 47, the number of council schools having 
 
 increased by 205, and the number of voluntary 
 schools having decreased by 158. 
 
 As regards higher elementary schools, 35 
 schools of the new type existed on August 1, 
 1907, by which date there were left 26 such 
 schools of the old type. The changes during 
 the succeeding year brought the total number 
 of higher elementary schools of the new type 
 to 38, and the number of such schools of the old 
 type to 21 by August 1, 1908. The number of 
 scholars on the registers of elementary schools 
 decreased during 1906-7 by 22,584, due mainly 
 to a continued diminution in the number of 
 scholars under five years of age. During 1907-8 
 the number of scholars on the registers increased 
 by 12,166, a further decrease in the number of 
 scholars under five being more than balanced 
 by a large increase in the number of scholars 
 between the ages of five and twelve. 
 
 The report records a growth of secondary 
 schools receiving grants from the Board, both in 
 the numbers of such schools and of the pupils 
 attending them, and also in their effectiveness. 
 The Board adds: “There are still areas where 
 the amount of public secondary school provision 
 is wholly inadequate, or where its quality falls 
 much short of any standard that can be regarded 
 as even provisionally satisfactory. But there is 
 no area in which the Board have to note actual 
 retrogression.” 
 
 As regards evening schools, the report says : 
 “ The total number of students enrolled in these 
 schools during 1906-7 diminished from 749,491 
 to 736,512; but there was a considerable increase 
 in the number of efficient students.” 
 
 Statistics of the elementary schools of London 
 for the year 1907-8, published in March, 1909, 
 in the annual report of the education officer of 
 the London County Council, showed that the 
 average number of children on the rolls of schools 
 maintained by the Council during the year was 
 731,706. Of this number, 566,086 were on the 
 rolls of London County Council schools and 165, - 
 620 on the rolls of non-provided schools. The 
 average number of children in attendance during 
 the year was 650,861, of whom 505,698 were at 
 London County Council schools and 145,163 at 
 non-provided schools. The total number of 
 teachers engaged on March 31, 1908, was 17,562, 
 of whom 13,030 were in London County Council 
 schools and 4,532 in non-provided schools. The 
 salaries of these teachers amounted to £1.820,816 
 and £443,468 respectively. On March 31, 1908, 
 the average salaries of head teachers and certi- 
 ficated assistants (excluding teachers “on sup- 
 ply ”) were — for masters in London County 
 Council schools, £174 13s. 4d., and for mistresses, 
 £125 11s. ; for masters in non-provided schools, 
 £144 Is. 7d., and for mistresses, £104 6s. 3d. 
 
 With reference to the size of classes the report 
 states that the number of pupils per class teacher 
 was, in the case of London County Council 
 schools, ,44.8, and in the case of non-provided 
 schools 37.5. Ten years ago the number was 
 55.2. 
 
 The gross expenditure on elementary schools 
 was, approximately, £4,000,000. The cost of 
 London County Council schools was about £3,- 
 400,000, and of non-provided schools £600,000. 
 About £1,257,000 of Government grant was 
 earned and of this £971,000 was in respect of 
 London County Council schools and £286,000 
 in respect of non-provided schools. 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 Under the Education (Administrative Provi- 
 sions) Act, 1907, the London County Council is 
 empowered to provide vacation schools or classes 
 during the holidays, or assist voluntary agencies 
 formed for this purpose. Hitherto the council 
 has given assistance to voluntary agencies, but 
 in 1909 it was proposed by the Children’s Care 
 (Central) Sub-Committee of the Education Com- 
 mittee of the council that the council should 
 itself organize vacation schools. 
 
 Debate in the House of Commons on the Edu- 
 cation Estimates was opened by the President of 
 the Board of Education, Mr. Runciman, on the 
 14th of July. In the course of his speech he 
 made the following statements: 
 
 “The Board of Education is now one of the 
 greatest of the spending departments, and a 
 rough estimate of the amount of public money 
 spent on public education in this country shows 
 that we have cognizance of an expenditure of 
 something like £28,000,000 on elementary, sec- 
 ondary, and higher education, and over and 
 above that of a sum of probably £8,000,000 to 
 £10,000,000 spent by other authorities and other 
 persons. These estimates affect no fewer than 
 3,000,000 parents and about 6,000,000 children. 
 The improvement which has been made in the 
 elementary education system during the last 
 five years has been mainly machinery improve- 
 ment rather than improvement in the curricu- 
 lum. 
 
 “The secondary and technical branches of the 
 work which were formerly under the control 
 of South Kensington are now treated as two dif- 
 ferent departments. In the old days technical 
 education was too teclmicalized and too little in 
 touch with the practical affairs, necessities, and 
 actual circumstances of life. It has been the 
 object of the Board of Education therefore to 
 generalize secondary education, and so far as it 
 comes under the control of the Board to make 
 technical education more practical with a closer 
 bearing on the duties likely to be required from 
 the young men and women who pass through 
 these classes. The improvement has been led, 
 as might have been expected, in the North of 
 England, where classes have been definitely 
 graded. . . . 
 
 “The secondary schools of England and Wales 
 have shown a most marked improvement, both 
 in numbers and character, during the last few 
 years. Progress has been noted in several direc- 
 tions. First of all, the number of schools aided 
 by grants and the number of pupils attending 
 those schools have gone up year by year since 
 1902. The 272 secondary schools of that year 
 have increased to 800, and even since 1905-06 the 
 increase has been at the same rate. I think in 
 1905-06 there were only about 600 secondary 
 schools in this country ; now there are over 800. 
 About 60 new secondary schools are being added 
 every school year, and the number of pupils is 
 increasing to an even greater extent. The increase 
 during the years 1902-05 was about 6,000 per 
 annum, and the increase now has risen to over 
 10,000 per annum, so that the total number of pu- 
 pils in secondary schools is now 134,000, or very 
 nearly 135,000. The grants which have been 
 made to secondary schools have, of course, in- 
 creased very considerably. It is impossible to 
 expect local authorities to spend much of their 
 money on the expenses of secondary schools 
 unless they receive a large measure of State aid. 
 
 The grants have gone up during the seven years 
 from 1902 to the present time from £129,000 per 
 annum to over half a million ; and this great in- 
 crease in pupils, in the amount of money spent 
 on the schools, and in the number of schools in 
 the country, has been marked at the same time 
 by a raising of the standard of the teachers em- 
 ployed in those schools, by an increase in the 
 length of the school life of the pupils who attend 
 those schools, and by an incalculable improve- 
 ment in the curriculum and the efficiency of 
 those schools. 1 think we may look back with 
 satisfaction on the increase of the secondary 
 schools over which we have control.’’ 
 
 At the annual conference of the National Union 
 of Teachers, held at Morecambe, in April, 1909, 
 with about 2000 in attendance, the address of the 
 incoming President contained some interesting 
 statements relative to the national teaching staff . 
 “ The character of the teaching staff in the ele- 
 mentary schools of England and Wales,” he re- 
 marked, “ as shown by the latest available return 
 of the Board of Education, was: Of certificated 
 teachers, 89,078, or 49 percent.; of uncertificated 
 teachers, 40,569, or 22 per cent.; of supplement- 
 ary teachers, 21,984, or 12 per cent.; and of pu- 
 pil teachers, 27,227, or 15 per cent. The 22,000 
 so-called supplementary teachers, possessing 
 scarcely any educational equipment, were utterly 
 unfitted in most cases for the important duties 
 they were called upon to perform. Their sole 
 passports to the teaching profession were that 
 they must be at least one year over 17 and had 
 been successfully vaccinated; yet they were an- 
 swerable for the education of nearly 600,000 chil- 
 dren. The Board of Education proposed that in 
 future each member of this class of teacher should 
 count on the staff for 20 instead of 30 children, 
 while other regulations provided for the limitation 
 of the numbers to be employed in the schools, and 
 for the withdrawal by the board of the recogni- 
 tion of a supplementary teacher at any time if 
 not efficient. This was indeed a step in the right 
 direction, and showed that Mr. Runciman was 
 really solicitous that there should be an improve- 
 ment in the quality of the teachers at work in the 
 schools. There were also many young persons 
 termed student teachers whose academic training 
 was unexceptionable. They were really appren- 
 tices, but the Board of Education had regarded 
 each of these young people, who might never have 
 been in an elementary school before, or done a 
 day’s teaching anywhere, and who were away one 
 day out of every.five, as an efficient teacher equal 
 to educating 45 children on every occasion on 
 which the school was opened. . . . There were 
 some 500 well-equipped college-trained certifi- 
 cated teachers waiting to fill the gap which would 
 be caused by the new regulations of the Board 
 of Education, and an additional 4,000 would be 
 seeking employment in August.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Revival of Passive 
 Resistance to the Act of 1902. — The defeat 
 of the Education Bill of 1906 wakened the spirit 
 of “passive resistance” afresh; but it was not 
 until May, 1909, that a reorganization of the 
 movement was undertaken. As the result of a 
 conference then held in London, under the presi- 
 dency of Dr. Clifford, resolutions were adopted 
 for the “organizing of the whole passive resist- 
 ance forces of the country into a new league,” 
 to act on the following lines : “ (1) Suffering 
 imprisonment where the resister has no distrain- 
 
 202 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 able goods ; (2) suffering the distraint of goods 
 without repurchase ; (3) suffering distraint of 
 goods and afterwards buying them back ; (4) 
 protesting before the magistrates and then pay- 
 ing, on order, the rate.” It was also resolved to 
 urge upon the Government “the absolute neces- 
 sity of encouraging from national funds the 
 building at the earliest practicable moment of 
 council schools in those areas in which there are 
 no undenominational schools, and also the pro- 
 vision of unsectarian colleges in all parts of the 
 country where these are needed.” 
 
 To a delegation from the League which 
 waited, subsequently, on the Head of the Board 
 of Education, Mr. Runciman, the latter said, 
 with reference to the Act of 1902, that it “could 
 not be got rid of by administration. It would 
 be a mischievous precedent for any Minister to 
 attempt to undo what Parliament had done. He 
 was, however, prepared to administer the Act 
 fairly and justly, and he was not going to show 
 any favour to any particular class of school. 
 Dealing with the question of the improvements 
 in the conditions governing the existence of 
 training colleges, he said that during the past 
 12 months the accommodation in training col- 
 leges for Nonconformist teachers, or those who 
 were not prepared to be bound by any denomina- 
 tional creed, had greatly increased. Since 1905 
 there had been a gradual increase, until there 
 now existed 3,800 more places for that class of 
 teacher than existed when the Government came 
 into power.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Educational demands of the 
 Trade Unions. — The British Trade Union Con- 
 gress, at Ipswich, in September, 1909, adopted 
 a resolution urging workers to continue their 
 efforts to secure Parliamentary and municipal 
 recognition of the trade union education policy, 
 which demanded : — “ (1) The State maintenance 
 of school children ; (2) scientific physical educa- 
 tion, with individual medical inspection and 
 records of the physical development of all chil- 
 dren attending State schools, and skilled medical 
 attendance and treatment for any requiring it ; 
 and in order to secure this : — (a) the develop- 
 ment of the Medical Department at the Board 
 of Education, the head of w T hich should be di- 
 rectly responsible to the Board of Education, to 
 whom he shall report annually ; ( b ) the payment 
 of an adequate grant from the Imperial Excheq- 
 uer for purposes of medical inspection and for 
 the establishment under every education author- 
 ity of properly equipped centres for medical 
 treatment ; ( c ) the establishment under every 
 education authority of scientifically organized 
 open air recovery schools, the cost to be borne 
 by the community as a whole and not in any 
 part by charitable contributions ; (3) the complete 
 dissociation of these reforms from Poor Law ad- 
 ministration ; (4) that secondary and technical 
 education be an integral part of every child’s 
 education and be secured by such a reform and 
 extension of the scholarship system as would 
 place a maintenance scholarship within the reach 
 of every child, and thus make it possible for all 
 children to be full time day pupils up to the age 
 of 16 ; (5) that the best intellectual and technical 
 training be provided for the teachers of the chil- 
 dren, that each educational district be required 
 to train the number of pupil teachers demanded 
 by local needs and to establish training colleges, 
 preferably in connexion with Universities or 
 
 University colleges; (6) that the provision of 
 educational buildings and facilities be obligatory 
 upon the local authority, who should always 
 maintain administrative control of the buildings 
 and the facilities so provided ; (7) that the cost 
 of education be met by grants from the Imperial 
 Exchequer and by the restoration of misappro- 
 priated educational endowments ; and further, 
 having regard to the increasing cost of popular 
 education, and also to the increasing value and 
 notoriously undemocratic administration of the 
 University and public school endowments, the 
 Congress called upon the Parliamentary Com- 
 mittee to press the Government to appoint a 
 Royal Commission to inquire into and report 
 upon the educational endowments of the coun- 
 try.” 
 
 France: A. D. 1903. — Execution of the 
 Associations Law. — Closing of the schools 
 of the Religious Orders. — State Monopoly 
 of Education established. See (in this vol.) 
 France : A. D. 1901 (April-Oct.), and 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Enlistment of teachers in 
 the Syndicalist (Labor Union) Movement. 
 See Labor Organization : France : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — A late awakening to the need 
 of better technical and industrial training. — 
 France has been slow in understanding the mod- 
 ern necessity of systematic industrial training 
 and technical education, in order to keep her 
 workmen abreast of the more alert and enter- 
 prising peoples in efficiency and skill. She has 
 trusted too long, it seems, to the old customs of 
 apprenticeship, and apprenticeship has decayed 
 in her workshop practice, as it has decayed every- 
 where else. The situation, as brought recently 
 to notice, was described as follows in a Paris 
 letter to the London Times, in May, 1909 : 
 
 “ Legislative enactments of recent date, limit- 
 ing the hours of labour for young people and 
 placing under strict regulations those workshops 
 where children and adults are employed together, 
 have led to so much discontent among employers 
 who take apprentices that the majority of the 
 masters, especially those who obtain no immedi- 
 ate profit from the work of the apprentices, have 
 abandoned the practice of endeavouring to train 
 young people likely to be of use to them in the 
 future. The consequences are that the level of 
 professional skill and competence is becoming 
 lowered among the rising generation of work- 
 men, and all are now agreed that the discovery 
 of some remedy is a matter of extreme urgency. 
 It seems to be admitted that in a very few years 
 this evil may become one of fatal importance in 
 the case more especially of the art industries and 
 of those involving mechanical skill. 
 
 “ The report of the Parliamentary Commission 
 appointed to make inquiry into this question has 
 just been published, together with the draft of 
 the proposed legislation on this subject, while 
 the resolutions adopted at a Congress of Com- 
 merce and National Industries, which lias just 
 taken place at Paris, are entirely in accord with 
 the views and suggestions of the above Commis- 
 sion. 
 
 “The remedies unanimously demanded are as 
 follows : — 1. That it be made compulsory for 
 all young persons of both sexes, under 18 years 
 of age, who may be employed either in commerce 
 or industry, to attend courses of technical in- 
 struction ( cours de perfectionnement). 2. These 
 courses are to take place in the daytime, upon 
 
 203 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 days and at hours determined for each locality 
 by committees composed of representatives of 
 the municipal authorities, the associations of 
 manufacturers, and of the workpeople. The 
 selection of the dates and hours in question is to 
 be made in such a way as to accord best with 
 the respective interests of the manufacturers 
 and the educational requirements. Employers 
 will be bound to enable their workpeople to 
 set apart sufficient time to attend the classes. 
 3. The course of instruction is to be adapted in 
 each district to the requirements of the local 
 trades.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Clerical attack on the Sec- 
 ular or Neutral Schools. — Antagonism be- 
 tween the Roman Catholic Church and the Gov- 
 ernment was newly accentuated in October, 1909, 
 by a clerical attack on the so-called “neutral” 
 schools, — that is, the secular or lay schools, 
 publicly maintained and administered. This 
 was opened by a pastoral letter, signed by 
 French cardinals, archbishops, and bishops, in 
 which those faithful to the Church were warned 
 against sending their children to these schools, 
 whose religious neutrality was said to be in real- 
 ity a bitter opposition to religion and church. 
 The Catholic schools, it was urged, must be 
 kept up if the Church is to be kept up. “In 
 proportion as the schools from which religious 
 instruction is banished keep on filling up, our 
 churches will grow empty.” The pastoral let- 
 ter put the ban on more than a dozen text-books 
 on French history and civics whose views it 
 found pernicious. “If, therefore,” the letter 
 concluded, “parents perceive that the souls of 
 their children are imperilled in the so-called neu- 
 tral schools, they must not hesitate, under pain 
 of forfeiting the sacraments of the church.” 
 
 This roused anti-clerical extremists to demand 
 the establishing of a State monopoly of educa- 
 tion, making the lay school compulsory and 
 suppressing all private schools in which religion 
 is taught. But the sounder republicans, in pub- 
 lic life and in journalism, gave no countenance 
 to this. The Petite Republiqxie reminded its ad- 
 vocates that there are at present 1,122,375 chil- 
 dren who attend private schools, and that to 
 establish Government schools for them would 
 cost some §75,000,000; or, if secondary schools 
 be included, $88,000,000. In addition an annual 
 expenditure of $15,000,000 would be necessi- 
 tated for upkeep and salaries. The Temps, 
 taking higher grounds of principle, condemned 
 the scheme as one that would essentially parallel 
 the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. France, 
 it declared, is a free country ; every creed has 
 the perfect right to provide for its adherents 
 the kind of religious education which it thinks 
 proper. At the same time the Temps pointed 
 out that the opponents of the lay schools are not 
 merely attacking abuses that may have crept 
 into them, but mean to strike at the principle 
 of religious neutrality. It admitted the existence 
 of wrongs that need righting, saying it cannot 
 be denied that some of the school books are dis- 
 figured by partiality on various points affecting 
 history, patriotism, and religion, and that this is 
 contrary both to the letter and to the spirit of 
 the law. This evil must, the Temps urges, be 
 eradicated. But the ecole la'ique, says the Temps, 
 cannot be destroyed without destroying the Re- 
 public. 
 
 This, too, was the fundamental proposition of 
 
 Premier Briand, in a speech of admirable tone 
 which he made, October 30th, at a great banquet 
 in Paris which inaugurated the new buildings 
 of La Ligue de V Enseignement. The neutral 
 school, he declared, was the corner stone of the 
 Republic. As reported in Tluz Times of London, 
 he went on to say : “It was natural that the ad- 
 versaries of the Republic should attack the 
 school — the mould in which the Republican 
 spirit and the character of Frenchmen and 
 Frenchwomen was formed. Certain people 
 were pleading the dictates of conscience as the 
 explanation of the campaign which they had 
 just started. Why had they not attacked the 
 school before? He would remind them that the 
 icole la'ique existed before the recent separation 
 of Church and State; it had existed under the 
 Concordat. Why did not the conscience of its 
 opponents seek any expression till now ? . . . 
 The Government was determined to give the 
 country the means of defending the "neutral’ 
 school, and measures to that end had been pre- 
 pared by the Ministry. But the most effective 
 defence was that which would be conducted by 
 private initiative like that of the Ligue de l’En- 
 seignement and by the male and female teachers 
 themselves. The teaching in the schools, M. 
 Briand continued, ‘ ought not to be directed 
 against any one; in order to secure the confi- 
 dence of the parents it ought not to be of a 
 polemical character; in order to be effective it 
 must not let the passions of the street invade 
 the schoolroom.’ Let them leave violent lan- 
 guage to their opponents and not play the game 
 of their opponents by indulging in violent meth- 
 ods.” 
 
 This seems to have been the spirit in which 
 the matter was brought officially before the 
 Chamber of Deputies, by M. Steeg, the reporter 
 on the Budget of Public Instruction. The fol- 
 lowing is from a summary of his remarks on this 
 subject: “He says that it would be difficult to 
 come to terms with the Bishops of the disestab- 
 lished Roman Catholic Church, who will never, 
 he thinks, agree to recognize with good will the 
 neutral school. He remarks, however, that no 
 pretext must be furnished to the Bishops for 
 their attacks upon the school, and that they 
 must not be enabled to appeal against the Re- 
 publican Government to the idea of ‘neutral- 
 ity’ itself. As to the associations of parents, 
 which are now being formed in accordance with 
 the Episcopal views, M. Steeg recognizes that 
 they are quite lawful. He only fears that they 
 may sometimes transgress by reason of excessive 
 zeal ; but he declares that the best way of avoid- 
 ing their interference is to make the management 
 of the schools irreproachable. The objections 
 raised against some of the school-books are, he 
 thinks, obviously exaggerated. But he consid- 
 ers that scrupulous care ought to be exercised in 
 resisting all temptation to borrow for the pur- 
 poses of the neutral school the weapons of sec- 
 tarian propagandism. . . . He continues; ‘We 
 should not desire that the book placed in the 
 hands of a school child should in any sense what- 
 ever contain a single proposition that is perilous 
 or open to suspicion. Let there be no veiled 
 proselytism supported by ingenious distortions 
 of fact or interpretations with an object.’ ” 
 
 The Temps remarks; “M. Steeg’s language 
 does him credit, and it is a pleasure to see a pol- 
 itician of the Extreme Left recognizing, with 
 
 204 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 a strong sense of philosophic truth, that re- 
 spect for the past is perfectly compatible with 
 justice to the present and preparation for the 
 future.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Appointment of the Abbe 
 Loisy, Professor of Religions in the College 
 de France. See (in this vol.) Franck : A. D. 
 1909 (March). 
 
 Germany: Technical Education. — Causes 
 of its great development and wonderful indus- 
 trial results. — Its influence on International 
 Trade. — “How much Germany owes to her 
 system it would be almost impossible to estimate. 
 Certainly no other country has turned the edu- 
 cation of children and young people to such 
 enormous advantage. A good and efficient edu- 
 cation has been made not only accessible but also 
 compulsory in every corner of the country, and 
 one of the most priceless features of this educa- 
 tion has been and is the inculcation of real, per- 
 sonal interest in the national welfare. Further, 
 the fullest possible use has been made of scien- 
 tific investigations, and all sciences have been 
 drawn into the service of the nation. The result 
 of this has been truly amazing; in fact, wholly 
 undreamt of. There can no longer be any doubt 
 that Germany’s industrial advance is mainly due 
 to the extent and thoroughness with which tech- 
 nical education is being conducted. Briefly 
 stated, the secret of the pronounced success of 
 the technical colleges in the Fatherland lies in 
 the fact that they have kept pace with the ever- 
 increasing scope of all branches of science in 
 general, and, to the same extent, with the ever- 
 increasing demands of the present day industrial 
 enterprises upon scientific investigation and 
 research.” — Louis Elkind, Germany's Commer- 
 cial Relations ( Fortnightly Review, July, 1906). 
 
 What seems to be the most satisfying expla- 
 nation that has been given of causes or reasons 
 lying behind the extraordinary development of 
 scientific training on practical lines in Germany, 
 resulting in so wonderful a speed of industrial 
 progress within the passing generation, was 
 cited from a German scientist by President 
 Pritchett, of the Massachusetts Institute of Tech- 
 nology, in an article contributed to the Review of 
 Revie'tcs, February, 1906. “ About a year ago,” 
 
 said President Pritchett, “I heard a famous 
 chemist in Germany explain the present indus- 
 trial supremacy of his country in words some- 
 thing like these : ‘ Forty years ago,’ said he, ‘ the 
 scientific men of the various German states de- 
 voted their study almost wholly to theoretical 
 subjects. They were humorously described as 
 given up to investigations of the dative case and 
 similar impractical problems. In a measure this 
 was true. The investigators of that day had a 
 wholesome contempt for anything which pro- 
 mised direct utilitarian results. But the devel- 
 opment of the spirit of research throughout the 
 German universities trained a great army of men 
 to be expert investigators, and when a united 
 Germany arose to crown the labors of William I. 
 and of Bismarck, with it came a great national 
 spirit in which the men of science shared. They 
 realized that to them were committed the great 
 industrial problems which must be solved in 
 order to make the nation strong, and scientific 
 research, which up till then had been mainly 
 theoretical, was turned to the immediate solu- 
 tion of the industrial problems of the nation. No 
 longer the dative case alone, but the development 
 
 of the chemical, electrical, and mineral resources 
 of the country formed the avenues of scientific 
 activity, and scientific research, which had till 
 then been looked upon as theoretical accomplish- 
 ment, became the greatest financial asset of the 
 Fatherland.’ 
 
 “There is truth in this statement. The re- 
 search habit, long cultivated in German univer- 
 sities, had nourished a body of men trained to 
 research, men who had acquired the research 
 habit and the spirit of investigation. When, 
 therefore, the problems of industrial develop- 
 ment began to appeal strongly to the national 
 spirit, the country had a trained body of men to 
 call upon who threw themselves heartily and en- 
 thusiastically into these practical industrial prob- 
 lems.” 
 
 A correspondent of the London Times, writing 
 in May, 1909, draws attention to an influence on 
 international trade exerted by the German tech- 
 nical schools which is generally overlooked: 
 “ In the German technical high schools,” he 
 writes, “an appreciable proportion of the stu- 
 dents are foreigners from various countries in 
 Europe. Among these foreign students the 
 Russians and Poles hold the first place in Ger- 
 many as regards numbers, there being about 
 2,000. There are also an appreciable number of 
 Scandinavians and Dutchmen, with a few Bel- 
 gians, Spaniards, Italians, South Americans, 
 and Slavs from Austria and the Balkan States. 
 There are very few Englishmen, Frenchmen, or 
 Americans. ... At present quite a large pro- 
 portion of the engineers and manufacturers in 
 the neutral countries on the Continent have 
 been educated in Germany or Switzerland, and 
 as a result there is a great bias in favour of Ger- 
 man machinery and productions. ... As the 
 outcome of this feeling it is a difficult matter 
 for British manufacturers of machinery to ob- 
 tain a hearing when tenders are being considered 
 on the Continent, as the prejudice in favour of 
 German or Swiss machinery is strong.” 
 
 A. D. 1898 - 1904 . — Rise of Commercial 
 Universities. — A report on Commercial In- 
 struction in Germany by Dr. Frederic Rose, 
 British Consul at Stuttgart, presented to Parlia- 
 ment in September, 1904 (Cd. 2237), gives the 
 following account of the rise of the Commercial 
 Universities which have been developed in Ger- 
 many since 1898, carrying the process of train- 
 ing young men for business life to a higher 
 point than had been aimed at in the older com- 
 mercial schools: 
 
 “ The commercial universities for higher com- 
 mercial instruction (Handelshochschulen) have 
 been founded within the last six years [1898- 
 1904] and mark a further step in the develop- 
 ment of commercial instruction in Germany. 
 Their aim is to afford persons engaged in busi- 
 ness and industry on a large scale (Grosskauf- 
 leute and Grossindustrielle), masters at com- 
 mercial schools, administration officials, bank 
 officials, Consular officials, secretaries to Cham- 
 bers of Commerce, and so forth, a deeper and 
 broader measure of instruction in commercial 
 and national economical matters than that pro- 
 vided by the various commercial schools. The 
 special province of the commercial universities 
 lies less in the mere acquisition of commercial- 
 technical knowledge and attainments for imme- 
 diate practical detailed application, than in the 
 attempt to provide a general mental schooling 
 
 205 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 for the higher branches of the commercial pro- 
 fession. They are intended to awaken and de- 
 velop the mental faculties of a merchant, to 
 enable him to grasp the inner working and 
 meaning of national and international economy, 
 and to understand and judge its causes and re- 
 sults, its temporary and permanent phenomena; 
 as far as commercial officials are concerned they 
 are intended to impart general knowledge and 
 understanding of the economic conditions of 
 commerce and industry with their manifold aims 
 and requirements. 
 
 “This measure of university education (Ak- 
 ademische Bildung) is also intended to raise the 
 social position of the mercantile profession, and 
 to increase its political importance and influence 
 in public life. Generally speaking the instruc- 
 tion is arranged to include the following sub- 
 jects: — Political economy, commercial history 
 and geography, commercial law in all its aspects, 
 the organisation and management of commercial 
 undertakings and their technical details, indus- 
 trial law, financial science, bank, exchange, 
 monetary, and credit operations, State and ad- 
 ministrative law, and so forth.” 
 
 At the writing of Dr. Rose’s report there were 
 four of these commercial universities. The old- 
 est, at Leipsic and Aix, were founded in 1898, 
 the former in connection with the Leipsic Uni- 
 versity, the latter connected with the Aix Tech- 
 nical University. The other two, at Frankfort- 
 on-the-Main and at Cologne, were opened in 
 1901. The Frankfort University, which bears 
 also the name of “ Academy of Social and Com- 
 mercial Science,” and the Cologne University, 
 are both independently organized. “The ini- 
 tiative for the foundation of the commercial uni- 
 versities,” says Dr. Rose, “has been taken by 
 Chambers of Commerce and municipalities, and 
 not by the governments of the German States. 
 The latter, however, are now becoming aware 
 of the importance of the movement. For the 
 present their action is limited to the supervision 
 exercised by the Ministers of Education and In- 
 dustry and Commerce. . . . 
 
 “The foundation of the commercial universi- 
 ties has brought forward many opponents, who 
 not only deny their utility but consider them 
 actually harmful, because the persons they in- 
 struct become too old before they engage in 
 practical business work. . . . The extreme op- 
 ponents go further and deny that a commer- 
 cial university is able to train practical business 
 men, and assert that this can only be done by 
 close and continual contact with actual business 
 life, and that the acquisition of too much theo- 
 retical knowledge injures the practical facul- 
 ties. . . . 
 
 “The whole opposition to the commercial 
 universities seems to be based upon a narrow- 
 minded and vague idea of the part they are des- 
 tined to play in the future. . . . Unless in- 
 dustrial and commercial life in the future is to 
 degenerate wholly into one fierce and relentless 
 struggle for one-sided aggrandisement, to the 
 detriment of other members of the social body, 
 ample opportunities for the thorough compre- 
 hension of the social and economic conditions of 
 the present day must be provided.” 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — The Language Question In 
 the Polish Provinces. — “ Strike ” of school 
 children. See (in this vol.) Germany : A. D. 
 1906-1907. 
 
 India : A recent report of its schools and 
 colleges. See (in this vol.) India : A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — American Mission Schools. 
 
 — “Increasing interest is now being concen- 
 trated on Burma and India, where an illiterate 
 population seems to need far more education 
 than has yet been provided by Great Britain. 
 In Burma the Baptists play the leading role, 
 educating no less than twenty-four thousand 
 pupils. In India, however, the Methodists lead, 
 with a record of over thirty-seven thousand 
 pupils. They have two colleges at Lucknow. 
 The Baptists have a college at Ongole, and have 
 about fifteen thousand pupils in their schools. 
 The Congregationalists have a college at Ma- 
 dura, and have also about fifteen thousand pu- 
 pils in India, added to their total of ten thousand 
 in Ceylon. The Presbyterians have a college at 
 Lahore and one at Allahabad, and are educating 
 about ten thousand pupils in the Empire.” — 
 American Schools Abroad ( The Outlook , May 2, 
 1908). 
 
 International Interchanges : Of Professors. 
 
 — Of Students. — Of Teachers’ visits. — A 
 
 fund provided by Mr. James Hazen Hyde, of 
 New York, enabled Harvard University, in 1904, 
 to accept an invitation from the Sorbonne, at 
 Paris, to send one of its professors to give a 
 course of lectures at that ancient institution of 
 learning, on subjects relating to the United 
 States. Professor Barrett Wendsdl was chosen 
 for the pleasant mission, and has been followed 
 by others in succeeding years, who have given 
 courses in various French universities, while the 
 compliment has been returned, in lecturing visits 
 from a number of the most distinguished men of 
 letters and learning in France. 
 
 This opened what seems to have become an 
 established and widening system of lecturing 
 interchanges between American and European 
 Universities, tending greatly to promote better 
 acquaintance between nations and better under- 
 standing of each other. At about the time, or 
 soon after, the mission of Professor Wendell to 
 Paris, arrangements were made for a similar in- 
 terchange between Harvard and the University 
 of Berlin. In a communication to The Outlook 
 of February 18, 1905, Professor Kuno Francke, 
 Curator of the Germanic Museum at Harvard 
 University, gave an account of the circumstances 
 which led to this latter. In March, 1901, as he 
 relates, there were conferences in Berlin with 
 Dr. Althoff, Commissioner-General of the Prus- 
 sian Universities, and with other Prussian offi- 
 cials of eminence, having for their object the 
 promotion of the Germanic Museum. “The 
 upshot of these conferences,” said the Professor, 
 “was the draft of a provisional agreement be- 
 tween the Prussian Government and Harvard 
 University, according to which for a period of 
 five successive years an exchange of professors 
 between Harvard and Berlin University was to 
 be instituted, in such a manner that every year 
 one member of each of the two institutions 
 would enter for at least three months the regular 
 teaching staff of the other institution, it being 
 understood that in each case the visiting member 
 represent subjects or methods distinctly peculiar 
 to his country. This scheme, which met with 
 the hearty support of President Eliot, was dis- 
 cussed and approved a year later by the Harvard 
 Faculty, and reached its consummation a few 
 
 206 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 months ago, [1904] when, through the interces- 
 sion of Professor llarnack, an official proposition 
 embodying it was made by the Prussian Govern- 
 ment to the Harvard Corporation, and adopted 
 by the same. It is most fortunate that the Ger- 
 man Emperor, with his quick grasp of interna- 
 tional relations and his deep sympathy for the 
 American people, has now given to this whole 
 subject a much wider scope by proposing to ex- 
 tend the exchange of professors to other univer- 
 sities in America and Germany ; for it seems as 
 though such a measure could not fail to open 
 the way toward a veritable fraternization of the 
 moral, intellectual, and industrial leaders of both 
 nations.” 
 
 In the latter part of 1905, a Theodore Roosevelt 
 Professorship of American History and Institu- 
 tions, in the University of Berlin, was endowed 
 with the sum of $50,000 by Mr. James Speyer, 
 of New York, the endowment being placed in the 
 hands of the trustees of Columbia University. 
 The plan of this professorship had been arranged 
 with the German Emperor by President Butler, 
 of Columbia, at an interview in the previous sum- 
 mer. Nominations to it would be made by the 
 trustees of Columbia University, subject to con- 
 firmation by the Prussian Ministry of Education 
 and to the Emperor’s sanction ; each incumbent 
 to hold the office for one year, and the incumbents 
 to be so chosen that in successive years the field 
 of American history, constitutional and admin 
 istrative law, economic and sociological prob- 
 lems and movements, education, contributions to 
 science, technology, the arts and literature, be 
 presented with some fullness ; the professorship 
 to be filled by members of any American insti- 
 tution of learning, or by scholars not connected 
 with academic institutions. The scheme in- 
 volved also the establishment at Columbia Uni- 
 versity of a similar professorship of German 
 history and institutions, the lectures in New 
 York to be delivered in English. The first in- 
 cumbent of the new professorship in Berlin was 
 Dr. Burgess, Professor of Political Science in 
 Columbia University, who began his work in 
 Berlin in the winter of 1906-7, and took as his 
 subject American constitutional history. 
 
 A movement looking to the establishment of 
 similar interchanges between American and Scan- 
 dinavian Universities was inaugurated in 1908 
 by the ‘‘Scandinavian American Solidarity,” a 
 society organized in the United States that year, 
 with Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, of Columbia 
 University, for its President, and Professor Carl 
 Lorentzen, of New York University, for its Sec- 
 retary. The Danes resident in New York City 
 and Chicago arranged that President Butler of 
 Columbia and President MacCracken of New 
 York University should each give lectures at the 
 University of Copenhagen that year, and raised 
 the necessary funds. The lectures were given at 
 Christiania, as well as at Copenhagen, and appear 
 to have aroused a widespread interest. Norwe- 
 gian and Swedish Universities and the University 
 of Helsingfors, in Finland, have signified a wish 
 to participate in the interchange, and it is more 
 than likely to become permanently arranged. 
 
 An educational interchange of a different char- 
 acter, but equally important, was instituted in 
 1906 by Mr. Alfred Mosely, an English gentle- 
 man of great wealth, who invited five hundred 
 English, Scotch, and Irish teachers to visit and in 
 spect American schools at his expense. Between 
 
 November, 1906 and March, 1907, they came in 
 parties of twenty-five, some remaining one month 
 in the country, some two, and some even more, 
 visiting many parts of it and all descriptions of 
 its schools. They were selected by an advisory 
 committee in London, which aimed to have them 
 fully representative of the men and women who 
 are engaged in the work of the British and Irish 
 schools. 
 
 A return visit of some hundreds of American 
 teachers to Great Britain and Ireland, in similar 
 parties, under the auspices of the National Civic 
 Federation, was made in the fall of 1908. The 
 schools of both countries gained, bej'ond ques- 
 tion, from what each had to offer of suggestion 
 to the other. 
 
 The organization of a “ new educational move- 
 ment to provide for the interchange of Univer- 
 sity students among the English-speaking peo- 
 ples” was announced in England in June, 1909. 
 “ The object,” it was stated, “ is to provide op- 
 portunities for as many as possible of the educated 
 youth of the United Kingdom, Canada, and the 
 United States (who, it is reasonable to suppose, 
 will become leaders in thought, action, civic and 
 national government in the future), to obtain 
 some real insight into the life, customs, and pro- 
 gress of other nations at a time when their own 
 opinions are forming, with a minimum of in- 
 convenience to their academic work and the least 
 possible expense.” 
 
 A great number of the most distinguished 
 men of the time in British public and professional 
 life were listed among the officers and committee- 
 members of the organization, with Lord Strath- 
 cona as President for the United Kingdom. As 
 set forth in the prospectus of the society, “the- 
 additional objects of the movement are to in- 
 crease the value and efficiency of, as well as to 
 extend, present University training by the provi- 
 sion of certain Travelling Scholarships for prac- 
 tical observation in other countries under suitable’ 
 guidance. These scholarships will enable those 
 students to benefit who might otherwise be un- 
 able to do so through financial restrictions. It 
 also enables the administration to exercise srreater 
 power of direction in the form the travel is to 
 take. In addition to academic qualifications, the 
 selected candidate should be what is popularly 
 known as an ‘ all round ’ man ; the selection to be 
 along the lines of the Rhodes Scholarships. . . . 
 
 “ To afford technical and industrial students 
 facilities to examine into questions of particular- 
 interest to them in manufactures, &c., by obser- 
 vation in other countries and by providing them 
 with introductions to leaders in industrial ac- 
 tivity. 
 
 “ To promote interest in travel as an educa- 
 tional factor among the authorities of Universi- 
 ties, with a view to the possibility of some kind 
 of such training being included in the regular 
 curricula. 
 
 “ To promote interest in other Universities, 
 their aims and student life, the compulsory 
 physical training, and methods of working their 
 ways through college, for example, being valu- 
 able points for investigation. 
 
 “ To promote international interchange for ac- 
 ademic work among English-speaking Universi- 
 ties. . . . 
 
 “It is proposed to establish two students’ trav- 
 elling bureaux, one in New York and one in 
 London ; an American secretary (resident in New 
 
 207 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 York) and a British secretary (resident in Lon- 
 don), both of whom shall be college men ap- 
 pointed to afford every facility to any graduate 
 or undergraduate of any University who wishes 
 to visit the United States, Canada, ortheUnited 
 Kingdom for the purpose of obtaining an insight 
 into the student, national, and industrial life of 
 those countries.” 
 
 Further announcements of the plans of the 
 organization were made in November, including 
 the following : 
 
 ‘ ‘ It should be pointed out that, although the 
 scholarships proper will be reserved for under- 
 graduates of the Universities who are already 
 midway through their course, the provision of 
 scholarships by no means defines the scope of the 
 movement. The bureau will afford facilities to 
 all bona fide students — whether dons, scholars, 
 or commoners — who wish to gain a practical 
 insight into the work and life of other portions 
 of the world. 
 
 “The travelling students will have the advan- 
 tage of reduced rates of travel ; of the special 
 information which the bureau will be able to af- 
 ford ; and of the privilege of being brought as 
 far as possible into contact with the actualities 
 of those countries to which they go, whether 
 persons, places, or institutions. . . . 
 
 “The method of election to the scholarships, 
 which it is purposed shall number not less than 
 28 for each year of the experimental triennium 
 — 14 in the United Kingdom, ten in the United 
 States, and four in Canada — will be along the 
 lines of the Rhodes scholarships. The candidate, 
 it is stated, shall, as far as possible, be what is 
 popularly known as an all-round man, who plays 
 a part in his college life and whose character 
 makes him popular. ” 
 
 Ireland : A. D. 1909. — Organization of the 
 two new Irish Universities. — On the 1st day 
 of October, 1909, the two Universities created by 
 the Irish Universities Act of 1908 came into ex- 
 istence. “That day also was fixed for the dis- 
 solution of the Royal University of Ireland, the 
 duties of which are now to be distributed between 
 the new National University in Dublin and 
 Queen’s University, Belfast. Circumstances, 
 however, have given the Royal University a 
 short reprieve. It cannot be dissolved until the 
 autumn degrees of the present year have been 
 conferred. These degrees will be given as the 
 result of examinations which are now in progress, 
 and it is probable that the Uni verity’s last public 
 function will be a conferring of degrees on the 
 last Friday in October. It will cease to exist in 
 the first or second week of November. . . . 
 
 “The National University itself consists of a 
 Senate and officers with large powers but with 
 no local habitation. The University has its con- 
 crete embodiment in the new University Colleges, 
 formerly Queen’s Colleges, at Cork and Galway. 
 University College, Dublin, is so far only con- 
 crete in the sense that its governing body has 
 been called into existence. At the present time 
 it has no teaching and no college buildings. 
 The former of these wants will be supplied 
 almost immediately. The University Commis- 
 sioners will meet early next month to appoint a 
 teaching staff, and the college will be available 
 for students at the beginning of November. A s 
 regards staffs, the Dublin College is differently 
 situated from those at Cork and Galway. For 
 the latter colleges teaching staffs exist ready 
 
 made in the staffs of the old Queen’s Colleges, 
 which are to be taken over in accordance with the 
 provisions of the Act. . . . 
 
 “Nothing has yet been done in connexion with 
 the buildings of the new college in Dublin, 
 though various sites have been suggested, in- 
 cluding that of the Royal Hospital at Kilmain- 
 ham. . . . The cases of Queen’s University, Bel- 
 fast, and of the University Colleges at Cork and 
 Galway present no difficulties. These institu- 
 tions will have teaching staffs within a couple of 
 weeks, and all their buildings and classrooms 
 are in going order. 
 
 “The agitation of the Gaelic League in favour 
 of the compulsory teaching of Irish in the Na- 
 tional University is vigorously maintained. It 
 is most improbable that the Senate will yield to 
 this agitation ; and the result of their firmness 
 will be, if the league fulfils its threats, a rather 
 serious boycott of the University.” — Dublin 
 Cor. London Times, Sept. 30, 1909. 
 
 An Associated Press despatch from Dublin, 
 Oct. 24, announced that “among the appoint- 
 ments to the new National University of Ireland 
 are Dr. Douglas Hyde, president of the Gaelic 
 League, as professor of modern Gaelic. Dr. 
 Henebry, formerly of Washington, D. C., has 
 been appointed to the professorship of the Irish 
 language in the University College, Cork.” 
 
 Korea : American Mission Schools. — “ In 
 Korea the Presbyterians have the strongest 
 representation of any religious denomination, 
 with over three hundred schools; and, what is 
 still more striking, practically every one of 
 these schools is self-supporting. The Metho- 
 dists follow with over a hundred schools and 
 over forty-two hundred pupils.” — The Outlook, 
 May 2, 1908. 
 
 Netherlands: A. D. 1905. — New Educa- 
 tion Law, an issue in the elections. See 
 (in this vol.l Netherlands : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 Porto Rico : A. D. 1906. — Schools as seen 
 by President Roosevelt. See (in this vol.) 
 Porto Rico : A. D. 1906. 
 
 Prussia: A. D. 1904. — Denominational 
 
 Education restored. — A resolution adopted 
 by the Prussian Chamber of Deputies, in May, 
 1904, restored the denominational school system 
 which the “May Laws” of the Kulturkampf, in 
 1873 and after (see Germany : A. D. 1873-1887, 
 in Volume II. of this work) had abolished. 
 Under those laws the schools were common to 
 children of all religious beliefs ; under the new 
 system they became either Protestant or Roman 
 Catholic according to the faith of the majority 
 of their pupils. 
 
 Rhodes Scholarships: The Will of Cecil 
 John Rhodes, providing Scholarships at 
 Oxford for students from the British Colonies 
 and the United States. — The late Cecil John 
 Rhodes, who played an eminent part in the 
 development of South Africa and in the exten- 
 sion of the British dominion in that portion of 
 the world (see, in this volume, South Africa : 
 A. D. 1902-1904), died on the 26th of March, 
 1902, leaving a will which contained the follow- 
 ing directions for the use to be made of one 
 large part of the great fortune he had acquired : 
 
 “Whereas I consider that the education of 
 young colonists at one of the universities in the 
 United Kingdom is of great advantage to them 
 for giving breadth to their views, for their in- 
 struction in life and manners, and for instilling 
 
 208 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 into their minds the advantage to the colonies 
 as well as to the United Kingdom of the reten- 
 tion of the unity of the Empire ; and 
 
 “ Whereas in the ease of young colonists 
 studying at a university in the United Kingdom 
 I attach very great importance to the university 
 having a residential system, such as is in force 
 at the universities of Oxford and Cambridge; 
 for without it those students arc at the most 
 critical period of their lives left without any 
 supervision ; and 
 
 “ Whereas there are at the present time fifty 
 or more students from South Africa studying at 
 the University of Edinburgh, many of whom are 
 attracted there by its excellent medical school, 
 and I should like to establish some of the schol- 
 arships hereinafter mentioned in that university 
 but owing to its not having such a residential 
 system as aforesaid I feel obliged to refrain 
 from doing so ; and 
 
 “Whereas my own university, the University 
 of Oxford, has such a system, and I suggest that 
 it should try and extend its scope so as if possible 
 to make its medical school at least as good as 
 that at the University of Edinburgh ; and 
 
 “Whereas I also desire to encourage and 
 foster an appreciation of the advantages which 
 
 I implicitly believe will result from the union 
 of the English-speaking people throughout the 
 world and to encourage in the students from the 
 United States of North America who will benefit 
 from the American scholarships to be established 
 for the reason above given at the University of 
 Oxford under this my will an attachment to the 
 country from which they have sprung, but 
 without, I hope, withdrawing them or their 
 sympathies from the land of their adoption or 
 birth. 
 
 “ Now, therefore, I direct my trustees as soon 
 as may be after my death and either simulta- 
 neously or gradually as they shall find conven- 
 ient, and if gradually, then in such order as they 
 shall think fit, to establish for male students 
 the scholarships hereinafter directed to be estab- 
 lished, each of which shall be of the yearly value 
 of £300 and be tenable at any college in the 
 University of Oxford for three consecutive aca- 
 demical years. 
 
 “ I direct my trustees to establish certain 
 scholarships and these scholarships I sometimes 
 hereinafter refer to as ‘ the colonial scholarships.’ 
 
 “The appropriation of the colonial scholar- 
 ships and the numbers to be annually filled up 
 shall be in accordance with the following table ; 
 
 Total 
 
 number 
 
 appro- 
 
 priated. 
 
 To be tenable by students of or from — 
 
 Number of 
 scholarships to 
 be filled up in 
 each year. 
 
 9 
 
 Rhodesia 
 
 3 and no more 
 
 3 
 
 The South African College School in the colony of the Cape of Good Hope .... 
 
 1 and no more 
 
 3 
 
 The Stellenbosch College School, in the same colony 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The Diocesan College School of Rondebosch, in the same colony 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 St. Andrews College School, Grahamstown 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of Natal, in the same colony 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of New South Wales 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of Victoria 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of South Australia 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of Queensland 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of Western Australia 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of Tasmania 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony of New Zealand 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The Province of Ontario, in the Dominion of Canada 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The Province of Quebec, in the Dominion of Canada 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony or island of Newfoundland and its dependencies 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony or islands of the Kermudas 
 
 Do. 
 
 3 
 
 The colony or island of Jamaica 
 
 Do. 
 
 “I further direct my trustees to establish ad- 
 ditional scholarships sufficient in number for the 
 appropriation in the next following clause here- 
 of directed, and those scholarships I sometimes 
 hereinafter refer to as ‘ the American scholar- 
 ships.’ 
 
 “I appropriate two of the American scholar- 
 ships to each of the present States and Territories 
 of the United States of North America, provided 
 that if any of the said Territories shall in my 
 lifetime be admitted as a State the scholarships 
 appropriated to such Territory shall be appro- 
 priated to such State, and that my trustees may 
 in their uncontrolled discretion withhold for such 
 time as they shall think fit the appropriation of 
 scholarships to any Territory. 
 
 “ I direct that of the two scholarships appro- 
 priated to a State or Territory not more than one 
 shall be filled up in any year, so that at no time 
 shall more than two scholarships be held for the 
 same State or Territory. 
 
 “The scholarships shall be paid only out of 
 income, and in event at any time of income being 
 insufficient for payment in full of all the scholar- 
 
 ships for the time being payable I direct that 
 (without prejudice to the vested interests of 
 holders for the time being of scholarships) the 
 following order of priority shall regulate the 
 payment of the scholarships: 
 
 “(I) First, the scholarships of students of or 
 from Rhodesia shall be paid; 
 
 “ (II) Secondly, the scholarships of students 
 from the said South African Stellenbosch Ronde- 
 bosch and St. Andrews schools shall be paid ; 
 
 “ (III) Thirdly, the remainder of the colonial 
 scholarships shall be paid, and if there shall not 
 be sufficient income for the purpose such schol- 
 arships shall abate proportionately ; and 
 
 “(IV) Fourthly, the American scholarships 
 shall be paid, and if there shall not be sufficient 
 income for the purpose such scholarships shall 
 abate proportionately. 
 
 “ My desire being that the students who shall 
 be elected to the scholarships shall not be merely 
 bookworms, I direct that in the election of a 
 student to a scholarship regard shall be had to 
 (I) his literary and scholastic attainments; (II) 
 his fondness of and success in manly outdooi 
 
 209 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 sports, such as cricket, football, and the like; 
 (III) his qualities of manhood, truth, courage, 
 devotion to duty, sympathy for the protection of 
 the weak, kindliness, unselfishness, and fellow- 
 ship, and (IV) his exhibition during school days 
 of moral force of character and of instincts to 
 lead and to take an interest in his schoolmates, 
 for those latter attributes will be likely in after 
 life'to guide him to esteem the performance of 
 public duties as his highest aim. As mere sug- 
 gestions for the guidance of those who will have 
 the choice of students for the scholarships, I re- 
 cord that (I) my ideal qualified student would 
 combine these four qualifications in the propor- 
 tions of three-tenths for the first, two-tenths for 
 the second, three-tenths for the third, and two- 
 tenths for the fourth qualification, so that ac- 
 cording to my ideas if the maximum number of 
 marks for any scholarship were 200 they would 
 be apportioned as follows : Sixty to each of the 
 first and third qualifications, and 40 to each of 
 the second and fourth qualifications. (II) The 
 marks for the several qualifications would be 
 awarded independently, as follows (that is to 
 say): The marks for the first qualification by ex- 
 amination, for the second and third qualifications, 
 respectively, by ballot by the fellow-students of 
 the candidates, and for the fourth qualification 
 by the head master of the candidate’s school, and 
 (III) the results of the awards (that is to say the 
 marks obtained by each candidate for each qual-. 
 ification) would be sent as soon as possible for 
 consideration to the trustees or to some person 
 or persons appointed to receive the same, and 
 the person or persons so appointed would ascer- 
 tain by averaging the marks in blocks of 20 marks 
 each of all candidates the best ideal qualified stu- 
 dents. 
 
 “No student shall be qualified or disqualified 
 for election to a scholarship on account of his 
 race or religious opinions. 
 
 “ Except in the cases of the four schools here- 
 inbefore mentioned, the election to scholarships 
 shall be by the trustees after such (if any) con- 
 sultation as they shall think fit with the minister 
 having the control of education in such colony, 
 province, State, or Territory. 
 
 “ A qualified student who has been elected as 
 aforesaid shall within six calendar months after 
 his election, or as soon thereafter as he can be 
 admitted into residence or within such extended 
 time as my trustees shall allow, commence resi- 
 dence as an undergraduate at some college in the 
 University of Oxford. 
 
 “The scholarships shall be payable to him 
 from the time when he shall commence such 
 residence. 
 
 “28. I desire that the scholars holding the 
 scholarships shall be distributed among the col- 
 leges of the University of Oxford and not re- 
 sort in undue numbers to one or more colleges 
 only. 
 
 “29. Notwithstanding anything hereinbefore 
 contained, my trustees may in their uncontrolled 
 discretion suspend for such time as they shall 
 think fit or remove any scholar from his scholar- 
 ship. 
 
 “30. My trustees may from time to time make, 
 vary, and repeal regulations either general or 
 affecting specified scholarship only with regard 
 to all or any of the following matters, that is to 
 say: 
 
 “ (I) The election, whether after examination 
 
 21 
 
 or otherwise, of qualified students to the scholar- 
 ships, or any of them, and the method, whether 
 by examination or otherwise, in which their 
 qualifications are to be ascertained ; 
 
 “ (II) The tenure of the scholarships by schol- 
 ars ; 
 
 “ (III) The suspension and removal of scholars 
 from their scholarships; 
 
 “(IV) The method and times of payment of 
 the scholarships ; 
 
 “ (V) The method of giving effect to my wish 
 expressed in clause 28 hereof ; and 
 
 “ (VI) Any and every other matter with re- 
 gard to the scholarships, or any of them, with 
 regard to which they shall consider regulations 
 necessary or desirable. 
 
 “31. My trustees may from time to time au- 
 thorize regulations with regard to the election, 
 whether after examination or otherwise, of quali- 
 fied students for scholarships and to the method, 
 whether by examination or otherwise, in which 
 their qualifications are to be ascertained to be 
 made: 
 
 “(I) By a school in respect of the scholarships 
 tenable by its students; and 
 
 “(II) By the minister aforesaid of a colony, 
 province, State, or Territory in respect of the 
 scholarships tenable by students from such col- 
 ony, province, State or Territory. 
 
 “32. Regulations made under the last preced- 
 ing clause hereof, if and when approved of, and 
 not before, by my trustees, shall be equivalent 
 in all respects to regulations made by my trus- 
 tees. 
 
 “No regulations made under clause 30 or 
 made and approved of under clauses 31 and 32 
 hereof shall be inconsistent with any of the pro- 
 visions herein contained. 
 
 “In order that the scholars past and present 
 may have opportunities of meeting and discuss- 
 ing their experiences and prospects, I desire that 
 my trustees shall annually give a dinner to the 
 past and present scholars able and willing to at- 
 tend, at which I hope my trustees, or some of 
 them, will be able to be present, and to which 
 they will, I hope, from time to time invite as 
 guests persons who have shown sympathy with 
 the views expressed by me in this, my will.” 
 
 The trustees are the Earl of Rosebery, Earl 
 Grey, Lord Milner, Mr. Alfred Beit, Dr. Lean- 
 der Starr Jameson, Mr. Lewis Loyd Mitchell, 
 and Mr. Bourchier Francis Ilawksley. 
 
 Russia: A. D. 1909. — Great Educational 
 Projects before the Duma. — Primary school- 
 houses by the hundred thousand, and Com- 
 pulsory Education. — Increased opening to 
 Jews. — A telegram from St. Petersburg, Febru- 
 ary 16, 1909, announced that the Ministry of Edu- 
 cation had introduced that day a bill before the 
 Duma providing for a building fund for the erec- 
 tion of 148,179 new primary schools through- 
 out the empire within ten years. These schools 
 are to be built and maintained by the provincial 
 authorities on government subsidy. The same 
 despatch reported that a statute providing for 
 general compulsory education would soon be 
 discussed in the Duma. 
 
 On the 5th of October it was announced that 
 the Tsar had sanctioned a resolution of the Coun- 
 cil of Ministers permitting the admission of an 
 increased percentage of Jews into the secondary 
 schools of the Crown. In the capitals 5 per cent, 
 of the total number of scholars may be Jews, in 
 
 .0 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 other parts of the Empire 10 per cent., and in 
 the special Jewish settlements 15 percent. 
 
 Scotland: A. D. 1901. — Mr. Carnegie’s 
 great gift to the Universities and their stu- 
 dents. — The first of Mr. Andrew Carnegie’s 
 great gifts to other institutions of education than 
 the public libraries, which he has assisted in such 
 numbers, was conferred on the universities of 
 Scotland, his native country, in 1901. It was 
 a gift of §10,000,000 (£2,000,000), placed in the 
 hands of trustees for two purposes, namely, to 
 improve and expand the teaching power of the 
 universities, on one hand, and to put their teach- 
 ing, on the other hand, more within the reach of 
 all the young in Scotland who craved it. It was 
 said to have been the original wish of Mr. Car- 
 negie to make the tuition of the universities free ; 
 but he found that it would be wiser to strengthen 
 them for their work, leave it subject to proper 
 fees, and provide for an allowance of pecuniary 
 assistance to students, in the discretion of the 
 trustees. The application of the gift was so ar- 
 ranged, one-half of the net annual income from 
 the great fund being appropriated to buildings, 
 equipments, endowments of professorships and 
 lectureships, and the like uses for the betterment 
 of the university work. 
 
 There were fears at first that the effect of so 
 much easing of the attainment of a university 
 education might be injurious to the spirit and 
 character of the students who accepted the help- 
 ing hand ; but seven years of experience, under 
 the working of the gift, do not seem to have jus- 
 tified the fear. In those seven years over 8000 
 of the Scottish young people had the benefit of 
 Mr. Carnegie’s help to a college training, and 
 the trustees of the Fund, in their annual report 
 of 1909, pronounced the result good. “ In the 
 opinion of such men as Lord Rosebery, Lord 
 Elgin, Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Mr. Balfour, 
 and Mr. Haldane, who are all helping to ad- 
 minister Mr. Carnegie’s charity,” says a London 
 correspondent of the New York Evening Post, 
 “Scotland has much to thank him for.” 
 
 Turkey and the Near East : American Mis- 
 sion Schools. — “At present [1909] there are 
 about twenty-five thousand native students in 
 American schools in this country. America can 
 boast to-day that she has, in Turkey, nine col- 
 leges, five theological seminaries, fifty-seven 
 boarding and high schools, and 348 public schools 
 And, if we accumulate the work of seventy-five 
 years, it is a simple matter to understand how 
 many thousands have been educated in American 
 ways and with the American spirit. 
 
 “ Missionaries came to this country to spread 
 Protestant Christianity among the Moslems. 
 They failed in that. The Mohammedan govern- 
 ment was against them. They tried to make 
 Christian Greeks, Christian Armenians, Protest- 
 ants. This did not result in a marked success, 
 but their schools, which they opened as a medium 
 of spreading religion, were eagerly sought by 
 young men and young girls of every race. Ar- 
 menians form the majority in this country of 
 those who have received an American education. 
 Bulgarians and Greeks come next. 
 
 “ Many I have met who have been thoroughly 
 educated in missionary institutions. Generally 
 they are not Protestants, neither much reli- 
 giously inclined. But they are moral, independ- 
 ent, and broad-minded. 
 
 “The Turkish mission, as it is written about 
 
 in America, is not, in fact, areal Turkish mission ; 
 not a Moslem has been Christianized ; not a single 
 Turk is a member of mission communities; yet 
 native Christians have been widely helped by the 
 opportunity offered for education and the growth 
 of a spirit of civilization and humanity. 
 
 “Year after year young men graduated from 
 American institutions in Turkey to go forward 
 among their compatriots as teachers, journalists, 
 and public officers. The building up of brave 
 little Bulgaria is the work of graduates of Robert 
 College of Constantinople. Stamboulofif, who 
 made Bulgaria what it is to-day, was an alumnus 
 of the same institution. Among the Armenian 
 revolutionary leaders, who worked hand-in-hand 
 with the Young Turks to briug about a political 
 change in Turkey, boys of Robert College and 
 young men educated in American universities 
 are prominent. 1 know young girls, graduates 
 of the American College at Scutari, who took 
 active part in revolutionary work during the de- 
 spotic days of the old regime; and even joined 
 in the conspiracy which led to the throwing of 
 a bomb at the Sultan during the Selamlik cere- 
 mony a few years ago. . . . There are a number of 
 Turkish girls to-day at the college in Scutari, 
 and it is a pleasure to any one to see Turkish 
 women discussing in fluent English politics, eco- 
 nomics, and history.” — Special Correspondence 
 of the N. Y. Eve. Post, Constantinople, March 20, 
 1909. 
 
 At Beirut is the Syrian Protestant College, 
 under Presbyterian control, one of the most 
 enlightened institutions abroad. Euphrates Col- 
 lege at Harput in Asia Minor, with a thousand 
 students, is a Congregational institution. At 
 Tarsus, the Apostle Paul’s home, is, appropri- 
 ately enough, St. Paul’s Institute. Throughout 
 Turkey the Congregationalists have over four 
 hundred schools, with over twenty-one thousand 
 pupils. In Syria the Presbyterians maintain 
 about a hundred schools. The Presbyterians 
 (North) have no work in Egypt, but the United 
 Presbyterians are educating there no less than 
 fifteen thousand pupils, a total the more sur- 
 prising when we recall that the Government 
 schools in Egypt have only eighteen thousand 
 pupils. More than four thousand have received 
 instruction at Assiut College, the center of the 
 United Presbyterian work. ... As in Persia, 
 the Presbyterians are the strongest denomina- 
 tional force. Besides Urumia College, they 
 have about a hundred and twenty-five schools 
 throughout the country.” — American Schools 
 Abroad ( The Outlook, May 2, 1908). 
 
 The Influence of Robert College. — “Two 
 years ago one of the subjects given out for a 
 thesis in the Russian Theological Seminary at 
 Kiev was, ‘The Influence of Robert College in 
 the Development of Bulgaria.’ Russia has 
 found the influence of that College there a factor 
 which she has had to take into serious account ; 
 indeed, it has been said by Russian as well as by 
 high Turkish officials that Robert College really 
 created Bulgaria. Its influence has also been 
 abundantly recognized throughout Europe and 
 America. In Bulgaria itself the first National 
 Assembly, which met to adopt a constitution 
 and to choose a Prince, passed a resolution ex- 
 pressing the gratitude of the new-born nation to 
 the College. Prince Alexander conferred a high 
 decoration on the President of the College to ex- 
 press his personal appreciation, and last summer 
 
 211 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 Prince Ferdinand did the same. Robert College 
 has not only been the backbone of Bulgaria ; it 
 has been the greatest civilizing power in the 
 Turkish Empire. Sir William White, who knew 
 that Empire better than has any recent British 
 ambassador, once remarked that the College had 
 accomplished more for the good of the Turks 
 than had all the representatives of the British 
 Government ; and Professor Ramsey, of St. An- 
 drews, who has spent many years in exploring 
 Asia Minor, says : 
 
 “ ‘ I have come in contact with men educated in 
 Robert College in widely separate parts of the 
 country, men of diverse nationalities and differ- 
 ent forms of religion — Greek, Armenian, and 
 Protestant — and have everywhere been struck 
 with the marvelous way in which a certain uni- 
 form type, direct, simple, honest, and lofty in 
 tone, has been impressed upon them. Some had 
 more of it, some less. But all had it to a certain 
 degree, and it is diametrically opposite to the 
 type produced by growth under the ordinary 
 conditions of Turkish life.’ 
 
 “The College is not organized for the purpose 
 of missionary propaganda. It is not denomina- 
 tional. It is Christian in the broad sense in 
 which Princeton, Yale and Harvard are Christian 
 Colleges. In its faculty it has a Mohammedan 
 Professor of Turkish language and literature, 
 and an orthodox Greek Professor of Greek lan- 
 guage and literature. ... It draws students not 
 only from Turkey, but also from Greece, Bulga- 
 ria, Rumania and Russia, and has already edu- 
 cated nearly twenty-six hundred. If the de- 
 mands upon the College continue to increase in 
 the future as in the past, its endowment will have 
 to be doubled. Occupying one of the most 
 beautiful sites on the Bosphorus, the College has 
 at present five buildings, besides six houses for 
 professors, a teaching staff of twelve professors 
 and twenty-five other instructors .” — The Out- 
 look, January 21, 1905. 
 
 Robert College was founded at Constantinople 
 in 1863 by James H. and William B. Dwight, 
 sons of an American missionary to Turkey, the 
 Rev. Harrison G. O. Dwight. It was named 
 after Christopher R. Robert, of New York, its 
 main supporter, -whose gifts to it first and last 
 amounted to §450,000. Its first President was 
 the Rev. Dr. Cyrus Hamlin, who presided over 
 it until 1877, when he resigned, and was suc- 
 ceeded by the Rev. Dr. George Washburn. 
 
 In November, 1909, it received a bequest of 
 §1,500,000, from the late John Stewart Kennedy, 
 of New York, and its work will be greatly ex- 
 panded. 
 
 Turkey: A. D. 1909 . — Constitutional 
 
 Amendment. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1909 (May-Dec.). 
 
 United States: The Trade Unions as a fac- 
 tor in the Assimilation and Education of the 
 foreign-born. See (in this vol.) Labor Organ- 
 ization: United States. 
 
 A. D. 1898 - 1909 . — The Annual Confer- 
 ences for Education in the South. — Since 
 1898 a series of annual Conferences for Educa- 
 tion in the South, inspired, organized, and sus- 
 tained especially by the joint efforts of J. L. M. 
 Curry and Robert C. Ogden, have been held in 
 various Southern cities, with notable effect. At 
 the twelfth of these conferences, in April, 1909, 
 at Atlanta, Mr. Ogden, presiding, said in his 
 address: “This conference holds its place as a 
 
 part of an educational renaissance. Its work 
 can perhaps be definitely defined only at a single 
 point. It exists primarily to impress upon the 
 mind of the citizen, the people, the responsibility 
 of the individual for educational conditions, to 
 support the claim that every child in America, 
 native or foreign born, is entitled to a good Eng- 
 lish education, that it is the duty of the State as 
 representing the people to provide such educa- 
 tion, that in the words of the man that recruited 
 me and pledged my service, such as it is, to this 
 work, J. L. M. Curry, president of this confer- 
 ence in its second year, ‘ Ignorance Cures No- 
 thing.’ . . . 
 
 “Aside from the first mentioned special influ- 
 ence this conference makes no direct claim save 
 that it has by various agencies assisted in the 
 promotion and development of many progressive 
 educational ideas, and through the Southern 
 Educational Board, to which it is both mother 
 and child, has supplied methods and incidental 
 support that have caused many latent forces to 
 germinate, flourish, and bring forth abundant 
 fruit that otherwise never could have existed. 
 We simply have planted seed that eventually 
 produced large harvests. 
 
 “ I am told, and I think the statement is accu- 
 rate, that during the last seven years the public 
 appropriations for education in the States under 
 the influence of the Southern Education Board 
 have increased §16,000,000 per annum. These 
 figures are difficult of verification, but probably 
 are greater than I have stated. We have had 
 something to do with this result, how much may 
 not be a subject for definite calculation. . . . 
 
 “The twelve years that measure the life of 
 the conference for education in the South have 
 been years of great originality in the develop- 
 ment of American education.” 
 
 A. D. 1901 . — The Washington Memorial 
 Institution. — “In almost every Government 
 department and bureau at Washington, pro- 
 longed scientific investigations are continually 
 carried on, in order that governmental action 
 itself may be more intelligent and more efficient, 
 and the general welfare of the people promoted. 
 . . . While the Congress carries on this work 
 for governmental purposes only, it indicated as 
 long ago as 1892, in a joint resolution approved 
 April 12 of that year, that the Government’s 
 large collections illustrative of the various arts 
 and sciences, and its facilities for scientific and 
 literary research, were to be held accessible to 
 the investigators and students of any institution 
 of higher education then existing or thereafter 
 established in the District of Columbia. By an 
 almost unnoticed but most important provision 
 incorporated in the general deficiency bill passed 
 at the second session of the Fifty-sixth Congress, 
 and approved March 3, 1901, the privileges given 
 by the joint resolution of April 12, 1892, to in- 
 vestigators and students of institutions in the 
 District of Columbia were extended to ‘scien- 
 tific investigators and to duly qualified individ- 
 uals, students, and graduates of institutions of 
 learning in the several States and Territories, as 
 well as in the District of Columbia, under such 
 rules and restrictions as the heads of the depart- 
 ments and bureaus mentioned may prescribe. 
 
 . . . The new opportunities created a new need, 
 and that need is to be met by the Washington 
 Memorial Institution, incorporated on May 17, 
 1901, and formally organized on June 3. 
 
 212 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 “The Washington Memorial Institution is the 
 direct outcome of the activities of the Washing- 
 ton Academy of Sciences and of the George 
 Washington Memorial Association, the latter 
 body being an organization of women ‘ to aid 
 in securing in the city of Washington, D. C., 
 the increase of opportunities for higher educa- 
 tion, as recommended by George Washington, 
 the first President of the United States, iu his 
 various messages to Congress.’ . . . The plan 
 has been worked out in consultation with repre- 
 sentatives of the universities and other scientific 
 bodies, and with their hearty cooperation and 
 approval. It has the merits of simplicity and 
 of not duplicating any existing form of educa- 
 tional effort.” The Institution “will ascertain, 
 year by year, just what the opportunities for 
 students are at Washington, and will publish 
 them to the world ; it will receive and enroll 
 students who offer themselves, and direct them 
 to the places which await them ; it will record 
 their work and its results, and, when requested, 
 will certify these to any institution of learning. 
 
 It will keep in touch with the universities, sci- 
 entific schools, and colleges on the one hand, 
 and with the departments and bureaus of the 
 Government on the other. In this way it will, 
 it may be hoped, promote the interests and the 
 ideals of both.” — -Nicholas Murray Butler, The 
 Washington Memorial Institution ( American 
 Review of Reviews, July, 1901). 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1909 . — Changes at the Uni- 
 versities. — In October, 1901, on accepting a 
 nomination to the mayoralty of New York City, 
 President Seth Low, of Columbia University, 
 resigned from that post, and Professor Nicholas 
 Murray Butler became acting President until the 
 following January, when he was elected to the 
 Presidency by the unanimous vote of the trustees. 
 
 For the first time in its history, the University 
 of Virginia — Jefferson’s creation — received a 
 President in April, 1905, when Dr. Edwin An- 
 derson Alderman was inducted in office as its 
 administrative head. The significance of the 
 occurrence was expressed at the time by Profes- 
 sor William P. Trent, when he said: “The Uni- 
 versity of Virginia, so long, under its chairmen 
 of the faculty, faithful to its founder’s prej udices 
 against the concentration of executive power in 
 the hands of an individual, has been forced by 
 pressure from within and from without to align 
 itself with its sister universities in this essential 
 feature of educational government, and in this 
 fact many will see another step in the slow but 
 certain nationalizing of the South, as well as an 
 indication that in the future the University of 
 Virginia will be widely known as a national in- 
 stitution of high standing.” 
 
 In the summer of 1902, President Francis L. 
 Patton, who had been the successor of President 
 McCosh at Princeton University, retired and was 
 succeeded by Professor Woodrow Wilson, pre- 
 viously occupant of the chair of Jurisprudence 
 and Politics since 1890. 
 
 The President who had organized the Univer- 
 sity of Chicago at its foundation, in 1891, and di- 
 rected its successful development through fifteen 
 years of a remarkable success, William Rainey 
 Harper, died on the 10th of January, 1906, and 
 was succeeded by Professor Harry Pratt Judson, 
 previously at the head of the department of 
 Political Science and Dean of the faculties of 
 Arts, Literature, and Science. 
 
 21 
 
 President Henry Hopkins of Williams College 
 retired in 1907 and was succeeded by Harry A. 
 Garfield, eldest son of the former President of 
 the United States, and lately Professor of Politics 
 at Princeton University. 
 
 In October, 1908, President Charles W. Eliot 
 of Harvard University made known his wisli to 
 retire in the following May from the office which 
 he had filled with so much distinction for forty 
 years. His resignation was accepted with pro- 
 found regret, and he vacated the Presidency of 
 the great University on the 19th of May, 1909. 
 His successor, Professor Abbott Lawrence Low- 
 ell, taken from the chair of the Science of Gov- 
 ernment, in the Harvard faculty, had been elected 
 in the preceding January. President Lowell 
 was inaugurated with much ceremony on the 
 6 tli of October. 
 
 Dr. Richard C. Maclaurin was called from the 
 department of physics in Columbia University, 
 New York, to the presidency of the Massachu- 
 setts Institute of Technology, iu November, 1908. 
 
 President Cyrus Northrup, of the University 
 of Minnesota, announced in 1908 his resignation 
 to take effect the following year. 
 
 A change in the Presidency of Dartmouth 
 College took place in June, 1909, Dr. W. J. 
 Tucker resigning because of ill health, and Pro- 
 fessor Ernest Fox Nichols, formerly head of the 
 department of physics at Dartmouth, and lat- 
 terly occupying a chair at Columbia University, 
 being elected to his place. 
 
 Having passed his eightieth year of life and 
 the thirty -eighth of his administration of the 
 University of Michigan, President James Bur- 
 rill Angell was reluctantly permitted to retire 
 from active service to the University at the 
 close of the academic year in 1909. The accept- 
 ance of his resignation by the Regents of the 
 University was accompanied, however, by the 
 tender to him of the office of Chancellor, the du- 
 ties to be such as “he may be willing and able 
 to perform ; the salary for such office to be $4000 
 per year, with house rent, light and fuel, so long 
 as he sees fit to occupy his present residence.” 
 Dean H. B. Hutchins, of the law department 
 was made acting President. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Founding of the Carnegie In- 
 stitution of Washington, for Original Re- 
 search. See (in this vol.) Science and Inven- 
 tion : Carnegie Institution. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1909 . — The General Education 
 Board. — Its stupendous endowment by Mr. 
 Rockefeller. — Its plans and operations. — 
 The General Education Board, destined to be- 
 come so great an educational power in the United 
 States, had its birth on the 27th of February, 
 1902, at a meeting in New York to which Mr. 
 John D. Rockefeller had invited the following 
 named gentlemen : William H. Baldwin, Jr., 
 Wallace Buttrick, Hon. J. L. M. Curry, Freder- 
 ick T. Gates, Daniel C. Gilman, Morris K. Jes- 
 sup, Robert C. Ogden, Walter H. Page, George 
 Foster Peabody, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., and 
 Albert Shaw ; with Edward M. Shepard as coun- 
 sel. A conception of the general plaD and pur- 
 pose of the Board had been, it is said, in Mr. 
 Rockefeller’s thought for some time past, and 
 his guests gave hearty approval to the project 
 in which he asked them to join him. Then and 
 there they became organized temporarily under 
 the name still borne, Mr. Rockefeller pledging 
 § 1 , 000,000 to the support of yieir work, which 
 
 3 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 should specially be directed at the outset to the 
 study and improvement of educational conditions 
 in the Southern States. Offices of the Board 
 were opened in New York April 1, 1902. It 
 was incorporated by Act of Congress on the 12th 
 of January, 1903, at which time a considerable 
 number of new members was added to the Board, 
 chosen from the heads of important universities 
 and colleges, North and South. The Board was 
 nowin active cooperation with the United States 
 Department of Agriculture, whose work of 
 scientific and systematic instruction in agricul 
 ture, by demonstration farms and otherwise, it 
 found to be dealing with the most pressing of 
 Southern needs. It found another field of use- 
 ful cooperation, with Southern universities and 
 colleges, in promotion of the founding and main 
 tabling of high schools. Its main operations 
 were on these lines until the summer of 1905, 
 when, on the 30th of June, Mr. Rockefeller ex- 
 panded its forces immensely by adding $10,000,- 
 000 to his original gift of $1,000,000. 
 
 In The Iiidependent of August 6, 1908, Mr. 
 Wallace Buttrick. secretary of the Board, de- 
 scribed the enlargement of undertakings which 
 followed this increase of endowment, saying: 
 “The income of this large foundation for higher 
 education enabled the board to extend its work 
 throughout the whole country, as contemplated 
 in its charter. Studies had already been made 
 of the colleges in the Southern States, and such 
 studies were at once made of the colleges in other 
 parts of the United States. After such compre- 
 hensive study and the careful consideration of 
 how best to aid in the development of an ade- 
 quate system of colleges in all of the States of 
 the Union, the board adopted the following priu 
 ciples as defining its general policy : To co-oper- 
 ate sympathetically and helpfully with the re- 
 ligious denominations ; to choose the centers of 
 wealth and population as the permanent pivots 
 of an educational system ; to mass its funds on 
 endowments, securing in this work the largest 
 possible local co-operation.” 
 
 Less than two years later, on the 7th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1907, Mr. Rockefeller nearly trebled his 
 previous endowment by an enormous addition 
 to the fund in the possession of the Board, 
 announced in the following letter from his son, 
 Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr. : “My father au- 
 thorizes me to say that on or before April 1st, 
 1907, he will give to the General Education 
 Board income-bearing securities the present mar- 
 ket value of which is about thirty-two million 
 dollars ($32,000,000), one-third to be added to 
 the permanent endowment of the board ; two- 
 thirds to be applied to such specific objects 
 within the corporate purposes of the board as 
 either he or I may from time to time direct, any 
 remainder not so designated at the death of the 
 survivor to be added also to the permanent 
 endowment of the board.” 
 
 Of what was being done by the Board with 
 this stupendous fund Mr. Buttrick gave details 
 in The Independent as follows: “Conditional 
 appropriations have been made to forty colleges, 
 in the States of Maine, Massachusetts, Connecti- 
 cut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, 
 Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Ten- 
 nessee, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illi- 
 nois, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Iowa, Missouri, 
 Kansas and Colorado. 
 
 “ Twenty-five of these colleges have secured 
 subscriptions for the supplemental sums re- 
 quired and but one has failed. The remaining 
 fifteen colleges report satisfactory progress. 
 The total amount thus appropriated by the 
 board is $2,437,500 ; the supplemental sums, 
 when completed, will aggregate $10,397,000. 
 
 “From the original $1,000,000 gift to the 
 board by Mr. Rockefeller appropriations have 
 been made to schools in the South amounting to 
 about $700,000, one-half of which has gone to 
 schools for the colored people. The high school 
 propaganda and the agricultural demonstration 
 work have also been supported from this fund. 
 
 “ From the foregoing it will be seen that, in 
 the Northern States, the board devotes itself 
 exclusively to the promotion of higher education, 
 having always in view the desirability of aiding 
 such institutions as, taken together, will consti- 
 tute an adequate system of higher education for 
 each of the several States, thus seeking to correct 
 and prevent duplication and waste and securing 
 the highest efficiency. 
 
 “ In the Southern States its work for colleges 
 is similar to that done in the North, and, in addi- 
 tion, it seeks to promote public high schools 
 through the State universities and the State 
 Department of Education, to promote elementary 
 education (or common schools) by increasing the 
 productive efficiency of rural life, and to aid in 
 developing schools for the training of leaders 
 among the colored people.” 
 
 But Mr. Rockefeller was not yet at the end of 
 his gifts to this great Foundation. On the 9th 
 of July, 1909, the following announcement was 
 published: “John I). Rockefeller has raised the 
 total of his contributions to the Rockefeller 
 foundation of the general education board to 
 $53,000,000 by a gift of $10,000,000 which will 
 be passed to the credit of the board between now 
 and Aug. 1. He has gone farther than that and 
 has intrusted to the membership of the board — 
 as it may be constituted at some future day — - 
 the responsibility of distributing the principal of 
 the fund among the educational institutions of 
 the land if it shall be deemed advisable. 
 
 “Under the regulations at present obtaining, 
 this power of final disposition would extend only 
 to $33,000,000, inasmuch as the board holds the 
 other $20,000,000 in trust with the power to dis- 
 pose of the income, while Mr. Rockefeller and 
 his son, John D. Rockefeller, Jr., retain the right 
 to dispose of the principal during their lives. It 
 was said to-day that it always has been Mr. 
 Rockefeller’s intention to make such a provision 
 for the final disposition. 
 
 “ In making the announcement to-day, Chair- 
 man Gates said that this large addition to the 
 permanent funds of the board was contributed 
 because the income of the present funds immedi- 
 ately available for appropriation had been ex- 
 hausted and it was found necessary to have an 
 additional income in order to meet the needs of 
 ‘ present great importance.’ 
 
 “ He said the board made it a rule never to ex- 
 ceed the immediately available income — which 
 might amount to $80,000 or $90,000 a month — 
 in its awards to the colleges and universities, 
 that something like 300 applications had been 
 received by the board beyond the number which 
 it already had acted upon, which was large. 
 
 “ Mr. Gates said that at the same meeting last 
 Wednesday another communication had been 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 received from Mr. Rockefeller, authorizing and 
 empowering the board and its successors ‘when- 
 ever, in their discretion, it should seem wise to 
 distribute the principal of funds contributed by 
 him to the board upon the affirmative vote of 
 two-thirds of all those who shall at the time be 
 members of the board.’ ” 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1908 . — The Carnegie Founda- 
 tion for the Advancement of Teaching. — After 
 the founding of the Carnegie Institution, of 
 Washington, Mr. Carnegie’s next great gift to 
 Education, made in 1905, was in the sum of $10,- 
 ■ 000 , 000 , placed in the hands of trustees as a fund 
 the income of which may be applied “ to provide 
 retiring pensions, without respect to race, sex, 
 ■creed, or color, for the teachers of universities, 
 colleges, and technical schools in the United 
 States, the Dominion of Canada, and Newfound- 
 land,” and “to provide for the care and mainte- 
 nance of the widows and families of the said 
 teachers.” The board of trustees chosen by Mr. 
 Carnegie for the administration of the fund is 
 made up of eminent educators from different 
 parts of America, with Dr. Henry S. Pritchett 
 called from the Presidency of the Massachusetts 
 Institute of Technology to become its executive 
 head. The board was organized in November, 
 1905, and in the following April it adopted a 
 plan of administration which had been formu- 
 lated meantime by a committee from its mem 
 bership. It had then, by an Act of Congress, 
 approved by the President. March 10, 1906, been 
 incorporated under the title of ‘ ' The Carnegie 
 Foundaton for the Advancement of Teaching.” 
 Besides using the words quoted above, in de- 
 scription of the authorized purpose of the Found- 
 ation, the Act of Incorporation adds further- 
 more that it is “ in general, to do and perform all 
 things necessary to encourage, uphold, and dig- 
 nify the profession of the teacher and the cause 
 of higher education.” It is a further provision 
 of the Act that “retiring pensions shall be paid 
 to such teachers only as are or have been con- 
 nected with institutions not under control of a 
 sect, or which do not require their trustees, their 
 officers, faculties, or students (or a majority 
 thereof), to belong to any specified sect, and 
 which do not impose any theological test as a 
 condition of entrance therein or of connection 
 therewith.” 
 
 As explained by President Pritchett in an ar- 
 ticle published soon after the organization of 
 their board, the Trustees had three fundamental 
 ■questions to determine: “First, What is a col- 
 lege ? second. What constitutes denominational 
 control ? and, third. Should a private agency 
 step in between the State and one of its institu- 
 tions and establish a system of retiring allow- 
 ances for university professors who are officers 
 of the State?” “The term college is used to 
 designate, in the United States, Canada, and 
 Newfoundland, institutions varying so widely in 
 ■entrance requirements, standards of instruction, 
 and facilities for work that the term is no de- 
 scription of the character of the institution. Of 
 the seven hundred and more institutions calling 
 themselves colleges or universities, many are 
 such in name only.” To rule their present action 
 the Trustees adopted the definition that is “now 
 in use under the revised ordinances of the State 
 of New York, and which reads as follows : ‘ An 
 institution to be ranked as a college must have 
 at least six professors giving their entire time 
 
 to college and university work, a course of four 
 full years in liberal arts and sciences, and should 
 require for admission not less than the usual 
 four years of academic or high school prepara- 
 tion, or its equivalent, in addition to the pre- 
 academic or grammar school studies.’ The trus- 
 tees will also require that an institution, to be 
 ranked as a college and to be dealt with as a 
 college officially, must have a productive en- 
 dowment of not less than $ 200 , 000 .” 
 
 As for the institutions to be excluded from the 
 benefits of the retiring pension fund because of 
 a sectarian connection the Trustees were con- 
 fronted with a still more difficult question, since 
 “a large majority of all the colleges of the 
 country have a connection more or less strong 
 with denominations.” In the circumstances, no 
 hard and fast rule of exclusion could be formu- 
 lated ; but, said President Pritchett, “it is evi- 
 dent that in many cases colleges must choose 
 between the advantages of this gift and the ben- 
 efits of a denominational connection.” 
 
 So far as concerned State institutions, it was 
 the original conclusion of the Board that “the 
 States may fairly be expected to provide a re- 
 tiring pension system for their own professors, 
 and it is certainly questionable whether such 
 wholesale action on the part of a private agency 
 in the endowment of State institutions might 
 not do them an injury rather than a kindness.” 
 Trustees and officers of the State Universities 
 appealed from this view, and submitted to the 
 Trustees cogent reasons why these institutions 
 should participate in the distribution of the 
 Fund. The Trustees replied that the Fund was 
 not large enough for such an extension of its 
 use. That objection, however, was soon re- 
 moved by Mr. Carnegie, who made it known, in 
 April, 1908, that he would have pleasure in add- 
 ing $5,000,000 to his original gift in order to 
 furnish retiring allowances for all State Univer- 
 sities that may apply for them. The Carnegie 
 Foundation is now being administered accord- 
 ingly- 
 
 Retiring allowances are determined by the 
 following rules of the Board : — “I. In reckon- 
 ing the amount of the retiring allowance, the 
 average salary for the last five years of active 
 service shall be considered the active pay. 
 
 “ II. Any person sixty-five years of age, and 
 who has had not less than fifteen years of ser- 
 vice as a professor, and who is at the same time 
 a professor in an accepted institution, shall be 
 entitled to an annual retiring allowance com- 
 puted as follows : (a) For an active pay of six- 
 teen hundred dollars or less, an allowance of one 
 thousand dollars, provided no retiring allowance 
 shall exceed ninety per cent, of the active pay. 
 
 ( b ) For an active pay greater than sixteen hun- 
 dred dollars the retiring allowance shall equal 
 one thousand dollars, increased by fifty dollars 
 for each one hundred dollars of active pay in 
 excess of sixteen hundred dollars, (c) No re- 
 tiring allowance shall exceed three thousand 
 dollars. 
 
 “HI. Any person who has had a service of 
 twenty-five years as a professor, and who is at 
 the time a professor in an accepted institution, 
 shall be entitled to a retiring allowance, com- 
 puted as follows : (a) For an active pay of six- 
 teen hundred dollars or less, a retiring allow- 
 ance of eight hundred dollars, provided that no 
 retiring allowance shall exceed eighty per cent, 
 
 215 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EDUCATION 
 
 of the active pay. (6) For an active pay greater 
 than sixteen hundred dollars the retiring allow- 
 ance shall equal eight hundred dollars, increased 
 by forty dollars for each one hundred dollars of 
 active pay in excess of sixteen hundred dollars, 
 (c) For each additional year of service above 
 twenty -five, the retiring allowance shall be in- 
 creased by one per cent, of the active pay. ( d ) 
 No retiring allowance shall exceed three thou- 
 sand dollars. 
 
 “ IV. Any person who has been for ten years 
 the wife of a professor in actual service may 
 receive during her widowhood one-half of the 
 allowance to which her husband would have 
 been entitled.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Change in the Headship of the 
 Bureau of Education. — Dr. William Torrey 
 Harris, after seventeen years of distinguished 
 service as United States Commissioner of Edu- 
 cation, accepted the first designation of a retire- 
 ment pension that was made by the trustees of 
 the Carnegie Foundation. Professor Elmer Ells- 
 worth Brown, professor of the Theory and Prac- 
 tice of Teaching in the University of California, 
 was appointed by the President to succeed him. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Celebration of the twenty- 
 fifth anniversary of the founding of Tuske- 
 gee Institute. — The twenty -fifth anniversary 
 of the founding of Tuskegee Normal and Indus- 
 trial Institute, at Tuskegee, Alabama, by Booker 
 T. Washington, was celebrated in April, 1906, 
 and made the occasion of a notable gathering at 
 Tuskegee of strong friends of the institution 
 and its founder from all parts of the country. 
 In The North American Review of that month Mr. 
 Washington gave an interesting account of the 
 rise of the Institute from insignificant begin- 
 nings, of the aims pursued in it and of the extent 
 of their realization. It had sought to promote 
 among the negroes of the South an education 
 which, as he expressed it, “not only did not ed- 
 ucate them out of sympathy with the masses of 
 their people, but made them actively and practi- 
 cally interested in constructive methods and 
 work among their people.” Its students “are 
 expected to be able to show the farmers how to 
 buy land, to assist them by advice in getting 
 out of debt, and to encourage them to cease 
 mortgaging their crops and to take active inter- 
 est in the economic development of their com- 
 munity.” 
 
 This w T ise leader and true statesman of his 
 race has devoted his life to the solving of the 
 race-problem in the South on the principle stated 
 by him in these words : “There is nothing for 
 the negro to do but to remain where he is and 
 struggle on and up. The whole philosophy of 
 the negro question can be written in three words, 
 — patience, persistence, virtue. The really help- 
 ful thing about the situation is that on the whole 
 the negro has done, under the circumstances, the 
 best he could.” 
 
 Of the planting and growth of Tuskegee In- 
 stitute he wrote : ‘ Starting in a shanty and 
 
 a hen-house, with almost no property beyond a 
 hoe and a blind mule, the school has grown up 
 gradually, much as a town grows. We needed 
 food for our tables ; farming, therefore, was our 
 first industry, started to meet this need. With 
 the need for shelter for our students, courses in 
 house-building and carpentry were added. Out 
 of these, brick-making and brick masonry natu- 
 rally grew. The increasing demand for buildings 
 
 made further specialization in the industries 
 necessary. Soon we found ourselves teaching 
 tinsmithing, plastering, and painting. Classes 
 in cooking were added, because we needed com- 
 petent persons to prepare the food. Courses in 
 laundering, sewing, dining-room work, and 
 nurse-training have been added to meet the ac- 
 tual needs of the school community. This pro- 
 cess of specialization has continued as the school 
 increased in numbers, and as the more varied 
 wants of a larger community created a demand, 
 and instruction is now given in thirty -seven in- 
 dustries.” 
 
 At the end of its first twenty-five years of ex- 
 istence, the Institute has 1500 students; 156 offi- 
 cers, teachers, and employees ; 86 buildings ; 
 and various ramifications for extensive work. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Segregation of Oriental chil- 
 dren in the San Francisco schools. See (in this 
 vol.) Race Problems : United States : A. D. 
 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Large gift for Rudimentary 
 Schools for Southern Negroes. — A fund of 
 
 $1,000,000 was created in the spring of 1907, by 
 gift from Miss Anna T. Jeanes, to be devoted to 
 rudimentary schools for Southern negroes. The 
 fund is to be administered by Principals Frissell, 
 of Hampton, and Booker T. Washington, of Tus- 
 kegee. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Re-dedication of the enlarged 
 Carnegie Institute, at Pittsburg. — An account 
 of the founding of the richly housed and equipped 
 Carnegie Library at Pittsburg, opened in 1895, 
 is given in Volume VI. of this work (see Libra- 
 ries). To that fundamental institution Mr. Car- 
 negie began soon to add auxiliaries, in technical 
 schools, lecture hall, music hall, art galleries, and 
 museum of science, until a great Institute, on 
 winch no less than $18,000,000 had been expended 
 and bestowed by the founder was complete. A 
 rededication of this splendid Carnegie Insti- 
 tute, in 1907, w r as made an impressive event by 
 the presence of a remarkable number of distin- 
 guished guests, invited from Great Britain, Ger- 
 many, France, Holland, Belgium, and the United 
 States. The interesting exercises of the occasion 
 were opened on the 10th of April and continued 
 through three days. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Wanted, in Massachusetts: 
 The right leader for an Educational Revolu- 
 tion.— The State Board of Education in Massa- 
 chusetts is said to have arrived, as a body, at the 
 conviction, which has been taking possession of 
 many minds in late years, that in the whole edu- 
 cational work of the present day, from primary 
 school to university, “there is much time wasted 
 in learning things of little help in after life, and 
 failure to get the essential character-building”; 
 that conditions are changed so greatly from what 
 they were when the last great educational rev- 
 olution was led in Massachusetts by Horace 
 Mann, and others, that a new revolution is the 
 imperative need of the day. Hence the State 
 Board of Education is reported to be searching 
 anxiously for a man to fill the lately created 
 office of State Commissioner of Education, who 
 is equal to a revolutionary undertaking. “He 
 must be,” says a recent Boston letter, “ a broad 
 man, of the right sort to realize the unusual op- 
 portunity open to-day.” “There is no limit to 
 the salary which the board may offer.” “ There 
 has been no politics in the board, and there shall 
 be none. All that the Commissioner wants in 
 
 6 
 
EDUCATION 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 the way of cooperation to carry out his views 
 he will have.” “The board feels that this is 
 a crisis. If the right man can be found, the 
 State’s system will take a step forward toward 
 a better practice, which shall remove the pre- 
 sent dissatisfaction and the feeling that the pub- 
 lic schools are not fitting children to be good 
 producers or citizens.” This opening seems 
 a great one for the right man, if he can be 
 found. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Election of a woman to the 
 Superintendency of the Chicago schools. — 
 
 Mrs. Ella Flagg Young, elected Superintendent 
 of the public schools of Chicago by the City’s 
 Board of Education, in July, 1909, is the first of 
 her sex to occupy so important an administra- 
 tive position. Her election is said to have been 
 due entirely to her manifest superiority in quali- 
 fication over other suggested candidates. The 
 school system she will administer is second 
 
 only in magnitude to that of the City of New 
 York. 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Gift to Yale University by 
 Mrs. Sage. — The following is announced from 
 New Haven on the 10th of January, 1910: — 
 “ The recent gift of $650,000 by Mrs. Russell 
 Sage of New York city for the purchase of the 
 Hillhouse property and its transfer free of encum- 
 brance to Yale University releases a correspond- 
 ing amount without restriction for the use of the 
 university corporation. Important meetings will 
 be held this week, one by the board of Sheffield 
 Scientific School trustees and the other a special 
 meeting of the Yale Corporation to act upon the 
 disposition of the funds released by the Sage gift. 
 It is generally understood that the plan proposed 
 is the erection upon the Hillhouse property of a 
 large biological laboratory, and perhaps the ap- 
 pointment in connection with it of a university 
 professor in biology upon a new foundation.” 
 
 EDWARD VII., King of Great Britain, 
 &c.: Proclamation of additional titles. See 
 (in this vol.) England : A. D. 1901 (Nov.). 
 
 His illness and deferred Coronation. See 
 (in this vol.) England : A. D. 1902 (June-Aug.). 
 
 His agency in bringing about the Entente 
 Cordiale between Great Britain and France. 
 See Europe : A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 His influence as a diplomatist. See Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1908. 
 
 His Death after a brief illness. — Succes- 
 sion of his son, George V. Se« England: 
 A. D. 1910 (May). 
 
 EGYPT : A. D. 1901-1905. — The founding 
 of schools for girls. — Training of native 
 teachers. See (in this vol. ) Education : Egypt. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Dec.). — Completion of the As- 
 suan Dam. — The great Assuan Dam, to control 
 the waters of the Nile, was opened with formal 
 ceremony on the 10th of December, 1902, in the 
 presence of the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, 
 the Khedive, Lord and Lady Cromer, and other 
 distinguished personages. Earlier in the year the 
 value of this important work of engineering had 
 been enhanced by a treaty with the Emperor of 
 Abyssinia or Ethiopia, which forbids construc- 
 tions on the upper waters of the Nile, within 
 the Abyssinian territory, which would arrest the 
 flow of their waters. See (in this vol.) Abys- 
 sinia: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Declarations of England and 
 France concerning Egypt in the Agreements 
 of the Entente of 1904. — Explanatory de- 
 spatch. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1904 
 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Pan-Islamic preaching. 
 — Pro -Turkish movement. — Turkish en- 
 croachments on the Sinai frontier. — The Ta- 
 bah incident. — British fleet at Phalerum. — 
 British garrisons reinforced. — “ Whether or- 
 dered by the Sultan or the result of an instinctive 
 religious wave, anew and definite crusade began 
 to affect Egypt in the summer of 1905. Preach- 
 ers appeared mysteriously in Cairo and spread 
 rapidly through the country, giving a new and 
 stricter interpretation to texts from the Koran, 
 and preaching in strong terms the wickedness 
 of obeying the infidel. These preachers mixed 
 with the people in their houses and cafes, and in 
 the infinite leisure of a prosperous Oriental coun- 
 try doubtless found no lack of occasion for in- 
 stilling their new doctrines. Then the Arabic 
 
 native Press began to preach the same lesson, 
 applying it specially to the Macedonian crisis 
 and the piteous plight of the harassed Sultan. A 
 new spirit came suddenly into political contro- 
 versy. Any native defender of British rule was 
 marked as a ‘ bad Moslem, ’ or ‘ a traitor to Egypt.’ 
 Argument was impossible ; for any doubt of the 
 Sultan was simply impiety. So the work went 
 on bravely through the summer and autumn of 
 1905, while the British authorities looked on in 
 surprise and perplexity. Lonely residents up 
 country began to notice a change in the tone of 
 the people. They felt the under-swell of a new 
 and mysterious movement of religious feeling. 
 Europeans who understood Arabic heard insolent 
 remarks in the cafes as they passed by, and doc- 
 tors in charge of invalids in lonely hotels no- 
 ticed with alarm the sullen looks of their Arab 
 servants, and their keen excitement over the Sul- 
 tan’s struggle. A spirit of nervous apprehension 
 began to spread abroad among Europeans. 
 
 “Then in January, 1906, the Sultan suddenly 
 showed his hand; and the smouldering fire burst 
 out into the flame of the famous Tabah incident. 
 The events that followed became conspicuous to 
 the whole world — the seizure by Turkish troops 
 of villages on the Egyptian side of the Sinai 
 frontier, the threat to fire on an Egyptian cruiser, 
 the defiant resistance to the English successor, 
 the peremptory order to Egypt to evacuate Fa- 
 roun Island, and, finally, the claim of Mouktar 
 Pasha to a frontier-line west of Suez. The behav- 
 iour of Turkey seemed to bear out Rudyard Kip- 
 ling's description of the ethical atmosphere that 
 lies east of that port. Even where ‘ there ain’t no 
 ten commandments,’ indeed, the little villages 
 that sparkle like a grain of salt in the empty des- 
 ert of the wanderings of Israel might be thought 
 tempting to no man. But the line of the frontier 
 had been drawn east of Tabah by the treaty which 
 established Mehemet Ali in the Khedivate in 1840 
 [see in Yol. I. of this work, Egypt: A. D. 1840- 
 1869], and the claim to this limit had been pru- 
 dently re-asserted by Lord Cromer in 1892, when 
 the present Khedive ascended the throne. Any 
 tampering with these written arrangements, even 
 to the extent of a single village, would have been 
 the end of our authority in Egypt. There was, 
 therefore, no room for compromise. If Sir Edward 
 Grey had hesitated to force a surrender from 
 Turkey in May by the only possible method of 
 moving the fleet to Phalerum [and demanding 
 
EGYPT 
 
 EGYPT 
 
 the immediate evacuation of Tabah], we might 
 just as well have left the Nile. 
 
 “For the real significance of these events 
 lay in what was going on in the mosques and 
 newspapers of Egypt itself. As the crisis grew, 
 these voices grew more and more daring. The 
 preachers were as tempestuous as those who ful- 
 minated at St. Paul’s Cross in our own Reforma- 
 tion times. Every move of the Sultan in those 
 tortuous negotiations was accompanied by an 
 obligato of sympathy from the Pan-Islamic 
 Press. The native journals in Egypt are small 
 sheets, cheaply produced. During the last eigh- 
 teen months they multiplied exceedingly, fed by 
 mysterious channels. The new journals preached 
 the new doctrine — the doctrine of Pan-Islam- 
 ism. . . . 
 
 “A Turkish raid on the Suez Canal or Nekl 
 might have caused an outburst of fanaticism in 
 Egypt and seriously divided and embarrassed the 
 Army of Occupation. It was impossible to be sure 
 that the Egyptian army of 16,000 men, though 
 officered by Englishmen, could be trusted to fight 
 against the Turks. Hence the reinforcement of 
 the British garrison, reduced to some 2000 men, 
 by an addition of some 3000. These began to ar- 
 rive in May, and the agitation calmed quickly 
 after their arrival. They are now to stay on at the 
 expense of Egypt. Thus the first effect of the 
 Sultan’s interference has been a deplorable set- 
 back from Lord Cromer’s ideal of governing 
 Egypt by means of British-officered native police- 
 men.” — Harold Spender, England, Egypt and 
 Turkey (Contemporary Review, Oct., 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Jan.). — State of the country. — 
 General satisfaction of the people. — The 
 disaffected a minority. — Transformation ef- 
 fected by English rule. — Testimony of a 
 F rench writer. — Those who know the real situ- 
 ation in Egypt can easily understand how almost 
 the whole population, with the exception of an 
 insignificant minority, are satisfied and desire no 
 change. It is enough to compare the present state 
 of the country — even rapidly and superficially — 
 with that existing in 1882, to perceive the perfect 
 satisfaction of all classes and the greatness of the 
 work achieved by England ; and the more pro- 
 foundly this question is studied, the greater the 
 admiration that must be accorded to Lord Cromer 
 and to all those who during the past twenty-five 
 years have worked under his orders at the regen- 
 eration of Egypt. The situation of that country 
 in 1882 may be briefly summed up in the follow- 
 ing manner : 
 
 “The Government was then in the hands of a 
 band of rebels at the head of whom was the 
 cowardly and worthless colonel, Arabi. The ex- 
 chequer was empty; Egypt owed (almost en- 
 tirely to Europe) nearly five millions sterling. 
 The revenue was insufficient to pay the interest 
 on her debts, or even to meet the expenses of 
 government. The public works were all in such 
 a state of neglect and disuse as to be no longer 
 of any service. Commerce was paralysed and in- 
 dustry at the last gasp. The fellaheen, to whose 
 labour Egypt owes her agricultural wealth, had 
 stopped working, for, left at the mercy of the 
 Pashas, who extorted from them everything 
 possible down to the last farthing, they died of 
 hunger, whether they worked or not. If we 
 add that their leaders told the unfortunate 
 people that their suffering all these privations 
 was solely the fault of the Christian devils who 
 
 21 
 
 were exacting mountains of gold from Egypt, 
 it is easy to see that fanaticism and poverty 
 combined were helping to make the situation a 
 critical one for Europeans. It was into this fiery 
 furnace that England entered and France re- 
 fused to follow her. . . . 
 
 “This is now a tale of the past, and on the 
 curtain being raised we behold a transformation 
 so marvellous, so grand, that it is almost incred- 
 ible. We find Egypt rich and prosperous; a 
 great portion of her debt paid, an admirably 
 adjusted budget; her revenues increasing enor- 
 mously, regularly every year — and that in the 
 face of large and important public works, works 
 which daily augment the wealth of the country. 
 Agriculture is advancing by leaps and bounds, 
 while commerce and industry develop and in- 
 crease with a rapidity unparalleled in the history 
 of the world. A well-organised network of 
 railroads, steam navigation, telegraphs, tele- 
 phones, and excellently maintained canals, 
 spreads over the country. Schools of every kind 
 have been opened — primary, secondary, and 
 higher schools, technical, commercial, and med- 
 ical schools. The fellah works quietly and hap- 
 pily on his land, and the townsman is growing 
 rich, while business prospers increasingly from 
 one end of the country to the other. From the 
 mouths of the Nile, from Alexandria to the 
 great lakes of Central Africa, all across Egypt, 
 Nubia, and the Soudan, peace and quiet reign 
 everywhere. And — strange as it may seem — 
 all these results have been obtained, nbt by in- 
 creasing the taxes, but, on the contrary, by re- 
 ducing and even in some cases abolishing them 
 altogether. 
 
 “In less than twenty-five years England has 
 accomplished all this and much more still. She 
 has effected the marvellous achievement of re- 
 maining in Egypt with the unanimous consent 
 of the Powers of Europe, to the great satisfaction 
 of the Egyptians themselves and the foreigners 
 dwelling in Egypt, and finally of living there 
 as a friend, almost as an ally of France! . . . 
 
 “The honesty of the Government in all its 
 branches, the impartiality with which all abuses 
 have been punished, and finally the honourable 
 example which during five-and-twenty years 
 the English have set before the Egyptians, have 
 certainly borne good fruit. To be ‘ honest ’ is 
 no longer an empty expression on the banks of 
 the Nile, and the entire population understands 
 to-day what that word signifies. I think of how 
 absolutely unknown it was in 1882 ! To sum 
 up, Egypt and the Egyptians have now become 
 dean, both physically and morally. We may 
 say that England has cleansed and disinfected 
 them, externally and internally.” — A. B. de 
 Guerville, The Situation in Egypt ( Fortnightly 
 Review, Feb., 1907). 
 
 In his work on “Modern Egypt,” published 
 since his retirement from the British administra- 
 tion in Egypt, Lord Cromer speaks as follows of 
 the change which has come over Egypt since 
 the British occupation took place. Though an in- 
 terested witness, Lord Cromer is one well trusted 
 by the general opinion of the world : “A new 
 spirit,” lie wrote, “ has been instilled into the 
 population of Egypt. Even the peasant has 
 learnt to scan his rights. Even the Pasha has 
 learnt that others besides himself have rights 
 which must be respected. The courbasli may 
 hang on the walls of the Moudirieh, but the 
 
 .8 
 
EGYPT 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 Moudir no longer dares to employ it on the backs 
 of the fellaheen. For all practical purposes, it 
 may be said that the hateful corvee system has 
 disappeared. Slavery has virtually ceased to 
 exist. The halcyon days of the adventurer and 
 the usurer are past. Fiscal burthens have been 
 greatly relieved. Everywhere law reigns su- 
 preme. Justice is no longer bought and sold. 
 Nature, instead of being spurned and neglected, 
 has been wooed to bestow her gifts on mankind. 
 She has responded to the appeal. The waters of 
 the Nile are now utilized in an intelligent man- 
 ner. Means of locomotion have been improved 
 and extended. The soldier has acquired some 
 pride in the uniform which he wears. lie has 
 fought as he never fought before. The sick man 
 can be nursed in a well-managed hospital. The 
 lunatic is no longer treated like a wild beast. 
 The punishment awarded to the worst criminal 
 is no longer barbarous. Lastly, the schoolmas- 
 ter is abroad, with results which are as yet un- 
 certain, but which cannot fail to be important.” 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Gordon Memorial College at 
 Khartoum. See (in this vol.) Education: 
 Egypt. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Completion of the Esneh 
 Barrage. See (in this vol.) Conservation op 
 Natural Resources: Egypt. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — The Nationalist agi- 
 tation, excited by the Turkish Revolution. 
 — A correspondent of the New York Ecening 
 Post, writing from London of the agitation for 
 national independence in Egypt, under date of 
 May 8, 1909, remarks that it has been affected 
 in two ways by the recent revolutionary move- 
 ments in the East. They have “weakened as 
 well as strengthened the cause. For a number 
 of half-educated native thinkers to see Turkey 
 with a Parliament is to make them feel they 
 should have one, too. The British agent points 
 out that the youth of Egypt, upon whom must 
 rest all hopes of eventual autonomy, are becom- 
 ing demoralized by such propaganda. They 
 have been clamoring on every occasion for a 
 Constitution.” They have been incited by a 
 virulent press. “When, a few months ago, 
 Mr. Haldane announced that the British army 
 of occupation was to be increased to the same 
 strength as the force in South Africa, disgust- 
 ing diatribes were indulged in against the Brit- 
 ish army. Officers were described as monsters 
 of low breeding, ill manners, cowardice, and 
 multifarious vice. As a result of this kind of 
 thing, and also through the pressure of the 
 moderate native press, the old Press law of 1881 
 was revived — a law providing that after three 
 warnings a paper may be suspended by the 
 Council of Ministers by an administrative order, 
 and not through the courts of law. 
 
 “ Since then the Nationalists have arranged 
 frequent demonstrations, some of them result- 
 
 ing in encounters with the police, which have 
 been magnified by part of the English press into 
 serious riots. Serious riots are uot got up by 
 schoolboys, who, according to the best infor- 
 mation, seem to have been entirely responsible 
 for the physical part of these demonstrations 
 in Cairo and elsewhere. They have now been 
 strictly forbidden to take part in any public 
 political discussion.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Young Egypt Con- 
 gress. — The party of Young Egyptians, so 
 called, held a Congress at Geneva in September 
 — the second of such assemblies — which was 
 attended by several sympathetic members of the 
 British Parliament, Mr. Keir Hardie and others, 
 representing the Labor and Irish parties. A 
 telegram was sent from the Congress to the 
 House of Commons in England, stating that the 
 representatives of the intellectual elements of 
 organized Egyptian political parties gathered in 
 congress at Geneva on the occasion of the anni- 
 versary of the entry of the English troops into 
 Cairo saluted very respectfully the representa- 
 tives of Great Britain, recalled the reiterated 
 promise of the British Government to evacuate 
 Egyptian territory, and inasmuch as the reasons 
 given by Mr. Gladstone for the occupation no 
 longer existed, asked the House for the honour 
 of the English nation to secure the withdrawal 
 of the troops from Egyptian territory. A similar 
 telegram was despatched to the Grand Vizier, 
 Hilmi Pasha, asking him to use his influence 
 with England to secure the withdrawal of the 
 troops. 
 
 This was sent on the 14th of September, the 
 27th anniversary of the British occupation of 
 Egypt, and on the same day the Prime Minister 
 of Great Britain, Mr. Asquith, received the fol- 
 lowing telegram from Cairo: 
 
 ‘ ‘ A meeting of 6, 000 Egyptians assembled here 
 to-day desires to convey to your high personage 
 the unanimous and energetic protest of the 
 Egyptian people against the occupation, and 
 from to-day demands the evacuation, relying 
 upon the engagements and solemn oaths of the 
 Queen’s Governments. Moreover, to gain our 
 friendship is more preferable for English honour 
 than to lose our hearts and support.” 
 
 The protest was also sent to the Grand Vizier 
 in Constantinople and to the Young Egypt Con- 
 gress in Geneva. 
 
 EHRLICH, Paul. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes 
 
 EHR-LUNG-SHAN FORT, Capture of. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (May- 
 Jan.). 
 
 EIGHT HOUR LABOR DAY. See(inthis 
 vol.) Labor Protection: Hours of Labor. 
 
 ELECTIONS, Political: Contributions 
 from Corporations prohibited. See (in this vol.) 
 United States : A. D. 1907 (Jan.). 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. 
 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1906. —Universal 
 Suffrage adopted in Austria. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907. 
 
 Belgium: A. D. 1902. — Opposition to the 
 Plural Suffrage defeated. See (in this vol. ) Bel- 
 gium: A. D. 1902, and 1904. See, also, Consti- 
 tution of Belgium, in Volume I. of this work, 
 
 and Belgium : A. D. 1894-1895, in Volume 
 VI. 
 
 China: A. D. 1908. — The Constitutional 
 Promise. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1905- 
 1908. 
 
 England: A. D. 1909. — Second reading of 
 the Representation of the People Bill, ex- 
 
 219 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 tending the Suffrage to Women and others. 
 
 See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1906 . — Extensions of 
 popular rights in some parts of the Empire. 
 
 — A comedy of election reform in Prussia. 
 
 — “ The agitation fertile extension of popular 
 rights is vigorous in many parts of the Empire. 
 The Kingdom of Wiirtemberg has just reformed 
 its antique constitution by eliminating from the 
 Lower House the privileged members, ‘ knights’ 
 and clergymen, and substituting members elected 
 by popular vote. Baden has introduced univer- 
 sal suffrage, and Bavaria has changed from in- 
 direct to direct voting. I 11 the Kingdom of Sax- 
 ony, which a decade ago remodeled its election 
 law in a plutocratic direction, the government is 
 now trying to retrace its steps. The Oldenburg 
 government has committed itself to universal 
 suffrage ; and in Saxe- Weimar the Liberal par- 
 ties and the Socialists have formed a compact 
 to establish it. In the midst of this democratic 
 movement Prussia has just carried through a 
 slight revision of its election laws. . . . 
 
 “The government [Prussian] came forward 
 last spring with a scheme of election reform 
 which is nothing short of comical in its bureau- 
 cratic narrowness. Several huge city districts 
 were divided, and ten new seats in the Chamber 
 created, — not, however as a recognition of the 
 rights of the urban population, but in order to 
 facilitate the mere formalities of balloting. The 
 number of electors in such districts had outgrown 
 the capacity of any hall to hold them.” - — W. C. 
 Dreher, The Year in Germany ( Atlantic Monthly, 
 Nov., 1906). 
 
 India : Slight exercise of local self-govern- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 Introduction of popular representation in 
 the Legislative Councils. See India : A. D. 
 1908-1909. 
 
 Persia: Under the recent Constitution. See 
 (in this vol.) Constitution of Persia. 
 
 Philippine Islands. — Provisions of elec- 
 tion law. See (in this vol.) Philippine Islands : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Porto Rico : Change of qualifications for 
 the suffrage. See (in this vol.) Porto Rico: 
 A. D. 1901-1905. 
 
 Proportional Representation : England : 
 The subject under discussion. — The practica- 
 bility and desirability of proportional represent- 
 ation has been under investigation in the United 
 Kingdom, during 1909, by a Royal Commission, 
 which has had frequent sessions for hearings at 
 Whitehall. At a hearing in October Lord Hugh 
 Cecil, who represents Oxford in the House of 
 Commons, argued with great force in favor of 
 proportional representation, as a means of mod- 
 erating the constraint exercised over independent 
 opinion by party ties. He said that the present 
 system was not satisfactory. It greatly hindered 
 free discussion in the House of Commons, and 
 tended to exaggerate there the intensity of feel- 
 ing and the rigidity of the party system. Ma- 
 jorities were generally large, and often it was 
 merely a trial of endurance. The empty condi- 
 tion of the House on many occasions proved that 
 discussion never influenced divisions, and there 
 was an elimination of independent opinion. 
 Decisions were on party issues, except when new 
 subjects such as the fiscal question, were brought 
 forward. With smaller majorities independent 
 
 opinion — specific rather than general — would 
 have more opportunity, and that would be a 
 gain. There was a growing tendency to lift 
 foreign politics and, to a lesser degree, Colonial 
 politics beyond party, and to a large extent the 
 Government could count on the support of mod- 
 erate opponents when foreign and Colonial mat- 
 ters were considered. He did not think the effect 
 of proportional representation would be to form 
 any more groups than they had at present, but 
 his desire was that there should be members who 
 were not absolute party men, and independent 
 members would have more chance of getting 
 returned. He considered that desirable, and did 
 not apprehend the return of faddists. Even now 
 faddists were easily elected to Parliament, where 
 for the most part they were disregarded. He did 
 not agree that practically all sections of the com- 
 munity were represented under the existing sys- 
 tem. A very large and important section between 
 the two parties was never represented, having al- 
 ways to choose between one or the other extreme. 
 
 South Africa: The Principle in Practice. 
 — The principle of proportional representation 
 was brought into practice in the municipal elec- 
 tions of the Transvaal in October, 1909. The 
 Constitution of the South Africa Union, which 
 goes into effect in the spring of 1910, applies it, 
 also, to the election of senators in the Union 
 Parliament. “The proportional method chosen 
 is, in each case, that of the single transferable 
 vote, and the Johannesburg elections will fur- 
 nish an example of the use of this system on a 
 larger scale than any hitherto attempted, whilst 
 the senatorial elections will furnish examples of 
 its application to very small electorates. The 
 duty of the voter, both in the senatorial and in 
 the municipal elections, will be the same. He 
 must place the figure 1 against the candidate for 
 whom he desires to vote, and, in addition, he 
 may and should place the figures 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 , 7, 
 and so on against the names of the other candi- 
 dates in the order of his preference. The num- 
 bering of additional preferences, if not so vital 
 as that of marking the first choice, is of extreme 
 importance, and the elector should continue to 
 indicate preferences until he has exhausted his 
 powers of choice. The object, in marking prefer- 
 ences, is to prevent the waste of voting power. 
 For, if the elector’s first choice has obtained 
 more votes than are necessary to secure his elec- 
 tion, or if his first choice has obtained so few 
 votes as to be hopelessly out of the running, the 
 returning officer will carry forward these votes 
 in accordance with the wishes expressed by the 
 electors, as indicated by the preferences marked. 
 
 . . . The vote is always credited to the first 
 choice and is not transferred save in the con- 
 tingencies named. If, however, no effective use 
 can be made of the vote in the return of the elec- 
 tor’s first choice the returning officer, in the ab- 
 sence of any instructions from the voter, will be 
 unable to carry the vote forward, and the vote 
 will therefore have no influence in determining 
 the result of the election. Electors should there- 
 fore exercise to the full their privilege of mark- 
 ing preferences.” — The State ( South African 
 National Magazine), Oct., 1909. 
 
 Prussia: A. D. 1909 . — Rejection of pro- 
 posed Reforms. — The result of new proposals 
 for reforming the intolerable class-system of 
 voting in Prussia (see Constitution of Prussia 
 in Volume VI. of this work), proposals of more 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 sincerity than those of 1906, described above, — 
 was thus reported in a l’ress despatch from Ber- 
 lin, January 26, 1909: “The debate upon the mo- 
 tions regarding reform of the Prussian franchise 
 was concluded in the Lower House of the Diet 
 to-day. After two more speeches had been de- 
 livered the Conservatives moved and carried the 
 closure, and the various reform proposals were 
 put to the vote. All the motions were rejected. 
 Against most of the proposals so large a hostile 
 majority was shown when the Deputies were 
 invited to rise from their seats that no counting 
 of votes was necessary. A motion in favour of 
 the substitution of direct for indirect election 
 was rejected, upon a division, by 168 votes 
 against 165 — a majority of three. Upon this 
 question, and also upon the main question — 
 the introduction of a universal and equal fran- 
 chise with secrecy of the ballot — most of the 
 Centre Party Deputies voted with the Left, and 
 the majority consisted almost entirely of Con- 
 servatives and Free Conservatives, who under 
 the existing system, possess an absolute major- 
 ity in the Diet.” 
 
 A. D. 1910 . — A bill brought forward by the 
 Government in February, 1910, professing to 
 reform the elective franchise, gave less than 
 no satisfaction to the mass of the people, who 
 resented it as an insult to their rights. The mea- 
 sure was reported to make no change in the 
 three-class system of voting, which ensures to 
 wealth its political domination, and it refused 
 the secret ballot. It conceded nothing of reform 
 except a direct instead of an indirect election of 
 representatives, and provoked formidable de- 
 monstrations of popular indignation in Berlin 
 and other cities. 
 
 Russia: A. D. 1906 . — The Franchise as 
 exercised in the election of the Dumas. See 
 (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 1906 and 1907. 
 
 Sweden : A. D. 1909 . — Franchise Reform 
 Law. See (in this vol.) Sweden: A. D. 1909. 
 
 Turkey: A. D. 1908 . — Under the Constitu- 
 tion regained by Revolution. See (in this vol.) 
 Turkey : A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 United States: Direct primary nomination 
 of candidates. — After a long and unsatisfac- 
 tory experience in the United States of the nomi- 
 nation of candidates for public office by conven- 
 tions of delegates, the people have been rapidly 
 discarding that system within the last few years, 
 replacing it by the institution of primary elec- 
 tions, at which candidates for the subsequent 
 election are selected by direct vote. The old 
 delegate system tended irresistibly to give the 
 picking of candidates (between whom the peo- 
 ple had finally a narrow choice) to little handfuls 
 of men who make manipulative party manage- 
 ment their main business in life, with objects of 
 self profit, either in money or political power. 
 Effective revolt against thisevil-working system 
 began in the Western States and is now strong 
 in the East. The following summary statement 
 of what it had accomplished, up to the spring 
 of 1909, is from a pamphlet then published by 
 the Citizens Union of New York City, in sup- 
 port of a “Direct Primary Bill” which was 
 pending at the time in the Legislature of the 
 State of New York : 
 
 “The direct primary is now the most usual 
 system of making nominations in the United 
 States, and in no case has a state, a county, or a 
 town turned back from direct nominations to 
 
 the convention system. It is no longer an 
 experiment, having been tried out under vary- 
 ing conditions in so many states that it is possi- 
 ble to be guided by experience in avoiding the 
 dangers of an imperfect direct primary law. 
 
 “Fourteen states [Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, 
 Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Nebraska, 
 North Dakota, Oklahoma, Oregon, South 
 Dakota, Texas, Washington, and Wisconsin], 
 with a total population of 25,323,039, have 
 mandatory laws requiring the use of this plan in 
 selecting candidates of the principal parties for 
 practically all offices. Three other states [Min- 
 nesota, Ohio, Pennsylvania] have mandatory 
 laws covering practically all except the state 
 offices. Five other states [Indiana, Massachu- 
 setts, Michigan, New Jersey, Tennessee] have 
 mandatory laws covering certain localities or 
 offices. Five states [Alabama, Florida, Ken- 
 tucky, Michigan, Tennessee], including two of 
 the above, have optional laws coveting practi- 
 cally all officers, the provisions of which laws 
 have been largely taken advantage of. There 
 are direct nominations laws of a weaker sort, 
 some of them of little or no value, in many 
 other states. Party rules have established 
 direct nominations for at least the majority 
 party in nearly all of the Southern states not 
 mentioned above. 
 
 “About one-half of the states, including 
 those in which the system has been established 
 by party rules, use direct nominations for prac- 
 tically all elective offices. The states in which 
 the system is established by mandatory law for 
 practically all elective offices have about thirty 
 per cent, of the population of the United States. 
 
 “Of the thirty-one United States senators 
 elected last fall, seventeen were nominated by 
 direct primaries. Fifteen out of thirty-two 
 governors of states were so nominated. There 
 is a strong movement for direct primaries in 
 states which do not at present use this system 
 to any considerable extent, namely: Vermont, 
 Connecticut, New Hampshire, New York, Cali- 
 fornia, Colorado, Idaho and Utah. In New 
 Hampshire, both Republican and Democratic 
 parties declared for it in their party platforms 
 last fall, and the Republican Governor has re- 
 commended it to the Republican Legislature. 
 In California, two direct nominations laws have 
 been passed, but declared unconstitutional. 
 Last fall, an amendment to the constitution of 
 that state permitting the legislature to enact a 
 direct nominations law was passed by a vote of 
 the people. 
 
 “A brief outline of how direct nominations 
 originated and how the system has been ex- 
 tended until it has been substituted for the con- 
 vention system by a majority of the American 
 people furnishes a strong argument in its favor. 
 It is an American system, and a product of the 
 struggle of the American people for the control 
 of their government. 
 
 “Direct primaries originated in Crawford 
 County, Pennsylvania, where the so-called 
 Crawford County System was established by 
 action of a Republican County Committee in 
 1860 and has been in force ever since. On two 
 occasions, the question of whether it should be 
 retained was put before the Republican voters 
 and overwhelmingly decided in the affirmative, 
 the last of these votes being taken after the sys- 
 tem had been in force for nineteen years. Its 
 
 221 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 popularity led to its adoption throughout the 
 entire Congressional district for all nominations. 
 
 “The Minnesota direct primary law for the 
 city of Minneapolis, Hennepin County, was en- 
 acted in 1899. After it had been tried in the 
 city for two years, public sentiment, because of 
 the excellent results achieved under the new 
 law in Minneapolis, insisted upon its being ex- 
 tended, and other localities were brought within 
 its provisions. Minnesota at present has a 
 mandatory state-wide law applying to practi- 
 cally all except state offices. The newspapers 
 of Minneapolis all declared for it, and no man 
 of prominence in the state took a stand against 
 it after it had been tried in the city. 
 
 “Michigan adopted direct primaries in 1903 
 for use in Grand Rapids, Kent County. The result 
 was the defeat for re-nomination of the Mayor 
 under whose administration the so-called water 
 scandal had developed. Two years later, candi- 
 dates in Kent County were requested to go on 
 record as to whether they favored a general direct 
 primary law for the state. All who recorded their 
 positions declared for such a law, and it was com- 
 monly reported in the newspapers that opposition 
 to direct primaries would mean defeat for any 
 candidate who took so unpopular a stand. 
 
 “ Thereafter direct nominations spread rapidly 
 through the middle western states. Mandatory 
 laws were substituted for optional laws, and 
 state-wide laws for laws applying to certain lo- 
 calities or offices.” 
 
 The movement for direct primary voting, to 
 supersede delegated conventions in the nomina- 
 tion of candidates for office, was inspired and in- 
 vigorated powerfully in New York by Governor 
 Hughes (see, in this vol., New York State: 
 A. D. 1906-1910), soon after his second term in 
 the executive administration began. He saw 
 that nothing else could emancipate the political 
 parties of the State from their “ boss ’’-ridden 
 servitude, and make them real organs of expres- 
 sion for the mind and will of the people. The 
 whole force of his great influence then went to 
 the help of the advocates of this reform, and it 
 produced a public wakening on the subject 
 which years of ordinary agitation might have 
 failed to bring about. He brought, moreover, 
 to the movement an inborn statesmanship of 
 judgment and an intellectual training which 
 gave it the wisest direction it had yet received. 
 The Bill which he assisted to frame, embodying 
 his official recommendations, was designed more 
 carefully than the legislation in other States had 
 been, not only to avoid any weakening of the 
 organization of political parties, but to give them 
 the strength of a leadership conferred truly and 
 freely by its followers. The measure was op- 
 posed desperately by the existing “organiza- 
 tion ” of the party in power, and that combina- 
 tion was represented in the Legislature so much 
 more effectively than the people were that it 
 compassed the defeat of the Bill, in the session 
 of 1909. 
 
 Four times the people of Illinois have ex- 
 torted acts from their Legislature providing for 
 direct nominations, and thrice the enactments, 
 badly framed, have been pronounced unconsti- 
 tutional by the Supreme Court of the State. 
 The fourth of these pieces of legislation, pro- 
 duced in February, 1910, is not yet tested. 
 
 Disfranchising Amendment to the Mary- 
 land Constitution defeated. — A disfranchising 
 
 amendment to the Constitution of Maryland, 
 designed not only to exclude many colored peo- 
 ple from the suffrage, but to give the now domi- 
 nant political party a complete mastery of the 
 ballot box, was rejected by the people when 
 submitted to them at the election of November, 
 1909. 
 
 Short Ballot Reform. — A movement that 
 will gain force if the grave reasons for it can be 
 duly impressed on the popular mind has been 
 assuming organized form of late. The prime 
 mover in it is Mr. Richard S. Childs, of New 
 York, who began missionary work for it in a 
 convincing magazine article on “The Doctrine 
 of the Short Ballot,” published in 1908. Printed 
 afterwards in a small pamphlet, this impressive 
 argument has had wide circulation and has 
 drawn many men of influence into league with 
 the author for urging the subject on public at- 
 tention. The aim is to reduce elective offices in 
 State, county and town to such a limited num- 
 ber that the average voter can acquaint himself 
 with the comparative merits of candidates and 
 make a fairly intelligent choice, which he can- 
 not do when the number is large. “We must 
 shorten the ballot,” wrote Mr. Childs, “to a 
 point where the average man will vote intelli- 
 gently without giving to politics more attention 
 than he does at present.” “Voting a straight 
 ticket is not a matter of party loyalty so much 
 as of not knowing what else to do, and split tick- 
 ets will become common as soon as the list is re- 
 duced to a point where each candidate becomes 
 in the mind of the voter a definite personality 
 instead of a mere name on a long list. To 
 make public office conspicuous can only be ac- 
 complished by making it stand out in solitude 
 before the gaze of the voter. Let all the encum- 
 brances in the shape of minor offices disappear 
 from the ballot and be made appointive. Or at 
 the very least prevent the few offices from over- 
 shadowing the many. Make all the candidates 
 conspicuous by letting no one be more conspicu- 
 ous than another.” 
 
 A digest of the “short ballot” doctrine is 
 offered in the following propositions: 
 
 “To the average American voter most of the 
 long ballot is a mere list of names. He registers 
 a genuine personal opinion only on certain con- 
 spicuous offices — the rest he necessarily dele- 
 gates by default to organizations of ‘ political 
 specialists.’ 
 
 “ These political organizations, if victorious, 
 sink into the control of their worst members, since 
 these members having most to gain and being 
 least scrupulous can generally win within the 
 organization. Then these men run public ad- 
 ministrations as badly as they dare. 
 
 “But we get good men for any conspicuous 
 office where there is adequate public scrutiny of 
 the candidate, and even Tammany offers us sat- 
 isfactory public servants in such places. 
 
 “ Therefore, if we make most offices appointive 
 so as to shorten the ballot, till the voter can master 
 his whole task, and every elected officer becomes 
 conspicuous before his constituents, political ma- 
 chines will become impotent and merit will be- 
 come the most important asset for a candidate. 
 
 “The result will be uniform clean government 
 as in England, Canada, etc., where they have 
 ' The Short Ballot ’ already." 
 
 Suffrage Amendment to the Georgia Consti- 
 tution adopted by popular vote. — A suffrage 
 
 222 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 amendment to the Constitution of the State of 
 Georgia, adopted by an overwhelming popular 
 vote in October, 1908, provides that, in order 
 to register and vote according to the provisions 
 of this amendment, a man must, besides meeting 
 certain requirements as to residence and the pay- 
 ment of his taxes, have one of the following 
 qualifications : Either (1) he must have served 
 in the land or naval forces of the United States 
 or the Confederate States or the State of Georgia 
 in time of war, or be lawfully descended from 
 one who has done so ; or (2) he must be a person 
 of good character, satisfying the registrars of 
 election that he understands the duties and obli- 
 gations of citizenship; or (3) he must correctly 
 read in the English language any paragraph of 
 the United States Constitution or the State Con- 
 stitution, and, unless physically incapacitated 
 from doing so, correctly write the same when 
 read to him ; or (4) he must be the owner of at 
 least forty acres of land in the State in which he 
 resides, or the owner of five hundred dollars’ 
 worth of property in the State assessed for taxa- 
 tion. 
 
 Woman Suffrage : At Large : Present ex- 
 tent of the movement. — “We rejoice in the 
 immense progress made by women in the last 60 
 years. In 1848 women had votes nowhere in 
 the world except the school vote in Kentucky by 
 widows with children of school age, and a very 
 limited franchise in some parts of Europe. To- 
 day women vote for all elected officers in Finland, 
 Norway, Federated Australia, New Zealand, Wy- 
 oming, Colorado, Utah and Idaho: they have 
 municipal suffragein England, Scotland, Ireland 
 and Wales, in Canada, Kansas, Sweden, Den- 
 mark and Iceland ; tax suffrage in Louisiana, 
 Montana, Iowa and New York, and school 
 suffrage in one-half the States of the Union. 
 When that first convention met, only one College 
 in the United States admitted women ; now hun- 
 dreds of colleges do so. Then there was not a 
 single woman physician, or ordained minister, 
 or lawyer ; now there are 7000 women physicians 
 and surgeons, 3000 ordained ministers, and one 
 thousand lawyers. Then only a few poorly paid 
 employments were open to women ; now women 
 are in more than 300 occupations, and comprise 
 80 per cent, of our teachers. Then there were 
 scarcely any organizations of women ; now such 
 organizations are numbered by thousands. Then 
 the few women who dared to speak in public, 
 even on philanthropic questions, were over- 
 whelmingly condemned by public opinion ; now 
 the women most opposed to equal suffrage 
 travel about the country making public speeches 
 to prove that a woman’s only place is at home. 
 Then a married woman in most of our States 
 could not control her own person, property or 
 earnings; now in most of the States these laws 
 have been largely amended, and it is only in re- 
 gard to the ballot that the fiction of women’s per- 
 petual minority is still kept up. Most of the 
 demands made by the convention of 1848, which 
 then seemed so revolutionary, have been already 
 granted, and are now looked upon as matters of 
 course. . . . We rejoice in the increasingly rapid 
 progress of the woman suffrage cause. Every 
 year shows some gain. Since our last annual 
 meeting Parliamentary suffrage has been ex- 
 tended to the women of Norway ; municipal suf- 
 frage to the women of Denmark ; Sweden has 
 made women eligible to municipal office ; Russia 
 
 has given women of property a proxy vote for 
 members of the Douma ; and Great Britain, with 
 only 15 dissenting votes, has made women eligi- 
 ble as Mayors, Aldermen and County and Town 
 Councillors. We congratulate the women of 
 Great Britain upon their gallant fight for the 
 franchise.” — Resolutions of the Jfith Annual 
 Convention of the National American Woman 
 Suffrage Association, at Buffalo, N. Y, October, 
 1908. 
 
 In Europe “ there is the curious anomaly that 
 in its two so-called republics the cause of woman 
 suffrage is more backward than in almost any of 
 the other countries. In Switzerland every man 
 over twenty may vote. A National Woman 
 Suffrage Association has lately been organized 
 which is supported by many public men. . . . 
 
 “Iu France, all men twenty-one years old 
 have the franchise. The National Council of 
 Women, composed of 55 associations with about 
 70,000 members, has recently joined forces with 
 the National Suffrage Union, thus assuring 
 strong and systematic effort for the enfranchise- 
 ment of women. In 1906, a Committee for the 
 Defence of the Rights of Women was formed in 
 the Chamber of Deputies, to secure the social, 
 civil and political rights of women.” — Ida H. 
 Harper {North Am. Review, Sept.. 1907). — 
 Australia. — The Constitution of the Common- 
 wealth of Australia, in its 41st clause (see Con- 
 stitution of Australia, in Yol. VI. of this 
 work) provides as follows : 
 
 “No adult person who has or acquires the 
 right to vote at elections for the more numerous 
 House of the Parliament of a State, shall, while 
 the right continues, be prevented by any law of 
 the Commonwealth from voting at elections for 
 either House of the Commonwealth.” 
 
 Inasmuch as two of the Australian States, 
 South Australia and Western Australia, had 
 already extended the suffrage to women when 
 this federal constitution was adopted, they 
 gained at once, by its terms, the right of voting 
 at federal elections in those States. An account 
 of their first appearance in Australian Federal 
 politics was given subsequently by one of the 
 women who participated, — iu part as follows : 
 
 “ The political incentive is now the possession 
 of the women of Australia, and its influence was 
 a potent factor in the recent Federal elections. 
 The women of South Australia and West Aus- 
 tralia have had the suffrage for some years, so 
 that they are accustomed to voting, but to the 
 women of the other States the whole business 
 was new; nevertheless, they voted in as large 
 numbers proportionally as the men in a majority 
 of the constituencies, while in some they cast a 
 heavier vote than the men. The total vote was 
 only 52 per cent, of the voting strength, the low 
 percentage being due to the fact that the people 
 as a body have not yet grasped the Federal idea. 
 Federation has not completely scotched provin- 
 cialism in politics, though it is fast doing so, if 
 for no other reason than the enormous cost of 
 government in this country. The people are 
 beginning to realize that we are paying the po- 
 litical piper heavily — fourteen Houses of Par- 
 liament and seven viceroyalties for four millions 
 of people! It is too big an order, and common 
 sense, as well as the state of our finances, de- 
 mands that we should simplify our legislative 
 machinery. It is right here, as the Americans 
 say, that the women’s influence will tell. Dur- 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ing the election campaign, it was most evident 
 that a very large section of the women favoured 
 those candidates who urged economy in public 
 expenditure. Individual women, with no idea 
 of the value of money, may be extravagant, but 
 most women are compelled by circumstances to 
 be economical, and have a horror of wasteful 
 expenditure. Therefore the growing demand 
 for less expensive legislative machinery will 
 find devoted adherents amongst the women vot- 
 ers. . . . 
 
 “The elections had an added interest in the 
 appearance of four women candidates in the 
 field — Mrs. Martell, Mrs. Moore (New South 
 Wales), myself (Victoria), standing for the Sen- 
 ate; and Miss Selina Anderson (New South 
 Wales) for the House of Representatives. All 
 were defeated, but the defeat was not unex- 
 pected, as we were well aware that it would be 
 altogether phenomenal if women were to suc- 
 ceed in their first attempt to enter a National 
 Parliament. . . . 
 
 “ There were eighteen candidates in the field, 
 and, while unsuccessful, my record of 51,497 
 votes, when 85,387 were sufficient to secure 
 election, is most gratifying. I polled more heav- 
 ily than one candidate who has been Premier of 
 Victoria, and than another who had been for 
 twenty-six years a member of the State legisla- 
 ture, defeating the one by 24,327, the other by 
 32,436 votes — 51, 000 odd votes, in spite of the 
 opposition of the powerful daily papers, and the 
 prejudice that a pioneer always has to encoun- 
 ter, is nothing less than a triumph for the cause 
 that I represent, the cause of women and chil- 
 dren.” — Vida Goldstein, The Political Woman 
 in Australia (Nineteenth Century , July, 1904). 
 
 “ The argument that women will not vote is 
 completely disproved by Australian experience. 
 They not only vote, but they vote in continu- 
 ally increasing numbers as time goes on, and 
 they become educated up to a sense of their po- 
 litical responsibilities and all that these imply. 
 Not all the states discriminate in their returns 
 between men and women voters, but those that 
 do show something like the following: In South 
 Australia, at the last general election, 59 per 
 cent, of the men on the rolls voted, and 42 per 
 cent, of the women; in Western Australia, 49 
 per cent, of the men and 47 per cent, of the 
 women voted ; at the last Federal election, 56 
 per cent, of the men voted, and 40 per cent, of 
 the women. None of the Australian states has 
 yet reached the extraordinary record of New 
 Zealand, where, in 1902, nearly 75 per cent, of 
 the women electors recorded their votes, as 
 against 76 per cent, of their brothers. 
 
 “It is unnecessary to add that the conserva- 
 tive woman votes. Her husband or father and 
 their newspaper take good care that the duty of 
 doing so is well impressed upon her, even though 
 abstractly they may all three disapprove of 
 woman in politics, and have striven to avert her 
 appearing in that arena as long as they possibly 
 could. . . . 
 
 “Among the measures that can be traced to 
 woman suffrage within the last ten years are 
 prematernity acts, acts raising the age of con- 
 sent, family maintenance acts, and many acts 
 improving children’s conditions by extending 
 juvenile courts, limiting hours of work, provid- 
 ing better inspection, forbidding sale to chil- 
 dren of drink, drugs and doubtful literature.” — 
 
 Alice Henry, The Australian Woman and the 
 Ballot (North American Review, Dec. 21, 1906). 
 
 W riting in the New Y ork Evening Post of Feb- 
 ruary 10, 1909, Mrs. Ida Husted Harper makes 
 the following statements: “The recent an- 
 nouncement that the upper house of Parliament 
 in Victoria, Australia, had passed a woman suf- 
 frage bill by a vote of 23 to 5, marked the gain- 
 ing of complete suffrage for women in all of 
 Australasia. Since 1902 women have had a vote 
 in Australia for members of the national Parlia- 
 ment, and for a number of years the vote for 
 State officials in all the States except Victoria. 
 There the lower house, or Assembly, has fifteen 
 times passed a bill giving this vote to women 
 only to have it rejected by the upper house, or 
 Council. The Assembly is elected by popular 
 vote; the Council is not. . . . With their muni- 
 cipal and national franchise the women were 
 able to make things decidedly uncomfortable for 
 the opponents, in which they were encouraged 
 and aided by the labor unions. At last the 
 council surrendered unconditionally, and the 
 vote of twenty-three to five showed that most 
 of them tried to get into the band .wagon. The 
 five who voted ‘ no’ were probably ‘ in for life,’ 
 and not afraid of the consequences. . . . Aus- 
 tralia has thoroughly tested woman suffrage, 
 first in municipal affairs, and then in those of 
 State and nation. There is not one objection 
 made against it which is not refuted by the ac- 
 tual experience of that country. All the talk 
 about who will take care of the baby and what 
 will become of the home, its men would brush 
 aside as so much chaff.” 
 
 Denmark: Its first exercise in Munici- 
 pal Elections. — Danish municipal elections in 
 March, 1909, were conducted under a new law 
 which gives every woman who either pays di- 
 rect taxes or whose husband does so the right to 
 vote. The law also provides for a system of 
 proportional representation. “ There was natu- 
 rally much discussion beforehand,” wrote a 
 newspaper correspondent from Copenhagen, “as 
 to what would be the result of this first experi- 
 ment in woman suffrage in Denmark. The 
 Conservatives, indeed, protested for a long time 
 before they yielded to its claims. As far as can 
 now be ascertained the relative strength of the 
 parties in the councils will be practically un- 
 changed, that is to say, the Conservatives will 
 still have a slight majority. This is at all events 
 the case in and around Copenhagen, where the 
 women took a very active part in the voting, 
 nearly 75 per cent, of those who were entitled 
 to vote having done so.” 
 
 England; Qualification for County and 
 Borough Councils. — The following are the 
 provisions of an Act of Parliament approved in 
 August, 1907 : 
 
 “ A woman shall not be disqualified by sex 
 or marriage for being elected or being a coun- 
 cillor or alderman of the council of any county 
 or borough (including a metropolitan borough): 
 Provided that a woman if elected as chairman 
 of a county council or mayor of a borough 
 shall not by virtue of holding or having held 
 that office be a justice of the peace." 
 
 The Campaign of the Militant Suffra- 
 gifets or “Suffragettes.” — The cause of the 
 women who desire and demand equal polit- 
 ical rights with men seemed to be advancing 
 fast toward complete victory in Great Britain, 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 in 1906-07, when the impatient among them 
 began resorting to militant methods of agita- 
 tion. It is probably safe to say that no other 
 movement by any part of any people in any 
 country, for obtaining an extension of political 
 rights, had ever been carried by rational discus- 
 sion and appeal to a point of more encourage- 
 ment than the woman suffrage movement in 
 the United Kingdom had then attained. For 
 everything elective iu local government the vote 
 had been won for women, and the opening of 
 county and borough offices to them was on the 
 eve of being written into law. Representation 
 in Parliament, only, had not been secured, but 
 the disposition to concede it was growing from 
 day to day. It was at this stage of promising 
 progress in the movement that an impatient sec- 
 tion of its promoters became persuaded that 
 some disturbance of the public peace and some 
 troubling of the Government would hasten the 
 final triumph of their cause. Why they were 
 led to that conclusion was explained to an Amer- 
 ican audience in New York by their leader, 
 Mrs. Pankhurst, in October, 1909, as follows: 
 
 “The Liberals failed to put woman suffrage 
 in their Newcastle programme. We waited on 
 Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, leader of that 
 party, and who would be prime minister, but he 
 said he was too busy seeing voters to attend to 
 women. The other parties acted in the same 
 way, so we were forced to other action. A. J. 
 Balfour, the Tory leader, upon whom we called, 
 declared that he was in favor of equal suffrage, 
 but was honest enough to add that no statesman 
 would propose a bill to give it unless it were 
 made a practical question of politics. 
 
 “You have heard much of our methods. You 
 have condemned them, but whether they were 
 right or wrong, objectionable or not, they have 
 certainly accomplished our object of bringing 
 the question before the British public as a prac- 
 tical political question. . . . My grandmother 
 was a Chartist, and so I determined to follow in 
 her footsteps. 
 
 ‘ ‘ It was at Manchester, almost on the site of 
 the Peterloo franchise riots, when the yeomen, 
 with their bayonets, cut down the men seeking 
 votes, that our agitation began. Sir Edward 
 Grey was closing the great Liberal revival in 
 Lancashire by a great meeting. Women were 
 admitted to meetings in England in those days ; 
 it is not so now. We decided to be there with a 
 banner on which we would inscribe the motto 
 ‘ Will the Liberal government give working wo- 
 men the vote? ’ Annie Kenny, an officer of the 
 Cotton Workers’ Trade Union, was chosen to put 
 the question to Sir Edward Grey. She accepted 
 on condition that my daughter, Christobel Pank- 
 hurst, would accompany her and hold her hand. 
 We tried to get them seats in the front of the 
 balcony, where they could unfurl the banner. 
 We failed in this, so we got seats in the area, 
 and had to change the banner. The new one 
 was made on my dining-room table with a piece 
 of calico and some black paint and contained 
 the now world-wide motto : ‘ Votes for Women.’ 
 
 “ Sir Edward Grey delivered a great speech, 
 but there was nothing in it about giving women 
 votes. Several questions were put to him, and he 
 answered as all public speakers should, and as 
 they always do in England. When he was done, 
 more questions were in order. Annie Kenny 
 rose and unfurled her banner, holding it up 
 
 in a hand from which she had lost a finger while 
 at work in the mills at an age when girls should 
 not be allowed to work — especially when they 
 are intended for motherhood. Holding her com- 
 panion’s hand, she put her question : ‘ Will the 
 Liberal government give working women votes ? ’ 
 Instantly the stewards pounced upon her; hands 
 were pressed over her mouth, and she was forced 
 to sit down. She was told to write her question, 
 and it would be answered. A vote of thanks was 
 proposed, and Sir Edward Grey answered. 
 
 “ When he failed to answer her question, Annie 
 Kenny rose and insisted on an answer. She was 
 pounced upon ; six men dragged her hat off and 
 pulled her to the door, but ber last words as she 
 was thrown out were : ‘ Sir Edward Grey, answer 
 my question.’ My daughter took up the task, 
 and repeated the question. She, too, was set 
 upon and dragged past the stage, upon which 
 sat men who had known her from childhood, who 
 had voted for her father ; but so strong is party 
 spirit that they allowed her to be thrown out 
 without protest. 
 
 “ They held a meeting outside and were ar- 
 rested for obstructing the police. They were 
 fined, and went to jail. But we had gained what 
 we wanted. The press, which had ignored us, 
 heralded our cause. We were giving them good 
 copy.” 
 
 In the early period of the campaign of public 
 disturbance which the militant suffragists had 
 thus planned, their operations were directed 
 mainly to the interruption of speakers at polit- 
 ical meetings, not only by questions, but by 
 bell-ringing and the like, provoking forcible 
 ejection, arrest and fine, or commitment to jail. 
 Presently some resorted to the device of chain- 
 ing themselves to seats, prolonging the disturb- 
 ance and heightening its sensational character. 
 The crowning sensation of this description was 
 achieved on the 8th of November, 1908, when two 
 daring suffragettes who had gained admission to 
 the women’s gallery in the House of Commons 
 chained themselves to the metal lattice work in 
 front of it and opened a fire of questions and 
 demands on the dismayed law makers below. In 
 the previous month the House had been besieged 
 by a great mob of women who attempted to 
 force their way into its well-guarded chambers, 
 under Mrs. Pankhurst’s lead. She and others of 
 the leaders, arrested on this occasion, refused 
 to give bonds to keep the peace, and were sen- 
 tenced to imprisonment for three months. 
 
 From this time on, the devices of public dis- 
 turbance and of annoyance to Parliament and 
 Ministers became more and more ingeniously sen- 
 sational. One performance, on the 27th of April, 
 1909, was thus described by a London news- 
 paper of the morning after: “ St. Stephen’s Hall 
 is built upon the site of the old Parliament, its 
 dimensions in length and width are the same, its 
 memories embalm the great Parliamentary tra- 
 dition, it is the place where the liberties of the 
 people have been won. This is the place which 
 was chosen yesterday by woman suffragists for 
 a degrading exhibition of disorder. On either 
 side of the hall are two rows of wonderful stat- 
 ues, like white ghosts of the old Parliament. To 
 the legs of four of these statues as many women 
 yesterday afternoon fastened themselves, after 
 their practice, with chains, and remained there, 
 a centre of disturbance, until an end was put to 
 their mimic slavery by the police. The statues 
 
 225 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 were those of Selden, Walpole, Somers, and Falk- 
 land ; and it is matter for great regret that Falk- 
 land’s statue, in its pathetic grace the most 
 charming of them all, has been wantonly injured 
 by this rough usage.” 
 
 On the 24th of June the lobby of the House of 
 Commons became the scene of another perform- 
 ance in the same spirit by a single dauntless 
 actor, — thus related: “Miss Wallace Dunlop, 
 who was intercepted the other day in an attempt 
 to deface with indelible ink the walls of the lobby 
 of the House of Commons with an appeal on 
 behalf of ‘ Votes for Women,’ succeeded yester- 
 day in accomplishing her object. Disguised as 
 an elderly lady and carrying a brown handbag, 
 she eluded the vigilance of the police till well 
 within the lobby of the House. Drawing from 
 her handbag a small wooden stencil, or board, 
 with felt attached and saturated with indelible 
 purple ink, she succeeded in placing it against 
 the wall of the lobby at a conspicuous spot. The 
 ink was at once absorbed into the surface of the 
 wall. The words written were: — ‘Women’s 
 Deputation, June 29th. Bill of Rights. It is the 
 right of the subjects to petition the King, and all 
 commitments and prosecutions for such petition- 
 ing are illegal.’ Miss Wallace Dunlop was taken 
 to Cannon-row Police-station, and after being 
 detained two hours was charged with doing wil- 
 ful damage. She will be brought before the mag- 
 istrates at Bow Street this morning.” 
 
 Miss Dunlop received a sentence of imprison- 
 ment, and inaugurated in prison a more heroic 
 protest against and defiance of the tyranny of 
 which she believed herself to be a victim. It is 
 described in the following manifesto, published 
 by the National Women’s Social and Political 
 Union (the principal organization of the militant 
 suffragists) on the 14th of July : 
 
 “ The women who have been sent to prison in 
 connexion with woman suffrage disturbances 
 have, from the beginning, demanded treatment 
 as political prisoners, and have appealed to the 
 Home Secretary to accord them the rights and 
 privileges to which political prisoners are entitled 
 in every part of the world. As this appeal has 
 been disregarded, women have now decided to 
 take the law into their own hands, and, by carry- 
 ing on a revolt in prison, to force the hands of 
 the authorities to concede them what they have 
 refused to give as a matter of justice. 
 
 “The first action taken in the matter was that 
 of Miss Wallace Dunlop, sent to prison on Fri- 
 day, July 2, for imprinting an extract from the 
 Bill of Rights upon one of the walls in the House 
 of Commons. Political treatment being refused 
 to her, and being ordered to wear prison clothes 
 and eat prison food, Miss Wallace Dunlop deter- 
 mined to strike a blow for her rights by refusing 
 absolutely to eat the food offered to her. After 
 91 hours of starvation — during which time com- 
 munications were constantly passing between 
 the Governor of the prison and the Home Office 
 — the authorities decided to give in, and Miss 
 Wallace Dunlop was released. 
 
 “The 14 members of the Women’s Social and 
 Political Union who were sent to prison on Mon- 
 day, July 12, in connexion with the stone throw- 
 ing at the Government buildings on June 29, 
 have determined to carry out a further revolt. 
 Before leaving for prison they informed the 
 officers of the union that it was their intention, if 
 denied the rights of political prisoners, to carry 
 
 out an effective protest in prison. When or- 
 dered to take off their own clothes and to put on 
 prison clothes they intended to refuse to do so, 
 and standing all together they would refuse to 
 be put into cells of the second division. If put 
 into their cells by force and undressed, they 
 would refuse in the morning to get up and dress 
 excepting into their own clothes. They also in- 
 formed members of the union that they would 
 refuse to obey the rule of silence, but would talk 
 to one another whenever they liked and would 
 sing aloud during retention. 
 
 “In making this protest the women claim 
 that they arc fighting for the preservation of 
 the rights of political prisoners, which were not 
 denied even in the Bastille.” 
 
 Miss Dunlop’s heroic protest, by refusing 
 prison food, was taken up at once and repeated 
 by numbers of her imprisoned sisters ; until the 
 prison authorities met it by forcibly administer- 
 ing food, in the manner of treatment applied 
 sometimes to desperate convicts or to the insane ; 
 and this, of course, is more than repugnant and 
 distressing to the feeling of everybody. The 
 whole unexampled situation is repugnant and 
 distressing, however it may be viewed. The 
 cause involved is so pitifully stripped of its dig- 
 nity, simply for the reason that the sex whose 
 cause it is has nothing in body or mind to qualify 
 it for effectual rioting. A mob of men can in- 
 vest its mischievous doings with the impressive- 
 ness of terror, which crushes laughter and con- 
 tempt. A mob of such women as the champion 
 suffragists are cannot do so, and the riot they 
 attempt is but a travesty, which challenges jeers, 
 and sadly smirches the after heroism of the self- 
 starved rioters in their prison cells. The differ- 
 ence between a political insurrection of men and 
 the insurgency of Mrs. Pankhurst and her fol- 
 lowers is the difference between a menace that 
 alarms and a nuisance that annoys and provokes. 
 With what effect the cause of woman suffrage 
 has been made a public nuisance in England re- 
 mains to be seen. The advantage to it is dubi- 
 ous, to say the least. On this point Mr. Winston 
 Churchill, President of the Board of Trade, spoke 
 his mind plainly to a deputation of suffragettes 
 who called on him at Dundee on the 18th of last 
 October. He said: “I saw the beginning of 
 what you call the militant tactics. They broke 
 out in my late constituency, North-West Man- 
 chester, and during the four years that have 
 passed I have fought three by-elections, and 
 have made a great many speeches about the 
 country. So, I suppose, I have come very nearly 
 as much in contact with them as any other Cabi 
 net Minister. ... You have come to me in a 
 deputation, and I am bound to give you my 
 candid and truthful opinion that your cause is in 
 a worse position now than it was four years ago. 
 
 I do not mean by that that anything has been 
 done which will prevent the ultimate success of 
 the movement. I do not think that is so, but I 
 am quite sure that, while these tactics of silly 
 disorder and petty violence continue, there is 
 not the slightest chance of any Government that 
 will be called into power, or of any House of 
 Commons which is likely to be elected, giving 
 you the reform which you seek. That is my 
 honest, unprejudiced view.” 
 
 The National Union of Women Suffrage Soci- 
 eties, of which Mrs. Henry Fawcett is President, 
 represents a large body of women claimants of 
 
 22G 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 the suffrage who distinctly disapprove of and 
 disclaim responsibility for the proceedings of 
 their militant allies. In a statement which this 
 National Union communicated to the Prime Min- 
 ister on the 2d of October, 1909, they set forth the 
 following facts in evidence of the strength of the 
 popular support given to their claims : Since 
 
 the beginning of 1908 the National Union had 
 taken part in 31 by-elections in Great Britain. 
 “ These have been contested by 09 candidates, 
 of whom 26 were Liberals, 32 Unionists, and 11 
 Labour, Socialist, or Independent. Of these 69 
 candidates, only nine declared themselves oppo- 
 nents of woman suffrage. The rest in varying 
 degrees accepted the principle of the enfran- 
 chisement of women. A few merely stated that 
 they were not hostile, but the overwhelming 
 majority frankly accepted it, some even pledg- 
 ing themselves to oppose any further extension 
 of the franchise to men so long as it was with- 
 held from women.” 
 
 Finland: The great victory of 1906. — 
 
 “ The great victory for woman suffrage in 1906 
 was won in Finland, where women were enfran- 
 chised on exactly the same terms as men, and 
 made eligible to all offices, including seats in 
 Parliament. This gives the vote at once to 
 about 300,000 women. Preceding and during the 
 revolution, in the attempt to throw off the Rus- 
 sian yoke, the women shared with the men the 
 work, the hardships and the dangers; and, 
 when the triumph came, there was not a thought 
 on the part of men of excluding women from 
 any portion of the rewards, the most important 
 of which was the suffrage. But they them- 
 selves had long been preparing the ground. 
 The Finnish Women’s Association to work for 
 equal rights was founded in 1884 by Baroness 
 Alexandra Gripenberg and never ceased its 
 efforts. In 1892 the Woman’s Alliance Union 
 was organized, more democratic and aggressive 
 in its character. . . . After the vast national 
 strike in the autumn of 1905, while a body of 
 leading men were drawing up a Declaration of 
 Rights to be presented to the Tsar, Dr. (Miss) 
 Tekla Hulsin, a member of the National Bureau 
 of Statistics, made an eloquent plea in behalf of 
 the women, and they were included in its de- 
 mand for universal suffrage. . . . The Tsar 
 signed it in November, giving his consent to the 
 proposed reforms. Immediately the women set 
 to work, lecturing, organizing, getting up pe- 
 titions, and finally held another huge mass-meet- 
 ing in Helsingfors, demanding that the Diet 
 carry out this measure. All of the political par- 
 ties put it in their platforms. On May 28th, 
 1906, the Diet with only one dissenting vote 
 passed the bill giving the suffrage to all men 
 and women twenty-four years old. This was 
 signed by the Tsar on July 20th.” — Ida H. 
 Harper, Woman Suffrage throughout the World 
 {North American Review, Sept., 1907). 
 
 Dr. Tekla Hulsin, referred to above, now a 
 woman member of the Finnish Diet, speaking 
 at a suffragist meeting in London, in Septem- 
 ber, 1909, gave the following account of the 
 action of the women members of that body : 
 “ The granting of woman suffrage had caused 
 no change in the strength of the respective po- 
 litical parties. Every citizen in Finland who 
 was entitled to vote was also eligible for mem- 
 bership of the Diet. There had been no rivalry 
 between the men and women candidates ; they re- 
 
 cognized that they were there for common ends. 
 The women members of the Diet had followed 
 their parties on party questions, but had joined 
 on women’s questions for humanitarian ends. 
 They had presented petitions for the raising of 
 the marriageable age from 15 to 17, the exemp- 
 tion of women from their husband’s guardian- 
 ship, the reception of Government employment 
 on the same grounds as men, and on the subject 
 of the prevention of cruelty to children and ani- 
 mals. These had all been accepted by the 
 Diet.” 
 
 International Council of Women. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Women, International Council. 
 
 International Woman Suffrage Alliance. 
 
 — “Since the Conference held at Copenhagen 
 in August of 1906, which closed with thirteen 
 countries in membership, the Alliance has been 
 growing till its influence is felt as far as South 
 Africa. On the first day of the Conference, held 
 in Amsterdam June 15, 1907, there was pre- 
 sented an application from the Woman Suffrage 
 Associations of Natal and Cape Colony for aux- 
 iliaryship in the Alliance. . . . The second re- 
 quest for auxiliaryship was presented by Switz- 
 erland, which had formed a National committee 
 of seven Cantonal Associations. . . . The third 
 new member, and the last one to enter the Alli- 
 ance, was the National Bulgarian Alliance for 
 Women’s Rights. This body is composed of thirty 
 local societies working in different lines, and is 
 somewhat like our Federation of Women’s Clubs 
 here, or a National Council of Women. . . . The 
 full membership roll of the Alliance now includes 
 Australia, Bulgaria, Canada, Denmark, Finland, 
 Germany, Great Britain, Hungary, Italy, the 
 Netherlands, Norway, Russia, Sweden, United 
 States, South Africa and Switzerland. Perhaps 
 the most important new departure at Amsterdam 
 was the fact that official representatives were 
 sent to that meeting by the Australian Federa- 
 tion, Norway and the State of Utah. Those 
 coming from Australia and Norway were not 
 only delegated by the Government but their ex- 
 penses were borne by the National Treasury, 
 and they were sent as students of the whole 
 question as represented internationally by the 
 Alliance, and expected to report upon it to their 
 respective governments. . . . Fraternal delegates 
 came to the Alliance from the International 
 Council of Women, and from the National 
 Councils of Belgium, Denmark, France, Ger- 
 many, Great Britain, the Netherlands, New 
 Zealand, Norway and Sweden ; and in addition 
 to these fraternal delegates were sent by seven- 
 teen associations from the countries already 
 mentioned and Scotland in addition ; making in 
 all twenty-one countries represented either by 
 regular delegates or by fraternal delegates at the 
 Amsterdam conference. ” - — Proceedings of the 
 Jfith Annual Convention of the National Ameri- 
 can Woman Suffrage Association, at Buffalo, 
 N. Y. , October, 1908. 
 
 New Zealand: Its working in that country. 
 
 — Sir Joseph George Ward, Prime Minister of 
 New Zealand, returning home from England in 
 August, 1908, passed through the United States, 
 and was questioned in New York' about the work- 
 ing of woman suffrage in his country, where wo- 
 men have been voters for the last sixteen years. 
 He declared his conviction that New Zealand 
 had found it to be one of the most far-sighted 
 policies ever put into effect, for the ballot in the 
 
ELECTIVE FRANCHISE 
 
 ENGLAND 
 
 hands of women had exercised a great influence 
 for the general good. ‘ ‘ A stranger coming to 
 New Zealand,” he said, ‘‘would not recognize 
 any difference between our institutions and those 
 here, so far as the right of women to vote is con- 
 cerned. He would see no women politicians, 
 no campaign orators of the other sex, no dis- 
 turbances such as are so often pictured as one 
 of the attendant ills of woman’s suffrage. 
 
 ‘‘Under our laws women cannot stand for 
 Parliament, nor hold any other office. They do 
 not mix it up in a campaign. You never hear 
 of them in this way during an election. They 
 attend public meetings, they are present at all 
 of the public ceremonies, and are unusually well- 
 informed upon all public questions. When they 
 vote they vote intelligently, and any woman 
 over twenty-one years of age and a citizen of 
 the country can vote. Her right to vote does 
 not, as many imagine, cause family dissensions, 
 nor family wrangles such as cartoonists picture. 
 There are no more differences over politics in 
 New Zealand families than there are over do- 
 mestic problems in the United States. The bal- 
 lot in the hands of the women, so far as I have 
 observed, means only the healthy influence of 
 the home injected into politics. Our law pro- 
 hibits the solicitation of votes on election day ; 
 the placarding of streets and houses, the use of 
 vehicles to carry voters, the exerting of any in- 
 fluence to obtain a vote. A wife may accompany 
 her husband to the polls, to the door of the booth, 
 
 ELECTIVE FRANCHISE. See, also, 
 Municipal Government. 
 
 ELECTRICITY. See (in this volume and 
 in Volume VI.) Science and Invention, Re- 
 cent. 
 
 ELECTRO-CHEMISTRY. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention: Electro- 
 Chemistry. 
 
 ELECTRONS. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention, Recent : Physical. 
 
 ELEVATOR COMBINATION, Dissolu- 
 tion of the. See (in this vol.) Combinations, 
 Industrial: United States: A. D. 1901-1906. 
 
 ELGIN, The Earl of: Secretary of State 
 for the Colonies (British). See (in this vol.) 
 England: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 Presiding at Imperial Conference. See (in 
 this vol.) British Empire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 ELIOT, Charles W.: Retirement from 
 Presidency of Harvard University. See (in 
 this vol.) Education: United States: A. D. 
 1901-1909. 
 
 but no further. The laws absolutely protect 
 the privacy of the ballot. 
 
 “ In New Zealand the granting of the privilege 
 of voting to women did not result in the level- 
 ling of the wage scale, or the competition be- 
 tween men and women in labor. In comparison 
 with other countries the proportion of wage- 
 earning women in New Zealand is small. She 
 has her place to fill in the home, and there are 
 no truer and more devoted mothers of families 
 in the world. I believe that her influence upon 
 man is all the greater and better by reason of her 
 suffrage. She recognizes the position of man 
 as the head of the household, and he is, generally 
 speaking, always the wage-earner, and I firmly 
 believe that if women could under our laws be 
 elected to office and have a part in the making of 
 laws, they would not seek legislation that would 
 tend to further advance themselves and limit the 
 activity of the men. 
 
 “ Women’s suffrage has surely resulted in the 
 raising of the standard of education in our coun- 
 try. The class of ignorant people is very small, 
 and growing smaller and smaller with each suc- 
 ceeding generation. . . . The country has not 
 been without its political and labor demagogues, 
 but the conservative judgment of the voters has 
 always prevailed in the end. Graft is something 
 unknown in New Zealand.” 
 
 The Increasing Vote of Women at local 
 option polls and in general elections. See (in 
 this vol.) Alcohol Problem: New Zealand. 
 
 ELKINS, Anti-Rebate Law. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 1903 
 (Feb.). 
 
 ELKINS CLAUSE, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 1906 - 
 1909. 
 
 EMERGENCY CURRENCY ACT. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Finance and Trade: United 
 States: A. D. 1908. 
 
 EMERY CLAIM, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Central America : A. D. 1909 : Nicara- 
 gua. 
 
 EMIGRATION. See Immigration; also 
 Race Problems. 
 
 EMPIRE DAY. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1903 (May). 
 
 EMPLOYERS’ LIABILITY. See Labor 
 Protection. 
 
 ENCYCLICALS. See Papacy. 
 ENDJUMEN FUTUVAT, The : An anti- 
 parliamentary party. See (in this vol.) Per- 
 sia : A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 ENGLAND.* 
 
 A. D. 1870-1905. — Increase of Population 
 compared with other European Countries. 
 See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1900. — Comparative Statement of the 
 Consumption of Alcoholic Drink. See Alco- 
 hol Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Census of the British Empire 
 compiled. See British Empire. 
 
 * For convenience of use in the many references to 
 this heading throughout the volume, the name of Eng- 
 land is made to stand for The United Kingdom of Great 
 Britain and Ireland, — a stretch of meaning which 
 seems often permissible. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Census of England and 
 Wales, and of the United Kingdom. — Pop- 
 ulation. — Relative numbers of males and 
 females. — Agricultural industry. — Extent 
 of various uses of the soil. — The different 
 kinds of areas. — The eleventh Census of the 
 population of England and Wales was taken 
 April 1st, 1901, “ascertaining the required in 
 formation relating to the persons returned as liv- 
 ing at midnight on Sunday, March 31st.” The 
 number enumerated in England and Wales, as 
 finally revised at the Census Office, was 35,527,- 
 843; showing an increase of 3,525,318, ora de- 
 
ENGLAND, 1901 
 
 ENGLAND, 1902 
 
 cennial rate of increase of 12.17 percent, upon 
 the number returned at the preceding enumera- 
 tion in April, 1891. Of the persons enumerated 
 in England and Wales in 1901, 15,728,613 were 
 males and 16,799,230 were females, the latter 
 exceeding the former by 1,070,617. This, how- 
 ever, does not represent the relative numbers of 
 t he two sexes that belong to the population of the 
 country ; “ for there are always men temporarily 
 absent abroad as soldiers or seamen or for busi- 
 ness purposes”; while, on the other hand, “ the 
 enumerated population temporarily includes 
 some soldiers and sailors who were born in Scot- 
 land and Ireland, as well as foreign sailors and 
 business representatives.” Making reckonings 
 for these, “the population belonging to England 
 and Wales at the date of the Census may be esti- 
 mated at 32,805,040 persons, of whom 16,005,810 
 were males, and 16,799,230 were females.” Dur- 
 ing the ten years prior to 1901 the recorded male 
 births in England exceeded the female births by 
 160,987, while the recorded deaths of males ex- 
 ceeded the deaths of females by 155,363. This 
 would have about evened their numbers in the 
 population of 1901 ; hence the existing excess of 
 females is due, in the main, to the more exten- 
 sive emigration or temporary absence of males. 
 
 Of the population of England and Wales less 
 than 4 per cent, was born outside of those two 
 divisions of the United Kingdom ; not quite 1 
 per cent, was born in Scotland ; a little more 
 than 1.3 per cent, was born in Ireland ; a trifle 
 more than 1 per cent, in foreign countries, and 
 an insignificant fraction in British colonies and 
 dependencies. England, it will be seen, is 
 troubled very slightly with problems arising 
 from a mixed population. 
 
 The Census of Scotland and Ireland, taken si- 
 multaneously with that of England and Wales, 
 gave the former a population of 4,472,103, and 
 the latter 4,458,775. Scotland had gained 46,456 
 since 1891 ; Ireland had lost in the same period 
 245,975. In the sixty years since 1841 Ireland 
 had lost more than 3,700,000. The total of pop- 
 ulation in the United Kingdom, at midnight, 
 March 31, 1901, was found to be 41,458, 721 ; and 
 the females exceeded the males in number by 
 1,253,905. The excess was least in Ireland. 
 
 Judged by the numbers engaged therein, the 
 Agricultural Industry is still the most impor- 
 tant in the United Kingdom ; but, since 1881, 
 it had been reduced from 2,362,331 males to 
 2,109,812 in 1901. The decline was far less in 
 Ireland than in England, Scotland, or Wales. 
 In England and Wales, the whole area of land, 
 amounting to 37,129,162 acres, or 58,014 square 
 miles, is divided by the census report into areas 
 as follows : 
 
 Acres. 
 
 Corn Crops 5,886,052 
 
 Green Crops 2,511,744 
 
 Clover and grasses under rotation .... 3,262,926 
 
 Flax, Hops, Small Fruit 120,683 
 
 Bare Fallow 336,884 
 
 Permanent Pasture or Grass 15,399,025 
 
 Mountain and Heath Land used for Grazing 3,556,636 
 Woods, Plantations, Nursery Grounds, Houses, 
 
 Streets, Roads, Railways, Waste Grounds, 
 
 &c . . 6,055,212 
 
 Total Land Area of England and Wales . . 37,129,162 
 
 The enumeration of ‘ ‘ different kinds of areas,” 
 in England and Wales, as set forth in the Cen- 
 sus report, is interesting in some particulars — 
 such as these: 54 Ancient Counties ; 62 Admin- 
 istrative Counties; 468 Parliamentary Areas ; 2 
 
 Ecclesiastical Provinces; 35 Ecclesiastical Dio- 
 ceses ; 14,080 Ecclesiastical Parishes ; 14,900 
 Civil Parishes ; 67 County Boroughs ; 28 Metro- 
 politan Boroughs with their Wards ; 54 County 
 Court Circuits; 500 County Court Districts; 
 1122 Urban Districts (including 316 County or 
 Municipal Boroughs) with the Wards of those 
 which are so subdivided ; 664 Rural Districts. — 
 Census of England and Wales, 1901. General 
 Report. ( Parliamentary Papers, 1904, Cd. 2174.) 
 
 A. D. 1901 (Nov.). — An addition to the 
 Titles of the King. — The following is part 
 of the proclamation of an addition to the titles 
 of the King which was made on the 4th of No- 
 vember, 1901: “Whereas an act was passed in 
 the last session of Parliament, entitled ‘An act 
 to enable His Most Gracious Majesty to make an 
 addition to the royal style and titles in recogni- 
 tion of His Majesty’s dominions beyond the seas,’ 
 which act enacts that it shall be lawful for us, 
 with a view to such recognition as aforesaid of 
 our dominions beyond the seas, by our royal pro- 
 clamation under the great seal of the United 
 Kingdom issued within six months after the pass- 
 ing of the said act, to make such addition to the 
 style and titles at present appertaining to the 
 Imperial Crown of the United Kingdom and its 
 dependencies as to us may seem fit ; and 
 
 ‘ ‘ Whereas our present style and titles are, in 
 the Latin tongue, ‘Edwardus VII Dei Gratia 
 Britanniarum Rex, Fidei Defensor, Indise Impe- 
 rator,’ and in the English tongue, ‘Edward VII, 
 by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of 
 Great Britain and Ireland King, Defender of the 
 Faith, Emperor of India,’ we have thought fit, 
 by and with the advice of our privy council, to 
 appoint and declare, and we do hereby, by and 
 with the said advice, appoint and declare that 
 henceforth, so far as conveniently maybe, on all 
 occasions and in all instruments wherein our 
 style and titles are used, the following addition 
 shall be made to the style and titles at present 
 appertaining to the Imperial Crown of the 
 United Kingdom and its dependencies — that 
 is to say, in the Latin tongue, after the word 
 ‘ Britanniarum,’ these words, ‘ et terrarum trans- 
 marinarum quee inditione sunt Britannica, ’ ; and 
 in the English tongue, after the words ‘ of the 
 United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland,’ 
 these words, 1 and of the British Dominions be- 
 yond the Seas.’ ” 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — The last year of the 
 Boer-British War. — Peace preliminaries. — 
 Text of the Treaty concluded. See (in this 
 vol.) South Africa: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. i90i-i902(Nov.-Feb.). — Treatywith 
 the United States to facilitate the construc- 
 tion of a Ship Canal between the Atlantic 
 and Pacific Oceans. See Panama Canal : 
 A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Arbitration and mediation 
 between the Argentine Republic and Chile. 
 See Argentine Republic. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Jan.). — Agreement in the na- 
 ture of a Defensive Alliance with Japan. See 
 Japan : A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Feb.). — Wei-hai-wei found 
 valueless. — F ortification abandoned. — - The 
 
 British public was unpleasantly surprised on the 
 11th of February, 1902, by an official announce- 
 ment in Parliament that the fortifying of the 
 port of Wei-hai-wei, on the Chinese coast (ex- 
 torted from China in 1898 as an offset to the 
 
 229 
 
ENGLAND, 1902 
 
 ENGLAND, 1903 
 
 cession of Port Arthur to Russia, — see, in Vol- 
 ume VI. of this work, China: A. D. 1898, 
 March-July), — had been abandoned, for the 
 reason that military and naval opinion agreed in 
 concluding that the place had no strategic value. 
 It would not be returned to China, however, 
 having usefulness for experiments in naval gun- 
 nery, and as a sanitarium. The announcement 
 drew much sarcasm on the Government. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Feb.). — Opposed deliverances 
 of Lord Rosebery and Sir Henry Campbell- 
 Bannerman on Irish Home Rule. See (in this 
 vol.) Ireland: A. D. 1902 (Feb.). 
 
 A. D. 1902 (March-Nov.). — Passage of the 
 Education Act, in the interest of voluntary 
 or church schools. — “Passive Resistance” 
 of Nonconformists. See Education : Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (May). — Treaty with Abys- 
 sinia. See Abyssinia : A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (June-Aug.). — Illness and de- 
 ferred Coronation of King Edward VII. — 
 
 While England was preparing, in the last half of 
 June, 1902, for the great ceremony of the Coro- 
 nation of King Edward VII., appointed to take 
 place on the 26th, disquieting accounts of his 
 Majesty’s health began to appear. Some ex- 
 posure at Aldershot, during military reviews, 
 had brought on a chill, it was said ; and though 
 it was made light of in the reports, there was 
 anxiety abroad. The King and Queen came to 
 London from Windsor on the 23d, and all seemed 
 to promise well. That evening he attended a 
 State banquet ; but a little before noon the next 
 morning the nation received a dreadful shock 
 from the announcement: “The King is suffer- 
 ing from perityphlitis [more familiarly known 
 as appendicitis]. The condition on Saturday 
 was so satisfactory that it was hoped that, with 
 care, his Maj esty would be able to go through 
 the Coronation ceremonies. On Monday even- 
 ing a recrudescence became manifest, rendering 
 a surgical operation necessary to-day.” A seri- 
 ous disappointment as well as a grave anxiety 
 was produced. Preparations for the pageant 
 and the solemnities of the Coronation had been 
 made on a splendid scale. London was crowded 
 with visitors from all parts of the world, and 
 specially decorated as never before. The sud- 
 den descent of grief and fear and gloom on the 
 gayeties of the scene was a transformation 
 which London and England can never forget. 
 
 Within three hours from the first startling re- 
 port the success of the operation was made known. 
 The King had borne it well and was in a satisfac- 
 tory state. From that time on there were none 
 but good reports. On the 5th of July he was 
 declared to be out of danger. On the 15th he 
 was removed to the royal yacht Victoria and 
 Albert and taken to Cowes. At the end of seven 
 weeks he had recovered so fully as to be able to 
 bear the fatigues and the strain of a trying cer- 
 emony, and the King and Queen were crowned 
 in Westminster Abbey on the 9tli of August, 
 with somewhat less of magnificent public show 
 than had been prepared for the 26th of June, 
 but nevertheless with regal pomp. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (June-Aug.). — Conference with 
 the Prime Ministers of the Self-Governing 
 Colonies. See British Empire. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (July). — Resignation of Lord 
 Salisbury. — Mr. Balfour’s succession to the 
 Premiership. — The new Ministry. — Failing 
 
 health compelled the Marquis of Salisbury to 
 ask, on the 11th of July, for relief from the 
 cares of the office of Prime Minister. His resig- 
 nation was accepted, and Mr. Arthur J. Balfour, 
 First Lord of the Treasury in Lord Salisbury’s 
 Ministry, was invited by the King to the vacant 
 place. Some changes in the Cabinet followed, 
 Sir Michael Iiicks-Beach retiring from the 
 Chancellorship of the Exchequer, and being 
 succeeded by Mr. C. T. Ritchie; Mr. A. Akers- 
 Douglas entering the Cabinet as Home Secre- 
 tary; Mr. G. Wyndham continuing in the office 
 of Chief Secretary for Ireland, but coming into 
 the Cabinet; Mr. Austen Chamberlain, son of 
 the Rt. Hon. Joseph Chamberlain, also receiv- 
 ing a Cabinet seat as Postmaster-General. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Aug.). — Passage of Licensing 
 Bill. See (in this vol.) Alcohol Problem: 
 England: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Sept.). — Arrangements of the 
 Government with the Cunard Company and 
 the International Mercantile Marine Com- 
 pany. See Combinations, Industrial : Inter- 
 national. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1904 .. — Coercive proceedings 
 against Venezuela concerted with Germany 
 and Italy. — Settlement of Claims secured. 
 — Reference to The Hague. See Venezuela: 
 A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1904 . - — The Mission of Colonel 
 Younghusband to Tibet. — Its advance in 
 force to Lhasa. — The Treaty secured. See 
 Tibet: A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Passage of the Land Pur- 
 chase Act for Ireland. See Ireland: A. D. 
 1870-1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Declines to be a party to the 
 building of the Bagdad Railway. See Rail- 
 ways; Turkey: A. D. 1899-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (March). — Debate in Parlia- 
 ment on the South African Labor Question. 
 See South Africa: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (March). — Passage of the Em- 
 ployment of Children Bill. See Labor Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (June). — The Celebration of 
 Empire Day. — A Canadian custom of cele- 
 brating Queen Victoria’s birthday, June 24, as 
 Empire Day, was taken up in Great Britain in 
 1903, and “ the movement,” says the London 
 Times, “has spread with striking rapidity.” 
 The day is made especially interesting in the 
 schools, where the morning of the day is given 
 to addresses on citizenship and the Empire and 
 to the singing of patriotic songs, while the after- 
 noon is a half-holiday. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (May-Sept.). — Mr. Chamber- 
 lain’s declaration for Preferential Trade with 
 the British Colonies. — The political com- 
 motion excited. — Mr. Balfour’s puzzling at- 
 titude on the questions raised.— It is made 
 clear by the correspondence when Mr. Cham- 
 berlain resigns. — The latter’s propagan- 
 dism. — In June, 1902, when, as Secretary of 
 State for the Colonies, Mr Joseph Chamberlain 
 addressed the Conference of Prime Ministers 
 from the self-governing British Colonies (see, in 
 this vol., British Empire : A. D. 1902), his 
 mind was manifestly not prepared to accept as 
 a practicable proposition their request that the 
 United Kingdom would grant “preferential 
 treatment to the products and manufactures of 
 the Colonies.” “ Preferential treatment” meant 
 
ENGLAND, 1903 
 
 ENGLAND, 1903 
 
 an Imperial protective-tariff policy, with dis- 
 crimination of duties in favor of imports from 
 British colonies. As the products of the colonies 
 were mostly food stuffs and raw materials for 
 manufacture, it meant a taxing of the supplies 
 of these to British tables and British industries 
 from every source outside the colonies. It meant 
 an artificial higher pricing in the market of the 
 British Isles for everything in which cost bears 
 hardest on the livelihood and the living of their 
 people. Mr. Chamberlain, in 1902, was waxing 
 ardent in the high mission he had undertaken, 
 of unifying and consolidating the great British 
 Empire, strengthening the ties of family between 
 Mother England and her scattered brood ; but he 
 had not yet been persuaded that the mother could 
 afford to expend quite so much as this of her 
 own well-being on premiums for the allegiance 
 of her offspring. 
 
 In the course of the next year, however, the 
 Colonial Secretary spent some weeks in South 
 Africa, and seems to have been remarkably inten- 
 sified in his imperializing aims by what he saw 
 and learned. He came home filled with the con- 
 viction that England must, for the sake of a 
 really unified and incorporated Empire, abandon 
 the free opening of her markets, which gave her 
 people the cheapest food and the cheapest mate- 
 rials for labor that the world at large could fur- 
 nish, and must wall them and gate them, with 
 differing keys to the locks, so that her own colo- 
 nists might be given the “ preferential ” admis- 
 sion they claim. If he had arrived at that con- 
 viction before going to South Africa he had 
 made no sign of it ; but it was proclaimed soon 
 after his return, in a speech to his constituents 
 at Birmingham, on the 15th of May, which shook 
 England as no sudden development in politics 
 had done for many years. The time had come, 
 he declared, when the country must decide for 
 or against a deliberate policy of Imperial unifica- 
 tion, which required it to reciprocate the prefer- 
 ential tariffs which the colonies had adopted or 
 were offering to adopt. Canada had given Great 
 Britain a preference in her tariff, first of 25 per 
 cent., afterwards increased to 33A- per cent., and 
 was ready to go farther if the British Govern- 
 ment would reciprocate, in allowing a drawback 
 on the shilling corn duty (a duty which had been 
 levied for a year past, aod was about to be re- 
 moved). At the Colonial Conference of the pre- 
 vious year the representatives of Australia and 
 New Zealand had expressed readiness to act on 
 the same line. A recent conference of the British 
 colonies in South Africa had recommended the 
 Legislatures of those colonies to give the Mother 
 Country a similar preference on all dutiable 
 goods of 25 per cent. Whether this policy of the 
 colonies should be developed in the future or 
 withdrawn depended now on the treatment given 
 to it by the people of Great Britain. 
 
 “The people of the Empire,” continued Mr. 
 Chamberlain, “ have two alternatives before 
 them. They may maintain if they like in all its 
 severity the interpretation — in my mind an en- 
 tirely artificial and wrong interpretation — which 
 has been placed on the doctrines of Free Trade by 
 a small remnant of the Little Englanders, of the 
 Manchester school, who now profess to be the 
 sole repositories of the doctrines of Mr. Cobden 
 and Mr. Bright. They may maintain that policy 
 in all its severity, though it is repudiated by every 
 other nation and by all your own Colonies. In 
 
 that case they will be absolutely precluded either 
 from giving any kind of preference or favour to 
 any of their Colonies abroad, or even protecting 
 their Colonies abroad when they offer to favour 
 us. That is the first alternative. The second al- 
 ternative is that we should insist that we will 
 not be bound by any purely technical definition 
 of Free Trade, that, while we seek as one chief 
 object free interchange of trad e and commerce be- 
 tween ourselves and all the nations of the world, 
 we will, nevertheless, recover our freedom, re- 
 sume that power of negotiation and, if necessary, 
 retaliation whenever our own interests or our 
 relation between our Colonies and ourselves 
 are threatened by other people. 
 
 “I leave the matter,” said Mr. Chamberlain, 
 “in your hands. I desire that a discussion on 
 this subject should be opened. The time has 
 not yet come to settle it, but it seems to me 
 that for good or for evil this is an issue much 
 greater in its consequences than any of our local 
 disputes. Make a mistake in legislation. Yet 
 it can be corrected. Make a mistake in your 
 Imperial policy. It is irretrievable. You have 
 an opportunity ; you will never have it again.” 
 
 Naturally this speech, from a Minister of the 
 Crown, as important and influential in the Gov- 
 ernment and in his party as Mr. Chamberlain, 
 caused an immense political commotion. It had 
 suddenly injected a new issue into the politics 
 of the United Kingdom, involving some recon- 
 struction of the party in possession of power, 
 and a fundamental readjustment of principles in 
 some part of it, more or less, according to the fol- 
 lowing that Mr. Chamberlain secured. Would 
 he leave the Ministry or the Ministry leave him? 
 — was the question of the hour. It remained 
 unanswered for three months or more, while 
 controversy over the propositions of Mr. Cham- 
 berlain raged and the situation became more 
 puzzling every day. Meantime the head of the 
 Government, Mr. Balfour, was acting like a 
 faithful adherent to the English principle of 
 freedom in trade, by advocating a repeal of the 
 incongruous corn duty levied the year before, 
 but speaking, at the same time, like a man of 
 open mind on the question of preferential trade, 
 treating it as one that demanded careful thought. 
 “If foreign countries,” he said, “ should take the 
 view that our self-governing colonies could be 
 treated as separate nations we must resist their 
 policy by fiscal retaliation. There must be a 
 weapon to our hands with which to meet those 
 who might attempt to disintegrate the Empire by 
 fiscal means. The question whether we should 
 be justified in raising revenue with the object 
 of drawing the different portions of the Empire 
 more closely together was certainly well worth 
 consideration.” 
 
 All that he said in these months conveyed the 
 impression that he was in an undetermined, 
 waiting state of mind on the question raised by 
 Mr. Chamberlain, not yet convinced that his 
 colleague should be supported in the new policy 
 proposed, but quite likely to be. That, how- 
 ever, was not the attitude in which he could 
 hold the two coalesced parties, Conservative 
 and Liberal Union, that were behind him in the 
 Government. The issue had instant activity 
 there, dividing both. The Premier could sup- 
 press debate on it in Parliament, as he did, but 
 everywhere else in the kingdom the rage of con- 
 troversy gathered heat, and party lines on the 
 
ENGLAND, 1903 
 
 ENGLAND, 1903 
 
 side of the Government were rapidly confused. 
 Two members of the Cabinet resigned, while 
 Mr. Chamberlain kept his place in it until the 9th 
 of September, when he addressed to Mr. Balfour 
 a letter which offered his resignation, for reasons 
 stated as follows : 
 
 “ Owing to admitted differences of opinion in 
 the Unionist party the political organisations of 
 the party were paralysed and our opponents 
 have had full possession of the field. ... I re- 
 cognise that serious prejudice has been created, 
 and that, while the people generally are alive to 
 the danger of unrestricted competition on the 
 part of those foreign countries that close their 
 markets to us while finding in our market an 
 outlet for their surplus production, they have 
 not yet appreciated the importance to our trade 
 of Colonial markets, nor the danger of losing 
 them if we do not meet in some way their nat- 
 ural and patriotic desire for preferential trade. 
 
 “The result is that, for the present at any 
 rate, a preferential agreement with our Colonies 
 involving any new duty, however small, on 
 articles of food hitherto untaxed is, even if ac- 
 companied by a reduction of taxation on other 
 articles of food of equally universal consump- 
 tion, unacceptable to the majority in the constit- 
 uencies. . . . 
 
 “ I suggest that you should limit the present 
 policy of the Government to the assertion of our 
 freedom in the case of all commercial relations 
 with foreign countries, and that you should 
 agree to my tendering my resignation of my pre- 
 sent office to his Majesty and devoting myself to 
 the work of explaining and popularising those 
 principles of Imperial union which my expe- 
 rience has convinced me are essential to our fu- 
 ture welfare and prosperity.” • 
 
 Mr. Balfour’s reply to this, when published, 
 disclosed the fact that he was wholly in agree- 
 ment with Mr. Chamberlain, and that they were 
 now parting company in order to pursue a com- 
 mon purpose more effectually on different lines. 
 Both saw that England was not to be drawn 
 easily away from its fundamental belief in free- 
 dom of trade ; that what they had undertaken 
 would require much persuasive labor and con- 
 siderable time, if accomplished at all ; wherefore 
 Mr. Chamberlain accepted an assignment to the 
 missionary field of the imperialist cause, while 
 Mr. Balfour would continue his endeavor to 
 hold a party in waiting for the fruits of the mis- 
 sion, and in possession of the government as long 
 as circumstances might permit. The programme 
 was disclosed frankly in the two letters. In 
 that of Mr. Balfour he said : 
 
 “ Agreeing as I do with you that the time has 
 come when a change should be made in the fiscal 
 canons by which we have bound ourselves in 
 our commercial dealings with other Govern- 
 ments, it seems paradoxical, indeed, that you 
 should leave the Cabinet at the time that others 
 of my colleagues are leaving it who disagree on 
 that very point with us both. Yet lean not but 
 admit, however reluctantly, that there is some 
 force in the arguments with which you support 
 that course, based as they are upon your special 
 and personal relation to that portion of the con- 
 troversy which deals with Colonial preference. 
 You have done more than any man, living or 
 dead, to bring home to the citizens of the Em- 
 pire the consciousness of Imperial obligation, 
 and the interdependence between the various 
 
 fragments into which the Empire is geographi- 
 cally divided. I believe you to be right in hold- 
 ing that this interdependence should find ex- 
 pression in our commercial relations as well as 
 in our political and military relations. I believe 
 with you that closer fiscal union between the 
 Mother Country and her Colonies would be good 
 for the trade of both, and that, if much closer 
 union could be established on fitting terms, its 
 advantage to both parties would increase as the 
 years went on and as the Colonies grew in wealth 
 and population. 
 
 “ If there ever has been any difference be- 
 tween us in connection with this matter it has 
 only been with regard to the practicability of a 
 proposal which would seem to require, on the 
 part of the Colonies, a limitation in the all-round 
 development of a protective policy, and on the 
 part of this country the establishment of a prefer- 
 ence in favour of important Colonial products. 
 On the first of these requirements I say nothing, 
 but if the second involves, as it almost certainly 
 does, taxation, however light, upon food stuffs, 
 I am convinced with you that public opinion is 
 not yet ripe for such an arrangement. . . . 
 
 “I feel, however, deeply concerned that you 
 should regard this conclusion, however well 
 founded, as one which makes it difficult for you, 
 in your very special circumstances, to remain a 
 member of the Government. Yet I do not ven- 
 ture, in a matter so strictly personal, to raise 
 any objection. 
 
 “If you think you can best serve the interests 
 of Imperial unity, for which you have done so 
 much, by pressing your views on Colonial pre- 
 ference with the freedom which is possible in 
 an independent position, but is hardly compati- 
 ble with office, how can I criticise your deter- 
 mination ? The loss to the Government is great, 
 but the gain to the cause you have at heart may 
 be greater still. If so, what can I do but acqui- 
 esce ? ” 
 
 So Mr. Chamberlain left the Cabinet, with Mr. 
 Balfour’s blessing and God-speed, and went out 
 to preach the gospel of commercial imperialism, 
 under the more carefully chosen name of “fiscal 
 reform.” His co-laborer, who stayed at the helm 
 of State, was so favored by circumstances as to 
 hold it for somewhat more than another year. 
 But the propagandism made no satisfying pro- 
 gress in that year; it seems doubtful, indeed, if 
 Mr. Chamberlain won as many disciples as he 
 lost from his first following. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Aug.).— Employment of Chil- 
 dren Act. See (in tliisvol.) Children, under 
 the Law: As Workers. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Aug.). — Communication to the 
 Powers that were parties to the Berlin Act 
 of 1884-5, asking their attention to the Ad- 
 ministration of the Congo State. See Congo 
 State: A. D. 1903-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — Settlement of the 
 Alaska boundary question. See Alaska : 
 A. D. 1903 . 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — Canadian measures to 
 establish British sovereignty over land and 
 sea of Hudson Bay region. See Canada: A. 
 D. 1903-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Arbitration of boundary dis- 
 pute between British Guiana and Brazil. See 
 
 Brazil: A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Her rivals in the Persian 
 Gulf. See Persia: A. D. 1904 . 
 
ENGLAND, 1904 
 
 ENGLAND, 1905-1906 
 
 A. D. 1904 (April). — The agreements of 
 the Entente Cordiale with France. Bee 
 Europe : A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1904 (April-Aug.). — Agitation over 
 the Licensing Bill, which passed Parliament 
 after much bitter debate. See Alcohol Prob 
 lem : England : A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (July). — The question of Church 
 Attendance in school hours. See Education : 
 England : A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Oct.). —The Dogger Bank in- 
 cident of the voyage of the Russian Baltic 
 Fleet. See Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (Oct.- 
 May). 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — The Esher Army Com- 
 mission and its Report. See War, The Pre- 
 parations for : Military. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Reopened controversy with 
 the United States over Newfoundland Fish- 
 eries questions. See Newfoundland : A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Action with other Powers in 
 forcing financial reforms in Macedonia on 
 Turkey. See Turkey: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Unemployed Workmen Act. 
 
 See Poverty, Problems of : England : A. D. 
 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (March). — Partially Represent- 
 ative Legislative Assembly created in the 
 Transvaal. See South Africa: A. D. 1905- 
 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (April). — Order relating to 
 Underfed School Children. See Education: 
 England: A. D. 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (April). — Treaty with Nicara- 
 gua concerning the Mosquito Territory. See 
 
 Central America: Nicaragua: A. D. 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (June). — Change in the office 
 of Speaker of the House of Commons. — After 
 a service of more than ten years in the speaker’s 
 chair of the House of Commons, Mr. W. C. 
 Gully resigned, on account of failing health, 
 and the Deputy Speaker, Mr. J. W. Lowther, 
 was chosen in his place, with no dissent. Sub- 
 sequently, Mr. Gully was raised to the peerage 
 and received an annual grant of £5000 for life. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (June). — Frauds in the sale of 
 surplus army stores in South Africa. — An 
 exciting scandal, connected with the sale of sur- 
 plus army stores, in South Africa, after the clos- 
 ing of the Boer War, came to light in June. It 
 was found that stores had been sold to certain 
 contractors at very low prices, and then repur- 
 chased at high figures under new contracts en- 
 tered into with the same contractors. Several 
 army officers, including two colonels, were im- 
 plicated in what the investigating committee 
 described mildly as “a cleverly arranged con- 
 trivance.” 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). — New Defensive Agree- 
 ment with Japan. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). — Resignation of the 
 Viceroyalty of India by Lord Curzon. See 
 India : A. D. 1905 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Resignation of the Bal- 
 four Ministry. — The Liberal Party in power. 
 - — Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman Prime 
 Minister. — His Cabinet. — His attitude to- 
 ward Ireland. — Strength of the Labor Party 
 in Parliament. — Its representative in the 
 Cabinet. — The Education Act of 1902, the apos- 
 tasy of Mr. Chamberlain and his Conserva- 
 
 tive Unionist followers from British Free Trade 
 principles, proclaimed in 1903, and the Licensing 
 Act of 1904, had each, in turn, been productive 
 of bitter disagreements and ruptures which 
 rapidly lowered the strength of the party in 
 power. It had been in control of the Govern 
 ment since 1895, when its opposition to Irish 
 Home Rule was endorsed by a large majority. 
 The next election, in 1900, during the war in 
 South Africa, reinforced its Parliamentary 
 support, and it could count, during the two 
 years following, on more than 400 votes in the 
 House of Commons, against about 268. After 
 that period its Parliamentary majority in the 
 popular chamber ran down, until, in the later 
 months of 1905, it was no more than 75 or 76. 
 This would have been an ample majority if it 
 had represented an equivalent preponderance of 
 public support, which, manifestly, it did not. 
 For three years the “ by-elections,” — that is, the 
 special elections ordered for filling vacancies in 
 the House as they occurred, — had been going 
 steadily against the Government, and nobody 
 doubted that a general election would throw it 
 out. It was challenged again and again to give 
 the country an opportunity to express its feeling 
 in the matter, by a dissolution of Parliament, 
 without waiting for any nearer approach to the 
 end of the term. This it would not do; but, on 
 the 4th of December, 1905, the Premier, Mr. Bal- 
 four, surprised the country, and likewise his 
 own Cabinet, it was said, by placing his resig- 
 nation in the hands of the King. 
 
 This proceeding was regarded as an artful 
 manoeuvre in politics, for the embarassment of 
 the opposition. As explained at the time by a 
 journalist who wrote of it on the side of the lat- 
 ter, — “ The Liberals naturally desired that the 
 country should have an opportunity of going to 
 the polls on the clear issue raised by the record 
 of ten years of Tory administration. They re- 
 garded Mr. Balfour and his party as being in the 
 dock, and before they took office they wished to 
 have the verdict of the country returned by the 
 votes of the electors. But this, for equally ob- 
 vious reasons, Mr. Balfour wished to avoid. By 
 resigning now, he compelled his opponents to 
 undertake the task, first of forming a new admin- 
 istration, with all the risks which it involves of 
 personal slight and sectional differences, and, 
 secondly, of facing the risk of any untoward in- 
 cident arising in the next few weeks which 
 might be used against the new-born govern- 
 ment. It also would enable them to obscure to 
 a certain extent the real issue before the country. 
 Instead of simply voting for or against Mr. Bal- 
 four and his administration, they would be asked 
 to express their opinion upon a new ministry, 
 which had not had any opportunity of giving 
 the country a taste of its quality. But as Mr. 
 Balfour could not be compelled to stay in when 
 he had made up his mind to go out, and as it 
 was such a relief to get rid of him on any terms, 
 the Liberals consented to face the disadvantages 
 of taking office before the dissolution.” 
 
 Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was invited 
 by the King to form a Ministry, and accepted the 
 Commission. The organization of his Cabinet 
 was completed within the week following Mr. 
 Balfour’s resignation, and it took office at once. 
 Parliament was dissolved on the 8th of January, 
 1906, and a new Parliament was summoned to 
 meet on February 13th. Elections began on the 
 
 233 
 
ENGLAND, 1905-1906 
 
 ENGLAND, 1905-1906 
 
 12th of January and were finished for the most 
 part by the 19th. In their total result, they re- 
 turned 375 Liberals to the House of Commons, 
 55 Labor representatives, who would act on most 
 questions with the Liberals, and 83 Irish Nation- 
 alists, whose attitude towards the new Ministry 
 would depend upon its attitude on Irish ques- 
 tions, aud seemed more likely to be friendly than 
 otherwise. Against this array on the side of Sir 
 Henry and his colleagues, of pledged partisans 
 and conditional allies, the Conservative Union- 
 ists had Secured an Opposition in the House that 
 numbered only 157. The political overturn was 
 one of the most remarkable that the United King- 
 dom has ever known. 
 
 The Cabinet as formed when Sir Henry Camp- 
 bell-Bannerman took office was made up as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury, 
 Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. 
 
 Lord Chancellor, Sir Robert T. Reid. 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, Herbert H. As- 
 quith. 
 
 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Sir Ed- 
 ward Grey. 
 
 Secretary of State for the Colonies, the Earl of 
 Elgin. 
 
 Secretary of State for War, Richard B. Haldane. 
 Secretary of State for Home Affairs, Herbert J. 
 Gladstone. 
 
 Secretary of State for India, John Morley. 
 
 First Lord of the Admiralty, Lord Tweedmouth. 
 President of the Board of Trade, David Lloyd- 
 George. 
 
 President of the Local Government Board, John 
 Burns. 
 
 Chief Secretary for Scotland, John Sinclair. 
 President of the Board of Agriculture, Earl Car- 
 rington. 
 
 Postmaster-General, Sydney C. Buxton. 
 
 Chief Secretary for Ireland, James Bryce. 
 
 Lord President of the Council, the Earl of Crewe. 
 Lord of the Privy Seal, the Marquis of Ripon. 
 President of the Board of Education, Augustine 
 Birrell. 
 
 Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Sir Henry 
 H. Fowler. 
 
 The following were not members of the cab- 
 inet, but formed part of the administration: 
 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Earl of Aber- 
 deen. 
 
 Under Secretary for the Colonies, Winston L. 
 Churchill. 
 
 First Commissioner of Works, Louis Vernon- 
 Harcourt. 
 
 Attorney-General, John Lawson Walton. 
 Solicitor-General, William S. Robson. 
 
 That Lord Rosebery had no place in the new 
 Liberal administration was due to his wide dis- 
 agreement with most of the leaders of his party 
 on the question of Home Rule for Ireland. 
 When he succeeded Mr. Gladstone as Prime Min- 
 ister, in 1894, he quite distinctly discarded that 
 line of Irish policy (see, in Volume VI. of this 
 work, England: A. D. 1894-1895), and his an- 
 tagonism to it had undergone no change. On 
 the other hand, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman 
 had remained faithfully sympathetic with Mr. 
 Gladstone’s idea of Ireland’s due from England, 
 and had reannounced his standing on it in a re- 
 cent speech. “My opinion,” he said, “has long 
 been known to you. It is that the only way of 
 healing the evils of Ireland, — difficulties of her 
 
 administration, of giving contentment and pros- 
 perity to her people, and of making her a strength 
 instead of a weakness to the empire, — is that 
 the Irish people should have the management of 
 their own domestic affairs ; and so far from this 
 opinion fading and dwindling as the years pass, 
 it is becoming stronger, and, what is more, I 
 have more confidence in its realization. ... If I 
 were asked for advice by an ardent Nationalist, 
 I would say my desire is to see the effective 
 management of Irish affairs in the hands of a 
 representative Irish party. ... I trust that the 
 opportunity of making a great advance on this 
 question of Irish government will not long be 
 delayed, and when that opportunity comes my 
 firm belief Is that a greater measure of agreement 
 than hitherto as to the utimate solution will be 
 found possible, and that a keener appreciation 
 will be felt of the benefits that will flow to the 
 Irish communities and British people throughout 
 the world, and that Ireland, from being disaf- 
 fected, impoverished, and discouraged, will take 
 its place as a strong, harmonious, and contented 
 portion of the empire.” 
 
 That Sir Henry, maintaining this posture on 
 the Irish question of questions, could be the 
 accepted leader of the Liberal party and the 
 Premier of Government, afforded clear evidence 
 that the party, and the country which confided 
 power to that party, were at least more nearly 
 prepared to make the great concession to Ireland 
 than they were to refuse it ; but the question 
 entered slightly into the parliamentary canvass, 
 though the Conservative-Unionists strove hard 
 to make it the dominant issue. The public mind 
 was occupied so fully with the fiscal and educa- 
 tional controversies of the last three years that 
 the motives in its voting came mostly from 
 them. The mandates of the vote were under- 
 stood to be especially for the amending of recent 
 legislation on those subjects and on the terms of 
 the licensing of the liquor trade. It was equally 
 understood that Irish measures in the Gladstone 
 spirit should be looked for, not hastily under- 
 taken, but in due time. 
 
 The fact of most impressive significance in the 
 result of the parliamentary elections was the 
 sudden weight that had been given in the House 
 of Commons to the representation of Labor by 
 laboring men. Since 1903 (see, in this vol., 
 Labor Organization : England: A. D. 1900- 
 1906; 1903 ; and Socialism : England) the Labor 
 Party had emerged in British politics as a force 
 to be taken into serious account. Of its 55 
 members in the new Parliament a considerable 
 number had been elected by a combination of 
 Liberal and Labor votes; but the same combina- 
 tion went as often to the increase of the Liberal 
 representation. One large section of the Labor 
 voters, organized under the name of the Inde- 
 pendent Labor Party, stood aloof from such 
 alliances entirely. It had been formed some 
 years before, under the lead of Mr. Keir Ilardie, 
 a Scottish miner, with Socialistic beliefs, but 
 opposed to the aims of the Marxian Socialists, 
 and expecting nothing substantially beneficial 
 to the working class from any political party. 
 His mission was to create a Labor Party that 
 would fight its own battles on its own ground. 
 He made no great headway until the Taff Vale 
 decision of 1902 roused the British Trade Unions 
 to fight for their lives. That brought them into 
 the ranks of the Independent Labor Party, and 
 
 234 
 
ENGLAND, 1905-1906 
 
 ENGLAND, 1906 
 
 prepared it for the powerful showing it made 
 in the elections of January, 1906, when it polled 
 303,000 votes, and elected 30 members who are 
 free lances in the House. The remaining 25 
 Labor Members act with these on labor questions, 
 but otherwise are to be reckoned as allies of the 
 Liberal Party. 
 
 Foremost among these latter is Mr. John 
 Burns, who represents the Labor Party not only 
 in Parliament but in the Ministry of Govern- 
 ment, being the first of his class to be called to 
 a Cabinet seat. A London editor who wrote of 
 him when he took that seat said : “ He has been 
 a working engineer, a strike leader, labor agita- 
 tor, a Loudon County Councilor for eighteen 
 years, and member of Parliament for fourteen. 
 He is a great leader who never had a party, but 
 whose influence has been felt in every labor 
 movement in England for the last twenty years. 
 The labor and social policy of the London 
 County Council has been largely inspired and 
 directed by him. He has also molded labor leg- 
 islation in Parliament. Mr. Burns has ‘ scorned 
 delights and lived laborious days ’ for the sake 
 of the workers. He is an avowed Socialist. He 
 has never changed his principles, only modified 
 his methods. He is a real Fabian, a skillful 
 opportunist, a tireless worker, and a first-rate 
 organizer. Since he became a Socialist who 
 does things, he has been ostracized by the Soci- 
 alists who only agitate. Mr. Burns is exercising 
 great influence within the Cabinet, and is one 
 of the men in the confidence and in the secrets 
 of the Prime Minister, who seeks his advice 
 in many matters outside Mr. Burns’s depart- 
 ment.” 
 
 The same writer gave the following account 
 of the many important duties and great respon- 
 sibilities of the office filled by Mr. Burns, as the 
 President of the Local Government Board, which 
 supervises the administration of local govern- 
 ment in all England and Wales : “As President 
 of the Local Government Board, Mr. Burns has 
 multifarious duties committed to his charge. 
 He has to sanction local loans, supervise the 
 finances of local authorities, hold inquiries into 
 proposed new undertakings, exercise the (almost) 
 legislative powers which Parliament has dele- 
 gated to him by way of provisional orders, and 
 is armed with large powers of initiative, inspec- 
 tion, revision, and veto, so that in some respects 
 he can revolutionize the whole system of local 
 administration. In the domain of Poor Law his 
 authority is paramount. He revises, for ex- 
 ample, the rules and regulations which guide 
 the system of relief and the administration of 
 the Poor Law, passes plans for new workhouses, 
 settles the wages of the nurses and porters, and 
 fixes the amount of snuff (if any) which a pau- 
 per may receive. Sanitary legislation is also 
 under his supervision, as he acts as Minister of 
 Public Health, and beyond the more strictly 
 local governmental functions belonging to bis 
 department there is the social side of his work, 
 such as the administration of the Allotments 
 Acts, the Unemployed Act, inquiring into hous- 
 ing conditions, etc ” 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Sudden German hostil- 
 ity to the Anglo-French agreement concern- 
 ing Morocco. — Demand for an International 
 Conference.- — The Conference at Algeciras 
 and the Act signed there. See (in this vol.) Eu- 
 rope: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Pan-Islamic agitation in 
 Egypt. — Menacing attitude of Turkey. — The 
 Tabah incident. See Eoypt : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — Action in Persia during 
 the Constitutional Revolution. See Persia. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — The Aliens Act. — A new 
 policy of restriction on the admission of 
 aliens. — Its working. — See Immigration: 
 England : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — ■ Progress in cooperative 
 organizations of industry. See Labor Remu- 
 neration: Cooperative Organization. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Prevention of Corruption Act. 
 See Crime and Criminology. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (March). — Report of Royal Com- 
 mission on Labor Disputes. See Labor Organ- 
 ization: England: A. D. 1906 (March). 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April). — Convention for deter- 
 mining and marking the Alaska Boundary 
 Line. See Alaska: A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April-Dee.). — Fate of the Lib- 
 eral Education Bill, passed by the Commons 
 and killed by Amendments in the House of 
 Lords. — Resolution of the Commons, contem- 
 plating a change of Constitutional Law re- 
 specting the Legislative Powers of the 
 House of Lords. — When the Education Bill 
 brought forward by the Government in April 
 and passed by the Commons in December (see, 
 in this vol.. Education: England: a. d. 1906) 
 had been killed by destructive amendments in 
 the House of Lords, the Prime Minister, Sir 
 Henry Campbell-Bannerman, proposed to the 
 House of Commons a resolution, which was 
 adopted, declaring that “the power of the other 
 house to alter or reject bills passed by this house 
 should be so restricted by law as to secure that 
 within the limits of a single Parliament the final 
 decision of the House of Commons shall pre- 
 vail.” In plainer words, this proposed an amend- 
 ment of what has been, since 1832, an unwritten 
 but understood rule of the British Constitution, 
 namely, that the House of Lords cannot defeat a 
 measure which has been passed by the Commons 
 in successive parliaments, and thus certified, by 
 an intervening election, as being the embodiment 
 of a popular demand. The proposed amendment 
 is to give the force of law to a repeated enact- 
 ment of the House of Commons, even ‘ ‘ within 
 the limits of a single Parliament,” and without 
 the intervention of an election. 
 
 The Premier has explained that this resolution 
 is adopted only to foreshadow action which the 
 Government intends to take at some convenient 
 future time. So far as indicated by the Premier’s 
 resolution, he and his colleagues, if they do any- 
 thing affecting the peers in Parliament, will not 
 touch the existing composition of the aristocratic 
 house, but will only shorten the suspense in 
 which it may hold legislation that is persisted 
 in by the popular house. As now exercised, the 
 practical effect of the suspensive veto of the 
 Lords, if not submitted to by the government, is 
 to bring about what is actually a referendum 
 of the question at issue to the people. The pro- 
 posed constitutional amendment would elimi- 
 nate the referendum and empower the Commons 
 to override the opposition of the Lords. 
 
 The legislative function of the House of Lords 
 would not differ substantially then from that 
 performed by the President of the United States. 
 Acts of Congress require the approval of the Pre- 
 sident to make them law. His disapproval sends 
 
ENGLAND, 1906 
 
 ENGLAND, 1907 
 
 them back to Congress for reenactment, if two- 
 thirds of both houses persist in them ; annulling 
 them if they do not. The function is simply a 
 critical one, and involves no exercise of legisla- 
 tive powers, if the language of our Constitution is 
 correct; for that instrument, in the first section 
 of its first article, says: “all legislative powers 
 herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of 
 the United States, which shall consist of a Senate 
 and a House of Representatives.” Thus the re- 
 ference of legislation to the President for his 
 approval or disapproval is not recognized as a 
 grant to him of participation in the exercise of 
 legislative powers.” 
 
 In this view the British House of Lords, when 
 its part in legislation is reduced, like that of the 
 American President, to mere criticism, expressed 
 in approval or a suspensive veto, cannot rightly 
 be regarded as a legislative body, and Parlia- 
 ment can hardly be counted among the bicameral 
 legislatures, as we have counted it hitherto. The 
 House of Commons will hold all the powers of 
 legislation ; the House of Lords will be its official 
 critic, commissioned only to make it think twice 
 in the enactment of some of its laws. 
 
 The King has no voice now in the making of 
 British laws, although, when his prerogatives 
 are described, it is still said that “he may re- 
 fuse the royal assent to any bills.” Two hundred 
 years ago it ceased to be prudent for royalty to 
 exercise that prerogative, and Queen Anne, in 
 1707, asserted it in practice for the last time. 
 The sovereigns of the reigning House of Han- 
 over have never enjoyed the satisfaction of re- 
 fusing assent to an act of Parliament. Even 
 George III. did hot venture it, though he stoutly 
 asserted his right. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (May). - — Withdrawal of the last 
 British garrison from Canada. See (in this 
 vol.) Canada : A. D. 1906 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Sept.). — Army Orfler insti- 
 tuting the General Staff. See War, The Pre- 
 parations for : Military. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Dec.). — Broadened self-gov- 
 ernment extended to the Transvaal and the 
 Orange River Colony. See South Africa : 
 A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Dec.). — Passage of the Work- 
 men’s Compensation Act. See Labor Protec- 
 tion. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Drink in its relation to crime. 
 
 See Alcohol Problem : England: A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — Act legalizing Mar- 
 riage with a Deceased Wife’s Sister. — The 
 following are the main provisions of the Act to 
 legalize marriage with a deceased wife’s sister 
 which, after many years of agitation by its 
 advocates and many defeats in Parliament, was 
 passed finally in 1907 : 
 
 “ 1 . No marriage heretofore or hereafter con- 
 tracted between a man and his deceased wife’s 
 sister, within the realm or without, shall be 
 deemed to have been or shall be void or voidable, 
 as a civil contract, by reason only of such affinity : 
 Provided always that no clergyman in holy 
 orders of the Church of England shall be liable 
 to any suit, penalty, or censure, whether civil or 
 ecclesiastical, for anything done or omitted to be 
 done by him in the performance of the duties of 
 his office to which suit, penalty, or censure he 
 would not have been liable if this Act had not 
 been passed: 
 
 “ Provided also that when any minister of any 
 
 church or chapel of the Church of England shall 
 refuse to perform such marriage service between 
 any persons who, but for such refusal, would be 
 entitled to have the same service performed in 
 such church or chapel, such minister may per- 
 mit any other clergyman in holy orders in the 
 Church of England, entitled to officiate within 
 the diocese in which such church or chapel is 
 situate, to perform such marriage service in 
 such church or chapel. 
 
 “ Provided also that in case, before the passing 
 of this Act, any such marriage shall have been 
 annulled, or either party thereto (after the mar- 
 riage and during the life of the other) shall have 
 lawfully married another, it shall be deemed to 
 have become and to be void upon and after the 
 day upon which itwassoanulled, or upon which 
 either party thereto lawfully married another as 
 aforesaid. 
 
 “ 2 . No right, title, estate or interest, whether 
 in possession or expectancy, and whether vested 
 or contingent at the time of the passing of this 
 Act, existing in, to, or in respect of, any dignity, 
 title of honour, or property, and no act or thing 
 lawfully done or omitted before the passing of 
 this Act shall be prejudicially affected nor shall 
 any will be deemed to have been revoked by 
 reason of any marriage heretofore contracted as 
 aforesaid being made valid by this Act. 
 
 “ 3 . — (1) Nothing in this Act shall remove 
 wives from the class of persons adultery with 
 whom constitutes a right, on the part of wives, 
 to sue for divorce under the Matrimonial Causes 
 Act, 1857. 
 
 “(2) Notwithstanding anything contained in 
 this Act or the Matrimonial Causes Act, 1857, it 
 shall not be lawful for a man to marry the sister 
 of his divorced wife, or of his wife by whom he 
 has been divorced, during the lifetime of such 
 wife. 
 
 “ 4 . Nothing in this Act shall relieve a clergy- 
 man in holy orders of the Church of England 
 from any ecclesiastical censure to which he 
 would have been liable if this Act had not been 
 passed by reason of his having contracted or 
 hereafter contracting a marriage with his de- 
 ceased wife’s sister. 
 
 “ 5 . In this Act the word ‘ sister ’ shall include 
 a sister of the half-blood.” 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Probation of Offenders Act. 
 See (in this vol.) Crime and Criminology : Pro- 
 bation. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — F rench testimony to the good 
 work of the English in Egypt. See Egypt : 
 A. D. 1907 (Jan.). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April-May). — Conference of 
 Imperial and Colonial Ministers at London. — 
 Discussing Preferential Trade, Imperial De- 
 fence, and other subjects. — Resolutions 
 adopted. See British Empire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (May). — Proposed Councils Bill 
 for Ireland rejected by the Irish National 
 Party. See Ireland: A. D. 1907 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (July). — Capture of Kaid Sir 
 Harry MacLean in Morocco for ransom, by 
 Raisuli. See Morocco: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — Convention with Rus- 
 sia containing arrangements on the subject of 
 Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet. See Europe: 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — Establishment of a 
 Court of Criminal Appeal. See Law, and its 
 Courts : England. 
 
 236 
 
ENGLAND, 1907 
 
 ENGLAND, 1907-1908 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — Qualification of women 
 for election to County and Borough Councils. 
 
 See Elective Franchise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — Patents and Designs 
 Act. See Patents. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). — Abortive Compromise 
 Education Bill. See Education : England: 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). — Treaty with France, 
 Germany, Norway, and Russia guaranteeing 
 the integrity of Norway. See Europe : A. D. 
 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). — Treaty with France 
 concerning Death Duties. See Death Duties. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — Institution of the Terri- 
 torial Force. See War, The Preparations 
 for: Military. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — Proposals in the House 
 of Lords of Reform in its Constitution. — 
 
 Consequent, no doubt, on the increase of pop- 
 ular hostility to the House of Lords which it 
 had provoked by its dealing with the Education 
 Bill of 1906, and the serious threatenings of an 
 undertaking in the House of Commons to “end 
 or mend ” it as a branch of Parliament, the 
 Lords, in 1907, gave thought among themselves 
 to the expediency of a constitutional reforma- 
 tion of their House. In February, a bill was 
 proposed to them by Lord Newton which pro- 
 vided in its first two articles as follows : 
 
 “ 1 . — (1) After the termination of the present 
 session of Parliament a writ of summons to at- 
 tend and to sit and vote in the House of Lords 
 shall not be issued to any temporal peer of the 
 peerage of England entitled by descent to an 
 hereditary seat in the House of Lords (in this 
 Act referred to as an hereditary peer), unless he 
 is a representative or a qualified hereditary peer 
 within the meaning of this Act, nor to any lord 
 spiritual, unless he is a representative lord spir- 
 itual within the meaning of this Act.” 
 
 “ 2 . For the purposes of this Act the expres- 
 sion ‘ qualified hereditary peer ’ means an he- 
 reditary peer who possesses any of the qualifi- 
 cations specified in the First Schedule to this 
 Act. ” 
 
 The schedule referred to was as follows: 
 “Qualifications entitling an Hereditary 
 Peer to a Writ of Summons: I. The holding 
 at any time of any of the following OflBces : — - 
 
 1. High judicial office, within the meaning of 
 the Appellate Jurisdiction Acts, 1876 and 1887. 
 
 2. The office of First Lord of the Treasury, Sec- 
 retary of State, Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 President of the Council, or Head (not being a 
 permanent Civil Servant) of any other Govern- 
 ment Department. 3. The office of Lord Lieu- 
 tenant of Ireland, and Secretary to the Lord 
 Lieutenant. 4. Office of Viceroy of India, or a 
 Governor of the Presidency of Madras or Bom- 
 bay, or of Lieutenant-Governor of any Province 
 of India. 5. Office of Governor-General of the 
 Dominion of Canada or of the Commonwealth 
 of Australia, or of High Commissioner of South 
 Africa, or of Governor of any Colony. 6. The 
 Office of Parliamentary Under Secretary, Par- 
 liamentary Secretary, or permanent Under Sec- 
 retary, in any Government Department. 7. 
 Office of Lord of the Admiralty or member of 
 the Army Council. 8. Office of Minister pleni- 
 potentiary, or any higher office, in His Majesty’s 
 Diplomatic Service. 9. Office of Vice-Admiral, 
 or any higher office, in His Majesty’s Naval 
 
 Forces, or of Lieutenant-General, or any higher 
 office, in His Majesty’s Land Forces. 
 
 “II. Election to serve in the House of Com- 
 mons on not less than two occasions before suc- 
 ceeding to the peerage." 
 
 In addition to the hereditary peers thus qual- 
 ified to sit in the House of Lords as proposed to 
 be reformed, the Bill provided for the election 
 by the peers, from their own number, of repre- 
 sentatives, to the extent of one-fourth of their 
 whole number; and likewise for the election by 
 the lords spiritual, from their ranks, of represent- 
 atives in the same proportion of number ; such 
 representatives to form part of the House of 
 Lords in Parliament. It authorized, further, 
 the appointment by the King of peers for life, 
 to be “ peers of Parliament,” these never to ex- 
 ceed one hundred in number. 
 
 Debate on the Bill in May resulted in the sub- 
 stitution for it of a resolution, that “a Select 
 Committee be appointed to consider the sugges- 
 tions which have from time to time been made 
 for increasing the efficiency of the House of 
 Lords in matters affecting legislation, and to 
 report as to the desirability of adopting them, 
 either in their original or in some modified 
 form.” The report of the Committee (twenty - 
 five in number, having Lord Rosebery for its 
 elected chairman) was not brought in until 
 near the close of the following year. Its recom- 
 mendations were considerably on the lines of 
 the Bill described above. It suggested that the 
 reformed House of Lords should be made up of 
 three classes of members, namely, hereditary 
 peers who had held certain high public offices — 
 much the same as those scheduled in Lord New- 
 ton’s Bill; two hundred representative “Peers 
 of Parliament,” elected from the whole body of 
 the peerage, not for life, but for a single Parlia- 
 ment, and ten lords spiritual, to include the two 
 archbishops and eight bishops to be elected. 
 The self-governing colonies, in the judgment of 
 the Committee, should be represented in the 
 House of Lords, and twenty years of service in 
 the House of Commons should entitle an Irish 
 peer to a seat in it. 
 
 The plan submitted by the Committee would 
 reduce the House from 617 members to about 
 350. No action has been taken on the report. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — The Small Holdings 
 Act. — The first year of its operation. — In 
 1907 an Act passed Parliament which provided 
 for the acquisition by local authorities of land to 
 he divided into small holdings for sale or lease 
 to buyers or tenants who could not otherwise be 
 placed on it for self-support. The results from 
 the first year’s operation of the Act was reported 
 in September, 1909, by the Board of Agriculture 
 and Fisheries, which administers the law. The 
 following are statements from the report of the 
 Board : ‘ ‘ Stated shortly, the result, so far as 
 small holdings are concerned, of the first year’s 
 work since the Small Holdings and Allotments 
 Act, 1907, came into operation has been that 
 23,285 applications have been received by county 
 councils for 373,601 acres, that 13,202 applicants 
 have been approved provisionally as suitable, 
 that the estimated quantity of land required for 
 the suitable applicants is 185,098 acres, that 21,- 
 417 acres have been acquired by county councils, 
 of which 11,346 acres have been purchased for 
 £370,965, and 10,071 acres leased for total rents 
 amounting to £11,209, that the land acquired 
 
 237 
 
ENGLAND, 1907-1908 
 
 ENGLAND, 1908 
 
 will provide for about 1,500 of the applicants, 
 and that 504 of them were in actual possession 
 of their holdings on December 31, 1908. 
 
 “It may seem at first sight that the progress 
 that has been made in satisfying the keen de- 
 mand for small holdings which the Act has dis- 
 closed has been small, but the figures do not give 
 at all an adequate idea of the amount of work 
 that has been actually done. It must be remem- 
 bered that practically the whole of the first six 
 months of the year were occupied in the prelim- 
 inary work of constituting committees, issuing 
 forms, receiving and tabulating applications and 
 holding local inquiries, and that until this work 
 was completed little progress could be made in 
 the acquisition of land. . . . The rate at which 
 land is being acquired is now increasing rapidly, 
 and we have little doubt that by Michaelmas, 
 1909, not less than 50,000 acres will have been 
 obtained. In addition to the holdings which 
 have been provided by county councils, the re- 
 turns we have obtained show that over 700 ap- 
 plicants have been supplied with holdings by 
 landowners direct, mainly through the interven- 
 tion of the councils. 
 
 “ In considering the results already accom- 
 plished it must also be borne in mind that the 
 problem is to fit particular men to particular 
 land, and not merely to acquire whatever land 
 may be in the market and to offer it in small hold- 
 ings. The great majority of the applicants desire 
 land in close proximity to their homes, and it is 
 obviously more difficult to acquire a large num- 
 ber of detached plots than to take a whole farm 
 or estate and divide it into a number of small 
 holdings. . . . 
 
 “A striking feature of the applications made 
 under the Act has been the small extent to which 
 the applicants desire to purchase their holdings. 
 Out of the 23,295 applications received during 
 the year, only 629, or 2.7 per cent., expressed 
 a desire to purchase. . . . The Act imposes no 
 direct obligation on councils to provide houses, 
 but we are of opinion that where an applicant 
 desires a holding to which he will devote his 
 whole time and from which he will get his whole 
 living councils should be prepared to erect a 
 house and the necessary buildings.” 
 
 A. D. 1907-1908 (Dec. -March). — Appeals 
 to other Powers for effective measures to 
 rescue Macedonia from its dreadful state. See 
 (in this vol.) Turkey : A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Anglo-Russian action 
 in Persia. See Persia : A. I). 1907, and after. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — The Campaign of the 
 Militant Woman Suffragists or Suffragettes. 
 See Elective Franchise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — The disaffection in In- 
 dia. — Its character, causes, and meaning. — 
 Hindu and Moslem feeling. — The past of 
 British Government and its fruits. See (in 
 this vol.) India : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Negotiation by the 
 President of the Board of Trade of a Gen- 
 eral System of Conciliation and Arbitration 
 Boards for Settlement of Labor Disputes in 
 the Railway Service. See Labor Organiza- 
 tion : England : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Estimate of King Edward 
 VII. as a Diplomatist. — Mr. Isaac N. Ford, 
 the American newspaper correspondent in Lon- 
 don, has much well-informed opinion in Europe 
 and America to support him in the following 
 
 estimate of the diplomatic influence exerted by 
 King Edward, which he expressed in January, 
 1908 : “At the opening of King Edward’s reign 
 Berlin was the center of European diplomacy, 
 as Paris had been when Bismarck entered upon 
 his series of machinations and triumphs. The 
 personal ascendency of the German Emperor 
 was unchallenged in Europe. ... In the course 
 of seven years conditions have been transformed. 
 London is now the diplomatic capital of Europe. 
 Resentful enemies like France have been recon- 
 ciled; friendships with America, Austria-Hun- 
 gary, Italy, and Spain have been strengthened ; 
 strained relations with Russia and Germany 
 have been eased ; and by the alliance with Japan 
 forces have been readjusted for the maintenance 
 of existing order in the Pacific. A new balance 
 of power has been established in Europe, and 
 the diplomatic resources of the British Empire 
 have been reinvigorated and enlarged. While 
 there have been eminent statesmen in the British 
 Foreign Office — Lord Lansdowne and Sir Ed- 
 ward Grey — these transformations have been 
 mainly King Edward’s work. Fifty years hence 
 there may be a true sense of proportion, so that 
 his services as an empire-builder and a peace- 
 maker can be judged aright.” 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Invitation of an International 
 Naval Conference preliminary to the estab- 
 lishment of an International Prize Court. 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt against: 
 A. D. 1907 (appended to account of Second Peace 
 Conference at The Hague). 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Municipal and County Offices 
 opened to Women. See Elective Franchise : 
 Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — North Sea and Baltic agree- 
 ments. See Europe: A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Passage of the Coal Mines 
 Eight Hours Act. See Labor Protection: 
 Hours of Labor. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Rejection of the Liberal 
 Licensing Bill by the House of Lords. See 
 Alcohol Problem : England: A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (March). — Communication to 
 the Belgian Government respecting obliga- 
 tions involved in its proposed annexation of 
 the Congo State. See Congo State: A. D. 
 1906-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). - — Resignation and 
 Death of Prime Minister Sir Henry Campbell- 
 Bannerman. — Succession of Herbert H. As- 
 quith. — Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was 
 forced by ill health to resign the premiership on 
 the 5th of April, 1908, and his death occurred on 
 the 22d of the same month. He was succeeded 
 in the headship of the Government by Mr. Her- 
 bert H. Asquith, previously Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, whose place in the latter office was 
 filled by Mr. David Lloyd-George. Mr. Lloyd- 
 George had been President of the Board of Trade, 
 and that office was now filled by Mr. Winston 
 Churchill, while Mr. Reginald McKenna became 
 First Lord of the Admiralty. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty with Den- 
 mark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and 
 Sweden for maintenance of the Status Quo on 
 the North Sea. See Europe : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty with the 
 United States respecting the Demarcation 
 of the International Boundary between the 
 United States and Canada. See Canada: 
 A. D. 1908 (April). 
 
ENGLAND, 1908 
 
 ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Sept.). — Withdrawal of inter- 
 vention in Macedonia. See Turkey : A. D. 
 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1908 ( Dec.). — Passage of “ The Chil- 
 dren Act.” See Children, under the Law : 
 As Dependents and Offenders. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Dec.). — The Shipbuilding 
 Agreement between Employers and Trade 
 Unions to prevent strikes and lockouts. See 
 Labor Organization : England : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Attitude on the question 
 of the Austrian annexation of Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina. See Europe : A. D. 1908-1909 
 (Oct. -March). 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Old Age Pensions Act. 
 — Its working. — Its disclosures of pov- 
 erty. See Poverty, Problems of : Pensions, 
 &c. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Passage of the Indian 
 Councils Bill. — Its provisions for popular 
 representation in the Legislative Councils 
 of India. See India : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Chief source of Food Sup- 
 plies. See Argentine Republic : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Concentration of Wealth. 
 See Wealth, The Problems of. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Development and Road Im- 
 provement Funds Act. See Conservation of 
 Natural Resources : Great Britain. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Naval questions. — “ Dread- 
 nought ” building. — Distrust of Germany. — 
 The Territorial Force, etc. See War, The 
 Preparations for. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Official reports and state- 
 ments concerning Public Education. See Edu- 
 cation : England : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Passage of the Housing and 
 T own-planning Act. See Social Betterment : 
 England : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Principal Socialist organiza- 
 tions. See Socialism. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Report of Royal Commission 
 on the working of the Poor Laws and Relief 
 Systems, and the existing pauperism of the 
 United Kingdom. See Poverty. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Summary of the total pro- 
 spective military defensive strength of the 
 Empire. See British Empire: A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — The Waterways Treaty 
 with the United States, concerning waters 
 along the Canadian boundary. See Canada : 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — The Opening of Parlia- 
 ment. — The session of Parliament was opened 
 by the King with due form and ceremony on 
 February 16. “ The Royal procession from Buck- 
 ingham Palace to Westminster,” says a report of 
 the occasion, “took place in the dim grey light 
 of a typical February afternoon, and the pageant 
 lost much of its beauty in consequence. In spite 
 of the cold wind and the absence of the genial 
 sunshine which is such a valuable asset on occa- 
 sions of spectacular display, there appeared to 
 be as many people as ever along the route of the 
 procession. These formal openings of Parlia- 
 ment, which have become customary since the 
 beginning of the present reign, are clearly pop- 
 ular with those of the King’s subjects who know 
 nothing, except by hearsay, of the impressive 
 scenes which are to be witnessed in the House 
 of Lords. The immense crowds who assembled 
 to watch the King and Queen pass yesterday, 
 waiting patiently for hours in order to enjoy a 
 
 few minutes’ ecstatic sight-seeing, welcomed 
 their Majesties with a cordiality of the meaning 
 of which there could be no doubt. The King 
 and Queen, in their wonderful gold coach, with 
 its sides of glass, must have been gratified with 
 the respect and affection which were manifested 
 from all quarters.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — Debate in Parliament 
 on the annexation of the Congo State by 
 Belgium. — Recognition of the annexation 
 dependent on reforms. See Congo State : 
 A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — Represented in Inter- 
 national Opium Commission at Shanghai. 
 
 See Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March). — Representation of 
 the People Bill. — Proposed Universal Suf- 
 frage, including women. — Its second read- 
 ing. — On the 20th of March, 1909, the second 
 reading of a bill described as “ the Represent- 
 ation of the People Bill ” was moved and sec- 
 onded in the House of Commons. Its provisions 
 were substantially for universal suffrage ,includ 
 ing women. In explaining the measure, the 
 member who moved the second reading — a re- 
 presentative of the Labor party, Mr. Howard — 
 said: “It was difficult, if not almost impossi- 
 ble, to deal with a reform of the franchise with- 
 out at the same time dealing with woman suf- 
 frage, and it was difficult to deal with woman 
 enfranchisement without at the same time mak- 
 ing some alteration in the existing franchise law 
 which should meet the condition of the new ele- 
 ments proposed to be placed on the register. 
 The House must face the situation as a whole 
 and handle the two reforms in one scheme, be- 
 cause by a coordinated Bill there would be a 
 better chance of getting nearer a settlement. In 
 the Bill that he submitted to the House there 
 was no abolition of any old franchise. It pro- 
 posed to create a residential franchise in order 
 to do away with the hardships which any one 
 with a knowledge of registration knew to exist 
 in connexion with the occupation vote of men. 
 The second clause provided for a restriction of 
 plural voting, and the third clause related to the 
 removal of the sex disqualification.” 
 
 Before debate began another member pre- 
 sented a monster petition against the political 
 enfranchisement of women, said to contain 243,- 
 000 signatures. 
 
 The atittude of the Government toward the 
 bill was explained by Mr. Asquith, the Premier. 
 It was well known, he said, that on the issue 
 whether women should be granted the suffrage 
 Ministers were not of one mind. But they were 
 strongly in favour of a wide reform of the exist- 
 ing suffrage. They desired the abolition of 
 plural voting, the disappearance of the artificial 
 distinctions between occupiers and lodgers, the 
 material shortening of the period of qualification, 
 and an effective simplification of the machinery 
 of registration. But any measure to bring about 
 these reforms ought, in his opinion, if it was to 
 take its place on the Statute-book, to proceed 
 from the responsible Government of the day, 
 and to be carefully remoulded in the light of 
 prolonged Parliamentary discussion. For these 
 reasons he thought it was not necessary that 
 the members of the Government should vote for 
 the second reading of the Bill under considera- 
 tion. 
 
 After some hours of debate the closure was 
 
 239 
 
ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 moved and the second reading of the bill was 
 carried by 157 votes against 122. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March). — Defeat of the Pro- 
 gressives in the London County Council Elec- 
 tion. See London: A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March). — Cession by Siam of 
 suzerainty over three States in the Malay 
 Peninsula. See Siam : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March-July). — The question of 
 “ Dreadnought” building, with reference to 
 the accelerated expansion of the German 
 Navy. — Debates in Parliament and excite- 
 ment in the country. See War, The Prepa- 
 rations for : Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — The National Debt of 
 the United Kingdom. — The following official 
 statement of the national debt of the United King- 
 dom was published in April, 1909: “On the 
 1st April, 1908, the aggregate gross liabilities of 
 the State amounted to £762,326,051. On the 1st 
 April, 1909, the corresponding figure was £754,- 
 121,309, showing a reduction of £8,204,742. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — Announced Govern- 
 mental projects of Afforestation, and other 
 measures for Development of Natural Re- 
 sources. See (in this vol. ) Conservation of 
 Natural Resources : Great Britain. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April-Dee.). — Mr. Lloyd- 
 George’s Budget. — Its features of taxa- 
 tion, denounced as Socialistic. — Seven 
 months of vehement debate. — Adopted by 
 the Commons and rejected by the Lords. — 
 Warnings to the Lords against their action. 
 — Preparation for appeal to the people. — 
 The 29th of April, 1909, when the financial pro- 
 posals of the Government for meeting the needs 
 of the coming year, called “ the Budget,” were 
 brought before Parliament, and the 30th of the 
 following November, when, after seven months 
 of arduous and angry debate, and after their 
 adoption by a great majority of the Commons, 
 the Bill embodying them was overwhelmingly 
 rejected by the Lords, will be memorable dates 
 In English history if the consequences of the 
 action of the Peers are what, at this writing, 
 they seem likely to be. Even failing those con- 
 sequences, the production of the Budget will be 
 in itself an event of no small moment, from what 
 it signifies of the development of democracy in 
 Great Britain. 
 
 Asa formulated “Finance Bill,” the Budget 
 was not submitted to the House of Commons 
 and to the public in print until the 28th of May. 
 It was then entitled “A Bill to grant certain 
 Duties of Customs and Inland Revenue (includ- 
 ing Excise), to alter other Duties, and to 
 amend the Law relating to Customs and Inland 
 Revenue (including Excise), and the National 
 Debt, and to make other provisions for the Finan- 
 cial Arrangements of the Year.” Until then its 
 provisions were known only from the statement 
 of them made four weeks before by the Chan- 
 cellor of the Exchequer, Mr. David Lloyd- 
 George, in a speech extended through several 
 hours, which even his opponents were forced to 
 characterize as “a wonderful effort.” 
 
 The Chancellor’s explanation of the Budget 
 rested primarily on the fact that an anticipated 
 deficit of £15,762,000 required to be filled from 
 new sources of revenue. Of the main causes of 
 the deficit he said : “Were I dealing with a 
 shortage due only to a temporary cause like fore- 
 stalments, I might have resorted to some tempo- 
 
 rary shift which would have carried me over 
 until next year when the revenue would resume 
 its normal course. But unfortunately I have to 
 reckon not merely with an enormous increase in 
 expenditure this year, but an inevitable expan- 
 sion of some of the heaviest items in the course 
 of the coming years. What is the increase of 
 expenditure due to ? It is very well known that 
 it must be placed to the credit of two items, and 
 practically two items alone. One is the Navy, 
 and the other is old-age pensions. Now I have 
 one observation which I think I am entitled to 
 make about both. . . . The increased expendi- 
 ture under both these heads was substantially 
 incurred with the unanimous assent of all politi- 
 cal parties in this House. There was, it is true, 
 a protest entered on behalf of lion, members be- 
 low the gangway against increased expenditure 
 in the Navy, but as far as the overwhelm- 
 ing majority of members in this House are con- 
 cerned the increase has received their sanction 
 and approval. I am entitled to say more. The 
 attitude of the Government towards these two 
 branches of increased expenditure has not been 
 one of rushing a reluctant House of Commons 
 into expense which it disliked, but rather of 
 resisting appeals coming from all quarters of 
 the House for still further increases under both 
 heads. . . . 
 
 “We are told that we ought not to have 
 touched old-age pensions, at least not at the pre- 
 sent moment, when heavy liabilities were in 
 sight in connexion with the defence of the coun- 
 try. I may point out that when we introduced 
 our Old-Age Pensions Bill that emergency had 
 not arisen. But, apart altogether from that, we 
 had no honourable alternative left. We simply 
 honoured a cheque drawn years ago in favour of 
 the aged poor, which bore at its foot the signa- 
 tures of all the leaders of political parties in this 
 country. They had all promised pensions at 
 election after election, and great political parties 
 have no right to make promises to poor people 
 in return for political support, valuable to them, 
 and all these people had to give, and then time 
 after time return the bill with ‘ No assets ’ writ- 
 ten across it.” 
 
 Proceeding next to survey the “ inevitable ex- 
 pansion ” of future expenditure to which he had 
 referred at the outset, and which could be fore- 
 seen in connection with the navy and with social 
 reform, the Chancellor dealt at length on the 
 demands that were pressing from the latter side 
 and would not be postponed. “What the Gov- 
 ernment have to ask themselves,” he said, “is 
 this : Can the whole subject of further social re- 
 form be postponed until the increasing demands 
 made upon the National Exchequer by the 
 growth of armaments has ceased ? Not merely 
 can it be postponed, but ought it to be post- 
 poned ? Is there the slightest hope that if we 
 deferred consideration of the matter we are likely 
 within a generation to find any more favourable 
 moment for attending to it ? I confess that, as 
 to that, I am rather pessimistic. And we have 
 to ask ourselves this further question — If we 
 put off dealing with these social sores are the 
 evils which arise from them not likely to grow 
 and to fester until finally the loss which the 
 country sustains will be infinitely greater than 
 anything it would have to bear in paying the 
 cost of an immediate remedy ? There arc hun- 
 dreds of thousands of men, women, and children 
 
 240 
 
ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 in tins country now enduring hardships for 
 which the sternest judge would not hold them 
 responsible ; hardships entirely due to circum- 
 stances over which they have not the slightest 
 command — the fluctuations and changes of 
 trade, or even of fashions, ill-health, and the 
 premature breakdown or death of the bread- 
 winner. . . . Last year, while we were discus- 
 sing the Old-Age Pensions Bill, all parties in this 
 House recognized fully and freely that once we 
 had started on these lines the case for extension 
 was irresistible. The leader of the Opposition, 
 in what I venture to regard as the most not- 
 able speeches he has probably delivered during 
 this Parliament, recognized quite boldly that, 
 whichever party was in power, provision would 
 have to be made in some shape or other for those 
 who are out of work through no fault of their 
 own, and those who are incapacitated for work 
 owing to physical causes for which they are not 
 responsible.” 
 
 The speaker then developed at length the in- 
 tentions of the Government on these lines of 
 social reform, which will have to include under- 
 takings of some system like the German, of 
 compulsory insurance against sickness, accident 
 and unemployment, and which will have to look 
 to the organization of labor exchanges and to the 
 opening of wider fields for employment, by de- 
 velopment of neglected resources of the country, 
 through afforestation, through promotion of 
 agriculture, and the extension and improvement 
 of roads. 
 
 And now, at last, he began to unfold his plans 
 for raising the means with which to deal with 
 all these augmented demands on the Government, 
 and started them with a schedule of increased 
 taxes on automobiles. Further details of his 
 scheme are summarized in the following, from 
 The Times “Review of Parliament,” next morn- 
 ing : 
 
 “ The right hon. gentleman was listened to 
 with intense attention when he proceeded to an- 
 nounce an increase of the income-tax and of the 
 estate duty. He proposed that for earned in- 
 comes under £2,000 the tax should remain at 9d. 
 but that between £2,000 and £3,000 it should be 
 Is., and that all other incomes now liable to the 
 shilling tax should pay Is. 2d. Holding that 
 the family man was entitled to more relief than 
 the bachelor, he proposed that on all incomes 
 under £500, in addition to existing abatements, 
 a special abatement should be allowed of £10 
 for every child under 16 years of age. He hoped 
 to get £160,000 by the partial restoration of the 
 shilling duty and £3,000,000 from the additional 
 2d. on the higher incomes. There was also to 
 be a super -tax on incomes exceeding £5,000, to 
 be levied on the amount by which such incomes 
 exceeded £3, 000. The tax would be at the rate 
 of 6d. in the pound. Exclamations denoting 
 great disapproval arose from the Unionist benches 
 when this was announced. The yield from this 
 super-tax, Mr. Lloyd-George explained, would 
 be in a full year £2,300,000 ; but this year not 
 more than £500,000. He next came to the 
 Death duties. There would be no change in the 
 case of estates up to £5,000, but between this 
 limit and the limit of two millions graduation 
 would be steepened. The duty on estates be- 
 tween £5,000 and £10,000 would be 4 per cent. ; 
 “between £10,000 and £20,000, 5 per cent. ; £20,- 
 000 to £40,000, 6 per cent. ; £40,000 to £70,000, 
 
 7 per cent. ; £70,000 to £100,000, 8 per cent. ; 
 £100,000 to £150,000, 9 per cent. ; £150,000 to 
 £200,000, 10 per cent.; £200,000 to £400,000, 11 
 per cent.; £400,000 to £600,000, 12 per cent.; 
 £600,000 to £800,000, 13 per cent. ; £800,000 to 
 £1,000,000, 14 per cent., and above £1,000,000, 
 15 per cent. This new scale was estimated to 
 yield £2,550,000 this year, £4,200,000 next year, 
 and afterwards £4,400,000. The settled Estate 
 duty he raised from 1 per cent, to 2 per cent. 
 From this source he hoped to get £50,000 this 
 year and £375,000 in 1910-1911. The Legacy 
 and Succession duty was to be raised in some 
 cases from 3 per cent, to 5 per cent., and in all 
 others to 10 per cent. The yield from this next 
 year would be £1,300,000, and would increase in 
 the course of time to £2,150,000. Property alien- 
 ated inter vivos within five years from death was 
 to be liable to duty. Objects of national and 
 scientific interest would only be chargeable for 
 duty when they were actually sold. There were 
 to be increased duties in bonds to bearer and in 
 stock and share transfers. The estimated yield 
 from the increased Stamp Duties would be this 
 year £650,000. 
 
 “It was at this point in his speech that the 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer required rest and 
 that the sitting was suspended. When in half-an- 
 hour’s time it was resumed, the right hon. gentle- 
 man continued his speech with renewed vigour. 
 He dealt at considerable length with the subject 
 of licenses, dwelling on the value of the monopoly 
 granted to the liquor trade and arguing that the 
 toll exacted by the public was ludicrously inade- 
 quate. He explained in detail a number of changes 
 which he proposed to eifect, the chief being a 
 uniform charge of 50 per cent., subject to a mini- 
 mum rate in urban areas according to population. 
 For clubs there would be a poundage rate of 3d. 
 on the amount taken for the sale of liquor. The 
 yield from his revision of the liquor licensing law 
 would be £2,600,000. 
 
 “Then he turned to land, drawing a marked 
 distinction between the agricultural landowner 
 and the urban landowner, of whom he spoke 
 with some scorn. He proposed to levy a tax 
 on the value accruing to land in the future 
 through the enterprise of the community, taking 
 the land apart from buildings and other improve- 
 ments. This duty of 20 per cent, on unearned 
 increment would be payable on two occasions 
 — when land was sold and when land passed at 
 death. A preliminary valuation of the land at 
 the price which it might be expected to fetch 
 at the present time would be necessary; and as 
 the tax was to be imposed only on the unearned 
 increment subsequently accruing on that valua- 
 tion, the yield would probably be only £50,000 
 in 1909, but in future years it should prove a 
 fruitful source of revenue. It was further pro- 
 posed to levy an annual duty of one halfpenny 
 in the pound on the capital value of undeveloped 
 land and undeveloped minerals. Until the pro- 
 posed valuation of the land of the United King- 
 dom on a capital basis was completed, it would 
 be impossible to estimate the yield of this duty, 
 but till then the duty would be calculated on 
 the declarations of the owners, and in the cur- 
 rent year he expected it to bring in £350,000. A 
 10 per cent, reversion duty was to be imposed 
 on any benefit accruing to a lessor on the termi- 
 nation of a lease, and from this source a yield 
 of £100,000 was anticipated. The three land 
 
ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 taxes were, accordingly, calculated to produce 
 £500,000 in the current year. 
 
 “ He next dealt with indirect taxation. He 
 proposed to raise the present duty on spirits 
 by 3s. 9d. per gallon. This would justify an 
 increase in the retail price of whisky of one half- 
 penny per glass, which would recoup the pub- 
 lican for the additional duty and leave him some- 
 thing more to mitigate the pressure of the new 
 duties on licenses. The yield, during the cur- 
 rent year, he estimated at £1,600,000. He also 
 proposed to increase the duty on unmanufac- 
 tured tobacco from 3s. to 3s. 8d. per lb., with 
 equivalent additions to the rates for cigars, cig- 
 arettes, and manufactured tobacco, the return 
 from which he estimated at £1,900,000 during 
 the current year and £2,250,000 for a full year. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The total estimated revenue was £162,590,000 
 and the total estimated expenditure £162,102,000, 
 leaving a margin of £488,000 for contingencies. 
 In conclusion, the right hon. gentleman — anti- 
 cipating the charge that he was imposing very 
 heavy taxation for a time of peace — declared it 
 was a war Budget. The Government had de- 
 clared implacable war against poverty. It was 
 8 o’clock when the right lion, gentleman finished, 
 amid the cheers of his supporters.” 
 
 That Mr. Lloyd-George’s Budget was a gage 
 of battle and that the fight over it was fierce is 
 known to everybody, for the din of the conflict 
 penetrated to every corner of every land. The 
 key-note of the outcry against it was sounded in 
 The Times of next morning, which opened its 
 editorial comment with these words: “ One gen- 
 eral impression will be very widely made by the 
 complicated and portentous Budget which Mr. 
 Lloyd-George expounded at enormous length 
 yesterday. That is that the huge deficit of 
 nearly sixteen millions is to be raised almost ex- 
 clusively at the cost of the wealthy and the fairly 
 well-to-do. They are struck at in all sorts of 
 ways, through the income-tax, the legacy duties, 
 the estate duties, the stamps upon their invest- 
 ments, their land, their royalties, their brewery 
 dividends, and their motor-cars. So when Mr. 
 Lloyd George exclaims rather theatrically — 
 ‘ Mr. Emmott, this is a war Budget,’ his words 
 carry a meaning which he did not intend. He 
 talks of waging war against poverty, but that 
 is never really waged by unjust exactions from 
 those whose custom prevents a worse poverty 
 than any we know ; and whose brains and cap- 
 ital count for at least as much as thews and 
 sinews. Unless men exempt from income-tax 
 either smoke or drink, they do not pay a single 
 penny towards making up a deficit mainly due 
 to a pension scheme of which they reap the 
 whole benefit. The doctrine of social ransom 
 has never been carried quite so far.” 
 
 So it was branded by its opponents as a “ So- 
 cialist Budget” and its authors as allies of 
 Socialism, throughout the campaign. This de- 
 nunciation was applied especially to the tax on 
 unearned increments of value in land, as such 
 increments should occur hereafter. On that 
 point of opposition to the Budget Mr. Asquith, 
 the Prime Minister of the Government, speaking 
 at a public meeting in London, had this to say : 
 “ The increment duty is a tax of 20 per cent, on 
 the increase in the capital value of certain kinds 
 of land which is shown on the occasion of its 
 transfer or devolution, and which is not attribut- 
 able to the efforts or to the expenditure either of 
 
 the owner or the occupier. That is what the 
 increment duty is. Now what is it not? I spoke 
 a few moments ago of certain classes of land. 
 Let me ask you to observe, first, what are the 
 kinds of landed property which are altogether 
 exempted from the scope of this taxation. In 
 the first place, all agricultural land which has 
 no building value above its agricultural value ; 
 next, small properties occupied by their owners; 
 thirdly, property belonging to local authorities ; 
 again, property held for public or charitable pur- 
 poses ; and, finally, property belonging to statu- 
 tory companies, such as railways, which cannot 
 be used for other than statutory purposes. . . . 
 
 “ Now, suppose the case of land which does 
 not fall within any of those exempted categories, 
 how is the duty charged ? Here, again, there is 
 a great deal of misapprehension about it, so it 
 is better to state the case as clearly as one can. 
 You start with the site value of the land at the 
 present moment, and by site value — I am not 
 going into technicalities — we mean, roughly 
 speaking, the value of the land divested of the 
 buildings. You do not go back into the past, 
 you take things as they are; you do not rip up 
 the previous history; you do not interfere with 
 existing or past contracts. You give to every 
 man, however he has acquired it, the full and 
 undisturbed enjoyment of the rights, privileges, 
 and property which he at present possesses. 
 Starting with that datum line, you will see that 
 in years to come, when that piece of land is 
 transferred by sale — it may be by lease — or 
 devolves upon death, the site value (you are 
 comparing like with like, mind you) at that 
 date — that is to say, the value after giving the 
 owner and every one who has been interested in 
 the land credit for all expenditure they have 
 made in the way of improvement and develop- 
 ment in the interval — comparing site with site, 
 if you find an increment in value there, you say 
 that jt is an increment due to the community, 
 to social causes, to causes over which the owner 
 was no more responsible than you or I, and that 
 it is not unfair in point of justice, and that it 
 is in the highest degree expedient in point 
 of policy that the State should be entitled to 
 claim for itself in relief of the necessities of the 
 same community some part — not any exagger- 
 ated or exorbitant part — but some part, of the 
 increment which has so accrued. I may point out 
 that there is no duty chargeable at all. So tender 
 has my friend Mr. Lloyd-George (laughter and 
 cheers) been to the interests concerned — he is a 
 man of a most sympathetic nature — sometimes 
 I am disposed to think he is of almost too im- 
 pressionable a nature when appeals of this kind 
 are addressed to him — so tender has he been of 
 all these interests that he has agreed that no duty 
 should be chargeable unless the increment value 
 amounts to at least 10 per cent., and where it is 
 over, the first 10 per cent, should escape free. 
 That is the increment duty which Lord Roths- 
 child tells you — I think I am not misquotiug 
 him — is rank and undiluted Socialism, and which 
 Lord Lansdowne says is going to shake the very 
 foundations of civilized society. . . . 
 
 “ The propriety and justice of taxing this kind 
 of increment, in the case of these classes of land, 
 rests upon the most solid ground both of author- 
 ity and experience. It has been advocated for 
 generations by the most eminent economists. It 
 has been recommended in one shape or another 
 
 242 
 
ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 by more than one Royal Commission. It was ap- 
 proved in principle more than once even by the 
 late non-progressive House of Commons. It has 
 been put in practice in various forms for local 
 purposes in not a few Continental municipalities 
 and in many of our own Colonies, and, I believe, 
 always with successful results. And let me add, 
 by way of climax to that catena of authority, that 
 it is at this moment, or at any rate was a few 
 weeks ago, the alternative proposal put forward 
 by the Conservative party in the Reichstag in 
 Germany — an increment duty, not for local but 
 for Imperial purposes, was the alternative pro- 
 posal to the Budget of Prince Billow put forward 
 by the Conservative party in the Reichstag in 
 Germany, and this is rank Socialism ! ” 
 
 Next to the proposed land taxes, the most bit- 
 terly opposed feature of the Budget was the in- 
 creased revenue to be exacted from the licensed 
 monopolists of the liquor trade. Everything, 
 however, in its new taxation was denounced by 
 the Conservatives, who set against it their own 
 project of obtaining increased revenues by re- 
 turning to the protective tariff which England 
 had abandoned three-quarters of a century ago. 
 The cry for what they preferred to call “tariff 
 reform” had been silenced since the election of 
 1906, when the electors of the Kingdom rejected 
 Mr. Chamberlain's revived protectionism by an 
 overwhelming vote. Now it was raised again, 
 and fully made the prime article in the Conser- 
 vative creed, as it had not been before. 
 
 It was not until the 4th of November that 
 the Finance Bill was brought to its third read- 
 ing in the House of Commons, and was passed, 
 by the heavy majority of 379 to 149. From the 
 beginning it was known, of course, that the 
 measure had few friends in the House of Lords, 
 and would go down in defeat there if the Peers 
 ventured to assume the right to negative a 
 money Bill. For many generations they had not 
 disputed the claim of the Commons to exclu- 
 sive control of revenue legislation ; but a theory 
 had now been mooted, that Mr. Lloyd-George’s 
 Budget Bill differed from a mere money Bill by 
 carrying Socialistic implications tacked on to it, 
 which the House of Lords was under no obliga- 
 tion to accept. Whether the Lords would or 
 would not be bold enough to act on this theory 
 and’ throw down the Bill, as they had thrown 
 down so much of the non-financial legislation 
 of the Liberal Government, had been a serious 
 question throughout the debates. Sir Edward 
 Grey said of it, in a speech at Leeds, in August : 
 “ As to the fate of the Budget — Is it going to 
 be destroyed by the House of Lords or is it not ? 
 The leaders of the Tory party — with whom the 
 decision rests — are very cautious in expressing 
 their opinions. Some of the rank and file have 
 said the House of Lords is going to destroy the 
 Budget, or have spoken as if it were so. But 
 the leaders — Mr. Balfour, Lord Lansdowne, and 
 so forth — have been very cautious. They are 
 great partisans in this matter of the open door, 
 or, perhaps I should say, of two open doors. 
 They have studiously kept two doors open, and 
 as far as Lord Lansdowne’s utterances go, he 
 has kept the door open for passing the Budget 
 in the House of Lords or rejecting it. He says 
 the House of Lords is bound to decide so that the 
 people should be properly consulted, and that 
 that is the function of the House of Lords, to 
 protect the right of the people to have their say 
 
 on the subject. A very nice function if only it 
 was performed impartially ; but when it is a 
 function which has been in abeyance for the 
 greater part of the last 20 years, and is only to be 
 erected into operation when a Liberal Govern- 
 ment comes into office, it is not a function for 
 which we can have much respect. But, never- 
 theless, it is so in our Constitution at present 
 that the House of Lords is a weapon — a great 
 gun, if you like to call it so — which can be 
 pointed only against Liberal measures — not 
 against Conservative measures — and which is 
 in the hands of the Conservative party. Now 
 there is the Budget going presently to the House 
 of Lords; there is the gun pointing when it 
 arrives there ; there is the Conservative finger 
 on the trigger. Are they going to fire the gun 
 or not? They do not know themselves yet. 
 They are debating in their own minds what will 
 happen if they fire the gun. Will they destroy 
 the Budget, or will the recoil be more injurious 
 to themselves ? Or, perhaps, will the gun burst 
 altogether if they let it off? We know what 
 their wishes and inclinations are ; what we do 
 not know at the present time is how much nerve 
 they have got. But of this I am convinced — 
 whatever the House of Lords may do, when the 
 time comes for an appeal to the country, it will 
 be an appeal on this Budget as a Free Trade 
 Budget, and against the alternative of tariff 
 reform. 
 
 Others among the prominent Liberals spoke 
 with more temper of the threatened action of the 
 Lords. Mr. Winston Churchill, for example, at 
 Leicester, in September, said : “ The rejection of 
 the Budget by the House of Lords . . . would 
 be a violent rupture of constitutional custom and 
 usage extending over 300 years and recognized 
 during all that time by the leaders of every 
 party in the State. It would involve a sharp 
 and sensible breach with the traditions of the 
 past ; and what does the House of Lords de- 
 pend upon if not upon the traditions of the 
 past? It would amount to an attempt at revolu- 
 tion not by the poor, but by the rich ; not by the 
 masses, but by the privileged few ; not in the 
 name of progress, but in that of reaction ; not for 
 the purpose of broadening the framework of the 
 State, but greatly narrowing it. Such an attempt, 
 gentlemen, whatever you may think of it, such 
 an attempt would be historic in its character, and 
 the result of the battle fought upon it, whoever 
 wins, must inevitably be not of an annual, but 
 of a permanent and final character. The result 
 of such an election must mean an alteration of 
 the veto of the House of Lords ; if they win they 
 will have asserted their right, not merely to re- 
 ject legislation of the House of Commons, but 
 to control the finances of the country, and if 
 they lose we will smash to pieces their veto. I 
 say to you that we do not seek the struggle, we 
 have our work to do; but if it is to come, it 
 could never come better than now.” 
 
 V ery soon after the Bill had been passed over 
 to the House of Lords it was known that the 
 Conservative leaders had consented to its death 
 in that body. What may be called the death 
 sentence was pronounced on the 22d of Novem- 
 ber, when Lord Lansdowne moved the following 
 amendment to a motion for the second reading 
 of the Bill : “ That this House is not justified in 
 giving its consent to this Bill until it has been 
 submitted to the judgment of the country.” 
 
ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 Speaking to the motion with great seriousness 
 he said : “I have been in this House more than 
 40 years, I owe everything to its indulgence, and 
 I say from the depth of my heart that it is my 
 desire to do nothing unworthy of your high re- 
 putation or your great place in the Constitution 
 of this country. But I believe that the worst and 
 most damaging thing that you could do would 
 be that you should fail those who look to you 
 as the guardians of their greatest constitutional 
 right, the right to be consulted when funda- 
 mental political changes are demanded by the 
 Government of the day ; and. my lords, depend 
 upon it that by rejecting this Bill you will, on the 
 one hand, insist that that right shall be respected ; 
 you will not usurp the function of granting aid 
 and supplies to the Crown ; you will not pro- 
 nounce a final verdict upon this Bill, bad though 
 you may believe it to be ; but you will say that 
 it is a Bill to which you have no right to give 
 your indispensable consent until you are assured 
 by the people of the country that they desire it 
 to pass into law.” 
 
 In the week of debate which followed many 
 speeches of notable force and impressiveness 
 were made on both sides ; but, unquestionably, 
 the weightiest, in reasoning and feeling, were 
 those which came from opponents of the Budget 
 who would not join their associates in the step 
 proposed, but warned them of dangers involved, 
 to the existence of their House and to the future 
 of parliamentary government, from constitu- 
 tional changes which no man could forecalcu- 
 late. On the latter point, Lord Rosebery begged 
 his fellows of the peerage to “remember this: 
 The menaces which were addressed to this House 
 in old days were addressed by statesmen of a 
 different school and under a different balance of 
 constitutional forces in this country. The men- 
 aces addressed to you now come from a wholly 
 different school of opinion, who wish for a single 
 Chamber and who set no value on the controlling 
 and revising forces of a second Chamber — a 
 school of opinion which, if you like it and do not 
 dread the word, is eminently revolutionary in es- 
 sence, if not in fact. I ask you to bear in mind 
 that fact when you weigh the consequences of 
 the vote which you are to give to-morrow night. 
 
 ‘ Hang the consequences,’ said my noble friend 
 Lord Camperdown last night. That is a noble 
 sentiment and a noble utterance. It is a kind of 
 Balaklava charge, and nothing more intrepid 
 could be said by any of us if we had not to 
 weigh the consequences, not to the individual, 
 but to the State ; and you should think once, 
 you should think twice, and thrice, before you 
 give a vote which may involve such enormous 
 constitutional consequences.” 
 
 Lord Balfour, while condemning the Bill, con- 
 demned still more the proposition that the House 
 of Lords would do its duty in compelling a refer- 
 endum to the people on the measure. A ques- 
 tion in finance, he said, differs from all others in 
 its unfitness for this treatment in Great Britain. 
 “If you are to establish a system whereby this 
 House or any other authority had the right of 
 establishing a referendum as it is called — a re- 
 ference to the people in matters of finance — you 
 would spoil and destroy the control of the other 
 House of Parliament over the Government, and 
 you would make, I venture to say, perhaps the 
 most momentous change in the Constitution, as 
 it has grown up, which has been made in the 
 
 whole history of that Constitution. Take it 
 how you like, if you pass this resolution, if you 
 make it a precedent — I care not with what safe- 
 guards you accompany it, whether you say it is 
 only to be done on extreme occasions or by any 
 other safeguard — you have made a change in 
 the practice and in the Constitution which will 
 prevent things going on as they have gone on 
 up to the present time. My lords, if you win, 
 the victory can at most be a temporary one. If 
 you lose you have altered and prejudiced the 
 position, the power, the prestige, the usefulness 
 of this House, which I believe every one of you 
 honours and desires to serve as heartily and as 
 thoroughly as I do myself. If you win you are 
 but beginning a conflict.” 
 
 Lord James, one of the ablest of the Law 
 Lords, and Lord Cromer, were other opponents 
 of the Budget who earnestly counselled the Up- 
 per House not to interfere with the action of the 
 Commons on this measure of finance. From the 
 side of the few Liberals among the peers came 
 other weighty words of admonition, spoken es- 
 pecially by the calm and thoughtful Lord Mor- 
 ley and by the Lord Chancellor, the presiding 
 officer of their House. “ No one,” said the lat- 
 ter, “will be so simple as to believe that the 
 only question which the country will consider 
 will be the question whether this Bill ought to 
 pass into law. Other and graver questions will 
 be raised. We have been in office for four years. 
 In 1906 our whole time in the House of Com- 
 mons was taken up by passing an Education 
 Bill. It came to this House. It was wrecked, 
 and the whole labour of that Session was thrown 
 away. The following year, 1907, was not a 
 year of very great enterprise of a legislative 
 character. In 1908 the whole time of the House 
 of Commons was spent in passing the Licensing 
 Bill, a measure the loss of which I regret more 
 than I regret the loss of any other. It came up 
 to this House. It was not alive when it came 
 here. It had perished by the stiletto in Berke- 
 ley-square before it ever saw this House. Now, 
 again in 1909, after a Session of unexampled 
 labour, the House of Commons has presented 
 to your lordships the proof of many, many 
 months of arduous work in a domain entirely 
 their own ; and this House is going to destroy 
 the Finance Bill of 1909 and to refuse supplies. 
 It is, in my opinion, impossible that any Liberal 
 Government should ever again bear the heavy 
 burden of office unless it is secured against a 
 repetition of treatment such as our measures 
 have had to undergo for the last four years. If 
 we fail in the coming general election, assuming 
 that his Majesty is pleased to dissolve Parlia- 
 ment, it will only be the beginning of a conflict 
 which can end only in one way. If we succeed, 
 I hope we shall not flinch from that which will 
 have to follow.” 
 
 The Archbishop of Canterbury and the Spirit- 
 ual Lords generally refrained from taking sides 
 on what they regarded as a political question ; 
 but the Archbishop of York construed his duty 
 differently, and added his voice to the remon- 
 strance against Lord Landsdowne’s motion. 
 Close upon midnight, November 30, the House 
 divided on that motion and it was carried, re- 
 jecting the Finance Bill, by a vote of 350 to 75. 
 So big a vote — such a swarming of titled legis- 
 lators to record it — had not been known within 
 the memory of living men. 
 
 244 
 
ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 ENGLAND, 1909 
 
 Three days later, on the 3d of December, the 
 Premier, Mr. Asquith, rose in the House of Com- 
 mons and moved the adoption of the following 
 declaration : ‘ ‘ That the action of the House of 
 Lords in refusing to pass into law the financial 
 provision made by this House for the service of 
 the year is a breach of the Constitution and a 
 usurpation of the rights of the Commons.” 
 
 Speaking to this motion, he said, in part: 
 “When, a short time ago, the Finance Bill re- 
 ceived its third reading, as it left this House it 
 represented, I believe, in a greater degree than 
 can be said of any measure of our time, the ma- 
 ture, the well-sifted, the deliberate work of an 
 overwhelming majority of the representatives of 
 the people upon a matter which, by the custom 
 of generations and by the course of a practically 
 unbroken authority, is the province of this House, 
 and of this House alone. In the course of a 
 week, or a little more than a week, the whole of 
 this fabric has been thrown to the ground. For 
 the first time in English history the grant of the 
 whole of the Ways and Means for the Supply 
 and the Services of the year, the grant made at 
 the request of the Crown to the Crown by the 
 Commons, has been intercepted and nullified by 
 a body which admittedly has not the power to 
 increase or to diminish one single tax or to pro- 
 pose any substitute or alternative for any one of 
 the taxes. The House of Commons would, in 
 the judgment of his Majesty’s Government, be 
 unworthy of its past and of the traditions of 
 which it is the custodian and the trustee if it 
 allowed another day to pass without making it 
 clear that it does not mean to brook the greatest 
 indignity, and, I will add, the most arrogant 
 usurpation (loud cheers), to which for more 
 than two centuries it has been asked to sub- 
 mit.” 
 
 After a short debate, the House divided on 
 the motion, and it was adopted by 349 against 
 134. 
 
 On the afternoon of the same day the King 
 prorogued Parliament to the 15th of January, 
 1910, this being preparatory to the dissolution 
 and appeal to the people which the action of the 
 Lords had made necessary. See below, A. D. 
 1910 (Jan.-March). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — A Majority Vote in the 
 Commons for removing Disabilities from Ro- 
 man Catholics. — A bill for the removal of re- 
 maining disabilities from Roman Catholics passed 
 its second reading in the House of Commons on 
 the 14th of May, by a vote of 133 to 123. Not 
 being a Government measure, the crowded pro- 
 gramme of business for the session gave no hope 
 that it could be carried into law ; but the vote 
 was an encouragement. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Resolution of the 
 House of Commons in favor of the Payment 
 of Members and the public payment of elec- 
 tion expenses. — The following resolution was 
 introduced in the House of Commons on the 
 12th of May, 1909, by Mr. Higham, of York : — 
 “ That in the opinion of this House the non-pay- 
 ment of members and the liability of candidates 
 for the returning officers’ expenses render it im- 
 possible for many constituencies to exercise a free 
 choice in their selection of candidates and elec- 
 tion of members of Parliament; and this House 
 is of opinion that any measure of general elec- 
 toral reform passed before the dissolution of this 
 Parliament, and coming into force upon or after 
 
 the dissolution, should be accompanied by ar- 
 rangements for the payment of members elected 
 to serve in Parliament and for the transfer to the 
 Imperial Exchequer of the financial responsibil- 
 ity for the returning officers’ expenses incurred 
 in the conduct of such elections.” 
 
 Mr. Harcourt, for the Government, accepted 
 the motion at once. He pointed out that the ex- 
 penditure entailed, if members were paid £300 
 a year, would be £200,000 annually; but this 
 was not a valid argument against the change. 
 For his part, he could not see why politics should 
 be the only profession “run by amateurs.” He 
 was, therefore, not frightened by the prospect 
 of an Assembly of professional politicians. The 
 time had gone by when the country could select 
 its legislators solely from the leisured class; 
 public servants deserved to be paid. 
 
 Most of the speakers in a debate of three hours 
 favored the resolution, and it was then adopted, 
 by 242 votes against 92. No legislation in ac- 
 cordance with it has yet been undertaken. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Reorganization of Pas- 
 sive Resistance to the Education Act of 1902. 
 See (in this vol.) Education : England ; A. D. 
 1909 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May-Oct.). — Consumption of 
 whiskey diminished by increase of tax. See 
 Alcohol Problem : England. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — The Imperial Press 
 Conference. See British Empire : A. D. 1909' 
 (June). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July). — Assassination of Sir 
 W. Curzon-Wyllie by an Indian Anarchist. 
 
 See India : A. D. 1909 (July). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Aug.). — Imperial Defence 
 Conference. — Its conclusions and agree- 
 ments. See War, The Preparations for : 
 Military and Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Dee.). — Decision against 
 the right of Trade Unions to pay Salaries 
 to Members of Parliament.- — -On the 23d of 
 July, 1909, an appeal from an order of the Court 
 of Appeal was argued before five legal members 
 of the House of Lords, on the question whether 
 the payment of members of Parliament chosen 
 to represent the interests of a trade union was a 
 lawful application of the funds of such union. 
 The complainant in the case had sued the Amal- 
 gamated Society of Railway Servants, of which 
 he had been a member since 1892, to have it 
 declared that one of the rules of the society, 
 which provides, amongst other things, for Par- 
 liamentary representation and the enforced levy 
 of contributions from the plaintiff and other 
 members of the society, towards the payment of 
 salaries, or maintenance allowance, to members 
 of Parliament pledged to observe and fulfil the 
 conditions imposed by the constitution of the 
 Labour Party therein referred to, is ultra vires 
 and void, and that the society may be restrained 
 from enforcing it. And in the alternative that 
 it may be declared that a certain amendment or 
 addition made to the rules in 1906 be declared 
 to be illegal and void. The added rule, thus 
 complained of, was as follows ; “ All candidates 
 shall sign and accept the conditions of the La- 
 bour Party and be subject to their Whip.” 
 
 The judgment of the Lords, rendered on the 
 21st of December, sustained the order from the 
 court below, dismissing the appeal. Their de- 
 cision rested mainly on considerations relating 
 to the rule quoted above, and stated briefly by 
 
 245 
 
ENGLAND, 1910 
 
 ERICHSEN 
 
 one of their bench, Lord James, as follows : 
 “ The effect of this rule and others that exist is 
 that a member of the trade union is compelled 
 to contribute to the support of a member of 
 Parliament, who is compelled ‘to answer the 
 Whip of the Labour Party.’ I construe this con- 
 dition as meaning that the member undertakes 
 to forego his own judgment, and to vote in Par- 
 liament in accordance with the opinions of some 
 person or persons acting on behalf of the La- 
 bour Party. And such vote would have to be 
 given in respect of all matters, including those 
 of a most general character — such as confidence 
 in a Ministry or the policy of a Budget — mat- 
 ters unconnected directly at least with the inter- 
 ests of labour. Therefore I am of opinion that 
 the application of money to the maintenance of 
 a member whose action is so regulated is not 
 within the powers of a trade union. If your 
 Lordships decide on this branch of the case that 
 the respondent is entitled to judgment, it is un- 
 necessary that any opinion should be expressed 
 upon the very broad constitutional question 
 raised for the first time in the Court of Appeal 
 affecting the general support of members.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Aug.). — The Prevention of 
 Crimes Act brought into force. — The Bor- 
 stal System. See (in this vol.) Crime and 
 Criminology, Problems of. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Aug.). — The Trade Boards 
 Bill, to suppress “Sweating.” See Labor 
 Remuneration : Wages Regulation. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Imperial Congress 
 of Chambers of Commerce. See British Em- 
 pire : A. D. 1909 (Sept.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Marconi Wireless 
 Telegraph Stations taken over by the Post 
 Office. See Science and Invention : Electri- 
 cal. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Organization of a Navy 
 War Council. See War, The Preparations 
 for : Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1910 (Jan. -March). — Dissolution of 
 Parliament. — An indecisive Election. — No 
 majority in the House of Commons for any 
 single party. — Precarious support for the 
 Liberal Ministry. — Uncertainties of the Sit- 
 uation. — As expected, Parliament was dis- 
 solved by royal proclamation early in January, 
 and new elections commanded, the first of which 
 took place on the 15tli of that month and the 
 last on the 14th of February. The result was 
 generally disappointing, because wholly inde- 
 cisive. The new House of Commons was found 
 to be made up of 275 Liberals, 273 Unionists, 
 71 Nationalists (Irish), 11 Independent Nation- 
 alists, and 40 Labor members. Neither of the 
 political parties arrayed on the main issues in- 
 volved had won a majority. The people had 
 rendered no recognizable verdict on the Budget, 
 or on the tariff question, or on the abolition of 
 the veto power claimed by the House of Lords. 
 
 Even with the support of the Labor members 
 the Asquith Ministry was in a minority. The 
 balance was held by the Irish members, and it 
 was only by compromise with them that either 
 
 ENJUMEN. See Anjuman. 
 
 ENVER BEY. See (in this vol.) Turkey : 
 A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.), 
 
 EQUADOR. See Ecuador. 
 
 EQUITABLE LIFE ASSURANCE SO- 
 CIETY. See (in this vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 Liberals or Unionists could do anything. Had 
 the Ministry been able to choose its own course 
 it might have preferred, perhaps, to push the 
 Budget question to a settlement before attempt- 
 ing to determine the future of the House of 
 Lords; but the leader of the Nationalists, Mr. 
 Redmond, gave prompt notice that they would 
 allow no such second rating of the Lords’ veto 
 question to go into the programme of legisla- 
 tion. Probably, therefore, there were negotia- 
 tions between Liberals and Nationalists before 
 Mr. Asquith announced the intentions of the 
 Government, which he did on the 28th of Febru- 
 ary, — Parliament having been formally opened 
 on the 15tli. Up to the 24tli of March, he claimed 
 all the time of the House of Commons for im- 
 mediate measures which must be adopted before 
 the close of the financial year, to provide im- 
 mediately necessary means for maintaining the 
 national credit. Then, “when the House reas- 
 sembled after Easter, on March 29, the Govern- 
 ment would present their proposals on the rela- 
 tions between the two Houses. They would be 
 presented, in the first instance, in the form of 
 resolutions affirming the necessity for excluding 
 the House of Lords altogether from the domain 
 of finance, and inviting the House to declare 
 that, in the sphere of legislation, the power of 
 the veto now possessed by the Lords should be 
 so limited as to secure the predominance of the 
 deliberate and considered will of the Commons 
 within the lifetime of a single Parliament. Fur- 
 ther, it would be made plain that these constitu- 
 tional changes were without prejudice to and 
 contemplated in a subsequent year the substitu- 
 tion in our Second Chamber, of a democratic for 
 an hereditary basis. When these resolutions had 
 been agreed to, they would be submitted to the 
 House of Lords, so as to bring the main issue to 
 a trial at the earliest possible moment.” 
 
 This programme of procedure appears to have 
 been hastened slightly ; for despatches from 
 London on the 21st of March announced that Mr. 
 Asquith had brought forward his resolutions, 
 and that their purport was as follows: “The 
 first resolution provides for complete control of 
 money bills by the House of Commons, thus 
 unmistakably disposing of the question that 
 was precipitated by the Lords’ rejection of the 
 budget ; the second precludes the Lords from 
 rejecting any bill that, has been passed by the 
 Commons at three successive sessions, provided 
 the entire time the bill has been before the 
 House is not less than two years ; and in the 
 same case the bill becomes a law without the 
 royal assent.” 
 
 A. D. 1910 (May). — Death of King Edward 
 VII. — Accession of King George V. — The 
 poliiical situation in England, which had be- 
 come problematical, was probably changed with 
 suddenness, on the night of May 6, by the death 
 of King Edward, after a brief illness, consequent 
 on chronic bronchial disorders. His son was 
 proclaimed as King George V. Settlement of 
 the pending political questions seems likely to 
 be postponed for some time. 
 
 ERDMAN LAW. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Organization : United States : A. D. 1907 
 (April). 
 
 ERICHSEN, Dr. Mylius: Tragically 
 
 ended survey of Greenland coast. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Polar Exploration. 
 
ERICSSON 
 
 EUROPE, 1870-1905 
 
 ERICSSON, John: Unveiling of a monu- 
 ment to his memory at Stockholm, September 
 14 , 1901 . See (in this vol.) Sweden: A. D. 1901. 
 
 ERIE CANAL: Popular vote for its en- 
 largement to a capacity for boats of 1000 
 tons. See (in this vol.) New Yoke State: 
 A. D. 1903. 
 
 ERITREA: Its habitability by whites. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Africa. 
 
 ESHER ARMY COMMISSION, The. 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Preparations for : 
 Military. 
 
 ESNEH BARRAGE, Opening of the. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Conservation of Natural Re- 
 sources. 
 
 ESPERANTO. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention, Recent : Esperanto. 
 
 ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT D\ 
 Baron. See (in this vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 ESTRADA, General Juan: Revolutionary 
 leader in Nicaragua. See (in this vol.) Cen- 
 tral America: A. D. 1909. 
 
 ESTUPINIAN, Don Baltaser: Vice-Presi- 
 dent of Second International Conference of 
 American Republics. See (in this vol.) Ameri- 
 can Republics. 
 
 ETHER OF SPACE, New Conception of 
 the. See (in this vol.) Science and Invention, 
 Recent : Physical. 
 
 ETHIOPIA. See Abyssinia. 
 
 EUCKEN, Rudolf. See (in this vol.) N obel 
 Prizes. 
 
 EUDISTES, The Congregation of the. See 
 
 (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 EUGENICS. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention, Recent: Eugenics. 
 
 EULENBURG, Prince, The charges 
 against. See (in this vol.) Germany: A. D. 
 1907-1908. 
 
 EUPHRATES VALLEY: Railway build- 
 ing. See (in this vol.) Railways: Turkey: 
 A. D. 1899-1909. 
 
 Irrigation projects. See in this vol.) Turkey: 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). 
 
 EUROPE. 
 
 A. D. 1850-1907. — Growth and changes 
 in population. — The shifting of numerical 
 weight among nations and peoples. — Some 
 statistical statements of surprising interest were 
 set forth in an article published by Professor 
 Sombart, of Berlin, in 1907. German statisticians 
 have a reputation for accuracy, and we have no 
 ground for questioning the figures submitted by 
 this professor, which show that, notwithstand- 
 ing the great flow of emigration from Europe 
 within the last 60 years, its population has in- 
 creased from about 250,000,000 to 400,000,000 
 since the middle of the nineteenth century. The 
 main growth, however, has been in Russia, from 
 which the emigration has been slight. 
 
 The exhibit of relative increase in the several 
 countries and among the several races of Europe 
 is more interesting and more important than the 
 total growth. This comparison gives a heavy 
 gain of weight to Russia since 1850, a consid- 
 erable gain to Germany, slight gains to Austria- 
 Hungary, Great Britain and Ireland (wholly on 
 the British side of the United Kingdom), Bel- 
 gium, and the Netherlands, with comparative 
 losses in all the rest. The drop made by France 
 in the scale of population is distressingly great. 
 Out of every 1,000 inhabitants of Europe in 1850, 
 137 were in France ; but out of the same num- 
 ber of Europeans in 1905 she counted but 94. 
 Russia, in the same period, raised her share of 
 the population of Europe from 215 per 1,000 to 
 285 ; Germany from 138 to 145 ; Austria-Hungary 
 from 114 to 117 ; Great Britain and Ireland from 
 104 to 105 ; Belgium from sixteen to seventeen ; 
 the Netherlands from twelve to thirteen. On 
 the other hand, Italy dropped from 95 to 80 ; 
 Spain and Portugal from 71 to 58 ; Sweden, Nor- 
 way, and Denmark from 29 to 25 ; the Balkan 
 States from 60 to 53 ; Switzerland from nine to 
 eight. 
 
 Carrying the comparisons of relative popula- 
 tion back to the beginning of the last century, 
 Professor Sombart finds that Germany, which 
 gained ground in the last half of the period, had 
 lost more in the first half than that gain made 
 good. In 1801 the Germans furnished 160 to 
 
 each 1,000 of the population of Europe, against 
 their present count of 145. But Great Britain 
 and Ireland gave but 93 to that 1,000 in 1801 
 against the 105 of the present time. The gains 
 of Russia and the losses of France, Italy, and 
 Spain were alike continuous from the first to 
 the latest date. 
 
 As the result of these differences of advance 
 in population, the Slavic peoples have been raised 
 from the lowest to the highest weight in num- 
 bers ; the Germanic have dropped just enough 
 in the scale to take second place ; while the Lat- 
 inized folk of Southwestern Europe, or Latins 
 as we call them, have fallen far from the share 
 they had in the peopling of the continent 100 
 years ago. Of each 1,000 Europeans in 1801 the 
 Slavs numbered 268, the Latins 355, the Ger- 
 manics 375. In 1850 the count was 310 for the 
 Slav, 321 for the Latin, 369 for the Germanic. 
 The next 55 years brought the Slav to the front, 
 with a great bound, and the figures in the col- 
 umn for 1905 are 375 Slav, 373 Germanic, 251 
 Latin. 
 
 These statistics hold a number of deep mean- 
 ings ; but they are especially eloquent in their 
 showing of the deadly effects of the Napoleonic 
 wars. For France there has been no recovery 
 since those horrible years when the Corsican 
 vampire sucked at her veins ; and Spain and 
 Italy are still sicklied from the same cause. 
 But Germany’s languishing ended when the long 
 peace of the last 36 years began. Her vitality 
 had never been spent, even in the Thirty Years’ 
 War and by the belligerency of Frederick, 
 “called the Great,” before Napoleon came to 
 trample upon her, as that of France had been ex- 
 hausted by her Bourbon and Corsican masters. 
 
 A. D. 1870-1905. — Rate of Increase of 
 Population in other countries compared with 
 Germany. — “During the last few decades, the 
 population of Germany lias been increasing with 
 marvellous and unprecedented rapidity. From 
 1870 to the present time it has grown from 
 40.818,000 people to more than 60,000,000 peo- 
 ple, and has therefore increased by 50 per cent. 
 During the same period, our own [British] popu- 
 
 247 
 
EUROPE, 1870-1905 
 
 EUROPE, 1878-1909 
 
 lation has increased from 31,817,000 people to 
 43,000,000 people, or by but 32 per cent. No 
 nation in the world excepting those oversea 
 which yearly receive a huge number of immi- 
 grants from abroad multiplies more rapidly than 
 does the German nation, as may be seen from 
 the following figures : 
 
 “ Average Yearly Increase of Population between the 
 Last and the Previous Census. 
 
 Germany, 15,000 people per million of inhabit- 
 ants. 
 
 Russia, 13,600 people per million of inhabitants. 
 Holland, 12,300 people per million of inhabitants. 
 Switzerland, 10,400 people per million of inhabit- 
 ants. 
 
 Belgium, 10, 100 people per million of inhabitants. 
 Great Britain, 9,400 people per million of inhabit- 
 ants. 
 
 Austria-Hungary, 9,300 people per million of 
 inhabitants. 
 
 Spain, 8,800 people per million of inhabitants. 
 Italy, 6,900 people per million of inhabitants. 
 France, 1,700 people per million of inhabitants. 
 
 “ From the foregoing table it appears that not 
 only the population of Germany, but that of all 
 the chiefly Germanic nations, increases very 
 much faster than that of all other nations, Russia 
 excepted. However, Russia cannot fairly be 
 compared with Germany, partly because her 
 population statistics are not reliable, partly be- 
 cause the growth of her population is to some 
 extent due to conquest. . . . 
 
 “ The proud boast of the Pan-Germans that it 
 is the destiny of the German race to rule the 
 world would appear to be correct, were it not 
 for a singular phenomenon which, so far, has 
 remained almost unobserved. Whilst the 60,- 
 000, 000 Germans in Germany are increasing with 
 astonishing celerity, the 30,000,000 Germans who 
 live in Austria-Hungary and in other countries 
 are so rapidly losing all German characteristics 
 and even the German language, that it seems 
 possible that, forty or fifty years hence, the 
 number of Germans outside Germany proper 
 will be almost nil. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ The 90,000,000 Germans who live in Germany 
 and in Greater Germany are distributed over the 
 
 globe as follows: 
 
 Germany 60,000,000 
 
 Austria-Hungary 11,550,000 
 
 Switzerland 2,320,000 
 
 Russia 2,000,000 
 
 Various European countries . . 1,130,000 
 
 Total in Europe .... 77,000,000 
 
 United States and Canada . . . 11,500,000 
 
 Central and South America . . 600,000 
 
 Asia, Africa, Australia .... 400,000 
 
 Grand total 89,500,000” 
 
 — O. Eltzbacher, Germany and Greater Ger- 
 many ( Contemporary Review, Aug., 1905), 
 
 Later figures, relative to France, on this sub- 
 ject, were given by the Paris correspondent of the 
 New York Evening Post, writing June 12tli, 1909, 
 when he said : “ From 1901 to 1905 the birthrate 
 was high enough to increase the population of 
 France 18 for every 10,000 yearly. During the 
 same period the relative increase per 10,000 was 
 106 in Italy, 113 in Austria, 121 in England, 149 
 in Germany, and 155 in Holland. . . . Coming 
 back to single years, the birth rate of 1906 only 
 
 increased the French population 7 per 10,000 ; 
 that is, among every 10,000 inhabitants there 
 were as many births of living children as there 
 were deaths taken altogether, plus seven births 
 more. In 1907 there were five fewer births 
 than deaths per 10,000 inhabitants. And now 
 here comes 1908 jumping back to an excess of 
 twelve births over deaths per 10,000. Such sud- 
 den fluctuations can be seized on by no theory ; 
 1907 had its deficit because it had 19,892 more 
 deaths than the average ; 1908 recovers lost 
 ground because it had 48,266 fewer deaths than 
 1907, or 28,374 fewer than the average of the 
 preceding period of five years. Along with this 
 slow but sure decrease in the absolute birth rate 
 of France goes the happier decrease of deaths, 
 owing to greater well-being in general and better 
 popular hygiene in particular. 
 
 “ Statistics have something better than this to 
 show. The steady increase in marriages, which 
 I noted last year, has gone on. For 1908 it is 
 the heaviest since 1873 ; the total number was 
 315,928 — which is 1,172 more than in 1907 and 
 9441 more than in 1906. Divorces, for all France, 
 were 10,573 in 1906 and 11,515 in 1908. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Why do Frenchmen have few children ? Be- 
 cause they deliberately will not to have them. 
 That is the answer which every intelligent ob- 
 server who passes his life among Frenchmen — 
 as one of themselves, not as an outsider — will 
 give spontaneously ; and it is the answer to 
 which all statistics and all verified social facts 
 lead up.” 
 
 A. D. 1878-1909. — Thirty-one Years of 
 Peace, broken only by Thirty-one Days of 
 War. — In the spring of 1897 there were thirty - 
 one days of war between Turkey and Greece. 
 With that exception there have been no hostili- 
 ties on the European continent since Russia 
 fought the Turks in 1877-78, a period of thirty- 
 one years. In the preceding thirty years there 
 had been nearly a score of serious insurrections 
 and wars: the widespread revolutionary con- 
 flicts of 1848-49, in France, Italy, Austria, Hun- 
 gary, Germany, and Denmark ; the coup d’etat 
 of 1851 in France ; the Crimean War of 1854r-56 ; 
 the war of France and Sardinia with Austria in 
 1859 ; Garibaldi’s liberation of Sicily and Naples 
 in 1861, and his attempt on Rome the next year ; 
 the Greek revolution of 1862 ; Polish revolts of 
 1861 and 1863 ; the Schleswig-Holstein war of 
 1864 ; the Austro-Prussian “ Seven Weeks War ” 
 and the Austro-Italian war, in 1866 ; Garibaldi’s 
 renewed attack on the Papal government at 
 Rome in 1867; revolution in Spain in 1868; the 
 Franco-German War and the insurrection of the 
 Communists at Paris in 1870-71 ; the revolts of 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1875 and of Bulgaria 
 in 1876. 
 
 There is no mistaking the hopeful significance 
 of so striking a contrast as this ; and if we look 
 back through two more similar periods, each of 
 which represents the average term reckoned for 
 a generation, we find the key to a better under- 
 standing of its hopefulness. Behind the turbu- 
 lent thirty years from ’47 to ’77 are thirty years 
 during most of which Europe lay bleeding, 
 panting, exhausted by thirty other years of the 
 French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars; 
 exhausted physically but stirred deeply in brain 
 and heart, and gathering strength for the efforts 
 toward freer and better institutions of govern- 
 ment and more homogeneous organizations of 
 
 248 
 
EUROPE, 1902-1907 
 
 EUROPE, 1904 
 
 nationality which most of the conilicts between 
 1847 and 1877 represent. 
 
 It is because those conflicts resulted in far bet- 
 ter political conditions, and in much of satisfac- 
 tion to racial affinities and national aspirations 
 long resisted, that the people of Europe, in these 
 last thirty years, have enjoyed the longest ex- 
 emption from war on their own soil that their 
 history records. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1907. — Renewal and mainte- 
 nance of the Triple Alliance. — Its value to 
 Italy. — The Triple Alliance or Dreibund of Ger- 
 many, Austria-Hungary and Italy, formed in 1882 
 and renewed in 1887 and 1891, was renewed for 
 the third time in 1902, a year before the end of 
 its term, by the Zanardelli Government. “ The 
 term of this renewal was for six or 12 years ; that 
 is to say, if the treaty were not denounced in 
 1907, five years after its actual renewal, it should 
 be considered as holding good for the full term 
 of 12 years. The treaty was not denounced by 
 the Giolitti Ministry, with Signor Tittoni Minis- 
 ter of Foreign Affairs, and therefore is in force 
 until 1914, 12 years after its third renewal by 
 Prinetti. Except in the case of a very marked 
 alteration in the friendly relations between the 
 three contracting Powers there can be no ques- 
 tion of its renewal or non-renewal at this date. 
 That case has not arrived ; the cordial relations 
 between Italy and her allies, in spite of conjec- 
 tured though unacknowledged differences of 
 opinion, remain ostensibly unaltered, and may 
 still be considered as correctly described in the 
 words used in their speeches in Vienna by the 
 Emperor of Austria and the German Emperor, 
 and in the telegrams which they afterwards ex- 
 changed with the King of Italy. 
 
 “Some Italian politicians, however, seem dis- 
 posed to question the utility of an alliance which 
 does not relieve Italy from the necessity of spend- 
 ing more money on her national defence. What, 
 they ask, is the use of the alliance if we have to 
 make these heavy sacrifices in order to increase 
 our army and navy and put our frontier fortifi- 
 cations in order ? The answer is more simple 
 than agreeable. It is precisely the existence 
 of the Triple Alliance that has permitted Italy 
 to leave her Austrian frontier absolutely open 
 to invasion, and to allow both her army and 
 navy to fall below the standard which she had 
 proposed to keep up. The alliance has secured 
 her immunity for her neglect. But she has nat- 
 urally paid for that combined neglect and im- 
 munity by accepting a subordinate role by the 
 side of her allies.” — Rome Correspondence, Lon- 
 don Times, May 15, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (April). • — The Entente Cordiale 
 of England and France. — In his interesting 
 work on ‘ ‘ France and the Alliances,” founded 
 on a course of lectures delivered at Harvard Uni- 
 versity in 1908, M. Andre Tardieu reviews the 
 long antagonism between England and France, 
 which ran through their history, from early in 
 the Fourteenth Century to the last year but'one 
 of the Nineteenth, when, in March, 1899, France, 
 by treaty with the British Government, gave up 
 her strong desire to extend her North African 
 dominion eastward to the Nile. Then he asks: 
 “How came it that within five years a sincere 
 understanding was established between the two 
 hereditary enemies ?” He answers the question 
 by saying: “Neither in England nor in France 
 is the principle of the understanding to be 
 
 sought. Rather was it the fear of Germany 
 which determined England — not only her King 
 and Government, but the whole of her people — 
 to draw near to France.” This, without doubt, 
 is substantially the true explanation of the 
 friendly agreements, forming what is known as 
 the Entente Cordiale between England and 
 France, which were signed on the 8th of April, 
 1904. They involved nothing in the nature of 
 a defensive alliance against Germany, and they 
 had been prepared for by a rapid growth of nat 
 ural and real good feeling between English and 
 French folk ; but it is certain that they received 
 their immediate prompting from the common 
 recognition, in England and France, that Ger- 
 many had become a rival in political and econo- 
 mic ambitions to both of them, more formidable 
 than either could be to the other. This gave 
 them a common reason for obliterating all their 
 old differences and causes of difference, and ex- 
 hibiting themselves to the world as friends. 
 
 M. Tardieu credits the English King with the 
 initiation of this most important rapprochement. 
 “ He it was,” says the French writer, “ who both 
 conceived and facilitated it, while still many 
 believed that the moment was premature. Ed- 
 ward VII. has been both praised and attacked 
 without stint. Perhaps he deserves neither the 
 ‘excess of honor nor yet the excess of abuse.’ 
 Among present sovereigns, he has one superior- 
 ity, that of having gained experience in life be- 
 fore reigning. ... He is not afraid of taking 
 the initiative; and so far his initiative has been 
 a success. The boldest example of it was his 
 visit to Paris in 1903. Putting aside all objec- 
 tions, and being convinced of his success, he ar- 
 rived in France amidst an atmosphere of uncer- 
 tainty. When the first platoons of cuirassiers 
 rode down the Champs Elysees, embarrassment 
 and anxiety weighed on the public. The Na- 
 tionalists had declared their intention of hissing. 
 What would be the result of a hostile manifes- 
 tation ? The King, as far as he was concerned, 
 did not believe in the danger, and he was right. 
 The Parisians accorded him, not an enthusiastic, 
 but, from the first, a respectful, and soon a gen- 
 ial, reception. The road was clear. Two months 
 later, Mr. Loubet paid King Edward a return 
 visit. And, on welcoming his colleague, Mr. 
 Delcasse, to London, Lord Lansdowue said to 
 him : ‘ Now we are going to have some conver- 
 sation.’ As a matter of fact, there was conversa- 
 tion both in Paris and in London. . . . On the 
 8th of April, 1904, the agreement was signed, 
 and its immediate publication produced a deep 
 impression in Europe.” 
 
 Strictly speaking, there were three Agree- 
 ments, or two Declarations and one formal Con- 
 vention, signed on the 8th of April, 1904, con- 
 stituting, together, the Anglo-French Entente. 
 The first, a ‘ ‘ Declaration respecting Egypt and 
 Morocco,” ran as follows : 
 
 “Article I. His Britannic Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment declare that they have no intention of 
 altering the political status of Egypt. The 
 Government of the French Republic, for their 
 part, declare that they will not obstruct the 
 action of Great Britain in that country by ask- 
 ing that a limit of time be fixed for the British 
 occupation or in any other manner, and that 
 they give their assent to the draft Khedivial De- 
 cree annexed to the present Arrangement, con- 
 taining the guarantees considered necessary for 
 
 249 
 
EUROPE, 1904 
 
 EUROPE, 1904 
 
 the protection of the interests of the Egyptian 
 bondholders, on the condition that, after its 
 promulgation, it cannot be modified in any way 
 without the consent of the Powers Signatory of 
 the Convention of London of 1885. It is agreed 
 that the post of Director-General of Antiquities 
 in Egypt shall continue, as in the past, to be 
 entrusted to a French savant. The French 
 schools in Egypt shall continue to enjoy the 
 same liberty as in the past. 
 
 “Article II. The Government of the French 
 Republic declare that they have no intention of 
 altering the political status of Morocco. His 
 Britannic Majesty’s Government, for their part, 
 recognize that it appertains to France, more 
 particularly as a Power whose dominions are 
 conterminous for a great distance with those of 
 Morocco, to preserve order in that country, and 
 to provide assistance for the purpose of all ad- 
 ministrative, economic, financial, and military 
 reforms which it may require. They declare 
 that they will not obstruct the action taken by 
 France for this purpose, provided that such 
 action shall leave intact the rights which Great 
 Britain, in virtue of Treaties, Conventions, and 
 usage, enjoys in Morocco, including the right 
 of coasting trade between the ports of Morocco, 
 enjoyed by British vessels since 1901. 
 
 “Article III. His Britannic Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment, for their part, will respect the rights 
 which France, in virtue of Treaties, Conven- 
 tions, and usage, enjoys in Egypt, including 
 the right of coasting trade between Egyptian 
 ports accorded to French vessels. 
 
 “ Article IV. The two Governments, being 
 equally attached to the principle of commercial 
 liberty both in Egypt and Morocco, declare that 
 they will not, in those countries, countenance 
 any inequality either in the imposition of cus- 
 toms duties or other taxes, or of railway trans- 
 port charges. The trade of both nations with 
 Morocco and with Egypt shall enjoy the same 
 treatment in transit through the French and 
 British possessions in Africa. An Agreement 
 between the two Governments shall settle the 
 conditions of such transit and shall determine 
 the points of entry. This mutual engagement 
 shall be binding for a period of thirty years. 
 Unless this stipulation is expressly denounced 
 at least one year in advance, the period shall be 
 extended for five years at a time. Nevertheless, 
 the Government of the French Republic reserve 
 to themselves in Morocco, and His Britannic 
 Majesty’s Government reserve to themselves in 
 Egypt, the right to see that the concessions for 
 roads, railways, ports, &c., are only granted on 
 such conditions as will maintain intact the 
 authority of the State over these great under- 
 takings of public interest. 
 
 “Article V. His Britannic Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment declare that they will use their influ- 
 ence in order that the French officials now in 
 the Egyptian service may not be placed under 
 conditions less advantageous than those apply- 
 ing to the British officials in the same service. 
 The Government of the French Republic, for 
 their part, would make no objection to the ap- 
 plication of analogous conditions to British 
 officials now in the Moorish service. 
 
 “Article VI. In order to insure the free pas- 
 sage of the Suez Canal, His Britannic Majes- 
 ty’s Government declare that they adhere to the 
 stipulations of the Treaty of the 29th October, 
 
 1888, and that they agree to their being put in 
 force. The free passage of the Canal being 
 thus guaranteed, the execution of the last sen- 
 tence of paragraph 1 as well as of paragraph 
 2 of Article VIII of that Treaty will remain in 
 abeyance. 
 
 “Article VII. In order to secure the free 
 passage of the Straits of Gibraltar, the two Gov- 
 ernments agree not to permit the erection of 
 any fortifications or strategic works on that 
 portion of the coast of Morocco comprised 
 between, but not including, Melilla and the 
 heights which command the right bank of the 
 River Sebou. This condition does not, however, 
 apply to the places at present in the occupa- 
 tion of Spain on the Moorish coast of the Med- 
 iterranean. 
 
 “Article VIII. The two Governments, in- 
 spired by their feeling of sincere friendship for 
 Spain, take into special consideration the in- 
 terests which that country derives from her 
 geographical position and from her territorial 
 possessions on the Moorish coast of the Mediter- 
 ranean. In regard to these interests the French 
 Government will come to an understanding with 
 the Spanish Government. The agreement which 
 may be come to on the subject between France 
 and Spain shall be communicated to His Britan- 
 nic Majesty’s Government. 
 
 “Article IX. The two Governments agree 
 to afford to one another their diplomatic support, 
 in order to obtain the execution of the clauses 
 of the present Declaration regarding Egypt and 
 Morocco.” 
 
 The more formally designated Convention re- 
 lates to questions concerning the Newfoundland 
 fisheries and certain boundaries between French 
 and English possessions in Africa. The articles 
 respecting Newfoundland and the fisheries are 
 as follows : 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article I. France renounces the privileges 
 established to her advantage by Article XIII of 
 the Treaty of Utrecht, and confirmed or modi- 
 fied by subsequent provisions. 
 
 “ Article II. France retains for her citizens, 
 on a footing of equality with British subjects, 
 the right of fishing in the territorial waters on 
 that portion of the coast of Newfoundland com- 
 prised between Cape St. John and Cape Ray, 
 passing by the north ; this right shall be exer- 
 cised during the usual fishing season closing for 
 all persons on the 20th October of each year. 
 The French may therefore fish there for every 
 kind of fish, including bait and also shell fish. 
 They may enter any port or harbour on the said 
 coast and may there obtain supplies or bait and 
 shelter on the same conditions as the inhabitants 
 of Newfoundland, but they will remain subject 
 to the local Regulations in force ; they may also 
 fish at the mouths of the rivers, but without 
 going beyond a straight line drawn between the 
 two extremities of the banks, where the river 
 enters the sea. They shall not make use of 
 stake-nets or fixed engines without permission 
 of the local authorities. On the above-mentioned 
 portion of the coast, British subjects and French 
 citizens shall be subject alike to the laws and 
 Regulations now in force, or which may here- 
 after be passed for the establishment of a close 
 time in regard to any particular kind of fish, or 
 for the improvement of the fisheries, Notice of 
 any fresh laws or Regulations shall be given to 
 the Government of the French Republic three 
 
EUROPE, 1904 
 
 EUROPE, 1904 
 
 months before they come into operation. The 
 policing of the fishing on the above-mentioned 
 portion of the coast, and for prevention of illicit 
 liquor traffic and smuggling of spirits, shall form 
 the subject of Regulations drawn up in agree- 
 ment by the two Governments. 
 
 “Article III. A pecuniary indemnity shall 
 be awarded by His Britannic Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment to the French citizens engaged in fish- 
 ing or the preparation of fish on the ‘ Treaty 
 Shore,’ who are obliged, either to abandon the 
 establishments they possess there, or to give up 
 their occupation, in consequence of the modifi- 
 cation introduced by the present Convention 
 into the existing state of affairs. This indemnity 
 cannot be claimed by the parties interested 
 unless they have been engaged in their business 
 prior to the closing of the fishing season of 
 1903. Claims for indemnity shall be submitted 
 to an Arbitral Tribunal, composed of an officer 
 of each nation, and, in the event of disagree- 
 ment, of an Umpire appointed in accordance 
 with the procedure laid down by Article XXXII 
 of The Hague Convention. The details regulat- 
 ing the constitution of the Tribunal, and the 
 conditions of the inquiries to be instituted for 
 the purpose of substantiating the claims, shall 
 form the subject of a special Agreement between 
 the two Governments. 
 
 “ Article IV. His Britannic Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment, recognizing that, in addition to the 
 indemnity referred to in the preceding Article, 
 some territorial compensation is due to France 
 in return for the surrender of her privilege in 
 that part of the Island of Newfoundland re- 
 ferred to in Article II, agree with the Govern- 
 ment of the French Republic to the provisions 
 embodied in the following Articles: ” 
 
 The provisions here referred to, contained in 
 the subsequent articles, modify the former fron- 
 tier between Senegambia and the English col- 
 ony of the Gambia, “so as to give to France 
 Yarbutenda and the lands and landing places 
 belonging to that locality ” ; cede to France 
 “the group known as the Isles de Los, and 
 situated opposite Konakry ” ; and substitute a 
 new boundary, to the east of the Niger, for that 
 which was fixed between the French and British 
 possessions by the Convention of 1898. 
 
 The Declaration which concludes the series 
 of Agreements has to do with matters in Siam, 
 Madagascar, and New Hebrides. As to Siam, 
 the two Governments “declare by mutual 
 agreement that the influence of Great Britain 
 shall be recognized by France in the territories 
 situated to the west of the basin of the River 
 Menam, and that the influence of France shall 
 be recognized by Great Britain in the territories 
 situated to the east of the same region, all the 
 Siamese possessions on the east and southeast of 
 the zone above described and the adjacent 
 islands coming thus henceforth under French 
 influence, and, on the other hand, all Siamese 
 possessions on the west of this zone and of the 
 Gulf of Siam, including the Malay Peninsula 
 and the adjacent islands, coming under English 
 influence. The two Contracting Parties, dis- 
 claiming all idea of annexing any Siamese terri- 
 tory, and determined to abstain from any act 
 which might contravene the provisions of ex- 
 isting Treaties, agree that, with this reserva- 
 tion, and so far as either of them is concerned, 
 the two Governments shall each have respect- 
 
 ively liberty of action in their spheres of influ- 
 ence as above defined." 
 
 The further agreements were, on the part of 
 the British Government, to withdraw a protest 
 it had raised against the customs tariff estab- 
 lished in Madagascar, and, on the part of the 
 two Governments, “to draw up in concert an 
 arrangement which, without involving any 
 modification of the political status quo, shall 
 put an end to the difficulties arising from the 
 absence of jurisdiction over the natives of the 
 New Hebrides.” 
 
 In the British Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 1952, 
 April, 1904) which gave official publication to 
 these Agreements, they are accompanied by an 
 explanatory despatch from the Marquess of 
 Lansdowne, British Foreign Secretary, to Sir E. 
 Monson, Ambassador at Paris, which affirms dis- 
 tinctly that “if any European Power is to have 
 a predominant influence in Morocco, that Power 
 is France.” The language of the despatch on 
 this subject is as follows : 
 
 “The condition of that country [Morocco] has 
 for a long time been unsatisfactory and fraught 
 with danger. The authority of the Sultan over 
 a large portion of his dominions is that of a 
 titular Chief rather than of a Ruler. Life and 
 property are unsafe, the natural resources of the 
 country are undeveloped, and trade, though in- 
 creasing, is hampered by the political situation. 
 In these respects the contrast between Morocco 
 and Egypt is marked. In spite of well-meant 
 efforts to assist the Sultan, but little progress 
 has been effected, and at this moment the pros- 
 pect is probably as little hopeful as it ever has 
 been. Without the intervention of a strong and 
 civilized Power there appears to be no proba- 
 bility of a real improvement in the condition of 
 the country. 
 
 “It seems not unnatural that, in these cir- 
 cumstances, France should regard it as falling 
 to her lot to assume the task of attempting the 
 regeneration of the country. Her Algerian pos- 
 sessions adjoin those of the Sultan throughout 
 the length of a frontier of several hundred miles. 
 She has been compelled from time to time to 
 undertake military operations of considerable 
 difficulty, and at much cost, in order to put an 
 end to the disturbances which continually arise 
 amongst tribes adjoining the Algerian frontier 
 — tribes which, although nominally the subjects 
 of the Sultan, are, in fact, almost entirely be- 
 yond his control. The trade of France with 
 Morocco is again — if that across the Algerian 
 frontier be included — of considerable impor- 
 tance, and compares not unfavourably with our 
 own. In these circumstances, France, although 
 in no wise desiring to annex the Sultan’s domin- 
 ions or to subvert his authority, seeks to extend 
 her influence in Morocco, and is ready to submit 
 to sacrifices and to incur responsibilities with 
 the object of putting an end to the condition 
 of anarchy which prevails upon the borders of 
 Algeria. His Majesty’s Government are not 
 prepared to assume such responsibilities, or to 
 make such sacrifices, and they have therefore 
 readily admitted that if any European Power 
 is to have a predominant influence in Morocco, 
 that Power is France.” 
 
 Of the reciprocal and equally important recog- 
 nition by France of the paramount influence of 
 Great Britain in Egypt, Lord Lansdowne wrote: 
 “ From the point of view of Great Britain the 
 
EUROPE, 1904-1909 
 
 EUROPE, 1905-1906 
 
 most important part of the Agreement which 
 has been concluded in respect of Egypt is the 
 recognition by the French Government of the 
 predominant position of Great Britain in that 
 country. They fully admit that the fulfilment 
 of the task upon which we entered in 1883 must 
 not be impeded by any suggestion on their part 
 that our interest in Egypt is of a temporary char- 
 acter, and they undertake that, so far as they 
 are concerned, we shall not be impeded in the 
 performance of that task. This undertaking will 
 enable us to pursue our work in Egypt without, 
 so far as France is concerned, arousing interna- 
 tional susceptibilities. It is true that the other 
 Great Powers of Europe also enjoy, in virtue of 
 existing arrangements, a privileged position in 
 Egypt ; but the interests of France — historical, 
 political, and financial — so far outweigh those 
 of the other Powers, with the exception of 
 Great Britain, that so long as we work in har- 
 mony with France, there seems no reason to an- 
 ticipate difficulty at the hands of the other 
 powers.” 
 
 A. D. 1904-1909. — General Consequences 
 in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War and 
 the Weakening of Russia in Prestige and 
 Actual Power. — “Europe is apparently on 
 the eve of such a new combination of the Great 
 Powers as was caused by the Franco-German 
 War of 1870, and just as after that fateful event 
 Berlin became the centre of the continental po- 
 litical system, so Paris bids fair to play this part 
 in the near future. For France has never been 
 so powerful a factor in politics since the fall of 
 the Empire as to-day. Everyone recognises that 
 her alliance with Russia was the first step from 
 the isolation which followed her military re- 
 verses towards her reinstatement in the political 
 hierarchy, and some of the most popular and 
 statesmanlike politicians of the Republic hold 
 that the dissolution of that partnership will be 
 the second. For the good which it achieved, 
 they allege, was largely accidental, while the 
 cost it entailed was proportionately great. . . . 
 
 “The chief aim of the French statesman who 
 struck up an alliance with the Government of 
 Alexander III. was to neutralise Teutonic ag- 
 gressiveness, and if possible to recover the lost 
 provinces as well. The latter part of this pro- 
 gramme has turned out to be a will-o’-the-wisp, 
 while the first item can now be realised inde- 
 pendently of the Russian alliance. Moreover, 
 France, far from being isolated to-day, counts 
 among her friends and natural allies not only the 
 Latin peoples but the smaller States of the Con- 
 tinent, to say nothing of Great Britain. . . . 
 
 “The motives which induced Germany, Aus- 
 tria-Hungary and Italy to enter into partnership 
 have lost their force; the Triple Alliance has 
 ceased to exist in aught but the name. Italy was 
 the first of the three States to break away. And 
 her adherence to the league was so obviously op- 
 posed to the sentiments of her people and the 
 real interests of the nation, that only the strong- 
 est conceivable motive could keep her in the un- 
 congenial society of her former oppressor. That 
 motive had been supplied by Bismarck, who per- 
 suaded Crispi that clerical France was at the 
 beck and call of the Vatican, and only awaited a 
 prosperous moment to disunite Italy and restore 
 Rome to the Pope. But to-day Germany herself 
 has become the most trusty and perhaps the most 
 helpful friend of the Holy See, while France has 
 
 struck a vigorous blow on the line of cleavage 
 between the political and ecclesiastical institu- 
 tions which constitute the Catholic Church. The 
 ruling body in Parliamentary Germany is the 
 Ultramontane centre, and if any State in Europe 
 could be conceived to be capable of breaking a 
 lance for the temporal power of his Holiness, it 
 would certainly be one of the two Teutonic Em- 
 pires of Central Europe.” — E. J. Dillon, For- 
 eign Affairs (Contemporary Review, Aug., 1904). 
 
 The following is from a special correspondent 
 of the New York Evening Post, who wrote from 
 St. Petersburg on the 5th of March, 1909 : “ The 
 international position of Russia has weakened 
 greatly during the last five years. Before the 
 Japanese war and the revolution her strength 
 was enormous, and a Japanese officer who visited 
 St. Petersburg in 1903 wrote in a Japanese paper 
 that, judging by the attention which was paid 
 to the Czar by every court in Europe and by the 
 respect, almost awe even, with which he was 
 regarded, that monarch might almost be styled 
 the king of kings. The war and the revolutiou 
 made short work, however, of this respect and 
 awe. The Emperor William first took advantage 
 of Russia’s weakness by springing the Morocco 
 surprise on Europe ; then Baron von Aerenthal 
 annexed Bosnia and Herzegovina, which he 
 would never, of course, have dared to do six 
 years ago ; -while recently in the Duma Mr. Is- 
 wolsky frankly confessed that Russia can do 
 absolutely nothing ; that the war and the revo- 
 lution have bled her white, and that no assist- 
 ance or hope of assistance can be given to the 
 Serbs and the Montenegrins.” 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Joint action of Powers in 
 forcing Financial Reforms in Macedonia on 
 Turkey. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Sudden hostility of Ger- 
 many to the Anglo-French Agreement con- 
 cerning Morocco. — The Kaiser’s speech at 
 Tangier. — Threatening pressure on France. 
 
 — Demand for International Conference. — 
 Results at Algeciras. — What use the French 
 Government wished to make of the free exercise 
 of influence in Morocco which Great Britain con- 
 sented to, in the agreements of April 8, 1904, is 
 stated by M. Tardieu in his “France and the 
 Alliances,” with more than probable truth, as 
 follows: “There was no design of conquest, or 
 of protectorate, or of monopoly. Conquest would 
 have cost too dear. A protectorate -would have 
 served no purpose in face of the exclusiveness 
 of the tribes. Monopolization would have been 
 contrary to international treaties. To create 
 police forces with Moroccan natives and Algerian 
 instructors in all the principal towns ; to restore 
 finances by means of a more honest collection 
 of taxes, a genuine checking of expenses, and 
 the repression of smuggling; to increase the car- 
 rying trade by public works wisely planned and 
 the construction of ports, bridges and roads — 
 all this by contract law ; to multiply hospitals, 
 schools, educational and charitable institutions, 
 
 — such was the tenor of the programme. . . . 
 As Mr. Delcasse wrote : ‘ Far from diminishing 
 the Sultan’s authority, we were peculiarly anx- 
 ious to enhance his prestige.’” 
 
 For almost a year after the signing of the 
 Anglo-French agreements of April, 1904, no ob- 
 jection was raised in Europe to the undertaking 
 by France of such regenerative work in Morocco 
 
 252 
 
EUROPE, 1905-1906 
 
 EUROPE, 1905-1906 
 
 as they contemplated. Italy had assented to it 
 before England did. Spain did the same a few 
 months later. These werp the Powers most con- 
 cerned. The German Ambassador to France had 
 been informed of the tenor of the agreement 
 with England a fortnight before it was signed, 
 and no criticism came from his Government. 
 After the text of it had been published, Chan- 
 cellor von Billow said in the Reichstag: “We 
 know of nothing that should lead us to think 
 that this agreement is directed against any Power 
 whatsoever. . . . From the point of view of 
 German interests, we have no objection to make 
 against it.” During the eleven months that fol- 
 lowed this utterance nothing appears to have 
 been done by France in Morocco that changed 
 the situation ; but something changed the official 
 attitude of Germany towards what it had found 
 acceptable before, and changed it very suddenly. 
 On the 31st of March, 1905, the German Em- 
 peror, on a yachting cruise to the Mediterranean, 
 disembarked at Tangier, and found occasion to 
 address these remarks to a representative of the 
 Sultan : 
 
 “ To-day, I pay my visit to the Sultan in his 
 character of independent sovereign. I hope that, 
 under the Sultan’s sovereignty, a free Morocco 
 will remain open to the pacific competition of 
 all nations without monopoly and without annex- 
 ation, on a footing of absolute equality. My 
 visit to Tangier is intended to make known the 
 fact that I am resolved to do all that is in my 
 power properly to safeguard the interests of 
 Germany, since I consider the Sultan as being an 
 absolutely free sovereign. It is with him that I 
 mean to come to an understanding respecting 
 the best way of safeguarding such interests. 
 As regards the reforms which the Sultan is in- 
 tending to make, it seems to me that any action 
 in this direction should be taken with great pre- 
 caution, respect being had for the religious sen- 
 timents of the population in order that there 
 may be no disturbance of public tranquillity.” 
 
 All Europe read an emphasized threat in these 
 words, and felt instantly that they meant hostile 
 intentions towards France. That they came so 
 quickly after the crushing defeat of Russia at 
 Mukden ; that Russia, ally of France in Euro- 
 pean politics, would need no longer to be 
 counted, for some indefinite future time, as a 
 military Power ; that the Dual Alliance, which 
 had been the prop of France in the recovery of 
 her standing among the Powers, was thus sud- 
 denly a broken reed, and that circumstances 
 were propitious, therefore, for humiliating her 
 again, — here were facts for a bit of reasoning 
 which suggested itself quickly to a multitude of 
 minds. 
 
 Twelve days after the speech of William II. at 
 Tangier Chancellor Billow addressed a circular 
 to the Ambassadors of Germany at various capi- 
 tals, directing them to demand an International 
 Conference for the settlement of matters concern- 
 ing Morocco. A little later the Moorish Sultan, 
 Abd el Aziz, endorsed the demand, in the fol- 
 lowing missive, addressed to the several lega- 
 tions of foreign governments at Tangier : 
 
 “We have been ordered by our master the 
 Sultan (God strengthen him) to request all the 
 great powers to hold a conference at Tangier, 
 composed by its honorable representatives and 
 those appointed by the Maghzen [the royal 
 council or Cabinet] to discuss the manner for 
 
 suitable reforms which His Shereefian Majesty 
 has determined to introduce into his Empire, 
 and the expenses to carry out the same. We 
 therefore beg to inform your excellency of this, 
 so that you may notify your government and re 
 quest them to permit your excellency to attend 
 said conference for the above-mentioned purpose 
 and let us know of its answer, and remain in 
 peace and with joy. Written at the Holy Court 
 at Fez on the 25th day of Rabe 1st, 1905 ; corre- 
 sponding to May 29, 1905. Mohammed Ben 
 Arby Torres.” 
 
 Meantime, Germany was bringing pressure at 
 Paris to force the resignation or removal of M. 
 Delcasse, the Foreign Minister, whose policy was 
 now said to be “A threat to Germany,” and the 
 French Government, unprepared for war, sub 
 mitted to concessions which involved that result. 
 It entered on preliminary pourparlers concerning 
 the demand for an international conference, and 
 allowed Minister Delcasse to resign. 
 
 A fair-minded German’s view of the proceed- 
 ings of the German Government in this matter 
 was expressed by Mr. W. C. Dreher in his next an- 
 nual review of “The Year in Germany ” for The 
 Atlantic Monthly. Frankly acknowledging that 
 the Morocco controversy had ‘ ‘ left with most 
 other nations a distinctly disagreeable impression 
 of the disturbing tendencies of German policy,” 
 and that the Kaiser’s famous speech at Tangier 
 had “astonished the German people not less than 
 other nations,” he remarks : “ For the Germans 
 had learned to acquiesce in the Anglo-French set- 
 tlement, under which France was to have a free 
 hand for its scheme of penetration pacifique in 
 Morocco. The utterances of the Imperial Chan 
 cellor in the Reichstag clearly indicated that the 
 Government accepted with good grace the gen- 
 eral terms of that settlement. The people, too, 
 had been schooled by the inspired press in the 
 theory that Germany’s commercial interests in 
 Morocco were so insignificant as not to warrant 
 the inauguration of a large and energetic action 
 to assert them; and this view had been generally 
 accepted by them, barring the noisy little fac- 
 tion of Pan Germans. 
 
 “The chief fault of Germany’s Morocco policy 
 was, accordingly, that it was sprung upon the 
 German people themselves without warning, 
 without any preparation of their minds for it; 
 hence they imperfectly comprehended it and 
 never had any great interest in it. They did not 
 feel that it was a matter intimately affecting the 
 nation’s interests ; and while the German Ambas- 
 sador at Paris was asserting Germany’s solidarity 
 with Morocco, the press at home was diligently 
 occupied in convincing the outside world that 
 Germany would never go to war on account of 
 that remote and insignificant state. 
 
 “ Despite the abruptness and lack of skill in 
 launching its new policy, however, the govern- 
 ment’s position was logical and, within certain 
 limits, reasonable. France and England had as- 
 sumed to decide the fate of Morocco between 
 themselves, whereas the Madrid Treaty of 1880, 
 to which Germany was signatory, had explicitly 
 given an international character to the Moroccan 
 question. This was clearly an affront to Ger- 
 many’s dignity and an attempt to isolate her, 
 which ought to have been objected to at once.” 
 — W. C. Dreher, The Year in Germany ( Atlan- 
 tic Monthly, Nov., 1906). 
 
 On the 28th of September M. Rouvier, the 
 
EUROPE, 1905-1906 
 
 EUROPE, 1905-1906 
 
 French Premier, and Prince de Radolin, the Ger- 
 man Ambassador at Paris, arrived at an agree- 
 ment concerning the matters to be settled at the 
 demanded Conference, and it was announced to 
 other governments in the following Memoran- 
 dum ; 
 
 The two Governments have agreed to submit 
 to the Sultan the draft of the following pro- 
 gramme elaborated in conformity to principles 
 adopted by exchange of notes on July 8 : 
 
 “ First. — 1. Organization, by way of inter- 
 national agreement, of the police outside the 
 border region. 
 
 “2. Regulations organizing the surveillance 
 and suppression of the smuggling of arms. In 
 the border region the enforcement of these reg- 
 ulations will exclusively concern France and 
 Morocco. 
 
 “ Second. — Financial reform. 
 
 “Financial support given to the Maghzen 
 through the establishment of a state bank with 
 the privilege of issue, taking charge of treasury 
 operations and acting as a medium for the coin- 
 age of money, the profits of which would be- 
 long to the Maghzen. 
 
 “The said state bank would undertake to 
 bring about a sounder monetary condition. 
 
 “ The credits opened to the Maghzen would 
 be applied to the equipment and salaries of the 
 public forces and to urgent public works, es- 
 pecially the improvement of the harbors and 
 their facilities. 
 
 “ Third. — Study of better proceeds from im- 
 posts and of new sources of revenue. 
 
 “Fourth. — Undertaking on the part of the 
 Maghzen that no public service will be disposed 
 of for the benefit of private interests. 
 
 “Principle of letting contracts for public 
 works to the lowest bidder, without preference 
 for any nationality.” 
 
 In due time the further details were arranged, 
 and representatives of thirteen governments, 
 namely, of Austria-Hungary, Belgium, France, 
 Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Morocco, the 
 Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Russia, Sweden, 
 and the United States, were assembled in Con- 
 ference on the 15th of January, 1906, not at 
 Tangier, but at the Spanish city of Algeciras, 
 on the coast of the Straits of Gibraltar. The 
 United States were represented by the Ameri- 
 can Ambassador to the French Republic, Henry 
 White, and by the American Minister to Mo- 
 rocco, S. R. Gummere. The instructions ad- 
 dressed to them from Washington by the Sec- 
 retary of State, Mr. Root, were partly in these 
 words : 
 
 “The United States is a participant in the 
 discussions of the conference solely by reason of 
 being a treaty power, having conventional en- 
 gagements with Morocco dating back to 1836, by 
 which this country not only enjoys special privi- 
 leges, but is entitled to the most-favored-nation 
 treatment for the time being. This government 
 also shares in the right of protection of certain 
 native Moors as defined in the multipartite con- 
 vention of July 3, 1880. Our interest and right 
 comprise and are limited to an equal share in 
 whatever privileges of residence, trade, and pro- 
 tection are enjoyed by, or may be hereafter con- 
 ceded by, the Shereefian Government to aliens 
 and their local agencies, and it follows that we 
 have a like concern in the enlargement of those 
 privileges in all appropriate ways. With the 
 
 special political problems of influence and asso- 
 ciation affecting the relations of the Moroccan 
 Empire, as a Mediterranean state, to the powers 
 having interests in that great sea and whose 
 concern lies naturally in the conservation and ex- 
 tension of its commerce for the common benefit 
 of all, the United States have little to do beyond 
 expression of its [their?] wish that equality and 
 stability be secured. . . . 
 
 “It is expected that your attitude in the pro- 
 ceedings of the conference will display the im- 
 partial benevolence which the United States feels 
 toward Morocco and the cordial and unbiased 
 friendship we have for all the treaty powers. 
 Fair play is what the United States asks — for 
 Morocco and for all the interested nations — and 
 it confidently expects that outcome. The com- 
 plete dissociation of the United States from all 
 motives or influences which might tend to thwart 
 ■ a perfect agreement of the powers should, in case 
 of need, lend weight to your impartial counsels 
 in endeavoring to compose any dissidence of 
 aims which may possibly develop in the course 
 of the conference.” 
 
 Algeciras, the chosen seat of the Conference, 
 had been three times a landing place of the 
 Moors in their invasions of Spain. “ The mod- 
 ern town,” says one who wrote an account of the 
 Conference, “dating only from 1760, has but one 
 attraction, a magnificent English hotel, built by 
 the owners of the picturesque railway which 
 connects it with the rest of Europe, and of the 
 corresponding steamer service across the bay to 
 Gibraltar, placing it in touch with all the world. 
 But this attraction sufficed, and the Reina Cris- 
 tina Hotel was engaged for the delegates, while 
 the town-hall was cleared and refitted for their 
 deliberations. . . . 
 
 “The meetings were held at irregular inter- 
 vals, about three times a week, being sum- 
 moned whenever the President was advised that 
 sufficient instructions had been received, or that 
 the drafting committee had some document to 
 present for consideration. Formal sessions were 
 held from ten to twelve in the morning, the Con- 
 ference meeting in committee from three to five 
 in the afternoon, the drafting and translating 
 committees assembling when and where conven- 
 ient to their members.” — Budgett Meakin, The 
 Algeciras Conference ( Fortnightly Review, May, 
 1906). 
 
 The General Act of the Conference, finished 
 and signed on the 7th of April, 1906, is in 123 Ar- 
 ticles, divided into 6 Chapters, as follows : I. A 
 Declaration relative to the Organization of the 
 Police ; II. Regulations concerning the detection 
 and suppression of the Illicit Trade in Arms ; III . 
 An Act of Concession for a Moorish State Bank ; 
 IV. A Declaration concerning an Improved Yield 
 of the Taxes, and the creation of New Sources of 
 Revenue ; V. Regulations respecting the Customs 
 of the Empire and the suppression of Fraud and 
 Smuggling ; VI. A Declaration relative to the 
 Public Services and Public Works. The first 
 chapter provides for the organization of a police 
 force, not less than 2000 nor more than 2500 in 
 number, recruited from among Moorish Mussul- 
 mans and commanded by Raids, but having 
 Spanish and French officers and non-commis- 
 sioned officers for instructors, nominated to the 
 Sultan by their respective Governments, and 
 their services given for five years. This police 
 force, moreover, is subject to general inspection 
 
 254 
 
EUROPE, 1907 
 
 EUROPE, 1907 
 
 by a superior officer of the Swiss army. The regu- 
 lations of the second chapter are minute and 
 precise for their stated purpose. The Morocco 
 State Bank, provided for in the third, is made 
 subject to the law of France, and is to “discharge 
 the duties of disbursing Treasurer of the Empire ” 
 and “ financial agent of the Government.” The 
 Directors of the Bank are chosen, of course, by 
 the shareholders ; but one article stipulates that 
 “the Shereefian Government shall exercise its 
 high control over the Bank through a Moorish 
 High Commissioner, whom it shall appoint after 
 previous agreement with the board of directors,” 
 while another requires that “each of the follow- 
 ing institutions, viz., the German Imperial Bank, 
 the Bank of England, the Bank of Spain and the 
 Bank of France, shall, with the approval of its 
 Government, appoint a Censor to the State Bank 
 of Morocco.” The prescriptions in the fourth and 
 fifth chapters of the act are not of general signi- 
 ficance or interest. In the sixth, relating to “pub- 
 lic services and public works,” it is set forth that, 
 “should the Shereefian Government consider it 
 necessary to have recourse to foreign capital or 
 to foreign industries for the working of public 
 services or for the execution of public works, 
 roads, railways, ports, telegraphs, or other, the 
 Signatory Powers reserve to themselves the right 
 to see that the control of the State over such large 
 undertakings of public interest remain intact.” 
 On the signing of the Act Mr. Henry White, the 
 chief delegate from the United States to the Con- 
 ference, made the following Declaration on be- 
 half of his Government: 
 
 “The Government of the United States of 
 America, having no political interests in Mo- 
 rocco, and having taken part in the present Con- 
 ference with no other desires or intentions than 
 to assist in assuring to all the nations in Morocco 
 the most complete equality in matters of com- 
 merce, treatment, and privileges, and in facilitat- 
 ing the introduction into that Empire of reforms 
 which should bring about a general state of 
 well-being founded on the perfect cordiality of 
 her foreign relations, and on a stable internal ad- 
 ministration, declares: that in subscribing to the 
 Regulations and Declarations of the Conference 
 by the act of signing the General Act, subject to 
 ratification according to constitutional proce- 
 dure, and the Additional Protocol, and in con- 
 senting to their application to American citizens 
 and interests in Morocco, it assumes no obligation 
 or responsibility as to the measures which may 
 be necessary for the enforcement of the said 
 Regulations and Declarations.” 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — Convention between 
 Great Britain and Russia, containing ar- 
 rangements on the subject of Persia, Af- 
 ghanistan, and Tibet. — Parallel with the 
 Agreements — the “ Entente Cordiale ” — of 1904 
 between England and France, in its purpose and 
 in its importance to Europe, was the Convention 
 between England and Russia in 1907, which har- 
 monized the interests and the policy of the two 
 nations in matters relating to Persia, Afghanis- 
 tan, and Tibet. In each case the dictating mo- 
 tive looked not so much to a settlement of the 
 particular questions involved, as to a general 
 extinguishment of possible causes of contention 
 which might at some time disturb the peaceful 
 or friendly relations of the peoples concerned. 
 Taken together, the two formally expressed un- 
 derstandings, Anglo-French and Anglo-Russian, 
 
 added to the Franco-Russian Alliance of 1895 
 (see, in Volume VI. of this work, France : 
 A. 1). 1895) constituted, not a new Triple Alli- 
 ance, set over against that of Germany, Austria- 
 Hungary, and Italy, but an amicable conjunction 
 which bore suggestions of alliance, and which 
 introduced a counterweight in European politics 
 that makes undoubtedly for peace. 
 
 The Anglo-Russian Convention, signed Au- 
 gust 31, 1907, contained three distinct ‘ ‘ Arrange- 
 ments,” under a common preamble, as follows : 
 
 “His Majesty the King of the United King- 
 dom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the 
 British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of 
 India, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the 
 Russias, animated by the sincere desire to settle 
 by mutual agreement different questions con- 
 cerning the interests of their States on the Con- 
 tinent of Asia, have determined to conclude 
 Agreements destined to prevent all cause of mis- 
 understanding between Great Britain and Rus- 
 sia in regard to the questions referred to, and 
 have nominated for this purpose their respective 
 Plenipotentiaries. . . . Who, having communi- 
 cated to each other their full powers, found in 
 good and due form, have agreed on the follow- 
 ing: 
 
 Arrangement concerning Persia. 
 
 “The Governments of Great Britain and Rus 
 sia having mutually engaged to respect the in- 
 tegrity and independence of Persia, and sincerely 
 desiring the preservation of order throughout 
 that country and its peaceful development, as 
 well as the permanent establishment of equal 
 advantages for the trade and industry of all 
 other nations ; 
 
 “ Considering that each of them has, for geo- 
 graphical and economic reasons, a special inter- 
 est in the maintenance of peace and order in 
 certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or in the 
 neighbourhood of, the Russian frontier on the 
 one hand, and the frontiers of Afghanistan and 
 Baluchistan on the other hand ; and being desir- 
 ous of avoiding all cause of conflict between 
 their respective interests in the above-mentioned 
 Provinces of Persia ; 
 
 “ Have agreed on the following terms: 
 
 “ I. Great Britain engages not to seek for 
 herself, and not to support in favour of British 
 subjects, or in favour of the subjects of third 
 Powers, any Concessions of a political or 
 commercial nature — such as Concessions for 
 railways, banks, telegraphs, roads, transport, in- 
 surance, &c. — beyond a line starting from Kasr- 
 i-Shirin, passing through Isfahan, Yezd, Kakhk 
 and ending at a point on the Persian frontier at 
 the intersection of the Russian and Afghan fron- 
 tiers, and not to oppose, directly or indirectly, 
 demands for similar Concessions in this region 
 which are supported by the Russian Govern- 
 ment. It is understood that the above-mentioned 
 places are included in the region in which Great 
 Britain engages not to seek the Concessions re- 
 ferred to. 
 
 “II. Russia, on her part, engages not to seek 
 for herself, and not to support in favour of Rus- 
 sian subjects, or in favour of the subjects of 
 third Powers, any Concessions of a political or 
 commercial nature — such as Concessions for 
 railways, banks, telegraphs, roads, transport, 
 insurance, &c. — beyond a line going from the 
 Afghan frontier by way of Gazik, Birjand, 
 Kerman, and ending at Bunder Abbas, and 
 
 255 
 
EUROPE, 1907 
 
 EUROPE, 1907 
 
 not to oppose, directly or indirectly, demands 
 for similar Concessions in this region which 
 are supported by the British Government. It 
 is understood that the above-mentioned places 
 are included in the region in which Russia en- 
 gages not to seek the Concessions referred to. 
 
 “III. Russia, on her part, engages not to op- 
 pose, without previous arrangement with Great 
 Britain, the grant of any Concessions whatever 
 to British subjects in the regions of Persia sit- 
 uated between the lines mentioned in Articles I 
 and II. Great Britain undertakes a similar en- 
 gagement as regards the grant of Concessions to 
 Russian subjects in the same regions of Persia. 
 All Concessions existing at present in the regions 
 indicated in Articles I and II are maintained. 
 
 “ IV. It is understood that the revenues of all 
 the Persian customs, with the exception of those 
 of Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, revenues 
 guaranteeing the amortization and the interest 
 of the loans concluded by the Government of 
 the Shah with the ‘ Banque d’Escompte et des 
 Prets de Perse ’ up to the date of the signature 
 of the present Arrangement, shall be devoted to 
 the same purpose as in the past. It is equally 
 understood that the revenues of the Persian cus- 
 toms of Farsistan and of the Persian Gulf, as 
 well as those of the fisheries on the Persian shore 
 of the Caspian Sea and those of the Posts and 
 Telegraphs, shall be devoted, as in the past, to 
 the service of the loans concluded by the Gov- 
 ernment of the Shah with the Imperial Bank of 
 Persia up to the date of the signature of the 
 present Arrangement. 
 
 “V. In the event of irregularities occurring 
 in the amortization or the payment of the inter- 
 est of the Persian loans concluded with the 
 ‘Banque d’Escompte et des Prets de Perse’ 
 and with the Imperial Bank of Persia up to the 
 date of the signature of the present Arrange- 
 ment, and in the event of the necessity arising 
 for Russia to establish control over the sources 
 of revenue guaranteeing the regular service of 
 the loans concluded with the first-named bank, 
 and situated in the region mentioned in Article 
 II of the present Arrangement, or for Great 
 Britain to establish control over the sources of 
 revenue guaranteeing the regular service of the 
 loans concluded with the second-named bank, 
 and situated in the region mentioned in Article 
 I of the present Arrangement, the British and 
 Russian Governments undertake to enter before- 
 hand into a friendly exchange of ideas with a 
 view to determine, in agreement with each 
 other, the measures of control in question and 
 to avoid all interference which would not be in 
 conformity with the principles governing the 
 present Arrangement. 
 
 Convention concerning Afghanistan. 
 
 “The High Contracting Parties, in order to 
 ensure perfect security on their respective fron- 
 tiers in Central Asia and to maintain in these 
 regions a solid and lasting peace, have concluded 
 the following Convention: 
 
 “ Article I. His Britannic Majesty’s Govern- 
 ment declare that they have no intention of 
 changing the political status of Afghanistan. 
 His Britannic Majesty’s Government further en- 
 gage to exercise their influence in Afghanistan 
 only in a pacific sense, and they will not them- 
 selves take, nor encourage Afghanistan to take, 
 any measures threatening Russia. The Russian 
 Government, on their part, declare that they 
 
 recognize Afghanistan as outside the sphere of 
 Russian influence, and they engage that all their 
 political relations with Afghanistan shall be 
 conducted through the intermediary of His Brit- 
 annic Majesty’s Government ; they further en- 
 gage not to send any Agents into Afghanistan. 
 
 “Article II. The Government of His Brit- 
 annic Majesty having declared in the Treaty 
 signed at Kabul on the 21st March, 1905, that 
 they recognize the Agreement and the engage- 
 ments concluded with the late Ameer Abdur 
 Rahman, aDd that they have no intention of in- 
 terfering in the internal government of Afghan 
 territory, Great Britain engages neither to annex 
 nor to occupy in contravention of that Treaty 
 any portion of Afghanistan or to interfere in the 
 internal administration of the country, provided 
 that the Ameer fulfils the engagements already 
 contracted by him towards His Britannic Ma- 
 jesty’s Government under the above-mentioned 
 Treaty. 
 
 “Article III. The Russian and Afghan au- 
 thorities, specially designated for the purpose 
 on the frontier or in the frontier provinces, may 
 establish direct relations with each other for the 
 settlement of local questions of a non-political 
 character. 
 
 “Article IY. His Britannic Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment and the Russian Government affirm 
 their adherence to the principle of equality 
 of commercial opportunity in Afghanistan, and 
 they agree that any facilities which may have 
 been, or shall be hereafter obtained for British 
 and British-Indian trade and traders, shall be 
 equally enjoyed by Russian trade and traders. 
 Should the progress of trade establish the neces- 
 sity for Commercial Agents, the two Govern- 
 ments will agree as to what measures shall be 
 taken, due regard, of course, being had to the 
 Ameer’s sovereign rights. 
 
 “ Article V. The present Arrangements 
 will only come into force when His Britannic 
 Majesty’s Government shall have notified to the 
 Russian Government the consent of the Ameer 
 to the terms stipulated above. 
 
 Arrangement concerning Thibet. 
 
 “The Governments of Great Britain and Rus- 
 sia recognizing the suzerain rights of China in 
 Thibet, and considering the fact that Great 
 Britain, by reason of her geographical position, 
 has a special interest in the maintenance of the 
 status quo in the external relations of Thibet, 
 have made the following Arrangement: — 
 
 “Article I. The two High Contracting Par- 
 ties engage to respect the territorial integrity of 
 Thibet and to abstain from all interference in 
 its internal administration. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article II. In conformity with the admitted 
 principle of the suzerainty of China over Thibet, 
 Great Britain and Russia engage not to enter 
 into negotiations with Thibet except through 
 the intermediary of the Chinese Government. 
 This engagement does not exclude the direct 
 relations between British Commercial Agents 
 and the Thibetan authorities provided for in 
 Article V of the Convention between Great 
 Britain and Thibet of the 7th September, 1904, 
 and confirmed by the Convention between Great 
 Britain and China of the 27th April, 190G; nor 
 does it modify the engagements entered into by 
 Great Britain and China in Article I of the said 
 Convention of 1906. 
 
 “It is clearly understood that Buddhists, 
 
 256 
 
EUROPE, 1907 
 
 EUROPE, 1907-1908 
 
 subjects of Great Britain or of Russia, may 
 enter into direct relations on strictly religious 
 matters with the Dalai Lama and the other re- 
 presentatives of Buddhism in Thibet ; the Gov- 
 ernments of Great Britain and Russia engage, as 
 far as they are concerned, not to allow those re- 
 lations to infringe the stipulations of the present 
 Arrangement. 
 
 “ Article III. The British and Russian Gov- 
 ernments respectively engage not to send Re- 
 presentatives to Lhassa. 
 
 “Article IV. The two High Contracting 
 Parties engage neither to seek nor to obtain, 
 whether for themselves or their subjects, any 
 Concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, and 
 mines, or other rights in Thibet. 
 
 “ Article V. The two Governments agree 
 that no part of the revenues of Thibet, whether 
 in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or assigned 
 to Great Britain or Russia or to any of their 
 subjects. 
 
 Annex to the Arrangement between Great 
 Britain and Russia concerning Thibet. 
 
 “ Great Britain reaffirms the Declaration, 
 signed by his Excellency the Viceroy and Gov- 
 ernor-General of India and appended to the 
 ratification of the Convention of the 7th Sep- 
 tember. 1904, to the effect that the occupation of 
 the Chumbi Valley by British forces shall cease 
 after the payment of three annual instalments of 
 the indemnity of 25,000,000 rupees, provided that 
 the trade marts mentioned in Article II of that 
 Convention have been effectively opened for 
 three years, and that in the meantime the Thi- 
 betan authorities have faithfully complied in all 
 respects with the terms of the said Convention 
 of 1904. It is clearly understood that if the oc- 
 cupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British 
 forces has, for any reason, not been terminated 
 at the time anticipated in the above Declaration, 
 the British and Russian Governments will enter 
 upon a friendly exchange of views on this sub- 
 ject.” 
 
 As an Inclosure with the Convention, Notes 
 were exchanged by the Plenipotentiaries, of 
 which that from Mr. Nicolson was in the fol- 
 lowing words, M. Iswolsky replying to the same 
 effect. 
 
 “ St. Petersburg, August 18 (31), 1907. 
 “M. le Ministre, 
 
 “ With reference to the Arrangement regard- 
 ing Thibet, signed to-day, I have the honour to 
 make the following Declaration to your Excel- 
 lency : — 
 
 “ ‘ His Britannic Majesty’s Government think 
 it desirable, so far as they are concerned, not to 
 allow, unless by a previous agreement with the 
 Russian Government, for a period of three years 
 from the date of the present communication, the 
 entry into Thibet of any scientific mission what- 
 ever, on condition that a like assurance is given 
 on the part of the Imperial Russian Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 “‘His Britannic Majesty’s Government pro- 
 pose, moreover, to approach the Chinese Gov- 
 ernment with a view to induce them to accept 
 a similar obligation for a corresponding period; 
 the Russian Government will as a matter of 
 course take similar action. 
 
 “ ‘ At the expiration of the term of three years 
 above mentioned His Britannic Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment will, if necessary, consult with the Rus- 
 
 sian government as to the desirability of any 
 ulterior measures with regard to scientific ex- 
 peditions to Thibet.’ I avail, &c. 
 
 (Signed) A. Nicolson.” 
 
 In authorizing Sir A. Nicolson to sign the pre- 
 ceding Convention, Sir Edward Grey, the British 
 Secretary for Foreign Affairs, wrote, on the 29tli 
 of August, as follows : 
 
 “ I have to-day authorized your Excellency by 
 telegraph to sign a Convention with the Rus- 
 sian Government containing Arrangements on 
 the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and Thibet. 
 
 “The Arrangement respecting Persia is lim 
 ited to the regions of that country touching the 
 respective frontiers of Great Britain and Russia 
 in Asia, and the Persian Gulf is not part of those 
 regions, aud is only partly in Persian territory. 
 It has not therefore been considered appropriate 
 to introduce into the Convention a positive de- 
 claration respecting special interests possessed 
 by Great Britain in the Gulf, the result of Brit- 
 ish action in those waters for more than a hun- 
 dred years. 
 
 “His Majesty’s Government have reason to 
 believe that this question will not give rise to 
 difficulties between the two Governments, should 
 developments arise which make further discus- 
 sion affecting British interests in the Gulf neces- 
 sary. For the Russian Government have in the 
 course of the negotiations leading up to the con- 
 clusion of this Arrangement explicitly stated 
 that they do not deny the special interests of 
 Great Britain in the Persian Gulf — a statement 
 of which His Majesty’s Government have for- 
 mally taken note. 
 
 “ In order to make it quite clear that the pre- 
 sent Arrangement is not intended to affect the 
 position in the Gulf, and does not imply any 
 change of policy respecting it on the part of 
 Great Britain, His Majesty’s Government think 
 it desirable to draw attention to previous decla- 
 rations of British policy, and to reaffirm gener- 
 ally previous statements as to British interests 
 in the Persian Gulf and the importance of main- 
 taining them. 
 
 “His Majesty’s Government will continue to 
 direct all their efforts to the preservation of the 
 status quo in the Gulf and the maintenance of 
 British trade ; in doing so, they have no desire 
 to exclude the legitimate trade of any other 
 Power.” — - Parliamentary Papers by Command. 
 Russia. No. 1. 1907 (Cd. 3750). 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — Treaties respecting 
 the Independence and Territorial Integrity 
 of Norway, and concerning the Maintenance 
 of the Status Quo in the territories bordering 
 upon the North Sea. — Two Treaties of great 
 importance to the security of peace in Europe, 
 having for object a joint protection by several 
 Powers of existing conditions on the North Sea 
 and the Baltic exit to it, were concluded and 
 signed on the 2d of November, 1907, and the 
 23d of April, 1908, respectively. The parties 
 to the first of these Treaties were Great Britain, 
 France, Germany, Norway, and Russia, and its 
 purpose was “to secure to Norway, within her 
 present frontiers and with her neutral zone, her 
 independence and territorial integrity, as also 
 the benefits of peace.” It was signed at Chris- 
 tiania, where ratifications were deposited on the 
 6 th of February following: The following is the 
 text of the Treaty ; 
 
EUROPE, 1907-1908 
 
 EUROPE, 1908-1909 
 
 “Article I. The Norwegian Government 
 undertake not to cede any portion of the terri- 
 tory of Norway to any Power to hold on a title 
 founded either on occupation, or on any other 
 ground whatsoever. 
 
 “ Article II. The German, French, British, 
 and Russian Governments recognize and under- 
 take to respect the integrity of Norway. If the 
 integrity of Norway is threatened or impaired 
 by any Power whatsoever, the German, French, 
 British, and Russian Governments undertake, 
 on the receipt of a previous communication to 
 this effect from the Norwegian Government, to 
 afford to that Government their support, by such 
 means as may be deemed the most appropriate, 
 with a view to safeguarding the integrity of 
 Norway. 
 
 “Article III. The present Treaty is con- 
 cluded for a period of ten years from the day 
 of the exchange of ratifications. If the Treaty 
 is not denounced by any of the parties at least 
 two years before the expiration of the said pe- 
 riod, it will remain in force, in the same man- 
 ner as before, for a further period of ten years 
 and so on accordingly. 
 
 “In the event of the Treaty being denounced 
 by one of the Powers who have participated 
 with Norway in the conclusion of the present 
 Treaty, such denunciation shall have effect only 
 as far as that Power is concerned. 
 
 “Article IV. The present Treaty shall be 
 ratified and the ratifications shall be exchanged 
 at Christiania as soon as possible.” 
 
 The second of the two Treaties was in two 
 documents, styled "Declaration and Memoran- 
 dum between the United Kingdom, Denmark, 
 France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden, 
 concerning the maintenance of the Status Quo 
 in the territories bordering upon the North 
 Sea.” They were signed at Berlin, where ratifi- 
 cations were deposited on the 2d of July, 1908, 
 and were in the following terms: 
 
 “ Declaration. — The British, Danish, French, 
 German, Netherland, and Swedish Governments, 
 
 ‘ ‘ Animated by the desire to strengthen the 
 ties of neighbourly friendship existing between 
 their respective countries, and to contribute 
 thereby to the preservation of universal peace, 
 and recognizing that their policy with respect 
 to the regions bordering on the North Sea is 
 directed to the maintenance of the existing ter- 
 ritorial status quo , 
 
 “Declare that they are firmly resolved to 
 preserve intact, and mutually to respect, the 
 sovereign rights which their countries at present 
 enjoy over their respective territories in those 
 regions. 
 
 “Should any events occur which, in the opin- 
 ion of any of the above-mentioned Governments, 
 threaten the existing territorial status quo in 
 the regions bordering upon the North Sea, the 
 Powers Signatory of the present Declaration will 
 communicate with each other in order to con- 
 cert, by an agreement to be arrived at between 
 them, such measures as they may consider it 
 useful to take in the interest of the maintenance 
 of the status quo as regards their possessions. 
 
 “The present Declaration shall be ratified 
 with the least possible delay. The ratifications 
 shall be deposited at Berlin as soon as may be, 
 and, at the latest, on the 31st December, 1908. 
 The deposit of each ratification shall be recorded 
 in a Protocol, of which a certified copy shall be 
 
 forwarded through the diplomatic channel to the 
 Signatory Powers. 
 
 “ Memorandum. — At the moment of signing 
 the Declaration of this day’s date, the Under 
 signed, by order of their respective Govern- 
 ments, consider it necessary to state — 
 
 “1. That the principle of the maintenance of 
 the status quo , as laid down by the said Declara- 
 tion, applies solely to the territorial integrity of 
 all the existing possessions of the High Contract- 
 ing Parties in the regions bordering upon the 
 North Sea, and that consequently the Declara- 
 tion can in no case be invoked where the free 
 exercise of the sovereign rights of the High 
 Contracting Parties over their above-mentioned 
 respective possessions is in question ; 
 
 “2. That, for the purposes of the said Decla- 
 ration, the North Sea shall be considered to ex- 
 tend eastwards as far as its junction with the 
 waters of the Baltic.” — British Parliamentary 
 Papers by Command, Treaty Series No. 35, 1907, 
 and 23, 1908 ( C'd . 3754 and 4248). 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — The Situation in Crete 
 as controlled by the Four Protecting Powers. 
 See (in this vol.) Crete: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (Oct. -March). — Declara- 
 tion of Bulgarian Independence. — Austrian 
 Annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. — 
 Excitement of Servia. — The menace to 
 European peace. — The question of a Con- 
 ference. — Attitude of Germany. — Was Rus- 
 sia coerced to assent? — Violation of the 
 Public Law of Europe. — On the 5th of Octo- 
 ber, 1908, the independence of Bulgaria as a 
 Kingdom was formally proclaimed, the suzer- 
 ainty of the Sultan of Turkey renounced, and 
 Prince Ferdinand invested with the title of Tzar, 
 or King. This proceeding was consequent on 
 the revolution in Turkey (see Turkey : A. D. 
 1908, July-Dec.), which had resurrected the 
 suspended Constitution of 1876, broken the des- 
 potism of the Sultanate and subjected it to a 
 Parliamentary system of government. Never 
 having accepted the arrangements of 1878, made 
 by the Congress of Berlin, which gave them self- 
 government but kept them tributary and nom- 
 inally subject to the over lordship of the Sultan 
 (see, in Volume V. of this work, Turks : A. D. 
 1878; and in Volume I., Balkan and Danu- 
 bian States: A. D. 1878, and 1878-1886), the 
 Bulgarians had but waited for the opportu- 
 nity which now seemed to invite this act. An 
 immediate provocation to their declaration of 
 independence was supplied by a thoughtless 
 offence to them given by the new Ministry at 
 Constantinople. To celebrate the triumph of 
 the revolution a state dinner was given, the Sul- 
 tan presiding, and all the diplomats at the Turk- 
 ish capital were invited to it excepting the 
 representative of Bulgaria. When he asked for 
 an explanation of this exception he was told that 
 he could not be recognized as an ambassador or 
 envoy, but only as the agent of a subject pro- 
 vince. This was enough to set Bulgaria aflame. 
 Her affronted Minister at Constantinople was 
 withdrawn and diplomatic intercourse with the 
 Turkish Government dropped. The breach was 
 accentuated further by the recent occurrence 
 of a strike on the railway, owned by the Turkish 
 Government, which traverses both Turkish and 
 Bulgarian territory. The Bulgarians had taken 
 possession of and were operating the section 
 within their own domain, and when the strike 
 
 258 
 
EUROPE, 1908-1909 
 
 EUROPE, 1908-1909 
 
 was called off the Government announced its 
 intention to retain that portion of the line, with 
 due compensation to the company which leased 
 it. This proceeding intensified and doubled the 
 ferments produced by the proclamation of inde- 
 pendence. Statesmen were disturbed by the 
 violation of the Treaty of Berlin and capitalists 
 by the danger which menaced their Turkish 
 railway securities. 
 
 But this tells of only half the threatening in- 
 cidents of the time. Simultaneously with the 
 Bulgarian defiance of the Treaty of Berlin and 
 its signatory sponsors, the Government of Aus- 
 tria-Hungary broke away from its obligations, 
 by a formal announcement that the simple occu- 
 pation and administration of Bosnia, aud Her- 
 zegovina, which that treaty had permitted the 
 Dual Empire to undertake, was now to be com- 
 plete annexation, by no other authority than the 
 Imperial will to have it so. 
 
 Many interests and ambitiohs, many jealousies 
 and distrusts among the Powers, were disturbed 
 and excited by this sudden disordering of the 
 political geography of Southeastern Europe. 
 Pan-Slavic feelings and hopes were profoundly 
 antagonistic to the Austrian absorption of more 
 Slavic populations and lands. Servia was 
 alarmed to desperation by the aggrandizement 
 of her dangerous great neighbor, and Russia was 
 more than sympathetic with her alarm. What 
 Turkey could or would do in vindication of her 
 treaty rights over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and Her- 
 zegovina, was a question of little gravity com- 
 pared with that which asked what Servia might 
 attempt in resistance to the Austrian scheme, 
 and what Russia would venture if an Austro- 
 Servian war should break out. The situation 
 very soon became one in which any act of hos- 
 tility on any side could hardly fail to precipitate 
 a great tempest of war ; and thus the peace of 
 Europe was held in a trembling balance for 
 months. The state of affairs was described 
 clearly and with ample knowledge at the time 
 by Mr. Archibald R. Colquhoun, in a paper 
 which he read in London, at a meeting of the 
 Royal Society of Arts. “The more hot-headed 
 Servians,” he said, “undoubtedly felt that their 
 whole future was imperilled, and that they might 
 as well risk all on a desperate hazard, in the be- 
 lief that intervention would come to their assist- 
 ance should their independence be threatened. 
 The close racial ties between the Bosnians, Ser- 
 vians, and Montenegrins made it impossible to 
 say how far an armed movement might spread 
 if it once broke out. While Turkey and Bul- 
 garia might come to terms, and while Austria 
 might effect an amicable arrangement with Tur- 
 key, it was difficult to see how the question of 
 the Southern Slavs was to be finally adjusted 
 unless Austria could placate them in sections, 
 and so perhaps divide them. Concessions of a 
 comparatively unimportant nature might induce 
 Montenegro to keep quiet, and a liberal policy, 
 with a promise of autonomy in the near future, 
 would discount a good deal of the agitation in 
 Bosnia and Herzegovina. The more far-sighted 
 Bosnians appreciated the fact that their shortest 
 cut to comparative freedom lay through that 
 local autonomy which they could legitimately 
 demand from Austria. . . . 
 
 “ The spectacle of these Southern Slave coun- 
 tries, whose peoples exhibited so many splendid 
 qualities, but yet did not have that instinct for 
 
 government which characterized some far less 
 gifted races, was rather a melancholy one. In 
 the tangle of mountains, races, and religions 
 which made up the Balkans (he people needed 
 peace above every other thing — a breathing 
 space in which to develop themselves and their 
 resources, and to get a truer perspective on their 
 position in Europe. To the Great Powers who 
 controlled the destinies of these small ones 
 peace was no less essential, but it was not quite 
 clear that Austria-Hungary, with the great mil- 
 itary power of Germany behind her, realized 
 this or was prepared to ‘ seek peace and ensue 
 it.’ It was this uncertainty which made many 
 await with anxiety the melting of the Balkan 
 snows, which put an end to enforced inactivity 
 in those regions.” 
 
 Great Britain, France, Russia, and Italy were 
 agreed in desiring a Conference of the Powers 
 which had been parties to the Berlin Treaty of 
 thirty years before, to adjudicate all the ques- 
 tions raised by the acts of Austria and Bulgaria, 
 in contravention of that treaty. Austria was 
 supported by Germany in holding back from 
 such a conference, and nothing definite in that 
 direction was done. Meantime Turkey was 
 brought to negotiations with both of the tres- 
 passers on her ancient sovereignty, and within a 
 few months she came to terms with both. The 
 arrangement with Austria, determining an in- 
 demnity to be paid for the surrender of Turkish 
 claims to Bosnia and Herzegovina, was quick- 
 ened by a boycott of Austrian merchandise in 
 Turkey, so extensive as to be felt very seriously 
 in Austrian and Hungarian trade. By the terms 
 of a protocol, which was signed on the 26th of 
 February, 1909, Austria-Hungary paid £T2,- 
 
 500.000 ($10,800,000) of indemnity to the Otto- 
 man Government ; assured religious freedom 
 and political equality to Mussulman Bosniaks 
 who should choose to remain in the province, 
 with liberty of emigration during three years to 
 all who might choose to depart, and promised 
 a commercial treaty on lines which the Turks 
 desired. This cleared the situation as between 
 Austria and Turkey, but intensified the Servian 
 and Montenegrin bitterness of anger and dread, 
 which menaced the peace of the continent for 
 another month. 
 
 Meantime the terms of a Turkish adjustment 
 with Bulgaria had been practically settled, on 
 the basis of a helpful suggestion from St. Pe- 
 tersburg. Bulgaria offered $16,400,000 of in- 
 demnity ; Turkey claimed $24,000,000. The 
 bargaining was at a standstill until Russia 
 offered to remit a yearly war-indemnity of $1,- 
 
 600.000 which Russia owed her under the Ber- 
 lin Treaty, until the Turkish claim on Bulgaria 
 should be satisfied, while she would collect from 
 Bulgaria in similar instalments until the offer 
 of the latter had been made good. Inasmuch as 
 the Turkish debt to Russia bore no interest, 
 while Bulgaria would pay interest on the de- 
 ferred payments to Russia, the Muscovite trea- 
 sury would suffer no loss. The matter was so 
 arranged, and the interests of peace were served 
 by a most ingenious and happy device. 
 
 But peace was made more than insecure for 
 some weeks yet by the irreconcilability of Servia 
 to the Austrian annexation of Bosnia and Her- 
 zegovina. Of course that small State could not 
 hope to resist it successfully alone, or with Mon- 
 tenegrin aid ; but a desperate venture of war, 
 
 259 
 
EUROPE, 1908-1909 
 
 EUROPE, 1908-1909 
 
 into which Russia might be dragged, and if 
 Russia, then Germany, — and who could tell 
 what other powers! — and out of the wreckage 
 of which something better for Southeastern 
 Europe than an Austro-Hungarian domination 
 might be drawn, — this appeal to the lottery of 
 battle seemed a dangerous temptation to the 
 Servian mind. It was extinguished as such in 
 the end by the decision of Russia to drop the 
 project of a Conference of Powers, accept the 
 action of Austria, and recognize, unreservedly, 
 on her own part, the annexation of Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina as an accomplished fact. This 
 was announced on the 15tli of March, and with 
 the announcement came excited and exciting 
 reports that Germany had extorted the conces- 
 sion from the Russian Government, by pressures 
 that were humiliating, but which the Empire, 
 in its present circumstances, was powerless to 
 resist. Germany denied having exercised an 
 illegitimate pressure in the matter, but made 
 no concealment of the fact that she stood by 
 Austria-Hungary with approval of what the Im- 
 perial Government at Vienna had done. In a 
 speech on the 29th of March Chancellor Billow 
 was reported as saying : 
 
 “In her quarrel with Servia Austria indis- 
 putably had right on her side. The annexation 
 was no cynical act of robbery, but the last step 
 on the road of the political work of civilization 
 which had been followed for 30 years with the 
 recognition of the Powers. Any offence against 
 the form of the law had been disposed of by the 
 negotiations with Turkey, and after this agree- 
 ment between the parties most nearly interested 
 the formal recognition of the other Powers sig- 
 natory of the Berlin Treaty could not be with- 
 held. The controllers of Russian policy, and 
 especially the Emperor Nicholas, had earned the 
 gratitude of all friends of peace in Europe. 
 Concerning the Conference question, Germany 
 still had no objection in principle to a Conference 
 in which all the Powers took part and of which 
 the programme was established in advance. 
 They had been charged with inactivity, but they 
 had no reason for special activity. They had 
 done what they could and used influence, not 
 without success, between Vienna and Constanti- 
 nople, and also between Vienna and St. Peters- 
 burg. They had, however, carefully observed 
 the limits prescribed by their interests and their 
 loyalty. They had done nothing, and they 
 would do nothing, which could afford the small- 
 est doubt of their determination to sacrifice no 
 vital interest of Austria-Hungary, and they 
 would have nothing to do with suggestions to 
 Austria which were incompatible with the dig- 
 nity of the Ilapsburg Monarchy. They had ex- 
 periences of their own to inspire caution with 
 regard to playing the part of the broker, even 
 in the most honourable way. ... To sum up, 
 by loyalty to her ally Germany best secured her 
 own interests and contributed most to the main- 
 tenance of the peace of Europe.” 
 
 On the day of this speech at Berlin the Lon 
 don Times expressed, in an editorial article, 
 what was then and what continues to be the 
 prevailing belief and judgment of the best in- 
 formed political circles throughout Europe, 
 when it said : “ The decision of the Russian 
 Government to recognize the annexation of Bos- 
 nia and Herzegovina was, of course, an admis- 
 sion of their inability, in present circumstances, 
 
 to countenance the aspirations of the Southern 
 Slavs. The intense and general indignation 
 which it has excited in Russia is natural, and 
 indeed, in the known state of public feeling, in- 
 evitable. We trust, however, that it may be kept 
 within bounds, and that it will not find expres- 
 sion in useless and vehement invective. Those 
 who are tempted to indulge in it without re- 
 straint should reflect upon the difficulties which 
 • confront the responsible rulers of the State, and 
 should consider whether, as Statesmen answer- 
 able for the future, as well as for the immedi- 
 ate present, of the Empire and of the Slav race, 
 those rulers could wisely have rejected the pro- 
 posal peremptorily made to them by the Ger- 
 man Ambassador. The cardinal fact in the 
 situation — the fact upon which Austria-Hun- 
 gary and German}' have based their calculations 
 and determined their action throughout — is that 
 Russia could not for some time to come engage 
 in a great war without incurring unjustified 
 risks. Nothing, we may be sure, but the over- 
 whelming consciousness of this fact could have 
 induced the Emperor and his advisers to adopt 
 the decision to which they came a few days 
 ago. They must have been well aware of the 
 painful effect which it was certain to produce, 
 in the first instance, abroad as well as at home. 
 None can have realized more acutely than they 
 that the presentation of the demand was humil- 
 iating, and that the circumstances attending it 
 were eminently calculated to make that humil- 
 iation bitter. But they held, and rightly held, 
 that it was their duty to accept humiliation 
 rather than to jeopardize the great permanent 
 interests which are committed to their keeping. 
 They might, indeed, have been somewhat less 
 precipitate. They might reasonably have asked 
 for time for consulting the Powers with whom 
 they have acted, and who have consistently sup- 
 ported them, upon the proposals which Ger- 
 many sprang upon them. The fact that they 
 did not do so is a significant indication that the 
 pressure which Count Pourtalcs was instructed 
 to put upon them must have been of the most 
 imperious and dictatorial kind. 
 
 “As to the precise form of the intimation 
 conveyed to M. Isvolsky by the German Am- 
 bassador no definite information is yet forth- 
 coming, but of its nature there can be no possible 
 doubt. Our Paris Correspondent learns that, im- 
 mediately after his interview with Count Pour 
 tales, the Russian Minister summoned a Council, 
 and, after a hasty audience with the Tsar, com- 
 municated to the German Ambassador Russia’s 
 acquiescence in the demands of his Government. 
 There was no alternative to this course, as we 
 are told from St. Petersburg, unless Russia was 
 prepared to face the consequences of the mobil- 
 ization of the German Army. The matter, our 
 Correspondent adds, was treated as of ‘ su- 
 preme urgency,’ from which it may be inferred 
 that a reply was required without delay. The 
 Council of Ministers knew what ‘ German mo- 
 bilization ’ in the circumstances would mean.” 
 
 In appearance, if not in reality, Germany or 
 Germany’s Kaiser had again, as in the Morocco 
 affair of 1905, taken advantage of the weakened 
 circumstances of Russia to play a dictatorial part 
 in European politics. The distrust and appre- 
 hension kept alive by such repeated perform- 
 ances of the military big stick at Berlin seem 
 infinitely more dangerous to Europe than any 
 
EUROPE, 1908-1909 
 
 EUROPE, 1909 
 
 possible explosion of the unstable compounds 
 of race, religion, and lawless politics that are 
 mixed in the Balkan magazine. For the time 
 being, however, the sparks that sputtered alarm- 
 ingly in the latter, throughout the winter of 
 1908-9, were easily extinguished by the sudden 
 dash of cold water upon them from St. Peters- 
 burg. Great Britain, France, and Italy, accept- 
 ing the situation, joined Germany and Russia in 
 persuading the Government at Belgrade to be 
 equally submissive to events. Their persuasions 
 were effective, and a note to the following pur- 
 pose, which the Powers in question had formu- 
 lated, was signed by the Servian Ministry and 
 presented to the Government at Vienna on the 
 31st of March: “(1.) Servia declares that her 
 rights have not been violated by the annexation 
 by Austria-Hungary of Bosnia and Herzegovina, 
 and accepts the Powers’ decision to annul para- 
 graph 25 of the Treaty of Berlin. (2.) Servia 
 will not protest against the annexation of Bosnia 
 and Herzegovina. (3.) Servia will maintain 
 peaceful relations with Austria-Hungary. (4.) 
 Servia will return her military forces to normal 
 conditions, and will discharge the reservists and 
 volunteers; she will not permit the formation of 
 irregular troops or bands.” 
 
 The arbitrary annexation of Bosnia and Her- 
 zegovina was now legitimated ; the Treaty of 
 Berlin was revised by violations condoned ; a 
 serious precedent had been injected into Euro- 
 pean public law. What was said on the subject 
 by the London Times on the morning after the 
 delivery of the Servian note is hardly open to 
 the least dispute. “The danger of war,” said 
 the Times, ‘ ‘ has thus, we may confidently hope, 
 been averted. But the sense of immediate relief 
 with which this deliverance may well be greeted 
 cannot blind us to the cost at which it has been 
 achieved. The first great international compact 
 to which the new German Empire of the Hohen- 
 zollerns subscribed within a few months of its 
 proclamation at Versailles was that which em- 
 bodied the resolutions of the London Conference 
 of 1871. The European Powers, rightly dis- 
 puting Russia’s claim to denounce motu proprio 
 the Black Sea Clauses of the Treaty of Paris, 
 maintained that no revision of an international 
 treaty could take place without ‘ impartial ex- 
 amination’ and ‘free discussion.’ None up- 
 held that principle more stoutly than Austria- 
 Hungary. Russia herself finally accepted it, 
 and it was solemnly placed on record by Lord 
 Granville in his opening speech as President of 
 the London Conference. It was embodied in a 
 Protocol, signed by all the Plenipotentiaries of 
 the Powers, laying down as ‘ an essential prin- 
 ciple of the law of nations that no Power can re- 
 pudiate treaty engagements or modify treaty 
 provisions, except with the consent of the con- 
 tracting parties by mutual agreement.’ That 
 instrument has, until recently, governed the 
 public law of Europe. In conformity with its 
 provisions, Russia, after her war with Turkey 
 in 1877-78, was fain to submit the Treaty of San 
 Stefano to the Congress of Berlin ; and again in 
 1885 a Conference was held at Constantinople to 
 settle the question of the union of Eastern Ru- 
 melia with Bulgaria which had been effected in 
 violation of the Treaty of Berlin. Five months 
 ago, immediately after the annexation of Bosnia 
 and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and the 
 proclamation of Bulgarian independence, Great 
 
 Britain, France, and Russia were agreed, after 
 M. Isvolsky’s conversations with Si. Clemen - 
 ceau and Sir Edward Grey, that the same * es- 
 sential principle of the law of nations’ was once 
 more at stake and must be upheld. Italy ad- 
 hered subsequently to that agreement, which 
 took shape in the suggestion for a conference, 
 and neither Germany nor Austria-Hungary 
 openly rejected it at the time. . . . 
 
 “ The terms of the submission now made by 
 Servia at the instance of the Powers show how 
 far we have travelled away from that ‘essen- 
 tial principle of the law of nations’ since Octo- 
 ber last. . . . Whether the formal ratification of 
 the breaches of international law which were 
 committed last autumn takes place now at a 
 Conference, or by an exchange of Notes, is a 
 matter of small moment. In substance the 
 Powers have already conveyed their acquies- 
 cence in the abrogation of Article XXV. of the 
 Berlin Treaty concerning Bosnia and Herzego- 
 vina, without the slightest show even of that 
 ‘impartial examination’ and ‘ perfectly free 
 discussion’ which the London Conference of 
 1871 laid down as an essential preliminary to the 
 revision of treaty engagements.” 
 
 There was an illuminating sequel to this 
 transaction near the end of the year, in the trial 
 of a libel suit, known as the Friedjung case, 
 which uncovered many hidden circumstances of 
 the annexation. One of the arguments by 
 which the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina 
 was defended at the time was the necessity of 
 putting an end to an alleged conspiracy of the 
 Southern Slavs against the Austro-Hungarian 
 Monarchy. (See, on “ Agram Trials,” Austria- 
 Hungary: A. D. 1908-1909.) At the trial it was 
 proved that the “documents” which had been 
 accepted as proving the existence of this con- 
 spiracy were forgeries of the clumsiest descrip- 
 tion. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Changed conditions mak- 
 ing for peace. — Three striking examples. — 
 
 Speaking at Sheffield, England, on the occasion 
 of “ the Cutlers’ Feast,” October 21, Sir Edward 
 Grey, the British Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 
 called to mind, in a few admirable sentences, 
 three illustrations in the past year of wonder- 
 fully changed conditions in Europe, making for 
 peace. He said : 
 
 “ In the world at large to-day — if I may say 
 a few words about the business of my own de- 
 partment — there is no doubt plenty of trouble, 
 as there always is, but if you take the true 
 measure of the situation by comparing it with 
 what it was a short time ago, the outlook is dis- 
 tinctly favourable. I will give you three points 
 which are, I think, subjects of congratula- 
 tion. 
 
 “It is only a year ago to this very month 
 that we were at the beginning of what was called 
 the Balkan crisis. I do not know whether the 
 Budget has driven all recollection of it from 
 your minds, but it did occupy a good deal of 
 attention a year ago and for some months after- 
 wards. For a long time it had been almost an 
 axiom of the diplomacy of Europe that some 
 day or other there would be trouble in the Bal- 
 kans, and that, when that trouble came, there 
 would be danger of a European war. The 
 trouble came a year ago ; it caused anxiety ; 
 there was a storm ; and for some months some 
 anxiety as to whether one or other of the Great 
 
 261 
 
EUROPE, 1909 
 
 FERTILIZER TRUST 
 
 European Powers might not drift from their 
 moorings. But the anchors held, and now the 
 swell has subsided, and though there may be 
 trouble again in the future, the fact that the 
 Great Powers of Europe have passed through the 
 Balkan troubles of the last year and yet main- 
 tained their peace is a good augury that in 
 future troubles the same may be done. 
 
 “ Then I will take the question of Persia. A 
 few years ago, had any one foretold exactly what 
 has happened in Persia in the last year — that 
 there would be a revolution, that there would 
 be great outbreaks of disorder throughout the 
 country, and that the Shah would be deposed — 
 he would certainly have said that it would be a 
 time of considerable anxiety both for Russia and 
 for ourselves. A few years ago the representa- 
 tives of those two countries were watching each 
 other in Persia with jealousy, suspicion, and dis- 
 trust. Had what has happened in Persia in the 
 last year happened a few years ago when those 
 were the relations between the two countries, I 
 do not say that there would actually have been 
 war, but there would certainly have been con- 
 siderable anxiety aud considerable scares in the 
 public opinion of both countries as to the effect 
 upon their relations with each other. Now we 
 have passed through the troubles of the last 
 year in Persia, and in no section of the Press 
 of either country, in no section of public 
 opinion of either country, has there been a fear 
 
 EVANS, Rear-Admiral Robley D.: Com- 
 manding the American Battleship Fleet. See 
 (in this vol.) War, The Preparations for: 
 Naval. 
 
 EVICTED TENANTS ACT. See (in this 
 vol.) Ireland : A. D. 1907. 
 
 EXCLUSION OF ALIENS. See (in this 
 vol.) Immigration and Emigration, and Race 
 Problems. 
 
 EXPATRIATION : Its Rights. — Princi- 
 
 that relations between ourselves and Russia 
 would be impaired by what was happening in 
 Persia. 
 
 “The third subject to which I would refer 
 is that of Morocco. Morocco is to-day very full 
 of trouble, and the trouble is a matter of con- 
 cern and worry to those Powers who have con- 
 terminous frontiers in Morocco. That of course 
 is so, but look back over the last few years and 
 survey. The matter which occupied men’s 
 minds in regard to Morocco was not the troubles 
 in Morocco itself but the possible effect which 
 events in Morocco might have upon the relations 
 of the European Powers to each other. To-day 
 the trouble continues in Morocco, but during 
 the last year the anxiety that what was hap- 
 pening in Morocco might cause serious difficul- 
 ties between European Powers themselves has 
 greatly diminished if it has not entirely disap- 
 peared. That, again, is a satisfactory retro- 
 spect.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Contradictory feeling and 
 action concerning War. — Its causes. — In- 
 ternational Barbarism with Inter-personal 
 Civilization. — The two main knots of diffi- 
 culty in the situation. — Great Britain and 
 Germany. See (in this vol.) War, The Prepa- 
 rations for. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Size and cost of its armies. 
 
 See War, The Preparations for : Mili- 
 tary. 
 
 pies maintained by the United States. See 
 (in this vol.) Naturalization. 
 EXPLORATION, Polar. See (in this vol.) 
 
 Polar Exploration. 
 
 EXPOSITIONS, Industrial. See (in this 
 vol.) Buffalo ; St. Louis ; Charleston; James- 
 town ; Portland, Oregon ; Seattle. 
 
 EZCURRA, Colonel : Deposed President 
 of Paraguay. See (in this vol.) Paraguay : 
 A. D. 1904. 
 
 F. 
 
 FABIAN SOCIETY. See (in this vol.) 
 Socialism : England : A. D. 1909. 
 
 FAIRBANKS, Charles W. : Elected Vice- 
 President of the U. S. See (in this vol.) 
 United States : A. D. 1904 (March-Nov.). 
 
 FAKUMENN RAILWAY QUESTION, 
 between Japan and China. See (in this vol.) 
 China : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 FALLlfeRES, Armand, President of the 
 French Senate. See (in this vol.) France: 
 A. D. 1903. 
 
 President of the French Republic. See 
 
 France : A. D. 1906. 
 
 FALL RIVER STRIKE, in the Cotton 
 Mills. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion : United States : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 FAMINES : In China. See China : A. D. 
 1906-1907. 
 
 In India : The poverty they signify. See 
 
 India ; A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 In Russia. See (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 
 1901-1904. 
 
 FARADAY, Michael : His Prophetic Con- 
 ception of Radiant Matter. See (in this vol.) 
 Science, Recent : Radium. 
 
 FARM COLONY, Cleveland, Ohio. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Crime and Criminology, Prob- 
 lems of. 
 
 FARM AN, Henri. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention : Aeronautics. 
 
 FARMERS’ ORGANIZATIONS. See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States : A. D. 1902-1909 ; and Labor Remu- 
 neration: Cooperative Organization. 
 
 FEDAKIARANS, The. See Turkey: 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 FEDERAL PARTY. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands : A. D. 1901 and 1907. 
 
 FEHIM PASHA, The fate of. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1908(July-Dec.), and 1909 
 (Jan. -May). 
 
 FEJERVARY MINISTRY. See (in this 
 vol.) Austria-Hungary : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 FENGHUANGCHENG. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July). 
 
 FENSHUILING. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb.-July), and (July-Sept.). 
 
 FERRER, Professor Francisco: His trial 
 and execution. See (in this vol.) Spain: A. D. 
 1907-1909. 
 
 FERTILIZER TRUST : Dissolution and 
 indictment. See (in this vol.) Combinations, 
 
FETVA 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 Industrial: United States: A. D. 1901— 
 1906. 
 
 FETVA, of the Sheik-ul-Islam. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 FIALA ARCTIC EXPLORATION. See 
 (in this vol.) Polar Exploration. 
 
 FICHTE’S PROPHECY, of a World 
 Commonwealth. See (in this vol.) World 
 Movements. 
 
 FILIPINO CATHOLIC CHURCH, In- 
 dependent. See (in this vol.) Philippine Is- 
 lands: A. D. 1902. 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1909. — A Review of the de- 
 cade. — The Sequence of Phenomena from 
 the beginning of “the great Trade Boom” 
 to the Collapse of 1907, and after. — The Pro- 
 cess of Recovery. — On the 31st of December, 
 1908, the New York Evening Post gave an admir- 
 ably studied and clear, though succinet, review 
 of the sequence of phenomena in financial and 
 commercial affairs that could be traced through 
 “ the series of years since the great trade boom 
 began which collapsed in 1907,” and thence to 
 the close of 1908. By permission of the proprie- 
 tors of the Evening Post a considerable part of 
 that review is quoted here. While it relates more 
 especially to conditions and events in the United 
 States, it affords substantially a summary of the 
 financial history of the world from 1901 to 1908, 
 both inclusive : 
 
 “1901. — This was preeminently the ‘boom 
 year ’ — much more legitimately so, as events 
 have proved, than 1905 or 1906, when overstrained 
 capital resources gave an atmosphere of unreal- 
 ity to what seemed altogether real in the days 
 of abundant capital in 1901. It is first to be said 
 of 1901 that a probably unexampled surplus of 
 ready capital in the United States, and a cer- 
 tainly unprecedented foreign credit balance — 
 due to our amazing surplus of exports over im- 
 ports — happened to coincide with a period of 
 European trade reaction which released foreign 
 capital from foreign industries and left it free 
 for use in America. Presuming the foregoing 
 influences, the six main causes for the phenomena 
 of 1901 were : (1) The series of enormous com- 
 pany amalgamations, beginning with the billion- 
 dollar Steel incorporation, and culminating in 
 the purchase of the British steamship lines at 
 wildly extravagant prices ; these operations 
 being based on issues of securities in unprece- 
 dented quantity ; (2) Formation of ‘ underworking 
 syndicates ’ to float these securities, one of those 
 syndicates receiving a bonus of S50,000,000 for 
 one year’s use of $25,000,000, and all of them 
 using freely for their purposes the surpluses of 
 life insurance companies and the deposits of trust 
 companies; (3) Acquisition of control of great 
 railway companies by powerful millionaires, 
 through purchase of stock of these railways in 
 the open market, often at extravagant prices ; 
 the purchase-money being obtained through is- 
 sue of bonds by railways already under control 
 of the purchasers ; (4) Wild speculation by the 
 public ; (5) Sudden fright of Europe at our ex- 
 cesses, withdrawal of its capital, and consequent 
 severe reaction in our markets ; (6) The failure 
 of the corn crop, which in the summer applied a 
 further check to this speculation, but which was 
 itself offset by a wheat crop larger than any har- 
 vested in this country before or since, and sold 
 at the highest average price since 1897. 
 
 “ 1902. — This year was one both of reaction 
 and of further expansion ; it w r as both a legiti- 
 
 mate sequel to 1901 and a legitimate forerunner 
 of 1903. . . . 
 
 “ Its salient phenomena were these: (1) Abun- 
 dant harvests ; (2) Overstraining of bank re- 
 sources by financial ‘deals ’ and Stock Ex- 
 change speculation, exhausting the bank surplus 
 in September; (3) Enormous increase in imports 
 and decrease in agricultural exports, along with 
 Europe’s withdrawal of its capital ; (4) Rapid 
 advance in cost of raw material and labor ; (5) 
 Struggle of capitalists to so entrench themselves 
 in control of corporate enterprises that they 
 could not be dislodged. 
 
 “ 1903 . — The year which followed was an 
 entirely logical sequel. Its controlling factors 
 were : (1) Forced liquidation by individuals and 
 syndicates who were tied up in new securities at 
 a time when the investing public withdrew from 
 the market ; (2) Inability of great corporations 
 to sell bonds, and their resort to notes at a high 
 interest rate ; (3) Abundant grain crops, but an 
 inadequate cotton crop, with great speculation, 
 and famine prices ; (4) Rapid fall in the price of 
 steel and iron ; (5) Severe contraction in profits 
 of industrial combinations, with reduced divi- 
 dends in some, reorganization of capital in oth- 
 ers, and bankruptcy in still others. 
 
 “ 1904 . — For obvious reasons, 1904 is an in- 
 teresting year to compare with 1908. Both were 
 in a sense 1 after-panic years,’ though the strain 
 of 1903, and the resultant financial and commer- 
 cial reaction of 1904, were trifles compared with 
 those of the past two years. It will be seen that 
 1904, which did in fact usher in another great 
 boom in trade, paralleled closely in some respects 
 the history of 1908, but in others diverged very 
 widely from it. Its dominant influences were : 
 (1) A huge surplus reserve at the New York 
 banks, reaching in August a height only four 
 times exceeded in the country’s history, and as 
 a result a 1 per cent, call money market during 
 two-thirds of the year; (2) The largest gold ex- 
 port movement in the history of the country ; 
 (3) A midsummer recovery on the Stock Ex- 
 change, with large investment buying ; (4) A 
 Presidential campaign, which hardly affected 
 business ; (5) Substantial, but not very rapid, 
 trade revivals, without any of the extravagant 
 optimism of 1908 ; ( 6 ) Famine prices for cotton 
 during half the year, followed by a new crop 
 unparalleled in history, and by a heavy fall in 
 prices; (7) Virtual disappearance of our export 
 trade in wheat, with the smallest harvest since 
 1900, the highest prices since 1898, and the 
 smallest shipment to Europe since 1872. The 
 Russian war, which began in February, affected 
 our markets only indirectly. 
 
 “ 1905 . — This year’s history is better under- 
 stood to-day than it has been before. The testi- 
 mony of the whole financial and commercial 
 world now is, that the exploiting of capital in 
 trade and speculation, which eventually brought 
 
 263 
 
FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 about the recent panic, and the abnormal en- 
 hancement of cost of living, which lifted the 
 average price of commodities as much in two 
 years as it had risen in the eight preceding 
 years, began in the middle of 1905. These were 
 the salient incidents of the financial year: (1) 
 Rapid and vigorous trade revival, with industry 
 and production probably more active than at any 
 previous period, and with profits and dividends 
 enhanced ; (2) Exposure of the use of life insur- 
 ance funds by promoting and speculating mil- 
 lionaires, an exposure which ended in legislation 
 preventing such use of them in future specula- 
 tions; (3) World-wide money stringency, with 
 the New York bank surplus twice exhausted, 
 London’s bank position the weakest since 1890, 
 and Berlin’s the weakest since 1897 ; (4) Excited 
 stock speculation for the rise, in this country and 
 in Germany, which in New York almost wholly 
 disregarded the abnormal strain on money. 
 
 “ 1906. — Neither the §400,000,000 loss at San 
 Francisco in April, nor the Treasury’s efforts to 
 relieve an overstrained New York money market 
 in September, was a fundamental cause for the 
 events of 1906. They were a true sequel to 1905, 
 and may be summarized as follows: (1) Enormous 
 volume of trade, the whole world over, with 
 rapid rise in price of goods, but equally rapid 
 rise in cost of raw material and labor ; (2) Grain 
 harvests, as a whole, never paralleled in volume, 
 and wheat crop second only to 1901; (3) Wild 
 speculation by all classes of the community, par- 
 ticularly in land, mining shares, and Stock Ex- 
 change securities, but not as a rule in produce, 
 the wealthiest capitalists in the country entering 
 into stock speculation in the late summer, and 
 using most unscrupulously their power over com- 
 pany finance to help along their purposes; (4) 
 Overstrained bank resources as a result, with five 
 deficits at New York, occurring in spring, au- 
 tumn, and winter, two of these deficits being the 
 largest since 1893; (5) Abnormally high money 
 rates all the year, with the highest September 
 rate for call loans ever reached in New York, 
 and the highest rate for time loans and merchants’ 
 paper reached at that time of year since 1872 ; 
 (6) Sudden decision by Europe that American 
 credit was unlimited, and the consequent plac- 
 ing of foreign capital unrestrictedly at our dis- 
 posal ; (7) Struggle between London and New 
 York for possession of new gold arriving in Lon- 
 don, resulting in our import of $40,000,000 gold 
 from Europe in the spring, and $45,000,000 in 
 the autumn, and leading to a rise of the Bank of 
 England rate to 6 per cent, for the first time since 
 the Boer war panic, and to an energetic effort 
 on the Bank’s part to stop the wholesale equip- 
 ping of the American speculation with London 
 bank money. 
 
 “ 1907. — The panic year’s story may be told 
 without further introduction, summing up thus 
 its characteristic events: (1) Withdrawal by Eu- 
 rope of the capital loaned to us in 1906, leading, 
 early in the year, to $32,000,000 gold exports to 
 Europe, of which $25,000,000 went to France : 
 (2) Partial withdrawal of their capital from Wall 
 Street by interior markets, which were said to 
 have had $400,000,000 outstanding in New York 
 during 1906 ; (3) Distress of the immensely 
 wealthy capitalists who had tied themselves up 
 in the Wall Street speculation of 1906, their 
 forced liquidation on an enormous scale, and 
 consequent demoralized Stock Exchange mar- 
 
 kets in March and August ; (4) Very abnormal 
 crop weather throughout the spring and over 
 nearly all the world, with a resultant shortage 
 of the whole world’s wheat crop, the deficit of 
 supplies below expected requirements being 
 probably the largest since 1890. 
 
 “(5) Revelation of unsound banking practices 
 at New York in October; leading to the failure 
 of the Knickerbocker Trust, a formidable run 
 on the banks, adoption of Clearing House cer- 
 tificates in all the larger cities and issue of 
 emergency credit currency in many ; to restric- 
 tion of cash payments to depositors throughout 
 the country, to a premium on currency, to com- 
 plete demoralization of interior exchange, and 
 to insolvency of several large industrial com- 
 panies and numerous banks — neither, however, 
 reaching the number which shortly followed 
 the panic of 1893; (6) Import of $100,000,000 
 gold from Europe during November and Decem- 
 ber, most of it bought at a premium and some 
 of it engaged with sight sterling at 4.91 ; (7) As 
 a result, large inroads on the Bank of England’s 
 gold reserve, rise in the bank rate from 41 to 7 
 per cent., rapid advance of all continental bank 
 rates, and loan of large sums of gold by the 
 Bank of France to the Bank of England. 
 
 “ (8) Precarious position of financial Germany 
 throughout the year, important failures at Ham- 
 burg, minor financial panics in Holland, Egypt, 
 Italy, and Chili, many of them before our own ; 
 (9) Intervention of our Treasury, which wisely 
 placed all its surplus on deposit with the banks 
 in October, and most unwisely undertook to issue 
 $150,000,000 bonds and notes in November to 
 provide basis for new bank-note circulation ; (10) 
 Recovery in markets late in November, with 
 slow return of the bank situation to normal, the 
 currency premium at New York lasting longer 
 than in either 1893 or 1873 ; (11) Discharge of 
 laborers from employment all over the country, 
 and the beginning of severe trade reaction — all 
 this in spite of the largest annual gold output in 
 the history of the world. 
 
 “ 1908. — Now comes the present remarkable 
 after-panic year, of which the salient phenomena 
 may be thus summed up: (1) Spasmodic and ir- 
 regular recovery in trade activity, starting from 
 a very low level, with merchants rushing in sud- 
 denly with orders — in February, in July, and 
 in November — when their shelves were almost 
 depleted, these buying impulses ceasing as sud- 
 denly as they had begun, leaving trade stagna- 
 tion again ; (2) Slow increase in consumption of 
 merchandise, here and abroad, the ratio being 
 below 30 per cent, of normal at the beginning 
 of the year, and 60 to 75 per cent, on the average 
 at its close ; (3) Sudden shrinkage of our inter- 
 national commerce, merchandise trade in eleven 
 months falling $478,000,000 from 1907, a decline 
 of 15 per cent., of which $326,000,000 was im- 
 ports and $152,000,000 exports, experience of 
 European nations being similar ; (4) Enormous 
 increase in the unemployed, leading, at the At- 
 lantic ports, to an emigration 250,000 larger than 
 immigration ; (5) Severe contraction of railway 
 earnings, resulting in twenty-four railway in- 
 solvencies, involving the largest capital of any 
 receiverships since those of 1893, and causing 
 many dividend reductions, but followed, after 
 the middle of the year, by such enormous reduc- 
 tion in expenses that, in some cases, autumn net 
 earnings actually increased over 1907 ; 
 
 264 
 
FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 “ ( 6 ) Sudden rush of currency into the banks, 
 as a result, first of removal of restrictions on de- 
 positors and next of idle trade, with resultant 
 change from a $20,000,000 New York bank de- 
 ficit at the end of 1907 to a surplus of $40,000,- 
 000 at the end of January and of $06,000,000 on 
 June 27 — the latter being second only to the 
 $111,000,000 maximum of 1894 ; (7) As a conse- 
 quence, abnormally low rates for money, call 
 loans going at 2 per cent, before the end of Janu- 
 ary, at 1 per cent, in eighteen weeks of the pre- 
 sent year, and at less than 1 per cent, in three 
 weeks; ( 8 ) Export of $73,000,000 gold, the 
 largest (except for 1904) since 1895, and net 
 export of $45,000,000, the largest in thirteen 
 years ; 
 
 “ (9) In spite of the above recited facts, a con- 
 stant spirit of optimism throughout the year, 
 expressing itself, first in the organization of 
 ‘ Prosperity Leagues ’ which held conventions 
 and proclaimed that if people would only decide 
 to be prosperous, they would be prosperous, and 
 second by a series of extravagant speculative 
 movements on the Stock Exchange, in the course 
 of which it was declared in February, in July, 
 and in November, that we were not only des- 
 tined to get back into the boom of 1906, but that 
 we were there already ; (10) A wheat harvest 
 which in midsummer promised to be the second 
 largest on record, but which turned out only of 
 average volume, the quality and price for this 
 and other cereals, however, being so good as to 
 enhance very greatly the wealth of the agricul- 
 tural West ; (11) A Presidential election, the re- 
 sult of which the markets and all experienced 
 people foresaw from the beginning, but of which 
 it was alleged, for two weeks in November, that 
 its outcome had totally changed for the better 
 the entire aspect of American business affairs.” 
 
 1909 . — -The following, from the New York 
 Evening Post of December 31, 1909, continues 
 the review : 
 
 The noteworthy characteristics of “the year 
 which ends to-day, ... so far as they can now 
 be discerned, have been as follows : (1) Rapid 
 industrial recovery, beginning with the steel 
 trade’s reduction of prices, leading in September 
 to the largest monthly output of iron and steel 
 in the history of the country, and to heavy de- 
 mand from consumers, but contrasting singu- 
 larly with the copper market, where signs of 
 overproduction were visible throughout the 
 year ; (2) Very rapid increase in cost of neces- 
 saries of life, affecting chiefly food, clothing, 
 and rent, leading in the autumn to bitter com- 
 plaint and to numerous strikes for higher wages, 
 notably on the railways ; (3) Along with reviv- 
 ing trade, a speculation of great magnitude on 
 the Stock Exchange, ascribed to the initiative 
 of very powerful finance houses, and converg- 
 ing in a most peculiar way on United States 
 Steel common shares, whose dividend was twice 
 advanced, notwithstanding the fact that quar- 
 terly earnings had not recovered to the magni- 
 tude of 1906 or 1907, when the dividend had 
 been maintained at the old rate ; (4) Largely as 
 a result of the tying-up of capital in this specu- 
 lation, severe autumn strain on bank reserves, 
 turning a New Y T ork surplus of $34,000,000 on 
 July 10 into one of only $1,600,000 on October 2, 
 driving Wall Street to probably unprecedented 
 borrowings from interior banks and from Lon- 
 don, which latter market, under the influence of 
 
 the Bank of England, threw back great amounts 
 of these New York loans during October; 
 
 “(5) Call money rates kept down by such ex- 
 pedients, 6 per cent, being the maximum up to 
 the two closing days of December; ( 6 ) a wheat 
 corner in June, in the course of which the New 
 York cash price rose to $1.51 in June, the high- 
 est price since the Leiter corner of 1898, fol- 
 lowed by a new wheat crop unsurpassed in mag- 
 nitude except for 1901, yet with high prices 
 continued in later autumn, despite an abundant 
 crop in Europe also ; (7) A very short crop of 
 cotton, driving the price from 9-J cents a pound, 
 early in the year, to 16 cents in December, the 
 latter being the highest December price since 
 paper inflation days, and less than one cent be- 
 low the highest price in the corner of 1904 ; ( 8 ) 
 Import of foreign merchandise wholly unpar- 
 alleled for magnitude in our history, causing, in 
 June, July, and August, an excess of imports 
 over exports for the first time since 1897, and 
 resulting, in the eleven first months of the year, 
 in a total excess of exports over imports $340,- 
 000,000 less than in 1908, and very much the 
 smallest of any year since 1897 ; (9) As a partial 
 consequence, the largest export of gold of any 
 year in the country’s history, and the largest net 
 export except for 1894 and the paper money 
 days. 
 
 “The prolonged tariff debate in Congress, 
 which high financial authority declared would 
 hold back financial activity, but which gave no 
 evidence of doing so, can hardly be classed as a 
 fundamental influence of the year. Whether 
 Mr. Harriman’s death in September, with the 
 resultant realignment of forces in high finance, 
 deserves to be so classed, is a question which 
 can hardly be passed upon as yet.” 
 
 America : Proposal of an International 
 American Bank. See (in this vol.) American 
 Republics. 
 
 Asia; A. D. 1909 . — Disturbance of Trade 
 by the Fall in Silver Exchange. — The follow- 
 ing is a Press telegram from Ottawa, Canada, 
 June 23, 1909: “ The serious check to American 
 exports to the Orient resulting from the great 
 fall in the silver exchanges last year is attracting 
 increasing attention on the Pacific Coast. A 
 League which describes itself as the Fair Ex- 
 change league has been organized in Ottawa to 
 keep the issues before the Dominion parliament. 
 It advocates the adoption of the Goschen plan 
 of 1891 jointly by the British empire and the 
 United States with open mints in India as before 
 1893. The new movement has secured a quali- 
 fied endorsement from J. J. Hill of the Great 
 Northern railwaj\ Mr. Hill says: ‘We must 
 await the proposals of the monetary commission 
 at Washington. The silver problem is full of 
 difficulties. I wish it were possible to ignore it. 
 But our consuls in Asia warn us that at the pre- 
 sent rate of silver exchange Asia has ceased to 
 import our wheat or flour or lumber ; that the 
 Shanghai merchants who eighteen months since 
 bought the sovereign or five gold dollars with 
 five taels, must now pay near eight taels ; the 
 result is disaster ; he no longer buys.’ ” 
 
 British Empire; A. D. 1909 . — Imperial 
 Congress of Chambers of Commerce. See (in 
 this vol.) British Empire : A. D. 1909 (Sept.). 
 
 England: A. D. 1909 . — The Budget of Mr. 
 Lloyd-George. See (in this vol.) England: 
 A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 265 
 
FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1901 -1902. — Industrial 
 Crisis and Period of Depression. — The ex- 
 traordinary industrial development of Ger- 
 many between 1895 and 1900 had its usual se- 
 quel in a sudden collapse, followed by a period 
 of depression and slow return to productive ac- 
 tivity. According to Dr. Braun, writing in the 
 Tale Review of May, 1902, “the cause of the 
 crisis lay undoubtedly in extreme overproduc- 
 tion, which had continued for a long time 
 without its significance having been discovered 
 by any one. Enormous quantities of commodi- 
 ties had been accumulated, numberless new in- 
 dustrial undertakings had come into being, or 
 were about to be started, and every one was 
 counting on further development of produc- 
 tion by leaps and bounds. But a feeling of un- 
 certainty, which should pass into a crisis, was 
 bound to arise the moment certain unhealthy 
 conditions of German economic life, which had 
 been covered up during the period of prosperity, 
 made their appearance. 
 
 “ The conditions which did arouse this wide- 
 spread feeling in German capitalistic circles 
 lay far from the industrial market itself. Great 
 losses suddenly appeared in the field of mort- 
 gage investments, whose securities had been 
 accepted by the public as, next to government 
 bonds, the safest form of investment, and the 
 freest from speculation. These developments 
 caused a panic among the investing public. 
 This feeling of panic began, according to my 
 view, at the time when the authorities found 
 themselves forced to arrest two directors of the 
 Pomeranian Mortgage Bank (Pommersche Hypo- 
 thekenbank), who occupied the highest social 
 position. . . . The extraordinary result of the ac- 
 tion of the authorities against the leaders of cer- 
 tain mortgage banks is explained only by the 
 facts that at the end of 1900, six and two-third 
 billion marks of mortgage debentures were in 
 circulation, and that within ten years the 
 amount invested in such debentures had in- 
 creased by three billion marks. The great ma- 
 jority of the small and middle-class capitalists, 
 who wished to invest their money in safe secur- 
 ities, had put it into mortgage debentures of 
 this kind. The greatest confidence had been 
 placed in them, and now, for the first time, the 
 eyes of the public were open to the fact that 
 great losses could also ensue from such invest- 
 ments. The five principal offending banks had 
 at the end of 1900, 692,670,950 marks of mort- 
 gage debentures in circulation. Every one had 
 invested in these, from the smallest capitalist to 
 the German Empress. The public and preten- 
 tious piety of the directors of the Prussian Mort- 
 gage Stock Bank, who were later placed under 
 arrest, had induced even church-building asso- 
 ciations to place their money in these deben- 
 tures.” 
 
 “ Then came the failure of the Dresdener Kred- 
 itanstalt, which, with a capital of 20,000,000 
 marks, had loaned a single industrial company, 
 the Dresden Electrical Company, 9,000,000 
 marks ; and this failure was followed by that 
 of the famous Leipsic Bank, which had loaned 
 84,000.000 marks to a concern which had used 
 up its own capital, and was paying fraudulent 
 dividends of 50 per cent. These two failures 
 frightened the public into a general withdrawal 
 of deposits from banks of every class.” 
 
 Japan : A. D. 1909. — State of the War Debt 
 
 and its Payment. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Sept.). 
 
 Mexico: A. D. 1905. — Currency Reform. — 
 Cessation of Free Coinage of Silver. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Mexico: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 United States: A. D. 1908. — The Emer- 
 gency Currency Act. — What is known as the 
 Emergency Currency Act was passed by Con- 
 gress in May, 1908, and received the approval 
 of the President on the 30th of that month. It 
 is a temporary measure, for exigencies that may 
 repeat the monetary experience of 1907 before 
 an adequate reform of the banking and currency 
 system of the country is effected, and will ex- 
 pire by limitation on the 30th of June, 1914. It 
 does not disturb the present National bank note 
 currency of the country, based on Govern- 
 ment bonds, but provides a means by which an 
 additional volume, amounting to a total of 
 §500,000,000, if necessary, may be issued by the 
 National banks in case of a currency stringency. 
 
 There are two ways in which emergency 
 circulation may be issued. A bank may make 
 an application through the Currency Associa- 
 tion of which it is a member, or, where State 
 and municipal bonds are offered as security, the 
 application may be made directly. A Currency 
 Association may be formed by ten or more 
 banks having an aggregate capital and surplus 
 of at least $5,000,000. Only one may be formed 
 in any city, and no bank may belong to more 
 than one. It must be formed by banks located 
 in territory as contiguous as convenient. 
 
 All applications for emergency currency are 
 to be passed upon by the Secretary of the Trea- 
 sury after recommendation by the Comptroller 
 of the Currency. The Secretary will also deter- 
 mine whether business conditions in the locality 
 warrant the issuance of such circulation. The 
 distribution of the notes is likewise left to him. 
 Where application is made through an Associa- 
 tion, the securities are deposited with it ; where 
 a direct application is made, they are deposited 
 with the Treasurer or any Assistant Treasurer 
 of the United States. All the members compos- 
 ing an Association are jointly and severally liable 
 to the United States for the redemption of all 
 emergency circulation taken out by its members. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Banking and Currency Ques- 
 tions in the Party Platforms. See (in this vol.) 
 United States: A. D. 1908 (April-Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The “ Wall Street Investi- 
 gation.” — Report on the Operations of the 
 Stock Exchange and other Exchanges of 
 New York City. — In December, 1908, a Spe- 
 cial Committee of nine experienced gentlemen, 
 having Mr. Horace White for its chairman, was 
 appointed by Governor Hughes, of the State of 
 New York, to investigate and report “what 
 changes, if any, are advisable in the laws of the 
 State bearing upon speculation in securities and 
 commodities, or relating to the protection of in- 
 vestors, or with regard to the instrumentalities 
 and organizations used in dealings in securities 
 and commodities which are the subject of spec- 
 ulation.” On the 7th of the following June the 
 Committee submitted to the Governor an ex- 
 tended report, describing and discussing the or- 
 ganizations, the instrumentalities and the meth- 
 ods employed in the dealings with which their 
 inquiry had to do. The following excerpts from 
 this important report (known commonly as the 
 “report on Wall Street”) may suffice, perhaps, 
 
 266 
 
FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 to convey the main matters of information af- 
 forded by it and the more valuable conclusions 
 at which the Committee arrived: 
 
 “ In law, speculation becomes gambling 
 when the trading which it involves does not 
 lead, and is not intended to lead, to the actual 
 passing from hand to hand of the property that 
 is dealt in. . . . The rules of all the exchanges 
 forbid gambling as defined by this opinion [of 
 the N. Y. Court of Appeals, case of Hurd vs. 
 Taylor, 181 N. Y. 231] ; but they make so 
 easy a technical delivery of the property con- 
 tracted for, that the practical effect of much 
 speculation, in point of form legitimate, is not 
 greatly different from that of gambling. Con- 
 tracts to buy may be privately offset by con- 
 tracts to sell. The offsetting may be done, in a 
 systematic way, by clearing houses, or by ‘ ring 
 settlements.’ Where deliveriesare actually made, 
 property may be temporarily borrowed for the 
 purpose. In these ways, speculation which has 
 the legal traits of legitimate dealing may go on 
 almost as freely as mere wagering, and may 
 have most of the pecuniary and immoral effects 
 of gambling on a large scale. 
 
 “ A real distinction exists between speculation 
 which is carried on by persons of means and 
 experience, and based on an intelligent forecast, 
 and that which is carried on by persons without 
 these qualifications. The former is closely con- 
 nected with regular business. While not unac- 
 companied by waste and loss, this speculation 
 accomplishes an amount of good which offsets 
 much of its cost. The latter does but a small 
 amount of good and an almost incalculable 
 amount of evil. In its nature it is in the same 
 class with gambling upon the race-track or at 
 the roulette table, but is practised on a vastly 
 larger scale. Its ramifications extend to all parts 
 of the country. It involves a practical certainty 
 of loss to those who engage in it. 
 
 “The problem, wherever speculation is 
 strongly rooted, is to eliminate that which is 
 wasteful and morally destructive, while retain- 
 ing and allowing free play to that which is 
 beneficial. The difficulty in the solution of the 
 problem lies in the practical impossibility of 
 distinguishing what is virtually gambling from 
 legitimate speculation. The most fruitful pol- 
 icy will be found in measures which will lessen 
 speculation by persons not qualified to engage in 
 it. In carrying out such a policy exchanges can 
 accomplish more than legislatures. . . . 
 
 “The New York Stock Exchange is a volun- 
 tary association, limited to 1,100 members, of 
 whom about 700 are active, some of them resi- 
 dents of other cities. Memberships are sold for 
 about $80,000. The Exchange as such does no 
 business, merely providing facilities to members 
 and regulating their conduct. The governing 
 power is in an elected committee of forty mem- 
 bers and is plenary in scope. The business trans- 
 acted on the floor is the purchase and sale of 
 stocks and bonds of corporations and govern- 
 ments. Practically all transactions must be com- 
 pleted by delivery and payment on the following 
 day. The mechanism of the Exchange, provided 
 by its constitution and rules, is the evolution of 
 more than a century. . . . 
 
 “The volume of transactions indicates that 
 the Exchange is to-day probably the most im- 
 portant financial institution in the world. In the 
 past decade the average annual sales of shares 
 
 have been 196,500,000 at prices involving an an- 
 nual average turnover of nearly $15,500,000,000 ; 
 bond transactions averaged about $800,000,000. 
 This enormous business affects the financial and 
 credit interests of the country in so large a mea- 
 sure that its proper regulation is a matter of 
 transcendent importance. While radical changes 
 in the mechanism, which is now so nicely ad- 
 justed that the transactions are carried on with 
 the minimum of friction, might prove disastrous 
 to the whole country, nevertheless measures 
 should be adopted to correct existing abuses. 
 
 “It is unquestionable that only a small part 
 of the transactions upon the Exchange is of an 
 investment character ; a substantial part may be 
 characterized as virtually gambling. Yet we 
 are unable to see how the State could distinguish 
 by law between proper and improper transac- 
 tions, since the forms and the mechanisms used 
 are identical. Rigid statutes directed against 
 the latter would seriously interfere with the 
 former. The experience of Germany with sim- 
 ilar legislation is illuminating. [See, in this 
 vol., Germany: A. D. 1908.] But the Ex- 
 change, with the plenary power over members 
 . and their operations, could provide correctives, 
 as we shall show. 
 
 “Purchasing securities on margin is as legit- 
 imate a transaction as a purchase of any other 
 property in which part payment is deferred. 
 We therefore see no reason whatsoever for re- 
 commending the radical change suggested, that 
 margin trading be prohibited. ... In so far as 
 losses are due to insufficient margins, they would 
 be materially reduced if the customary percent- 
 age of margins were increased. The amount 
 of margin which a broker requires from a spec- 
 ulative buyer of stocks depends, in each case, 
 on the credit of the buyer ; and the amount of 
 credit which one person may extend to another 
 is a dangerous subject on which to legislate. 
 Upon the other hand, a rule made by the Ex- 
 change could safely deal with the prevalent 
 rate of margins required from customers. In 
 preference, therefore, to recommending legisla- 
 tion, we urge upon all brokers to discourage 
 speculation upon small margins and upon the 
 Exchange to use its influence, and, if necessary, 
 its power, to prevent members from soliciting 
 and generally accepting business on a less mar- 
 gin than 20 per cent. 
 
 “‘Pyramiding,’ which is the use of paper 
 profits in stock transactions as a margin for fur- 
 ther commitments, should be discouraged. The 
 practice tends to produce more extreme fluctua- 
 tions and more rapid wiping out of margins. 
 If the stock brokers and the banks would make 
 it a rule to value securities for the purpose of 
 margin or collateral, not at the current price of 
 the moment, but at the average price of, say, 
 the previous two or three months (provided that 
 such average price were not higher than the 
 price of the moment), the dangers of pyramid- 
 ing would be largely prevented. 
 
 “We have been strongly urged to advise the 
 prohibition or limitation of short sales, not only 
 on the theory that it is wrong to agree to sell 
 what one does not possess, but that such sales re- 
 duce the market price of the securities involved. 
 We do not think that it is wrong to agree to sell 
 something that one does not now possess, but ex- 
 pects to obtain later. Contracts and agreements 
 to sell, and deliver in the future, property which 
 
 267 
 
FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 one does not possess at the time of the contract, 
 are common in all kinds of business. The man 
 who has ‘sold short’ must some day buy in 
 order to return the stock which he has borrowed 
 to make the short sale. Short-sellers endeavor 
 to select times when prices seem high in order to 
 sell, and times when prices seem low in order 
 to buy, their action in both cases serving to 
 lessen advances and diminish declines of price. 
 In other words, short-selling tends to produce 
 steadiness in prices, which is an advantage to 
 the community. No other means of restraining 
 unwarranted marking up and down of prices 
 has been suggested to us. . . . 
 
 “ A subject to which we have devoted much 
 time and thought is that of the manipulation of 
 prices by large interests. This falls into two 
 general classes: (1.) That which is resorted to 
 for the purpose of making a market for issues of 
 new securities. (2.) That which is designed to 
 serve merely speculative purposes in the en- 
 deavor to make a profit as the result of fluctua- 
 tions which have been planned in advance. The 
 first kind of manipulation has certain advan- 
 tages, and when not accompanied by ‘ matched 
 orders ' is unobjectionable per se. . . . 
 
 “ The second kind of manipulation mentioned 
 is undoubtedly open to serious criticism. It 
 has for its object either the creation of high 
 prices for particular stocks, in order to draw in 
 the public as buyers and to unload upon them 
 the holdings of the operators, or to depress the 
 prices and induce the public to sell. There have 
 been instances of gross and unjustifiable manip- 
 ulation of securities, as in the case of American 
 Ice stock. While we have been unable to dis- 
 cover any complete remedy short of abolishing 
 the Stock Exchange itself, we are convinced that 
 the Exchange can prevent the worst forms of this 
 evil by exercising its influence and authority 
 over the members to prevent them. When con- 
 tinued manipulation exists it is patent to expe- 
 rienced observers. 
 
 “ In the foregoing discussion we have confined 
 ourselves to bona-fide sales. So far as manipu- 
 lation of either class is based upon fictitious or 
 so-called ‘ wash sales ’ it is open to the severest 
 condemnation, and should be prevented by all 
 possible means. These fictitious sales are for- 
 bidden by the rules of all the regular exchanges, 
 and are not enforceable at law. They are less fre- 
 quent than many persons suppose. . . . There 
 is, however, another class of transactions called 
 ‘ matched orders,’ which differ materially from 
 those already mentioned, in that they are ac- 
 tual and enforceable contracts. We refer to that 
 class of transactions, engineered by some manipu- 
 lator, who sends a number of orders simultane- 
 ously to different brokers, some to buy and some 
 to sell. These brokers, without knowing that 
 other brokers have countervailing orders from 
 the same principal, execute their orders upon 
 the floor of the Exchange, and the transactions 
 become binding contracts; they cause an ap- 
 pearance of activity in a certain security which 
 is unreal. Since they are legal and binding, we 
 find a difficulty in suggesting a legislative rem- 
 edy. But where the activities of two or more 
 brokers in a certain securities become so extreme 
 as to indicate manipulation rather than genuine 
 transactions, the officers of the Exchange would 
 be remiss unless they exercised their influence 
 and authority upon such members. 
 
 “ The subject of corners in the stock market 
 has engaged our attention. The Stock Exchange 
 might properly adopt a rule providing that the 
 governors shall have power to decide when a 
 corner exists and to fix a settlement price, so 
 as to relieve innocent persons from the injury 
 or ruin which may result therefrom. The mere 
 existence of such a rule would tend to prevent 
 corners.” 
 
 Speaking in a general way, it may be said that 
 the Committee holds the directorate of the Stock 
 Exchange responsible for evils connected with 
 the operations that are centralized by it. “ It has 
 almost unlimited power over the conduct of its 
 members,” says the report, “ and it can subject 
 them to instant discipline for wrongdoing.” 
 As a voluntary organization it is more free in the 
 exercise of this power than it would be if incor- 
 porated and brought under the authority and 
 supervision of the State and the process of the 
 courts. Hence the Committee refrains from ad- 
 vising the incorporation of the Exchange ; but 
 it does so only on the assumption that it “ will 
 in the future take full advantage of the powers 
 conferred upon it by its voluntary organization.” 
 In the past it has failed to do so. 
 
 At the same time, the Committee corrects an 
 erroneous public notion that Wall Street and the 
 Stock Exchange are one and the same thing. 
 “ An investigation was made of the transactions 
 on the Exchange for a given day, when the sales 
 were 1,500,000 shares. The returns showed that 
 on that day 52 per cent, of the total transactions 
 on the Exchange apparently originated in New 
 York city, and 48 per cent, in other localities.” 
 
 The operations of the various other trading ex- 
 changes in New York, — the Consolidated Stock 
 Exchange, “the Curb,” so called, and the sev- 
 eral “commodity exchanges,” where dealings 
 in produce, cotton, coffee, etc., are centered, — 
 are discussed in the report, with disapproval of 
 some. The abuses which find their opportunity 
 in the unorganized Curb market, — carried on 
 within a roped-off section of Broad Street, — are 
 set forth with distinctness, and are traced clearly 
 to the tolerance and encouragement afforded to 
 them by the Stock Exchange. “About 85 per 
 cent, of the business of the Curb,” says the re- 
 port, “ comes through the offices of members of 
 the New York Stock Exchange, but a provision 
 of the constitution of that Exchange prohibits 
 its members from becoming members of, or deal- 
 ing on, any other organized Stock Exchange in 
 New York. Accordingly, operators on the curb 
 market have not attempted to form an organiza- 
 tion. The attitude of the Stock Exchange is there- 
 fore largely responsible for the existence of such 
 abuses as result from the want of organization 
 of the curb market. The brokers dealing on 
 the latter do not wish to lose their best cus- 
 tomers, and hence they submit to these irregu- 
 larities and inconveniences. Some of the mem- 
 bers of the Exchange dealing on the curb have 
 apparently been satisfied with the prevailing con- 
 ditions, and in their own selfish interests have 
 maintained an attitude of indifference toward 
 abuses. We are informed that some of the most 
 flagrant cases of discreditable enterprises finding 
 dealings on the curb were promoted by members 
 of the New York Stock Exchange. The present 
 apparent attitude of the Exchange toward the 
 curb seems to ns clearly inconsistent with its 
 moral obligations to the community at large.” 
 
 268 
 
FINANCE AND TllADE 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 On the much debated question, whether deal- 
 ing in “futures,” — the selling of agricultural 
 products for future delivery, — should be pro- 
 hibited or otherwise interfered with, the report 
 of the Committee is strongly in favor of letting 
 it alone. It says, “The subject was exhaustively 
 considered by the Industrial Commission of Con- 
 gress which in 1901 made an elaborate report 
 (Yol. VI.), showing that selling for future deliv- 
 ery, based upon a forecast of future conditions 
 of supply and demand, is an indispensable 
 part of the world’s commercial machinery, by 
 which prices are, as far as possible, equalized 
 throughout the year to the advantage of both 
 producer and consumer. The subject is also 
 treated with clearness and impartiality in the 
 Cyclopedia of American Agriculture, in an arti- 
 cle on ‘ Speculation and Farm Prices ’ ; where 
 it is shown that since the yearly supply of wheat, 
 for example, matures within a comparatively 
 short period of time, somebody must handle and 
 store the great bulk of it during the interval be- 
 tween production and consumption. Otherwise 
 the price will be unduly depressed at the end of 
 one harvest and correspondingly advanced be- 
 fore the beginning of another. Buying for fu- 
 ture delivery causes advances in prices ; selling 
 short tends to restrain inordinate advances. In 
 each case there must be a buyer and a seller, 
 and the interaction of their trading steadies 
 prices. Speculation thus brings into the market 
 a distinct class of people possessing capital and 
 special training who assume the risks of hold- 
 ing and distributing the proceeds of the crops 
 from one season to another with the minimum of 
 cost to producer and consumer.” 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — The “Central Bank’’ 
 Question. — In Boston, at the outset of Presi- 
 dent Taft's tour of the country in the fall of 
 1909, he made a speech on financial subjects 
 which touched the old question of the need in 
 the country of a Central Bank of Issue, as an in- 
 strument for the automatic or natural regulation 
 of its currency, in quantity and distribution. 
 This gave the opening to a revival of discussions 
 which have been seldom heard since Jackson’s 
 time. A clear, succinct statement of the bank- 
 ing conditions which have revived this question, 
 with explanations of what it involves, appears 
 in the following, borrowed from a monthly finan- 
 cial letter sent out in November by the National 
 City Bank of Chicago: 
 
 “ The creation of a Central Bank of Issue as a 
 cure for the defects of our financial system is 
 of such importance that a brief review of the 
 proposition may be of interest to our clients: 
 
 “The business of banking is probably as 
 sound in this country as in any other. Our indi- 
 vidual banks are, as a rule, prudently, honestly 
 and capably managed. During normal times they 
 deserve and enjoy the confidence of the public 
 which they efficiently serve. Yet only two 
 y ears ago they practically suspended because the 
 system — that is the relation of one bank to all 
 the others — had collapsed. This occurred while 
 there was more gold in the country than ex- 
 isted in several of the other leading commercial 
 nations combined, and while nearly all of the 
 twenty or more thousand banks in the United 
 States were sound, solvent, and in normal con- 
 dition. With over $900,000,000 of gold in the 
 United States Treasury, and several hundred 
 millions more in the country, we imported at 
 
 great cost about $100,000,000 chiefly from the 
 coffers of the Bank of England, which itself only 
 held $105,000,000. 
 
 “The loss on investments and to general busi- 
 ness by such a panic as that of 1907 is beyond 
 computation. When we consider that we have 
 had several such panics within the memory of 
 living men, and that other and poorer countries 
 possess the means of avoiding such conditions, 
 we naturally ask what is wrong or lacking in 
 our financial system as compared to theirs ? 
 
 “In times of trouble our reserves scatter. 
 Theirs are massed. Our currency is rigid and 
 cannot be quickly expanded to meet an emer- 
 gency. Their currency is capable of instanta- 
 neous expansion. Our chief gold reserves are 
 in the United States Treasury unavailable as a 
 basis for such expansion. Their reserves are in 
 great central banks — immediately available for 
 currency expansion. Besides, under our national 
 banking system, a bank in a non-reserve city 
 with deposits of, say $1,000,000, keeps six per 
 cent, or $60,000 in its own vault, and nine per 
 cent, or $90,000, to its credit with a reserve city 
 bank. In the reserve city bank, however, the 
 $90,000 is merely a deposit against which it keeps 
 an actual reserve of about $20,000. When trou- 
 ble comes, therefore, and the bank in the non- 
 reserve city decides to increase its cash reserves 
 from six to eight per cent it calls upon its reserve 
 agent for $20,000 cash, and when the reserve city 
 bank has forwarded that amount, it has parted 
 with all the actual reserve it has belonging to 
 the non-reserve city bank, and it still has a de- 
 posit liability on its books of $70,000 against 
 which it holds no reserve whatever. 
 
 “ As it is a very natural and prudent thing for 
 banks in non-reserve cities to increase their cash 
 reserves by at least two per cent when trouble 
 threatens, nearly all try to do so at the same 
 time, and the result is that the threatened trou- 
 ble becomes a reality. In short, when financial 
 trouble threatens in any other great country the 
 system provides relief and the danger is avoided, 
 whereas, unfortunately, with us every step we 
 take increases the trouble and helps it along 
 until it is beyond control. 
 
 “Financial stringency existed in all the lead- 
 ing countries in 1907. Suspension of specie- 
 payments and actual panic occurred only in the 
 United States. They stopped abruptly at our 
 borders, and Canada and even Mexico knew no- 
 thing of them. Manifestly, we need something ! 
 There is little difference of opinion on that score. 
 But when we begin to discuss the remedy we 
 have a wide divergence of views. 
 
 “ Many favor asset or credit currency similar 
 to that prevailing in Canada. The Canadian 
 System of asset currency is excellent when joined 
 to the branch banking system. But it is felt that 
 it would be almost impossible to apply it to a 
 system containing thousandsof individual banks. 
 The difficulty is that of providing adequate re- 
 demption facilities, without which the danger 
 of currency inflation could scarcely be avoided. 
 Several schemes to meet this difficulty have been 
 suggested, but the best of them seem rather un- 
 wieldy. 
 
 “The proposal which seems to be gaining 
 most ground is to establish a great semi-govern- 
 ment bank to be added to our present system. 
 To this bank would be transferred at once the 
 government deposits now in national banks, and 
 
 269 
 
FINANCE AND TRADE 
 
 FINLAND, 1901 
 
 later a large part of the reserves of the banks in 
 the central reserve, and possibly also the reserve 
 cities. Like everything else, the bank would 
 have to be an evolution. Years would pass be- 
 fore it would work into its proper position and 
 exercise its full powers. Gradually, it is hoped, 
 the United States Treasury could be done away 
 with, and the government taken out of the bank- 
 ing business. Then all government funds would 
 be deposited with the Central Bank. Its branches 
 would take the place of our Sub-Treasuries. It 
 would be a bank of banks, where other banks 
 could re-discount their bills, or borrow on secur- 
 ities, receiving therefor currency to be issued 
 by the Central Bank. This currency would be 
 partly secured by a gold reserve, and partly by 
 the general assets of the bank. 
 
 “If the $900,000,000 gold in theUnited States 
 Treasury in 1907, held against an equal amount 
 of notes, had been in a Central Bank it would 
 have formed a sufficient basis for the issue of an 
 additional $900,000,000 of currency, for fifty per 
 cent reserve against currency would be ample. 
 For such additional issue the Central Bank 
 would, of course, receive acceptable banking 
 assets. A far smaller amount, however, than 
 $900,000,000 would have averted the panic. It 
 seems clear that such an institution would pro- 
 vide the elasticity to our currency which we so 
 much need, not only in times of stress, but every 
 crop-moving season. 
 
 “There are many details which would require 
 careful study, but to many competent to judge, 
 the Central Bank idea seems to be the correct 
 solution of the difficulty. The fact that all the 
 other important countries of the world have 
 adopted it ought to give it weight. Even little 
 Switzerland came to it four years ago, and 
 Japan, after adopting a system copied from ours, 
 has established a Central Bank patterned after 
 the Imperial Bank of Germany. 
 
 “Most of the objections raised seem to be 
 largely based on sentiment rather than on argu- 
 
 ment. It is said to be ‘un-American,’ or that 
 it would be ‘used by Wall Street.’ or that ‘it 
 would get into politics.’ It would seem to us 
 that if the system is the best, it should not be 
 ‘un-American’ to adopt it, and that an illegiti- 
 mate use of it by ‘ Wall Street’ could easily be 
 guarded against in its organization. To say that 
 we cannot trust our government to properly use, 
 and not abuse, the powers of a Central Bank is 
 to say that it is inferior to the governments of 
 Europe which have wisely used such powers for 
 generations. 
 
 ‘ ‘ There seems some danger that the bank 
 would not pay unless it entered into competition 
 with existing banks for regular commercial busi- 
 ness; but we must remember that Central Banks 
 are not expected to earn large dividends. 
 
 “We predict a long campaign of discussion 
 before the right course appears clear to the 
 American people ; but it seems to us that the 
 arguments advanced for a Central Bank are well 
 worthy of the most earnest study.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 - 1910 . — Powerful Combination 
 of Banking Interests by J. P. Morgan & Co. 
 — Early in December, 1909, the powerful bank- 
 ing house of J. P. Morgan & Co. obtained con- 
 trol of the Guaranty Trust Company and the 
 Equitable Life Assurance Company, which lat- 
 ter controls the Equitable and Mercantile trust 
 companies. In the former case it purchased the 
 holding of the Harriman estate, and in the latter 
 that of Thomas Ryan. At the beginning of the 
 following month, by another deal with Mr. Ryan, 
 the same firm acquired the Morton and the Fifth 
 Avenue trust companies. The combined assets 
 of the Guaranty, Morton, and Fifth Avenue trust 
 companies were reported to be $259,000,000. 
 Joined to the vast resources of the Equitable Life 
 Assurance Company and to those previously con- 
 trolled by the Morgan Company, the financial 
 combination seems overpowering. 
 
 FINANCE AND TRADE. See, also (in 
 this vol.), Tariffs, and Combinations. 
 
 FINLAND: A. D. 1901 . — The Russianiz- 
 ing of the Finnish Army. — Resistance to the 
 Violation of Constitutional Rights. — Des- 
 potic measures of the T sar. — M. de Plehve’s 
 defence. — The shameful overthrow, in 1899, by 
 the present Tsar of Russia, of the ancient con- 
 stitution of Finland, which had preserved its dis- 
 tinct nationality ever since it came, in 1809, under 
 the Russian crown, is related in Volume VI. of 
 this work. Among the measures then under- 
 taken for Russianizing Finland — reducing it 
 substantially to the status of a Russian province 
 — the most serious was the practical incorpora- 
 tion of the Finnish army with the Russian, the 
 law for accomplishing which had not been fully 
 carried through when the account of events in 
 Volume VI. was closed. It was opposed very 
 strenuously by M. Witte, then rising to influence 
 in the councils of the Tsar, and seemed not un- 
 likely to be put aside. But the worse influences 
 prevailed in the end over the wiser, and the pro- 
 posed measure became law on the 11 th of July, 
 1901. It placed all Finnish troops under the 
 orders of the Russian commander in Finland, 
 authorized the putting of Finnish conscripts into 
 the Russian regiments stationed in Finland, and 
 subjected Finnish regiments to service, when re- 
 quired, outside of Finland, from which service 
 
 they had been constitutionally exempt hith- 
 erto. 
 
 The resistance to this gross violation of time- 
 honored rights was universal and determined. 
 Conscripts refused to answer the call to military 
 service, subjecting themselves to the penalties 
 for desertion, and practically the whole popula- 
 tion stood ready to protect them. Extensive 
 movements of emigration to America and else- 
 where were begun. At the same time the Tsar’s 
 authority, as the common sovereign of Finland 
 and Russia, was used in many ways as autocrat- 
 ically in his constitutional realm as in that where 
 his absolutism knew no bounds. The powers of 
 the Russian Governor-General of Finland were 
 enlarged ; the Finnish archives were removed 
 to St. Petersburg; Cossacks were sent into the 
 abused country with their knouts to quell resist- 
 ance to the army law; but the resistance went 
 on, taking presently a more passive form. Com- 
 munes refused to elect the conscription boards 
 which the law prescribed for carrying out the 
 levy of recruits, and heavy fines were imposed 
 on them without effect. In November, 1902, a 
 convention of delegates from all parts of Finland, 
 composed largely of peasants and workmen, re- 
 solved to “continue everywhere, unswervingly, 
 and until legal conditions are restored to the 
 
FINLAND, 1904 
 
 FINLAND, 1905 
 
 country, the passive resistance against all mea- 
 sures conflicting with, or calculated to abolish, 
 our fundamental laws.” 
 
 An elaborate defence of these Russianizing 
 measures in Finland was addressed, in August, 
 1903, by the Russian Minister of the Interior, M. 
 dePlelive, to Mr. W. T. Stead, editor of the Eng- 
 lish Review of Reviews , by way of reply to an 
 “open letter” to himself on the subject, by Mr. 
 Stead, published in the Revieio of that month. 
 Concerning the military law, M. Plehve wrote : 
 “This law, in its application to the new con- 
 scription regulations, has alleviated the condi- 
 tion of the population of Finland. Contrary to 
 the information you have received, the military 
 burden laid on the population of the laud has 
 not been increased by 5,000 recruits annually, 
 but has been decreased from 2,000 men to 500 
 per annum, and latterly to 280. As you will see, 
 there is in reality no opposition between the will 
 of the Emperor of Russia as announced to Fin- 
 land in 1899 and his generous initiative at The 
 Hague Conference.” At the end of a long ex- 
 position of the principles of Russian imperial 
 policy, which left it far from clear, the Minister 
 said : “I shall give the following answer to your 
 entreaty to put an end to the present policy of 
 Russia in Finland, which you are pleased to call 
 the policy of General Bobrikoff. First of all, it is 
 incorrect to connect the present course of Russian 
 policy in Finland with the name of the present 
 Governor-General of Finland alone, for, as regards 
 the fundamental purpose of his labors, all the ad- 
 visers and servants of his Imperial Majesty who 
 have to do with the government of Finland are 
 at one with him in their firm conviction that the 
 measures now applied in Finland are called for 
 by the pressing requirements of our state. With 
 regard to the essence of the question, I repeat 
 that in matters of government temporary phe- 
 nomena should be distinguished from permanent 
 ones. The incidental expression of Russian pol- 
 icy, necessitated by an open mutiny against the 
 government in Finland, will, undoubtedly, be 
 replaced by the former favor of the sovereign 
 toward his Finnish subjects, as soon as peace is 
 finally restored and the current of social life in 
 that country assumes its normal course. Then, 
 certainly, all repressive measures will be re- 
 pealed. But the realization of the fundamental 
 aim which the Russian Government has set itself 
 in Finland, —i. e., the confirming in that land of 
 the principle of imperial unity, — must continue, 
 and it would be best of all if this end were 
 attained with the trustful cooperation of local 
 workers under the guidance of the sovereign to 
 whom Divine Providence has committed the 
 destinies of Russia and Finland.” 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Assassination of Governor- 
 General Bobrikoff. — On the 15th of J une, 1904, 
 Governor-General Bobrikoff, who had been the 
 executor of the Russianizing policy in Finland, 
 and was hated accordingly, was shot by a Fin- 
 nish member of the Parliamentary opposition. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Successful Revolt against 
 the Russianizing Oppressions. — The T sar’s 
 Concessions. — Restoration of Ancient Liber- 
 ties. — Taking advantage of the situation in 
 Russia, which tied the hands of the Autocrat 
 (see Russia : A. D. 1904^1905), the Finns, by a 
 sudden general rising, drove out the Russian 
 officials in their country, took possession of the 
 military posts and Government building, and 
 
 forced the Governor, Prince John Obolenski, to 
 send to the Tsar their demand for a restoration 
 of their ancient constitutional rights which he 
 had taken away (see, in Volume VI. of this work, 
 Finland : A. D. 1898-1901). The helplessness 
 to which their Russian master had been reduced 
 was signified by the prompt amiability of his 
 response, in successive manifestoes, the first of 
 which bore the following command : 
 
 “By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., etc., 
 command the opening at Helsingfors, December 
 20, of an extraordinary Diet to consider the fol- 
 lowing questions . 
 
 "First . — The proposals for the budget of 
 1906-07, provisional taxes, and a loan for railway 
 construction. 
 
 “ Second . — A bill providing, by a new funda- 
 mental law, a parliament for Finland on the basis 
 of universal suffrage, with the establishment of 
 the responsibility of the local authorities to the 
 nation’s deputies. 
 
 “ Third. — Bills granting liberty of the press, 
 of meeting, and of unions.” 
 
 A subsequent manifesto announced : “We 
 have ordered the elaboration of bills reforming the 
 fundamental laws for submission to the deputies 
 of the nation, and we order the abrogation of 
 the manifesto of February 15, 1899; the ukase 
 of April 15, 1903, concerning measures for the 
 maintenance of public order and tranquillity ; 
 the imperial ukase of November 23, 1903, ac- 
 cording exceptional rights to the gendarmerie 
 in the grand duchy ; Article 12 of the ukase of 
 July 13, 1902, on Finnish legislation ; the ukase 
 of September 21, 1902, on the reform of the 
 Senate and the extension of powers of governors ; 
 the ukase of April 8, 1903, on instructions for 
 the governor-general and the assistant governor 
 of Finland; the law of July 25, 1901, on mili- 
 tary service ; the ukase of August 13, 1902, on 
 the duties of civic officials in Finland ; the ukase 
 of August 27, 1902, on the resignation of admin- 
 istrative officials and j udicial responsibility for 
 offenses and crimes of officials, and the ukase of 
 July 15, 1900, on meetings. 
 
 “We further order the Senate to proceed im- 
 mediately with the revision of the other regu- 
 lations enumerated in the petition, and we order 
 the immediate suppression of the censorship. 
 
 “The Senate should prepare bills granting 
 liberty of speech, of the press, of meeting, and 
 of union ; a national assembly on the basis of 
 universal suffrage, and the responsibility of the 
 local authorities as soon as possible, in order 
 that the Diet may discuss them. 
 
 “We trust that the measures enumerated, 
 being dictated by a desire to benefit Finland, 
 will strengthen the ties uniting the Finnish 
 nation to its sovereign.” 
 
 An article quoted from a Danish magazine 
 tells in a few words how the bloodless revolu- 
 tion was accomplished: “The weapon used for 
 the purpose of paralyzing the government was 
 the general strike. It may be questioned to 
 which class belongs the chief part of honor in 
 this struggle. A marvelous unity characterized 
 the whole movement. While post, telegraph, 
 and railroad traffic was stopped the entire light 
 supply was cut off. The strike extended even 
 into the private kitchen, and this was one of 
 the reasons which hastened the departure of the 
 Russian officials. In the meantime the question 
 was not only should Russian guns be directed 
 
 271 
 
FINLAND, 1908-1909 
 
 FINLAND, 1908-1909 
 
 on Helsingfors, but also should personal safety 
 be maintained. That so few transgressions of 
 the law occurred with the whole police force on 
 strike is a splendid testimony for the Finnish 
 people. The revolution in Finland stands hence 
 as an unparalleled example of a popular up- 
 heaval.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Political Enfranchisement of 
 Women. See (in this vol.) Elective Fran- 
 chise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Russian Measures for the 
 Destruction of the Constitutional Autonomy 
 of Finland. — The reactionary determinations 
 of the Russian Government, since it mastered the 
 revolutionary movements of 1905-6, are revealed 
 in nothing else more plainly than in its steady 
 pursuance of measures to extinguish the degree 
 of autonomy which belongs to Finland, under 
 the constitution that was confirmed to its people 
 by the Tsar Alexander I., after he had taken 
 their country from the Swedish crown (see, in 
 Volume IV. of this work, Scandinavian States: 
 A. D. 1807-1810). One of the most arbitrary of 
 the early measures in this direction was the as- 
 sumption by the Tsar, in June, 1908, of a right 
 to confer on the Russian Council of Ministers cer- 
 tain powers of control over Fiunish legislation. 
 The protests of the Diet and Senate of Finland 
 against this and other attacks on their constitu- 
 tional rights led to a dissolution of the Diet, and 
 the election of a new representative body, early 
 in May, 1909. The election produced substan- 
 tially the same popular representation in the 
 new Diet that had characterized its predecessor, 
 and its attitude toward the autocratic invasion 
 of Finnish rights was the same. The Social- 
 ists received 79,447 votes. The party of the Old 
 Finns which inclines to submissiveness polled a 
 total of 52,396. The Constitutional parties, the 
 Young Finns and the Swedes, received respect- 
 ively 28,711 and 15,885 votes, while the Agra- 
 rian-Socialists got 13,648 and the Christian 
 Workmen 6172. The Old Finns stand alone 
 against the other parties. 
 
 Meantime, the Tsar, in sanctioning an Act of 
 the previous Diet, after its dissolution, had done 
 it in terms that were deemed contrary to the 
 Constitution of Finland, and the Senate, which 
 is composed of members appointed by the Tsar, 
 petitioned him for a modification of them. His 
 reply was a rebuke and a command that they 
 promulgate the law, and thus accept his miscon- 
 struction of the Constitution. Thereupon the 
 Vice-President of the Senate and four of its mem- 
 bers resigned. The remaining five, pliant to 
 the imperial will, voted with the presiding Gov- 
 ernor-General for the promulgation of the law. 
 
 In the course of the next few months other 
 demands were made on the Finns which even 
 the imperial appointees of the Senate could not 
 yield to. In October, an Imperial rescript de- 
 creed that military service legislation for Fin- 
 land should be withdrawn from the competence 
 of the Finnish Diet and transferred to the Impe- 
 rial Legislature ; and that until such legislation 
 is enacted Finland should pay into the Russian 
 exchequer an annual contribution of 10,000,000 
 marks ($2,000,000), to be increased gradually 
 to 20,000.000 marks. This left the Finnish Diet 
 no voice in the appropriation. The five members 
 who had remained in the Senate when their four 
 colleagues resigned now intimated their intention 
 to withdraw. On the 14th of October the four 
 
 vacant seats were filled by an appointment of 
 naval and military officers who were said to be 
 “ technically Finnish citizens,” but all of whom, 
 save one, had spent their lives in Russia. A 
 month later, November 17, a Press despatch from 
 Helsingfors made the following announcement: 
 “ At an all-night session which ended to-day the 
 Finnish Diet rejected the government bill pro- 
 viding for Finland’s contribution to the Russian 
 military appropriation. A resolution was adopted 
 requesting the Emperor to reintroduce the 
 measure in a constitutional form. The dissolution 
 of the Diet is expected. The Emperor has ac- 
 cepted the resignations of the Finnish Senators 
 who refused to remain in office if the Russian 
 demand for a big military appropriation by Fin- 
 land was pressed.” The expectation of another 
 dissolution of the Diet by the Tsar, as the conse- 
 quence of this action, was realized the next day. 
 
 Some months prior to this time a joint com- 
 mittee of Russians and Finns had been appointed 
 to formulate rules or principles that should apply 
 with authority in future to legislation for Fin- 
 land. Agreement between the two constituents 
 of this Russo-Finnish committee appears to have 
 been impossible from the beginning. They were 
 hopelessly opposed in their views of the relation 
 existing between the constitutional Grand Duchy 
 of Finland and the autocratic Empire of Russia, 
 by virtue of their having a common sovereign 
 Toward the end of November their failure to 
 come to any agreement was made known ; and 
 on the 22d of December a despatch from St. 
 Petersburg announced that “ the conclusion of 
 the labours of the Russo-Finnish Commission, 
 resulting in a perfunctory majority vote of the 
 Russian members in favour of the reduction of 
 the Finnish Constitution to a provincial auton- 
 omy, is deplored by most of the newspapers. 
 The Finnish members apprehend a military dic- 
 tatorship.” 
 
 The St. Petersburg correspondent of The Times 
 had previously stated what the prescription of 
 the Russian majority of the Committee would 
 be. They maintain, he wrote, that “there never 
 was a Constitution granted to Finland binding 
 on Russia as the Sovereign Power, and that, 
 therefore, a new order of procedure can be es- 
 tablished independently of the Finnish author- 
 ities by an Act of legislation passed by the 
 Russian Legislature alone. They have drawn up 
 a list of matters to come under the new proced- 
 ure. According to this list all legislation on such 
 matters as the Russian language in Finland, the 
 principles of Finnish administration, police, ad- 
 ministration of justice, public education, forma- 
 tion of business companies and of associations, 
 public meetings, Press, importation of foreign 
 literature, Customs tariffs, literary and artistic 
 copyright, monetary system, means of communi- 
 cation, including pilot and lighthouse service, 
 and many other subjects, shall be enacted by the 
 Imperial legislative organs. The Finnish Diet 
 shall be entirely ignored in such matters, while 
 there is a provision for some cases that the 
 opinion of the Finnish Senate shall be taken. 
 
 “ It is difficult to understand what legislative 
 matters are to be left for the Finnish Diet to 
 deal with; but it seems that the Russian mem- 
 bers are not sure that they have covered the 
 whole ground, for their project contains a clause 
 to the effect that additions to their list may be 
 made by means of Imperial legislation. 
 
 272 
 
FINLAND, 1910 
 
 FOOD FISHES 
 
 “It is proposed that Finland shall be repre- 
 sented in the Russian Duma by five members, 
 one of whom shall be elected by Russian resi- 
 dents in Finland who are not Finnish citizens, 
 whilst the Finnish Diet shall send one member 
 to the Council of Empire.” 
 
 The first movement, probably, on these new 
 lines of imperial government for Finland, was 
 that reported in a Reuter message from St. 
 Petersburg, December 24, as follows: “The 
 Cabinet has approved new regulations whereby 
 all documents issued by the Chancellery of the 
 Governor-General of Finland shall be worded in 
 Russian without a Finnish or Swedish transla- 
 tion.” 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Fresh Elections to the Fin- 
 nish Diet. — The Russian Duma assuming 
 authority over Finland. — A new Diet, chosen 
 at elections held early in February, 1910, is com- 
 posed as follows: Old Finns, 42; Young Finns, 
 28; Swedish People’s party, 26; Social Demo- 
 crats, 86; Agrai'ians, 17; Christian Labor party, 
 1. Fifteen women were elected, nine of them 
 by the Social Democrats. 
 
 Just as this matter goes into type, a despatch 
 from St. Petersburg, March 30, 1910, announces 
 the introduction of a bill in the Russian Duma 
 assuming authority in that body over Finland. 
 
 FINSEN, Niels Ryberg. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 FIRE, Great calamities of. See Baltimore; 
 Chicago; New York City; San Francisco; 
 Osaka. 
 
 FISCAL REFORM, Mr. Joseph Chamber- 
 lain’s programme of. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1903 (May-Sept.). 
 
 FISCHER, Emil. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 FISHER, Andrew: Prime Minister of Aus- 
 tralia. See (in this vol.) Australia; A. D. 
 1908, and 1909 (May-June). 
 
 FISHERIES: Newfoundland. See (in this 
 vol.) Newfoundland. 
 
 FISHES, Food: Convention for their Pre- 
 servation and Propagation in the Waters 
 contiguous to the United States and Canada. 
 See (in this vol.) Food Fishes. 
 
 FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES: End of their 
 Autonomy. See (in this vol.) Indians, Ameri- 
 can. 
 
 FLOODS. See (in this vol.) China; A. D. 
 1906-1907, and France: A. D. 1910. 
 
 FOLK, Joseph Wingate: Prosecutor of 
 Municipal Thievery and Corruption in St. 
 Louis. — Governor of Missouri. See (in this 
 vol.) Municipal Government. 
 
 FOOD FISHES: Convention respecting 
 their Protection, Preservation, and Propaga- 
 tion in the Waters contiguous to the United 
 States and Canada. — The following are the 
 articles of a Convention negotiated at Washing- 
 ton and signed by Ambassador James Bryce, 
 for the Government of Great Britain, and by 
 Secretary Elihu Root, for that of the United 
 States, on the 11th of April, 1908. Ratifications 
 of the Convention were exchanged on the 4th of 
 June : 
 
 “ Article 1. The times, seasons, and methods 
 of fishing in the waters contiguous to the United 
 States and Canada as specified in Article 4 of 
 this Convention, and the nets, engines, gear, 
 apparatus, and appliances which may be used 
 therein, shall be fixed and determined by uniform 
 
 and common international regulations, restric- 
 tions, and provisions ; and to that end the High 
 Contracting Parties agree to appoint, within 
 three monthsafter this Convention is proclaimed, 
 a Commission to be known as the International 
 Fisheries Commission, consisting of one person 
 named by each Government. 
 
 “ Article 2. It shall be the duty of this In- 
 ternational Fisheries Commission, within six 
 months after being named, to prepare a system 
 of uniform and common International Regula- 
 tions for the protection and preservation of the 
 food fishes in each of the waters prescribed in 
 Article 4 of this Convention, which Regulations 
 shall embrace close seasons, limitations as to the 
 character, size, and manner of use of nets, en- 
 gines, gear, apparatus, and other appliances; a 
 uniform system of registry by each Government 
 in waters where required for the more conven- 
 ient regulation of commercial fishing by its own 
 citizens or subjects within its own territorial 
 waters or any part of such waters ; an arrange- 
 ment for concurrent measures for the propaga- 
 tion of fish ; and such other provisions and mea- 
 sures as the Commission shall deem necessary. 
 
 “Article 3. The two Governments engage 
 to put into operation and to enforce by legisla- 
 tion and executive action, with as little delay as 
 possible, the Regulations, restrictions, and provi- 
 sions with appropriate penalties for all breaches 
 thereof; and the date when they shall be put 
 into operation shall be fixed by the concurrent 
 proclamations of the President of the United 
 States and the Governor-General of the Domin- 
 ion of Canada in Council. 
 
 “And it is further agreed that jurisdiction shall 
 be exercised by either Government, as well over 
 citizens or subjects of either party apprehended 
 for violation of the Regulations m any of its 
 own waters to which said Regulations apply, as 
 over its own citizens or subjects found within 
 its own jurisdiction who shall have violated 
 said Regulations within the waters of the other 
 party. 
 
 “Article 4. It is agreed that the waters 
 within which the aforementioned Regulations 
 are to be applied shall be as follows: (1) The 
 territorial waters of Passamaquoddy Bay ; (2) 
 the St. John and St. Croix Rivers ; (3) Lake 
 Memphremagog : (4) Lake Champlain ; (5) the 
 St. Lawrence River, where the said River con- 
 stitutes the International Boundary ; (6) Lake 
 Ontario ; (7) the Niagara River; (8) Lake Erie ; 
 (9) the waters connecting Lake Erie and Lake 
 Huron, including Lake St. Clair ; (10) Lake 
 Huron, excluding Georgian Bay but including 
 North Channel ; (11) St. Mary’s River and Lake 
 Superior; (12) Rainy River and Rainy Lake; 
 (13) Lake of the Woods; (14) the Strait of San 
 Juan de Fuca, those parts of Washington Sound, 
 the Gulf of Georgia and Puget Sound lying be- 
 tween the parallels of 48° 10' and 49° 20'; (15) 
 and such other contiguous waters as may be 
 recommended by the International Fisheries Com- 
 mission and approved by the two Governments. 
 It is agreed on the part of Great Britain that 
 the Canadian Government will protect by ade- 
 quate regulations the food fishes frequenting 
 the Fraser River. 
 
 “The two Governments engage to have pre- 
 pared as soon as practicable charts of the waters 
 described in this Article, with the International 
 Boundary Line indicated thereon ; and to estab- 
 
 273 
 
FOOD FISHES 
 
 FRANCE, 1902 
 
 lisli such additional boundary monuments, buoys, 
 and marks as may be recommended by the Com- 
 mission. 
 
 “Article 5. The International Fisheries Com- 
 mission shall continue in existence so long as 
 this Convention shall be in force, and each Gov- 
 ernment shall have the power to till, and shall 
 fill from time to time, any vacancy which may 
 occur in its representation on the Commission. 
 Each Government shall pay its own Commis- 
 sioner, and any joint expenses shall be paid by 
 the two Governments in equal moieties. 
 
 “Article 6. The Regulations, restrictions, 
 and provisions provided for in this Convention 
 shall remain in force for a period of four years 
 from the date of their executive promulgation, 
 and thereafter until one year from the date when 
 either the Government of Great Britain or of 
 the United States shall give notice to the other 
 of its desire for their revision ; and immediately 
 upon such notice being given the Commission 
 shall proceed to make a revision thereof, which 
 Revised Regulations, if adopted and promulgated 
 by the President of the United States and the 
 Governor-General of Canada in Council, shall 
 remain in force for another period of four years 
 and thereafter until one year from the date when 
 a further notice of revision is given as above 
 provided in this Article. It shall, however, be 
 in the power of the two Governments, by joint 
 
 or concurrent action upon the recommendation 
 of the Commission, to make modifications at 
 any time in the Regulations. 
 
 “Article 7. The present Convention shall be 
 duly ratified by Ilis Britannic Majesty and by 
 the President of the United States, by and with 
 the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, 
 and the ratifications shall be exchanged in Wash- 
 ington as soon as practicable.” 
 
 FOOD LAWS. See (in this vol. ) Public 
 Health : Pure Food Laws. 
 
 FORESTS, Conservation of. See (in this 
 vol.) Conservation of Natural Resources. 
 
 FORMOSA: Earthquake in. See (in this 
 vol.) Earthquakes: Formosa: A. D. 1906. 
 
 Japanese Dealing with the Opium Problem. 
 See (in this vol.) Opium Problem. 
 
 FORTIS MINISTRY. See (in this vol.) 
 Italy : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 FOSTER, John W. : On the American Vio- 
 lation of Treaties with China. See (in this vol. ) 
 Race Problems: United States : A. D. 1905- 
 1908. 
 
 FOSTER, Volney W. : Delegate to Second 
 International Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 FOUNDATION FOR THE PROMO- 
 TION OF INDUSTRIAL PEACE. See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States : A. D. 1907. 
 
 FRANCE. 
 
 A. D. 1870-1905. — Increase of Population 
 compared with other European Countries. See 
 (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1896 - 1906 . — Encroachments of the 
 French Algerian Boundary on Morocco. See 
 Morocco : A. D. 1896-1906- 
 
 A. D. 1900 . — Comparative Statement of 
 the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink. — Its 
 Increase. See Alcohol Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Purchase of Franchises and 
 Property of the French Panama Canal Com- 
 pany by the United States. See Panama Canal. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Favored footing in Abyssinia. 
 — Railway Projects. See Abyssinia: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — French Central Africa. ■ — Ex- 
 plorations. — A Land-locked Empire. See 
 Africa : French Central. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (April-Oct.). — Elections to the 
 Chamber of Deputies. — Resignation of Wal- 
 deck-Rousseau. - — Formation of a Radical 
 Ministry under M. Combes. — Enforcement 
 of the Law of Associations. — Closing of 
 unauthorized schools. — The first ballot in 
 elections to the Chamber of Deputies was cast 
 on the 27th of April, producing 413 conclusive 
 elections and leaving 178 to be decided by a 
 second vote. The new Chamber met on the 1st 
 of June, and elected for its president, M. Leon 
 Bourgeois, by a vote of 303 against 267. On the 
 following day M. Waldeck-Rousseau, who had 
 been at the head of the Ministry for three years 
 
 — an exceptional term of premiership in France 
 
 — resigned, on the plea that his task was done. 
 A new Radical Cabinet was then formed by M. 
 flmile Combes, which announced a moderate 
 programme on the 10 th, and received the de- 
 clared support of 312 members, against 116 in 
 opposition and 149 who took neutral ground. Of 
 
 the previous Cabinet, M. Delcasse retained the 
 portfolio of Foreign Affairs and General Andre 
 that of War. The session was short and little 
 was done. 
 
 In the following months great excitement and 
 much disorder in parts of the country, especially 
 in Brittany, was caused by proceedings taken 
 to enforce the law concerning Associations, 
 passed in the previous year (see in Volume VI. 
 France: A. D. 1901). Some religious orders — 
 teaching orders and others — had refused or 
 neglected to register themselves and obtain au- 
 thorization, as required by the law, and these 
 were now to be closed. In many cases there 
 was resistance to the closing of the unauthorized 
 schools. In a few cases there was a refusal by 
 military officers to obey commands for the assist- 
 ance of their soldiery in enforcing the law. Ma- 
 gistrates, too, opposed the government, and a 
 majority of the councils in the departments of 
 France withheld their support. Nevertheless 
 the government proceeded firmly in the matter 
 and the provisions of the law were carried out. 
 When the Chambers were reconvened in Octo- 
 ber the burning subject came up for fierce dis- 
 cussion, and the attitude and acts of the Combes 
 Ministry were approved in the Chamber of 
 Deputies by 329 against 233. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (May). — Courtesies at the un- 
 veiling of a Monument to Marshal de Ro- 
 chambeau, at Washington. See (in this vol.) 
 United States : A. D. 1902 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Oct.). — Strikes in the Coal 
 Mines and on the Docks at Marseilles. See 
 Labor Organization: France: A. I). 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Oct.). — Treaty with Siam. — 
 Acquisition of more territory. See Siam: 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 274 
 
FRANCE, 1903 
 
 FRANCE, 1905-1900 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Elections to the Senate. — 
 Execution of the Associations Law. — 
 Closing of Schools and Houses of the Reli- 
 gious Orders. — Resistance and Rioting 
 encouraged by Magistrates. — State Mono- 
 poly of Education established. — Building 
 new Schoolhouses. — Elections for a section 
 of the Senate, occurring early in January, 1903, 
 went favorably for the Government. M. Falli- 
 6res was reflected President of that body, while 
 M. Bourgeois was seated again in the presiding 
 chair of the lower Chamber. The Combes Min- 
 istry was strengthened in its hold of power by 
 the continued agitation that attended the execu- 
 tion of the Associations Law (see in Volume VI. 
 of this work, France : A. D. 1901) as applied to 
 the religious orders and brotherhoods. Its sup- 
 port was a shifting one, made up sometimes by 
 one combination of the many party divisions in 
 the Chambers and sometimes by another; but it 
 did not fail throughout the year to find some- 
 where a majority that would not allow a politi- 
 cal crisis to be brought on. Everywhere the 
 closing of the schools and houses of the unau- 
 thorized associations was resisted with increasing 
 determination, and the proceeding became too 
 much retarded to satisfy the supporters of the 
 law. Objection was raised to the separate dealing 
 with questions of authorization for this and that 
 order or congregation, and the Government was 
 called upon to name at once to the Chambers 
 the whole list of institutions which it would 
 have authorizations refused to. In March this 
 demand was acceded to, so far as concerned the 
 male congregations, and a great debate, of a fort- 
 night’s duration, in the Chamber of Deputies, 
 resulted in the refusal of authorization to all the 
 teaching, preaching, and contemplative orders, 
 of Redemptorists, Capuchins, Benedictines, Do- 
 minicans, and Passionists. A few months later 
 the same entire refusal of authorization to the 
 teaching orders of women was voted, but by a 
 diminished majority. 
 
 The Clericals, on their side, were as energetic 
 as the parties of the Government, and were sup- 
 ported very generally by the magistracy of the 
 country at large, which dealt so leniently with 
 the resistance and rioting provoked by the en- 
 forcement of the law that the Government was 
 left practically dependent on the army and the 
 police. The army, too, was a doubtful instru- 
 ment of authority in many cases, numerous 
 officers of all grades resigning to escape the re- 
 pugnant mandate of law. The most threatening 
 situation arose in Brittany, consequent on the 
 inauguration of a monument to Renan, which 
 the Catholics regarded as an insult to the 
 Church. 
 
 One final step in the secularizing of education 
 in France was taken late in the year, by the pass- 
 ing of a bill which practically established a State 
 monopoly of education, by repealing a law of 
 1850 that abolished such monopoly. By the 
 new law all members of any rfeligious order, 
 authorized or unauthorized, were forbidden to 
 engage in teaching. 
 
 The extent to which the schools of the religious 
 congregations were being closed involved a 
 great expenditure for building new schoolhouses, 
 and the Government had difficulty in passing an 
 Act which laid the cost of this provision on the 
 communes, instead of accepting it for the state 
 at large. It carried the Act, however, notwith- 
 
 standing the opposition of M. Waldeck-Rous- 
 seau. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Rivalry with England in the 
 Persian Gulf. See (,in this vol.) Persia: A. D. 
 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (April). — The Agreements of 
 the Entente Cordiale with England. See 
 
 Europe: A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1904 (June-July). — Groundless 
 charges against the Premier. — A great pub- 
 lic scandal was raised in June by charges against 
 the Premier, M. Combes, that he had tried to 
 force the Chartreux monks to buy the right of 
 remaining in France. Investigation showed that 
 bold swindlers had attempted to obtain money 
 from the monks on the pretence of being able 
 to buy such permission for them. As the result 
 of the investigation the President of the Council 
 and his colleagues were vindicated by an almost 
 unanimous vote of the Chamber of Deputies. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1909. — General Consequences 
 in Europe of the Weakening of Russia in 
 the Russo-Japanese War. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Action with other Powers in 
 forcing Financial Reforms in Macedonia on 
 Turkey. See Turkey: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — The Separation of 
 Church and State. — Preceding Contentions. 
 
 — Measures and Proceedings of the Separa- 
 tion, as recounted by writers of each Party. 
 — - The separation of Church and State in France 
 involved the nullification of the Concordat, ne- 
 gotiated by Napoleon I. with Pope Pius VII. in 
 1802 (see Papacy: A. D. 1808-1814, in Volume 
 IV. of this work), and of what are known as the 
 Organic Statutes, promulgated by the French 
 Government at the same time. The former was 
 in the nature of a treaty ; the latter was not. 
 The French Government claimed rights under 
 both ; the Roman Church acknowledged no force 
 in the Statutes that could be binding on itself. 
 This difference, which entered into much of the 
 controversy preceding the measures taken by 
 the Government to separate the State from the 
 Church, is explained in the first quotation below, 
 
 — following which, two accounts are given of 
 some among those controversies, and of the pro- 
 ceedings connected' with the adoption and exe- 
 cution of the Act of Separation, — one account 
 written from the view-point of the Government 
 and the other from that of the Church : 
 
 “The Concordat consists of a preamble and 
 seventeen statutes. It is a reciprocal contract 
 between the temporal and spiritual powers, and 
 is therefore at the same time State law and 
 Church law. The preamble states that the 
 Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman religion is that 
 of the great majority of the French people ; it 
 does not say that it is ‘ the religion of France,’ 
 as the Holy See would have wished, and conse- 
 quently it does not restore to the Catholic reli- 
 gion its former character of being a State reli- 
 gion. After establishing a new distribution of 
 the French dioceses, it directs that the bishops 
 shall be ‘ nominated ’ by the Government and 
 ‘ installed’ by the Pope. The alienation of eccle- 
 siastical property, effected by the Revolution, is 
 definitely sanctioned. In return the Government 
 undertakes, as had already been done by the 
 Constituent Assembly, to secure ‘ a reasonable 
 allowance to the bishops and cures, whose dio- 
 ceses and parishes will be included in the new 
 
 275 
 
FRANCE, 1905-1906 
 
 FRANCE, 1905-1906 
 
 arrangement,’ and to take ‘measures to allow 
 French Catholics to make foundations in favour 
 of churches if they wish.’ 
 
 “As regards the Organic Statutes, promul- 
 gated at the same time as the Concordat, 18th 
 April, 1802, they proclaim that no bull, pastoral 
 letter, or writing of any kind from the Holy See 
 shall be published in France without the au- 
 thority of the Government; no council, general 
 or special, shall be held without this authority. 
 There must be no other delegate from Rome in 
 France besides the Nuncio, the official repre- 
 sentative of the Sovereign Pontiff. Any infrac- 
 tion on the part of the clergy of the provisions 
 either of the Concordat or of French law is re- 
 ferred to the Council of State, who must decide 
 if there has been any abuse. The Organic Stat- 
 utes were equally concerned with questions re- 
 lating to discipline, doctrine, and even dogma — 
 which are purely spiritual questions. They 
 therefore not only upheld the Declaration of 
 1682 as a declaration of the principles of the 
 Gallican Church, but also expected all the pro- 
 fessors to teach it in the seminaries. Accord- 
 ing to the Concordat, bishops had a right to ap- 
 point cures ; the Organic Statutes obliged them 
 to obtain the approval of the Government for 
 their appointments. 
 
 “ Although the Organic Statutes are, with 
 the Concordat, part of one and the same State 
 law,, they must not be considered to be entirely 
 on the same footing. The Concordat concluded 
 between the two powers binds them together ; 
 the Organic Statutes, an exclusive product of 
 the French Government, never received the 
 sanction of the Papal authority. They were, 
 on the contrary, a source of further quarrels 
 with the Roman Court. Even in our days, they 
 frequently lead to conflict, the representatives 
 of the Church having refused, on various occa- 
 sions, to recognise the validity of decisions 
 made in virtue of these Statutes by the French 
 Government.” — Jules Legrand, Church and 
 State in France ( Contemporary Review, May, 
 1901). 
 
 Measures and Proceedings of the Separa- 
 tion as recounted by its Advocates. — “The 
 action of the Republic in suppressing the re- 
 ligious orders had produced strained relations 
 between it and the Vatican. This was intensi- 
 fied by the ‘nominavit nobis’ controversy. In 
 the Bulls instituting some bishops whom the 
 President had nominated, and which had to have 
 the sanction of the Government before they 
 could be published and be valid in France, the 
 Vatican had inserted the word ‘nobis,’ imply- 
 ing that the President had merely nominated 
 the bishop to the Pope for appointment and 
 that the appointment was really in the hands of 
 the Pope. The French Government, under the 
 guidance of M. Combes, the Premier and Min- 
 ister of Public Worship, insisted that this word 
 must be removed before the bull was sanctioned, 
 and as both sides refused to yield no bishop was 
 instituted. Relations were still further strained 
 by the visit of the President to the King of 
 Italy. ... To visit the King was to insult the 
 Pope by disregarding the protest made by him 
 against the occupation of Rome. President 
 Loubet was the first Roman Catholic ruler who 
 ventured to disregard the feelings and protests 
 of the Pope. From the 24th to the 28th April, 
 1904, M. Loubet was the guest of King Victor 
 
 Emmanuel, and gave no intimation to the Pope 
 of his intention to visit Rome, and did not in- 
 clude a visit to the Vatican in his programme. 
 On the 28tli of April, Cardinal Merry del Val 
 sent to the representatives of the Curia at the 
 Courts of all the Roman Catholic powers in 
 the world, to be communicated to the Govern- 
 ments to which they were commissioned, a 
 protest against the action of the French Gov- 
 ernment. . . . The French Government replied 
 by recalling its ambassador from the Vatican 
 and breaking off diplomatic relations with the 
 Pope. 
 
 “In the summer of the same year the friction 
 between the French Government and the Vati- 
 can was increased by the cases of the bishops 
 of Laval and Dijon. Bishop Geay of Laval, in 
 his opening discourse in his cathedral, had pro- 
 claimed his adherence to the Republic and his 
 desire to be the shepherd of all his flock. He 
 denounced Orleanism and refused to support re- 
 actionaries at the elections. . . . He was sum- 
 moned to appear at Rome. He submitted the 
 summons to the Government, as he was required 
 by the Organic Articles to do, and he was re- 
 fused permission to leave his diocese. Subse- 
 quently, under threats of excommunication, he 
 went, and was immediately informed by the 
 Minister of Public Worship that his salary was 
 stopped from the day he left his diocese with- 
 out permission. A similar summons to Mgr. 
 Le Nordez, Bishop of Dijon, led to similar re- 
 sults. . . . 
 
 “ In the month of October, 1904, M. Combes, 
 replying to several interpellations addressed to 
 the Government, reviewed the history of the 
 relations of the Vatican to the Republic since 
 its foundation in 1870, and showed that there 
 had been a continuous disregard of the Concor- 
 dat and of the Organic Articles by the Vatican, 
 and that clericalism had been the most invet- 
 erate enemy of the Republic. He showed that 
 no stipulations could safeguard the rights of 
 the State, which were denied by the doctrines 
 of the Catholic Church. The confidence of the 
 Chamber was expressed by a vote of 548 to 88. 
 In November he introduced a Bill for the separa- 
 tion of Church aud State, which was referred to 
 a Commission, by which it was adopted on the 
 2nd December. In the middle of January, 1905, 
 M. Combes, owing to resentment at certain in- 
 cidents in connection with the administration 
 of the army, carried a vote of confidence by a 
 majority of only ten votes and resigned. Before 
 the end of the month a new Cabinet under the 
 presidency of M. Rouvier, retaining several 
 members of M. Combes’ administration, was 
 formed, which asserted its determination to carry 
 out the policy of its predecessor in its relations 
 with the Vatican. The Chamber of Deputies 
 referred to a new Commission all the Bills deal- 
 ing with the question of Church and State 
 which had been presented to it, including that 
 of M. Combes. Instead of adopting any one of 
 them, the Commission decided to draft its own 
 Bill, and shortly afterwards presented to the 
 Chamber a Bill which engaged the close atten- 
 tion of the deputies for several months in the 
 spring and summer of the year 1905. It passed 
 through the Chamber on the 3rd of July, and 
 was sent to the Senate the following day. . . . 
 The Senate made no alterations in the Bill, and 
 it became law on the 6th of December, 1905.” — 
 
 276 
 
FRANCE, 1905-1900 
 
 FRANCE, 1905-1900 
 
 John A. Bain, The New Reformation, ch. 17 (T. 
 and T. Clark, Edinburgh, 1900). 
 
 “The law of the 9th of December, 1905, which 
 put an end to the regime of the Concordat and 
 substituted that of separation between Church 
 and State, had been promulgated on the 11th of 
 December, 1905. It was to come into effect a 
 year after its promulgation. The Protestants and 
 the Israelites had aceepted it even before it was 
 passed; but they represented an infinitesimal 
 minority, and it was not that minority that the 
 legislators had had in view when they framed 
 the law of separation. The one question in the 
 matter was that of the attitude that would be 
 taken by the Catholics, — the counsels that 
 would come to them from Rome. 
 
 “In the French Episcopate there were two 
 opposing currents of opinion, one for acceptance 
 of the law, under certain reserves, the other for 
 resistance. In the latter part of November, 1905, 
 some bishops met in Paris and agreed that ener- 
 getic efforts must be made to prevent action at 
 Rome on misinformation as to the situation of 
 the Church in France and the state of mind pre- 
 vailing in it. Monseigneur Fulbert Petit, Arch- 
 bishop of Besangon, was their chosen envoy, and 
 in the following January he repaired to Rome. 
 There he met other bishops who had come to give 
 counsels to the Pope that were not pacific ; and he 
 met, also, the Pere Le Dore, former superior of 
 the dissolved congregation of the Eudistes, well 
 known for his uncompromising opinions and his 
 aggressive temper, but who had been commis- 
 sioned to convey to Rome the proceedings of the 
 meeting of French cardinals at Paris, on the 28th 
 of December, which showed a majority in favor 
 of the acceptance of the law. At the same time, 
 an important meeting of bishops was held at 
 Albi, under the presidency of Mgr. Mignot, the 
 majority at which meeting, notably the Arch- 
 bishop who received them and the Archbishop 
 of Toulouse, Mgr. Germain, made no secret of 
 their desire to adjust themselves to the law, ac- 
 cording to the expression of Cardinal Lecot. 
 
 “But nothing said or done drew the Pope from 
 the silence which he kept. Then it was rumored 
 that the head of the Church would reserve his 
 decision until a general assembly of the French 
 episcopate, which the French cardinals had ad- 
 vised, could be held, to propose a solution of 
 the question. This, however, was contradicted 
 positively by the party which urged resistance 
 to the law. 
 
 “Such was the situation when the. Govern- 
 ment, obliged to act, — since the period of de- 
 lay fixed by the law was only a year, — came to 
 the first proceedings which the Act prescribed. 
 Article 43 of the law provided for administrative 
 rules, of which the part relating to inventories 
 appeared logically the first, that being the op- 
 eration which needed consideration before all 
 others. The second part of the regulations had 
 to do with the life pensions and temporary pro- 
 visions accorded to the ministers of religion. 
 The regulation concerning pensions and provi- 
 sions was published in the Journal Officiel of 
 January 20, 1906. [Article 11 of the Act as- 
 signed to priests or ministers of more than sixty 
 years of age, who had been not less than thirty 
 years in an ecclesiastical service salaried by the 
 state, a yearly life pension of three-fourths of 
 their former stipend. To those under sixty 
 years of age and above forty -five, whose service 
 
 had been for less than thirty years but not less 
 than twenty, it assigned one-half of their previ- 
 ous compensation.] . . . 
 
 “ The first executive act imposed on the Gov- 
 ernment was the inventorying of the property, 
 movable and fixed, belonging to the State, to the 
 departments or to the communes, of which the 
 establishments of public worship had had the 
 use. Article 3 of the law required this to be 
 proceeded with immediately after its promulga- 
 tion. This article had been voted in the Cham- 
 ber and in the Senate by very large majorities, 
 and, so to speak, without discussion, so rational 
 and judicial it seemed to be. In fact, as the ex- 
 istence of the public establishments of worship 
 came to an end with the regime of the Concordat, 
 the succession to them was left open, and an 
 inventory, descriptive and estimative, of their 
 property, was a necessary measure preliminary 
 to any devolution of such property, dependent 
 on that succession. . . . Being one of those con- 
 servative measures which attack no right and 
 leave a continuous state of things, there was no 
 expectation of much feeling about it among 
 Catholics. . . . Apparently, the consistent atti- 
 tude on the part of Catholics, provisionally, at 
 least, and until the Pope had spoken, would be 
 one of calm, of prudence, of expectancy. Such 
 was the purport of the instructions given by the 
 bishops, even by the most combative. These lat- 
 ter, while condemning the law with vehemence, 
 did not counsel a recourse to force against the 
 agents appointed to make the inventory. They 
 required but one thing of their priests and of 
 the administrators of parish property, which was 
 that they should not cooperate in the work, and 
 that they should make declaration that their non- 
 resistance did not imply acceptance of the law. 
 
 “ On the 29th of December, 1905, a first decree 
 for regulating the procedure was issued by the 
 Council of State. This was followed by a circu- 
 lar from the Minister of Finance which, it must 
 be confessed, roused a justifiable feeling among 
 the Catholics. From one phrase in that circular 
 it could be understood that the officials mak- 
 ing the inventory were authorized to demand 
 the opening of the tabernacles. M. Groussau 
 questioned the Minister on the subject, and M. 
 Merlou cleared away all misunderstanding by 
 replying that officials were to accept the decla- 
 ration of the cure of a church as to the contents 
 of its tabernacle; and that they had been in- 
 structed to avoid everything that could give pain 
 to pious minds. The Abbe Gayraud recognized 
 that these decisions of the Government were in 
 conformity with the instructions of the Cardinal 
 Archbishop of Paris, and the interpellation was 
 withdrawn. 
 
 “ The inventories were begun at once after 
 this decision of the question of the tabernacles. 
 At first there was no disorder. The bishops, 
 notably those of Toulouse, of Rouen, of Albi, of 
 Besangon, of Arras and Chartres, and their cures, 
 from their example, confined themselves to the 
 reading of a protestation to the receiver of the 
 registration, after which the receiver was left 
 free to fulfil his mission. But soon, in some di- 
 oceses, particularly in Paris, in the West, and 
 in one part of the Center, the inventorying was 
 made the pretext for demonstrations more polit- 
 ical than religious, organized by enthusiasts or 
 by political cliques. Generally the clergy were 
 passively present at these demonstrations. . . . 
 
FRANCE, 1905-1906 
 
 FRANCE, 1905-1906 
 
 These tumultuous manifestations, at the head of 
 which the most conspicuous personalities of the 
 reactionary opposition were often seen, ended 
 by degenerating into veritable riots, necessi- 
 tating the intervention of troops, and leading 
 finally to bloody conflicts.” — Rene Wallier, Le 
 Vingtieme Siecle Politique, Annee 1906, pp. 123- 
 132. 
 
 It was not until the 17th of February that the 
 silence of the Pope on the matters that were agi- 
 tating France and the Papal Church was broken. 
 Then the “ Encyclical Veliementer,” so named, 
 according to custom, from its first word, was 
 published. 
 
 Measures and proceedings of the separa- 
 tion as recounted by opponents. — ‘‘In the 
 first period of his premiership M. Combes was 
 not prepared either to denounce the Concordat 
 or to separate the churches from the State, sim- 
 ply because he found public opinion not yet ripe 
 for either measure. Later he thought he saw in 
 adopting this course a means of prolonging his 
 official existence, a matter of considerable im- 
 portance to a country doctor like himself with- 
 out large private resources. Having slaughtered 
 nearly all religious congregations or prepared 
 their ultimate extinction, Combes appeared to 
 seek no further occupation for himself and to 
 fortify his position by attacking the Church it- 
 self. whose secular clergy he had so recently 
 praised and sought to protect from unfair and 
 ‘unjust concurrence or competition with the 
 regulars!’ Like Waldeck-Rousseau, Combes 
 saw here an opportunity to ‘ save ’ the Republic 
 from ‘ clerical reaction.' Throughout its whole 
 discreditable history this third Republic of 
 France has only been kept alive by being period- 
 ically ‘ saved ’ by some clever politician from 
 ‘ perils’ conjured" up to terrorize the peasantry, 
 who still recall the misery of their ancestors in 
 the old regime and the misfortunes of France in 
 the downfall of the first and second Empires. 
 
 . . . The Pope protested, in March, 1904, against 
 the bad faith and infamous aggressions of the 
 French Government in the matter of religious 
 education and those imparting it, and M. Del- 
 casse, through the French Ambassador at the 
 Vatican, protested against the Papal protest. In 
 the following month M. Loubet, as President of 
 the French Republic, visited the King of Italy 
 at Rome, at the same time politely, but signifi- 
 cantly, ignoring the existence of the Pope and 
 the Vatican, at which court France then had 
 accredited an Ambassador! Then followed the 
 protest of the Vatican, addressed directly to the 
 French Government, and the protest simultane- 
 ously sent to all the powers where Papal Nuncios 
 are in residence. . . . 
 
 “ In March, 1904, had arisen the trouble in the 
 Diocese of Dijon, France, which culminated in 
 students of the diocesan seminary refusing to 
 receive ordination from the hands of the Bishop, 
 Mgr. Le Nordez. The Bishop of Dijon was, 
 unfortunately, not the only one of the French 
 episcopate claiming to be a ‘ victim of hatred, 
 deceit and calumny.’ Almost from the com- 
 mencement of his episcopate Mgr. Geay, Bishop 
 of Laval, was attacked by accusations filed at 
 Rome, charges which were examined into dur- 
 ing the Pontificate of Leo XIII., and which led 
 the Holy Office to advise the Bishop to resign his 
 see. It was then (in 1900) thought at Rome that 
 in the local conditions actually then existing it 
 
 was impossible for Mgr. Geay to govern the di- 
 ocese with the necessary authority and efficacy. 
 Mgr. Geay agreed to resign, provided he received 
 another bishopric in France. This condition 
 appeared inacceptable to the Vatican, but no 
 further action was taken in this case until May 
 17, 1904, when by order of Pius X. the request 
 for the Bishop’s resignation was renewed, and in 
 case it was not forthcoming within a specified 
 time an ecclesiastical trial was intimated as in- 
 evitable. Notwithstanding the secret and pri- 
 vate character of this last letter emanating from 
 the Holy Office, Mgr. Geay communicated its 
 contents to the French Government. Combes 
 and Delcasse, jealous of the prerogatives of the 
 French State and presumably caring little for 
 the honor of the French episcopate, notified 
 Cardinal Merry del Val (by the acting Charge 
 d’ Affaires) ‘that if the letter of May 17 is not 
 annulled the government will be led to take the 
 measures that a like derogation of the compact 
 which binds France and the Holy See admits of.’ 
 The Papal Nuncio at Paris explained to M. Del- 
 casse that this was not a threat of deposition of 
 the Bishop without a decision of the French 
 Government, but an invitation to the Bishop to 
 meet the charges by a voluntary resignation. 
 
 “ As regards Mgr. Le Nordez and Mgr. Geay, 
 respectively Bishops of Dijon and Laval, their 
 long hesitation bet ween the wishes of the French 
 Government and the will of the Holy See ended 
 by the departure of both of them for Rome. The 
 government then promptly suppressed their sala- 
 ries and after they had (under virtual pressure) 
 placed their ‘ voluntary resignation’ in the hands 
 of the Holy Father, an allowance from the funds 
 of the Vatican was made to each of them. They 
 have since lived in France in a retirement, varied 
 at first by interview's of Mgr. Geay with reporters 
 that have since happily ceased. The severance 
 of diplomatic relations with the Vatican was com- 
 pleted by a note from M. Delcasse to the Papal 
 Nuncio at Paris stating that in consequence of 
 the rupture of diplomatic relations between 
 France and the Vatican ‘ the mission of the Nun- 
 cio would henceforth be deprived of scope.’ In 
 the parliamentary session of November 26, 1904, 
 the credit for the Embassy at the Vatican was 
 stricken from the budget. . . . 
 
 “After the downfall of Combes, through the 
 odium attaching to his spy system, the Minister 
 of the Interior and of Public Worship presented 
 to the Chamber of Deputies on behalf of the Rou- 
 vier Ministry a project of law to establish the 
 separation. If for Combes separation had signi- 
 fied little else than spoliation, aggravated by op- 
 pression, the Rouvier plan sought to render spoli- 
 ation lessunjust, less intolerant. The ministerial 
 project having been somewhat altered by the 
 commission, conferences were held and a final 
 agreement having been obtained, the proposed 
 law' W'as reported to the Chamber of Deputies in 
 March, 1905. It is unnecessary to follow' the 
 parliamentary evolution of this immature project, 
 forced as an issue by two successive Premiers 
 who had far less solicitude for the permanent in- 
 terests of their country than to assure their own 
 continuance in power. M. Briand, speaking for 
 the commission, took great trouble to throw' upon 
 the Pope the responsibility of a law which he at 
 the same time declared to be perfectly good, 
 beneficent for the Republic and honorable for its 
 authors! Alas! for separatists, in an unguarded 
 
 278 
 
FRANCE, 1905-1900 
 
 FRANCE, 1900 
 
 moment Combes betrayed the utter falsity and 
 ridiculous insincerity of this pompous and sol- 
 emn pretence of the anti-religious majority, that 
 the Pope forced the separation upon France. In 
 the parliamentary session of January 14, 1905, 
 Combes declared: ‘ When I assumed power I 
 j udged that public opiuion was iusulliciently pre- 
 pared for this reform. I have judged it to be 
 necessary to lead it to that.’ 
 
 ‘ ‘ When the law of separation, as finally adopted 
 in the Chamber of Deputies, was referred to the 
 Senate, the Senatorial commission, under minis- 
 terial pressure, adopted the law as passed in the 
 Chamber, without change of a single word. Al- 
 though the law was the most important of any 
 passed in France for a hundred years, and though 
 it is fraught with grave influences upon the 
 destinies of the country, this hastily matured, 
 ill-framed measure, with all its unjust and vex- 
 atious provisions, was swallowed whole by a 
 commission of cowardly, truckling Senatorial 
 politicians, who disregarded their plain duty at 
 the dictation of Radicals and Socialists on the 
 outside. Separationists both in and out of Parlia- 
 ment were eager to see the law become operative 
 before the universal suffrage of France could 
 have an opportunity of passing judgment upon 
 the principle of the separation in the parliament- 
 ary elections of May, 1906. . . . 
 
 “ In the Papal Consistory of December 11, 
 1905, the Pope pronounced an allocution pro- 
 testing against the law of separation in mild 
 and temperate language, announcing his inten- 
 tion of again treating upon the same subject 
 ‘ more solemnly and more deliberately at an op- 
 portune time.’ The Holy Father evidently 
 waited for the regulations of public administra- 
 tion that would indicate in what manner the 
 Government of France intended to administer 
 and enforce the law. . . . 
 
 “Immediately after the adoption of the law 
 of separation the government appointed a spe- 
 cial commission to elaborate rules of public 
 administration by which the law was to be in- 
 terpreted and applied. This commission being 
 stuffed with the anti-religious element, its work 
 was worthy of its authors. . . . The first de- 
 tails of the regulations officially promulgated 
 governed the taking of inventories of all mova- 
 ble and real property of churches, chapels and 
 ecclesiastical buildings, including rectories, 
 chapter houses, homes of retreat for aged 
 and infirm priests (even pension endowments), 
 etc., ostensibly to facilitate the transfer of these 
 properties to such associations for the main- 
 tenance of public worship as might be formed 
 under the provisions of the law of separation. 
 These inventories were imposed upon all reli- 
 gious bodies — Catholic, Protestant and Jewish 
 — and the law was made applicable to Algiers, 
 where there is a large Mahomedan population. 
 Viewed in the abstract, the taking of inventories 
 was a formality necessary to an application of 
 principles inscribed in the law. As estimates of 
 value such inventories are worthless, because 
 compiled by agents of the administration of 
 Public Domains or treasury agents, unaided by 
 experts in art, architecture and arcliivial paleo- 
 graphy. The Director General of the Register 
 prescribed to agents taking these inventories 
 a request for the opening of tabernacles in 
 churches and chapels to facilitate complete- 
 ness and accuracy. This order aroused a storm 
 
 of indignation throughout France and the gov- 
 ernment realized that a stupid blunder had been 
 made, and it was announced that agents would 
 content themselves with gathering and incor- 
 porating into their report declarations of the 
 priests upon the nature and value of sacred ves- 
 sels contained in the tabernacles. 
 
 “The taking of inventories of churches and 
 their contents commenced simultaneously in 
 many parts of France in the latter part of Jan- 
 uary, 1906. Instead of the simple formality 
 hastily accomplished without general observa- 
 tion, of which separatists had dreamed, this 
 proceeding was characterized in various places 
 by scenes of the wildest disorder. When offi- 
 cials of the Registry presented themselves for 
 the taking of the inventories, the clergy, sur- 
 rounded or attended by trustees of the build- 
 ing, read formal protests against what most of 
 them styled ‘ the first step in an act of spolia- 
 tion.’ ... If these protests had not been ac- 
 companied by physical violence, the country 
 might have been spared the shocking scenes 
 that took place in Paris and the provinces. In 
 many churches free fights took place between 
 militant Catholic laymen, opposed to an inven- 
 tory, and police, firemen and troops, who burst 
 open the doors of churches or broke them down 
 with fire axes in order to make an inventory 
 possible. While at the doors chairs and frag- 
 ments of broken confessionals were flying 
 through the air, pious women within sang : 
 
 ‘ We will pray God that the Church may be able 
 to teach the truth, to combat error which causes 
 division, to preach to all charity ! ’” — F. W. 
 Parsons, Separation of Church and State in 
 France ( American Catholic Quarterly Review, 
 July, 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — The Morocco Question. 
 — Sudden hostility of Germany to the Anglo- 
 F rench Agreement. — Demand for an Interna- 
 tional Conference. — The Conference at Alge- 
 ciras. — The resulting Act. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Claims against Vene- 
 zuela. See Venezuela: A. D. 1905-1906, and 
 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — -President Fallieres succeeds 
 Loubet. — Fall of the Rouvier Ministry. — 
 Rise of M. Clemenceau. — The Elections of 
 May. — Conformity to the Separation Law 
 prohibited by the Pope. — Sequestration of 
 Church Property. — The Socialists and the 
 Bourgeois. — Justice at last to Dreyfus. — 
 Honors to Picquart. — The presidential term of 
 M. Loubet, who had been elected on the 19tli of 
 February, 1899, would expire on the 18th of 
 February, 1906. M. Loubet declined a reflec- 
 tion, and M. Failures, the chosen candidate of 
 the various groups of Republicans, was elected 
 President of the French Republic at a joint ses- 
 sion of the two chambers of the National Assem- 
 bly, on the 17th of January, by 449 votes of a 
 total 848. The new President was inducted into 
 office on the 18th of February, and, according 
 to usage, was offered the resignations of the 
 existing Ministry, under M. Rouvier, which, 
 however, he did not accept. M. Rouvier and 
 his colleagues continued in office until the 7tli of 
 March, when a vote in the Chamber of Deputies 
 which expressed want of confidence compelled a 
 resignation that could not be declined. 
 
 The new Ministry then formed, and announced 
 
 279 
 
FRANCE, 1906 
 
 FRANCE, 1906 
 
 on the 14tli, was nominally presided over by M. 
 Sarrien, President of the Council and Minister of 
 Justice, but its real chief was known to be 
 M. Clemenceau, Minister of the Interior. Other 
 important members of this Cabinet were M. 
 Bourgeois, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and M. 
 Aristide Briand, Minister of Public Instruction 
 and of Worship. Sarrien and Bourgeois were 
 classed politically as Radicals, Briand as a So- 
 cialist, and Clemenceau as a Socialist-Radical. 
 The Ministerial declaration read in both cham- 
 bers on the 14th was criticised as colorless, and 
 as indicating an incongruity of political material 
 in the make-up of the administration. On the 
 burning question of the execution of the law for 
 the separation of Church and State its language 
 was : ‘ 1 The law on the separation of Church 
 
 and State has met, in the execution of the pro- 
 visions relating to the inventories, a resistance 
 as unexpected as it is unjustified. There is no 
 one among us who wishes to assail in any man- 
 ner whatever the freedom of religious belief and 
 worship. The law will be applied in the same 
 liberal spirit in which it was adopted by the 
 Parliament. . . . But it is our duty to insure 
 the execution of all laws throughout the land. 
 Under a republican government the law is the 
 highest expression of national sovereignty ; it 
 must everywhere be respected and everywhere 
 obeyed. The Government intends to apply with 
 all necessary circumspection, but with inflexible 
 firmness, the new legislation which certain par- 
 ties of opposition strive vainly to misrepresent.” 
 
 On the 14th of April the Chamber of Deputies 
 was adjourned sine die, and fresh elections to it 
 were to be held in May. “The seventh legisla- 
 ture held under the Constitution of 1875 came 
 to an end amid a domestic confusion unparal- 
 leled in France since 1871. In the Nord and the 
 Pas de Calais there were miners’ strikes, at 
 Clermont-Ferrand strikes in the building trade ; 
 atLorientand Toulon there was a general strike, 
 and there were strikes also at Alais and Bor- 
 deaux. At Paris the compositors, the excava- 
 tors and the railway men on the Metropolitan 
 had left work, and the postmen also had joined 
 the movement, though they were servants of the 
 State. M. Clemenceau paid two visits to Lens 
 to treat with the strikers; following his exam- 
 ple and by his orders the magistrates, officers 
 and soldiers exhibited admirable coolness as 
 well as energy in controlling the excited crowds 
 without resorting to force. . . . Attempts were 
 made to form what were virtually revolutionary 
 governments, and these announced openly that 
 ©n May-1, capitalism would be assailed, a gen- 
 eral strike proclaimed in Paris, and the Govern- 
 ment swept away if it showed signs of attempt- 
 ing to interfere. These threats set up an 
 unprecedented panic, which was intensified by 
 the measures taken by the Government to get 
 rid of it. Troops guarded the Metropolitan 
 Railway workshops, the printing establishments, 
 the bakeries. All the cavalry and infantry avail- 
 able were concentrated at Paris, and schools and 
 empty houses taken up for their accommoda- 
 tion.” — Annual Register, 1906, p. 270. 
 
 In the midst of these distractions the politi- 
 cal canvass for a new representation of the Re- 
 public in its legislature was carried on, and the 
 elections were but slightly disturbed. They 
 went so sweepingly in favor of the Government 
 that only 176 seats in the Chamber, out of 589, 
 
 were carried by the opposition. The victory 
 of the Government was more complete and de- 
 cisive than the most sanguine had expected. 
 Said a writer in The Fortnightly Review: ‘ ‘ It 
 is the end of the long struggle between the 
 Republic and its internal enemies, those Emigres 
 de I’interieur as M. Paul Sabatier has happily 
 called them. The political power of the Church 
 is broken forever ; the parties of reaction are 
 finally crushed, and their future will be that of 
 the Jacobites after Culloden. ... It may per- 
 haps be useful to record the relative strength of 
 parties in the new Chamber as compared with 
 the old. Precise accuracy is difficult, owing to 
 the uncertainty as to the exact group to which 
 a few of the deputies should be attributed, but 
 the following figures are as near exactitude as 
 possible : — 
 
 New Old 
 
 Chamber. Chamber. 
 Ministerialists : (The Bloc) : — 
 
 Republicans of the Left 
 (Alliance Democratique 
 and Gauche Democrat- 
 ique) 90 83 
 
 Radicals 117 98 
 
 Radical-Socialists .... 132 119 
 
 Independent Socialists . . 20 14 
 
 359 314 
 
 Unified Socialists .... 54 41 
 
 Opposition : — 
 
 Republicans of the Centre 
 (Union Republicaine and 
 Progressists) .... 68 97 
 
 Nationalists 30 53 
 
 Conservatives and Clericals 78 84 
 
 176 234 
 
 “ But the mere figures do not bring out the full 
 significance of the election. Even more impor- 
 tant than the fact that only 108 Clerical and Na- 
 tionalist deputies were returned is the fact that 
 these 108 represent, with very few exceptions, 
 the most ignorant and backward districts in 
 France. Immediately after the election the Matin 
 published an electoral map of France, in which 
 the districts represented by Opposition deputies 
 were left white. It is an instructive document. 
 The whole of central France is a solid mass of 
 black, in the north and south the white spots are 
 few and scattered, in the east black very greatly 
 predominates ; only in the west is there any con- 
 spicuous show of white.” — Robert Dell, France, 
 England, and Mr. Bodley ( Fortnightly Review, 
 Sept., 1906). 
 
 Manifestly the majority in France approved the 
 severance of religious institutions from the po- 
 litical organization of the State. In recognition 
 of the fact, the General Assembly of French Bish- 
 ops, sitting soon afterwards at Paris, petitioned 
 the Pope, by the vote of a large majority, to per- 
 mit the forming of Public Worship Associations 
 under the Separation Law. The papal reply, 
 given late in the summer, was a new Encyclical, 
 formally forbidding French Catholics to form 
 such Associations for taking the offered use of 
 the church buildings and property, as provided 
 for continued exercises of religion by the law. A 
 little later the prohibition was carried farther, 
 and French Catholics were forbidden to conform 
 to the Associations Law of 1891, as well as to the 
 Separation Law. There seems to have been a 
 
 280 
 
FRANCE, 1906 
 
 FRANCE, 1906-1907 
 
 disposition in the Government to extend, from 
 one year to two, the period allowed for conform- 
 ity to the latter enactment ; but this attitude on 
 the part of the head of the Church dispelled it. 
 Accordingly, on the lltli of December, 1906, when 
 the term fixed by the law expired, sequestration 
 of the property of the vestries was pronounced, 
 and buildings occupied in connection with the 
 churches by bishops, rectors, seminaries, etc., 
 were ordered to be vacated with no further delay. 
 
 Before matters reached this stage M. Sarrien 
 had resigned, on account of ill health, and the 
 premiership had passed to Clemenceau. The 
 Cabinet underwent a degree of reconstruction 
 soon afterwards, and the upright, courageous 
 Picquart, formerly Colonel, now Brigadier- 
 General, who had stood so long almost alone in 
 army circles as a champion of justice to the 
 foully wronged Dreyfus (see, in Volume VI. of 
 this work, France : A. D. 1897-1899), had been 
 given the portfolio of War. To Dreyfus him- 
 self the Republic had made all the reparation 
 that it could. On the 12th of July in this year 
 its highest court had pronounced a decision 
 which branded with falsity and forgery every 
 document and the whole testimony on which he 
 had been convicted, and declared that “the 
 accusation against Dreyfus was completely un- 
 justified.” Thereupon he was reinstated in the 
 army with the rank of major, and not many 
 days later, on the spot where the ceremony of 
 his degradation had been performed, in 1894, 
 he received the insignia of a Chevalier of the 
 Legion of Honor. 
 
 In the May elections for the Chamber of Depu- 
 ties the Socialists had been heavily reinforced, 
 and their most strenuous leader, M. Jaures, was 
 inspired to say in his journal, L' Humanite : 
 “ There is no more time to be lost. This time we 
 must give the finishing blow to the Reaction, to 
 all parties of the past, to Clericalism and Csesar- 
 ism. After clearing the battleground of all its 
 litter, the Proletariat must be able to say to the 
 face of the Republican Democracy, the Radical 
 Democracy which at last is master of public 
 power: ‘What are you going to do for work- 
 men ? What reforms, what guarantees, are you 
 going to give them ? How are you going to 
 help French society out of the deep crisis in 
 which it struggles ? How, by what organization 
 of Property and Labor, will you put an end to 
 the exploiting of men, to the war of classes let 
 loose by the Capitalist form of property ? ’ ” 
 Quoting these words, soon afterwards, a writer 
 in The Atlantic Monthly remarked : 
 
 “ Such words are not the mere rhetoric of a 
 Parliamentary dictator who has just suffered a 
 year’s eclipse in the retrograde combinations 
 given to the Radical majority by Prime Minister 
 Rouvier. Almost physiologically, certainly so- 
 cially, the millions of French workmen stand 
 over against property -holders in a way to 
 which there is nothing comparable in the North- 
 ern and Western United States, with all their 
 labor difficulties. They form a separate class 
 in society, because French property-holders 
 form an exclusive caste. It was the middle 
 classes, the property-holding bourgeois and the 
 peasant proprietors bound up with them, who 
 profited by the great Revolution against the 
 privileged classes of that day, — royalty, clergy, 
 and nobles. During the century which has 
 elapsed the triumphant bourgeois have steadily 
 
 persisted in throwing around themselves a prac- 
 tically impenetrable wall of legal and social 
 privilege in their turn. And now there is a 
 spontaneous upheaval of the excluded, unprivi- 
 leged, inferior class.” — Stoddard Dewey, The 
 Year in France ( Atlantic Monthly, Aug., 1906). 
 
 Mainly, it appears, from the prompting and 
 the influence of the Socialist and Labor organi- 
 zations, France obtained, in 1906, a law making 
 Sunday a day of rest from most descriptions of 
 industry and commerce, exceptions being made 
 to allow travel and transportation companies, 
 lighting and water works, newspaper offices, 
 and some other performers of public services, to 
 continue their operations, while hotels, restau- 
 rants, wine shops, drug stores, and the like, 
 were exempted from closing their doors. See 
 Sunday Observance. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Woman Suffrage Movement. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Elective Franchise: Woman 
 Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — The Thrift and consequent 
 loanable Wealth of the country. — The 
 power that it makes for peace. — “In the 
 
 world at large, however, France has also come 
 to a consciousness of her real power. An Eng- 
 lish financier had already said that if the French 
 people continue to live on the principle, ‘ where 
 you have four sous spend only two,’ they will 
 end by having in their possession all the coined 
 gold in the world. The great portion of it which 
 they already possess, and the distress caused to 
 German finance and industry by the patriotic re- 
 fusal of the united French banks to allow their 
 gold to be drawn until peace was secure, had a 
 great and probably decisive influence in the 
 happy termination of this entangled affair of 
 Morocco. The floating of the latest Russian 
 loan has since come to show yet further the riches 
 of France, to which tourists alone, it is estimated, 
 add two billion francs in gold each year. This 
 money power and money need should tend to 
 the keeping of European peace more than all 
 the theories of the pacifists who clamor for a 
 disarmament impossible to obtain.” — Stoddard 
 Dewey, The Year in Fi'ance ( Atlantic Monthly, 
 Aug., 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Deposition of the insane 
 King of Anam. See (in this vol.) Anam. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Feb.). — The Papal Encyclical 
 “ Vehementer Nos.” SeePAPACY: A. D. 1906 
 (Feb.). 
 
 A. D. 1906-1907. — The Separation of 
 Church and State. — Further measures and 
 proceedings, as related from opposite 
 standpoints. 
 
 From the Separationist Standpoint: 
 
 ‘ ‘ The practical question, what course the 
 French Catholics were to adopt when the law 
 should go into effect, was first answered by the 
 pope in his encyclical Gravissimo, published 
 August 10, 1906, eight months after the pro- 
 mulgation of the law. The gist of the doc- 
 ument is in two sentences : ‘ After having con- 
 demned as was our duty this iniquitous law, 
 we examined with the greatest care whether the 
 articles of the aforesaid law would leave at 
 least some means of organizing religious life in 
 France so as to rescue the sacred principles 
 upon which rests the Holy Church.’ Having 
 consulted the bishops, and addressed 1 fervent 
 prayers to the Father of Light,’ the pope 
 came to the following conclusion: ‘As for the 
 
 281 
 
FRANCE, 190G-1907 
 
 FRANCE, 1906-1907 
 
 associations of worship, as the law organizes 
 them, we decree that they can absolutely not 
 be formed without violating the sacred rights 
 which are the very life of the church.’ 
 
 “ Is there any other form of association which 
 might be both legal and canonical ? Pius X did 
 not see any. Therefore, as long as the law re- 
 mained as it was, the Holy Father forbade the 
 French Catholics to try any form of association 
 which did not promise, in an ‘ unmistakable and 
 legal manner, that the divine constitution of 
 the church, the immutable rights of the Roman 
 pontiff and the bishops, as well as their author- 
 ity over the property necessary to the church, 
 especially over the sacred edifices, will be for- 
 ever insured in those associations.’ . . . 
 
 “ For this decision there were, from the ec- 
 clesiastical point of view, three grounds. One 
 was the failure of the law of 1905 to recognize, 
 in so many words, the authority of the ecclesi- 
 astical hierarchy. Another was the abrupt 
 fashion in which the French government broke 
 off its diplomatic relations with the Vatican. 
 The fact that the government consistently ig- 
 nored the pope during the drafting of the bill 
 was a third. . . . 
 
 “ Under what regime the churches were to live 
 was at first somewhat uncertain ; but M. Briand 
 speedily discovered in existing legislation all that 
 was needed to insure the continuance of reli- 
 gious worship. He was willing to admit that the 
 church was not obliged to avail herself of the 
 privileges that the new law provided for her. 
 Law imposes duties on citizens, but it does not 
 force them to make use of rights or privileges. 
 Everything that is not forbidden is lawful. . . . 
 The minister stated that the priests could make 
 use of the churches after having filed such an 
 application or declaration as is required for ordi- 
 nary meetings by the law of 1881. These decla- 
 rations would be valid for a whole year instead 
 of for one meeting. But under this regime the 
 priests would be simply temporary occupants of 
 the buildings of worship without any legal title. 
 
 “This compromise proved no more satisfac- 
 tory to the Vatican than the law of 1905. . . . 
 
 “The pope refused to sanction this arrange- 
 ment. He objected to the scheme of yearly de- 
 claration. In the first place he complained that 
 this broad interpretation of the law on public 
 meetings was merely a personal fancy of M. 
 Briand which might not bind his successors. In 
 the second place, the dignity of the priests did 
 not allow them to accept the humiliating posi- 
 tion of simple occupants of the churches. . . . 
 
 “The government, however, could not leave 
 several million Catholics in a position in which 
 opportunity to perform their religious duties 
 depended upon uncertain texts and the circulars 
 of a temporary minister of worship. It there- 
 fore set out to draft a bill that would be accept- 
 able to the church without any recourse to the 
 discarded associations of worship. The new 
 bill was submitted to Parliament December 15, 
 1906; was accepted by the Chamber December 
 21 and by the Senate December 29, and was 
 promulgated January 2, 1907. . . . 
 
 “Most of the privileges granted in the law 
 of 1905 are withdrawn; and the law of associa- 
 tions of 1901, combined with the law of public 
 meetings of 1881, forms the basis of the new 
 regime. . . . 
 
 “Of all the catastrophes prophesied or feared 
 
 by foes or friends none has occurred. The 
 new regime so violently attacked in and out of 
 France is being gradually acclimated.” — Othon 
 Guerlac, The Separation of Church and State in 
 France {Political Science Quarterly, June, 1908). 
 
 From the Standpoint of the Church : 
 
 “The third meeting of the French episcopate, 
 held at the Chateau de laMuette, Paris, January 
 15-19, resulted in a declaration (approved by the 
 Holy See) of their unanimous consent to essay 
 the organization of public worship in churches 
 to be placed at the Bishops’ disposal free; an 
 essential condition being a legal contract (author- 
 ized by Government) between themselves or their 
 clergy and the Prefects or Mayors to whom such 
 churches (sequestrated in December) have been 
 handed or will be handed over ; the contract to be 
 for a term of eighteen years, during which term 
 (being fixed by the common law of municipal 
 leases of communal properties) neither Mayors 
 nor Prefects shall in any way interfere either 
 in parochial administration or in regard to the 
 conditions of occupancy of the edifices, which 
 must be, as regards police, under control of the 
 priest in charge, the mayor intervening only on 
 grave occasions when his official duties require 
 him according to law to re-establish disturbed 
 order. 
 
 “ This document, published on January 29, 
 was immediately, with a form of contract, sent 
 by each Bishop to the Parish priests in his dio- 
 cese with a request to be informed immediately 
 whether the proposed contract would be entered 
 into by their respective mayors, and instruct- 
 ing them if possible to get it signed at once and 
 return it to the Bishop. Of course, from every 
 parish where Catholics are strong and zealous 
 the signed contracts were quickly obtainable or 
 obtained. But so soon as the Minister of Wor- 
 ship learned these proceedings, he circularized 
 the Prefects of France on February 1 : 
 
 “ ‘You will shortly receive instructions con- 
 cerning the application of the Article in the 
 Law of January 2, 1907, providing that free use 
 of Communal buildings intended for worship, 
 and of their fittings, may, subject to the require- 
 ments of Article 13 in the Law of 9 December, 
 1905, be accorded by an administration act of the 
 mayors to the ministers of worship specified in 
 declarations of worship-meetings. It is extremely 
 urgent, to prevent mayors being entrapped into 
 giving their signatures, that you should tele- 
 graphically warn them, they are not entitled to 
 enter into a contract of this kind without prelim- 
 inary deliberation by their municipal council, 
 and that they should, pending the vote of that 
 body, confine themselves, if asked for it, to giv- 
 ing an acknowledgment of receipt of any re- 
 quest for use of edifices they may have received. 
 You will also assure them they shall at a very 
 early date receive instructions defining the 
 conditions to be observed to render such contracts 
 valid, and will direct them to do nothing until 
 those instructions reach them.’ 
 
 “ It is due to M. Briand to acknowledge: first, 
 that he lost no time whatever in fulfilling this 
 promise; second, that his new circular on the 
 application of the law of January 2, 1907, which 
 bears date Paris, February 3rd, and was pub- 
 lished the following evening, lays down regula- 
 tions concerning the leases of Churches and 
 Communal Chapels which on the face of these 
 are fair, reasonable, and likely to be universally 
 
 282 
 
FRANCE, 1907 
 
 FRANCE, 1907 
 
 acceptable. The main conditions are, approval 
 of the agreements by the municipal councils, 
 failing which mayors cannot enter into them ; 
 maximum term to be eighteen years ; the lessee 
 (whether a cure, or a worship association) to 
 keep the buildings in proper repair ; leases for 
 longer periods than eighteen years to be sanc- 
 tioned by the prefect; that the cure acts by per- 
 mission of his ecclesiastical superior may be 
 stated in the lease, but such superior is not to be 
 entitled in any way, once the document is signed, 
 to interfere, or exercise authority. . . . 
 
 “ In Paris the appearance of the circular was 
 hailed with satisfaction by Catholics and rea- 
 sonable men. . . . Cardinal Richard deems it 
 proper and useful to direct his priests to make 
 the declaration, after the contract is duly signed, 
 and w r hen His Eminence shall authorize them 
 to make it. . . . 
 
 “ His Eminence lost no time in submitting 
 to the Protestant prefect of the Seine, M. de 
 Selves, a draft lease of the Paris Cathedral 
 (Notre Dame) and the historical St. Denis Ba- 
 silica. It was understood that, if settled and 
 signed, this contract should serve as the model 
 to be followed in the remaining eighty-five 
 French dioceses. The Cardinal Secretary of State 
 at the Vatican authorized these negotiations, 
 against his personal judgment, without any 
 illusions as to the result, simply to satisfy the 
 French episcopate and a minority in the Sacred 
 College. . . . 
 
 “After negotiations extending over three 
 weeks, the Prefect informed the Cardinal (in 
 writing, on February 23) that His Eminence’s 
 proposals were inacceptable, but the govern- 
 ment invited amended ones based on ministerial 
 declarations made in the Chamber during a 
 stormy debate on February 19, when M. Briand 
 found himself forced to confess the churches 
 were left open in view of the truth that a parlia- 
 mentary majority had ‘no right to hinder mil- 
 lions of Catholic compatriots from practising 
 their religion.’ The Cardinal Archbishop replied 
 immediately that the text of the draft submitted 
 embodied the extreme limits of possible conces- 
 sions.” — J. F. Boyd, The French Ecclesiastical 
 Revolution ( American Catholic Quarterly Review, 
 Jan. -April, 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Effects of the Separation 
 Law. — The Catholics of France lose all Le- 
 gal Organization. — “ The Church Separation 
 Law has failed to do the particular work for 
 which it was voted by the preceding Parliament. 
 Catholic citizens have chosen to undergo its pen- 
 alties, with new pains and reprisals voted by the 
 present Parliament, rather than accept that civil 
 reorganization of their religion which it imposed 
 on them. The result has been to deprive French 
 Catholics, not only of the church property which 
 had been restored to them after the confiscations 
 of the Revolution, but also of all church property 
 of whatever kind, even such as had since been 
 gathered together by their private and volun- 
 tary contributions. It is impossible to foresee 
 how they are legally to constitute new church 
 property for themselves. By the automatic 
 working of separation, Catholics, so far as any 
 corporative action might be intended, are left 
 quite outside their country’s laws. 
 
 “The Associations Law had previously sup- 
 pressed their religious orders and congregations, 
 that is, all those teaching and other communities 
 
 which combined individual initiatives into a 
 working power for their religion. In virtue of 
 that law, their convents and colleges and the 
 other properties of such religious associations 
 have ‘reverted’ to the State, which is gradually 
 liquidating them for its own purposes. 
 
 “No example of temporal sacrifices for reli- 
 gion’s sake on such a scale has been seen since 
 Catholics in the France of the Revolution chose 
 to lose all, in many cases life itself, rather than 
 accept the schismatical civil constitution of their 
 clergy, which was accompanied by a like nation- 
 alizing of all their church property.” — Stoddard 
 Dewey, The Year in France ( Atlantic Monthly, 
 Aug., 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Rapid Development of the 
 Syndicalist Labor Union Movement. — The 
 Confederation Generate du Travail. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: France: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Popular Vote on the Great- 
 est Frenchman of the Nineteenth Century, 
 awarding the distinction to Louis Pasteur. 
 
 See War, The Revolt against : A. D. 1907- 
 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (May-July). — The revolt of the 
 Wine-growers of the Midi. — From various 
 causes, the wine-growers of Southern France 
 have suffered from an increasing decline in the 
 market for their products. They attributed this 
 wholly to the extensive manufacture of adulter- 
 ated and counterfeited wines, though it came 
 partly, without doubt, from the increasing use 
 of beers and spirituous liquors among the French. 
 The struggling cultivators of the grape, who 
 could hardly obtain a living from their vine- 
 yards, accused the government of neglect to 
 make and enforce effective laws for the suppres- 
 sion of the adulterating frauds. They demanded 
 new measures for the suppression of all vinous 
 beverages that were not the pure product of the 
 grape. In the spring of 1907 their attitude be- 
 came seriously threatening ; for a leader named 
 Marcelin Albert, having an eloquent tongue, a 
 bold spirit, and a capacity for command, had 
 risen among them. Alarming demonstrations 
 of popular excitement occurred in the cities of 
 Perpignan, Montpellier, Narbonne, and others. 
 
 Then, in May, the discontented people gave 
 formal notice that they would refuse to pay 
 taxes if all adulterate wine-making was not sum- 
 marily stopped by the 10th of June. At the ap- 
 pointed time the threat was even more than 
 made good, for most of the municipal officers in 
 the four departments of Gard, Aude, Herault, 
 and the Pyrenees Orientales resigned and the 
 machinery of local government was dissolved. 
 The troublesome situation thus created was 
 handled ably by Premier Clemenceau. On one 
 hand he secured new legislation from Parlia- 
 ment against wine adulteration, while promptly 
 ordering troops to the region of revolt on the 
 other. Marcelin Albert and another leader, Dr. 
 Ferroul, Mayor of Narbonne, were arrested, and 
 order was soon restored, though a few collisions 
 with turbulent crowds were attended with some 
 loss of life. 
 
 The new laws enacted for the occasion were 
 intended in part to secure an annual record of 
 the vineyard product of the country that would 
 enable the Government to keep knowledge of it 
 from the vine to the wine cask, and make fraud- 
 ulent tampering with it more difficult, at least. 
 
 283 
 
FRANCE, 1908 
 
 FRANCE, 1909 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Sept.). — Convention with Great 
 Britain concerning Commercial Relations 
 with Canada. See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 
 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — (Nov.). — Treaty with Great 
 Britain, Germany, Norway, and Russia, 
 guaranteeing the integrity of Norway. See 
 Europe : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). — Treaty with England 
 concerning Death Duties. See Death Duties. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Operation in Morocco. 
 — Bombardment of Casablanca. — Fresh ir- 
 ritation of Germany. — Arbitration of the 
 Casablanca incident. — Dethronement of 
 Sultan Abd el Aziz by his brother, Mulai 
 Hafid. — Franco-German Agreement. See 
 Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — North Sea and Baltic Agree- 
 ments. See Europe : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — The Situation of the Catho- 
 lic Church since the Separation of Church 
 and State. — A Church Organization impos- 
 sible. — “To question whether the Catholics 
 in France, who have alone done more than the 
 Catholics in any other nation for foreign missions 
 and for the propagation of the faith, will succeed 
 in maintaining the Church in their own country 
 by private contributions, will perhaps arouse as- 
 tonishment. Nevertheless it may be questioned. 
 We do not doubt the generosity of our people, 
 but that which does give us concern is the im- 
 possibility of organizing any revenue which can 
 be permanent. . . . The Church would be able 
 to surmount the difficulty if she had endow- 
 ments, revenues, or property, as in other coun- 
 tries. But that of course demands some regular 
 organization, some corporation or some body 
 recognized by the laws of the country and capa- 
 ble of acquiring, possessing, and exercising or- 
 dinary property rights. We cannot state too 
 emphatically that such an organization for the 
 Church is not possible to-day in France. On one 
 side the only body authorized by the law to look 
 after the material side of the religious interests 
 is the association cultuelle, or local committee of 
 public worship, as defined and regulated by the 
 Law of Separation. On the other side, this asso- 
 ciation cultuelle has been declared by the Pope in- 
 compatible with the hierarchical constitution of 
 the Church of Rome, and the bishops, the priests, 
 and the Catholic laity, in obedience to their Su- 
 preme Head, have abstained and will continue 
 to abstain from forming any such organization. 
 Not only, then, have there been no Catholic as- 
 sociations cultuelles to receive from the state the 
 portion of the former religious property (the half 
 perhaps) which we might have kept; but there 
 will be none in the future to receive a gift of any 
 kind. In the eyes of the law there is no diocese, 
 no parish, no corporation representing diocese or 
 parish. The bishop and the pastor are only in- 
 dividual citizens, Messrs. So-and-So. They can- 
 not hold property except as individuals, and 
 what they might receive for religious purposes 
 cannot be handed down to their successors, — it 
 must revert only to their legal heirs. In brief, 
 no permanent body whatever can provide for the 
 maintenance of public worship. 
 
 “This is the situation with its almost insur- 
 mountable difficulties. In all probability it will 
 be a long time before we escape from it.” — 
 Felix Klein, The Present Difficulties of the Church 
 in France ( Fortnightly Review , April, 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty with England, 
 Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and 
 Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo 
 on the North Sea. See (in this vol.) Europe: 
 A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (June). — Treaty with Japan, 
 adjusting interests of each country in the 
 East. See Japan: A. D. 1907 (June). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (June). — Purchase of the West- 
 ern Railway. See Railways : France. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Operations in and around 
 Morocco. — French Mauritanie. — Pushing 
 French lines toward the West. See Mo- 
 rocco : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Attitude on the question 
 of the Austrian Annexation of Bosnia and 
 Herzegovina. See Europe : A. D. 1908-1909 
 (Oct. -March). 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Socialism and the Socialist 
 Parties. —The classes appealed to. — The 
 leaders and the followers. See Socialism : 
 France. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — A late awakening to the 
 need of better Technical and Industrial 
 Training. See Education: France: A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Cooperative Organization in 
 Agriculture. See Labor Remuneration: Co- 
 operative Organization. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — Elections to one-third 
 of the French Senate. — Success of the 
 Socialist-Radicals. — Endorsement of the 
 Clemenceau Ministry. — Elections to the one- 
 third of the French Senate which goes out every 
 third year were held on Sunday, the 3d of Janu- 
 ary, and resulted heavily in favor of the party 
 which calls itself Socialist-Radical, holding a 
 middle ground between the extreme Socialists and 
 the Moderate Republicans. M. Clemenceau, the 
 Premier, is of this party, and his administration 
 had given it great strength. He was one of the 
 Senators whose term had expired, and his consti- 
 tuents of the Var re-elected him by a majority of 
 390, 46 more than they had formerly given him. 
 Of the 103 Senators chosen at this election the 
 Socialist-Radicals and Radicals (who work to- 
 gether) won 60, giving them secure control of 
 the Senate, where the Moderate Republicans had 
 been holding the balance of power. The latter 
 lost eighteen seats, while the Conservatives or 
 Reactionists of the Right added 1 to the 4 they 
 had previously held. The strength in France 
 of a politically and practically restrained sym- 
 pathy with the economic ideas of Socialism was 
 proved signally in this election. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — Amended Convention 
 with Great Britain concerning Commercial 
 Relations with Canada. See (in this vol.) 
 Canada: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March). — Appointment of Abb6 
 Loisytothe Professorship of the History of 
 Religions in the College of France. — Early in 
 March, 1909, the Abbe Loisy, most conspicuous 
 of the “Modernists” who had been condemned 
 and denounced by the Pope, was appointed by 
 the Minister of Public Instruction to be Profes- 
 sor of the History of Religions in the College de 
 France, filling the chair vacated by the death of 
 M. Reville. The appointment had been recom- 
 mended by the authorities of the College, which 
 is reputed to be an institution entirely devoted to 
 “disinterested scientific research.” Nevertheless, 
 the choice was looked upon at once as being 
 
 284 
 
FRANCE, 1909 
 
 FRANCE, 1909 
 
 prompted by a motive of offensive antagonism to 
 the Papacy. The Abbe lias had distinction for 
 years among the masters of the higher criticism, 
 and five of his books were placed on the “Index” 
 by the church in 1903. The propositions charac- 
 terized as “Modernism” and condemned by the 
 Pope in 1907 were largely drawn from his writ- 
 ings. The Abbe replied to the condemnation, 
 and was excommunicated. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March-May). — Serious strike 
 of Government employes in the T elegraph and 
 Postal Service. — Overcome by the firmness 
 of the Government. — Disciplinary proceed- 
 ings. — Court decision against Trade Unions 
 among employes of the State. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization: France: A. D. 1909 
 (March-May). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March-June). — Report of Par- 
 liamentary Commission on the Naval Admin- 
 istration. — Alarming conditions. See War, 
 The Preparations for : Navai,. : 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — Reported reanima- 
 tion of Clerical Anti-Republicanism. — “I 
 learn on excellent authority,” said an English 
 correspondent of the Press, writing from Paris 
 in April, “that the leaders of anti-clericalism in 
 the French political world are becoming some- 
 what concerned as to the rapid recrudescence of 
 the political religious orders, which, although 
 suppressed, are somehow managing to reestablish 
 themselves in France. As was recently pointed 
 out by M. Andre Mater, in a volume, ‘ La Poli- 
 tique Religieuse de la Republique Fran^aise,’ 
 published under the auspices of the ‘ Committee 
 for the defence abroad of the religious policy of 
 France,’ the French monks, and not the French 
 Bishops and priests, were almost entirely respon- 
 sible for the Vatican’s refusal to accept the three 
 Separation Laws which M. Briand, the then 
 Minister of Public Worship, framed in a concil- 
 iatory spirit towards the Roman Catholic Church, 
 and often with the assistance of the French 
 Bishops themselves. The French Government 
 will certainly not allow the religious orders to 
 revive the old campaign of anti-Republicanism, 
 which has, in the opinion of many French Roman 
 Catholics, done so much to compromise the in- 
 terests of Roman Catholicism in this country.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — Earthquake on the 
 Mediterranean coast. See Earthquakes : 
 France. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June-July). — Revised Naval 
 Programme. — Changes in the Department of 
 the Marine. See War, The Preparations 
 for: Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July). Discussion of the Navy 
 Report in the Chamber of Deputies. — M. 
 Clemenceau’s outbreak of passion. — His 
 flings at M. Delcasse resented by the 
 Chamber. — He is driven from office by its 
 vote. —His Successor, M. Briand, and the 
 New Cabinet. — A Socialist Statesman at 
 the head of the Government. — When the re- 
 port of the Parliamentary Commission on the 
 Navy and the Naval Administration (see War, 
 The Preparations for: Naval) came up for 
 discussion in the Chamber of Deputies, in July, 
 it brought about the overthrow of Prime Minis- 
 ter Clemenceau and his Cabinet in a singular 
 way. The report itself had not been seriously 
 threatening to the stability of the Ministry. Re- 
 sponsibility for the weaknesses found in the 
 Naval administration belonged evidently, in 
 
 large measure, to the predecessors of M. Clemen- 
 ceau and his colleagues, and they were united in 
 maintaining that M. Picard, who held the Marine 
 portfolio, had done all that could be done since 
 he came to office towards reforming his depart- 
 ment. M. Picard himself spoke with an aggres- 
 sive boldness of self- justification in the debate. 
 His speech, made on the 20th of July, called out 
 M. Delcasse, president of the investigating Com- 
 mission, who mounted the tribune and delivered 
 an attack on the Government, fierce with the 
 animosities of a long antagonism between M. 
 Clemenceau and himself. This angered the 
 Premier to a degree, apparently, which over- 
 powered his usually clear judgment, and he re- 
 torted in a speech which taunted M. Delcasse 
 with references to that Morocco affair in which 
 he and France were subjected to mortifications 
 at the hands of Germany (see, in this volume, 
 Europe : A. D. 1905-1906). It is a matter on 
 which sore feeling exists naturally in France, 
 and concerning which the sympathy of the na- 
 tion is with M. Delcasse. Hence the Chamber 
 resented Clemenceau’s allusions to it, and Del- 
 casse was cheered when he made a passionate 
 but dignified reply. The Premier would have 
 needed to be blind if he did not see that his own 
 party was against him in the tone he had given 
 to the controversy; and yet he proceeded to a 
 repetition of the taunt he had flung at his oppo- 
 nent before. What followed was thus described 
 to the readers of the London Times the next 
 morning, by its Paris correspondent : 
 
 “M. Clemenceau rose in face of a hostile 
 Chamber, which had been profoundly impressed 
 by M. Delcasse, although on entering the Palais 
 Bourbon before the debate this afternoon not a 
 single member of the House had contemplated 
 the possibility of a division which would entail 
 the fall of the Ministry and expose all parties to 
 the necessity of readjustments of electoral ar- 
 rangements under a new and untried Cabinet 
 within less than a year of the general election. 
 M. Clemenceau said : — 
 
 “ ‘ M. Delcasse has taken a great deal of trou- 
 ble not to reply to the only question which I put 
 to him — namely, you were Minister and you 
 followed a policy which was bound to carry us 
 to one of the greatest humiliations.’ 
 
 “It seemed, as one gazed down upon the 
 House, that the entire Chamber leapt as one man 
 in indignant repudiation of this sentence, which, 
 moreover, had been truncated by this spontane- 
 ous and concerted interruption. When the noise 
 of the slamming desks had died down, M. Cle- 
 menceau was heard to say : 
 
 “ ‘ Oh, a truce to false indignation, I beg of 
 you. You led us, M. Delcasse, within a hair’s 
 breadth of war and you did nothing to prepare 
 for any such policy by taking military precau- 
 tions. Everybody is aware that the Ministers 
 of War and of Marine were questioned, and that 
 they declared that we were not ready. (Loud 
 protests.) I have not humiliated France, M. 
 Delcasse humiliated her.’ 
 
 “As M. Clemenceau returned to his place, 
 there could be no doubt as to the temper of the 
 House. A division was immediately announced 
 on an order of the day of confidence, proposed 
 by M. Jourde and accepted by the Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 “The vote took place on priority in favour of 
 this order of the day amid the liveliest agitation. 
 
 285 
 
FRANCE, 1909 
 
 FRANCE, 1909 
 
 By 212 votes to 176 priority was rejected. As 
 soon as the President had read out the figures, 
 M. Clemenceau and the Ministers rose, and 
 leaving the Government Bench filed out into the 
 lobbies. Loud cheers from the Right and the 
 Extreme Left followed them to the door. It 
 was the fall of the Ministry which has enjoyed 
 the longest lease of life of any under the Third 
 Republic. 
 
 “ After holding a consultation at the Palais 
 Bourbon, the Prime Minister and his colleagues 
 immediately proceeded to the Elysee in order 
 formally to tender their resignation. President 
 Falli&res, who was at dinner and who had not 
 heard the result of the vote in the Chamber, 
 was taken by surprise and expressed regret at 
 the departure of M. Clemenceau, with whom he 
 had collaborated so long. The short interview, 
 which lasted only ten minutes, concluded with 
 a formal request on the part of the President 
 that M. Clemenceau and his colleagues would 
 continue to discharge the duties of their re- 
 spective Departments until the appointment of 
 their successors.” 
 
 Though his colleagues went out of office with 
 him, it was M. Clemenceau, alone, who could be 
 said to have “fallen.” Even that characteriza- 
 tion of the occurrence was criticised by one of 
 his opponents, who said: “M. Clemenceau did 
 not fall; he plunged out of office.” “The 
 Chamber had no intention of upsetting the Gov- 
 ernment,” said one of the Republican journals 
 of Paris, “and an hour earlier, in fact, had 
 loudly cheered the Minister of Marine, M. 
 Picard.”- In these circumstances it was certain 
 that the change of Ministry would make little 
 change in the character or policy of the Govern- 
 ment. It did, in fact, make no extensive change 
 in even the personnel of the Ministry ; for six 
 members of the Cabinet of M. Clemenceau reap- 
 peared in its successor, and these included the 
 new Premier, M. Aristide Briand. 
 
 The choice of M. Briand for leadership in 
 the Government appears to have been made by 
 a common consensus of opinion that he was the 
 one man pointed to by all the circumstances of 
 the case. As Minister of Public Worship he 
 had shown a temperateness of disposition and 
 a political capacity, in steering the country 
 through the stormy achievement of the separa- 
 tion of the State from the Church, which won 
 high admiration and esteem both at home and 
 abroad. He had been known as distinctly a 
 Socialist, according to the full meaning of the 
 term in France, and had come into public life 
 with the prejudices raised against that brand of 
 radicalism to contend with. But he had given 
 good proof that he could be practically a states- 
 man as well as theoretically a Socialist, and 
 France appeared to be fully willing to see the 
 helm of Government put into his hands. He is 
 the first fully professed Socialist to attain that 
 position in a great State. In making up his 
 Cabinet he called into it two others of his own 
 Socialist sect, namely, M. Millerand, to be Min- 
 ister of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs, 
 and M. Viviani to be Minister of Labor, as he 
 had been before. For himself he retained the 
 Ministry of Public Worship, and, with it, the 
 Ministry of the Interior. Of other important 
 departments of the Government, that of Foreign 
 Affairs was reassumed by M. Pichon and that of 
 Public Instruction by M. Domergue. General 
 
 Brun became Minister of War and Admiral 
 Boue de Lapeyrere, Minister of Marine. The 
 Cabinet appears to have been generally recog- 
 nized as one of exceptional strength. 
 
 On the 27th of July the new Premier spoke 
 as such to the Chamber of Deputies for the first 
 time, and did so, it was manifest, with impres- 
 sive effect. “ If I deemed my person to be an 
 element of discord in the Republican party,” he 
 said, “I should ask you not to follow me. I 
 could not suppose that serious men would come 
 to ask me to sort out, as it were, from my old 
 ideas those which experience has confirmed 
 within me and those which it has made me dis- 
 card. If I had been base enough to do that, my 
 interpellators would be right if they refused me 
 their confidence. I come before you just as I 
 am, a man whom you all know. I have been 
 working with you of the majority for the last 
 seven years. You know that I am not afraid of 
 ideas, and that my way of thinking is daring. 
 The Republic seems to me to be the germ of 
 all progress, but I admit only such ideas as 
 are feasible. Je sitis un homme de realisation. 
 Those who have watched me know that full 
 well. If there be among you any who are still 
 ignorant of these facts, let them vote against 
 me. I have as yet no mandate from you. To- 
 night I may have one, but at present there is 
 still time for you to refuse to invest me with 
 one.” 
 
 At the close of the Premier’s address a motion 
 of confidence was made, and carried by 306 
 votes against 46. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July).— French Deputies to lose 
 pay when not in attendance at the Cham- 
 ber. — Voting by proxy is permitted in the 
 French Chamber of Deputies, and this encour- 
 ages absenteeism. To correct that result a re- 
 markable rule was adopted by the Chamber at 
 its session of July 17. “The Socialist Deputy 
 for the Cher, M. Berton, aided by the Socialist 
 Radical M. Dumont, induced the House to 
 adopt, by 441 votes to 77, a measure in virtue 
 of which ‘ any Deputy who shall not have signed 
 during six consecutive sittings a certificate of 
 attendance shall be regarded as being absent 
 without permission ’ and deprived of his pay. 
 M. Pelletan, ex-Minister of Marine, who is, with 
 men like M. Brisson, President of the Chamber, 
 the type of the old Parliamentary hand of the 
 Republican regime , protested in vain against a 
 conception of Parliamentary work which, as he 
 said, humiliated the representatives of France 
 to the position of schoolboys who have to be 
 ruled with a rod of iron lest they play truant. 
 M. Brisson himself pointed out that the pro- 
 posal of the Socialist Deputies was seriously 
 wanting in respect for the national sovereignty, 
 and he reminded his colleagues that mere at- 
 tendance in the Chamber was by no means the 
 only, nor necessarily the most effective, way of 
 doing one’s duty as Deputy. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July). — The Pensioning of 
 State Railway Employes. — The Pending 
 Workman’s Pension Bill. See (in this vol.) 
 Poverty: ItbProhlems: France. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Abrogation of Com- 
 mercial Agreements with the United States. 
 See Tariffs : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Clerical attack on the 
 Secular or Neutral Schools. See Education: 
 France: A. D. 1909. 
 
 286 
 
FRANCE, 1909 
 
 GAUTSCH 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Nov.). — Contemplated Reform 
 in Criminal Court Procedure. See Law and 
 
 its Courts : Franck. 
 
 A. D. 1910 . — Destructive Floods in France, 
 most seriously in and around Paris. — Many 
 parts of France suffered heavily from extraordi- 
 nary floods in the later half of January and the 
 early days of February, 1910 ; but Paris had the 
 worst of the calamity to bear. In its long his- 
 tory the city has been cruelly dealt with many 
 times by the waters of the Seine, which its quays 
 and bridges constrict and obstruct; but thfs lat- 
 est experience proved nearly the climax. It 
 
 FRANCO, JOAO: His drastic Government 
 of Portugal. See (in this vol.) Portugal : 
 A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 FREDERICK VIII.: Succession to the 
 Crown of Denmark. See (in this vol.) Den- 
 mark : A. D. 1906. 
 
 FREE CHURCH, of Scotland. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Scotland: A. D. 1904^1905. 
 
 FREE ZONE, Mexican : Its abolition. — - 
 An account of the Free Zone is given in Vol- 
 ume VI. of this work, under the caption, Mex- 
 ican Free Zone. It went out of existence in 
 1905. See (in this vol.) Mexico : A. D. 1904- 
 1905. 
 
 was comparable, at least, with a historic flood 
 that dates back to 1615. Large districts were 
 uninhabitable for days; half the streets and 
 squares of the city were under water: founda- 
 tions of many of the grandest buildings were be- 
 ing sapped, while sewers, subways, and pave- 
 ments were extensively destroyed. It was not 
 until the beginning of February that any subsi- 
 dence of the waters occurred, and far into the 
 month before much restoration of conditions 
 could be taken in hand. The suffering mean- 
 time was very great and the pecuniary damage 
 immense. 
 
 FRIEDJUNG CASE, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Europe: A. D. 1908-1909 (Oct.-March). 
 
 FRIARS’ LANDS, Governmental pur- 
 chase of the. See (in this vol.) Philippine 
 Islands : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 FRY, Sir Edward. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Organization: England: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 FULLER, Sir Bampfylde, Resignation 
 of. See (in this vol.) India : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 FULTON CELEBRATION. See (in this 
 vol.) New York State : A. D. 1909. 
 
 FURNESS, Sir Christopher: His plan of 
 Profit-sharing with Workmen. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Remuneration: Profit-sharing. 
 
 G. 
 
 GAELIC LEAGUE. See (in this vol.) Ire- 
 land: A. D. 1893-1907. 
 
 GAGE, Lyman J. See (in this vol.) United 
 States: A. D. 1905. 
 
 GALSTER, Vice-Admiral: Argument for 
 Submarines against “Dreadnoughts.” See 
 
 (in this vol.) War, TnE Revolt against : 
 A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 GALVESTON, or Des Moines Plan of 
 Municipal Government. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government : Galveston. 
 
 GAMBLING: Its suppression in Siam. 
 See (in this vol.) Slam : A. D. 1905. 
 
 Race-track : Legislation for its Suppression 
 in the State of New York. See (in this vol.) 
 New York State : A. D. 1908. 
 
 Legislation for its Suppression in Louisi- 
 ana and the District of Columbia. — In June, 
 1908, Louisiana followed the example of New 
 York in passing an Act for the suppression of 
 race-track gambling. There, as in New York, 
 only exactly enough votes to pass the bill were 
 secured ; one Senator was present for the final 
 vote in spite of illness which subjected him to 
 the most serious inconvenience, and one Sena- 
 tor had to be sought by messenger with a motor- 
 car and brought by an all-night ride ninety 
 miles through the Louisiana marshes. Within a 
 few months past the gamblers of the race track 
 had been similarly placed under the ban of the 
 law in the District of Columbia. 
 
 Its Suppression in Japan. — The following 
 was reported from Tokio, March 27, 1909: “ A 
 tremendous effort has been made by the race- 
 track element in Japan to induce the govern- 
 ment to retract and permit betting upon the 
 tracks, but Marquis Katsura, the premier, has 
 stood firm, and, for another year, at least, the 
 race tracks of the Empire will be without their 
 favorite Pari Mutuel or any other form of bet- 
 ting. This means in Japan practically an end 
 
 of horse-racing, and necessarily a heavy loss to 
 the stockholders in the various race tracks. The 
 development of racing in Japan was extremely 
 rapid. From a single course established at 
 Yokohama by foreigners, at least half a dozen 
 tracks were in full swing when gambling was 
 prohibited. So flagrant were the cases of fraud 
 and so numerous the examples of ruin brought 
 about by reckless betting that the government 
 suddenly put its foot down upon the whole 
 thing.” 
 
 Stock, and other Speculative Dealing. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Finance and Trade : United 
 States: A. D. 1909. 
 
 GAPON, Father George. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1904^-1905. 
 
 GARCIA, Lugardo : Deposed President of 
 Ecuador. See (in this vol.) Ecuador. 
 
 GARFIELD, HARRY A.: President of 
 Williams College. See (in this vol. ) Educa- 
 tion : United States : A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 GARFIELD, James R. : Commissioner of 
 Corporations and Secretary of the Interior. 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 Investigation of the “Beef Trust,” so- 
 called. See (in this vol.) Combinations, In- 
 dustrial : United States : A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 Investigation of the Standard Oil Com- 
 pany, and Report. See (in this vol.) Combi- 
 nations, Industrial: United States : A. D. 
 1904-1909. 
 
 GASOLINE ENGINE. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention. 
 
 GATUN DAM. See (in this vol.) Panama 
 Canal : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 GAUNA, Juan: Revolutionary President 
 of Paraguay. See (in this vol.) Paraguay: 
 A. D. 1904. 
 
 GAUTSCH, Baron. See (in this vol.) Aus- 
 tria-Hungary: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 287 
 
GAYNOR 
 
 GERMANY, 1902 
 
 GAYNOR, William J. See (in this vol.) 
 New Yohk City: A. I). 1909. 
 
 GEAY, Bishop. See (in this vol.) France: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 GENERAL EDUCATION BOARD. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Education: United States: A. D. 
 1902-1909. 
 
 “GENERAL SLOCUM,” Burning of the. 
 
 See (in this vol.) New York City: A. D. 1904. 
 
 GEORGE, David Lloyd. See Lloyd- 
 George, David. 
 
 GEORGE V., King of Great Britain: His 
 accession to the Throne. See (in this vol.) 
 England: A. D. 1910 (May). 
 
 GEORGE JUNIOR REPUBLIC. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Children, under the Law: As Of- 
 fenders. 
 
 GEORGEI POBIEDONOSETS, Mutiny 
 on the. See (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 1905 
 (Feb. -N ov.). 
 
 GEORGIA: A. D. 1908. — Abolition of the 
 Convict Lease System. See (in this vol.) 
 Crime and Criminology. 
 
 Suffrage Amendment to the Constitution. 
 See Elective Franchise: United States. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Railroad Strike. See Race 
 Problems: United States : A. D. 1909 . 
 
 GEORGIAN BAY CANAL. See (in this 
 vol.) Canada : A. D. 1909. 
 
 GERMAN EAST AFRICA: Its parts 
 suitable for European Settlement. See (in this 
 vol.) Africa. 
 
 GERMAN SOUTHWEST AFRICA. See 
 
 Africa: German Colonies. 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 Industrial Combinations, called Cartels. 
 See Combinations, Industrial: in Germany. 
 
 Matters relating to the Use of Alcoholic 
 Liquors. See Alcohol Problem. 
 
 State and Municipal Dealings with the 
 Problems of Poverty and Unemployment. 
 See Poverty. 
 
 A. D. 1870-1905. — Increase of Population 
 compared with other European Countries. 
 
 See Europe : A. D. 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1898-1904. — Rise of Commercial 
 Universities. See Education: Germany: 
 A. D. 1898-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1900. — Comparative Statement of 
 the Consumption of Alcoholic Drink. See 
 
 Alcohol Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1901 (Dec.). — Claims and Complaints 
 against Venezuela communicated to the 
 United States. — The Reply. — Interpreta- 
 tion of the Monroe Doctrine. See Venezuela 
 A. D. 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — Industrial Crisis and 
 succeeding Depression. See Finance and 
 Trade: Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (March-May). — Measures for 
 Germanizing the Polish Provinces of Prus- 
 sia. — For many years past the Prussian Gov- 
 ernment had been exerting itself to dilute the 
 Polish population of its Polish provinces, by 
 settling German colonists in them and by buy- 
 ing land from Polish owners. It now assumed 
 a more aggressive attitude of hostility toward 
 that portion of its subjects, as appeared from 
 the temper of a speech by Count Billow in the 
 Prussian legislature, in January of this year, on 
 what he characterized as “ the most important 
 concern of Prussian politics at the present time.” 
 German property, be said “ was steadily passing 
 into Polish hands,” and “ Polish lawyers, Polish 
 doctors, Polish contractors, were united in the 
 attempt to thrust the German element into the 
 background.” In support of the Count’s position 
 it was averred by others in the debate that not 
 only was Eastern Prussia being made Polish by 
 the rise of a vigorous Polish middle class, but 
 that the Poles already formed 10 per cent of the 
 whole population of Prussia, and were spread- 
 ing in other parts of the Empire, holding them- 
 selves generally apart from their German neigh- 
 bors and cultivating a national patriotism of 
 their own. 
 
 In March the Prussian Government issued 
 orders forbidding the admission of immigrants 
 from Russian Poland into Prussia unless they 
 brought not less than 400 marks of money in 
 hand. Two months later a bill was brought for- 
 ward appropriating 250,000,000 marks for the 
 purchasing of land in the Polish provinces and 
 for settling German colonists upon it. In connec- 
 tion with this measure it was reported that, since 
 the buying of land for these purposes began, in 
 Posen, the Poles had acquired more from Ger- 
 mans than Germans had acquired from Poles, to 
 the extent of 76,611 acres. Hence more money 
 must be put into the game if it was to be played 
 with effect. The money was voted, though oppo- 
 sition to the policy which makes enemies of the 
 Poles, instead of Germanizing them by friendly 
 treatment, made a show of much strength. 
 
 “It was in 1886 that the Iron Chancellor started 
 the fight against the Poles by the expulsion of 
 more than 50,000 Polish labourers, natives of 
 Austria and Russia. This measure not only hit 
 the poor people who were driven away, it also 
 and principally was directed against the Polish 
 owners of large landed estates in the Eastern 
 provinces, who thereafter experienced great dif- 
 ficulty in obtaining the necessary number of 
 farm-hands. This artificial scarcity of labour, 
 together with the great decrease in price of ag- 
 ricultural products which had just taken place, 
 entirely ruined many owners of large estates, 
 and there were therefore a great number who 
 wanted to sell. Bismarck then appointed a Com- 
 mittee of Colonisation to buy Polish estates and 
 parcel them out to German peasant farmers. The 
 necessary funds were provided for by a sum of 
 100,000,000 marks (equal to £5,000,000) which 
 was placed at the disposal of the Committee. 
 
 “ At the first moment the Poles were para- 
 lysed. What were they to do to ward off such an 
 attack aimed at the poorest among them ? But 
 they kept up a good heart and did the only 
 reasonable thing: some wealthy Polish noble 
 men furnished a sum of 3,000,000 marks (equal 
 to £150,000) whereby to fight the mighty Prus- 
 sian Government, with its Committee of Coloni- 
 sation and well-nigh inexhaustible financial re- 
 sources. With this capital of 3,000,000 marks 
 a Polish land bank was started for the purpose 
 of buying estates and reselling them in small 
 holdings to Polish colonists. . . . 
 
 288 
 
GERMANY, 1902 
 
 GERMANY, 1903 
 
 “ It maybe guessed from what is already stated 
 that the Poles have not only been able to main- 
 tain their former hold on the laud, but actually 
 as peaceable conquerors are marching triumph- 
 antly westwards. This is also the case, but w r e 
 need not restrict ourselves to a guess, the ‘ Statis- 
 t inches Jnhrbuch fur den Preussischen Slant ’ for 
 1903 containing ample corroboration of it. Ac- 
 cording to this official handbook there were par- 
 celled out in the years 1896 to 1901, in the Pro- 
 vinces of Posen and West Prussia, 7,828 estates 
 by German activity, containing 617,200 hectares, 
 and 9,079 estates by Polish activity, containing 
 213,700 hectares. Although the Germans have 
 parcelled out a very considerably larger area, 
 the Poles have bought and parcelled out a far 
 greater number of properties. The advantage 
 thus obtained is put into an even stronger light 
 when we learn that during the same period by 
 this parcelling out there have been created only 
 15,941 German farms, with an area of 155,200 
 hectares, as against 22,289 Polish farms, with 
 an area of 95,800 hectares, for these figures show 
 that during these six years more than 6,000 Pol- 
 ish homes have been established over and above 
 the number of German homes planted on old 
 Polish soil. Moreover the advantage thus 
 gained by the Poles has been increased during 
 the last two years.” — Erik Givskov, Germany 
 and her Subjected Races {Contemporary Review, 
 June, 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — The Imperial Pension Fund 
 for Veterans. — A statement of the condition 
 of the imperial pension fund for the veterans 
 of the wars of 1864, 1866, and 1870 showed that 
 this fund, which was established by setting apart 
 $138,000,000 out of the war indemnity paid by 
 France, had not for years past been able to meet 
 the claims made upon it out of the income it 
 produced. Recourse was had to appropriations 
 of capital, and the fund would consequently be 
 exhausted in course of time, probably not earlier 
 than 1908 and not later than 1910. All the ex- 
 penses now covered by the fund would then 
 have to be incorporated in the ordinary esti- 
 mates for the Empire. The Prussian Minister for 
 War had estimated that about 600,000 veterans 
 of the former wars were still surviving. Al- 
 lowing 10,000 for those who had died since this 
 estimate was made, and allowing both for the 
 
 45.000 who already received a pension and the 
 
 12.000 who depended upon the special fund at 
 the disposition of the Emperor, there remained 
 over half a million veterans who as yet received 
 no support from the fund. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — New Tariff Law and changed 
 Commercial Policy. — Attitude toward the 
 United States. See (in this vol.) Tariffs, 
 Customs : Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (March-Sept.). — Discussion 
 of Alcoholic Drinking. See Alcohol Problem : 
 Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (June). — Renewal of the 
 Triple Alliance. See Triple Alliance. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Aug.). Curtailment of visits 
 to their native country of Expatriated Ger- 
 mans. — Principles asserted by the United 
 States. See Naturalization. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1903 . — Concessions for building 
 the Bagdad Railway. See Railways : Tur- 
 key : A. D. 1899-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1904 . — Coercive proceedings 
 against Venezuela concerted with Great Brit- 
 
 ain and Italy. — Settlement of Claims secured. 
 
 — Reference to The Hague. — Recognition 
 given to the American Monroe Doctrine. See 
 
 Venezuela : A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Elections for the Reichstag. 
 
 — Large gains by the Socialists. — Their 
 disability in Prussia. — Strong combination 
 supporting the Imperial Government. — Bru- 
 tality in the Army. — Prosecutions for Lese 
 Majeste. — State of Colonies. — General elec- 
 tions for the Reichstag, on the 16th of June, 1903, 
 took notable significance from the fact that the 
 representation of the Social Democrats was in- 
 creased from 58 to 81, and that these figures gave 
 no full measure of their actual gain in strength, 
 since their votes in the election rose in number 
 from 2,107,000 in 1898 to 3,010,771. Had the 
 distribution of seats in the imperial legislature 
 been fair to the towns, instead of favoriug the 
 agricultural interests, the Socialists would have 
 gained more. In Berlin they won every seat but 
 one. Nevertheless, in the elections for the lower 
 house of the Prussian Landtag, which took place 
 in November, they could not carry a single seat 
 in the kingdom, owing to the ingenious disfran- 
 chisement of the common people which the Prus- 
 sian constitution accomplishes by its classifica- 
 tion of votes. Socialist gains in the Reichstag 
 were made at the expense of the Radicals, from 
 whom it drew votes which expressed, not so much 
 conversion to Socialism as bitterness of opposition 
 to the government. Socialist and Radical repre- 
 sentatives together numbered only 111, against 
 224 in the combination of Conservatives, Cleri- 
 cals, and National Liberals, which gave the Min- 
 istry a more than ample support. 
 
 “The Social Democrats in Germany are in- 
 creasing in power at once steadily and rapidly ; 
 for, as Herr Bebel declares, every speech the 
 Emperor makes secures for them thousands of 
 adherents, adherents of whom quite a fair per- 
 centage now belong to the Intelligentia — are 
 lawyers, professors, journalists, artists, etc. Al- 
 ready the party numbers nearly seven million 
 members; it owns seventy-five journals, of 
 which some thirty are issued daily; and the Ber- 
 lin branch alone has under its control a revenue 
 of £20,000 a year. At the General Election in 
 1874, their candidates received 351,671 votes; in 
 1884, although the Exceptional Laws were then 
 in force, they received 549,990 votes; and in 
 1893, 1,786,738. Thus, already at that time they 
 were numerically the strongest party in the Em- 
 pire, as the Ultramontanes received only 1,468,- 
 000 votes; and the Conservatives, 1,038,300. At 
 the ’98 General Election no fewer than 2,120,000 
 votes were recorded for the Socialists; and, at 
 the last Election, that held only the other day, 
 some 3,000,000. Thanks to the Emperor’s 
 speeches, thanks, too, to the new Tariff, Herr 
 Bebel and his friends practically swept every- 
 thing before them in the first ballot, and cap- 
 tured seats everywhere — five out of the six in 
 Berlin, and, what is much more notable, eight- 
 een out of the twenty-three seats in Saxony, the 
 most ultra-Conservative and clerical of all the 
 States. Were every constituency of equal size 
 in Germany, and thus every vote of equal value, 
 the Socialist Party would already to-day be the 
 dominant party in the Reichstag.” — Edith Sel- 
 lers, August Bebel {Fortnightly Review, July, 
 1903). 
 
 Throughout the year 1903 much excitement of 
 
 289 
 
GERMANY, 1903 
 
 GERMANY, 1906-1907 
 
 feeling was caused by the many complaints that 
 were brought against officers of the army for 
 brutal and insolent treatment of soldiers. No 
 less than 180 convictions are said to have been 
 obtained in the course of the single year, for 
 cruelty in the use of the power which military 
 rank confers. Several soldiers were found to have 
 committed suicide to escape from the suffering 
 and humiliation of their life in the service. An- 
 other excitement of angry discussion came often 
 from the many prosecutions for lese-majesM that 
 were instituted at this time. In both matters, 
 a potent corrective was applied, without doubt, 
 by the public feeling stirred up. 
 
 An official report at the end of the year 1903 
 showed the total number of Germans in the Ger- 
 man colonial possessions in Africa and the South 
 Seas was only 5,125, more than a fourth of the 
 number being officials or in the military force. 
 Since 1884 Germany had expended on its colo- 
 nies about $75,000,000. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Adoption of a new Child 
 Labor Law. See (in this vol.) Children, un- 
 der the Law : As W oriiers. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — Opposition to Social- 
 ism among Workmen. See Socialism : Ger- 
 many. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Arrangement of Professorial 
 Interchanges between German and American 
 Universities. See Education : International 
 Interchanges. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Rivalry with England in the 
 Persian Gulf. See Persia: A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — Wars with Natives in 
 German African Colonies. See Africa : A. D. 
 1904-1905, and 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — Startling Increase of 
 Labor Conflicts, compared with previous five 
 years. See Labor Organization: Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — The Emperor’s Statement 
 of his Peace Policy based on Preparation for 
 War. See War, The Preparations for. 
 
 A. D. 1905. - — Effect of the Russo-Japanese 
 War on the Triple Alliance. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Action with other Powers in 
 forcing Financial Reforms in Macedonia on 
 Turkey. See Turkey : A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Raising the Morocco 
 Question. — The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier. 
 — Demand for an International Conference. — 
 The Conference at Algeciras. See Europe: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — The Spirit of the Strug- 
 gle between Workmen and Capitalists. See 
 
 Labor Organization : Germany : A. D. 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Extensions of Popular 
 Rights in Wiirtemburg, Baden, Bavaria, 
 Saxony, Saxe Weimar, and Oldenburg. — A 
 Comedy of Election Reform in Prussia. — See 
 Elective Franchise : Germany : A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906. - — Enormous Results derived 
 from Technical Education. See Education: 
 Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — German Settlements in Bra- 
 zil. See Brazil : A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1907. — Popular Demand for 
 better Representation in Prussia and else- 
 where. — School “Strike” in Polish Pro- 
 vinces. — Dissatisfaction with Colonial Pol- 
 icy. — Refusal in the Reichstag of Increased 
 Appropriations. — Dissolution by the Em- 
 
 peror. — Result of the Elections. — Popular 
 Vote heavily against the Government. — In- 
 congruous Coalition or “ Bloc ” secured by 
 the Chancellor. — The democratic demand in 
 Prussia and in some other German States, for a 
 better representation in the legislatures than is 
 afforded by their odious schemes of class elec- 
 tion, became turbulent in the early part of 1906, 
 and was met by strong military preparations 
 for resistance by the Government. Notable 
 demonstrations of popular feeling occurred in 
 several cities, but with proceedings of violence 
 only at Hamburg. Nothing was yielded to 
 the demand ; it was simply defied. 
 
 The hard Prussian determination to crush out 
 Polish sentiment in the Prussian provinces of 
 the kingdom was relentlessly pursued. Polish 
 children in the schools were required to receive 
 religious instruction in the German language, 
 and punished if they refused to answer questions 
 in that tongue. This provoked a “ strike” which 
 took over 100,000 pupils out of the schools. In 
 dealing with it, the Government both fined and 
 imprisoned parents, and even sent children to a 
 reformatory, on the ground that their parents 
 were incapable of giving them proper care. 
 
 The affairs of the German colonies in Africa 
 became the subject of most heated and impor- 
 tant discussion in the Reichstag during the last 
 months of 1906. Both in German Southwest 
 Africa and in German East Africa the obstinate 
 revolts of native tribes were unsubdued, and 
 the wars in the former were still requiring 
 nearly 15,000 troops. The total German losses 
 in Southwest Africa since the beginning of the 
 outbreak of Hereros, Hottentots, and Witbois, 
 were reported to have been 1750 killed, 900 
 wounded, 2000 disabled by disease. Popular 
 feeling seemed to be turning very strongly 
 against the whole colonial policy of the Empire. 
 The economic promises of the undertaking were 
 not looked upon as satisfactory. Statistical re- 
 ports of the German capital invested in all 
 German colonies excepting Kiao-cliau, in China, 
 showed a total of 370,000,000 marks ($92,500,- 
 000) of which 250,000,000 marks were classed 
 as remunerative, 100,000,000 as “underdevel- 
 opment,” 12,000,000 as unremunerative, and 
 8,000,000 as missionary property. The capital 
 value of the total productions of German colo- 
 nies was estimated at 616,000,000 marks ($154,- 
 000,000), half of which came from the Kameruns 
 and Togo ; but the revenue was only balancing 
 the cost of administration. Ugly stories, more- 
 over, of barbarity in the treatment of the na- 
 tives, of official misconduct in other forms, and 
 of private monopolies permitted, were told. On 
 the whole, the colonial situation had created a 
 temper in the Reichstag which was not friendly 
 to the demand of the Government for increased 
 appropriations to that department of adminis- 
 tration. Even the Centrum or Clerical party, 
 on which the Ministry counted for the reinforc- 
 ing of the Conservatives of “ the Right,” refused 
 the grant, and joined the Liberals, the Socialists, 
 the Polish deputies, and other discontented 
 groups in voting it down. As soon as the vote 
 was announced, Chancellor Billow arose and read 
 a decree dissolving the House, which the Em- 
 peror had signed, in expectation of the defeat, 
 that morning, December 13. 
 
 It is a provision of the Constitution of the 
 German Empire that “in the case of a dissolu- 
 
 290 
 
GERMANY, 1906-1907 
 
 GERMANY, 1900-1907 
 
 tion of the Reichstag, new elections shall take 
 place within a period of sixty days’’ (see Con- 
 stitution of Germany in Volume I. of this 
 work). The elections were appointed accordingly 
 for the 25th of January, 1907. The preparatory 
 canvass, compressed within six weeks, was one 
 of extraordinary vigor, especially on the side 
 of the Government, even the Emperor, as well 
 as the Chancellor, making personal appeals. 
 The efforts of the latter were directed especially 
 against the party of the Center, from its past 
 dependence on which for support the Govern- 
 ment was most anxious to escape. These efforts 
 were so little effective, however, that the Cen- 
 trists gained two seats in the election, carrying 
 110. The heaviest losers were the Socialists, 
 who, though they gained a quarter of a million 
 of electoral votes, yet secured 36 fewer repre- 
 sentatives in the Reichstag than they had before, 
 electing only 43. 
 
 Regarded as a plebiscite , the election went 
 heavily against the governnient. That is to say, 
 if the elected Reichstag had been truly repre- 
 sentative of the popular vote, the Government 
 could have made no combination of parties in it 
 that would have given it support. As it was, 
 the voters were so unequally represented that 
 Chancellor Billow was able, by dexterous com- 
 promises, to make up a precarious coalition, or 
 “bloc,” of Conservatives with National Liberals, 
 and even Radicals, against Socialists, Clericals 
 or Centrists, Poles, etc., which carried his ad- 
 ministration through nearly three subsequent 
 years. 
 
 Somewhat detailed, the election resulted as 
 follows : The parties which gave subsequent 
 support to the Government for a time secured 
 215 seats in the Reichstag, gaining 33, thus dis- 
 tributed : Conservatives 108 (gain 13) ; National 
 Liberals 56 (gain 5) ; Radicals 51 (gain 15). 
 
 The parties in opposition won 182 seats, — a 
 net loss among them of 33, — thus : Center 110 
 (gain 2) ; Socialists 43 (loss 36) ; Poles, Alsa- 
 tians, etc. 29 (gain 1). 
 
 The popular vote in the election was divided 
 among these parties as follows : 
 
 In the parties of the “ bloc” — 
 
 Conservatives (including Agrarians, 
 
 Anti-Semites, etc.) 2,235,000 
 
 National Liberals 1,655,000 
 
 Radicals 1,226,000 
 
 Total for Government .... 5,116,000 
 
 In the Opposition — 
 
 Socialists 3,259,000 
 
 Center 2,262,000 
 
 Poles, etc 626,000 
 
 Total against the Government . . 6,147,000 
 
 To show what the Socialist vote really indi- 
 cated, the following statement of the vote cast 
 and the seats won by that party in successive 
 elections of the past twenty years is interesting. 
 
 Seats that equal 
 apportionment 
 would have 
 
 
 Vote. 
 
 Seats won. 
 
 given. 
 
 1887 
 
 763,000 
 
 11 
 
 40 
 
 1890 
 
 1.427,000 
 
 35 
 
 80 
 
 1893 
 
 1,787.000 
 
 44 
 
 92 
 
 1898 
 
 2.107,000 
 
 56 
 
 108 
 
 1903 
 
 3,011,000 
 
 79 
 
 125 
 
 1907 
 
 3,259,000 
 
 43 
 
 116 
 
 It is evident that the surface-show of results 
 in the election cannot be taken for a true indica- 
 tion of the prevalent state of mind in the Empire. 
 The Centrists or Clericals, for example, elected 
 more than twice as many deputies as the Social- 
 ists, by nearly 1,000,000 votes less. The Social- 
 ists polled about 250,000 votes more than in 1903, 
 and yet lost 36 seats. The inequity in the ap- 
 portionment of representatives which produced 
 this travesty of representation had some begin- 
 ning, no doubt, in the organization of the imperial 
 system, thirty-six years before ; but it had been 
 aggravated by the enormously disproportionate 
 growth of cities ever since. That one constitu- 
 ency in Berlin, with a present population of 
 nearly 700,000, had the same representation as a 
 town of 60,000 people, is doubtless an extreme 
 instance of the inequalities that had come about, 
 but the distortion was universal, and altogether 
 in favor of the country landowning class. The 
 Socialists polled some 250,000 more votes than 
 in 1903, and this was reckoned as an increase 
 substantially commensurate with the general 
 growth of population in four years. Hence so- 
 cialism may be said to have neither gained nor 
 lost footing in the empire; but hitherto it had 
 been showing rapid gains. 
 
 ‘‘The Centrum is one of the queerest, most 
 paradoxical parties to be found in any coun- 
 try. It is usually called ultramontane by its 
 enemies because it has its raison d’etre in safe- 
 guarding the interests of the Catholic Church ; 
 yet it has not scrupled at times to disregard 
 the wishes of the Vatican in respect to Ger- 
 man internal affairs ; and the Vatican, on its 
 part, carefully avoids identifying its interests 
 with those of the Centrum, since it is sure of 
 getting better results through direct diplomatic 
 action at Berlin. ‘ The Centrum is an incalcu- 
 lable party,’ said Prince Billow last winter in a 
 campaign letter ; ‘ it represents aristocratic and 
 democratic, reactionary and liberal, ultramon- 
 tane and national policies.’ The party lives 
 upon a reminiscence, its defeat of Bismarck in 
 the Kulturkampf [see, in Vol. II. of this work, 
 Germany: A. D. 1873-1887] ; but since that time 
 it has been without any sound reason for its ex- 
 istence. . . . 
 
 “The government’s attempt to break the 
 power of the Centrum had already been tried by 
 Bismarck in 1887 and again by Caprivi in 1893, 
 and it had failed. Billow’s step was accord- 
 ingly a display of courage which the coun- 
 try had not been accustomed to expect from 
 him. His breach with the Centrum, how- 
 ever, proved a most popular issue with the non- 
 Catholic electorate ; a thrill of exultation was 
 its first response to the dissolution, and this 
 feeling persisted throughout the campaign. 
 Many of the most intelligent voters had hitherto 
 stood aloof from politics owing precisely to the 
 predominance of the Centrum; but they now 
 greeted with enthusiasm the opportunity to ex- 
 tricate the government from its yoke. Univer- 
 sity professors, artists, and literary men organ- 
 ized an ‘Action Committee’ which plied these 
 stay-at-home Intellektuellen with campaign liter- 
 ature.” — W. C. Dreher, The Tear in Germany 
 (. Atlantic Monthly, Dec., 1907). 
 
 As stated and illustrated above, the election 
 gave the Government no majority of natural 
 supporters. For the carrying of its measures it 
 was left dependent on a coalition of Liberal with 
 
GERMANY, 1907 
 
 GERMANY, 1907-1908 
 
 Conservative votes. The alliance was an incon- 
 gruous oue, produced by nothing but a common 
 opposition to Socialists and Clericals, and it 
 brought the Liberals into an utterly false posi- 
 tion. Within the first year there were signs of 
 a Liberal revolt from it : whereupon the chan- 
 cellor made known that he would resign if the 
 supporting coalition or “bloc ’’was not main- 
 tained. To avoid such a governmental crisis 
 the Liberals were said to have given promises of 
 continued support. 
 
 The attitude thus assumed by the German 
 chancellor toward the Reichstag is practically 
 that of an English prime minister toward the 
 House of Commons, and it creates a precedent 
 which must make it very difficult, if not impos- 
 sible, for imperial ministers to recover the de- 
 fiantly independent posture of former times. 
 Without verbal amendment, perhaps, but inci- 
 dentally and informally, by force of circum- 
 stances, the absolutist features of the German 
 constitution are manifestly dropping away. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Statistics of Population. — 
 Birth Rate and Death Rate. — “The official 
 report upon public health in Prussia for the year 
 1907 has just been published [May, 1909], and 
 includes the latest available statistics regarding 
 the movement of the population of Germany. 
 The figures confirm the view, which is not al- 
 ways admitted, that a satisfactory decrease in 
 the death-rate is still accompanied by a persist- 
 ently unsatisfactory decrease in the birth-rate. 
 
 “ Prussia may be regarded, roughly, as com- 
 prising two-thirds of the German Empire. The 
 population of the empire on December 1, 1905, 
 was 60,641,278, and the population of Prussia 
 was 37,293,324. On January 1, 1907, the popu- 
 lation of Prussia was 37,908,104. During the 
 year 1907 the excess of births over deaths was 
 578,687, as compared with 595,942 in 1906, 514.- 
 941 in 1905, 562,387 in 1904, and 527,263 in 1903. 
 Although the Prussian figures are not always a 
 sufficient index, it may be estimated that the 
 excess of births over deaths in the whole em- 
 pire during 1907 did not exceed 900,000. The 
 comparatively satisfactory total increase of pop- 
 ulation is due to a decline in the death-rate to 
 17.96 per 1,000 of the population — the lowest 
 rate ever recorded. In Silesia, in Hohenzollern, 
 and in both West and East Prussia the rate ex- 
 ceeds 20 per 1,000. In the city of Berlin, on 
 the other hand, the rate is 15.62, and in Berlin 
 (outside the city) only 14.79. For the most 
 part a high death-rate is set off by a high birth- 
 rate. In Westphalia and the Rhine Province 
 alone is a high birth-rate accompanied by a 
 death-rate below the average. As regards ages 
 at which death occurred, the statistics show a 
 considerable decrease in infant mortality, al- 
 though deaths under the age of one year were 
 31.14 per cent., or nearly one-third, of the 
 whole number of deaths. While the death-rate 
 was in 1907 the lowest ever recorded in Prussia, 
 the birth-rate was the most unsatisfactory. The 
 total number of births was less by 10,621 in 
 1907 than in 1906, and was actually less by 
 1,058 than in the year 1901. The birth-rate 
 per 1,000 inhabitants declined to 33.23, as com- 
 pared with 34.00 in 1906, 33.77 in 1905, and 
 35.04 in 1904.” — Berlin Correspondence London 
 Times, May 27, 1909. 
 
 The same correspondent reported, June 19, 
 a further publication of statistics, which prove 
 
 the Prussian returns, previously given, “to have 
 been a fairly accurate index to the movement 
 of population in the whole Empire. There is 
 a marked decline in the birth-rate, which fell 
 to 33.2 per 1,000 inhabitants, as compared with 
 34.08 in 1906. The death-rate fell to 18.98, as 
 compared with 19.20 in 1906. The excess of 
 births over deaths was 882,624, as compared 
 with 910,275 in 1906. The excess, however, 
 of births over deaths (natural increase of popu- 
 lation) was greater in 1907 than in any previous 
 year except 1906 and 1902 (902,243). The de- 
 cline in the birth-rate, which stood at 41.64 in 
 1877, 38.33 in 1887, and 37.17 in 1897, as com- 
 pared with 33.2 in 1907, as now attributable to 
 a falling off in the number of births in every 
 part of the Empire except Westphalia, and in 
 Westphalia the number of births is not quite 
 keeping pace with the total growth of popula- 
 tion. The decrease in the number of births in 
 the whole Empire in 1907 was 23,766, or 1.1 per 
 cent. In Saxony the decrease was 3 per cent., 
 and East Prussia, West Prussia, and Pomerania 
 show about the same percentage. As regards 
 the death-rate, which stood at 28.05 in 1877, 25.62 
 in 1887, and 22.52 in 1897, as compared with 
 18.98 in 1907, there is a steady decline in the 
 infant mortality rate in all parts of the Empire, 
 but especially in large towns.” 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Rapid Decrease of Agricul- 
 tural Population. — “The results of a census 
 of occupations, taken in December of 1907, has 
 just been published and shows a remarkably 
 rapid shifting of the population of Prussia from 
 agriculture to industry and trade. The number 
 of persons engaged in industry and trade was 
 increased by 1,500,000 from 1895 to 1907, while 
 the number engaged in agriculture was de- 
 creased by 500,000. This means that the non- 
 farming population rose from 50 to 66 per cent, 
 in twelve years.” — Press Report from Berlin, 
 Feb., 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Financial Situation. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Finance and Trade : A. D. 1901- 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). — Treaty with Great 
 Britain, France, Norway, and Russia, guar- 
 anteeing the Integrity of Norway. See 
 
 Europe : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1908. — The Scandals con- 
 nected with the Trials of Editor Harden. 
 
 — Maximilian Harden, editor of the Zukunft, 
 made attacks on the character of Prince Eulen- 
 burg and Count Kuno von Moltke, in 1907, 
 on account of which the latter brought a libel 
 suit against him. “ The charges not only af- 
 fected the character of the persons accused, but 
 affirmed that they had constituted a kind of 
 kitchen cabinet, or ‘ Camarilla,’ and had again 
 and again given the Emperor misleading informa- 
 tion and had exerted a very unfortunate influ- 
 ence over him. The case aroused intense inter- 
 est throughout Germany, and indeed throughout 
 Europe ; and in spite of the unspeakable nature 
 of the charges, the testimony was widely re- 
 printed, and much more frankly, it may be said 
 in passing, than would have been possible for 
 the yellowest journalism in this country. Har- 
 den was acquitted, and the plaintiff was sen- 
 tenced to pay the cost of the suit. Taking into 
 account the exalted political position of the 
 accused, and the great respect in which the 
 Imperial court is held in Germany, this action 
 
 292 
 
GERMANY, 1908 
 
 GERMANY, 1908 
 
 of a German judge was regarded as sustaining 
 the high character of the German courts for in- 
 dependence. A criminal suit was then brought 
 by the public prosecutor, at the instigation of 
 Count von Moltke and his associates, on the 
 charge that Harden bad committed an offense 
 against public morals. On this trial the same 
 witnesses appeared as on the former trial, but a 
 great change had taken place in their memory 
 of the transactions to which they had testified 
 on the first trial. They either contradicted or 
 repudiated their former statements to such a 
 degree that their evidence was discredited and 
 Harden’s defense was broken down. Harden 
 was found guilty and sentenced to four months’ 
 imprisonment. What changed the attitude of 
 the witnesses is a matter of guesswork. It has 
 been charged that their change of front was due 
 to very powerful influences brought to bear 
 upon them.” — The Outlook , Jan. 18, 1908. 
 
 An appeal was taken by Harden to a higher 
 court. Official investigations which followed 
 the trials resulted in the court-martialing of 
 Count Lynar and General Hohenau, the former 
 of whom was sentenced to fifteen months’ im- 
 prisonment, while the latter was acquitted. In 
 May, 1908, Prince Eulenburg was arrested on 
 charges of immorality, but appears to have been 
 so shattered in health that he could not be 
 brought to trial. Substantially, Editor Harden 
 has been vindicated. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Opposition to the “ Navy 
 Fever.” — Views of Herr von Holstein and 
 Admiral Galster. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Revolt against : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Maintenance of the “ Bloc.” 
 — Two good measures of legislation. — Re- 
 vision of the Bourse Law and the law regu- 
 lating meetings and association. — More 
 vigorous Germanizing of Polish Prussia. — 
 “Although many members of the Bloc thought 
 its enemies justified in predicting that it would 
 speedily break down, the combination did hold 
 together during the past session. It did more ; 
 it passed at least two good laws. It revised the 
 Bourse Law in a manner fairly satisfactory to 
 the financial community, so that swindling 
 speculators will henceforth find it less easy to 
 get the sanction of the courts for repudiating 
 debts incurred in stock operations. Another law 
 regulates for the first time on a national basis 
 the right of assembly and association, which had 
 hitherto been in the hands of the individual 
 states. It is interesting to note that this is an- 
 other important step in the centralizing tendency 
 in Germany. . . . 
 
 “ The measure foreshadowed in my last article 
 for the forcible acquisition of Polish estates 
 was duly laid before the Diet. The discussion of 
 the bill brought out intense antagonisms, and 
 the line of cleavage between the parties was not 
 along Bloc lines. The Radicals joined with the 
 ‘ Centrum ’ in opposing the dispossession of the 
 Poles. As finally passed, the bill gives the Gov- 
 ernment the right to acquire, under the law of 
 eminent domain, a maximum of 174,000 acres 
 in the provinces of Posen and West Prussia, and 
 to borrow $65,000,000 for this purpose and for 
 further prosecuting settlement work. The final 
 reading of the bill in the House of Lords stirred 
 that usually somnolent body to a remarkable 
 degree. The vote there showed how deeply, and 
 on what uncommon lines, this radical measure 
 
 had divided the minds of the people. While 
 most of the titled lords of the land, including 
 many intimate friends of the Kaiser, voted 
 against dispossession, the university professors 
 and mayors of liberal municipalities voted most- 
 ly for it.” — W. C. Drelier, The Tear in Ger- 
 many {Atlantic, Jan., 1909). 
 
 In his advocacy of this measure Prince Billow 
 proclaimed the reasons for it without reserve. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Can we, ” he asked , “do without the two Polish 
 provinces, one of which begins within 75 miles 
 of Berlin ? That is the crucial point of the sit- 
 uation; there is no doubt about it. Our eastern 
 provinces constitute the point of least resist- 
 ance in the public body. We dare not wait until 
 the grave disease, with its probable irreparable 
 consequences, sets in.” An English view of the 
 measure is presented in the following: 
 
 “ Prince Billow is only developing the policy 
 of Bismarck, who perceived, as Frederick the 
 Great did before him, that the possession of 
 Posen was vital to the Prussian State, and who 
 held that the surest way to secure that province 
 was to plant German settlers on Polish land. 
 The strategical importance of Posen has been 
 a cardinal article in the political and military 
 creed of all Prussian statesmen and soldiers for 
 generations. Posen is of far more importance 
 to Prussia than is Ireland to Great Britain, and 
 the true motives which have induced Prussian 
 statesmen to make the agrarian proposals em- 
 bodied in Prince Billow’s Bill are to be found 
 not in their comparatively trifling difficulties 
 with Liberals, Radicals, and Revolutionists at 
 home, but in the foreign policy of the Court of 
 Berlin. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ That portion of Poland which was given to 
 Prussia by the Congress of Vienna has been ad- 
 ministered by that Power in accordance with 
 the spirit of Frederick the Great. The object of 
 Frederick was to develop the intellectual and 
 material resources of his Polish possessions, 
 making them an integral part of the Prussian 
 monarchy, and gradually eliminating all recol- 
 lections on the part of the Poles of their having 
 once been an independent nation. This policy 
 to be successful should be carried out by offi- 
 cials with intellects as clear, if not as powerful, 
 as that possessed by Frederick himself. The 
 Prussian officials, however, who have adminis- 
 tered Posen since 1815, have not always risen to 
 the height of their mission. Edward Henry v. 
 Flottwell, who was charged with the govern- 
 ment of the province from 1830 to 1840, alone 
 understood the conditions of success. He knew 
 that in politics it is as mischievous as it is futile 
 to endeavour to reconcile the irreconcilable. 
 The efforts made in that direction after 1815 
 strengthened the revolutionary spirit in Posen. 
 On the retirement of Flotjwell, Frederick Wil- 
 liam IV. tried again to propitiate Polish national 
 feeling, with the result that the irreconcilable 
 forces grew in strength, and in March, 1848, the 
 Poles were the driving-power of the Revolu- 
 tionary movement in Berlin. . . . 
 
 “ As far as international life is concerned the 
 true significance of the Polish question is in the 
 relations it has created between the three great 
 Northern Powers. Those between Prussia and 
 Russia have in consequence become extremely 
 intimate. At the present moment that intimacy 
 is as great, if not greater, than at any previous 
 time. Besides the German Ambassador at St. 
 
GERMANY, 1908 
 
 GERMANY, 1908 
 
 Petersburg and the Russian Ambassador at Ber- 
 lin, there is a German military officer at St. 
 Petersburg, and a Russian militaiy officer at 
 Berlin, who are especially charged to convey 
 intimate communications between the Czar and 
 the Kaiser. In spite of the alliance between 
 Russia and France, which was concluded by the 
 former Power, mainly for financial reasons, and 
 which has never much disturbed the equa- 
 nimity of Berlin, it is quite certain that in no 
 conceivable circumstances will there be a real 
 breach between Prussia and Russia. The Gov- 
 ernment of the Kaiser must and will make 
 every possible concession to Russia rather than 
 provoke a serious breach. This is the true in- 
 wardness of the policy as regards Poland. As 
 long as Posen continues Polish Germany will 
 be largely dependent on Russia.” — Rowland 
 Blennerhassett, The Significance of the Polish 
 Question ( Fortnightly Review, March, 1908). 
 
 Dr. Dillon, who reviews European politics 
 regularly for the Contemporary Review, says 
 with positiveness that the Polish expropriation 
 bill was passed “against the better judgment 
 of press, bar, gentry, political parties and peo- 
 ple.” He cites it as an illustration of the ab- 
 solute domination under which the Prussian 
 legislature is held, and maintains that national 
 feeling and opinion have, practically, no influ- 
 ence over Prussian policy and no weight in the 
 conduct of Prussian affairs. Concerning mo- 
 tives behind the Polish expropriation, this well- 
 informed writer reports it to be a prevalent 
 belief in Austrian and other political circles that 
 the bill was driven through as a military mea- 
 sure, in anticipation of some future hostile alli- 
 ance between Russia and Great Britain. It 
 seems to be the belief that the Kaiser, if not his 
 ministers, is haunted with the expectation of a 
 war*to be fought with those powers in combina- 
 tion, and is determined that, if a British fleet in 
 the Baltic is ever cooperating with a Russian 
 army, there shall be a population of patriotic 
 Germans instead of disaffected Prussian Poles 
 between them and Berlin. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — The leading motive of Ger- 
 man Foreign Policy officially stated. — The 
 Principle of the “ Open Door.” — Colonial Ex- 
 pansion unnecessary. — “Usually it has been 
 stated that Germany has an annual increase of 
 population of 800,000, that these new masses 
 must be supported by manufactories, and that 
 the German Empire will thus be forced, with or 
 against its will, into expansion, in order to pro- 
 cure the raw material and to establish the re- 
 quisite markets for its industrial growth. The 
 annexation of Holland and Flemish Belgium, 
 containing Antwerp, is described as a mere pre- 
 liminary necessary to make possible such mea- 
 sures of expansion. Germany must enlarge its 
 maritime basis, and should have control of the 
 Lower Rhine and its harbors. To the alien, 
 these arguments may seem plausible enough. 
 Whoever is acquainted with existing conditions, 
 however, knows that, though seemingly plausi- 
 ble, this is not the truth. 
 
 “ In the first place, it is not true that colonial 
 expansion is a necessity for Germany, resulting 
 from its industrial growth. The impetus given 
 to German commerce and German manufactures 
 is to be ascribed far more to the increase in the 
 buying capacity of other nations — England, 
 France, Russia or America — than to all the Ger- 
 
 man colonies combined. Germany needs no colo- 
 nies ; what she wants is merely free competition 
 on all seas, the open door, and the right to co- 
 operate freely on an equal footing with all other 
 commercial and industrial nations, in opening up 
 new and as yet unopened districts and markets. 
 Hence the principle of the open door is the lead- 
 ing motive of the foreign policy pursued by 
 Germany. It is the red thread that winds itself 
 through the Eastern-Asiatic, the Oriental and 
 the Moroccan policy of the German Empire. 
 The high quality of all German products obvi- 
 ates the necessity of unfair preferences accruing 
 to political power. All they need is a fair chance 
 to compete on equal terms with other countries. 
 The world is large enough, and rich enough, in 
 still dormant possibilities, to admit of a pacific 
 co-operation by all nations in this great work.” 
 — Baron von Speck-Sternburg, Imperial Ger- 
 man Ambassador to the U. S., The Truth about 
 German Expansion ( North American Review, 
 March, 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Amendment to Industrial 
 Code. — Hours of Labor. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Protection: Hours of Labor. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Remarkable Decrease of Em- 
 igration. See Immigration and Emigration: 
 Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — North Sea and Baltic Agree- 
 ments. See Europe : A. D. .1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Jan.). — Institution of Juvenile 
 Courts. See (in this vol.) Children, under 
 the Law : As Offenders. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Passage of Law de- 
 fining for the Empire at large the Rights of 
 Association and Public Meeting. — The rights 
 of association and public meeting were deter- 
 mined for the Empire at large by an enactment 
 of the Reichstag, for the first time, in April, 1908. 
 Hitherto each State had regulated these funda- 
 mental matters of political freedom by legisla- 
 tion of its own, some with considerable latitude, 
 and others, especially in the North German 
 States, with a narrow restraint, subject, in an 
 intolerable degree, to the discretion or will of 
 the police. The national law now brought into 
 force, superseding the local legislation, enlarged 
 greatly the liberty of citizens to associate them- 
 selves for legitimate purposes and to hold pub- 
 lic meetings. An attempt to forbid the use of 
 any foreign language at public meetings was de- 
 feated ; but public speaking in other languages 
 was sanctioned only in districts where 60 per 
 cent, of the population use the foreign tongue. 
 This does not apply, however, to international 
 congresses in Germany, or to meetings of elec- 
 tors for the election of legislative representatives, 
 Federal or State ; and the States have some priv- 
 ilege of modifying the rule. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty with Den- 
 mark, England, France, the Netherlands, and 
 Sweden, for maintenance of the Status Quo 
 on the North Sea. See (in this vol.) Europe: 
 A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Nov.). — Excitement in Europe 
 over a published Interview with the Em- 
 peror. — What may fairly be called a “ row ” in 
 the European world, and of the greatest liveli- 
 ness in Germany itself, arose, early in Novem- 
 ber, 1908, from the appearance in the London 
 Telegraph of a reported interview with the Em- 
 peror by “a representative Englishman who 
 long siuce passed” it was said, “from public 
 
 294 
 
GERMANY, 1908 
 
 GERMANY, 1908-1909 
 
 into private life.” The writer characterized it 
 as “ a calculated indiscretion,” which was ex- 
 pected to prove of great public service, by re- 
 moving misconceptions of the Emperor’s feelings 
 toward the English. The effect produced by 
 the publication left no doubt of its indiscretion, 
 but proved likewise that it had been very badly 
 miscalculated. In his anxiety to convince the 
 English of his friendliness to them the talkative 
 Emperor made known that France and Russia, 
 during the Boer War, had invited him to join 
 them in a demand on England to stop it, and 
 claimed credit for having prepared for the Brit- 
 ish army in that war a plan of campaign, which 
 could be found at Windsor Castle, and which 
 was on lines that Lord Roberts had followed in 
 his subsequent operations to a large extent. 
 
 How flattering this story was to English pride, 
 and how pleasing to the Governments of Russia 
 and France, might be imagined very easily; but 
 it would not have been so easy to anticipate the 
 outbreak of anger that it exploded in Germany. 
 The Empire itself was surprised by that. It had 
 been submissive to so many “ indiscretions” of 
 speech from its Kaiser that it could hardly have 
 expected to be moved excitedly by anything 
 from the imperial lips. But, with the indiscre- 
 tion in this case, there seemed to be a reckless 
 interference with the appointed organs provided 
 for dealing with foreign affairs, doing mischief 
 to the whole system of governmental adminis- 
 tration. This proved, however, to be less the 
 fact than appeared. According to subsequent 
 explanations, the Emperor had sent the manu- 
 script of the interview (which embodied the 
 substance of a number of conversations with 
 several Englishmen) to the Chancellor, Prince 
 von Bulow, for his judgment on it, and the lat- 
 ter, not recognizing its character, had not read 
 it, but passed it to a subordinate, wflio simply 
 verified the facts stated in it and returned it to 
 the Emperor as approved. 
 
 This revelation convicted the Chancellor very 
 clearly of a careless performance of duty in his 
 office, and laid on him a large share of respon- 
 sibility for the mischievous publication. He 
 offered his resignation to the Emperor and it 
 was refused. Constitutionally he was respon- 
 sible only to the Emperor ; the Reichstag could 
 not hold him to account, in any practical way, 
 nor did it attempt to do so ; but there was such 
 plain speaking in the Chamber from all parties, 
 Conservative, Liberal, and Radical, during two 
 days of debate, November 11 and 12, as never 
 had been heard in Germany before. Whatever 
 the language of the Constitution might be, it 
 was made known beyond a question, then and 
 in a later discussion, that Germany expected 
 the crowned head of its Government to conduct 
 himself — in the words of one speaker — as 
 “ the first servant of the State,” preserving his 
 own august irresponsibility only by acting and 
 speaking in public matters, through ministers 
 responsible to the elected representatives of the 
 people. “We wish,” said Herr Bassermann, 
 leader of the National Liberals “so far as it is 
 possible, for trustworthy guarantees against the 
 intervention of the personal regime,” and before 
 he sat down he declared with the approval of 
 the House; “It is the desire of my friends that 
 the Kaiser should be thoroughly informed with 
 regard to these proceedings. . . . Although 
 fully convinced that even these utterances of 
 
 our Kaiser sprang from his deep anxiety for 
 the welfare of his people, we must give expres- 
 sion to the earnest desire that the Kaiser will, 
 in his political activity, impose upon himself 
 the reserve proper to a Constitutional ruler.” 
 
 Dr. Wiener, for the Radicals, corroborated the 
 previous speaker by declaring that the article in 
 question had tilled the entire nation with embit- 
 terment, consternation, and rage, because it was 
 felt that “ confidence in our trustworthiness had 
 been shaken. Everywhere it had been recognised 
 that Germany’s prestige had received a severe 
 blow.” The trend of his speech was to show 
 that the so-called “interview” had been inter- 
 preted in Germany as a crass specimen of per- 
 sonal regime which was distasteful to the nation 
 in its entirety. Constitutional Government was 
 what was wanted : the Minister, not the Sover- 
 eign, should be responsible to the people. 
 
 Prince Hatzfeld, of the Imperial party, who 
 stands in great favor with the Kaiser, im- 
 pressed upon the House that the Chancellor and 
 not the wearer of the crown was the responsible 
 personage in the State. Prince von Bulow, speak- 
 ing on the first day of debate, declared that grave 
 injury had been caused by the publication in the 
 Daily Telegraph. He added that immediately 
 on reading the article in question, as to the dis- 
 astrous consequences of which he could not for 
 a moment be in doubt, he sent in his resignation, 
 taking upon himself full responsibility for the 
 mistakes which had been made in handling the 
 manuscript. And he followed this up with the 
 following significant statement: “Gentlemen! 
 recognition that the publication of these utter- 
 ances has not in England had the effect antici- 
 pated by his Majesty the Emperor, and, on the 
 other hand, in Germany has called forth great 
 excitement and painful regret, will — this firm 
 conviction I have won in these sad days — in- 
 duce his Majesty the Kaiser in future to impose 
 upon himself, even in his private conversations, 
 that reserve which is indispensable to a consist- 
 ent policy and to the authority of the Crown. 
 If that were not so, neither I nor any of my 
 successors could accept responsibility for it.” 
 
 Proposals of amendment to the Constitution, 
 carrying such ministerial responsibility into the 
 fundamental law, were advocated without suc- 
 cess ; but the unwritten constitution which pub- 
 lic opinion moulds slowly in every country took 
 a notable shaping from these debates. 
 
 For some time the Emperor was very silent, 
 and kept himself unusually retired. Having 
 occasion to speak publicly at Berlin on the 21st 
 of November, when the centennial of the for- 
 mation of the City Council was celebrated, it 
 was reported that “Prince von Billow stepped 
 forward and impressively handed him a printed 
 sheet,” from which, contrary to his custom, he 
 read his remarks. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Attempted Reform of 
 Imperial Finance and its Defeat. — Breaking 
 of Chancellor Billow’s “ Bloc ” in the Reichs- 
 tag by the Government’s project of New 
 Taxes. — Triumph of the Agrarian Inter- 
 ests in renewed Coalition with the Center. — 
 Resignation of Chancellor Billow. — His suc- 
 cessor. —Expenditure outrunning income from 
 year to year — thanks mainly to the burden of 
 army and navy — with deficits made good by 
 loans, mortgaging the future in an ever-grow- 
 ing public debt, had forced the Government, in 
 
GERMANY, 1908-1909 
 
 GERMANY, 1908-1909 
 
 1908, to a resolution, not that the imperial ex- 
 penditure on armament must be cut down, but 
 that imperial taxation must be increased. The 
 Governments of the Federated States, which are 
 directly represented, as such, in the Federal 
 Council, were assenting parties to this conclu- 
 sion, and the resulting measure was regarded, 
 in all the proceedings which followed, as ema- 
 nating essentially from that senatorial branch of 
 the Parliament of the Empire. 
 
 Preparatory to the undertaking, a new Min- 
 ister of Finance, Herr Reinhold Sydow, was 
 brought into office, and early in November, 
 1908, he submitted to the Reichstag a bill pro- 
 viding for new taxes that were estimated to add 
 500,000,000 marks ($125,000,000) yearly to the 
 Treasury of the Empire. The scheme included 
 an extended and augmented inheritance tax, 
 new methods of deriving revenue from spirits 
 and tobacco, added excise duties on beer and 
 bottled still wines, taxes on electricity, gas, ad- 
 vertisements, etc. The bill went to the Finance 
 Committtee of the Reichstag and developed 
 there, during the next five months, an antag- 
 onism of class interests, and consequently of 
 parties, which completely shattered the “ bloc,” 
 or coalition, which Chancellor Billow had con- 
 trived to organize in 1906 for the support of 
 his administration. The proposed new inher- 
 itance tax or death duty was especially obnox- 
 ious to the land-owning classes, — the agrarian 
 core of German conservatism, — and no influ- 
 ence from the Government could save it from 
 being stifled in their hands. Other oppositions 
 were rallied against the proposals which touched 
 spirits, tobacco, electricity, gas, and newspaper 
 advertisements, and by the 20th of March, 1909, 
 it was known that the Finance Committee had 
 rejected or would reject all but about one-fifth 
 of the new taxation which the Government and 
 the Federal Council claimed from it. 
 
 A month later the Government signified its 
 abandonment of a present expectation, at least, 
 of financial reform, by inviting subscriptions 
 to a fresh loan. The budget wrangle in Com- 
 mittee went on, however, until the 13th of May, 
 when the National-Liberals, the Radicals, and 
 the Socialists of the Committee withdrew from 
 it, the Chairman, Herr Paasche, a National- 
 Liberal, resigning, refusing to take any further 
 part in proceedings which they wholly disap- 
 proved. This left the Conservatives, the Center 
 or Clerical party, and the Poles, who seem to 
 have practically organized an opposition “bloc,” 
 which proceeded to frame a budget on entirely 
 different lines from that which the Govern- 
 ment desired, one of its contemplated features 
 being a tax on purchases and sales of stocks. 
 On the 18th of May the Reichstag was ad- 
 journed until the 15th of June, and a month of 
 rest from the controversy was enjoyed. 
 
 When the Reichstag reassembled the Gov- 
 ernment laid before it several proposals of 
 taxes to be substituted for those which the 
 Committee had rejected. Inheritance taxation 
 was still prominent in the revised scheme, but 
 considerably modified in its range and reduced 
 in productiveness. With it went an extensive 
 readjustment of stamp duties, applied to bonds, 
 stock certificates, transfers of real estate, bills 
 and checks and a tax on policies of fire insur- 
 ance. This revised budget of additions to the 
 Imperial revenue was estimated to yield about 
 
 $35,000,000. It fared no better than the origi- 
 nal proposals of the Government. A week after 
 its introduction the Reichstag adopted the tax 
 on securities (called the Cotierungssteuer) which 
 the Government disapproved, and on the 24th 
 of June it rejected the new inheritance tax bill, 
 by 194 votes to 186, the minority being com- 
 posed of National-Liberals, Radicals and Social- 
 ists, with a few from the Conservative side. On 
 the next day, rumors of the intended resigna- 
 tion of Prince Billow were checked by the publi- 
 cation of the following semi-official statement : 
 “Prince von Billow will remain as chancellor 
 of the empire. The Reichstag will not be dis- 
 solved. The chancellor holds that his duty is to 
 be in accord with the conviction of the Federal 
 Council of the necessity to bring about the 
 passage of a taxation measure, but with the ex- 
 clusion therefrom of duties on stock transfers, 
 the output of the grain mills, and the exports of 
 coal. Financial reform must now come into op- 
 eration. What the chancellor will do after this 
 has been accomplished is his personal affair.” 
 Nevertheless, it was made known on the 27th 
 that the Chancellor had offered his resignation 
 to the Emperor, who had declined to accept it, 
 pointing out “that in the unanimous conviction 
 of the Federal Governments the early achieve- 
 ment of finance reform is a vital question for 
 the internal welfare of the Empire, as well as 
 for its position in relation to foreign countries. 
 In the circumstances he could not take into 
 closer consideration the fulfilment of Prince Bil- 
 low’s wish to be relieved of his offices until the 
 labours for the reform of the Imperial finances 
 should have produced a result of a positive kind 
 which the Federal Governments could accept.” 
 To this statement there was added, semi-offi- 
 cially, next day, the following: “Subject to 
 the rejection of those taxation proposals which 
 would be injurious to the general interest, and 
 therefore impossible of acceptance by the Fed- 
 eral Governments, the Imperial Chancellor was 
 unwilling not to comply with the Emperor’s 
 desire. Nevertheless, having regard to the po- 
 litical development which was manifested by the 
 division on the inheritance tax, he is irrevocably 
 resolved to retire from office immediately after 
 the accomplishment of finance reform.” 
 
 Then followed negotiations with the Conser- 
 vative-Clerical majority now fully in control of 
 the Reichstag, the Government yielding step by 
 step, and the Federal Council coming openly 
 into the management of the negotiations, the 
 Chancellor falling into the background, and 
 ■waiting only for permission to lay his office 
 down. In the resulting budget of new taxes 
 there was very little saved of the “financial re- 
 form ” which the Federal Council and the Chan- 
 cellor had undertaken to introduce. On most 
 points the land-owners had their way. The 
 character and effect of the legislation accom- 
 plished in the early days of July were described 
 thus by a Berlin correspondent of the New York 
 Evening Post, who wrote on the 11th of the 
 month: “The leitmotif of the bill is that pro- 
 perty shall be protected and industry shall 
 pay. Even on the reckoning of the new ma- 
 jority the ratio between indirect and direct tax- 
 ation in the scheme is as 14 to 34, but in reality 
 property comes off far better. . . . The large 
 land-owners will not be hit at all. The only 
 tax that could touch them to any appreciable 
 
 296 
 
GERMANY, 1908-1009 
 
 GERMANY, 1909 
 
 extent is the stamp duty on transfers of real es- 
 tate. But the remedy lies in their hands ; they 
 need not sell, and, in any event, of the $10,000,- 
 000 at which the returns are estimated only 
 $1,250,000 at most falls on landed property. 
 If the spirits bounty to be paid by the Govern- 
 ment to the spirit distilleries (which are in agra- 
 rian hands) is set against this sum, it will be 
 seen that the agrarians do not only not suffer, 
 but net a profit of some ten millions of dollars. 
 Most of all it is the consuming classes that are 
 the victims of the new majority's taxation pro- 
 posals. Every cup of coffee, the staple nour- 
 ishment of the German workingman’s family, 
 every cup of tea, every glass of beer and 
 schnapps, the staple refreshment of the Ger- 
 man workingman, will cost more, the total sum 
 to be derived from these sources reaching 
 $54,250,000, which, with the duty on the poor 
 man’s cigar, amounts to over $60,000,000. Add- 
 ing to this 30 per cent, for the increase in the 
 middleman’s prices, the total burden of the con- 
 suming classes reaches over $80,000,000, or an 
 increase of $7.50 on the workingman’s house- 
 hold expenses a year.” 
 
 On the 13th of July the session of the Reichs- 
 tag was closed by Imperial decree. On the 14th 
 the following announcement appeared in the 
 Imperial Gazette: “His Majesty the Emperor 
 and King has been graciously pleased to accede 
 to the request of the Imperial Chancellor, the 
 President of the Ministry, and Minister for For- 
 eign Affairs, Prince Billow, to be relieved of 
 his offices, and has conferred upon him the 
 High Order of the Black Eagle with brilliants. 
 His Majesty has been graciously pleased to ap- 
 point Dr. von Bethmann-Hollweg, Secretary of 
 State for the Interior, Minister of State, to be 
 Imperial Chancellor, President of the Ministry, 
 and Minister for Foreign Affairs.” Herr Sydow 
 now resigned from the secretaryship of the Im- 
 perial Treasury, and was made Prussian Minis- 
 ter of Commerce, in place of Herr Delbruck, 
 •who succeeded the new Chancellor as “Impe- 
 rial Secretary of State for the Interior and re- 
 presentative of the Imperial Chancellor.” Herr 
 Sydow’s place in the department of the Impe- 
 rial Treasury was taken by Herr Wermuth. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (Sept. -May). — The Casa- 
 blanca Incident and its Arbitration at The 
 Hague. — Friendly Agreement with France. 
 See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Accelerated Naval Construc- 
 tion. — Excitement in Great Britain. — Par- 
 liamentary Debates. See War, The Prepa- 
 rations for : Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Extent of Trade Unionism. 
 See Labor Organization : Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Proposed Amendments of the 
 System of Workingmen’s Insurance. See 
 
 Poverty, The Problems of : Pensions ; also. 
 Labor Protection : Accident and Sickness 
 Insurance. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — Rejection of Proposed 
 Reforms of the Elective Franchise in Prus- 
 sia. See Elective Franchise : Prussia. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — Economic Conditions. 
 
 — Gain of Fifteen Years in National Wealth. 
 
 — Increased Cost of Living. — Diminished 
 Savings. — Check on the Overcrowding of 
 Towns. — ■ A report by the British Consul-Gen- 
 eral on the trade and commerce of the consular 
 district of Frankfort-on-the-Main for the year 
 
 ending April 30, 1909, gave the following items 
 of interest touching general economic conditions 
 of the year : 
 
 Early in 1909 the national wealth of Germany, 
 which had been estimated at 220,000,000,000 
 marks 15 years ago, was estimated to have 
 reached 350,000,000,000 marks — i. e., an in- 
 crease of 59 per cent, in half a generation. 
 
 “ The cheapening of all manufactured com- 
 modities in comparison with the price they had 
 reached during the end of the boom has failed 
 until now, iu spite of an unprecedented supply 
 of cash, because the development which had 
 taken place behind the wall of protection — the 
 system of syndication — has killed free competi- 
 tion at home and has unduly raised the cost of 
 the raw material needed by the finishing indus- 
 tries. The agricultural protection as well as the 
 industrial has, moreover, increased the cost of 
 living and has narrowed down the margin of 
 profit which might have been used like a safety 
 valve for reductions of price to revive trade at 
 home or facilitate competition abroad. Syndi- 
 cation and protection have in fact combined to 
 deprive German manufacture of that elastic 
 cheapening power which ought chiefly to revive 
 trade during the period succeeding a commercial 
 high tide. At the same time the increased pro- 
 tection of the home market has admittedly ren- 
 dered foreign markets more difficult for the 
 German manufacturer.” 
 
 See, also, Labor Remuneration: Wages, &c. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Speech of the Em- 
 peror on the Pride of his Subjects in “the 
 Game of War.” See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Preparations for : Military. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — -Latest Statistics of 
 the Social Democratic Party. See Socialism : 
 Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct. -Dec.). — Socialist Gains 
 in By-elections, etc. — Changed relations be- 
 tween Parties and the Government.- — Several 
 by-elections for the Reichstag and elections to 
 the diets of Saxony and Baden in these months 
 showed somewhat startling gains for the Social- 
 ists. In the Saxon Diet they won 25 seats, 
 whereas in the late chamber, elected in 1907, 
 they had held but 1. Both the Conservatives 
 and the National Liberals were losers in the con- 
 test, the former most heavily. The Radicals 
 shared a few of the gains. In the Baden Diet 
 the Socialist gain was 8. At a by-election in 
 one of the Brandenburg divisions the Socialists 
 increased their vote by more than a thousand. 
 
 The Reichstag was reopened by the Emperor 
 on the 30th of November. On the organization 
 of the House, Dr. Herman S. Paasclie, National 
 Liberal, declined election as Second Vice-Presi- 
 dent, stating that the National -Liberal party had 
 decided unanimously not to accept office in the 
 reorganization of the House. The Imperial 
 party, or free Conservatives, also declined to 
 take part in the organization, while the Radi- 
 cals went so far as to decide that they would 
 cast blank votes. These three parties are deter- 
 mined to place the full responsibility for the 
 coming legislation upon the German Conserva- 
 tives and Clericals. 
 
 This new attitude of parties, as one side of 
 the sequence to the dissolution of the bloc of the 
 past two years, and to the retirement of Chan- 
 cellor Billow, was responded to most appositely 
 on the side of the Government by the new Im- 
 
GERMANY, 1909 
 
 GIFTS AND BEQUESTS 
 
 perial Chancellor, Dr. von Bethmann Hollweg, 
 when he made his first speech in that capacity 
 to the Reichstag, December 9th. In not many 
 words he made it plain that the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment’s policy now was “to stand aloof from 
 parties and groups of parties ; in short, that the 
 government of Germany was not a government 
 by party. Governmental measures would be 
 submitted to the Reichstag for adoption, but 
 he was not disposed to define the constellation of 
 parties which, he thought, would support these 
 measures. The recent political crisis over the 
 taxation bill had made no change in German 
 institutions, he continued. Radicalism strove 
 to divide all Germany into two political camps, 
 but the existence of such a dualism was a fiction 
 devised for party objects. It could not con- 
 tribute to the sound development of the country 
 for every proposal to be classified as either 
 radical or reactionary. Germany, the chancellor 
 affirmed, needed continuous and steady policies, 
 both at home and abroad, to satisfy the people 
 to the end that their work, either material or 
 intellectual, might be undisturbed by disorders 
 or experiments.” His words in part were as 
 follows : 
 
 “ As decidedly as the separate parties have 
 ever refused, and still refuse, to be Government 
 parties — and I personally can thoroughly under- 
 stand it — so little will a Government in Ger- 
 many ever be able to be a party Government. 
 With the difficulties which arise from this fact 
 every German statesman has had to fight, and 
 in this relation of things, which is historic and 
 based upon the peculiarity of our party life and 
 of our State institutions, the last crisis has al- 
 tered nothing whatever. I do not shut my eyes,” 
 continued the Chancellor, “to the excitement 
 
 GHENT: A. D. 1900. — Municipal organi- 
 zation of Insurance against Unemployment. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Poverty, Problems of: Un- 
 employment. 
 
 GHOSE, Dr. Rash Bihari. See (in this 
 vol.) India: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 GIBBONEY, D. Clarence. See (in this 
 \vol.) Municipal Government: Philadelphia. 
 GIFTS AND BEQUESTS, Notable: Of 
 Andrew Carnegie: To Building for the Bu- 
 reau of American Republics. See (in this 
 vol.) American Republics, Bureau of. 
 
 For Court House and Library for Perma- 
 nent Court of Arbitration at The Hague. 
 See War, The Revolt against: A. D. 1903. 
 
 To Foundation for the Improvement of 
 Teaching. See Education : United States: 
 A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 To Hero Funds. See Carnegie Hero 
 Funds. 
 
 To Institute at Pittsburg. See Education : 
 United States : A. D. 1907. 
 
 To Institution of Washington. See Sci- 
 ence and Invention : Carnegie Institution. 
 
 To Scottish Universities. See Education : 
 Scotland : A. D. 1901. 
 
 Of George Crocker for Cancer Research. 
 See Public Health : Cancer Research. 
 
 Of Edwin Ginn to Fund for the Peace Prop- 
 aganda. See War, The Revolt against : 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 Of Mrs. Harriman and others to the State 
 of New York for a State Park on the Hudson. 
 
 See New York State : A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 of party politics which pervades the country.” 
 But he believed that there were wide circles 
 of the German people who did not wish to live 
 permanently on political excitement and recrim- 
 ination. “ What our people desires in the first 
 place is not to be disturbed in its actual work, 
 whether economic or intellectual, either at home 
 or abroad, in the markets of the world, by un- 
 rest or experiments. It wishes to be supported 
 and encouraged by a policy of continuity and 
 stability at home and abroad.” As in the past 
 there had never been a single party which had 
 given its stamp to German policy, so all parties 
 must work together in the future. The question 
 was not one of “actual collaboration ” or of ner- 
 vous anxiety about the creation of a temporary 
 Parliamentary majority, but of the conviction 
 that thereVas an obligation to work imposed by 
 the community upon each of its representatives, 
 and the certainty that this obligation would sur- 
 vive the present turmoil. 
 
 It is an interesting experiment which the new 
 Chancellor is venturing on ; but it seems to 
 require a Bismarck in the Chancellor’s shoes. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). — The Mannesmann 
 Concession Question. See (in this vol.) Mo- 
 rocco: A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1910 (March). — Demand of the 
 Reichstag for Ministerial Responsibility. — 
 
 On the 15th of March, 1910, it was reported 
 from Berlin that the Reichstag had adopted a 
 motion, made by a Socialist member, demand- 
 ing the introduction of a bill making the chan- 
 cellor responsible to the Reichstag for his official 
 acts and also extending his responsibility to 
 cover all of the acts and documents made by 
 the Emperor, for which responsibility he shall 
 be answerable in a court of law. 
 
 Of Miss Anna T. Jeanes to Schools for 
 Southern Negroes. See Education : United 
 States : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Of Mr. John Stewart Kennedy. — Nearly 
 
 $30,000,000, out of an estate valued close to 
 $60,000,000, was left to public institutions by 
 John Stewart Kennedy, banker and railroad 
 builder, who died early in November, 1909. 
 The renmiuder of the estate was bequeathed to 
 relatives and employes. The larger bequests 
 to religious, educational, and benevolent institu- 
 tions were the following : 
 
 Board of Foreign Missions of the 
 Presbyterian Church in the United 
 
 States $2,250,000 
 
 Board of Home Missions of the 
 Presbyterian Church in the United 
 
 States 2,250,000 
 
 Board of Church Erection Fund of 
 the General Assembly of the Pres- 
 byterian Church in the United 
 
 States 2,250,000 
 
 Presbyterian Hospital in New York 
 
 City 2,250,000 
 
 New York Public Library, Astor, 
 
 Lenox, and Tilden Foundations . 2,250,000 
 Metropolitan Museum of Art . . . 2,250,000 
 
 Columbia University 2,250,000 
 
 Church Extension Committee of the 
 Presbytery of New York . . 1.500,000 
 
 Trustees of Robert College, Constan- 
 tinople, Turkey 1,500,000 
 
 University of the City of New York 750,000 
 
GIFTS AND BEQUESTS 
 
 GREECE 
 
 American Bible Society 750,000 
 
 Presbyterian Board of Aid for Col- 
 leges 750,000 
 
 Charity Organization Society of the 
 City of New York for its School 
 of Philantlirophy, “to which I 
 have already given an endowment 
 of $250,000, or to the said school 
 if the same be separately incor- 
 porated at the time of my death,” 750,000 
 United Charities, a corporation of 
 the State of New York .... 1,500,000 
 
 Of Letchworth Park to the State of New 
 York. See New York State ; A. D. 1907. 
 
 Of Rhodes Scholarships. See Education : 
 Rhodes Scholarships. 
 
 Of John D. Rockefeller to the General Ed- 
 ucation Board. See (in this vol.) Education: 
 United States: A. D. 1902-1909. 
 
 The Russell Sage Foundation. See (in this 
 vol.) Social Betterment. United States: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 F rom Mrs. Russell Sage to Yale University. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Education: United States: 
 A. D. 1910. 
 
 Of Mrs. Russell Sage to the U. S. Govern- 
 ment. See Constitution Island. 
 
 GINN, Edwin: Great Gift to Fund for the 
 Peace Propaganda. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Revolt against : A. D. 1909. 
 
 GIOLITTI, Signor Giovanni: Minister of 
 the Interior and then Premier of the Italian 
 Government. See (in this vol.) Italy: A. D. 
 1901, 1903, and after. 
 
 GIORGIS, General De: Command of Gen- 
 darmerie in Macedonia. See (in this vol.) 
 Tuukey : A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 GLADSTONE, Herbert J. : Secretary of 
 State for Home Affairs. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 First Governor-General of United South 
 Africa. See South Africa: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 GOBAT, Albert. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 GOETHALS, Lieut. -Colonel George W.: 
 Chief Engineer of the Panama Canal. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Panama Canal: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 GOLGI, Camillo. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes 
 
 GOLUCHOWSKI, Count. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 GOMEZ, Josd Miguel: President of Cuba. 
 See (in this vol.) Cuba : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 GOMEZ, General Maximo : Military head 
 of the last Cuban Rising against Spain. See 
 (in this vol.) Cuba : A. D. 1902. 
 
 GOMEZ, General : Acting President of 
 Venezuela. See (in this vol.) Venezuela : A. D. 
 1905-1906, and 1907-1909. 
 
 GOMPERS, Samuel: Sentence for alleged 
 Violation of an Injunction. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization: United States: A. D. 
 1908-1909. 
 
 GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at 
 Khartoum. See (in this vol.) Education: 
 Egypt. 
 
 GOREMYKIN, Ivan Logginovich. See 
 (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1906. 
 
 GORGAS, Dr. W. C., U. S. A.: In charge 
 of the Sanitation of the Panama Canal Zone. 
 See (in this vol.) Public Health: Panama 
 Canal. 
 
 GOVERNORS’ CONFERENCE, on Con- 
 servation of Natural Resources. See (in this 
 vol.) Conservation of Natural Resources: 
 United States. 
 
 “ GRAFT,” so called, in Municipal Gov- 
 ernment. See (in this vol.) Municipal Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 GRAND TRUNK PACIFIC RAILWAY 
 PROJECT. See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 
 1903. 
 
 GRAY, Justice George: On the Anthracite 
 Coal Strike Arbitration Commission. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 GREAT BRITAIN. See England. 
 
 GREECE : A. D. 1905 . — Assassination of 
 Prime Minister Delyannis. — His succes- 
 sors. - — Theodoros Delyannis, the Premier of 
 Greece, was assassinated on the 13th of June, 
 1905, by a revengeful gambler whose place had 
 been closed by the police A new Ministry 
 formed by M. Ralli conducted the Government 
 until December, when its defeat in the election 
 of a president of the representative assembly 
 forced a resignation. It was succeeded by a 
 Cabinet formed under M. Theotokis, the leader 
 of the Opposition. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1908 . — Barbarities of Greek 
 bands in Macedonia. See (in this vol.) Tur- 
 key: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . — Insurrection in Crete. — 
 Demand for Union with “ her MotherGreece.” 
 — Investigation by the Powers. — Resigna- 
 tion of Prince George. — Appointment of 
 M. Zaimis. See Crete ; A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — The Cretan Situation 
 as dealt with by the Four Protecting Powers. 
 See Crete : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July). — Destructive Earthquake 
 in Ellis. See Earthquakes : Greece. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The Government dominated 
 by a Military League. — Its submission to the 
 Dictatorship. — Whatever vitality may previ 
 ously have animated the forms of constitutional 
 government in Greece was extinguished sud- 
 denly in July, 1909, by a demonstration of power 
 on the part of a league of army officers to give 
 orders to it. The Military League was backed, 
 evidently, by a strong popular feeling against 
 the Government, partly well founded, perhaps, 
 but largely due to an unreasoning desire for rash 
 undertakings to secure the annexation of Crete. 
 The revolution in Turkey had stimulated this by 
 seeming to open opportunities for breaking the 
 island away from the claimed sovereignty of the 
 Turks. What Bulgaria had been able to do in 
 the situation for herself, and what Austria had 
 done in annexing Bosnia and Herzegovina, it 
 must be that the Powers which held Crete in 
 commission, so to speak, could do for Greece, in 
 the present state of things, if Greece had a com- 
 petent Government to deal with affairs. This 
 seems to have been the feeling, to a large extent, 
 which produced the Military League and the 
 popular threatenings whereby the Ministry of M. 
 Theotoki was impelled to resign office on the 
 17th of July. The new Cabinet constructed by 
 the King, under M. Ralli, held the semblance of 
 power a little more than a month, and then had 
 to choose between dropping it and taking orders 
 from the League. When it hesitated, and ven- 
 tured an arrest of several leaders of the military 
 combination, the latter, in a body, to the num- 
 
 299 
 
GREECE 
 
 GREECE 
 
 ber of over 500, with about 2000 of the men of 
 their commands, took possession of a hill outside 
 of Athens, on the 27th of August, and established 
 there a menacing camp. Parley was then opened 
 with them and they submitted a programme of 
 demands which M. Ralli declined to accept, and 
 resigned. 
 
 According to a manifesto published by the 
 League on the 27th, its demands, summarized 
 in a letter from Athens, were as follows : “The 
 officers belonging to the Military League re- 
 spectfully ask the King and the Government 
 to carry out radical reforms, and especially to 
 proceed with the reorganization of the army 
 and navy, in order that Greece might not in the 
 future have to undergo any more humiliations 
 such as she had had to tolerate in the past. 
 The commands held by the Royal Princes in 
 the army and navy are considered by the league 
 to be prejudicial to their own prestige and to 
 the accomplishment of their duties. The offi 
 cers consequently insist that the Crown Prince, 
 who is commander-in-chief of the army, and 
 the other Royal Princes, should not hold any 
 command in the army. They demand that the 
 army shall be controlled by a council composed 
 of the commanders of the three divisions under 
 the presidency of the eldest of them, and the 
 superintendence of the Crown Prince. They 
 further ask that the two War Ministries should 
 be invariably entrusted to the best officers in 
 the army and navy and not to civilians. Among 
 the detailed features of their programme they 
 ask that four classes of the reserve should be 
 called to the colours annually for manoeuvres, 
 that a battleship of not less than 10,000 tons, 
 and eight destroyers of not less than 150 tons 
 each, should be constructed, that the existing 
 three cruisers should be repaired, that all the 
 useless small ships should be sold, including the 
 Royal yachts, with the exception of one for the 
 King, that a war school should be established, 
 that a foreign general with some officers should 
 be called in to organize a Staff service and to 
 look after the theoretical and practical training 
 of the army and navy, and that a more efficient 
 corps of Gendarmerie should be organized. In 
 order to provide the necessary funds to carry 
 out these reforms the league suggests that large 
 retrenchments should be made in the general 
 Budget.” 
 
 The King found a compliant premier, M. Mav- 
 romichalis, who submitted to these dictations in 
 principle, amnestied the whole League, and took 
 one of its leaders, Colonel Lapathiotis, into his 
 Cabinet, as Minister of War. Since that day 
 the actual Government of Greece has beentrans 
 ferred from the King, his Constitutional Minis- 
 ters and the “ Boule,” or Legislative Chamber, to 
 the Military League. The nominal Government 
 turned a cheerful face to the world by publish- 
 ing a semi-official explanation which began as 
 follows : 
 
 “ Now that the situation has become clearer it 
 becomes plain that the sole object of the military 
 movement was the reorganization of the army 
 and the reform and improvement of the Ad- 
 ministration. The movement was at no time 
 directed against the King or the dynasty, nor 
 had it as its object the diminution of the rights 
 and privileges of the Crown or the violation of 
 the Constitution. The request of the Military 
 Committee that the Crown Prince and the Royal 
 
 Princes should be relieved of their high com- 
 mands in the army was only formulated in their 
 Highnesses’ interests, and with a view to relieve 
 them of grave responsibilities likely to injure 
 their prestige and in order to avert the discord 
 and hatred which personal favoritism and the 
 sympathies of the Princes would inevitably 
 have engendered among the officers serving 
 under them.” 
 
 That the League had strong backing in the 
 country was shown by popular demonstrations, 
 one of which, at Athens, on the 27th of Sep- 
 tember, brought 50,000 people, it was said, to 
 the Champ de Mars, to pass a resolution and to 
 convey it to the King. “ The resolution began 
 by expressing profound satisfaction at the ini- 
 tiation of the struggle by the Military League 
 against the mischievous influence of parties on 
 State affairs, and against the misuse of interest 
 in the army and navy, and . . . concluded by 
 declaring the determination of the people to 
 exercise constant supervision over the Govern- 
 ment and the Chamber until their demands had 
 been completely fulfilled. 
 
 “The demonstrators then marched to the 
 Royal Palace, where the committee were re- 
 ceived by the King and handed his Majesty the 
 resolution. The King, after congratulating 
 them upon the orderly and lawful way in which 
 the people had made known their wishes, ex- 
 pressed his conviction that his Government and 
 the Chamber would consider them and would 
 vote the requisite laws.” 
 
 The Chamber, however, was less compliant, 
 and showed marked signs of refusing legislation 
 for the removal of the royal Princes from active 
 service in the army. This angered the military 
 dictators, and fresh trouble was threatened. It 
 was averted by the resignation of the Princes, 
 and by the speedy adoption of the whole series 
 of measures demanded by the League, no less 
 than twenty-three bills being enacted within 
 the space of an hour. 
 
 The dictatorial work of the League, however, 
 had not gone far enough to satisfy one of its 
 chiefs, a Lieutenant Typaldos, commander of 
 a fleet of torpedo-boats and submarines, who 
 suddenly set on foot a naval revolt of his own, 
 withdrawing, with a few other officers and men, 
 to Salamis and seizing the arsenal there. But, 
 having the League against him, Typaldos was 
 easily put to flight, and was captured event- 
 ually in ignominious disguise. For a time after 
 this all went smoothly, and the Government 
 was credited with a number of good measures, 
 which its military masters permitted it to adopt. 
 The situation was ruffled again toward the end 
 of December by some offensive words in the 
 Chamber from the Minister of War, Colonel 
 Lapathiotis, which a large part of the deputies 
 resented. These gave notice that they would 
 not enter the Chamber again while the Colonel 
 remained in the Ministry. Fortunately, just at 
 this time, the obnoxious Minister gave offense 
 to his associates of the League, by promoting 
 several officers without consulting them, and 
 they were willing that he should be dismissed. 
 
 A. D. 1910 . — Agreements for a restored 
 Constitutional Regime. — The dismissal of 
 Colonel Lapathiotis emboldened the party in the 
 Chamber which follows the lead of ex-Premier 
 Rallis to make some show of an independent op- 
 position, and provoked thereby the most arro- 
 
 300 
 
GREECE 
 
 IIAKKI BEY 
 
 gaut reminder yet given of the dictatorial power 
 of the Military League. On the 2d of January 
 two officers from the League appeared in the 
 Chamber, bearing letters addressed to the Prime 
 Minister and to the two leaders of Opposition 
 parties, M. Rallis and M. Theotokis, requiring 
 the Chamber to pass twenty-seven specified 
 measures, besides the pending budget, and re- 
 quiring the Government to recall its diplomatic 
 representatives from Paris, Berlin, Vienna, and 
 Rome. The messengers announced that they 
 would return at 2 p. M. for a reply, and when 
 they did so they were assured that the com- 
 mands received would be obeyed. A few hours 
 later the Premier received a fresh mandate to 
 dismiss his Minister of the Interior. On this, 
 he and his colleagues attempted to resign, but 
 were so entreated by the King to remain and 
 submit to the humiliating situation, rather than 
 bring the country to a state of complete political 
 wreck, that they did so, excepting the Minister 
 of the Interior, who withdrew. 
 
 In the succeeding four weeks, negotiations ap- 
 pear to have been effected between the League 
 and the leaders of political parties, with the re- 
 sult announced as follows in a telegram from 
 Athens to the American Press, January 28 : “ An 
 agreement was reached to-day by the Theotokis 
 party, the Rallis party, and the Military League 
 to convoke the National Assembly for a revision 
 of the Constitution, with the condition that the 
 league shall first be dissolved. The powers of 
 the National Assembly will be limited as to the 
 sections of the Constitution to be revised, and no 
 interference with the royal prerogatives will be 
 permitted.” 
 
 King George assented to the proposed convo- 
 cation of a National Assembly for the revision 
 of the Constitution, though the existing Consti- 
 tution would be violated by the method of pro 
 cedure to be taken, since the choice seemed to 
 lie between this and a complete wreckage of 
 constitutional government. A Cretan leader, 
 M. Venezelo, of high reputation for political 
 sagacity, came to Athens on invitation and con- 
 ducted a settlement of the affair with apparent 
 success. The Mavromichalis Ministry gave 
 way to another, formed under M. Dragoumis ; 
 a programme of constitutional changes to be 
 laid before the contemplated National Assembly 
 was agreed upon ; the election of the Assembly 
 was appointed for August next and its meeting 
 for September, and the dissolution of the Mili- 
 
 HAAKON VII., King of Norway. See (in 
 
 this vol. ) Norway: A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 HABIBULLAH, Ameer of Afghanistan. 
 See (in this vol.) Afghanistan: A. D. 1901- 
 1904. 
 
 HAECKEL, Ernst Heinrich. — Eminent 
 German scientist, retired from his Professor- 
 ship at Jena University on his 75th birthday, 
 Feb. 10, 1909. 
 
 HAGEN-HAGEN, Lieutenant: Tragically 
 ended Greenland Coast Survey. See (in this 
 vol.) Polar Exploration. 
 
 HAGOPIAN, H. : On the Turkish Revolu- 
 tion. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 
 (Jan. -May). 
 
 HAGUE TRIBUNAL, The: A. D. 1902. 
 
 tary League was pledged. Such was the situa- 
 tion in the later days of March, 1910. 
 
 GREEN HILLS, Capture of. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (May- Jan.). 
 
 GREY, Albert Henry George, Earl: Gov- 
 ernor-General of Canada. See* (in this vol.) 
 Canada: A. D. 1904. 
 
 GREY, Sir Edward: Secretary of State for 
 Foreign Affairs. See (in this vol.) England: 
 A. D. 1905 (Dec.), 1905-1906; and Turkey: 
 A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 Correspondence on American Fishing 
 Rights in Newfoundland waters. See New- 
 foundland: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 On the Changed Conditions in Europe that 
 make for Peace. See Europe: A. D. 1909. 
 
 On the Budget of 1909 and the House of 
 Lords. See England : A. D. 1909 (Afril- 
 Dec.). 
 
 GROCERS’ ASSOCIATION, Dissolution 
 of the. See (in this vol.) Combinations, In- 
 dustrial: United States: A. D. 1901-1906. 
 
 GROSSCUP, Judge Peter S.: Decision in 
 the Case of the United States v. Swift & 
 Co., et al. See (in this vol.) Combinations, In- 
 dustrial: United States: A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 Opinion in Standard Oil Case. See (in 
 this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, &c. : 
 United States: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 GRUITCH, GENERAL: Head of Radical 
 Servian Ministry. See (in this vol.) Balkan 
 and Danubian States : Servla: A. D. 1903. 
 
 GUANTANAMO: Coaling and Naval 
 Station leased to the United States. See (in 
 this vol.) Cuba: A. D. 1903. 
 
 GUATEMALA. See Central America. 
 
 GUERRA, Colonel Pino: Leader of Insur- 
 rection in Cuba. See (in this vol.) Cuba: A. D. 
 1906 (Aug.-Oct.). 
 
 GUIANA, BRITISH: A. D. 1904.— Set- 
 tlement of Brazilian boundary dispute. See 
 (in this vol.) Brazil: A. D. 1904. 
 
 GULLY, W. C. : Resignation of the 
 
 Speakership of House of Commons. — Eleva- 
 tion to the Peerage. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1905 (June). 
 
 GUMMERfe, S. R. : American Delegate to 
 the Alegeciras Conference on the Morocco 
 Question. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 GUTHRIE, George W. : Mayor of Pitts- 
 burg. See (in this vol.) Municipal Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 — Decision of the Pious Fund Question be- 
 tween Mexico and the United States. See 
 (in this vol.) Mexico : A. D. 1902 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Decision on Venezuela Ques- 
 tion. See Venezuela: A. D 1902-1903. 
 
 Carnegie Gift to it of a Court House and 
 Library. See War, The Revolt against : 
 A. D. 1903. 
 
 HAGUE, The: A. D. 1907. — The Second 
 Peace Conference. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against: A. D. 1907. 
 
 HAICHENG, Russian evacuation of. 
 See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (July- 
 Sept.). 
 
 HAKKI BEY : Grand Vizier. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 (May-Dec.). 
 
HALDANE 
 
 HAITI, 1902 
 
 HALDANE, Richard B. : Secretary of 
 State for War. See (in this vol.) England : 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 HALE vs. HENKEL, The case of. See 
 (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial : 
 United States: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 HAMID EDDIN, Sheik of the Hadra- 
 maut : His claims to the Caliphate, against 
 the Sultan. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 
 1903- 1905. 
 
 HAMLIN, Rev. Dr. Cyrus. See (in this vol.) 
 Education : Turkey, &c. 
 
 HANKAU-SZE-CHUAN RAILWAY 
 LOAN. — The question of American par- 
 ticipation. See (in this vol.) China : A. D. 
 
 1904- 1909. 
 
 HANSEN, Ole. See (in this vol.) Denmark : 
 A. D. 1901. 
 
 HARBIN, or Kharbin : A. D. 1905 . — 
 Opened to all commerce. See (in this vol.) 
 China : A. D. 1905 (Dec.). 
 
 HARCOURT, Vernon-. See Vernon Hak 
 
 COURT. 
 
 HARDEN, Maximilian : The Trials of. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Germany : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 HARDIE, Keir. See (in this vol.) Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1905-1906 ; Labor Organization : 
 England: A. D. 1903; and Socialism: Eng- 
 land. 
 
 HARRIMAN, Edward H. : His extraor- 
 dinary Accumulation and Organization of 
 Railway Properties. — His death. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways : United States: A. D. 1901- 
 1909. 
 
 HARRIMAN, Mrs. E. H. — Gift of land to 
 New York for a State Park. See (in this vol.) 
 New York State: A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 HARVARD UNIVERSITY: Inter- 
 changes of Professors with French and Ger- 
 man Universities. See (in this vol.) Educa- 
 tion : International Interchanges. 
 
 HASSAN FEHMI EFFENDI, Assassi- 
 nation of. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 
 (Jan. -May). 
 
 HATSUSE, Sinking of the. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -Aug.). 
 
 HATTI HUMAYUN, The Turkish. See 
 (in this vol.) Turkey : A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 HAUSA LAND. See (in this vol.) Africa: 
 A. D. 1903 (Nigeria). 
 
 HAVANA: A. D. 1907 . — Population. — 
 
 See (in this vol.) Cuba : A. D. 1907. 
 
 HAY, John: Secretary of State. See (in 
 this vol.) United States: A. D. 1901-1905, 
 and 1905-1909. 
 
 Negotiation of the Hay-Bond Reciprocity 
 Treaty. See Newfoundland: A. D. 1902- 
 1905. 
 
 Negotiation of Treaty with China to open 
 two new Ports to Foreign Trade. See 
 China: A. D. 1903 (May-Oct.). 
 
 Honorary President of Second Interna- 
 tional Conference of American Republics. 
 See American Republics. 
 
 Proclamation of his death. See United 
 States: A. D. 1905 (July). 
 
 H AY - P AUNCEFOTE CANAL 
 TREATY, Interoceanic. See (in this vol.) 
 Panama Canal : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 HAITI: A. D. 1901 - 1902 . — Participation 
 in Second International Conference of Ameri- 
 can Republics. See (in this vol.) American 
 Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Revolution and Civil War 
 produced by a Blunder of Law. — Resigna- 
 tion of President Sam. — Election of General 
 Nord Alexis. — An outbreak of revolution in 
 Haiti occurred under singular circumstances 
 on the 12th of May, 1902. As related in a de- 
 spatch of a few days later by Mr. W F. Powell, 
 United States Minister to Haiti, the circum- 
 stances were these : When, in April, 1896. General 
 Theresias Simon Sam was elected President of 
 the Republic (see, under Hayti, in Volume VI. 
 of this work), on the sudden death of President 
 Ilypolite, “Congress enacted a law requiring 
 him to enter upon the duties of the Presidential 
 office at once, and to remain in office until May 
 15, 1903. This law, it seems now,” wrote Mr. 
 Powell, “was not constitutional, as the consti- 
 tution states : ‘ That upon the death, resignation, 
 malfeasance in office, or removal therefrom of 
 the President before the 15th of May (in any 
 year) the cabinet or council of ministers is 
 charged with these functions until the 15th of 
 May, when the newly elected President shall 
 assume the duties of the Presidency ; but if a 
 President should accept office or enter upon the 
 duties of the same prior to this time (15th of 
 May), then his term of office must expire on 
 the 15th of May of the year preceding the time 
 that it actually expired, thus not allowing the 
 incumbent to remain in office the full seven 
 years, the time for which he was elected.’ 
 
 “For some reason this provision of the con- 
 stitution was not thought of, or else forgotten, 
 at the time General Sam was elected. No men- 
 tion was made of this section until about a year 
 ago, when the question was launched upon the 
 public view by the enemies of the Government. 
 The more this question was discussed the more 
 potent it became, until it occupied the attention 
 of all classes to the exclusion of all other mat- 
 ters. . . . The several political arrests and the 
 exile of many persons within the past two years 
 have been on account of this discussion, they 
 demanding that this article of the constitution 
 should be literally followed, the Government, 
 on its part, believing that in the arrest and exile 
 of all such persons all discussions and agitation 
 of this matter would cease. But this rigor on 
 the part of the Government produced, instead 
 of friends, enemies, who were daily gaining 
 strength. 
 
 “At the several interviews I had with the Pre- 
 sident up to the time I left for Santo Domingo 
 (February 10) he stated that it was his intention 
 to remain in office until he had finished his term 
 (to May 15, 1903) and that he woidd not resign 
 or cease to be President prior to that time. He 
 had also impressed this fact upon the members 
 of his cabinet up to May 1 of the present year, 
 when it was learned that it was his intention to 
 resign at an early day.” This announcement 
 brought a number of candidates into the field, 
 and Mr. Powell, on returning to Port au Prince 
 on the 11th of May, found a precarious situation 
 there. He secured an interview with President 
 Sam the following morning, and “ was informed 
 that he had determined to resign, that his resig- 
 nation was ready to be sent to Congress, that he 
 was tired of this constant agitation, and that he 
 would leave by the French steamer then in port 
 for France, where he would pass the remainder 
 of his life in quietness and peace ; that since it 
 was the wish of the people to have a new 
 
 302 
 
HAITI, 1902 
 
 HAITI, 1908 
 
 President he would not oppose them, but would 
 abide by article 93 of the national constitution, 
 and if the chambers did not elect a President 
 to-day, Monday, the country would be without 
 a President.” 
 
 One of the candidates, General Leconte, a 
 member of the Government about to be dis- 
 solved, “ felt certain that he would be elected, as 
 he had sufficient votes pledged in both houses to 
 elect him. This news spread rapidly, the streets 
 became full of armed citizens wending their 
 way toward the chambers to prevent, forcibly 
 if necessary, his election. At first it was diffi- 
 cult to get the members together. The streets 
 in the neighborhood of the legislative halls 
 were thronged with people and the Govern- 
 ment troops, the latter to protect the members 
 in case of violence. Several secret meetings of 
 the members were held. At last the doors were 
 opened, and as soon as opened every avail- 
 able space not occupied by the two houses was 
 filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. 
 As the balloting was about to commence some 
 one in the chambers fired his revolver. In an 
 instant shooting commenced from all parts of 
 the room. One or two were killed and the same 
 number wounded. The members all sought 
 shelter in the most available places they could 
 find — under benches or desks. Others forgot 
 the way they entered and sought exit by means 
 of the windows. By this means the populace 
 prevented the election of General Leconte, 
 forcibly adjourned the chambers without date, 
 and dispersed the members of both chambers. 
 The Government troops immediately retired to 
 the palace, the arsenal, the barracks, or the ar- 
 rondissement, as it was thought that an attack 
 would be immediately made on each place. 
 
 ‘‘A committee of safety was at once formed 
 to safeguard the interests of the city, and as the 
 new T s reached the other cities of the Republic 
 similar committees were named with like duties. 
 The next object was to secure the palace, arse- 
 nal, and the Government buildings. A concerted 
 attack was made on each of the above places at 
 10 p. m., lasting about twenty minutes, in which 
 the Government troops were the victors. It is 
 supposed that in these engagements about one 
 hundred persons were either killed or wounded.” 
 
 The next day, on the ex-President’s request, 
 Mr. Powell, as dean of the diplomatic corps, 
 arranged with his associates to escort General 
 and Mrs. Sam, together with General Leconte, 
 to the steamer on which they wished to embark, 
 and their departure was undisturbed. 
 
 On the 26th of May a Provisional Government, 
 with General Boisrond Canal for its President, 
 was established by delegates sent from “ the sev- 
 eral sections of the Republic.” Elections for a 
 new Chamber of Deputies were appointed to be 
 held early in July ; though the Constitution had 
 declared that such elections “ must occur during 
 the first weeks in the month of January.” This 
 gave a fine opening for future troubles. Mean- 
 time, irregular skirmishing, preliminary to posi- 
 tive civil war, was bringing all business to an 
 end. On the 26th of July Mr. Powell reported to 
 Washington that civil war had been declared. 
 The contest for the Presidency seemed narrowed 
 to two candidates. General Nord Alexis, Minis- 
 ter of War and Marine in the Provisional Gov- 
 ernment, and Mr. A. Firmin, whose cause was 
 supported by the Haytian navy, of two gunboats, 
 
 commanded by Admiral Killick. It is needless 
 to give details of the hostilities that ensued. 
 
 The elections were determined and the Cham- 
 ber of Deputies was organized about the 20th of 
 August. The Deputies had then to choose the 
 Senatorial body, and the strife of factions among 
 them prevented that election until late in the 
 year, when the forces of the Provisional Govern- 
 ment had achieved successes which brought the 
 civil war practically to an end. General Nord 
 Alexis, who had been campaigning for months, 
 returned triumphantly with his army to Port au 
 Prince on the 14th of December ; was acclaimed 
 President by the Army on the 17th, and was 
 formally elected by the National Assembly on 
 the 21st. He was then reported to be 85 years 
 old. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Revolution once more. — 
 Overthrow and expulsion of President Nord 
 Alexis. — General Antoine Simon his elected 
 successor. — The Government under President 
 Nord Alexis was maintained for six years, by its 
 own unsparing use of power, it would seem, 
 rather than by the good will of the country. 
 Revolutionary projects had been crushed with 
 prompt vigor before they had much chance of 
 development, until November, 1908, when one, 
 led by a displaced military commander, General 
 Antoine Simon, ran so rapid a course that it 
 arrived at complete success on the 2d of the fol- 
 lowing month. The aged but indomitable Nord 
 Alexis strove hard to resist it, even to the last 
 inch of fighting in his own palace ; but Port au 
 Prince rose against him; his partisans fell away ; 
 his soldiers deserted ; and finally, on the after- 
 noon of December 2d, he consented to be taken 
 on board a French training-ship, then in port. 
 In doing this there was difficulty in saving him 
 from an angry city mob. The escape of the 
 fallen President was described in a Port au 
 Prince despatch to the Associated Press as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 “So serious was the situation that the French 
 minister, M. Carteron, and other foreign re- 
 presentatives, with members of a specially ap- 
 pointed committee, forced themselves upon the 
 President, who finally consented to withdraw. 
 Shouts greeted him as he stepped to his carriage. 
 M. Carteron, carrying the French tri-color, threw 
 the folds of the flag over the shoulders of the de 
 posed president to protect him. All along the 
 route the people who lined the streets shouted, 
 jeered and cursed the fallen President, but when 
 the landing stage was reached, the mob lost all 
 restraint. The scene was tragic and shameful. 
 Infuriated women broke through the cordon of 
 troops and shrieked the coarsest insults into the 
 very face of the President, who strove bravely 
 to appear undismayed. They hurled themselves, 
 fighting witli hands and feet, against the soldiers, 
 who found difficulty in forcing them back. One 
 woman with a murderous knife, got to the Pre- 
 sident’s side and made a sweep at his body, but 
 the blow fell short, and, before she could follow 
 it with another, she was seized by a soldier. A 
 man struck the President a glancing blow with 
 his fist on the neck. Alexis, shaking his head, 
 so, turned to M. Carteron and said : ‘ I told you 
 your excellency.’ 
 
 “To clear space, the troops fired several vol- 
 leys over the heads of the mob. For a moment, 
 they gave way, and Alexis, with the French col- 
 ors draped about him, was bustled into a skiff. 
 
 303 
 
HAITI, 1909 
 
 HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS 
 
 in tow of a steam launch, his disordered suite 
 tumbling in after him. As the launch drew 
 away, three Haytian gunboats and the Ameri- 
 can warships in the harbor fired a salute to the 
 fallen President. 
 
 “ A trunk which was left behind on the pre- 
 cipitate departure of the President and his party 
 from the wharf, was seized upon by the rioters 
 and broken open. It was found to contain some 
 §10,000 in gold and 20,000 Haytian gourdes. 
 The specie was scattered about and promptly 
 pillaged.” 
 
 According to a despatch of the next day, 
 “ riot and pillage swept through the night fol- 
 lowing the flight of the fallen President, Nord 
 Alexis. The populace, maddened by a taste of 
 revolt, gave themselves over to absolute license, 
 They looted stores and residences and then 
 fought among themselves over the booty until 
 an armed force, hastily gathered together by 
 General Poitevin, fired a volley into the mob and 
 finally drove them into hiding. In all, twelve 
 persons were killed and many wounded before 
 order was restored. . . . 
 
 “ Past 90 years of age — how many years be- 
 yond nobody knows — Nord Alexis had faced 
 his foes with the strength and determination of 
 a man in the very prime of life. To-day he 
 said : ‘ The courageous conduct of M. Carteron 
 (the French minister) saved my life.’ , . . The 
 President was broken-hearted over the attitude 
 of his people, of whose hostility he was entirely 
 ignorant. ‘They always cheered me when I 
 appealed in the streets,’ he said mournfully, 
 ‘and I have always labored for their good.’ 
 
 “He protested against the ‘legend’ that he 
 ever had shown any enmity toward the whites, 
 and, for the first time, expressed his views with 
 regard to the summary executions which took 
 place on March 15tli last, when many men were 
 shot to death by order of General Leconte. He 
 had always been convinced, he said, that the 
 men had been killed during an attack upon the 
 palace. His officials and those upon whom he 
 depended had kept back the truth from him. 
 
 “ With regard to his destination, Nord Alexis 
 said that he would wait until he could be trans- 
 ported to Jamaica, Saint Thomas or Marti- 
 nique.” 
 
 General Simon and his victorious army of re- 
 bellion entered the capital on the 5th. Some 
 degree of order had been restored by a Commit- 
 tee of Safety, under ex-President Legitime, but 
 fresh strifes were imminent between rival can- 
 didates for the vacant presidency. Simon, with 
 his military following, brushed them aside, and 
 obtained a unanimous election by the Haitian 
 Congress on the 17th, assuming office as Presi- 
 dent on the 20th. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Haitian People. — The 
 splendid industry of the Women. — The 
 curse of the country in its Military Gov- 
 ernment. — “ Four-fifths of the Haitians — the 
 peasantry of the country, that is to say — are 
 liardivorking, peaceable country people. These 
 four-fifths of 3,000,000 are entirely negro in 
 race, and probably represent a mingling of West 
 African types from Senegambia, Dahome, and 
 the Congo. It is a race which exhibits, away 
 from the towns, a fine physical development ; 
 its skin colour is much darker and the negro 
 type more pronounced than in the United 
 States. . . . The women are the best part of 
 
 the nation They are splendid, unremitting 
 toilers. In the face of all discouragements with, 
 which a bad Government clouds their existence 
 the women of Haiti almost remind one of cer- 
 tain patient types of ant or termite, who, as 
 fast as you destroy their labour of months or 
 days, hasten to repair it with unslacking energy. 
 
 “The curse of Haiti from the day she estab- 
 lished her independence in 1804 to the present 
 time is the tyrannical and wasteful Government 
 of the military party. . . . Scarcely a Presi- 
 dent in the history of Haiti has not been a mili- 
 tary man and the favourite leader, for the time 
 being, of the major portion of the army. . . 
 That President' Antoine Simon will follow in 
 the bloody footsteps of all his Presidential pre- 
 decessors is improbable. He is a man of obvi- 
 ously kindly nature, with a record of 22 years’ 
 essentially clement government of the great 
 southern province of Haiti ; but he is an old 
 man of imperfect education, and though he 
 may turn out a complete surprise, yet so far he 
 has done nothing to improve the conditions of 
 political elections. The whole power of the 
 country is still entirely based on the soldiers.” 
 — Sir Harry Johnston, in The London Times, 
 April 13, 1909. 
 
 HEARST, William R. : Candidacy for 
 Mayor of New York. See New York City: 
 A. D. 1905 and 1909. 
 
 Candidacy for Governor of New York State. 
 
 See (in this vol.) New York State: A. D. 
 1906-1910. 
 
 HEDERVARY MINISTRY. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 HENEY, Francis J. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government: San Francisco, and 
 United States: A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 HENRIQUES, Campos. See (in this vol.) 
 Portugal : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 HENRY PHIPPS INSTITUTE. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Public Health: Tuberculosis. 
 
 HENRY, Prince of Prussia: Visit to the 
 United States. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1902 (Feb. -March). 
 
 HEPBURN ACT. See (in this vol.) Rail 
 ways : United States : A. D. 1870-1908, and 
 1906-1909. 
 
 HERMANN, Binger : U. S. Commissioner 
 of the Land Office, involved in Land Frauds. 
 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. I). 1903- 
 1906. 
 
 HERO FUNDS. See (in this vol.) Car- 
 negie Hero Funds. 
 
 HERREROS, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Africa : A. D. 1904^1905, and Germany : A. D. 
 1906-1907. 
 
 HERRING, A. M. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention, Recent: Aeronautics. 
 
 HERVfe, Gustave: Apostle of Anti-Mili- 
 tarism in France. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against : A. D. 1909. 
 
 HERZEGOVINA. See Balkan and Dan- 
 ubian States. 
 
 HETCH HETCHY PROJECT, The. See 
 (in this vol.) San Francisco : A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 HICKS-BEACH, Sir Michael: Retirement 
 from the English Chancellorship of the Ex- 
 chequer. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 
 1902 (July). 
 
 HIGHBINDER ASSOCIATIONS, Chi- 
 nese. See (in this vol.) San Francisco: A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 304 
 
HILL 
 
 ICELAND 
 
 HILL, David Jayne: Commissioner Pleni- 
 potentiary to the Second Peace Conference. 
 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt against : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 HILL, James J. : His connection with the 
 Northern Securities Case. See (in this vol.) 
 Railways : United States: A. D. 1901-1905. 
 
 HILMI PASHA. See (in this vol.) Turkey : 
 A. D. 1902-1903; 1908 (Jui,y-Dec.), and after. 
 
 HINDU DISAFFECTION. See (in this 
 vol.) India: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 HINDU IMMIGRATION: The Resist- 
 ance to in South Africa, Australia, and else- 
 where. See (in this vol.) Race Problems. 
 
 HISGEN, Thomas L. : Nominated for 
 President of the United States. See (in this 
 vol.) United States: A. D. 1908 (April- 
 Nov.). 
 
 HITCHCOCK, Ethan Allen: Secretary 
 of the Interior. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1901-1905, 1903-1906, and 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 HITCHCOCK, Frank H. : Postmaster- 
 General. See (in this vol.) United States: 
 A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 HOFF, Jacobus Henricus Van’t. See (in 
 this vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 HOHENLOHE, Prince. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 “HOLDING COMPANY,” The: Deci- 
 sion of its Illegality as a method of Combina- 
 tion between Corporations. See (in this vol.) 
 Railways : United States : A. D. 1901-1905. 
 
 HOLLAND. See Netherlands. 
 
 HOLSTEIN, Herr von: On the German 
 “ Navy Fever.” See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Revolt against : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 HOLSTEIN -LED RE BORG MINIS- 
 TRY. See (in this vol.) Denmark: A. D. 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 HOLY SEE. See Papacy. 
 
 “HOLY WAR,” in Arabia. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey : A. D. 1903-1905. 
 
 HOMEL, Jewish Massacre at. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia : A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 HONDURAS. See Central America. 
 
 HORUP, M. See (in this vol.) Denmark: 
 A. D. 1901. 
 
 HOTTENTOTS, Revolt of the. See (in 
 this vol.) Germany: A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 HOURS OF LABOR. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization: United States: A. D. 
 1902; Germany: A. D. 1908. Also, Labor Pro- 
 tection: Hours of Labor; and Labor Re- 
 muneration: Wages and Cost of Living. 
 
 HOUSING AND TOWN-PLANNING 
 ACT. See (in this vol.) Social Betterment: 
 England: A. D. 1909. 
 
 HSIHOYEN, Battle of. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). 
 
 HSUAN-TUNG : Child-Emperor of China. 
 See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1908 (Nov.). 
 
 HUDSON BAY REGION: A. D. 1903- 
 1904. — Canadian measures to establish Sov- 
 ereignty over Land and Sea. See (in this vol. ) 
 Canada: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 Projected Railway from the Canadian 
 Northwest. See (in this vol. ) Railways : Can- 
 ada : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 HUDSON-FULTON COMMEMORA- 
 TION. See (in this vol.) New York State : 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 HUDSON TUNNELS. See (in this vol.) 
 New York City : A. D. 1900-1909. 
 
 HUGHES, Charles Evans : Counsel of 
 the Legislative Joint Committee to Inves- 
 tigate Life Insurance Companies in New 
 York. See (in this vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 Governor of the State of New York. See 
 New York State: A. D. 1906-1910. Also, 
 Elective Franchise: United States, and 
 Public Utilities. 
 
 On the Proposed Income Tax Amendment 
 to the Constitution of the United States. See 
 
 (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1909 (July). 
 
 HUMPHREY, Judge: Immunity Decision 
 in “ Beef Trust” Case. See (in this vol.) Com- 
 binations, Industrial : United States : A. D. 
 1903-1906. 
 
 HUNGARY. See (in this vol.) Austria- 
 Hungary. 
 
 HYDE, Dr. Douglas: Founder of Gaelic 
 League. See (in this vol.) Ireland: A. D. 
 1893-1907. 
 
 HYDE, Henry B. : Founder of the Equi- 
 table Life Assurance Society. See (in this 
 vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 HYDE, James Hazen: Relations to the 
 Equitable Life Assurance Society. See (in 
 this vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 I. 
 
 ICELAND : Its Ancient Claims to Na- 
 tionality. — Within the last few years the Ice- 
 landers have been asserting their ancient right 
 to a national life of their own so seriously that 
 the King of Denmark has exerted himself to 
 soothe their discontent with but partial success. 
 For many historical reasons Iceland ought to 
 have an independent standing among the Eu- 
 ropean states. For some of those reasons its 
 people seem fairly entitled to recognition as 
 the foremost representatives of the old Norse or 
 Scandinavian race. Their ancestors were men 
 of the best blood of Norway, who quitted that 
 country in the ninth century and took possession 
 of the arctic island, because they would not sub- 
 mit to the despotism established by Harold the 
 Fairhaired. That they took with them the best 
 culture of their race and time is proved by the 
 fact that almost everything we know of the old 
 
 Norse literature, and of the mythology and his- 
 tory embedded in it, was preserved by their 
 pens. Learning was cherished and cultivated 
 among them from the first : and they had the 
 capacity and the spirit for self -government from 
 the first. Before the end of the tenth century 
 they had adopted a republican constitution and 
 founded a commonwealth which endured for 
 about 300 years. This antedated the rise of the 
 city republics of Italy and the free cantons of 
 the Swiss by one or two centuries at the least. 
 
 The Icelandic republic was destroyed at last 
 by feuds among its leading families, which 
 invited Norwegian intervention from time to 
 time, and subjected the island to the parent 
 kingdom in the end. Late in the fourteenth cen- 
 tury the three Scandinavian kingdoms of Nor- 
 way, Sweden, and Denmark were joined in a 
 union which did not endure. Its dissolution left 
 
 305 
 
ICELAND 
 
 IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 Norway, with Iceland as a dependency, attached 
 to Denmark, and that connection was main- 
 tained till 1814. Norway was then transferred 
 from the Danish to the Swedish crown ; but Ice- 
 land was still kept as a part of the dominion of 
 the Danish King. Norway regained national dis- 
 tinctness and independence in 1905, and now it 
 is to be hoped that Iceland will have its just 
 turn. 
 
 The island has never been governed as a mere 
 province of Denmark, but always under its own 
 laws. Its old representative assembly, the Al- 
 thing, was suspended during most of the first 
 half of the last century, but revived in 1845 as 
 a merely consultative assembly. As such it 
 voiced very steadily the claim of the Icelanders 
 to more of autonomy and political distinctness 
 than their Danish lord was willing to yield. In 
 1874, however, at the 1,000th anniversary of the 
 Icelandic settlement, he granted a constitution 
 
 which reinvested the Althing with legislative 
 powers, and met the wishes of the island in 
 other important ways; but not so far as to pro- 
 duce content. 
 
 IDAHO : A. D. 1905 - 1907 . — Murder of ex- 
 Governor Steunenberg. — Trial and ac- 
 quittal of Haywood. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Organization: United States: A. D. 1899- 
 1907. 
 
 IDE, Henry Clay: Governor-General of 
 the Philippine Islands. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 IGNATIEFF, Count Alexei : Assassina- 
 tion. See (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 1906. 
 
 ILLINOIS: A. D. 1899 . — Enactment of 
 the first Juvenile Court Law. See (in this 
 vol.) Children, under the Law: As Of- 
 fenders. 
 
 IMAM, Ali. See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 
 1907-1909. 
 
 IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION. 
 
 Australia : A. D. 1909 . — The needs of the 
 country. — The attitude of the people to- 
 ward Immigration. — The difficulties. — 
 Speaking at a dinner in his honor, given in Lon- 
 don, after his return from five years of service as 
 Governor-General of Australia, Lord Northcote 
 touched on what he described as “the Aaron’s 
 rod of all political questions in Australia, which, 
 if it does not swallow up the others, at all events 
 the others depend upon it,’’ — meaning the in- 
 crease of Australia’s population. As to the 
 attitude of Australia to the immigration question 
 he said: “No doubt, from time to time cer- 
 tain over-zealous officials have made mistakes 
 which have prejudiced Australia in the eyes of 
 the British public, but I do not believe that 
 anything in the nature of a fixed desire to keep 
 out men who are able to sustain themselves by 
 their labour has ever existed. Of course, Aus- 
 tralia has her number of unemployables, and is 
 not prepared to import more from the old coun- 
 try. Then I come to the very important ques- 
 tion of coloured immigration, and that is a 
 question we should look at from an Australian 
 as well as from a British point of view. . . . 
 
 “Suppose Australia or Canada confronted by 
 the presence of a large number of Asiatics, men 
 of ability enough to hold their ow r n, men who, 
 if they come there, come to stay, and it is quite 
 conceivable from an Australian point of view that 
 if they do not rigidly secure themselves against 
 the possibility of being swamped by Asiatic 
 labour, they may be presented with a problem 
 even more serious than is the great negro ques- 
 tion in the United States. I say this to show 
 that there is more to be said for the Australian 
 point of view than some people are inclined to 
 suppose. Of course a great deal depends upon 
 whether the huge northern territory can be pop- 
 ulated by white men. Upon that I hesitate to 
 pronounce a definite opinion. I believe it is 
 possible for a white man, if he is steady, sober, 
 and careful, to colonize for a time this great 
 tropical land ; but it is a very serious matter 
 how far the climate is suitable for women and 
 children, and whether we can hope from gener- 
 ation to generation that a healthy and virile 
 race can continue to live and breed in that cli- 
 
 mate. The territory is over half a million 
 square miles in extent, and the white popula- 
 tion is well under 2,000 people. . . . 
 
 “There is plenty of land all through Austra- 
 lia for men who are willing to go there and will 
 be steady and sober and work hard. I have 
 been North, South, East, and West. I can 
 claim for myself the credit that I have travelled 
 fairly hard, and I have seen in every State of 
 Australia plenty of land available for close set- 
 tlement. If the great landowners are disinclined 
 to sell their holdings — and I quite acknowledge 
 that a great deal of the best land in Australia is 
 in comparatively few hands — at all events the 
 State Governments have very large reserves of 
 land ; and by the application of irrigation and 
 other methods of scientific farming they could 
 compete on even terms at least with these squat- 
 ters, and they could turn these waste lands into 
 fertile country fit for settlers. I am very glad 
 to think that both in New South Wales and Vic- 
 toria very large irrigation works are in progress 
 and will be completed in a very short time, 
 adding enormously to the acreage of land fit 
 for cultivation ; and I say deliberately and ad- 
 visedly, I care not for reports of Commissions 
 or individuals, that there is land and to spare 
 for generations for men who are ready to under- 
 take the cultivation.” 
 
 A correspondent of the Loudon Times, writ- 
 ing from Sydney in January, 1909, on the sub- 
 ject of the vast quantity of fertile land in Aus- 
 tralia that is locked up by private owners in 
 vast sheep runs, to the exclusion of settlement, 
 had this to say: “ You may take it as an axiom 
 that immigration to Australia will do no good 
 till the fertile lands are thrown open. And a 
 very large proportion of the closed land is con- 
 trolled from London, either by ex-Australians 
 who live there and draw their income from Aus- 
 tralian property, or by big British companies. 
 
 . . . It is necessary to warn seriously sharehold- 
 ers and directors of the big companies that they 
 must put pressure on their officials out here, or 
 prepare to have more drastic pressure forced on 
 themselves. At present, those officials are often 
 responsible for Australian dislike of the absentee 
 company.” 
 
 306 
 
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 In another letter to the same paper it was 
 said: “ Somehow or other the locked-up lands 
 must be opened for agricultural uses. No one 
 now doubts that, and only a few owners, usually 
 either absentees or corporations, pretend to doubt 
 it. The Labour recipe is a Federal land tax on 
 estates over £5,000 in value, of such a kind that 
 fair use of the land will produce profit on which 
 the tax will be a mere fleabite, while it will be 
 a serious charge on fertile land that is used only 
 for sheep runs. The proposed tax is to be Fed- 
 eral simply because there is no hope of passing 
 the requisite Bill through several of the State 
 Upper Houses ; otherwise it is more properly a 
 State concern. Now what we have to remember 
 is that this is not only Labour’s remedy. I be- 
 lieve it would be quite possible to carry such 
 a proposal in the present Federal Parliament, 
 so definitely has public opinion swung round 
 against the big owners who keep their land idle. 
 If it is not carried next session, it will be be- 
 cause Mr. Deakin gave his word two years ago 
 that he would not introduce the subject in this 
 Parliament ; but Mr. Deakin’s attitude is this 
 — that he wishes the States would do it, that 
 he does not consider this Parliament has any 
 mandate to legislate for it, but that he person- 
 ally has always favoured such a tax, and, if the 
 States take no steps in that direction, he will 
 support, or even propose, the measure when it 
 has been submitted to the country at a general 
 election. It is useless, therefore, for any one to 
 decry the tax as merely a Labour idea, a ‘ So- 
 cialistic’ nostrum. The support given it in 
 Australia is far wider than that. And, apart 
 from the many who advocate it as the best 
 remedy for the present land-hunger, there is an 
 increasing body of electors who are being forced 
 into supporting it because no other remedies 
 seem practicable.” 
 
 The attitude of the Australian Labor Party 
 on the inseparable immigration and land ques- 
 tions was stated very clearly and succinctly in 
 a letter to the London Times, dated at New- 
 castle, New South Wales, June 30, 1909, by a 
 member of the Party, Frank Pittock, who signs 
 himself “a Magistrate of the Territory.” He 
 writes : “We cannot at present obtain land for 
 our own genuine land-seekers, skilled in the pe- 
 culiar requirements of pastoral and agricultural 
 work on the Australian soil. We certainly are 
 unable to give our own unemployed a chance 
 on the land. Any importations of labour from 
 over the seas merely serve to render more dis- 
 tressful the unfortunate position of the colonial 
 out-of-works. On the other hand, we do now, 
 and always have, welcomed new arrivals who 
 may be able, in the near future, to effectively 
 augment our productive wealth. The party 
 fully recognizes the need of population — of the 
 right sort. We have vast empty spaces all 
 over the continent, now grazing grounds for 
 sheep, yet eminently suitable for intense settle- 
 ment. The Australian Labour party seeks the 
 support, at the forthcoming general election, of 
 all who believe, as does your own Australian 
 Correspondent, that the satisfying of the earth- 
 hunger of our people is the great outstanding 
 need of the day. Can we but be authorized to 
 force the huge monopolists to surrender por- 
 tions of their holdings we shall have, not only 
 land for our own landless, but land and to spare 
 for those who seek it from the British Isles. . . . 
 
 We dare not, as a conscientious and human- 
 itarian party, invite our kith and kin from other 
 parts to come here now. We should be traitors 
 to the Empire, betrayers of the race, if we en- 
 dorsed in any way the attitude of those who 
 seek, apparently, to flood this fair land with 
 any population at all, regardless of the evil con- 
 sequences to the immigrants themselves, and 
 alike regardless of the grave injustice thereby 
 done to native-born landless and, in many cases, 
 at present, work-seeking Australians.” 
 
 A Press despatch from Sydney, October 30, 
 made the following announcement: “Under 
 the closer settlement amendment Bill, which is 
 now before the Legislative Council of New 
 South Wales, the Government will be empow- 
 ered by proclamation to earmark estates in the 
 vicinity of towns which might impede settle- 
 ment. When such estates are of the value of 
 £10,000 and upwards the Government may agree 
 with the owners to subdivide them on terms 
 and areas to be agreed upon, so as to ensure 
 bona fide settlement. If the owners fulfil the 
 agreement, the proclamation will be cancelled ; 
 if the owners refuse to subdivide within five 
 years, the Government reserves the power to 
 resume at the value on the date of proclama- 
 tion.” 
 
 Brazil: 1908 - 1909 . — Increasing Influx. — 
 
 “ During the year [1908] 112,234 persons came 
 into the country, of which 17,539 were visitors 
 and 94,695 immigrants. This shows a notable 
 increase of 26,908 immigrants, or about forty 
 per cent, over the number registered in 1907. 
 Of these 74,999 came at their own expense and 
 11,109 at the cost of the Union. The increase 
 continues this year, as will be seen from the re- 
 cord of the Port of Rio de Janeiro alone, which 
 received 13,580 immigrants during the first 
 quarter of this year, as compared with 8,607 in 
 1908 and 5,943 in 1907. In spite of the small 
 grant allotted to this service, it has been con- 
 ducted with the greatest efficiency. The De- 
 partment for the Peopling of the Soil has 
 effected the location of immigrants in 26 colo- 
 nies, situated respectively in the States of Es- 
 pirito Santo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Geraes, Sao 
 Paulo, Parana, Santa Catharina, and Rio-Grande- 
 do-Sul, eleven of which are directly under the 
 supervision of the Union. All the nucleus col- 
 onies founded last year enjoy unrestricted pros- 
 perity, and it has been even necessary to acquire 
 neighbouring lands in order to satisfy the con- 
 stant demand for more land on the part of the 
 families settled.” — President’s Message to Con- 
 gress, May 3, 1909. 
 
 Canada: A. D. 1896 - 1909 . — The “Amer- 
 ican Invasion” of the Northwest. — Immi- 
 gration of the last decade. See (in this vol. ) 
 Canada: A. D. 1896-1909. 
 
 England: A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — The Aliens 
 Act. — Restrictions on the admission of 
 Aliens. —A new policy. — Until 1905, Eng- 
 land offered practically an open door to the 
 aliens who sought either a permanent home or 
 a temporary residence on her island soil. Lit- 
 tle scrutiny was given to them and almost no 
 restriction on their coming in. But some years 
 before that date a growing criticism of such un- 
 conditioned hospitality was begun. In 1888 it 
 induced the appointment of a Select Committee 
 of the House of Commons “to inquire into the 
 laws existing in the United States and elsewhere 
 
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 on the subject of the immigration of destitute 
 aliens, and the extent and effect of such immi- 
 gration into the United Kingdom, and to report 
 whether it is desirable to impose any, and if so, 
 what, restrictions on such immigration.” The 
 Commission reported in 1889 that it thought 
 “ the alien population was not numerous enough 
 to create alarm,” and that it was “ not prepared 
 to recommend legislation at present,” but saw 
 “the possibility of such legislation becoming 
 necessary in the future.” Several proposals of 
 restrictive measures were urged without success 
 in the course of the next dozen years, and, in 
 1902, a Royal Commission was appointed, “ to 
 inquire into — (1) the character and extent of 
 the evils which are attributed to the unrestricted 
 immigration of aliens, especially in the Metro- 
 polis ; (2) the measures which have been adopted 
 for the restriction and control of alien immigra- 
 tion in foreign countries and in British colonies.” 
 The Commission produced an elaborate report 
 in 1903 (Parliamentary Papers, Cd. 1741). Re- 
 viewing the hospitality of the past, it found 
 that the migrant aliens of former generations 
 had made the English people “ their debtors” ; 
 but they were of a different stamp from the im- 
 migrants of the present movement, which “ may 
 be said to have begun about 1880, and is drawn 
 mainly from the Jewish inhabitants of Eastern 
 Europe.” The causes of this recent exodus 
 have been partly economic and partly due to 
 oppressive measures; and the result of the Com- 
 mission’s investigation of it was the expressed 
 opinion that “in respect of certain classes of 
 immigrants, especially those arriving from 
 Eastern Europe, it is necessary in the interests 
 of the State generally, and of certain localities 
 in particular, that the entrance of such im- 
 migrants into this country and their right of 
 residence here should be placed under conditions 
 and regulations coming within that right of 
 interference which every country possesses to 
 control the entrance of foreigners into it. Such 
 regulations should, in our opinion," the report 
 went on to say, “be made in order to prevent 
 so far as possible this country being burdened 
 with the presence of ‘ undesirable aliens’ and to 
 provide for their repatriation in certain cases. 
 
 “But we think that the greatest evils pro- 
 duced by the presence of the alien immigrants 
 here are the overcrowding caused by them in 
 certain districts of London, and the consequent 
 displacement of the native population. There 
 seems little likelihood of being able to remedy 
 these great evils by the enforcement of any law 
 applicable to the native and alien population 
 alike. We therefore think that special regula- 
 tions should be made for the purpose of pre- 
 venting aliens at their own will choosing their 
 residence within districts already so overcrowded 
 that any addition to dwellers within it must 
 produce most injurious results. On this point 
 the Commission recommended specifically that 
 if it be found that the immigration of aliens 
 into any area has substantially contributed to 
 any overcrowding, and that it is expedient that 
 no further newly-arrived aliens should become 
 residents in such area, the same may be declared 
 prohibited area. 
 
 “We are also of opinion that efforts should 
 be made to rid this country of the presence of 
 alien criminals (and other objectionable char- 
 acters).” 
 
 An Act embodying substantially the recom- 
 mendations of the Commission passed Parlia- 
 ment in 1905. Both the Act and the admin- 
 istration of it have been criticised since, as 
 lacking stringency. Its working was reviewed 
 at considerable length in The Times of February 
 9, 1909 which made the following statements, 
 among others, on the subject; “The Act, as 
 now administered, does not subject all alien im- 
 migrants, or even all steerage immigrants, to 
 inspection. To begin with, the regulation of 
 alien immigration is confined, practically, to the 
 traffic between the United Kingdom and ports 
 in Europe or within the Mediterranean Sea.” 
 
 In fact, according to The Times, “the vast 
 majority of aliens are not affected by the Act. 
 A foreigner may enter this country unchallenged 
 — If he comes from an ‘extra-European’ port 
 (with some exceptions) ; if he is a cabin pas- 
 senger ; if he is an exempted second-class pas- 
 senger ; if he is a transmigrant ; if he is a pas- 
 senger in a ship containing fewer than 21 ‘ alien 
 steerage passengers.’ 
 
 “Then also, though nominally a subject for 
 inspection, he is not called upon to satisfy 4he 
 full requirements of the Act, if he is proceeding 
 to a destination outside the United Kingdom ; 
 if he holds a return ticket ; if he is a seaman ; 
 if he is fleeing from religious or political perse- 
 cution.” 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1904-1908. — Remark- 
 able decrease of Emigration. — “ German em- 
 igration has dwindled so steadily and rapidly 
 that at present it would seem to have reached 
 the low-water mark in its downward trend. A 
 glance at the official statistics of emigration will 
 indicate the remarkable extent of this retro- 
 gression. In 1852, Germans, to the number of 
 145,918, and in 1854, to the number of 215,009, 
 went to the United States alone. In 1872, just 
 after the unification of the Empire, the grand to- 
 tal of German emigration amounted to 128,152 ; 
 in 1873, to 110,438 ; in 1881, to 220,902 ; in 1882, 
 to 203,585 persons. During the years succeed- 
 ing 1882 up to 1892, the figures, in the average, 
 still surpassed 100,000, but since then they have 
 shown a notable falling off. Thus only 22,309 
 in 1900; 22,073 in 1901 ; 32,098 in 1902 ; 36,310 
 in 1903; 27,984 in 1904 — were recorded as hav- 
 ing gone from Germany to lands beyond the 
 sea. 
 
 “This retrogressive tendency appears the 
 more surprising when it is remembered that 
 Germany’s population, mainly as a result of the 
 excess of births over deaths, but partly through 
 its inland migration, has, since the foundation of 
 the Empire, increased at an average annual rate 
 of over half a million, during recent years at 
 the still higher rate of 800,000 per annum. The 
 cause for this seeming anomaly lies in the ex- 
 traordinary economical development of Germany 
 during the last decade, in the consequent steady 
 improvement of the social status of its laboring 
 classes, brought about by a progressive rise in 
 wages, and in the elimination, thereby, of one 
 of the strongest incentives to emigration in for- 
 mer days.” — Baron Speck von Sternburg, The 
 Phantom Peril of German Emigration and South- 
 American Settlements ( North American licview, 
 May, 1906). 
 
 Of the emigrants from Germany in 1908, the 
 U. S. Consul-General reported that they num- 
 bered only 19,880, being 11,816 less than in 1907. 
 
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 “From 1897 to 1907 the yearly mean average 
 was 27,526, or 0.47 per cent, of the population. 
 Altogether since 1871 the German Empire has 
 lost only 2,750,000 people by emigration, or as 
 many people as can be made good in four years 
 by the excess of births over deaths.” 
 
 Italy : A. D. 1908 . — Great falling off ill 
 the Movement of Emigration. — As reported 
 in a Press despatch from Rome, in June, 1909, 
 the statistics of 1908 showed a marked falling 
 off in Italian emigration. “In 1907 the total 
 number of emigrants was 704,675 ; in 1908 it 
 was only 486,674. The most notable reduction 
 is in the number of emigrants to the United 
 States, which has fallen from 298,124 in 1907 to 
 131,501 in 1908. This chiefly affects Southern 
 Italy, the Abruzzi, Campania, Calabria, Basili- 
 cata, and Sicily ; the northern emigration, 
 which for the most part is directed towards 
 European countries, is also diminished, but in a 
 less proportion. Unfortunately, this change is 
 not due to more favourable labour conditions 
 in Italy, but to a smaller demand for labour in 
 North America. The number of emigrants to 
 Argentina has slightly increased from 78,493 to 
 80,699 ; but the great market for Italian labour, 
 the United States, is, to judge from the figures 
 of this year as well as last year, surely and irre- 
 trievably growing smaller.” 
 
 Peru: A. D. 1906 . — Decree for the Encour- 
 agement of Immigration. —The following de- 
 cree was promulgated by President Pardo the 
 10th of August, 1906 : 
 
 “First. The State will provide third-class 
 passages for the natives of Europe and America 
 who may wish to introduce industrial or private 
 enterprises, provided that they fulfill the fol- 
 lowing conditions: (a) That they are from 16 
 to 50 years of age, if they are males, and from 10 
 to 40 if they are females, fulfilling the conditions 
 of morality and health laid down in the rules 
 now in force. (5) That they come to engage in 
 agriculture, in mining, or in other industries, 
 or to devote themselves to these occupations for 
 account of colonization, immigration, or irriga- 
 tion enterprises. 
 
 “Second. The payment of the passages will 
 be made through the consuls of the Republic 
 in the ports of shipment in view of the orders 
 cabled by the ministry of fomento, to which of- 
 fice must be presented in writing the request of 
 the interested parties for such payment, indicat- 
 ing at the same time the number of immigrants, 
 the agricultural estate or industrial establish- 
 ment to which they are destined, and declaring 
 themselves obliged to provide lodging, board, 
 and medical attendance for the immigrants 
 from the port of landing to the place of destina- 
 tion. 
 
 “Third. The consuls of the Republic, on re- 
 ceipt of the order from the minister of fomento, 
 shall make the payment of the passages to the 
 steamer companies direct, with previous personal 
 and individual evidence that the immigrants ful- 
 fill the conditions set forth in Article 1 of this 
 decree, and for this purpose they shall give a 
 certificate to each immigrant, which shall be col- 
 lected by the maritime authorities of the port of 
 landing and afterwards forwarded to the minis- 
 try of fomento. 
 
 “Fourth. A general register of immigrants 
 shall be opened in the agricultural section of the 
 ministry of fomento, in accordance with the mod- 
 
 els and instructions obtaiued from that depart- 
 ment.” 
 
 United States : A. D. 1868 - 1908 . — Chinese 
 Exclusion Laws vs. Treaties with China. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Race Problems : United 
 States : A. D. 1868-1900, and 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — National Conference of 
 1905 . — The New Immigration Law. — Ex- 
 cluded Classes. — Congressional Commission 
 to investigate Immigration. — Its Prelimi- 
 nary Report. — Information for Immigrants. 
 — Measures for distributing them. — Back- 
 ward turn of the tide in 1908 . — At a Na- 
 tional Conference on the subject of Immigra- 
 tion, held at New York in December, 1905, under 
 the auspices of the National Civic Federation, 
 the Commissioner-General of Immigration, Mr. 
 Frank P. Sargent, presented some facts of the 
 immigration of the preceding statistical year 
 which claimed very grave consideration. Dur- 
 ing the twelve monthsending June 30 there had 
 been 1,026,499 arrivals in this country, and of 
 this number seven hundred and seventy-seven 
 thousand, or 76 per cent., settled in sixStates — - 
 New York, Pennsylvania, Massachusetts, Illi- 
 nois, New Jersey, and Ohio. New York re- 
 ceived over three hundred and fifteen thousand, 
 while the West received only forty three thou- 
 sand; Pennsylvania received over two hundred 
 and ten thousand, while the South received only 
 forty-six thousand. Fifty-seven thousand came 
 to New Jersey, while North Carolina’s share 
 was one hundred and eighty -three. These fig- 
 ures gave point to Mr. Sargent’s statement that 
 the immigrants go where their friends are. Their 
 only sources of information concerning this 
 country are the agents of the transportation 
 companies and their friends who have come 
 here before. The resulting lack of know- 
 ledge concerning those parts of the country in 
 which they are most needed is the chief cause 
 of the congestion in the large cities and the 
 more densely populated States which is one of 
 the most serious aspects of the immigration 
 problem. 
 
 Nearly twelve thousand immigrants were re- 
 fused admission during the year, of whom eight 
 thousand were paupers, two thousand diseased, 
 and one thousand brought in violation of the 
 contract labour law. “ It is right,” said Mr. Sar- 
 gent, “that they should be denied admission, 
 wrong that they ever should have been started 
 from home.” 
 
 In the new Immigration Law enacted by Con- 
 gress in February, 1907, provision was made for 
 giving information to immigrants, after their 
 landing in the country, such as may guide them 
 in the choice of their place of settlement. It 
 authorized the Commissioner-General of Immi- 
 gration to establish a Division of Information, 
 the duty of which shall be “ to promote a bene- 
 ficial distribution of aliens admitted into the 
 United States among the several States and Ter- 
 ritories desiring immigration.” To which end 
 “ correspondence shall be had with the proper 
 officials of the States and Territories, and said 
 division shall gather from all available sources 
 useful information regarding the resources, pro- 
 ducts, and physical characteristics of each State 
 and Territory, and shall publish such informa- 
 tion in different languages and distribute the 
 publications among all admitted aliens who may 
 ask for such information at the immigrant sta- 
 
IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 IMMIGRATION AND EMIGRATION 
 
 tions of the United States and to such other per- 
 sons as may desire the same.” Agents appointed 
 by any State or Territory to represent to arriv 
 ing immigrants the inducements it can offer to 
 them are to have perfect freedom and opportu- 
 nity to do so. 
 
 For checking the immigration of prohibited 
 classes of aliens at the foreign starting-points of 
 their journey to America, instead of at the laud- 
 ing places on this side of the ocean, the new law 
 only lays more rigid restrictions and heavier 
 penalties on the transportation companies, to 
 make them exercise a more careful discrimina- 
 tion in their acceptance of passengers. It adds 
 several classes to the former list of aliens to be 
 excluded from admission to the United States. 
 The list now reads : “ All idiots, imbeciles, fee- 
 ble-minded persons, epileptics, insane persons, 
 and persons who have been insane within five 
 years previous ; persons who have had two or 
 more attacks of insanity at any time previously; 
 paupers; persons likely to become a public 
 charge ; professional beggars ; persons afflicted 
 with tuberculosis or with a loathsome or dan- 
 gerous contagious disease ; persons not compre- 
 hended within any of the foregoing excluded 
 classes who are found to he and are certified by 
 the examining surgeon as being mentally or 
 physically defective, such mental or physical 
 defect being of a nature which may affect the 
 ability of such alien to earn a living ; persons 
 who have been convicted of or admit having 
 committed a felony or other crime or misde- 
 meanor involving moral turpitude ; polygamists, 
 or persons who admit their belief in the practice 
 of polygamy, anarchists, or persons who believe 
 in or advocate the overthrow by force or violence 
 of the Government of the United States, or of all 
 government, or of all forms of law, or the assas- 
 sination of public officials : prostitutes, or wo- 
 men or girls coming into the United States for 
 the purpose of prostitution or for any other im- 
 moral purpose ; persons who procure or attempt 
 to bring in prostitutes or women or girls for the 
 purpose of prostitution or for any other immoral 
 purpose,” — together with contract laborers, so 
 called, assisted immigrants, and children under 
 sixteen years of age unaccompanied by one or 
 both of their parents. 
 
 The new law created a Commission to investi- 
 gate the subject of immigration and to report 
 its findings and recommendations to Congress. 
 The Commission to be composed of three Sena- 
 tors, three Representatives, and three persons to 
 be appointed by the President. A preliminary 
 report from this Commission was presented to 
 Congress on the 1st of March, 1909. This indi- 
 cated no more than the progress that had been 
 made in a most exhaustive investigation, which 
 probably would require the greater part of an- 
 other year to carry it to completion. It was cov- 
 ering every phase of the immigration question, 
 including Oriental aliens and other excluded 
 classes, peonage, charity among immigrants, 
 white slave traffic, conditions of steerage, an 
 thropology, congestion in large cities, alien crim- 
 inality, competition of immigrants, school in- 
 quiries, administration of the immigration laws, 
 distribution of immigrants, and other questions. 
 In its work the Commission had employed 198 
 persons, of whom 82 were in Washington, 2 in 
 New York, 2 in San Francisco, 92 in field work, 
 and 20 in special lines of inquiry. 
 
 The preliminary report of the Commission in- 
 dicates that the present provisions of law for 
 the exclusion of undesirable persons are stronger 
 in theory than they are effective in practice, 
 and that thousands of very undesirable immi- 
 grants enter the country every year. The Com- 
 mission expresses a confident expectation of 
 finding means of prevention that will be effect- 
 ive. It is conducting an inquiry of great im- 
 portance into the subject of alien criminality. 
 The higher criminal courts of New York city 
 are keeping records, at its request, in detail, of 
 each person convicted of crime, and it is in- 
 tended that a study of foreign-born criminals, 
 and criminals of the second generation, will be 
 made in that city. The investigation, however, 
 is not confined to the larger cities. 
 
 The Division of Information in the Depart- 
 ment of Commerce and Labor which the new 
 Immigration Law provided for was organized 
 with Mr. Terence V. Powderly, former Com- 
 missioner-General of Immigration, as its Chief. 
 In July, 1909, there was an announcement of 
 its undertaking to bring about cooperation with 
 the Governors of States and Territories, in or- 
 ganized measures to accomplish a better distri- 
 bution through the country of the foreigners 
 that come to it. 
 
 Dr. L. Pierce Clark has lately called attention 
 to the fact that the increase of immigration into 
 the United States has reached the point of mak- 
 ing the influx of aliens the principal source of 
 population, and that “ its character has changed 
 so fundamentally that it has assumed an entirely 
 new relation to American social problems. Up 
 to 1900 the average annual immigration had not 
 exceeded one-half of one per cent of the popu- 
 lation of the United States, and the races which 
 had made the first settlement in the country 
 were still contributing more than 75 per cent, of 
 the whole number of arrivals. By 1901 the new 
 immigration had fairly started, the English, 
 Irish, German, and Scandinavian had been sup- 
 planted by Hebrews, Slavs, and Italians, and the 
 impetus had been received which, four years 
 later, was to carry immigration past the million- 
 a-year mark. More than one-fifth of all the im- 
 migrants who have come to this country have 
 arrived since 1900, and, with the changed source 
 of immigration, a remarkable transformation in 
 the composition of our foreign-born population 
 is in progress.” 
 
 The industrial depression of 1907, however, 
 produced evidence that much of this later immi- 
 gration has not been for permanent settlement ; 
 that the facilitation and cheapening of travel 
 have brought about extensive movements of 
 people, from southern and southeastern Europe, 
 especially, who come to America only to earn 
 and save a little fund which suffices for a com- 
 fortable remainder of life in their own land. 
 The check to such earning which occurred in 
 1907 turned the tide of migration instantly back 
 from America to Europe. According to statis- 
 tics prepared by Mr. Watcliorn, the late Com- 
 missioner-General of Immigration, the excess of 
 departures over arrivals at the port of New 
 York, in the half year from January 1 to July 1, 
 1908, was 129,511. In the whole fiscal year that 
 ended June 30, 1908, the departures from New 
 York were 631,458 ; the arrivals 689,474 ; show- 
 ing the gain of population to the country that 
 year from incomers through the port of New 
 
 310 
 
IMPERIAL CONFERENCE 
 
 INDIA, 1902-1903 
 
 York to have been only 58,016, even if all be- 
 came permanent inhabitants. 
 
 IMPERIAL CONFERENCE. See (in this 
 vol.) British Empire: A. D. 1907. 
 
 IMPERIAL PRESS CONFERENCE, 
 The. See (in this vol.) British Empire : A. 
 D. 1909 (June). 
 
 INCOME TAX: Proposed amendment 
 
 to the U. S. Constitution. See (in this vol.) 
 United States : A. D. 1909 (July). 
 
 INDEMNITY FOR THE BOXER RIS- 
 ING: Remittance of part of it by the 
 
 United States. See (in this vol.) China : A. D. 
 1901-1908. 
 
 INDEPENDENCE LEAGUE. See (in 
 
 this vol.) New York City: A. D. 1905, and 
 New York State: A. D. 1906-1910. 
 
 See, also (in this vol.) Race Problems, and 
 Canada. 
 
 INDEPENDENCE PARTY, or Kossuth 
 Party. See (in this vol.) Austria-Hungary: 
 A. D. 1902-1903, and 1904. 
 
 INDEPENDENT FILIPINO CHURCH. 
 See (in this vol.) Philippine Islands: A. D. 
 
 1902. 
 
 INDEPENDENT LABOR PARTY, 
 British. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 
 
 1903, and 1905-1906; also, Socialism: England. 
 
 INDEPENDENTS. See (in this vol.) 
 
 Philippine Islands : A. D. 1907. 
 
 INDEPENDISTAS. See (in this vol.) 
 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907. 
 
 INDETERMINATE SENTENCES. 
 See (in this vol.) Crime and Criminology. 
 
 INDIA. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1903 . — Ravages of the Bubonic 
 Plague. See (in this vol.) Public Health : 
 Bubonic Plague. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1904 . — Forced opening of Tibet 
 to trade. — The mission and expedition of 
 Colonel Younghusband. See Tibet : A. D. 
 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — The question of Indian La- 
 bor in South Africa. See South Africa : A. 
 D. 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Jan.). — Great Durbar at Delhi. 
 
 — A great Durbar or reception was held at 
 Delhi, on the first of January, 1903, by the 
 Viceroy and by the Duke and Duchess of Con- 
 naught, specially deputed to represent their 
 majesties the Emperor and Empress of India. 
 About 100 ruling chiefs were in attendance, 
 and the visitors drawn by the spectacle were 
 estimated to number 173,000. 
 
 A. D. 1903 - 1908 . — Hostility in the Trans- 
 vaal to British Indian Immigration. See (in 
 this vol.) Race Problems : South Africa : 
 A. D. 1903-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — Cooperative Industrial 
 Movement. See Labor Organization: India. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (April). — Terrific earthquake 
 in the Punjab and United Provinces. See 
 Earthquakes: India: A. D. 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). — Resignation of Lord 
 Curzon. — Announcement of the resignation of 
 the Viceroyalty by Lord Curzon was made 
 August 21. The immediate cause of his action 
 was understood to be the refusal of the Home 
 Government to approve his nomination of an 
 officer. General Barrow, whom he wished to 
 have placed on the Viceroy’s Council. But 
 friction between Lord Curzon and the Com- 
 mander-in-Chief in India, Lord Kitchener, over 
 questions of military administration and the au- 
 thority belonging to their respective offices had 
 been troublesome for some time past, and the 
 Viceroy had seemed to regard the attitude of 
 the government at home as more favorable to 
 Lord Kitchener than to himself. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). — Agreement concern- 
 ing India between Great Britain and Japan. 
 See Japan: A. D. 1905 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1908 . — The Starving Poverty 
 of the Mass of the People. — “ Suppose we 
 divide the past century into quarters, or periods 
 
 of twenty-five years each. In the first quarter 
 there were five famines, with an estimated loss 
 of life of 1,000,000. During the second quarter 
 of the century were two famines, with an esti- 
 mated mortality of 500,000. During the third 
 quarter there there were six famines, with 
 a recorded loss of life of 5,000,000. During the 
 last quarter of the century, what ? Eighteen 
 famines, with an estimated mortality reaching 
 the awful totals of from 15,000,000 to 26,000,- 
 000. And this does not include the many more 
 millions (over 6 , 000,000 in a single year) barely 
 kept alive by government doles. 
 
 “ What is the cause of these famines, and 
 this appalling increase in their number and de- 
 structiveness. The common answer is, the fail- 
 ure of the rains. But there seems to be no evi- 
 dence that the rains fail worse now than they 
 did a hundred years ago. Moreover, why should 
 failure of rains bring famine ? The rains have 
 never failed over areas so extensive as to pre- 
 vent the raising of enough food in the land to 
 supply the needs of the entire population. Why 
 then have people starved ? . . . Because they 
 were so indescribably poor. All candid and 
 thorough investigation into the causes of the 
 famines of India has shown that the chief and 
 fundamental cause has been and is the poverty 
 of the people, — a poverty so severe and terrible 
 that it keeps the majority of the entire popula- 
 tion on the very verge of starvation even in 
 years of greatest plenty. . . . 
 
 “ And the people are growing poorer and 
 poorer. The late Mr. William Digby, of Lon- 
 don, long an Indian resident, in his recent book 
 entitled, Prosperous India, shows from official 
 estimates and Parliamentary and Indian Blue 
 Books, that, whereas the average daily income 
 of the people of India in the year 1850 was esti- 
 mated as four cents per person (a pittance on 
 which one wonders that any human being can 
 live), in 1882 it had fallen to three cents per 
 person and in 1900 actually to less than two 
 cents per person. Is it any wonder that people 
 reduced to such extremities as this can lay up 
 nothing? . . . 
 
 “One cause of India’s impoverishment is 
 heavy taxation. Taxation in England and Scot- 
 land is high, so high that Englishmen and 
 Scotchmen complain bitterly. But the people 
 
 311 
 
INDIA, 1903-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1905-1909 
 
 of India arc taxed more than twice as heavily as 
 the people of England and three times as heavily 
 as those of Scotland. According to the latest 
 statistics at hand, those of 1905, the annual aver- 
 age income per person in India is about $6.00, 
 and the annual tax per person about $2.00. . . . 
 
 “Notice the single item of salt-taxation. 
 Salt is an absolute necessity to the people, to 
 the very poorest; they must have it or die. 
 But the tax upon it which for many years they 
 have been compelled to pay has been much 
 greater than the cost value of the salt. Under 
 this taxation the quantity of salt consumed has 
 been reduced actually to one-half the quantity 
 declared by medical authorities to be absolutely 
 necessary for health. . . . 
 
 “Another cause of India’s impoverishment is 
 the destruction of her manufactures, as the re- 
 sult of British rule. . . . Great Britain wanted 
 India’s markets. She could not find entrance 
 for British manufactures so long as India was 
 supplied with manufactures of her own. So 
 those of India must be sacrificed. England had 
 all power in her hands, and so she proceeded to 
 pass tariff and excise laws that ruined the manu- 
 factures of India and secured the market for her 
 own goods 
 
 “A third cause of India’s impoverishment is 
 the enormous and wholly unnecessary cost of 
 her government. . . . 
 
 “Another burden upon the people of India 
 which they ought not to be compelled to bear, 
 and which does much to increase their poverty, 
 is the enormously heavy military expenses of the 
 government. . . . 
 
 “ Perhaps the greatest of all the causes of 
 the impoverishment of the.Indian people is the 
 steady and enormous drain of wealth from India 
 to England, which has been going on ever since 
 the East India Company first set foot in the 
 land, three hundred years ago, and is still going 
 on with steadily increasing volume. . . . Says 
 Mr. R. C. Dutt, author of the Economic History 
 of India (and there is no higher authority), ‘ A 
 sum reckoned at twenty millions of English 
 money, or a hundred millions of American 
 money [some other authorities put it much 
 higher], which it should be borne in mind is 
 equal to half the net revenues of India, is 
 remitted annually from this country [India] to 
 England, without a direct equivalent.’” — J. T. 
 Sunderland, The New Nationalist Movement in 
 India (Atlantic Monthly , Oct. , 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — The Partition of Ben- 
 gal. — Resentment and Disaffection of the 
 Bengalese. — The Swadeshi Movement. — 
 Reported improvement of conditions in the 
 new province of Eastern Bengal and Assam. 
 — The partition of Bengal, in October, 1905, 
 one of the latest measures of Lord Curzon’s ad- 
 ministration of the Government of India, gave 
 rise to much native agitation and disaffection, 
 and is still under criticism in England, but not 
 likely to be undone. In the view of the Anglo- 
 Indian Government the partition was a neces- 
 sity, because of the magnitude of the province, 
 in territory and population, which made the 
 task of provincial administration too difficult. 
 It was far the largest of the administrative di- 
 visions of British India, containing nearly a 
 third of the Indian subjects of the English 
 King. Assam, formerly joined with it, had 
 been separated from it administratively in 1874, 
 
 under a Chief Commissioner. Fifteen of the 
 eastern districts of Bengal, adjacent to Assam, 
 were now united with the latter to form a new 
 province, called Eastern Bengal and Assam, 
 and this disruption of the old province was re- 
 sented very passionately by a large part of the 
 Bengalese. They refused to believe the reasons 
 given for the partition, but gave it an offensive 
 explanation, which one of the native journals 
 in Calcutta put briefly as follows: “The ob- 
 jects of the scheme are, briefly, first, to destroy 
 the collective power of the Bengali people ; sec- 
 ondly, to overthrow the political ascendency of 
 Calcutta; and, thirdly, to foster in East Bengal 
 the growth of a Mohammedan power which it 
 is supposed will have the effect of keeping in 
 check the rapidly growing strength of the edu- 
 cated Hindu community.” In the official Brit- 
 ish view, on the other hand, the whole stir of 
 Bengalese feeling was artfully wrought up for 
 mischievous ends ; but it is easier to believe that 
 something in the nature of a historic sentiment 
 of nationality was really hurt and angered by 
 the partition. Yet Bengal cannot be said to 
 have had anything that resembled a distinct na- 
 tional history for many centuries before it came 
 under the rule of the British East India Com- 
 pany, in 1765. Nor had its name been precisely 
 and continuously attached to any well-defined 
 territory. 
 
 Whatever the source of excited feeling may 
 have been, however, it was ardent and persist- 
 ent, especially in the educated class, and it gave 
 a start to what received the name of the Swa- 
 deshi or national movement of hostility to all 
 things English, directed mainly to the boycot- 
 ting of English merchandise, and to the organi- 
 zation of efforts for promoting home production 
 in all industrial fields. The Swadeshi movement 
 soon spread beyond Bengal; but its stimulations 
 have been centered there. The intensity of the 
 feeling in Bengal was such that on the 16th of 
 October, 1905, when the partition took effect, 
 the Hindus of Calcutta put on mourning gar- 
 ments, suspended business and work, and vowed 
 that its anniversaries should be memorial mourn- 
 ing days. Pupils in native schools became so 
 offensive in their anti-English demonstrations 
 that the Lieutenant-Governor of the new pro- 
 vince, Sir Bampfylde Fuller, in February, 1906, 
 unwisely requested the Calcutta University to 
 disaffiliate two schools in the Pabna district, 
 taking away the pecuniary aid they received. 
 The request was disapproved by Lord Curzon’s 
 successor in the Viceroyalty, Lord Minto, and 
 rather than withdraw it the Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor resigned. 
 
 In the winter of 1909 the London Times sent 
 a special correspondent into Eastern Bengal to 
 study the results of the partition, so far as de- 
 veloped in three years. His observations and 
 conclusions were communicated in a long, inter- 
 esting letter from Dacca, February 15th. He 
 wrote : “ No one can visit the new province, and 
 endeavour to inquire impartially into its condi- 
 tion before the ‘partition,’ without realizing that 
 some administrative division of Bengal had be- 
 come imperative. Until five years ago, Eastern 
 Bengal was the ‘ Cinderella ’ of the provinces 
 of India. Good administration stopped short on 
 the line of the Ganges. Beyond that line officers 
 were few, and the interest of the central author- 
 ities in their work and in the welfare of the 
 
 312 
 
INDIA, 1905- 1909 
 
 INDIA, 1905-1909 
 
 people in tbeir charge was comparatively lim- 
 ited. . . . Laud revenue administration was per- 
 sistently neglected in the temporary settled 
 tracts. Calcutta and its immediate vicinity, and 
 the more accessible districts of Old Bengal, ab- 
 sorbed the greater part of the time and atten- 
 tion of the Bengal Government. Money was 
 poured out upon Calcutta and its environs, and 
 Eastern Bengal was financially starved. Very 
 little was spent upon education, and the whole 
 riverain region was most inadequately policed. 
 Crime was far more rife in the southern districts 
 of the province than in any other part of India. 
 The peasantry groaned beneath the exactions 
 of the representatives of absentee landlords, 
 and they were left unregarded and unprotected. 
 The whole province suffered because its rulers 
 were immersed in the preoccupations of Cal- 
 cutta. The very railways were constructed, not 
 to serve the needs of these 30 millions of people, 
 but to meet the requirements of the city on the 
 Hughli. . . . 
 
 “It is remarkable to note how, in the short 
 space of three years, the old deplorable condi- 
 tions of Eastern Bengal have already under- 
 gone a satisfactory process of modification. 
 The province is no longer content to be dragged 
 at the tail of Old Bengal. A new and inde- 
 pendent provincial spirit is springing up. East- 
 ern Bengal is beginning to recognize all that a 
 separate existence means to it. Its Civil ser- 
 vants, from the Lieutenant-Governor down- 
 wards, take a pride in the great work of regen- 
 eration which has been entrusted to them. 
 Their task is enormous, and the workers are 
 far too few. They are like men who have 
 been set to create a new colony out of a land 
 of chaos. They have before them almost as 
 formidable an undertaking as the making of 
 modern Egypt, but it is an Egypt of green 
 rice-fields with half-a-dozen Niles. . . . 
 
 “The demand for higher education in East- 
 ern Bengal is perhaps greater than in any other 
 part of India. The admirable Government Col- 
 lege at Dacca has now been provided with 
 splendid buildings, begun, however, before the 
 'partition.' The whole province is being sup- 
 plied with a set of colleges adequate to its 
 needs. The staffs of the colleges are being aug- 
 mented and their administration overhauled. 
 The principal private colleges are also being as- 
 sisted with liberal grants and transformed into 
 institutions which will give a sound education. 
 The exceptionally large number of * high’ 
 English schools in Eastern Bengal had also been 
 greatly neglected, both those under the Govern- 
 ment and those in private hands. All are now 
 being improved, and are receiving liberal assist- 
 ance. . . . 
 
 “Another important task undertaken by the 
 new Government is that of conducting an elabo- 
 rate survey and framing a Record of Rights in 
 the zemindari tracts which constitute the bulk 
 of the province. The undertaking was devised 
 before the ‘partition,’ but it has been expe- 
 dited by the change. It is an extraordinary 
 thing that in all these permanently settled areas 
 there has been hitherto no record and no map. 
 The consequence was that the cultivators were 
 constantly bullied and harassed by the agents 
 of the absentee zemindars, and were never able 
 to feel any reasonable security of tenure of the 
 land they tilled. Land disputes were incessant, 
 
 and were constantly accompanied by loss of 
 life. In the Backergunge district, the most 
 turbulent area in India, there were frequent 
 riots, of which murders were an almost invari- 
 able feature. Since the framing of the Record 
 of Rights in Backergunge this class of crime 
 has already decreased by 50 per cent. 
 
 “I have yet to meet anybody, English or In- 
 dian, who can tell me in what respect the ‘ parti 
 tion’ has injured a single living soul; while one 
 has only to visit this province, invigorated with 
 new life and inspired by new aspirations, to real- 
 ize the benefits the severance has conferred 
 upon millions of neglected people. Toalter or to 
 modify it now would be suicidal folly; it would 
 be worse, for it would be a criminal blunder. It 
 would not placate the wordy ‘ patriots’ of Cal- 
 cutta, who have used the ‘partition’ as a rally- 
 ing cry for lack of a better grievance ; and it 
 would alienate the 18 millions of backward 
 Mahomedans in the province who have placed 
 their alliance in British honour and British 
 pledges. The Nawab of Dacca, with whom I 
 had a long conversation on the subject, declared 
 that any attempt to meddle with the ‘partition’ 
 — an attempt he still seemed to fear was possi- 
 ble — ■ would produce the most deplorable results 
 among his co-religionists. . . . Nor is there the 
 slightest need for change or modification. The 
 ‘partition’ is already thrice justified in the 
 eyes of all men, save only a few malcontent 
 members of Parliament who know nothing of 
 present conditions in Bengal. Even in Calcutta 
 the outcry, which was always less against the 
 fact of the ‘ partition ’ than against the motive 
 which the Bengalis erroneously believed to have 
 prompted it, has long ago died away. Yet, jus- 
 tifiable and necessary though the ‘ partition ’ 
 was, it remains to be added that, apart from its 
 complex administrative problems, Eastern Ben 
 gal will never be a very easy province to control. 
 The high-caste Hindus, the Brahmins, theBaid- 
 yas, and the Kayasths — the Brahmins and the 
 iesser Brahmins, — rule the roast, and it will be 
 long years before the teeming millions of Ma- 
 hometan cultivators emerge from their depressed 
 condition. The few Mahomedan families who 
 can claim noble birth are decadent and disap- 
 pearing. The Hindus have absorbed their lands, 
 the clever lawyers have converted themselves 
 into rich landowners. It is from the ranks of 
 these high-caste Hindus that are drawn the mem- 
 bers of the revolutionary societies to which I 
 alluded in a telegraphic despatch sent from this 
 city yesterday. These classes show a persistent 
 and increasing spirit of hostility to the British 
 Raj which no amount of conciliatory measures 
 will overcome. It is impossible to move about 
 the province and to converse with the men who 
 know it best without feeling that the situation 
 is full of dangerous possibilities. The men of 
 Eastern Bengal are more courageous, more de- 
 termined, more persistent than their compatriots 
 in Old Bengal ; and the better classes of Hindus 
 have qualities which are not easily discernible 
 in the Calcutta bnbu. They approach more 
 nearly to the spirit of the Mahrattas of the Deccan 
 than any other section of the people on this side 
 of India. It is a significant fact that most of the 
 prisoners now under trial at Alipur in connexion 
 with the anarchist conspiracy came from Eastern 
 Bengal. But even as one writes one realizes how 
 difficult it is to generalize in this country of 
 
 313 
 
INDIA, 1907 
 
 INDIA, 1907-1908 
 
 startling paradox. Yesterday, in Dacca, 200 
 Hindu pundits assembled to present a Sanscrit 
 address to the Lieutenant-Governor, Sir Lancelot 
 Hare. Many of them had come long distances. 
 They were all old men with great nobility of 
 countenance, some with long beards, others with 
 the face of the Caesars. And at the conclusion 
 of the ceremony each kindly and venerable 
 scholar advanced, and with great dignity pre- 
 sented the Lieutenant-Governor with a rose. 
 From the bombs of last week to the roses of 
 yesterday, what a gulf lies between the two! ” 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Hostility in Western Can- 
 ada to Hindu Laborers. See (in this vol.) 
 Race Problems: Canada. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Dec.). — Meeting and Resolu- 
 tion of the All-India Moslem League. — Ma- 
 homedan loyalty to the British Government. 
 
 - — A new factor in Indian politics. — “On 
 December 30th last a Mahomedan Conference, 
 in session at Dacca, the capital of the newly- 
 created Province of Eastern Bengal, departing 
 absolutely from its traditions, openly discussed 
 the question of tiie protection of Mahomedan in- 
 terests from a political standpoint, and finally 
 carried unanimously a motion for the formation 
 of an ‘All-India Moslem League’ to promote 
 among the Mahomedans of India feelings of 
 loyalty to the British Government, and to re 
 move any misconceptions that may arise as to 
 the intentions of Government with regard to 
 any of its measures ; to protect and to advance 
 the political rights and interests of the Ma- 
 homedans of India, and respectfully to repre- 
 sent their needs aud aspirations to Government, 
 and to prevent the rise among Mahomedans 
 in India of any feelings of hostility towards 
 other communities, without prejudice to the 
 other objects of the League. A strong Provi- 
 sional Committee was formed, with power to 
 add to its number, and the joint secretaries ap- 
 pointed were the Nawabs Vicar-ul-mulk aud 
 Mohsin-ul-mulk, two of the most important 
 members of the Mahomedan community in In- 
 dia and men of great intellectual capacity. The 
 Committee was charged to frame a constitution 
 within a period of four months, and further to 
 convene a meeting of Indian Mahomedans at a 
 suitable time and place to lay the constitution 
 before such meeting for final approval and 
 adoption. The Rubicon has been crossed ; the 
 Mahomedans of India have forsaken the shades 
 of retirement for the political arena ; henceforth 
 a new factor in Indian politics has to be reck- 
 oned with.” — E. E. Lang, The All-India Moslem 
 League ( Contemporary Review, September, 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1907-1908. — The Outbreak of An- 
 archism. — Summary Measures of Suppres- 
 sion. — The native disaffection in Bengal which 
 became anarchistic in its violence in 1907, and 
 which perpetrated a number of murders before 
 it was suppressed, culminated on the 10th of 
 February, 1909, in the assassination of a promi- 
 nent native lawyer, Ashutosh Biswas, who had 
 taken part in the prosecution of some of the an- 
 archists. Writing of that crime, from Calcutta, 
 a special correspondent of the London Times, 
 who had been pursuing an investigation of the 
 terrorist conspiracy from its beginning, gave an 
 extended account of what he had learned, part 
 of which is given in the following: 
 
 “All that can be said with certainty is that 
 the gospel of violence, the creed which advo- 
 
 cates the use of any form of force against the 
 British, is Mahratta in its origin ; but so far it is 
 the Bengalis alone who have put it into prac- 
 tice. It was conceived in Poona, which city has 
 always continued to inspire and direct it ; it was 
 transferred to Baroda, where it flourished in 
 secret among a limited circle ; and it was trans- 
 planted to Calcutta, where it grew apace, some- 
 where between the years 1902 and 1904. Certain 
 classes of Bengalis, who are all adepts at in- 
 trigue, took up the new idea with enthusiasm ; 
 but not all who knocked were admitted to the 
 inner circle. The real conspirators were still 
 probably few in number when the ‘ partition ’ of 
 Bengal gave the politicians their opportunity. 
 The anarchists were furious at the partition agi- 
 tation. They were quite content that less mili- 
 tant persons should prepare the ground for 
 them, by preaching to the people of the iniqui- 
 ties of the British Raj ; but they were reluctant 
 to see the popular mind actively diverted to such 
 minor issues as swadeshi and the boycott. The 
 extermination of the British was their one and 
 only aim. 
 
 “ However, as the Congress politicians had 
 succeeded in arousing intense excitement about 
 the partition, the anarchist gang sought to turn 
 the situation to their own advantage. . . . Re- 
 cruits were, however, only gradually admitted 
 into the inner ring; and there were many people 
 who associated with the anarchists, aud some- 
 times furnished them with funds, who never 
 took part in their operations. Propaganda 
 formed a prominent feature of the anarchists’ 
 work. In this department the worst types of 
 seditious journals, which have now disappeared, 
 played a great part. Such newspapers as the 
 Tugantar started ‘messes’ and ‘hostels,’ to 
 which subscribers, particularly those residing 
 up-country, were invited to come free of charge. 
 They stayed for a day or two, heard the new 
 gospel preached, and then made way for oth- 
 ers. . . . 
 
 “ The existence of this considerable organiza- 
 tion was not really suspected by the police until 
 after the attempt to wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s 
 train in December, 1907. Some of the anarchists 
 were under suspicion, and were being watched 
 as notoriously disaffected persons, but even the 
 shooting of Mr. B. C. Allen, District Magistrate 
 of Dacca, in the same month, did not reveal the 
 conspiracy. The police were, however, on the 
 right track ; and a couple of days after two 
 unfortunate ladies had been killed by a bomb at 
 Muzaffarpur, on April 30, 1908, they acted. At 
 a house in Calcutta, and in a garden on the out- 
 skirts, large seizures of bombs, explosives, and 
 revolvers were made and about 30 alleged an- 
 archists were arrested. Other arrests followed. 
 The famous Manicktollali garden was the princi- 
 pal scene of anarchist activity. It is so secluded 
 that one wonders it was ever discovered. Far 
 on the confines of Calcutta, through a network 
 of mean huts beneath waving palms, a series of 
 winding paths leads to a couple of mouldering 
 gate-pillars innocent of any gate. Within, under 
 shady trees, stands a small building in the last 
 stage of disrepair. It is mean and dirty and 
 squalid, the true squalor of anarchism. If it is 
 only in such a spot that any movement can be 
 hatched for the overthrow of the British Raj, 
 then the British Raj is safe for a long time. 
 
 “ The prisoners were taken to the Alipur Gaol, 
 
 314 
 
INDIA, 1907-1908 
 
 INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 and their trial was commenced at the Alipur 
 Police Court. I visited the Court one day — I 
 think it was the seventieth day of the trial — 
 and marvelled afresh. They were ranged in 
 rows, about 50 men, all young, all huddled 
 together and squatting on their haunches. 
 The only man among them with an intellectual 
 face was Arabindo Ghose, the alleged leader, 
 who sat in a far corner. He has the face of a 
 dreamer, as indeed he is, and with his long hair 
 and short beard might very well pass for a 
 certain type of artistic Frenchman. Whether 
 he be guilty or not is no affair of mine, but his 
 record excites pity. He went to England with 
 brilliant gifts and high hopes, and he had a 
 distinguished career at school and University. 
 But men who profess to know say that he had 
 more than the ordinary share of the rough and 
 tumble of juvenile life amidst alien and often 
 thoughtless comrades, and that those years 
 were made thoroughly unhappy for him. When 
 at last, after he had passed for the Civil Service, 
 he was rejected because he could not pass the 
 horsemanship test, one can perhaps understand 
 that a man of his temperament returned to India 
 with black rage and despair at his heart. But 
 his associates seemed to be mere boys, haggard, 
 wild looking youths of a peculiarly low physical 
 type.” 
 
 The trial of the prisoners described above, at 
 Alipur, resulted in the condemnation of two to 
 death, six to transportation for life, one to im- 
 prisonment for life, and five to imprisonment 
 for terms ranging from one to ten years. The 
 remainder, including the alleged leader, Ara- 
 bindo Ghose, were acquitted. With the sanc- 
 tion of Lord Morley, the Secretary for India, 
 summary measures were taken to silence the 
 seditious journalism and speech which took a 
 terroristic tone and instigated crime. Loud pro- 
 tests against these measures were called out in 
 England, and one hundred and forty-six Liberal, 
 Labor, and Irish Members of Parliament ad- 
 dressed a note in May last to the Prime Minister, 
 asking his attention to ‘ ‘ the fact that ever since 
 the 8 th December last nine British subjects in 
 India have been deported from their homes and 
 detained in prison without having been charged 
 with any offence or informed even of the 
 grounds of suspicion entertained against them 
 by the Government of India. Some of them 
 are admitted to be men of high character. None 
 are alleged to have been previously convicted 
 of any crime. Under these circumstances,” said 
 the writers, “ we may venture to make an urgent 
 appeal to you that they may be either brought 
 to trial or set at liberty.” 
 
 In his reply Mr. Asquith said: “ Such an ap- 
 peal is perfectly natural, and I am not surprised 
 to find that it is widely and influentially sup- 
 ported. Deportation without trial as a method 
 of dealing with political agitation must neces- 
 sarily be repugnant to Englishmen, and to no 
 one has the necessity of resorting to such a 
 measure been more repugnant than to Lord 
 Morley. When, however, I am appealed to on 
 behalf of the persons so deported, I must ask 
 you and those who are acting with you to bear 
 in mind that deportation has been resorted to 
 for the sole purpose of preserving the country 
 from grave internal commotion. It is a prevent- 
 ive not a punitive measure, and the responsi- 
 bility for fixing the period of detention must, 
 
 therefore, rest with those who are charged with 
 the arduous and anxious duty of maintaining 
 order in India. 
 
 “ The Secretary of State and the Government 
 of India are, I submit, the only possible judges 
 of the circumstances which may warrant the 
 release or the further detention of the persons 
 deported, and the decision is one which, in my 
 view — and I hope that you and your co- 
 signatories may find yourselves in agreement 
 with me — may be left with absolute confidence 
 in their hands. 
 
 “It is particularly necessary at a moment 
 when a great extension of popular representa- 
 tive elements in Indian administration has just 
 been sanctioned by Parliament that none of the 
 various forms of anarchical violence should be 
 tolerated, and that no lawful instrument for 
 suppressing them should be discarded.” 
 
 One of the trials for seditious journalism which 
 caused most excitement throughout India did not 
 arise from publications in Bengal, but in Bom- 
 bay. The accused was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, 
 a Brahmin, professor of law and mathematics, 
 who conducted a native paper called the Mah- 
 ratta. The specific charge against him was that 
 in his newspaper he had urged the people to de- 
 mand the restoration of the old Shiwaji religious 
 festivals and, if it was refused, to throw bombs 
 until it was granted. The government contended 
 that he had not incited the people to violence in 
 overt words, but by subtle insinuations and un- 
 mistakable innuendo. At his trial in July, 1908, 
 he spoke in his own defence, with great ability, 
 for five days. He was convicted and sentenced 
 to imprisonment for six years. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — Mortality Statistics 
 and Birth Rate. See (in this vol.) Public 
 Health. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — The recent Movements 
 of Discontent. —Their Character, Causes, 
 and Meaning. — Hindu and Moslem feeling. 
 — English attitude. — The Past of British 
 Government and its Fruits. — Neglect of Ed- 
 ucation and Political Training. — Slight Or- 
 ganization of Local Self-Government. — 
 The Governed not taken into the confidence 
 of the Government. — Is Democracy forbid- 
 den to Asiatic peoples? — The political dis- 
 affection in India which has been expressing 
 itself violently within the last few years, not 
 only in seditious speech and print, but in the 
 manner of the Russian terrorists, with bombs 
 and other instruments of anarchy and assassi- 
 nation, was not started by the Bengal Partition 
 and the resentments which that measure gave 
 rise to, but those gave a fresh and strong im- 
 pulse to feelings that had been in fermentation 
 for some time. Behind that immediate impulse 
 was, undoubtedly, a much stronger one, which 
 came from the startling revelation of the Russo- 
 Japanese War, that one Asiatic people, at least, 
 could outfight one, at least, of the proud and 
 domineering Powers of Europe, and outdo 
 them all in a practical handling of the boasted 
 “Science of the West.” Torpid energies and 
 sleeping ambitions were pricked in India by the 
 amazing triumph of the Japanese, as they were 
 elsewhere throughout the East ; and it is since 
 1905 that the demand of the Hindus for a 
 political life of their own has taken a tone 
 which commands the ear of all open-minded 
 and generous Englishmen, like John Morley, 
 
INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 and draws from them the response they are now 
 trying to make. 
 
 So far as it is a demand for an Independent 
 Indian Empire, with the whole fabric of Brit- 
 ish rule swept away, it comes manifestly from 
 nothing that has weight or force in India itself. 
 Probably no Hindu who could make intelligent 
 use of political freedom ever dreams of the pre- 
 sent possibility of a nationalized India, in which 
 the 200,000,000 of his own race and creed and 
 the 60,000,000 of Mohammedans (saying nothing 
 of the added millions of other lineages and 
 other faiths) would be peaceful fellow citizens, 
 administering the institutions of self-govern- 
 ment in harmony together, The Moslems, at 
 least, are under no illusion as to what would 
 happen if the incongruous elements of the enor- 
 mous population of India were left politically to 
 themselves, under the conditions that now exist. 
 In 1908, when that idea seemed to be growing 
 in Hindu thought, they organized an “All- 
 India Moslem League,” avowedly, as declared 
 by the Nawab of Dacca, “to save themselves 
 from being submerged by an enormous and 
 noisy majority of the other race.” “ The safety 
 of the Mohammedans,” said the president of the 
 conference, ‘ ‘ lay in loyalty to the government ; 
 they must be prepared to fight for the govern- 
 ment if necessary.” Thus British rule in its 
 present form has the Moslem dread of Hindu 
 ascendency to give it a substantial support, 
 even though the Hindus outnumber the Mos- 
 lems by more than three to one. In thinking 
 power, the Hindu is perhaps the higher type 
 of man ; but the blood of the Afghan and Mon- 
 gol conquerors of Hindustan must have trans- 
 mitted more of political as well as military 
 energy to the Moslems of the present day. 
 The Hindu mind is too mystically metaphysical 
 for the politics of a world that is dominated 
 by its least metaphysical minds. 
 
 But the higher intelligence of the Hindus ap- 
 pears to agree with that of the Moslems in 
 understanding that India is in no present condi- 
 tion for taking its political fortunes into its own 
 hands. The really intelligent classes have been 
 making it plain, however, that they do want a 
 more effective participation in the management 
 of their own affairs than has been allowed to 
 them hitherto, and it is the claim of that class 
 which Lord Morley and his colleagues in the 
 British Government are acknowledging and 
 aiming to satisfy. It seems to have been gen- 
 erally and fairly represented in the great con- 
 ventions assembled annually for many years 
 past, under the name of the “ Indian National 
 Congress,” an unofficial Congress, possessing no 
 authority, but exercising an influence that has 
 increased. Its character was described a few 
 years ago in one of the American reviews by a 
 writer who said that he had watched it from 
 its birth: 
 
 “The Indian National Congress,” he wrote, 
 “is avowedly national in its name and scope. 
 The Provincial Congresses which meet in every 
 province for the discussion of provincial matters, 
 unite together in a National Congress, which is 
 annually held at a chosen centre, for the further- 
 ance and discussion of national interests. A 
 Congress consists of from five hundred to one 
 thousand of the political leaders of all parts of 
 India, comprising representatives of noble fami- 
 lies, landowners, members of local Boards and 
 
 municipalities, honorary magistrates, fellows of 
 universities, and professional men, such as engi- 
 neers, bankers, merchants, shopkeepers, jour- 
 nalists, lawyers, doctors, priests and college pro- 
 fessors. The delegates are able to act in concert 
 and to declare in no uncertain accents the com- 
 mon public opinion of the multitude of whom 
 they are the mouthpiece. They are as repre- 
 sentative in regard to religion as to rank and 
 profession; Hindus, Parsis, Mohammedans and 
 Christians have in turn presided. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The deliberations are marked by acumen 
 and moderation. The principal items of their 
 propaganda constitute a practical programme 
 displaying insight and sagacity, and covering 
 most of the political and economic problems of 
 the Indian Empire. I take it upon myself to 
 say, as a watchful eye-witness from its birth, 
 that the Indian National Congress has dis- 
 charged its duties with exemplary judgment 
 and moderation.” — Sir Henry Cotton, The New 
 Spirit in India ( North American Review, Nov., 
 1906). 
 
 The meeting of this Indian Congress in 1908 
 was held at Madras on the 27th of December, 
 not long after Lord Morley had explained his 
 plan for the enlargement of the Legislative 
 Councils in India and for the election of a cer- 
 tain number of their members by popular vote. 
 In the address of the President of the Congress, 
 Dr. Rash Bihari Ghose, the proposed reforms 
 were discussed at length, and welcomed with 
 warmth, as going near, apparently, to satisfying 
 the claims of the majority of those represented 
 in the Congress. “We are now,” said the 
 speaker, “on the threshold of anew era. An 
 important chapter has been opened in the his- 
 tory of the relations between Great Britain and 
 India — a chapter of constitutional reform 
 which promises to unite the two countries to- 
 gether in closer bonds than ever. A fair share 
 in the Government of our own country has now 
 been given to us. The problem of reconciling 
 order with progress, efficient administration 
 with the satisfaction of aspirations encouraged 
 by our rulers themselves, which timid people 
 thought was insoluble, has at last been solved. 
 The people of India will now be associated with 
 the Government in the daily and hourly admin- 
 istration of their affairs. A great step forward 
 has thus been taken in the grant of represent- 
 ative government for which the Congress had 
 been crying for years. . . .We do not know 
 what the future destiny of India may be. We 
 can see only as through a glass darkly. But of 
 this I am assured, that on our genuine co-opera- 
 tion with the British Government depend our 
 future progress and the development of a fuller 
 social and political life. Of this also I am 
 assured, that the future of the country is now in 
 a large measure in our own hands.” 
 
 At about the same time the All -India Moslem 
 League held its meeting at Amritsar, and gave 
 an equally hearty welcome to the principle of 
 the proposed reforms, but appealed against the 
 mode of election contemplated, which might be 
 to the disadvantage of the Moslem minority. 
 In the address of the President, Mr. Ali Imam, 
 he said: “It is impossible for thoughtful men 
 to approach the subject without regard to the 
 pathetic side of the present situation. It is the 
 liberalism of the great British nation that has 
 taught Indians, through the medium of English 
 
INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 education, to admire democratic institutions, to 
 hold the rights of the people sacred above all 
 rights and to claim for their voice first place in 
 the government of the country. The mind of 
 close upon three generations of the educated 
 classes in the land has been fed on the ideas of 
 John Stuart Mill, Milton, Burke, Sheridan and 
 Shelley, has been filled with the great lessons 
 obtainable from chapters of the constitutional 
 history of England and has been influenced by 
 inexpressible considerations arising out of the 
 American War of Independence, the relation of 
 Great Britain with her Colonies, and last, 
 though not least, the grant of Autonomy to the 
 Boers after their subjugation at an enormous 
 sacrifice of men and money. The bitterest 
 critic of the educated Indian will not hold him 
 to blame for his present state of mind. It is the 
 English who have carefully prepared the ground 
 and sown the seed that has germinated into what 
 some of them are now disposed to consider to 
 be noxious weed. It will be a dwarfed imagina- 
 tion however that will condemn the educational 
 policy of the large-hearted and liberal-minded 
 Englishmen who laid its foundation in this 
 country. Those who inaugurated it aimed at 
 raising the people to the level where co-opera- 
 tion and good understanding between the rulers 
 and the ruled are possible. Under the circum- 
 stances, the desire of the educated Indian to 
 take a prominent part in the administration of 
 his country is neither unnatural nor unex- 
 pected. . . . 
 
 “ The best sense of the country recognizes 
 the fact that the progress of India rests on the 
 maintenance of order and internal peace, and that 
 order and internal peace in view of the condi- 
 tions obtaining in our country at present and for 
 a very long time to come, immeasureably long 
 time to come, spell British occupation. British 
 occupation not in the thin and diluted form in 
 which Canada, Australia and South Africa stand 
 in relation to England, but British occupation 
 in the sense in which our country has enjoyed 
 internal peace during the last 50 years. Believe 
 me that as long as we have not learnt to over- 
 come sectarian aggressiveness, to rise above pre- 
 judices based on diversity of races, religions and 
 languages, and to alter the alarming conditions 
 of violent intellectual disparity among the 
 peoples of India, so long British occupation is 
 the principal element in the progress of the 
 country. The need of India is to recognize that 
 true patriotism lies in taking measure of the 
 conditions existing in fact, and devoting one’s 
 self to amelioration. . . . The creed of the All- 
 India Muslim League is cooperation with the 
 Rulers, cooperation with our non-Muslim coun- 
 trymen and solidarity amongst ourselves. This 
 is our idea of United India.” 
 
 These expressions from prominent leaders of 
 the two principal races of India are quite in 
 accord with the judgment of liberal-minded 
 Englishmen, as to the present duty of their gov- 
 ernment to the people of this great Asiatic De- 
 pendency. They are quite in accord with the 
 judgment that has dictated the measure under- 
 taken by the present British Government. They 
 recognize that the relation which England bears 
 to India, however unjustifiable in its origin it 
 may be, is one that cannot be suddenly changed 
 without great danger and certain harm. As 
 Gold win Smith has said: 
 
 “To attempt to strike the balance between the 
 advantages and disadvantages of British rule in 
 India would be to enter into a boundless contro- 
 versy. Foreign rule in itself must always be an 
 evil. India was rescued by Great Britain from 
 murderous and devastating anarchy. Though 
 at the time she was plundered by official corrup- 
 tion of a good deal of the wealth which, being 
 poor though gorgeous, she could ill afford to 
 lose, she has since enjoyed general peace and 
 order ; both, we may be sure, to a far greater 
 extent than she otherwise would have done. 
 The deadly enmity between her races and reli- 
 gions has been controlled and assuaged. . . . 
 
 “ It does not appear that there is any consid- 
 erable migration from the provinces directly 
 under British dominion to those which are under 
 native rule. The people, no doubt, are gener- 
 ally fixed to their habitations by poverty and 
 difficulty of movement ; still, if they greatly 
 preferred the native rule, a certain amount of 
 migration to it there would probably be. That 
 the masses of India in general are miserably 
 poor cannot be denied. The question is, whether 
 under the Mogul Emperors they were better off. 
 
 . . . The population has vastly increased, and 
 its increase may in some measure account for 
 dearth. With regard to fiscal and commercial 
 questions, it may safely be said that, at all 
 events in late years, there has been no disposi- 
 tion on England’s part to do anything but jus- 
 tice to India. 
 
 “ India’s complaints, speaking generally, seem 
 to be of things inseparable from foreign rule, 
 the withdrawal of which would be the only 
 remedy. But suppose British rule withdrawn 
 from India, what would follow ? Is there any- 
 thing ready to take its place ? would not the re- 
 sult be anarchy, such as prevailed when England 
 came upon the scene, or a struggle for ascend- 
 ency between the Mahometan and the Hindoo, 
 with another battle of Paniput ? Suppose the 
 Mahometan, stronger in spirit though weaker in 
 numbers, to prevail, would his ascendency be 
 more beneficial and less galling to the Hindoo 
 than is that of the English Sahib ? ” — Goldwin 
 Smith, British Empire in India ( North Ameri- 
 can Review, Sept. 7, 1906). 
 
 Of the ultimate possibilities of a nationalized 
 unification of the mighty masses of population 
 in the vast peninsula, there can, perhaps, be as 
 much or more said hopefully as against the hope. 
 A writer who believes that there may be an 
 independent India has put an outline of the ar- 
 gument, pro and con, in these few following 
 words : 
 
 “India, we are almost tired of hearing, is as 
 large as Europe, putting aside Russia and 
 Scandinavia, with as great a population, as 
 many diverse and heterogeneous nationalities, 
 differing from each other in language, in custom, 
 in religion, and in everything that makes for 
 individuality ; and we might as well speak of 
 the Indian nation as the European nation. . . . 
 To this contention Young India opposes the 
 most emphatic contradiction. India is a nation, 
 a people, a country : its interests and aspirations 
 are one and unique. Railways, telegraphs, post- 
 office, the Press, education, knowledge of Eng- 
 lish, have welded into one harmonious whole all 
 the manifold centrifugal forces of its vast area. 
 Young India will quote Switzerland as an ex- 
 ample of a country with several languages and 
 
INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 two conflicting religions, and yet undoubtedly 
 constituting a nation. If the only tongue in 
 which the Madrassi and the Bengali can com- 
 municate is English, so let it be. It is suflicient 
 that a medium of communication exists. And 
 it does exist. The educated Indian speaks and 
 writes in English as easily as in his own mother- 
 tongue. It is in English that the most vehement 
 tirades against British rule, whether printed, 
 spoken, or dealt with in private correspondence, 
 are hurled across the land. Politically speaking, 
 Lahore is a suburb of Calcutta. The fact can- 
 not be gainsaid and must be reckoned with. 
 India, as a whole, as a political unit, has found 
 a voice. There is a national India, as there is not 
 a national Europe.” — E. C. Cox, Banger in 
 India (Nineteenth Century, Dec., 1908). 
 
 This view recognizes, as was recognized in 
 the address of the President of the All-India 
 Moslem League, quoted above, that English 
 rule and English influence have done much to- 
 wards preparing both the country and the peo- 
 ple for the self-government to which the latter 
 are now beginning to aspire. It must be said, 
 however, that most of this preparation has been 
 casually consequent on policies that had no such 
 deliberate intent. Until quite late years there is 
 little sign to be seen in British Indian policy of 
 a thought of developing opportunity and capa- 
 bility in the people to become more than valu- 
 able customers and docile wards. While India 
 was in the hands of a commercial company it 
 was managed, naturally, like an imperial estate, 
 with strictly economic objects in view. Even 
 then there was wisely economic consideration 
 given to the general welfare of the people ; but 
 it was welfare as seen from the estate- owners' 
 standpoint. The proprietary government did 
 many things for its subjects and servants ; bet- 
 tered their conditions in many ways; added 
 greatly to the equipment of their lives ; but it 
 did very little, if anything, toward putting 
 them in the way of bettering things for them- 
 selves. It contemplated nothing for India but 
 the perpetuity of its management as an imperial 
 estate, entailed in the possession of a proprietary 
 race. 
 
 The taking of this imperial estate from com- 
 pany management into national management 
 has not seemed hitherto to alter the business 
 nature of its administration very much. Its 
 many millions of inhabitants have been better 
 governed and better cared for, without doubt; 
 but the idea of benevolence to them has never 
 been much enlarged beyond the idea of an hon- 
 estly good overseeing care. Institutions have 
 been provided or encouraged for the educating 
 of a class among them which could be of useful 
 assistance in the caretaking of the mass; but 
 common education for the mass, to qualify them 
 better for the care of themselves, received scant 
 attention till 25 years ago. In the very expla- 
 nation that is often given of the present discon- 
 tent in India there is an impeachment of the 
 past treatment of the country by its able and 
 powerful masters. It is said that the educated 
 Hindus find no satisfying career for themselves 
 outside of the service of the government, and 
 that an increasingly large class in excess of the 
 openings which that service can afford has been 
 educated in recent years ; that, consequently, 
 the swelling crowd of disappointed place-seek- 
 ers, whose intelligence and ambition have been 
 
 whetted in the higher schools and colleges of 
 the Indian Empire, are the disturbers of public 
 content. After a century and a half of su- 
 preme British influence and power in India, 
 there ought to have been more and better open- 
 ings of opportunity for educated young Hindus 
 than through the doors of public office. There 
 would have been if the development of country 
 and people had been conducted with more refer- 
 ence to their benefit, and with less close atten- 
 tion to the interests of British trade. 
 
 Since 1882-3 there has been more endeavor to 
 establish and assist native primary schools ; but 
 the percentage of population that they reach is 
 small. The statistics given in an official “ State- 
 ment exhibiting the Moral and Material Pro- 
 gress and Condition of India during the year 
 1905-06 ” make the following showing : 
 
 Provinces. 
 
 No. of 
 
 Institutions. 
 
 No. of 
 Pupils. 
 
 Bengal 
 
 43,996 
 
 1,232,278 
 
 United Provinces . . . 
 
 15,708 
 
 576,336 
 
 Punjab 
 
 3,762 
 
 211,464 
 
 Burma 
 
 20,996 
 
 385,214 
 
 Central Provinces . . . 
 
 Eastern Bengal and As- 
 
 3,090 
 
 209,680 
 
 sam 
 
 21,790 
 
 722,371 
 
 Coorg 
 
 116 
 
 4,666 
 
 N. W. Frontier Province . 
 
 1,087 
 
 28,496 
 
 Madras Presidency . . 
 
 Bombay and Sind Presi- 
 
 28,258 
 
 918,880 
 
 dency 
 
 13,865 
 
 736,209 
 
 Total 
 
 152,668 
 
 5,025,594 
 
 Except in the Punjab and in Eastern Bengal 
 and Assam these figures include both public and 
 private institutions of education, of all grades, 
 from primary schools to colleges. All institu- 
 tions in which the course of instruction con- 
 forms to standards prescribed by the Depart- 
 ment of Education or by the University, and 
 which either undergo inspection by the Depart- 
 ment or present pupils at public examinations, 
 are classed as “ public,” but may be under either 
 public or private management. While the 
 schools and colleges seem numerous, it will be 
 seen that they average but 33 pupils each, and 
 give teaching to a slender fraction of the chil- 
 dren of the 294,000,000 of people under British 
 rule. In the report from which we quote the 
 proportion of pupils to the estimated population 
 of school-going age is given as 28.4 per cent, of 
 boys and 2.9 per cent, of girls in Bengal ; 8.06 
 per cent, of boys and .96 per cent, of girls in the 
 United Provinces; 21.8 per cent, of boys and 
 1.8 of girls in the Central Provinces; 28.2 per 
 cent, of boys and 2.9 per cent, of girls in Eastern 
 Bengal and Assam ; 29 per cent, of boys and 5.4 
 per cent, of girls in Madras; 31.8 per cent, of 
 boys and 6 per cent of girls in Bombay. The 
 total expenditure on education, from all sources, 
 including fees, was £735,043 in Bengal (in- 
 creased to £830,415 in 1907-8) ; £441,421 in the 
 United Provinces (increased to £491,723 in 
 1907-8); £331,038 in the Punjab; £218,445 in 
 Burma ; £145,389 in the Central Provinces ; 
 £318,788 in Eastern Bengal and Assam; £624,- 
 602 in the Madras Presidency (increased to 
 £712,740 in 1907-8); £685, 444 in the Presidency 
 of Bombay (increased to £756,168 in 1907-8). 
 Total in 1905-6, £3,500,170. Education In 
 British India cannot be made wide or deep on 
 expenditure of this scale. 
 
INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 Education in the literary meaning, then, was 
 tardily undertaken and is very limited yet in its 
 extent. Quite as tardy, and quite as scant in 
 the measure until John Morley got the handling 
 of it, has been the political training that Eng- 
 land, — greatest of political teachers as she has 
 been for the world at large, — has allowed her 
 Indian subjects to receive. It must not be 
 understood that nothing of self-government has 
 been conceded hitherto to these people. The 
 exact measure of their participation in the man- 
 agement of their own public affairs, and the 
 period within which they have exercised it, are 
 described in the official “Statement exhibiting 
 the Moral and Material Progress and Condition 
 of India ” from which the above exhibit of edu- 
 cational institutions is taken. The following is 
 quoted partly from the “Statement” of 1905-6 
 and partly from the later one of 1907-8 : 
 
 “ Local self-government, municipal and rural, 
 in its present form, is essentially a product of 
 British rule. Beginning in the Presidency 
 towns, the principle made little progress until 
 1870, when it was expressly recognised by Lord 
 Mayo’s Government that ‘ local interest, super- 
 vision, and care are necessary to success in the 
 management of funds devoted to education, 
 sanitation, medical charity, and local public 
 works.’ The result was a gradual advance in 
 local self-government, leading up to the action 
 taken by Lord Ripon’s Government in 1883-84, 
 and to various provincial Acts passed about that 
 time, which form the basis of the provincial 
 systems at present in force. Municipal com- 
 mittees now exist in most places having any 
 pretension to importance, and have charge of 
 municipal business generally, including the care 
 and superintendence of streets, roads, fairs and 
 markets, open spaces, water supply, drainage, 
 education, hospitals, and the like. Local and 
 district boards have charge of local roads, sani- 
 tary works, education, hospitals, and dispensa- 
 ries in rural districts. A large proportion of 
 their income is provided' by provincial rates. 
 Bodies of port trustees have charge of harbour 
 works, port approaches, and pilotage. There 
 is also a smaller number of non-elective local 
 bodies discharging similar duties in towns other 
 than constituted municipalities, and in canton- 
 ments. 
 
 “The municipal bodies exist, raise funds, and 
 exercise powers under enactments which pro- 
 vide separately for the special requirements of 
 each province and of the three presidency cap- 
 itals, Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras. In the 
 municipalities as a whole about half of the mem- 
 bers are elected by the townsfolk under legal 
 rules ; in every town some, and in a few minor 
 towns all, of the members are appointed by the 
 Government. In almost every municipal body 
 one or more Government officials sit as members. 
 The number of Indian and non-official members, 
 however, in every province, largely exceeds the 
 number of Europeans and officials. The mu- 
 nicipal bodies are subject to Government con- 
 trol in so far that no new tax can be imposed, 
 no loan can be raised, no work costing more than 
 a prescribed sum can be undertaken, and no 
 serious departure from the sanctioned budget 
 for the year can be made, without the previous 
 sanction of the Government ; and no rules or 
 bye-laws can be enforced without similar sanc- 
 tion and full publication. 
 
 “There were 746 municipalities at the end of 
 1907-8, containing within their limits over 16 
 million people or 7 per cent, of the total popu- 
 lation. Generally speaking, the income of mu- 
 nicipalities is small. In 1907-8 their aggre- 
 gate income amounted to £3,910,000, excluding 
 loans, sales of securities, and other extraordinary 
 receipts. About 40 per cent, of the total is 
 provided by Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, and 
 Rangoon. . . . 
 
 “The interest in municipal elections, and in 
 municipal affairs generally, is not usually keen, 
 save in a few cities and large towns ; but, as ed- 
 ucation and knowledge advance, interest in the 
 management of local affairs gradually increases. 
 In most provinces municipal work is fairly well 
 done, and municipal responsibilities are, on the 
 whole, faithfully discharged, though occasional 
 shortcomings and failures occur. The tendency 
 of local bodies, especially in the smaller towns, 
 is to be slow in imposing additional taxes, in 
 adopting sanitary reforms, and in incurring new 
 expenditure. Many members of municipal bodies 
 are diligent in their attendance, whether at 
 meetings for business or on benches for the de- 
 cision of petty criminal cases.” 
 
 The elected members of these municipal com- 
 mittees number less than five thousand. This, 
 therefore, is the extent of the class in the whole 
 of British India, which now receives an ele- 
 mentary political training. Nothing more is 
 needed for proving that India cannot possibly be 
 prepared for independent self-government. 
 
 In a memorable speech made by Lord Ma- 
 caulay in 1833 he predicted a time when Eng- 
 land’s Indian subjects might demand English 
 institutions, and exclaimed: “Whenever the 
 day comes it will be the proudest in English 
 history.” The day has come, and it does not 
 bring pride to England ; because her wards in 
 India have not been made ready for what they 
 ask. It will need time to repair the long neg- 
 lect ; but there is no grander fact in recent his- 
 tory than the beginning of the labor of repair. 
 It is to be a work of education, not for the peo- 
 ple of India alone, but for Englishmen as well. 
 They are to learn, and have begun to learn, the 
 mistake of egotism and self-sufficiency in their 
 government of these people. Some months ago 
 there was published in The Times of India, at 
 Bombay, a number of articles on the causes of 
 the existing discontent, some by English writers, 
 some by Hindus, some by Mohammedans, all 
 seriously and frankly studying the situation, and 
 most suggestive in their thought. The cause 
 emphasized most by one of the English writers 
 is that which always has worked and always 
 will work when one self-complacent and self- 
 confident people undertakes to be an overruling 
 providence for another people, by making laws 
 for it and managing its affairs. The more con- 
 sciousness there is on the ruling side of just 
 intention and superior knowledge, the less likely 
 it is to satisfy the ruled ; because the satisfying 
 of its own judgment of what is good for the 
 latter is assumed to be enough. 
 
 During the last half century, at least, the 
 British Government has endeavored, without a 
 doubt, to do good to its Indian subjects, and it 
 has done them great good; but everything has 
 been done in its own way, from its own points 
 of view and upon its own judgment of things 
 needful and good and right. And this is why 
 
 319 
 
INDIA, 1907-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 its Indian subjects not only feel wronged, but 
 are wronged. 
 
 As the writer in The Times of India reminds 
 his countrymen, “right is a relative term,” and 
 not, he says, “as we Islanders would have it, an 
 absolute one. A thing that is right for us, with 
 our past training and traditions, may not only 
 
 seem, but really be, a grave wrong to those whose 
 environment differs from our own.” He cites 
 instances of grave mistakes in well-intended 
 legislation that would have been avoided, if the 
 makers of the laws had counseled sufficiently 
 with natives of experience in the matters con- 
 cerned. One example is in a land alienation act, 
 for the Punjab, which was framed with purely 
 philanthropic motives, being intended to free 
 the native peasantry — the ryots — from thral- 
 dom to money lenders, but which, by making 
 the recovery of debts difficult, has trebled the 
 rate of interest to the ryot, who borrows just as 
 much, and mortgages himself instead of mort- 
 gaging his land. Alluding to this and to an- 
 other act of excellent intention but irritating 
 effect, the writer says: “When these worthy 
 aims of government were debated in the Bom- 
 bay and Punjab legislatures, who was there, 
 among the officials, in touch with Indian feeling 
 and sentiment ? Who among the senators ever 
 suggested the possibility that the evil of mort- 
 gage and borrowing was not intrinsically an evil 
 in India, but that legislation — our own past 
 legislation — had made it so ? W as there no offi - 
 cer of government who could advise the author- 
 ities that every Hindoo, almost, is at heart a 
 money lender ; that it is second nature to him ; 
 that indebtedness in itself is neither reproach 
 nor handicap in his eyes; and that if you take 
 from him his freedom of barter you do take his 
 life ? ” 
 
 “We have failed,” says this writer, “toavail 
 ourselves of the material we ourselves have 
 trained.” That, undoubtedly, is the cardinal 
 mistake that the English in India have made. 
 Until now, they have not taken the best of India 
 into their confidence and their counsels. 
 
 Another of the writers referred to above gave 
 another characterization of the British rule as 
 the natives more generally feel it, in which a 
 deeper working of more subtle irritations can be 
 
 seen. He wrote: “Personal rule, the will of 
 the king, God’s anointed and therefore invested 
 with quasi-divine sanction, is the only rule to 
 which the East has been used, which it can like 
 and respect. The people can understand, even 
 while they suffer under, the most extravagant 
 individual caprices; and when the tyranny be- 
 comes too intolerable, they always had in the 
 last resort an excellent chance of being able to 
 overthrow it. But they cannot and probably 
 never will understand, still less appreciate, the 
 cold, implacable, inhuman impersonality of the 
 English government. They might as well be 
 governed by a dynamo, without human bowels 
 or passions. It cannot be humanly approached ; 
 it has no human side ; its very impeccability is 
 exasperating ; and the exactitude with which it 
 metes out its machine-made justice, according 
 to inflexible rules and formulae into which no 
 human equation enters, chills and repels the 
 Eastern mind, and its strength is commensurate 
 with its remorselessness.” 
 
 “They might as well be governed by a dy- 
 namo! ” That, in this connection, is a power- 
 
 fully expressive phrase. The dynamo and 
 everything of a dynamic nature — every me- 
 chanical motor-working of forces, whether ma- 
 terial or political, are naturally congenial to the 
 man of the Western world — understandable by 
 him, serviceable to him — and they are not so to 
 the man of the East. Somewhere in the process 
 of their evolution the one got an aptitude for 
 projecting work outwardly from the worker — 
 action at some remove from the actor — shuttle 
 throwing, for example, carried out from the 
 weaver to the arms and fingers of a machine, 
 and government from the personally governing 
 will to an organic political system — while the 
 other did not. In this, more than in anything 
 else, perhaps, the radical difference of nature 
 between the Occidental and the Oriental peoples 
 is summed up. The one is endowed with a self- 
 enhancing power to act through exterior agen- 
 cies, of mechanism in his physical labors, of 
 representative institutions in his government, of 
 systems and organisms in all his doings, which 
 the other lacks. 
 
 This might have seemed a generation ago to 
 set an insurmountable barrier against the pass- 
 ing of democracy and democratic institutions 
 into Asia ; but we have little right to-day to 
 imagine that anything can stop their march. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — American Mission Schools. 
 See (in this vol.) Education: India. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Passage of the Indian 
 Councils Bill by the British Parliament. — 
 Popular Representation in the Legislative 
 Councils introduced. — Lord Morley’s expla- 
 nations of the Measure. — Appointment of a 
 native member of the Viceroy’s Executive 
 Council. — The great project of reform in the 
 Government of India which Lord Morley, as 
 Secretary for India in the British Administra- 
 tion, brought before Parliament in December, 
 1908, embodied fundamentally in what was 
 known during the discussion of it as the Indian 
 Councils Bill, had its origin more than two 
 years before that time, not in the councils of 
 the British Ministry, but in those of the Gov- 
 ernment of India. The facts of its inception 
 and preliminary consideration were indicated in 
 a British Blue Book of 1908 (Cd. 4426), which 
 contained proposals on the subject from the 
 Government of India, dated October 1, 1908, 
 and the reply of Lord Morley to them, Novem- 
 ber 27. More recently the early history of the 
 reform project was told briefly by the Viceroy 
 of India, the Earl of Minto, in a speech in 
 Council, on the 28tli of March, 1909. He said: 
 
 “The material from which the Councils Bill 
 has been manufactured was supplied from the 
 Secretariat at Simla, and emanated entirely from 
 the bureaucracy of the Government of India. It 
 was in August, 1906, that I drew attention in 
 Council in a confidential minute to the change 
 which was so rapidly affecting the political 
 atmosphere, bringing with it questions we 
 could not afford to ignore, which we must at- 
 tempt to answer, pointing out that it was all- 
 important that the initiative should emanate 
 from us, that the Government of India should 
 not be put in the position of appearance of hav- 
 ing its hands forced by agitation in this country 
 or by pressure from home, and that wc should 
 be the first to recognize the surrounding con- 
 ditions and place before his Majesty’s Govern- 
 ment the opinion which personal experience 
 
INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 and close touch with the everyday life of India 
 entitle us to hold. I consequently appointed 
 the Arundel Committee. That minute was the 
 first seed of our reforms sown more than a year 
 before the first anarchist outrage sent a thrill 
 of shocked surprise throughout India — the 
 attempt to wreck Sir Andrew Fraser’s train 
 in December, 1907. The policy of the Govern- 
 ment of India in respect to reforms has ema- 
 nated from mature consideration of political 
 and social conditions, while the administrative 
 changes they advocated, far from being conces- 
 sions wrung from them, have been over and 
 over again endangered by the commission of 
 outrages which could not but encourage doubts 
 as to the opportuneness of the introduction of 
 political changes, but which I steadfastly re- 
 fused to allow to injure the political welfare of 
 the loyal masses in India.” 
 
 The Indian Councils Bill was printed on the 
 20th of February, 1909, and its second reading 
 in the House of Lords was moved by Lord Mor- 
 ley in an explanatory speech on the 23d. A 
 prefatory memorandum accompanying the text 
 of the Bill was as follows : 
 
 “The object of this Bill is to amend and ex- 
 tend the Indian Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, in 
 such a way as to provide : 
 
 “(i.)For an enlargement of the Legislative 
 Council of the Governor-General and of the ex- 
 isting Provincial Legislative Councils ; 
 
 “ (ii.) For the election of a certain proportion 
 of their members by popular vote ; and 
 
 “(iii.) For greater freedom to discuss matters 
 of general public interest and to ask questions 
 at their meetings, and more especially for the 
 discussion of the annual financial statements. 
 
 “The Executive Councils of the Governments 
 of Madras and Bombay are enlarged, and pow- 
 ers are taken to create Executive Councils in 
 the other Provinces of India, where they now 
 do not exist. Provision is also made for the 
 appointment of Vice-Presidents of the various 
 Councils. 
 
 “The details of the necessary arrangements, 
 which must vary widely in the different Pro- 
 vinces, are left to be settled by means of regula- 
 tions to be framed by the Government of India 
 and approved by the Secretary of State.” 
 
 In his speech on moving the second reading 
 of the Bill, Lord Morley said: “I invite the 
 House to take to-day the first definite and op- 
 erative step in carrying out the policy which I 
 had the honour of stating to your lordships 
 just before Christmas, and which has occupied 
 the active consideration both of the Home Gov- 
 ernment and of the Government of India for 
 very nearly, if not even more than, three years. 
 The statement was awaited in India with an 
 expectancy that with time became almost im- 
 patience, and it was received in India — and 
 that, after all, is the point to which I looked 
 with the most anxiety — with intense interest 
 and attention and various degrees of approval, 
 from warm enthusiasm to cool assent and ac- 
 quiescence. So far as I know . . . there has 
 been no sign in any quarter, save possibly in the 
 irreconcilable camp, of organized hostile opinion 
 among either Indians or Anglo-Indians. . . . 
 
 “ There are, I take it, three classes of people 
 that we have to consider in dealing with a 
 scheme of this kind. There are the extremists, 
 who nurse fantastic dreams that some day they 
 
 will drive us out of India. In this group there 
 are academic extremists and physical force ex- 
 tremists, and I have seen it stated on a certain 
 authority — it cannot be more than guessed — 
 that they do not number, whether academic or 
 physical force extremists, more than one-tenth, 
 I think, or even 3 per cent., of what are called 
 the educated class in India. The second group 
 nourish no hopes of this sort, but hope for au- 
 tonomy or self-government of the colonial species 
 and pattern. And then the third section of this 
 classification ask for no more than to be admit- 
 ted to co-operation in our administration, and to 
 find a free and effective voice in expressing the 
 interests and needs of their land. I believe the 
 effect of the reforms has been, is being, and will 
 be to draw the second class, who hope for colo- 
 nial autonomy, into the third class, who will be 
 content with being admitted to a fair and full 
 co-operation.” 
 
 As to the objections raised by the Mahomedans 
 of India, to the plans of the measure for their 
 representation in the Councils, Lord Morley 
 announced the readiness of the Government to 
 yield to them. “We,” he said, “suggested to 
 the Government of India a certain plan. We 
 did not prescribe it, we did not order it, but we 
 suggested and recommended this plan for their 
 consideration — no more than that. It was the 
 plan of a mixed or composite electoral college, 
 in which Mahomedans and Hindus should pool 
 their votes, so to say. The wording of the 
 recommendation in my dispatch was, as I soon 
 discovered, ambiguous — a grievous defect, of 
 which I make bold to hope I am not very often 
 in public business guilty. But, to the best of 
 my belief, under any construction the plan of 
 Hindus and Mahomedans voting together in a 
 mixed and composite electorate would have se- 
 cured to the Maliomedan electors, wherever they 
 were so minded, the chance of returning their 
 own representative in their due proportion. The 
 political idea at the bottom of that recommenda- 
 tion which has found so little favour was that 
 such composite action would bring the two great 
 communities more closely together, and this idea 
 of promoting harmony was held by men of very 
 high Indian authority and experience who were 
 among my advisers at the India Office. But the 
 Mahomedans protested that the Hindus would 
 elect a pro-Hindu upon it, just as I suppose in a 
 mixed college of say 75 Catholics and 25 Pro- 
 testants voting together the Protestants might 
 suspect that the Catholics voting for the Pro- 
 testant would choose what is called a Romaniz- 
 ing Protestant and as little of a Protestant as 
 possible. ... At any rate, the Government of 
 India doubted whether our plan would work, 
 and we have abandoned it. I do not think it 
 was a bad plan, but it is no use, if you are 
 making an earnest attempt in good faith at a 
 general pacification, out of parental fondness for 
 a clause interrupting that good process by sit 
 ting too tight. 
 
 “The Mahomedans demand three things. I 
 had the pleasure of receiving a deputation from 
 them and I know very well what is in their 
 minds. They demand the election of their own 
 representatives to these councils in all the stages, 
 just as in Cyprus, where, I think, the Mahome- 
 dans vote by themselves. They have nine votes 
 and the non-Mahomedans have three, or the 
 other way about. So in Bohemia, where the 
 
 321 
 
INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 Germans vote alone and have their own regis- 
 ter. Therefore we are not without a precedent 
 and a parallel for the idea of a separate regis- 
 ter. Secondly, they want a number of seats in 
 excess of their numerical strength. Those two 
 demands we are quite ready and intend to meet 
 in full. There is a third demand that, if there 
 is a Hindu on the Viceroy’s Executive Council 
 — a subject on which I will venture to say a 
 little to your lordships before I sit down — 
 there should be two Indian members on the 
 Viceroy’s Council and that one should be a Ma- 
 homedan. Well, as I told them and as I now 
 tell your lordships, I see no chance whatever of 
 meeting their views in that way to any extent 
 at all.” 
 
 Turning to a much criticised feature of the 
 projected remodelling of Indian Government — 
 namely, the announced intention of the Govern- 
 ment to name an Indian member of the Vice- 
 roy’s Executive Council — the Secretary re- 
 minded the House that this was not touched by 
 the pending bill, for the reason that the ap- 
 pointment of that Council lies already within 
 the province of the Crown. In meeting the ob- 
 jections raised to this part of the reform pro- 
 ject, he amused the House greatly by remark- 
 ing: “Lord MacDonnell said the other day: 
 ‘I believe you cannot find any individual native 
 gentleman who has enjoyed the general confi- 
 dence who would be able to give advice and 
 assistance to the Governor-General in Council. ’ 
 It has been my lot to be twice Chief Secretary 
 for Ireland, and I do not believe I can truly say 
 I ever met in Ireland a single individual native 
 gentleman who ‘enjoyed general confidence.’ 
 And yet I received at Dublin Castle most excel- 
 lent and competent advice. Therefore I will 
 accept that statement from the noble lord. The 
 question is whether there is no one of the 300 
 millions of the population of India who is com- 
 petent to be the officially-constituted adviser of 
 the Governor-General in Council in the adminis- 
 tration of Indian affairs. You make an Indian 
 a Judge of the High Court, and Indians have 
 even been acting-Chief Justices. As to capa- 
 city, who can deny that they have distinguished 
 themselves as administrators of native States, 
 where far more demand is made on their re- 
 sources, intellectual and moral ? It is said that 
 the presence of an Indian member would cause 
 restraint in the language of discussion. For a 
 year and a half I have had two Indians at the 
 Council of India, and I have never found the 
 slightest restraint whatever.” 
 
 Debate on the Bill in the House of Lords was 
 resumed on the 4th of March, and it was amended 
 by striking out a clause which gave power to 
 constitute provincial executive councils in other 
 provinces than Madras and Bombay, where they 
 were already existing. It then passed through 
 Committee, and on the 11th of March it was 
 read a third time and passed by the Upper 
 House. 
 
 A fortnight later, Lord Morley brought into 
 exercise the authority possessed by the Crown, 
 to appoint on its own judgment a native member 
 of the Viceroy’s Executive Council. His choice 
 fell on a distinguished Hindu lawyer, Mr. Saty- 
 endra Prasanna Sinha, of whom the London 
 Times , on announcing the appointment, said : 
 “Mr. Sinha now fills the office of Advocate- 
 General of Bengal, to which he was not long ago 
 
 promoted, and he will succeed Sir Henry Rich- 
 ards as Legal Member of Council. Of his fitness 
 to discharge the departmental duties of his new 
 position we make no question. Lord Morley 
 has doubtless satisfied himself that the qualifica- 
 tions of his nominee in this respect will not dis- 
 credit the experiment on which he has ventured. 
 But, however high those qualifications, and 
 however well they may stand the test of experi- 
 ence, gifts and attainments of another order are 
 needed for the post to which Lord Morley has 
 named him. A member of the Viceroy’s Execu- 
 tive Council is much more than a departmental 
 chief. . . . For him there are no State secrets 
 and no confidential documents. He has a right 
 to know and to debate the imperii arcana. The 
 most delicate mysteries of diplomacy, the most 
 carefully guarded of military precautions, are 
 trusted to his faith and to his discretion. 
 Breadth of political knowledge and of judgment, 
 insight into men and things, a sure sense and 
 grasp of realities, coolness, courage, and rapid 
 decision in emergencies, absolute impartiality 
 between native races, creeds, and classes, and 
 an instinctive devotion to England, to her tradi- 
 tions and to her ideals, are amongst the qualities 
 which have been deemed the best recommenda- 
 tions for so immense a trust. Mr. Sinha may 
 possess them all, but they are rare amongst the 
 men of any race, and some of them are noto- 
 riously uncommon amongst Orientals.” 
 
 This expresses the English opinion that ob- 
 jects to the admission of Indians to the Execu- 
 tive Councils of Indian Government, even while 
 assenting to their representation in the Legisla 
 tive Councils of the dependency. It is to be 
 hoped that Mr. Sinha will help to weaken that 
 opinion. Reports from India on the appoint- 
 ment were to the effect that it had given great 
 general satisfaction. 
 
 On the return of the Councils Bill to the Com- 
 mons the clause which the Lords had stricken 
 out was restored, but in a modified form. Au- 
 thority to extend the creation of provincial exec- 
 utive councils was given, but with the reser- 
 vation to the House of Lords as well as to the 
 House of Commons of a veto upon the estab- 
 lishment of such councils in any new provinces, 
 except Bengal. As thus amended the clause 
 was accepted by the Upper House and became 
 law, May 25, 1909. 
 
 The following are the essential provisions of 
 the Act: “i. — (1) The additional members of 
 the councils for the purpose of making laws and 
 regulations (hereinafter referred to as Legisla- 
 tive Councils) of the Governor-General and of the 
 Governors of Fort Saint George and Bombay, 
 and the members of the Legislative Councils 
 already constituted, or which may hereafter be 
 constituted, of the several Lieutenant-Governors 
 of Provinces, instead of being all nominated by 
 the Governor-General, Governor, or Lieutenant- 
 Governor in manner provided by the Indian 
 Councils Acts, 1861 and 1892, shall include 
 members so nominated and also members elected 
 in accordance with regulations made under this 
 Act, and references in those Acts to the members 
 so nominated and their nomination shall be con- 
 strued as including references to the members 
 so elected and their election. 
 
 “(2) The number of additional members or 
 members so nominated and elected, the number 
 of such members required to constitute a quo- 
 
 322 
 
 4 
 
INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 rum, the term of office of such members and the 
 manner of filling up casual vacancies occurring 
 by reason of absence from India, inability to 
 attend to duty, death, acceptance of office, or 
 resignation duly accepted, or otherwise, shall, in 
 the case of each such council, be such as may 
 be prescribed by regulations made under this 
 Act: 
 
 “Provided that the aggregate number of 
 members so nominated and elected shall not, in 
 the case of any Legislative Council mentioned in 
 the first column of the First Schedule to this 
 Act, exceed the number specified in the second 
 column of that schedule. 
 
 “ 2 . — (1) The number of ordinary members 
 of the councils of the Governors of Fort Saint 
 George and Bombay shall be such number not 
 exceeding four as the Secretary of State in Coun- 
 cil may from time to time direct, of whom two 
 at least shall be persons who at the time of their 
 appointment have been in the service of the 
 Crown in India for at least twelve years. 
 
 “(2) If at any meeting of either of such 
 councils there is an equality of votes on any 
 question, the Governor or other person presid- 
 ing shall have two votes or the casting vote. 
 
 “ 3 . — (1) It shall be lawful for the Governor- 
 General in Council, with the approval of the 
 Secretary of State in Council, by proclamation, 
 to create a council in the Bengal Division of the 
 Presidency of Fort William for the purpose of 
 assisting the Lieutenant-Governor in the execu- 
 tive government of the province, and by such 
 proclamation — 
 
 ‘‘(a) to make provision for determining what 
 shall be the number (not exceeding four) and 
 qualifications of the members of the council; 
 and 
 
 “(b) to make provision for the appointment 
 of temporary or acting members of the council 
 during the absence of any member from illness 
 or otherwise, and for the procedure to be adopted 
 in case of a difference of opinion between a 
 Lieutenant-Governor and his council, and in the 
 case of equality of votes, and in the case of a 
 Lieutenant-Governor being obliged to absent 
 himself from his council from indisposition or 
 any other cause. 
 
 “(2) It shall be lawful for the Governor-Gen- 
 eral in Council, with the like approval, by a 
 like proclamation to create a council in any other 
 province under a Lieutenant-Governor for the 
 purpose of assisting the Lieutenant-Governor in 
 the executive government of the province : Pro- 
 vided that before any such proclamation is made 
 a draft thereof shall be laid before each House 
 of Parliament for not less than sixty days dur- 
 ing the session of Parliament, and, if before the 
 expiration of that time an address is presented 
 to His Majesty by either House of Parliament 
 against the draft or any part thereof, no further 
 proceedings shall be taken thereon, without 
 prejudice to the making of any new draft. 
 
 " (3) Where any such proclamation has been 
 made with respect to any province the Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor may, with the consent of the Gov- 
 ernor-General in Council, from time to time 
 make rules and orders for the more convenient 
 transaction of business in his council, and any 
 order made or act done in accordance with the 
 rules and orders so made shall be deemed to be 
 an act or order of the Lieutenant-Governor in 
 Council. 
 
 “(4) Every member of any such council shall 
 be appointed by the Governor-General, with the 
 approval of His Majesty, and shall, as such, be 
 a member of the Legislative Council of the 
 Lieutenant-Governor, in addition to the mem- 
 bers nominated by the Lieutenant-Governor and 
 elected under the provisions of this Act. 
 
 “ 4 . The Governor-General, and the Governors 
 of Fort Saint George and Bombay, and the 
 Lieutenant-Governor of every province respect- 
 ively shall appoint a member of their respect- 
 ive councils to be Vice-President thereof, and, 
 for the purpose of temporarily holding and ex- 
 ecuting the office of Governor-General or Gov- 
 ernor of Fort Saint George or Bombay and of 
 presiding at meetings of Council in the absence 
 of the Governor-General, Governor, or Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor, the Vice-President so appointed 
 shall be deemed to be the senior member of 
 Council and the member highest in rank, and 
 the Indian Councils Act, 1861, and sections sixty- 
 two and sixty-three of the Government of India 
 Act, 1833, shall have effect accordingly. 
 
 “ 5 . — (1) Notwithstanding anything in the 
 Indian Councils Act, 1861, the Governor-Gen- 
 eral in Council, the Governors in Council of 
 Fort Saint George and Bombay respectively, 
 and the Lieutenant-Governor or Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor in Council of every province, shall make: 
 rules authorising at any meeting of their re- 
 spective legislative councils the discussion of 
 the annual financial statement of the Governor- 
 General in Council or of their respective local 
 governments, as the case may be, and of any 
 matter of general public interest, and the ask- 
 ing of questions, under such conditions and 
 restrictions as may be prescribed in the rules 
 applicable to the several councils. 
 
 “ (2) Such rules as aforesaid may provide for 
 the appointment of a member of any such coun- 
 cil to preside at any such discussion in the place 
 of the Governor-General, Governor, or Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor, as the case may be, and of any 
 Vice-President. 
 
 “(3) Rules under this section, where made by 
 a Governor in Council, or by a Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor, or a Lieutenant-Governor in Council, shall 
 be subject to the sanction of the Governor-Gen- 
 eral in Council, and where made by the Governor- 
 General in Coimcil shall be subject to the sanc- 
 tion of the Secretary of State in Council, and 
 shall not be subject to alteration or amendment 
 by the Legislative Council of the Governor- 
 General, Governor, or Lieutenant-Governor. 
 
 “ 6 . The Governor-General in Council shall, 
 subject to the approval of the Secretary of State 
 in Council, make regulations as to the condi- 
 tions under which and manner in which persons 
 resident in India may be nominated or elected 
 as members of the Legislative Councils of the 
 Governor-General, Governors, and Lieutenant- 
 Governors, and as to the qualifications for being, 
 and for being nominated or elected, a member 
 of any such council, and as to any other matter 
 for which regulations are authorised to be made 
 under this Act, and also as to the manner in 
 which those regulations are to be carried into 
 effect. Regulations under this section shall not 
 be subject to alteration or amendment by the 
 Legislative Council of the Governor-General. 
 
 “ 7 . All proclamations, regulations and rules 
 made under this Act, other than rules made by 
 a Lieutenant-Governor for the more convenient 
 
 323 
 
INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 INDIA, 1908-1909 
 
 transaction of business in his council, shall be 
 laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as 
 may be after they are made.” 
 
 FIRST SCHEDULE. 
 
 MAXIMUM NUMBERS OF NOMINATED AND ELECTED 
 MEMBERS OF LEGISLATIVE COUNCILS. 
 
 Maximum 
 
 Legislative Council. Number. 
 
 Legislative Council of the Governor-General 60 
 Legislative Council of the Governor of Fort 
 
 Saint George 50 
 
 Legislative Council of the Governor of Bom- 
 bay 50 
 
 Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor of the Bengal division of the Presi- 
 dency of Fort William 50 
 
 Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor of the United Provinces of Agra and 
 
 Oudh 50 
 
 Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor of the Province of Eastern Bengal 
 
 and Assam . . 50 
 
 Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor of the Province of the Punjab ... 30 
 
 Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor of the Province of Burma 30 
 
 Legislative Council of the Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor of any Province which may hereafter 
 be constituted 30 
 
 As will be seen, the Act only conveys in out- 
 line to the Government of India the authority 
 needed for introducing the intended reforms, 
 leaving all constructive details to be filled out 
 by the latter in regulations and rules. Six months 
 were occupied in that task by the Indian Gov- 
 ernment, and the resulting prescriptions were 
 published on November 15th, in a document fill- 
 ing 450 pages of print. The following is a sum- 
 mary of them, communicated to The Times by 
 its Calcutta correspondent : 
 
 “ They comprise, first, a short notice bringing 
 the new Councils Act into force; secondly, the 
 rules and regulations for guiding the constitu- 
 tion of the enlarged Imperial and Provincial 
 Councils, with election rules; thirdly, rules for 
 the discussion of the annual financial statement 
 and general resolutions and for the asking of 
 questions ; and, fourthly, a Government resolu- 
 tion explaining the reasons for the changes made 
 and their main details. 
 
 “The resolution shows that the Imperial 
 Council will consist of 68 members, while the 
 number of members in each of the Provincial 
 Councils will be as follows: — Bengal, 51; 
 Madras and Bombay, each 48 ; the United 
 Provinces, 49; Eastern Bengal and Assam, 43; 
 the Punjab, 27; and Burma, 18. 
 
 “The Viceroy’s Council has an official ma- 
 jority of three, while all the Provincial Councils 
 have non-official majorities, ranging from 14 in 
 Bengal to three in Burma. In the Viceroy’s 
 Council the Mahomedans will have in the first 
 Council six members elected by purely Ma- 
 homedan electorates, and will also presumably 
 get seats in Sind and the Punjab, as the resolu- 
 tion says that a representative of the Bombay 
 landholders on the Imperial Council will be 
 elected at the first, third, and subsequent alter- 
 nate elections by the Sind landholders, the great 
 majority of whom are Mahomedan, and at the 
 other elections by the Sirdars of Gujarat and the 
 Deccan, the majority of whom are Hindus. 
 
 “Again, the Punjab landholders consist 
 equally of Mahomedans and non-Maliomedans, 
 and presumably a Mahomedan will be alter- 
 nately chosen. Accordingly, it has been de- 
 
 cided that at the second, fourth, and alternate 
 elections, when these two seats shall not be held 
 by Mahomedans, there shall be two special elec- 
 torates consisting of Mahomedan landholders 
 who are entitled to vote for the member repre- 
 senting them in the Imperial Council, and the 
 landowners of the United Provinces and of East- 
 ern Bengal and Assam respectively. The Bom- 
 bay Mahomedan member of the Imperial Coun- 
 cil will be elected by the non-official Mahomedan 
 members of the Provincial Council. 
 
 “The tea and jute industries get five mem- 
 bers on the Provincial Councils of the Bengals 
 and Madras. 
 
 “All members are required to take the oath 
 of allegiance to the Crown before sitting on 
 any of the Councils, and no person is eligible 
 for election if the Imperial or a Provincial Gov- 
 ernment is of opinion that his election would 
 be contrary to public interest. This provision 
 takes the place of the old power to reject mem- 
 bers selected by the electorate. 
 
 “ The examination of the annual financial pro- 
 posals is divided into three parts. The first 
 allows a chance for discussing any alteration in 
 taxation and any new loan or grant to a local 
 Government. Under the second any head of 
 revenue or expenditure will be explained by the 
 member in charge of the Department concerned 
 and any resolution may be moved, and at the 
 third stage the Finance Minister presents his 
 budget and explains why any resolutions will 
 not be accepted, a general discussion follow- 
 ing. 
 
 “The resolution concludes as follows : 
 
 “The new Provincial Councils will assemble 
 early in January and the Imperial Council in the 
 course of that month. . . . 
 
 “‘The maximum strength of the Councils 
 was 126 ; it is now 370. There are now 135 
 elected members against 39, while an elected 
 member will sit as of right, needing no official 
 confirmation. The functions of the Councils are 
 greatly enlarged. Members can demand further 
 information in reply to formal answers and 
 discussion will be allowed on all matters of 
 public interest. They will also in future be en- 
 tiled to take a real and active part in shaping 
 financial proposals. They will have liberal op- 
 portunity to criticize and to initiate and suggest 
 definite resolutions. ' ” 
 
 As operative at the center of discontent, in 
 Bengal, an unfortunate defect in the regulations 
 was soon discovered, which made trouble at 
 once. It was reported to The Times as follows : 
 “The regulations for the election of the new 
 Councils have produced a political situation here 
 which will be scarcely intelligible to those who 
 are not acquainted with the peculiarities of the 
 Bengali character. The educated classes in Cal 
 cutta were in despair when they discovered that 
 the rules virtually excluded their leaders, and 
 the more extreme men seized the opportunity 
 of advocating a boycott of the reforms. Sir Ed- 
 ward Baker, however, promptly recognized that 
 the regulations required modification. The rule 
 which restricted the candidates for the repre- 
 sentation of district boards and municipalities 
 to present members of these bodies was at once 
 altered so as to include those who had at any 
 time served for three years on a local authority. 
 The effect of this concession was to render eli 
 gible many previously excluded. Further, when 
 
 324 
 
INDIA, 1909 
 
 INSURANCE 
 
 it was pointed out that Mr. Surendranath Baner- 
 jee was shut out by the rule disqualifying dis- 
 missed Government servants, Sir Edward Baker 
 spontaneously intimated to the Bengali leader 
 that he was exempted from the operation of this 
 regulation. But, in spite of these conciliatory 
 steps, pressure is being put on Mr. Banerjee to 
 refuse to stand, apparently on the ground that, 
 as many of the well-known Moderates are still 
 ineligible, it is incumbent on Mr. Banerjee to 
 refuse his services to his country rather than 
 weaken the force of a united protest.” — These 
 persuasions had success. Mr. Banerjee refused 
 to be a candidate. 
 
 The following report from Dacca, Dec. 29, in- 
 dicates the result: ‘‘The Council elections for 
 Eastern Bengal are not yet complete. They 
 show, however, a marked preponderance of Ma- 
 homedan representation, due to the deliberate 
 abstention of the Hindu electorate. This absten- 
 tion has been worked from Calcutta in accord- 
 ance with the manifesto issued by the Bengali 
 leaders. It is very noticeable among the Ze- 
 mindar voters, who are mainly Hindu. The idea 
 is that the Government will nominate Hindu 
 representatives and will thus defeat the object 
 of the Reform Scheme.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July). —Assassination in Lon- 
 don of Sir W. Curzon-Wyllie by an Indian 
 Anarchist. — The virulence of the hostility in 
 India to British rule, as developed in schools of 
 anarchism and terrorism, was shown startlingly 
 to England on the 1st of July, 1909, when Lieu- 
 tenant-Colonel Sir William Curzon-Wyllie and 
 Dr. Cawas-Lalcaca, a Parsee, were shot dead 
 by an Indian student, at the close of a reception 
 held in the Imperial Institute at London. Sir 
 Curzon-Wyllie, formerly of the Indian Staff 
 Corps, had been serving since 1901 as political 
 aide-de-camp to the Secretary of State for India, 
 at London. The reception at which he was as- 
 
 sassinated was one of the evenings “ At Home” 
 of the National Indian Association, held mainly 
 for the purpose of giving the many young In- 
 dians residing temporarily in England an op- 
 portunity for social intercourse with friendly 
 English people. The assassin, a student named 
 Dhinagri, came as a guest. His brother, a doc- 
 tor in Calcutta, hearing that he had been coming 
 under anarchist influences, had asked Sir Curzon- 
 Wyllie some time before to talk with him, and 
 that gentleman had done so, with no effect ap- 
 parently, but to rouse his resentment. The 
 motive of the crime, however, appears to have 
 been wholly in the desire to make a display of 
 “ patriotism ” and to achieve distinction as a 
 martyr to the cause of liberty for India. The 
 victim might easily have been some other. Sir 
 Curzon-Wyllie was leaving the place when he 
 paused to speak to Dhinagri, and received two 
 deadly bullets at close range, in the face. Dr. 
 Lalcaca, who stood near, rushed forward to in- 
 tervene, and the pistol was turned on him. Others 
 seized the assassin before he could do more. 
 
 When tried and convicted, on the 23d of July, 
 and asked if he had anything to say, Dhinagri 
 replied angrily: “ I have told you over and over 
 again that I do not acknowledge the authority 
 of the Court. You can do whatever you like. 
 I do not mind at all. You can pass sentence of 
 death on me. I do not care, but remember that 
 one day we shall be all powerful, and then we 
 can do what we like. That is all I want to say.” 
 On being sentenced to death, the prisoner, mak- 
 ing an Oriental salute to the Judge, said, — 
 ‘ ‘ Thank you, my Lord. I don ’t care. I am proud 
 to have the honour of laying down my life for 
 the cause of my country.” 
 
 The family of Dhinagri, in India, employed 
 counsel to attend his trial, who announced to the 
 court that they viewed his crime with the great- 
 est abhorrence. 
 
 INDIAN (EAST) IMMIGRATION: The 
 resistance to it in South Africa, Australia, 
 and elsewhere. (See in this vol.) Race Prob- 
 lems. 
 
 INDIAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, The. 
 See (in this vol.) India : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 INDIAN TERRITORY. — United with 
 Oklahoma to form the State of Oklahoma. 
 
 See (in this vol.) United States . A. D. 1906 
 (June). 
 
 INDIANS, The American: End of the 
 T ribal Autonomy of the Five Civilized T ribes. 
 — The last of the proceedings for ending the 
 autonomy of the Five Civilized Tribes (see, in 
 Yol. VI., Indians, American: A. D. 1893-1899), 
 making them citizens of the United States, and 
 dividing their tribal lands among them indi- 
 vidually, was finished in the summer of 1902, by 
 the Cherokee Council, which ratified agreements 
 already accepted by the other four tribes. 
 
 According to Mr. William Dudley Foulke, who 
 investigated the circumstances, the Creek nation 
 has suffered grievous frauds in the final settle- 
 ment of their land affairs, by the operation of 
 the Curtis Act, in the matter of the sale of town 
 sites. Mr. Foulke’s account of the case is given in 
 an article entitled “Despoiling a Nation,” pub- 
 lished in The Outlook, January 2, 1908. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION. See 
 Labor. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (capi- 
 
 talistic). See (in this vol.) Combinations, 
 Industrial. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS (of the 
 employed). See Labor. 
 
 INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION (United 
 States), of 1898-1902: On the Sherman Anti- 
 Trust Act, of 1898, applied to Railroads. 
 See (in this vol.) Railways: United States: 
 A. D. 1890-1902. 
 
 On Hours of Labor. See same, A. D. 1902. 
 INDUSTRIAL TRAINING. See Educa- 
 tion. 
 
 INHERITANCE TAX : Defeated Propo- 
 sal in Germany. See (in this vol.) Germany: 
 A. D. 1908-1909 ; also, Death Duties. 
 
 INITIATIVE. See (in this vol.) Referen- 
 dum. 
 
 INJUNCTIONS, in Labor Disputes. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Law and its Courts: United 
 States. 
 
 INLAND WATERWAYS COMMIS- 
 SION. See (in this vol.) Conservation of 
 Natural Resources : United States. 
 
 INMEDIATISTAS. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907. 
 
 INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL 
 RIGHT, The. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 INSURANCE, against Unemployment. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Poverty, Problems of : 
 Unemployment; Germany. 
 
 325 
 
INSURANCE 
 
 INSURANCE 
 
 INSURANCE, Industrial. See Labor Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 INSURANCE, Life: The Legislative In- 
 vestigation of Companies doing business in 
 the State of New York, in 1905. — Startling 
 Disclosures of Vicious Management in the 
 greater organizations, and of Perfunctory 
 State Superintendence. — Report and Re- 
 commendations of the Committee. — Re- 
 medial Legislation. — A conflict in the Board 
 of Directors of the Equitable Life Assurance 
 Society of New York, which came to public 
 knowledge in February, 1905, afforded the be- 
 ginning of exciting revelations, as to practices 
 and conditions in the management of the stu- 
 pendous organizations of life insurance that are 
 centered in New York City. 
 
 The Equitable Society was founded in 1859 
 by Henry B. Hyde as a stock company, with a 
 capital of $100,000, in 1000 shares, and neither 
 its legal constitution nor its capital had been 
 changed ; but its assets at the end of the year 
 1904, according to its statement, had grown to 
 the enormous total of $412,438,380, and it held 
 a surplus over liabilities of $80,394,861. This 
 prodigious fund had come under the control of 
 the holders of the small capital stock of the 
 company- — $100,000; and practically it was 
 controlled by one stockholder, James Hazen 
 Hyde, son of the deceased founder, who had in- 
 herited a majority of the shares. By the Charter 
 of the Society, its stockholders were entitled 
 to semi-annual dividends at a rate not exceeding 
 3 1-2 per cent., and its business was to be con- 
 ducted on the mutual plan : that is, earnings and 
 receipts above dividends, losses and expenses 
 were to be accumulated and policy holders 
 were to be cre'dited with equitable shares of the 
 net surplus, after sufficient deduction to cover 
 outstanding risks and other obligations. Never- 
 theless, the opportunities for personal enrich- 
 ment, afforded by the controlling of the great 
 floods of money poured into its coffers had been 
 found to be immense. 
 
 James Hazen Hyde, inheritor of the majority 
 of stock, was Vice President of the company. 
 Under the terms of his father’s will he had not 
 yet come into personal possession of his inher- 
 itance, but would do so in a short time. The 
 President of the company, James Alexander, ap- 
 pears to have become anxious as to the use the 
 young man would make of the power of that 
 possession when it came to him, and he entered 
 on a movement toward changing the organiza- 
 tion of the Equitable Society, to make it a mu- 
 tual institution in reality, by securing to the 
 policy holders a voice in the election of direc- 
 tors, leaving their board no longer a body to be 
 chosen by a single man. This movement became 
 necessarily public, and the situation in the com- 
 pany was exposed to public knowledge in a sud- 
 den and startling way. Flood-gates of discussion 
 were opened and questions started which ran 
 from the Equitable to other mammoths of life 
 insurance organization that had grown up. 
 Facts came to light which showed the magni- 
 tude of financial power they had drawn into 
 small circles of men and families, and the ex- 
 travagance of compensation appropriated to 
 themselves by some of these self-appointed and 
 self-perpetuated administrators of life insurance 
 funds. Such disclosures became the sensation, 
 not merely of a day, but of months. 
 
 At the outset of the undertaking of President 
 Alexander to reform the constitution of the 
 Equitable, Vice-President Hyde was able easily 
 to defeat his movement and make good his own 
 mastery of the board of directors ; but as the 
 public became a party to the controversy, more 
 and more, it bore down Mr. Hyde. In April 
 the directors were constrained to appoint a com- 
 mittee to investigate and report on “the present 
 management of the society.” The committee, 
 composed of H. C. Frick, E. H. Harriman, 
 Brayton Ives, Cornelius N. Bliss, and M. E. 
 Ingalls, made a report on the 2d of June which 
 was a deadly indictment of the society, on 
 many counts, — for “excessive salaries, excess- 
 ive commissions, excessive expenses, superfluous 
 offices,” and a “ general looseness in the admin- 
 istration of its affairs.” Mr. Hyde and his board 
 made a show of disputing the findings of the 
 committee and rejecting its recommendations, 
 but the atmospheric pressure from outside 
 proved irresistible, and they gave way to it. 
 Mr. Hyde sold his 502 shares of stock to Thomas 
 F. Ryan for $2,500,000 cash, Mr. Ryan making 
 it a condition of the purchase that the Hon. 
 Paul Morton, formerly prominent in railway ad- 
 ministration and lately Secretary of the Navy 
 in President Roosevelt’s cabinet, should be 
 chairman of the Equitable board of directors 
 and should have a free hand in reorganizing its 
 management. Mr. Ryan then, on the 15th of 
 June, placed the shares in a voting trust, com- 
 posed of ex-President Grover Cleveland, Justice 
 Morgan J. O’Brien, and George Westinghouse. 
 The deed of transfer to these trustees empow- 
 ered them to carry out a plan of mutualization, 
 to the end that the society’s policy holders 
 should elect a majority of the directors in its 
 board. 
 
 The Equitable Life Assurance Society was 
 now in a fair way to be placed on a footing 
 that would justify its name; but the events 
 which accomplished this had created an impera- 
 tive demand for thorough proceedings of law, 
 to reform and regulate the whole system under 
 which the profoundly serious obligations and 
 responsibilities of life insurance are fulfilled. 
 The first step to that end was taken by the 
 Legislature of the State of New York on the 
 20th of July, 1905, when it appointed a joint 
 committee of the Senate and Assembly and 
 directed the committee “to investigate and 
 examine into the business and affairs of life in- 
 surance companies doing business in the State 
 of New York, with reference to the investments 
 of said companies, the relation of the officers 
 thereof to such investments, the relation of such 
 companies to subsidiary corporations, the gov- 
 ernment and control of said companies, the 
 contractual relations of said companies to their 
 policy holders, the cost of life insurance, the 
 expenses of said companies, and any other 
 phase of the life insurance business deemed by 
 the committee to be proper, for the purpose of 
 drafting and reporting to the next session of the 
 Legislature such a revision of the laws regulat- 
 ing and relating to life insurance in this State 
 as said committee may deem proper.” 
 
 This most notable investigating committee 
 was composed of Senators William W. Arm- 
 strong, William J. Tully, D. J. Riordan, and As 
 semblymen James T. Rogers, W. W. Wemple, 
 Ezra P. Prentice, John McKeown. It was or- 
 
INSURANCE 
 
 INSURANCE 
 
 ganized on the 1st of August, with Senator 
 Armstrong as its chairman, and opened public 
 hearings on the 5th of September following, 
 having engaged for its counsel Messrs. Charles 
 E. Hughes and James McKeen. Mr. Hughes 
 was little known to the public at large when he 
 accepted the duty of conducting this investi- 
 gation. It revealed him to the State and the 
 Nation, and was the fortunate introduction to 
 public life of a man of rare nobility in character 
 and of remarkable powers. 
 
 Eighteen insurance companies doing business 
 in New York were subjected to investigation ; 
 but interest in the proceeding was centered with 
 intensity on the probing of the affairs of a few 
 of the greater institutions, such as the Equi- 
 table, the Mutual Life, the New York Life, the 
 Prudential, and the Metropolitan. The disclos- 
 ures were rich in sensation ; a few only can be 
 noted here. As to salaries, for example : in the 
 Equitable, the late Henry B. Hyde and his suc- 
 cessor, Mr. Alexander, as presidents, had re- 
 ceived $75,000 per annum in the early years and 
 $100,000 in the later years of their terms. James 
 H. Hyde, graduated from college ^n 1898 and 
 made vice-president the next year, on his father’s 
 death, received in the first year $25,000, in the 
 next two years $30,000, in his fourth year $75,- 
 000, and thereafter $100,000. Second vice-presi- 
 dents were paid as high as $50,000 per annum ; 
 third vice-presidents as high as $40,000; fourth 
 vice-presidents as high as $30,000. Salaries of 
 secretaries and comptrollers had run up to $25,- 
 000 and $30,000. Thirteen executive officers in 
 the society whose salaries aggregated $297,600 
 in 1900, were drawing $448,500 in 1905. 
 
 Executive officers in the Mutual Life sur- 
 passed even this experience of bounty. The 
 president’s salary had been $30,000 from 1877 to 
 1885, $50,000 from 1886 to 1892, then raised to 
 $75,000 in 1893, to $90,000 in 1895, to $100,000 
 in 1896, and to $150,000 in 1901. Richard A. 
 McCurdy had been president for twenty years 
 and vice-president for the preceding twenty. 
 The vice-president’s salary had grown from 
 $20,000 in 1877 to $50,000 in 1902; the trea- 
 surer’s had been $40,000 since 1896. 
 
 In the New York Life the salary of the presi- 
 dent, John A. McCall, had stopped its increment 
 at $100,000, which it reached in 1901. The second 
 vice-president’s salary went to $75,000 the same 
 year. The total salaries of executive officers were 
 raised from $149,000 in 1893 to $322,000 in 1905. 
 
 Agency commissions were sometimes richer 
 sources of income than the fixed salaries of these 
 generous companies. In the Mutual Life Com- 
 pany, the president’s son, Robert H. McCurdy, 
 had an interest in the general agency of the com- 
 pany for New York City from which he drew 
 $530,788 between 1889 and 1904; besides which, 
 as superintendent of the foreign department of 
 the company, he was paid commissions on its 
 foreign business which yielded him $1,268,390 
 between 1886 and 1905 ; some part of which 
 commissions, however (to an amount not ascer- 
 tained), were shared by him with his partner in 
 the New York City agency. The total net profits 
 of that metropolitan agency, — in which the 
 president’s son-in-law was likewise a partner, — 
 were found by the investigating committee to 
 have been $2,389,123 in the twelve years 1893- 
 1904. 
 
 These, however, were not the worst, in their 
 
 moral implications, of the disclosures that re- 
 sulted from the search light brought to bear on 
 the administration of certain life insurance com- 
 panies by the Legislative Committee and Mr. 
 Hughes. A startling share of the prodigal expend- 
 itures of some boards, from the excessive profits 
 of their business, went secretly, with no acount- 
 ing, to undiscoverable purposes, which were pur- 
 poses, of course, that would not bear questioning. 
 The following, from the report of the investigat- 
 ing Committee on the Mutual Life Company, is 
 indicative of the glimpses given of foul uses to 
 which the funds of that company were applied. 
 “ For a considerable period,” says the report, “it 
 has been the practice for the Committee on Ex- 
 penditures to authorize the payment to its chair- 
 man of $25,000 every few months, or from 
 $75,000 to $100,000 a year, upon the request of 
 one of the executive officers. The persons to 
 whom the moneys were to be paid by the com- 
 pany, or the services, if any, for which the pay- 
 ment was to be made, were not known to the 
 committee, and the only voucher was the receipt 
 of the chairman of the committee who received 
 and paid over the money in cash. There was no 
 reason for this practice save to conceal the pur- 
 poses for which the moneys were used, and it ob- 
 viously facilitated improper payments. 
 
 “ There were also a large number of payments 
 charged to legal expenses which were made upon 
 the recommendation of one Andrew C. Fields, 
 who for many years was the head of the ‘ Supply 
 Department.’ He was in actual charge of and 
 gave a large part of his time to matters of legis- 
 lation. For many years the company maintained 
 under his care a house at Albany, and through 
 him and his agents a close watch was kept upon 
 the proceedings of the Legislature. The rent 
 of this house, the supplies there consumed, and 
 the wages of the cook and other servants, were 
 charged to ‘legal expenses.’ Fields left for 
 parts unknown soon after the Committee began 
 its hearings and it has not been able to procure 
 his testimony. It appears, however, that he 
 acted also for the Equitable, and from their 
 records have been produced a series of memo- 
 randa of instructions sent Fields by Thomas 
 D. Jordan, its comptroller, whose whereabouts 
 the Committee has been unable to ascertain, al- 
 though it has made diligent effort to do so.” 
 
 The Committee quotes extensively from these 
 memoranda of “ T. D. J.,” who instructs his Al- 
 bany lobbyist what bills the latter is to “kill,” 
 and what he is to support. There are depths 
 of corruption suggested by this story of the hos- 
 pitable Andrew Fields, the vigilant Thomas D. 
 Jordan, their “legal expenses” for hospitable 
 house-keeping at Albany, and the sudden van- 
 ishment of both when Mr. Hughes began to do 
 his questioning; but the depths are left un- 
 fathomed, because the Committee found no 
 sounding line. 
 
 “The testimony taken by the committee,” 
 says their report, “makes it abundantly clear 
 that the large insurance companies systemati- 
 cally attempted to control legislation in this and 
 other States which could affect their interests, 
 directly or indirectly, and that in this effort 
 Fields, who concerned himself mainly with this 
 State, played a most important role. The three 
 companies [Mutual, New York Life, and Equi- 
 table] divided the country, outside of New York 
 and a few other States, so as to avoid a waste 
 
 327 
 
INSURANCE 
 
 INSURANCE 
 
 of effort, each looking after legislation in its 
 chosen district and bearing its appropriate part 
 of the total expense.” The so-called “legal ex- 
 penses ” of the Mutual in seven ’ years, 1898- 
 
 1904, exceeded two millions of dollars. "In 
 1904 they amounted to $364,254.95, while those 
 of the New York Life and Equitable for the 
 same year were $172,698.42 and $204,019.25 re- 
 spectively.” 
 
 The New York Life employed one Andrew 
 Hamilton to give attention to matters of legisla- 
 tion throughout the country, and the company 
 was found to have paid him no less than $1,167,- 
 697 for “legal expenses,” between 1895 and 
 
 1905, no vouchers being filed beyond Hamilton’s 
 receipt. And these “legal expenses were in 
 addition to all the ordinary outlays in connec- 
 tion with suits or legal proceedings or the work 
 of the legal department of the company.” 
 
 In the accounts of the Equitable, “among 
 the disbursements charged to legal expenses ap- 
 pear annual retainers of $20,000 paid Chauncey 
 M. Depew [United States Senator from New 
 York] and $5000 (for one year — 1900 — $7500) to 
 David B. Hill. Mr. Depew testifies . . . that his 
 services consisted of advising the late Mr. Hyde 
 in regard to matters of investment, settlement 
 of controversies and troublesome questions of 
 various sorts. . . . During this time Mr. Depew 
 was a director and member of the Executive 
 Committee. The testimony as to the services is 
 very general, and it does not appear,” says the 
 committee, “that outside of those which the so- 
 ciety was fairly entitled to receive from him as 
 a director, the services were such as to warrant 
 the payments made. . . . The Equitable con- 
 tributed to the Republican National Committee 
 $50,000 in 1904; undoubtedly contributions were 
 made in prior national campaigns, but their 
 amount has not been stated. For many years 
 the society has made an annual contribution of 
 $10,000 to the Republican State Committee 
 through Senator Platt.” Senator Platt was a 
 collector, also, of similar contributions from the 
 Mutual Life, and that company gave $40,000 to 
 the Republican National Committee in 1904, as 
 well as smaller sums in previous years. 
 
 Of the management in these great companies 
 of the enormous surplus of profit, which even 
 their inordinate self-appropriations left in their 
 keeping, no clear account could be given here. 
 It is set forth in the Committee’s report by ex- 
 amples of investments, in stocks, bonds, and 
 real property, so conducted, through subsidiary 
 organizations, etc., as to yield a personal profit 
 to the skilful financiers within the life insur- 
 ance circle. The details which make the matter 
 plain cannot be abridged and require more space 
 than can be afforded in this place. 
 
 From the investigation of the life insurance 
 companies the Committee and its counsel passed 
 to the State Department which was instituted 
 to scrutinize and supervise these organizations, 
 for the detection and prevention of such abuses 
 in their management as had now come to light. 
 Their findings in this direction were stated partly 
 as follows: 
 
 “It would seem that the Superintendent [of 
 Insurance] has had ample power, and has been 
 charged with the correlative duty, to inquire 
 into and to ascertain the transactions of insur- 
 ance companies, to the end that abuses may be 
 exposed and correct administration assured. The 
 
 scheme by which the superintendent may re- 
 quire detailed written statements duly verified, 
 as to any matter of corporate business and may 
 supplement these statements by an examination 
 of the company’s books and of the officers and 
 agents under oath, would appear well calculated 
 to prevent the secret growth of improper prac- 
 tices. Not only through the visitorial powers 
 of the superintendent were a wholesale publi- 
 city and the consequent enforcement of the law 
 to be assured, but the superintendent was also 
 charged with the duty of recommending to the 
 Legislature annually such amendments to the 
 law as in his judgment were needed to correct 
 evils found to be without the purview of exist- 
 ing statutes. 
 
 ‘ ‘ But the supervision by the department has 
 not proved a sufficient protection against extrav- 
 agance and maladministration. Annual state- 
 ments from the corporations have been received, 
 filed and published, but in many particulars 
 without sufficient detail to exhibit the real ef- 
 ficiency of honesty of the management. Nor 
 has there been suitable effort upon the facts 
 actually reported to detect and expose evasions 
 of departmental requirements and the resort to 
 artifice and double dealing in order to avoid a 
 true disclosure of the companies’ affairs. For 
 the most part a critical examination of the re- 
 ports so made seems to have been neglected, 
 and the verification of the annual statements 
 has been left to examinations conducted at ir- 
 regular intervals. No rule seems to have been 
 adopted with reference to the frequency of ex- 
 aminations. Thus the Security Mutual Insur- 
 ance Company has been examined four times 
 since its reincorporation in 1898, at its request 
 and apparently with no other object than to en- 
 able it to use the department’s certificate in 
 support of its annual statement, while the Prov- 
 ident Savings Life Assurance Society has been 
 examined only once in the past ten years (1897) 
 and it would seem that this was the only exam- 
 ination in its history. The Metropolitan Life 
 Insurance Company has also been examined 
 only once during ten years, that is, in 1900. The 
 advisability of frequent examinations is suffi- 
 ciently illustrated by the case of the Washing- 
 ton Life Insurance Company, where it appeared 
 on the examination in 1904 that during the in- 
 terval of four years since the prior examination 
 it had, in at least two annual statements, de- 
 ceived the department by glaringly false returns 
 of its existing liabilities, and that instead of hav- 
 ing an alleged surplus of considerable amount 
 its capital was seriously impaired. In connec- 
 tion with this company it may be noted that a 
 more careful scrutiny of the reports to the de- 
 partment of lapsed and restored policies would 
 have led at an earlier date to the investigation 
 which appears finally to have been induced by 
 outside criticism.” 
 
 As to remedial legislation, the main recom- 
 mendations of the Committee were in substance 
 these : (1) Investments in stocks of banks and 
 trust companies, in the common stock of any 
 corporation, in syndicate participations, and in 
 speculative bonds, to be forbidden. (2) No 
 political contributions or lobby expenditures to 
 be permitted. (3) Full publicity regarding sala- 
 ries and expenses. (4) New business of the “ big 
 three” companies restricted to $150,000,000 a 
 year each, and the business of other companies 
 
 328 
 
INSURANCE 
 
 INVENTORY 
 
 limited. (5) Agents’ commissions to be based on 
 the amount of the policy and not on the amount 
 of the premium. (6) Only four kinds of 
 standard policies to be permitted — term, straight 
 life, limited payment and endowment. (7) In- 
 vestment policies to be discouraged and deferred 
 dividends forbidden. (8) All dividends on par- 
 ticipating policies to be apportioned annually. 
 (9) No company to be permitted to sell both 
 participating and non-participating policies. (10) 
 The present trustees of mutual companies to be 
 removed. New ones to be elected under a sys- 
 tem whereby the policy-holders really elect. 
 
 The Committee presented the elaborate re- 
 port of its investigation to the Legislature on 
 the 22d of February, 1906, and its recommenda- 
 tions were embodied for the most part in an 
 enactment, the drafting of which, to a large ex- 
 tent, was the careful work of Mr. Hughes, the 
 master mind of the whole proceeding of inves- 
 tigation. 
 
 The statements made above are drawn en- 
 tirely from the Committee’s Report, as pub- 
 lished in volume 10 of the printed testimony and 
 report. — Assembly Document No. 41, State of 
 New York, 1906. 
 
 “INTELLECTUALS.” See (in this vol.) 
 Socialism : France : A. D. 1909. 
 
 INTELLIGENZIA, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 INTEMPERANCE. See (in this vol. ) Al- 
 cohol Problem. 
 
 INTERFEROMETER, Professor Mi- 
 chelsen’s. See (in this vol.) Science and In- 
 vention, Recent. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL AGREEMENTS. 
 
 See Europe. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION. 
 
 See War, The Revolt against, and Arbitra- 
 tion, International. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL BARBARISM. See 
 (in this vol.) War, The Preparations for. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF THE 
 AMERICAN REPUBLICS. See (in this 
 vol.) American Republics. 
 
 Resolution of the Third International Con- 
 ference of American Republics. See Ameri- 
 can Republics. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE 
 OF AMERICAN REPUBLICS, Second and 
 Third. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF 
 ARTS AND SCIENCES. See (in this vol.) 
 St. Louis. A. D. 1904. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON 
 ALCOHOLISM. See (in this vol.) Alcohol 
 Problem : International. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL CONGRESSES, of 
 Science. See (in this vol.) Science and Inven- 
 tion. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL OF 
 WOMEN. See (in this vol.) Women. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUS- 
 TICE, Central American. See (in this vol.) 
 Central America: A. D. 1907. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL FISHERIES COM- 
 MISSION, United States and Canada. See 
 (in this vol. ) Food Fishes. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC 
 CONGRESS. See (in this vol.) Geographic 
 Congress. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER 
 COMPANY : Profit-sharing with Employ- 
 ees. See (in this vol.) Labor Remuneration: 
 Profit-sharing. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF 
 AGRICULTURE. See Agriculture. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL INTER- 
 CHANGES, Educational. See (in this vol.) 
 Education : International Interchanges. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL LAW: Convention 
 providing for a Commission of Jurists to 
 draft a Code for Regulation of Relations be- 
 tween American Nations. See (in this vol.) 
 American Republics: Third International 
 Conference. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL MERCANTILE 
 MARINE COMPANY, Formation of the. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial 
 (International). 
 
 INTERNATIONAL PEACE CON- 
 GRESSES. See (in this vol.) War, The Re- 
 volt against : A. D. 1904. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL RAILWAY CON- 
 GRESS. See (in this vol.) Railways: United 
 States: A. t). 1905. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL RIGHT, The Insti- 
 tute of. See (in this vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL OF 
 PEACE. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1909. 
 
 INTERNATIONAL WOMAN SUF- 
 FRAGE ALLIANCE. See Elective Fran- 
 chise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 INTERNATIONALISM, superseding 
 Nationalism. See (in this vol.) World Move- 
 ments : Fichte’s Prophecy. 
 
 INTEROCEANIC CANAL. See Panama 
 Canal. 
 
 INTERPARLIAMENTARY UNION, 
 The. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 INTERSTATE COMMERCE ACT, and 
 Commission. See (in this vol.) Railways: 
 United States ; also, Combinations, Indus- 
 trial: United States. 
 
 INTERSTATE COMMERCE COM- 
 MISSION. — On the passage, in 1906, of the 
 Hepburn Act, amendatory of the Interstate 
 Commerce Law, the Commission was recon- 
 structed by fresh appointments, in making 
 which the President retained Messrs. Knapp, of 
 New York, Prouty, of Vermont, Clements, of 
 Georgia, and Cockrell, of Missouri. His new 
 appointees were Franklin K. Lane, of Califor- 
 nia, Edgar Erastus Clark, of Iowa, and James 
 S. Harlan, of Illinois. 
 
 INTOXICANTS, Problems of the. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Alcohol Problem, and Opium 
 Problem. 
 
 INTRANSIGENTES. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907. 
 
 INVENTORY OF CHURCH PROPER- 
 TY, The French. See (in this vol.) France : 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 329 
 
IRELAND, 1870-1903 
 
 IRELAND, 1870-1903 
 
 IRELAND. 
 
 A. D. 1870-1903. — The Working of the 
 successive Land Laws. — The Act of 1903. 
 — Text of its main provisions. — The French 
 writer, L. Paul-Dubois, whose work, L’lrlande 
 Contemporaire, published in 1907, has appeared 
 since in an English translation, seems to have 
 made a very careful and intelligent study of the 
 working of the successive land-laws for Ireland, 
 intended to be beneficial to the tenants, which 
 began with that of Gladstone in 1870 (see, under 
 Ireland, in Yols. III. and VI. ofthiswork). Mr. 
 Gladstone, himself, in the Act of 1881, endeav- 
 ored to remedy the defects of the Act of 1870 ; 
 but M. Paul-Dubois finds that, while the later 
 Act “ brought and continues to bring immense 
 good to the country,” yet “the system estab- 
 lished by it is, as a matter of fact, no longer bear- 
 able for any one,” — for the reason that “the 
 first great characteristic of the Gladstonian legis- 
 lation is duality of ownership.” It is, as he ex- 
 plains, an unhealthy system, unsound both eco- 
 nomically and socially, — this dual ownership, 
 which turns the landlord and tenant into co- 
 proprietors of the soil. It paralyses agriculture 
 by preventing the investment of capital on either 
 side, and by destroying all interest of either land- 
 lord or tenant in the good farming of the land. 
 The landlord feels himself no longer called upon 
 to do anything for his property, and has no care 
 left but that of collecting his rents. The tenant, 
 on the other hand, refrains from making any im- 
 provement or advances that might cause his rent 
 to be raised at the next quindecennial revision; 
 the land is thus starved of both labor and capital. 
 We may add, also, that the new regime gives rise 
 to an infinity of ruinous lawsuits between the 
 co-owners. . . . For a quarter of a century there 
 has been only one class of men whose affairs have 
 prospered, namely, the solicitors. Their number 
 has increased by 30 per cent.” In his view of 
 the results, M. Paul-Dubois is sympathetic with 
 both landlords and tenants. But in his judgment 
 the tenants were not fairly dealt with under the 
 Gladstonian laws by the Land Commission or 
 by the courts. The courts, especially, in inter- 
 preting the Act of 1881, which left “fair rent” 
 undefined, established rulings which practically 
 nullified the intentions of the law, until, as this 
 writer expresses it, “the Act of 1896 brought the 
 Irish judges to reason.” 
 
 Eleven years before that time, however, a lit- 
 tle experiment was begun on the line of a true 
 solution of the Irish land question, namely, to- 
 ward the buying of the soil of the island from its 
 landlords and making its cultivators the owners 
 of it. This was in the Ashbourne Land Purchase 
 Act of 1885, which provided a fund of £5,000,000 
 for advances to be made to tenant purchasers, 
 with provision for the repayment of the loan in 
 forty-nine annuities. In 1889 this fund was 
 increased to £10,000,000. By 1891 the fund had 
 been exhausted, and “25,367 tenants had been 
 turned into owners of their farms. Its success 
 even alarmed some of the landlords, who began 
 to fear that the farmers would combine and 
 force them to sell their land. However this may 
 be,” says the French writer, “in 1891 the Con- 
 servative Government passed a new Act which, 
 under the pretence of regulating the progress 
 of the operation, complicated it to such an ex- 
 
 tent that the machine almost stopped working. 
 In 1896, by another Act, the existing evils were 
 slightly remedied, but only to an insufficient 
 extent. . . . Finally, in 1903, it was found that 
 imder the new system established in 1891 and 
 1896, only 38,251 tenants had been turned into 
 proprietors ; and at that same date the total 
 number of peasant owners created from first to 
 last had reached no higher figure than 73,917. 
 As Land Purchase was progressing more and 
 more slowly, it was felt that some new impulse 
 must be given to the machine. This was the 
 aim of the great Land Act of 1903.” — L. Paul- 
 Dubois, Contemporary Ireland, pt. 2, ch. 1-2 
 (Maunsel & Co., Dublin, 1908). 
 
 “ The Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903 was in 
 every respect epoch-making. It was preceded 
 by, and founded upon, the report of a conference 
 held between the representatives of landlord and 
 tenant in Dublin. The Landlords’ Convention, 
 the official representative of the landlord party, 
 held aloof and refused to join in the conference. 
 Typical landlords, such as the Duke of Aber- 
 corn, Lord Barrymore, and Colonel Saunderson, 
 refused to serve, ridiculing the project as ab- 
 surd and quixotic. Lord Dunraven led a saner 
 section of landlords, with the result that, after 
 a session of five days, the conference agreed to a 
 report, upon which the government acted. The 
 official landlords, seeing the reasonableness of 
 the findings and recognizing their own folly, 
 succumbed at once, and fell in with the general 
 tendency for settlement. Substantially, the Act 
 of 1903 accepted the principle of universal sale 
 of the landlord’s interest to the occupier. It ig- 
 nored legal compulsion. But it accepted what 
 was finely called the principle of compulsion by 
 inducement. It placed the sum of £100,000,000 
 ($500,000,000) at the disposal of landlord and 
 tenant for the purposes of the act. It went fur- 
 ther, — for it enacted that out of a fund called 
 the Land Purchase Aid Fund each landlord who 
 sold should receive a bonus (Latin for gift) of 12 
 per cent, on the purchase money. It appointed 
 a new tribunal to administer the Act. And to 
 this tribunal were given powers of re-settling 
 congested districts by the purchase of grass lands, 
 the enlargement of uneconomic holdings, and 
 the restoration of certain evicted tenants where 
 possible.” — Thomas W. Russell, M. P., The 
 Workings of the Irish Land Law ( American Re- 
 view of Reviews, Nov., 1905). 
 
 The following are among the important pro- 
 visions of the Land Act of 1903 ; 
 
 “ 1 . — (4) Notwithstanding any provisions to 
 the contrary contained in the Purchase of Land 
 (Ireland) Amendment Act, 1888, an advance may 
 be sanctioned under the provisions of the Land 
 Purchase Acts not exceeding the sum of seven 
 thousand pounds to one purchaser where, in the 
 opinion of the Land Commission, it is expedient 
 to make any such advance for the purpose of 
 carrying out the sale of a holding to which the 
 Land Law Acts apply. . . . 
 
 “ 2 . — (1) In the case of the sale of an estate 
 advances under the Land Purchase Acts may be 
 made for the purchase of parcels thereof by the 
 following persons : — (a) A person being the 
 tenant of a holding on the estate ; (b) A person 
 being the son of a tenant of a holding on the 
 
 330 
 
IRELAND, 1870-1903 
 
 IRELAND, 1893-1907 
 
 estate ; (c) A person being the tenant or proprie- 
 tor of a holding not exceeding five pounds in 
 rateable value, situate in the neighbourhood of 
 t he estate ; and (d) A person who within twenty- 
 five years before the passing of this Act was the 
 tenant of a holding to which the Land Law Acts 
 apply, and who is not at the date of the purchase 
 the tenant or proprietor of that holding. Provided 
 that in the case of the death of a person to whom 
 an advance under this paragraph might other- 
 wise have been made, the advance may be made, 
 to a person nominated by the Land Commission 
 as the personal representative of the deceased 
 person 
 
 “(2) Advances under this section shall not, 
 together with the amount (if any) of any previ- 
 ous advance under the Land Purchase Acts then 
 unrepaid by the purchaser, exceed one thousand 
 pounds : 
 
 “Provided that the limitation in this subsec- 
 tion may, subject to the other limitations in the 
 Land Purchase Acts, be exceeded where the 
 Land Commission consider that a larger advance 
 may be sanctioned to any purchaser without 
 prejudice to the wants and circumstances of 
 other persons residing in the neighbourhood. 
 
 “(3) The Land Purchase Acts shall, subject 
 to the provisions of this section, apply to the 
 sale of a parcel of land in pursuance of this sec- 
 tion, in like manner as if the same was a hold- 
 ing, and the purchaser was the tenant thereof 
 at the time of his making the purchase, and the 
 expression “ holding” in those Acts shall include 
 a parcel of land in respect of the purchase of 
 which an advance has been made in pursuance 
 of this section. . . „ 
 
 “6. — (4) In the case of a congested estate as 
 defined by this section, if the Land Commission, 
 with the consent of the owner, certify to the 
 Lord Lieutenant that the purchase and resale of 
 the estate are desirable in view of the wants and 
 circumstances of the tenants thereon, then the 
 LaiM Commission may purchase the estate for a 
 price to be agreed upon, and in such case the 
 condition in this section as to resale without 
 prospect of loss may be relaxed to such extent 
 as the Lord Lieutenant may determine. 
 
 “(5) The expression “congested estate” 
 means an estate not less than half of the area 
 of which consists of holdings not exceeding five 
 pounds in rateable value, or of mountain or bog 
 land, or not less than a quarter of the area of 
 which is held in rundale or intermixed plots. . . . 
 
 “ 8 . The Land Commission may purchase any 
 untenanted land which they consider necessary 
 for the purchase of facilitating the resale, or re- 
 distribution, of estates purchased, or proposed 
 to be purchased, by them, and the foregoing 
 provisions of this Act, with respect to advances 
 for the purchase of parcels of land comprised in 
 estates, shall apply in the case of the sale by the 
 Commission of any parcel of such untenanted 
 land. 
 
 “ 9 . — (1) There shall not be at any time 
 vested in the Land Commission lands exceeding 
 in the aggregate, according to the estimate of 
 the Commission, as approved by the Treasury, 
 the capital value of five million pounds in re- 
 spect of which undertakings to purchase have 
 not been received by the Commission. . . , 
 
 “ 12 . — ( 1 ) The Land Commission may take 
 such steps and execute, or cause to be executed, 
 such works as may appear expedient for the 
 
 benefit or improvement of estates, or untenanted 
 land, purchased or proposed to be purchased 
 uuder this Act, or for the use or enjoyment there- 
 of or generally for the purposes of this Act. . . . 
 
 “ 19 . Where an estate is purchased by the 
 Land Commission and tenants on the estate to 
 the extent of tlhree-fourths in number and 
 rateable value have agreed to purchase their 
 holdings, the Estates Commissioners may, if, 
 having regard to the circumstances of the case, 
 they think it expedient, order that the remaining 
 tenants, or any of them, shall be deemed to have 
 accepted the offers made to them, and the Land 
 Purchase Acts shall apply accordingly, where 
 the tenant could have obtained an advance 
 of the entire purchase money, and the Land 
 Commission have offered in the prescribed man- 
 ner to make the advance." 
 
 A. D. 1893 - 1907 . — The Gaelic League. — 
 “At the eve of the great famine, the mass of the 
 people, outside the large towns, still spoke Irish ; 
 to-day partly owing to emigration, Irish is only 
 spoken by 600,000 persons, out of four and a 
 half millions, and that concurrently with Eng- 
 lish. Twenty thousand persons speak Irish 
 only ; these are mainly of the West. . . . An 
 glicisation had begun its work, when the old 
 language had been lost. Therefore, must not 
 the Irish renaissance begin with the readoption 
 of that language ? So thought a small and elite 
 group of Irish patriots, men of talent and enthu 
 siasm, imbued with the national gospel preached 
 by Thomas Davis forty years earlier — a gospel 
 which Ireland had to some extent forgotten 
 amidst the sufferings of the Great Famine, Fe- 
 nianism and the Land Wars. Prominent in this 
 group was the descendant of an old Protestant 
 family of Roscommon, a Celtic scholar and folk- 
 lorist, a poet of merit in English, a poet in Irish 
 also, so say the connoisseurs, Dr Douglas Hyde. 
 He had the genius for propaganda, and when the 
 country was ripe for it, gave4}ody to his ideas 
 by founding the Gaelic League, with the aid of 
 his early friends, in 1893. The Gaelic League — 
 though to limit the Irish renaissance by placing 
 it under this title would be to limit its actual 
 scope — may be said to be a faithful representa- 
 tive of the general ideas underlying the new 
 Irish movement. It has declared its objects to 
 be, the preservation of Irish as the national lan- 
 guage, the study of ancient Irish literature, and 
 the cultivation of a modern literature in the 
 Irish language. But we must be careful not to 
 judge it by its name. The Gaelic League is not 
 a society of scholars, and leaves to others all 
 that concerns literature and philology, pure and 
 simple. It is occupied with propaganda, the 
 application of its doctrine of a national renais- 
 sance on the basis of a national language. It 
 intends to confer anew upon the country a psy- 
 chological education, and, by means of the na- 
 tional language, by the revival of national art 
 and literature, and the reconstitution of a na- 
 tional social system, to regenerate its soul from 
 within and teach Ireland how she may again be 
 a nation. . . . Though still growing, it has al- 
 ready in Ireland 964 branches, local and popular 
 centres of activity, whose work it is to spread 
 the national idea and the national language by 
 every means, and to make them active factors 
 in the every-day life of the family and social 
 circle. Their primary duty is to organise Irish 
 language classes for the benefit of their members. 
 
 331 
 
IRELAND, 1901 
 
 IRELAND, 1902 
 
 These classes are practical above all in their 
 scope, and are conducted sometimes by paid 
 teachers and sometimes by generous volunteers 
 whose work is almost always good. . . . Such a 
 teacher in the country manages, on his rounds, 
 to hold a dozen classes or so regularly every 
 week. There are special classes for workmen, 
 for students, for ladies; special classes for be- 
 ginners, for veterans, Irish history classes, sing- 
 ing and even dancing classes, where the old na- 
 tional airs are taught and the national reel and 
 jig. ... In the summer, during holiday time, 
 the enthusiasts of Irish speech come together 
 in the western villages for the Sgoil Saoire 
 (Summer school). There their teachers are the 
 old peasants, from whom they learn not only 
 the correct accent, the music of the language, 
 but the spirit and tradition of ancient Irish cul- 
 ture, of which these peasants, who, from gener- 
 ation to generation, have gathered up the songs 
 and legends of former times, are the most faith- 
 ful guardians. In the summer also the Seilge 
 are organised, that is to say, excursions to places 
 of historical interest, with national sports and 
 recreations. A seilg in Galway in 1901 was at- 
 tended by no less than 2,000 pilgrims. In the 
 winter evenings each branch holds reunions 
 from time to time, lectures ( seanchus ), followed 
 by discussions on Irish subjects, concerts ( sgor - 
 uidheacht ), with choirs, Irish dances and songs, 
 and ceilidhe, informal meetings on the lines of 
 ancient village gatherings, where serious conver- 
 sation — in Irish — alternates with music or a 
 ‘ recital,’ that is to say, a story or a piece of news, 
 told, according to popular custom, by the author 
 or a raconteur. Every year the Gaelic and Na- 
 tional Festival, that of St. Patrick, is celebrated 
 throughout Ireland, but notably in Dublin. . . . 
 
 A start — the first and greatest difficulty — has 
 been made, and now the League is a power in 
 Ireland. It sells annually 20,000 Gaelic books 
 and pamphlets, in which are included editiones 
 principes of the poets of the eighteenth century, 
 and new Irish publications, tales, and novels. 
 Its financial resources are moderate. They re- 
 present, however, the spontaneous obol of the 
 poor ; and a large part of the annual subscrip- 
 tion to the Language Fund, during St. Patrick’s 
 week, is made up of pence and of half-pence. 
 From the start the League has had the good 
 sense officially to declare that it was both neces- 
 sary and desirable that it should stand apart 
 from all political and religious struggles ; such 
 has been its line of conduct, and now within it 
 are found representatives of every party, from 
 the strongest Orangemen to the fiercest sepa- 
 ratists.” — L. Paul-Dubois, Contemporary Ire- 
 land, pt. 3, ch. 2 ( Maunsel & Co. Dublin, 1908). 
 
 Public meetings have been held in Ireland dur- 
 ing the past year (1909) to support the demand 
 of the Gaelic League “that the Irish language, 
 both oral and written, and Irish history be made 
 essential subjects for matriculation in the new 
 national University, and that proper provision 
 be made for the teaching of Irish in all its col- 
 leges.” 
 
 A. D. 1901 (March). — Census — “4,456,- 
 546 Persons (2,197,739 Males and 2,258,807 Fe- 
 males) were returned in the Enumerators’ Sum- 
 maries as constituting the population of Ireland 
 on the night of Sunday, the 31st of last March 
 — thus showing a decrease since 1891 of 248, - 
 204 persons, or 5.3 per cent. — the decrease in 
 
 o. 
 
 the number of males was equal to 5.2 per cent., 
 and in the number of females to 5.3 per cent. 
 
 “There was during the decade a decrease of 
 41,297 persons, or 3.5 per cent, in the Province of 
 Leinster; 98,568, or 8.4 per cent, in the Province 
 of Munster; 38,463, or 2.4 per cent, in the Pro- 
 vince of Ulster; and 69,876, or 9.7 percent, in 
 the Province of Connaught. ” 
 
 In 1841 the population enumerated in Ireland 
 as a whole had been 8,196,597 ; in 1851 it had 
 been 6,574,278; in 1861, 5,798,967; in 1871, 
 5,412,377; in 1881,5,174,836; in 1891, 4,704,750. 
 Excepting in 1861 the showing is a steady de- 
 crease, and this latest census finds the island 
 almost half depopulated. 
 
 “According to the Summaries furnished by 
 the Enumerators, 3,310,028 persons returned 
 themselves as Roman Catholics, this number 
 being 237,279 or 6.7 per cent under the number 
 so returned in 1891; 579,385 were returned under 
 the head of ‘ Protestant Episcopalians,’ being a 
 decrease of 20,718, or 3.5 percent., compared 
 with the number tabulated under that head in 
 1891 ; 443,494 were returned as Presbyterians, 
 being a decrease of 1,480 or 0.3 per cent, com- 
 pared with 1891 ; the number of Methodists re- 
 turned on the present occasion amounts to 
 61,255, being an increase of 5,745 or 10.4 per 
 cent, on the number returned on the Census 
 Forms in 1891.” 
 
 In Dublin City, as extended under the Dublin 
 Corporation Act of 1900, the population enu- 
 merated in 1901 was 289,108, being a gain of 
 20,521 since 1891. With the Urban Districts of 
 Rathmines and Rathcar, Pembroke, Blackrock 
 and Kingstown added, the total population of 
 Dublin and suburbs was 373,179, — an increase 
 in the decade of 27,220. 
 
 The following table shows the population of 
 the 14 towns in which more than 10,000 inhabit- 
 ants were found : compared with the enumera- 
 
 tion of 1891. 
 
 
 
 Towns. 
 
 1891. 
 
 1901. 
 
 Belfast 
 
 . . . 273,079 
 
 348,965 
 
 Cork 
 
 . . . 75,345 
 
 75,978 
 
 Limerick .... 
 
 . . . 37,155 
 
 38,085 
 
 Londonderry . . . 
 
 . . . 33,200 
 
 39,873 
 
 Waterford .... 
 
 . . . 26,203 
 
 26,743 
 
 Galway 
 
 . . . 13,800 
 
 13,414 
 
 Drogheda .... 
 
 . . . 13,708 
 
 12,765 
 
 Newry 
 
 . . . 12,961 
 
 12,587 
 
 Dundalk .... 
 
 . . . 12,449 
 
 13,067 
 
 Lisburn 
 
 . . . 12,250 
 
 11,459 
 
 Wexford .... 
 
 . . . 11,545 
 
 11,154 
 
 Lurgan 
 
 . . . 11,429 
 
 11,777. 
 
 Kilkenny .... 
 
 . . . 11,048 
 
 10,493 
 
 Sligo 
 
 
 10,862 
 
 Total 
 
 . . . 554,446 
 
 637,222 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Feb.). — Lord Rosebery and Sir 
 Henry Campbell-Bannerman at issue on the 
 Home Rule question. — In a speech delivered 
 at Liverpool in February Lord Rosebery pro- 
 nounced a most positive funeral oration on 
 what he assumed to be the death and burial of 
 the Irish Home Rule question in British poli- 
 tics. A few days later Sir Henry Campbell- 
 Bannerman, speaking at the annual meeting 
 of the General Committee of the National Lib- 
 eral Federation, took occasion to resurrect the 
 supposedly buried issue and take it under his 
 protection, as one of the responsibilities of the 
 
IRELAND, 1902-1908 
 
 IRELAND, 1905 
 
 Liberal Party. Home Rule, he said, was often 
 spoken of as if it were “ a strange, fantastic, 
 almost whimsical and mad-cap policy, rashly 
 adopted in a random way, to secure the Irish 
 vote. It is to be easily and lightly dropped at 
 any moment when an equal amount of support 
 can be obtained from any other quarter! Not a 
 very noble view of the case ! Not, in truth, a 
 very creditable or even a decent view of the 
 case, but intelligible enough if there were in 
 the way no principles and no facts.” One such 
 fact he found in the 11 fixed constitutional de- 
 mand of the Irish people ” ; and Sir Henry con- 
 cluded that the “ old policy ” remains “the sole 
 remedy for the condition of Ireland, which is 
 the most serious weakness in the whole British 
 Empire and the most grave blot upon its fame.” 
 
 By these two sharply opposed utterances the 
 Liberals of the United Kingdom were called to 
 decide which leading they would follow — that 
 of Lord Rosebery or that of Sir Henry. Not 
 being in power, however, nor measurably within 
 reach of it, decision of the party did not need to 
 be made in haste. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1908 . — Conditions in the mat- 
 ter of Disorder and Crime. — In the course of 
 a debate in the British Parliament on conditions 
 in Ireland, which took place on the 24th of Feb- 
 ruary, 1909, Lord Percy, charging the Liberal 
 Government with responsibility for an increase 
 of disorder and crime since it came into power, 
 brought statistics in evidence as follows : “ Take 
 the indictable offences against property and fir- 
 ing into houses. In 1906 the total number of 
 these offences was 20 ; in 1907, 29 ; in 1908, 80. 
 Outrages on the person by the use of firearms, 
 agrarian and non-agrarian, were: — In the first 
 11 months of 1906, 20 agrarian and 36 non-agra- 
 rian ; in 1907, 56 agrarian and 53 non-agrarian ; 
 in 1908, 128 agrarian and 65 non-agrarian. In 
 addition to these open outrages there was the 
 system of boycotting and intimidation. In cat- 
 tle-driving — a new offence unheard of before 
 the days of the Chief Secretary — there were 390 
 cases in 1907 and 681 in 1908. The number of 
 persons under police protection on January 31, 
 1907, was 196 ; in 1908, 270 ; and in 1909, 335. The 
 cases of boycotting had risen from 162 on Novem- 
 ber 30, 1905, to 874 on January 31, 1908. An im- 
 pression prevailed that the cases of boycotting 
 were ‘ minor cases,’ and of no great importance ; 
 but the Lord Chief Justice, at the Clare Spring 
 Assizes on one occasion, referring to these so- 
 called minor cases, pointed out that no one dealt 
 with or spoke to the boycotted person, and that 
 he had to go 20 miles to Limerick for the neces- 
 saries of life. People also had to go to mass 
 and to weddings protected by police; and he 
 asserted that the Government could not point 
 to a civilized country in Europe in which the 
 Government would tolerate a large section of 
 its population living daily and hourly under 
 the shadow of a terror like this.” 
 
 The Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, 
 retorted with the following : “ For the purpose of 
 making a comparison between the condition of 
 Ireland to-day and as it was when the Govern- 
 ment was led by the right hon. gentleman the 
 leader of the Opposition, when they introduced 
 and made permanent their Crimes Act, we must 
 consider what was the state of things in 1886 as 
 compared with what it is now. I will give the 
 House the figures. Murders in 1886, seven; in 
 
 1908, one; manslaughter in 1886, three; now, 
 none ; firing at the person, 16 ; now, 15 ; firing into 
 dwellings — and here is a most formidable addi- 
 tion, I admit — 43 ; now, 66 ; incendiary fires and 
 arson, 103 ; now, 54; killing, cutting, and maim- 
 ing cattle — a horrible and brutal crime — 73; 
 now, 22 — far too many ; riots and affrays, nine ; 
 now, 13 ; threatening letters or notices, 434 ; now, 
 233; intimidation, 92; now, 57; injury to pro- 
 perty, 150; now, 89; other offences, 136 ; now, 26 ; 
 showing in 1886 a total of 1,056, and now a total 
 of 576. Ou January 1, 1886, there were 175 per- 
 sons wholly boycotted, and 716 partially boy- 
 cotted — a total of 891. In those days, I admit, 
 the police made no distinction between partial 
 and minor boycotting. In 1887 there were 145 
 persons wholly boycotted, and 763 partially boy- 
 cotted, making a total of 908. On January 1, 
 
 1909, there were 15 wholly boycotted, 10 par- 
 tially boycotted, and 172 cases of minor boycot- 
 ting, making in all 197. Persons under constant 
 police protection on December 31, 1887, num- 
 bered 252, and those under protection by patrol, 
 704 — a total of 956. On December 31, 1908, 
 there were 74 persons under constant protection, 
 270 under protection by patrol, a total of 344 
 against the total of 956. I leave the House to 
 draw their own inference from those figures.” 
 
 An official return to Parliament, from the 
 Royal Irish Constabulary Office, Dublin Castle, 
 of the number of cases of boycotting and of 
 persons boycotted throughout Ireland on the 
 31st day of January, 1908, and on various days 
 in several preceding years, showed 5 cases of 
 entire boycotting, affecting 26 persons, and 9 
 cases of partial boycotting, affecting 39 people, 
 on the date mentioned in 1908 ; 4 cases of entire 
 boycotting, affecting 20 , with seven cases of the 
 partial boycott, affecting 35, on the 31st of July, 
 1907. On the 31st of July, 1903, there had been 4 
 cases of entire and 21 cases of partial boycotting 
 affecting 25 and 131 persons respectively ; while 
 the cases on the 31st of March, 1902, of entire 
 boycotting had numbered 5, the partial cases 
 46, and they were directed in the first instance 
 against 26 people, and against 275 in the second. 
 
 A. D. 1905 .- — Defective working of the 
 Land Purchase Act of 1903 . — Inadequacy 
 of its financial provisions. — Baffled in the 
 Western Counties by cupidity of landlords. 
 — The first two years of the working of the 
 Irish Land Purchase Act of 1903 sufficed to show 
 that the splendid promise of that measure could 
 not be realized satisfactorily without fundamen- 
 tal changes in its plan. By that time the agree- 
 ments effected between landlords and tenants 
 for transfers of land from the former to the lat- 
 ter called for purchase payments far in excess 
 of the sums which the Act [had provided for 
 supplying at so early a stage of the operation. 
 The process of transfer was checked and the 
 feelings that helped it on were chilled by increas- 
 ing delays in the completion of transactions 
 when begun. 
 
 But this was not the worst disappointment in 
 the working of the Act. Another more serious 
 is charged to the cupidity of landlords in the 
 poorer counties of the west. In the article by 
 Mr. Thomas W. Russell from which a quotation 
 is given above he explains it as follows : 
 
 “It was quite impossible to apply the same 
 rule to Connaught and to other similar areas as 
 to Ulster, Leinster, and Munster. In the west the 
 
 333 
 
IRELAND, 1905 
 
 IRELAND, 1907 
 
 holdings are small and hopelessly uneconomic 
 in their character. Parliament felt, and rightly 
 so, that to make the occupier of a five-acre bog 
 holding an owner was to do him no good. Sucli 
 a feat in statesmanship merely freed the western 
 landlord from a risky security and transferred 
 the risk to the state. It was, therefore, enacted 
 that the large grass holdings which abound in 
 that region, — and which are held by graziers 
 on a tenure of eleven months, the object of the 
 term being to avoid the creation of a tenancy, 
 — should be bought and wherever possible 
 should be distributed among the small holders, 
 thus rendering a decent living possible. And in 
 several cases this has been successfully done by 
 the congested districts board, with the very best 
 results. . . . The landlords as a whole professed 
 at the land conference and in Parliament their 
 entire willingness to sell, provided they received 
 a price equivalent when securely invested to 
 their second-term net income. To enable this 
 to be done the bonus of £12,000;000 was sanc- 
 tioned by Parliament. The whole thing was 
 a bargain — a clear case of contract. And what 
 the western landlords have been guilty of is a 
 simple breach of faith. They are quite ready 
 to sell the bog holdings, the barren mountain 
 tracts out of which a decent living cannot be 
 had, demanding for this wretched land in many 
 cases more than is being asked in Antrim and 
 Down for the best land in these counties. But 
 the grass ranches they refuse to part with. 
 And so the whole plan of the act, — the whole 
 scheme for the re-settling of the land, and rais- 
 ing the station of the small holder, — has been 
 brought to naught. 
 
 “In this connection another difficulty has 
 arisen. When the western sections of the act 
 were being passed, Mr. Wyndham, — who was 
 in grim earnest about these poor people, — pro- 
 vided for the sale of congested estates to the 
 estates commissioners or to the congested dis- 
 tricts board. Special inducements were given 
 to sales under these sections. The cost of sale 
 was borne almost entirely by the state, and the 
 commissioners were authorized in such cases to 
 spend money upon the improvement of the 
 holdings. The policy was excellent. But the 
 landlords have ruined it. They quickly dis- 
 covered that if they sold to the estates commis- 
 sioners the land would be inspected by an ex- 
 pert valuer, and its price would depend upon its 
 value. This was not their idea of how things 
 should be done. They preferred to sell to the 
 tenant direct, against whom they could use the 
 screw of arrears of rent, and from whom they 
 could exact a higher price. Hardly a case of 
 sale to the estates commissioners has taken place 
 under these well-meant sections. And for the 
 reasons stated. . . . The fact is, compulsory 
 powers of purchase in all such cases ought to 
 have been frankly given. But to mention the 
 word compulsion to the then chief secretary was 
 to send him into a fury. He would not hear of 
 it.” — T. W. Russell, Workings of the Irish Land 
 Purchase Act ( American Review of Reviews, 
 Nov., 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Formation of the Sinn Fein 
 Party. — “While the outside world was look- 
 ing to the Irish Parliamentary Party as the 
 guardian of the national conscience of Ireland, 
 a Young Ireland Party, determined, virile, 
 thoughtful, idealistic and, strange though it 
 
 may seem, practical, was gradually forming, be- 
 coming a power, sweeping away outworn ideas, 
 preaching new and putting them into practice, 
 and working wonders in the revival of a genuine 
 national spirit throughout the country. . . . 
 Naturally, and very gradually, the various units 
 gravitated toward one another ; and, less than 
 two years ago, under the guidance of a Dublin 
 boy named Arthur Griffith, they elected a Na- 
 tional Council, and formed themselves into a 
 party known as the ‘ Sinn Fein Party,’ which 
 included probably three-fourths of the national 
 thinkers in Ireland. Since its inception, the Sinn 
 Fein Party has been rapidly gaining power, 
 raising itself upon the ruins of a fast crumbling 
 Parliamentary agitation, and eventually leap- 
 ing into greater popular prestige when, recently, 
 the ludicrous Irish Councils Bill was submitted 
 to the nation as the fruits of a generation of 
 Parliamentary agitation. 
 
 “ ‘Sinn Fein ' is Gaelic for * Ourselves.’ The 
 doctrine of the Sinn Fein Party is that the sal- 
 vation of a nation is to be wrought out by the 
 people and upon the soil of that nation, and it 
 holds that ‘ God helps those who help them- 
 selves.’ It asks Ireland to cultivate, what for a 
 long time it neglected, self-reliance, and aims 
 at regenerating the Irish nation, not merely po 
 litically, but also linguistically, industrially, 
 educationally, morally and socially. Almost all 
 preceding national movements made the grave 
 mistake of considering politics coincident with 
 patriotism ; the Sinn Fein policy provides for 
 all-round upbuilding of the nation, and is suc- 
 cessfully working along many lines on which no 
 political movement touched before.” — Seumas 
 MacManus, Sinn Fein ( North American Review, 
 Aug., 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Dec.). — Change of Government. 
 
 — On the change of government which took 
 place in the United Kingdom in December, Mr. 
 Balfour resigning the Premiership and Sir 
 Henry Campbell-Bannerman forming a Liberal 
 Ministry, the Earl of Aberdeen was appointed 
 Lord Lieutenant and Mr. James Bryce Chief 
 Secretary for Ireland. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Effects of the Land Purchase 
 Act as seen by a revisiting Irishman. — Not- 
 withstanding the defects in the working of the 
 Land Purchase Act, as described above, Mr. 
 T. P. O’Connor, the well-known Irish journal- 
 ist in London, on returning from a visit to Ire- 
 land in the spring of 1907 after a somewhat pro- 
 tracted absence, wrote enthusiastically to the 
 New York Tribune of the happy wakening he 
 had found in the country to a new life. “You 
 are seeing in Ireland,” said a lady to him, “ not 
 merely a revolution but a renaissance,” and he 
 found her characterization to be true. He con- 
 cludes, too, that there was no exaggeration in 
 her further remark, that “so much is going on 
 in Ireland now that you dare n’t leave it even 
 for a month.” “ Everybody,” writes Mr. O’Con- 
 nor, “seemed to be doing something and some- 
 thing new for Ireland ” ; with Catholics and 
 Protestants working together, as they have 
 never worked before. And the main cause of 
 this “renaissance” is traceable to the working 
 of the Land Purchase Act of 1903. Already, 
 says Mr. O’Connor, under the working of this 
 splendid measure, nearly half the soil of Ireland 
 has changed hands, and “the second half will 
 be transferred at a much accelerated speed. ” 
 
 334 
 
IRELAND, 1907 
 
 IRELAND, 1907 
 
 “ For seven centuries there has been a con- 
 tinual, a bloody, a desperate war in Ireland 
 between two races, and the prize for which 
 they fought — was the land. . . . And now, at 
 last, before our own eyes, in this generation of 
 men to which we belong, this secular struggle 
 is at an end ; the battle has been fought and has 
 been won ; the land belongs again to the ancient 
 Celtic race from which it was stolen centuries 
 ago. ... If you want to realize further what 
 all this means', do not forget that these people 
 who are now brought into full liberty are able 
 to appreciate it the more from the fact that the 
 greater part of them were born into slavery, 
 and know all that slavery means. I myself, 
 though no septuagenarian, can remember the 
 time when the Irish farmers were driven to 
 the polls to vote for their landlords like so many 
 cattle. I remember the poor, wretched, cring- 
 ing slaves which they had to be in those not 
 very far off days ; how they bowed and cried, 
 
 ‘ Yer Honor,’ at every second word; and how, 
 in fact, they revealed by their outward bearing 
 the knowledge that when they stood in the 
 presence of the landlord they were confronted 
 by the master of their life or death. 
 
 “The despair of the impossible situation in 
 the Ireland of 40 or 50 years ago was worse al- 
 most than the servitude. There was no room 
 left for hope in a system which permitted the 
 landlord to rob the tenant of every addition the 
 latter made to the wealth of the soil; and there 
 could be no hope or prospect in a system which 
 kept the tenant liable to eviction from his hold- 
 ing whenever the landlord wished to do so. 
 And now realize that on half the soil of Ireland 
 the people never see a landlord or a landlord’s 
 representative; that every year brings them 
 nearer to the time when they will be the abso- 
 lute owners of their holdings; but they know 
 that their children will secure full possession 
 and complete ownership if they do not, and you 
 can understand what a new strong tide of hope 
 and exultation there must be in the breasts of 
 these people.” 
 
 A. D. 1907. — The Evicted Tenants Act. — 
 The healing of an Irish Sore of Twenty 
 Years. — “ The passing of the Evicted Tenants 
 Act in the recent session, defective though it 
 may be in one respect, is an admission on the 
 part of all parties in Parliament that a long 
 pending Irish controversy must be closed, and 
 that the demand persistently and pertinaciously 
 made by the great majority of the Irish mem- 
 bers and people for over twenty years for the 
 reinstatement of a large body of evicted tenants 
 must be conceded. ... 
 
 “ The wholesale evictions of tenants, whom it 
 is now decided to reinstate, were primarily due 
 to the agricultural crisis of 1885, when the great 
 fall of price of IrislT farm produce commenced. 
 This averaged not less than 20 to 30 per cent, in 
 respect of cattle and dairy produce, the main 
 sources of income to Irish farmers. Tenants for 
 the most part paid their rents in that year, 
 hoping for better times, but many who lived 
 from hand to mouth, with little or no margin, 
 fell into arrears. The position was far worse in 
 the following year, when it became clear that 
 the fall of prices was a permanent one. The 
 Land Court recognised this by fixing judicial 
 rents at 18 to 20 per cent, less than those fixed 
 between 1881 and 1885. An universal demand 
 
 consequently arose on the part of all other ten- 
 ants for a reduction of rent in proportion to the 
 new range of prices. They claimed this not 
 only in the case of yearly tenancies, but of hold- 
 ings where judicial rents had been adjudicated 
 before 1885, and of holdings under leases. The 
 majority of Irish land-owners in 1886 recognised 
 the justice of the claim, and allowed rebatements 
 of rent, averaging between 20 and 30 per cent, 
 in respect of all classes of holdings. The claim 
 of the tenants was not for the forbearance of the 
 land -owners, but was founded on right, on the 
 traditional claim to a property in their holdings 
 — a claim to which the Land Act of 1881 had 
 given Parliamentary and legal sanction. That 
 great agrarian Act had in fact established Dual 
 Ownerships of land in Ireland. It secured to 
 the occupiers a property in their holdings by en- 
 abling them to appeal to a Land Court for the 
 settlement of rent, and by giving them fixity of 
 tenure and the right of bequeathing or assigning 
 their interests. Beneficent and generous as the 
 Act was, it had serious defects. . . . 
 
 “Asa result of these defects the Land Act of 
 1881, great as it was in principle, did not afford 
 a sufficient remedy in the crisis caused by the 
 great fall of prices in 1885-6. A minority of 
 Irish landowners refused to follow the example 
 of the larger and better class of owners, and to 
 make rebatements of rent in 1886. They justi- 
 fied their refusal on the ground that since the 
 Act of 1881 the tenants had no longer a claim 
 for forbearance in respect of rent. They in- 
 sisted, therefore, on full payment, and began to 
 evict on a large scale those in default. . . . 
 
 “Numerous combinations of tenants were 
 formed to refuse full payment of rent and to re- 
 sist evictions to the utmost. With the object 
 of assisting and strengthening resistance of the 
 tenants, a new form of combination was devised 
 by Mr. T. Harrington, M. P., known as the 
 ‘ Plan of Campaign.’ The essential feature of 
 it was the payment by the tenants of an estate 
 adopting it of 50 per cent, of the rent due into 
 a common fund, to be administered by a com- 
 mittee of tenants for the purpose of resisting 
 eviction, and supporting the evicted families. 
 The fund thus created was beyond the reach of 
 the landowners and of the individual members 
 of the combination. It afforded, therefore, great 
 security for the maintenance of the combination. 
 
 “The tenants, before adopting the plan, were 
 advised to offer arbitration of their rents to 
 their landlords. If evictions took place the ten- 
 ants were to stand by one another, and not to 
 come to agreement with their landlords, ex- 
 cept upon terms that the evicted men were to 
 be reinstated in their holdings. Those taking 
 farms from which tenants were evicted were to 
 be rigidly boycotted. 
 
 “The plan thus devised was commended to 
 the tenants of Ireland, where landowners re- 
 fused reasonable abatements of rents, by many 
 of the Irish members, such as Mr. Dillon, Mr. 
 W. O’Brien, and others. . . . Mr. Parnell held 
 aloof from it, not so much from disapproval of 
 its method, as from fear that it might injure 
 the Home Rule cause with English constituen- 
 cies. Many of the Catholic Bishops expressed 
 their disapproval. It was denounced by the 
 Government as a fraudulent and dishonest at- 
 tempt to break contracts. They prosecuted Mr. 
 Dillon and other leaders for conspiracy under 
 
 335 
 
IRELAND, 1907 
 
 IRELAND, 1907 
 
 the ordinary law. The Irish judges pronounced 
 the scheme of combination to be a criminal con- 
 spiracy on the ground that it subjected land- 
 lords to unlawful pressure. . . . 
 
 “By the commencement of the session of 
 1887 the Royal Commission appointed by the 
 Government to report on agricultural prices and 
 the claim for a revision of judicial rents, pre- 
 sided over by Lord Cowper, an ex-Lord Lieu- 
 tenant, reported in favour of all that had been 
 contended for by Mr. Parnell in his Bill of the 
 previous year. They emphatically affirmed that 
 a great and permanent fall of prices had taken 
 place. They advised that judicial rents, fixed 
 before the year 1885, should be revised and re- 
 duced, and that leaseholders should be admitted 
 to the privileges of judicial rents. The Gov- 
 ernment, at the instance, as it is believed, of 
 Mr. Chamberlain and the Liberal Unionists, 
 were compelled to legislate in accordance with 
 this report. . . . 
 
 “This measure, which so greatly extended 
 the Act of 1881, was accompanied by a new 
 Coercion Act dispensing with trial by jury in 
 agrarian cases, and enabling resident magis- 
 trates — mere nominees of the Government — 
 to try and convict in such cases. . . . 
 
 “ The Act of 1887, by providing a legal alter- 
 native, put au end to further combinations of 
 tenants. The Plan of Campaign was not 
 adopted in any fresh cases. It had been put in 
 force on 111 estates where the owners refused 
 general abatements of rent. In 94 of these it 
 had the effect of inducing the owners to come to 
 terms with their tenants for reductions of rent 
 of a reasonable character and sufficient to avoid 
 further trouble. In seventeen estates only the 
 owners were obdurate, and declared war against 
 their tenants. . . . 
 
 “After the passing of the Coercion Act 
 wholesale evictions were resumed on the Cam- 
 paign estates, and were supported by all the 
 forces at the disposal of the Government. . . . 
 In 1891, a great step was taken by the late Gov- 
 ernment in the direction of a more conciliatory 
 attitude to the evicted tenants. In the Land 
 Purchase Act of that year a clause was inserted 
 enabling the Land Commissioners to admit the 
 evicted tenants as purchasers of holdings, where 
 their former landlords agreed to their reinstate- 
 ment. The clause was to have effect for one 
 year only, and very few transactions took place 
 under it. . . . 
 
 “Nothing more was done till 1903. Mean- 
 while this Irish sore remained unhealed. The 
 evicted men continued to live in temporary 
 dwellings near to their former homes, patiently 
 expecting reinstatement at some future time. 
 Nor have they been mistaken in this respect, 
 though many of them had to wait nine more 
 years, and the remainder still longer. 
 
 “In 1903 it became advisable for the Tory 
 Government to bid for the support of the Irish 
 Nationalists for Mr. Wyndliam’s measure aiming 
 at an universal scheme of land purchase in Ire- 
 land — a scheme offering very great induce- 
 ments to landlords to sell to their tenants. It 
 was again provided in this Act that the evicted 
 tenants might be reinstated, not as tenants, but 
 as owners by purchase of their former holdings, 
 Provision was made for the advance of money 
 from an Irish fund for buying out the Planters, 
 for rebuilding the houses of the evicted men, for 
 
 restocking their farms, and for buying unten- 
 anted land on which to replace the evicted men, 
 where it was not possible to reinstate them in 
 their former farms. ... As a result, however, 
 all the remaining Campaign estates except two 
 were dealt with under this Act, and nearly all 
 the men evicted from them were reinstated on 
 the most favourable terms. . . . 
 
 “The Act of 1903, however generous and suc- 
 cessful so far as it went, failed to deal with the 
 whole case. It is wanting in backbone — in 
 coercive power as against a residuum of land- 
 owners. Two Campaign estates — the Clanri- 
 carde and the Lewis estates — remained undealt 
 with, and about 2000 tenants evicted from other, 
 not Campaign, estates were left out in the cold. 
 It was to supply coercive power for dealing 
 with these remaining cases that the recent Act 
 was passed.” — Eversley, The Evicted Tenants 
 {Ireland) Act {Fortnightly Review , Dec., 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (May). — Proposed Bill for the 
 creation of a Representative Council. — Re- 
 jected by the National Party. — Abandoned 
 by the Government. — A Bill proposing half- 
 way progress tow'ard Home Rule for Ireland 
 was introduced in the British Parliament by 
 the Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Augustine 
 Birrell, in May, 1907. Its main feature was the 
 creation of a Representative Council, not to be 
 legislative in function, but having large admin- 
 istrative powers. This Council was to consist 
 of 107 members, eighty -two elected by the Irish 
 householders (including peers and women), and 
 twenty-five nominated by the crown. Eight of 
 the existing Irish departments, including agri- 
 culture, public works, congested districts, and 
 the registrar’s office were placed under its con- 
 trol and a new r one, the education department, 
 created. In addition to the $10,000,000 of annual 
 expenditure controlled by these departments, 
 the bill provided for an increase of $3,250,000 to 
 be spent on public works and “ general improve- 
 ment.” The provisions of the Bill did not ex- 
 tend to the constabulary, the courts, the prisons, 
 or the Land Commission. The Lord Lieutenant 
 was to have general supervisory control. 
 
 Apparently the Liberal Ministry had been led 
 to expect that Mr. John Redmond and other 
 leaders of the Irish National Party would accept 
 this measure, as an installment of the self-gov- 
 ernment they claimed for Ireland. If so, then 
 the leaders who encouraged that expectation 
 were overborne by their followers, for the Bill 
 was denounced and rejected, on motion of Mr. 
 Redmond, at a convention of the National Party, 
 in Dublin, on the 21st of May, and was therefore 
 withdrawn. 
 
 In offering this plan of government the Eng- 
 lish Liberals had turned back to what was the 
 original Gladstone project of Irish home rule, 
 contemplated and discussed, without result, by 
 the Liberal cabinet in 1885. As Mr. Morley re- 
 lates in his Life of Gladstone, there were two 
 main opinions in the cabinet at that time : ‘ 1 One 
 favored the erection of a system of representative 
 county government in Ireland. The other view 
 was, that besides the county boards, there should 
 be in addition a central board for all Ireland, 
 essentially municipal and not political; in the 
 main executive and administrative, but also with 
 a power to make bye-laws, raise funds, and pledge 
 public credit in such modes as parliament should 
 provide. The central board would take over 
 
IRELAND, 1909 
 
 IRELAND, 1909 
 
 education, primary, in part intermediate, and 
 perhaps even higher ; poor law and sanitary ad- 
 ministration ; and public works. The whole 
 charge of justice, police, and prisons would re- 
 main with the executive.” 
 
 This defines, practically, a measure of home 
 rule within the same limits that Mr. Birrell pro- 
 posed. It appears to have been suggested to Mr. 
 Gladstone by Mr. Chamberlain and to have been 
 accepted by the premier, with the understanding 
 that it would satisfy Mr. Parnell, for the time 
 being, at least. It was not acceptable, however, 
 to a majority of the Cabinet, and, when rejected, 
 Gladstone remarked bitterly to one of his col- 
 leagues: “Within six years, if it please God to 
 spare their lives, they will be repenting in sack- 
 cloth and ashes.” The wearing of the sackcloth 
 was not postponed so long. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Amended Land Purchase 
 Act. — The defects which have been noted 
 above in the very promising Land Purchase Act 
 of 1903 raised increasing difficulties in the opera- 
 tion of it, until the pressing need of amendatory 
 legislation was acknowledged by all parties. 
 Widediflferences of view, however, between dif- 
 ferent interests involved made the attainment of 
 such legislation no easy task. A Bill for the pur- 
 pose, brought forward in the autumn of 1908, 
 by the Chief Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, 
 was pushed over into the next session, and re 
 introduced in March, 1909. Mr. Birrell then 
 reviewed the circumstances which had rendered 
 amendments of the Act necessary, stating that 
 “28 millions had now been advanced for land 
 purchase, and that there were pending agree- 
 ments involving the advance of 56 millions. The 
 total acreage of the land sold and agreed to be 
 sold exceeded 7,000,000 acres. The country was 
 now in the very middle of this great agrarian 
 revolution. Mr. Wyndham, the author of the 
 Act of 1903, thought that £100,000,000 would 
 suffice to carry this revolution through, but al- 
 ready £84,000,000 had been accounted for and 
 there was every reason for supposing that Mr. 
 Wyndham’s estimate should have been £183, - 
 000,000. With regard to the loss on the flotation 
 of land stock, he expressed the opinion that for 
 a decade, at any rate, it would be unsafe to as- 
 sume that a higher issue price would be obtained 
 than £85, and he calculated that if nothing 
 were done a charge of £855,000 annually would 
 eventually have to be made good by the rate- 
 payers. It was impossible to expect them to 
 bear this enormous burden, and if the law were 
 not amended the scheme of land purchase must 
 break down. His proposal in regard to the 
 bonus was that, instead of fixing it at 3 per 
 cent., it should be paid according to a scale 
 under which the lower the price given for the 
 land the higher would be the bonus. For this 
 at least £3,000,000 would be required over and 
 above the original £12,000,000. By this Bill the 
 Exchequer was assuming, everything consid- 
 ered, a total capital liability of about £30,000,- 
 000. Calling attention to the principal provi- 
 sions of the Bill, he reminded the House that 
 landlords were empowered to take payment 
 partly in cash and partly in stock at 92. He 
 then mentioned the steps that were being taken 
 to accelerate the work of the Estates Commis- 
 sioners and stated that advances to the amount 
 of £10,000,000 were never likely to be exceeded 
 in one year ; they now had reached £8,000,000.” 
 
 On a question arising as to one part, called a 
 “bonus,” provided for in the transaction of pur- 
 chase, Mr. Wyndham, who had been Chief Sec 
 retary in 1903, and author of the original Act, 
 said. “Some hon. members sitting for English 
 constituencies might think that the bonus was 
 not necessary. They might think that if the 
 State lent its credit, landlord and tenant could 
 come to terms, and that the bonus was some- 
 thing thrown in as a sop to the landlords. If 
 the transfer of land in Ireland were sporadic, he 
 agreed that landlords might sell without the as- 
 sistance of a direct bonus from the State. The 
 question to be solved in Ireland, however, was 
 that of the general transfer of ownership of land 
 throughout the country, and that, broadly speak- 
 ing, could not be effected unless the present 
 owners received an equivalent to the income 
 which they now enjoyed. In the past nearly 
 all the cases of the sporadic transfer of owner- 
 ship of land had been got rid of, and there were 
 now left those cases which could not be dealt 
 with unless a bonus were given. It had been 
 generally recognized by all parties that a bonus 
 should be given rather than that the land diffi- 
 culties in Ireland should continue, and six years 
 ago the decision arrived at was supported by 
 the unanimous opinion of all parties in the 
 House. Now it was proposed that the method 
 of giving a substantial bonus at a uniform rate 
 should be set aside in such a way as to increase 
 the discrepancy between pending and future 
 agreements. Already by altering the rate of 
 instalments in future agreements, and by giving 
 stock instead of cash, they had created a wide 
 difference between the two classes. On the top 
 of that they were now going to do away with 
 the bonuses and apply a method which he 
 thought he would be able to show would prove 
 most injurious ; and if it did prove injurious, it 
 would touch the cardinal point in the whole 
 matter.” 
 
 Mr. Wyndham opposed the new Bill on this 
 point, apparently without success. Strong op- 
 position to a grant of the power of compulsory 
 purchase which the Bill embodied was raised, in 
 the House of Commons, as well as ultimately in 
 the House of Lords. Its contemplated changes 
 in dealing with what are called “congested es- 
 tates” and “ congested districts,” being those in 
 which the holdings of tenants are too small to 
 yield a decent living, were also a subject of crit- 
 icism and opposition. 
 
 The Bill received some amendment in the 
 House of Commons, before having its third read- 
 ing and passage on the 18th of September. In 
 the House of Lords it met with harder treatment, 
 and was returned to the Commons with amend- 
 ments which the latter rejected in toto. Infor- 
 mal conferences brought about an accommoda- 
 tion of the differences between the two Houses 
 and placed the Act on the statute book. The 
 peers yielded on the question of compulsory pur- 
 chase, as well as with regard to the tribunal 
 which should have a deciding authority in the 
 matter, these being the two points most in dis- 
 pute. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — Disclosures of Poverty 
 by the Old Age Pensions Act. See (in this 
 vol.) Poverty, Problems of : Pensions. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Organization of the 
 two new Irish Universities. See (in this vol.) 
 Education : Ireland. 
 
 337 
 
IROQUOIS THEATER 
 
 ITALY, 1904 
 
 IROQUOIS THEATER, Burning of the. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Chicago : A. D. 1903. 
 
 IRRIGATION. See (in this vol.) Conser- 
 vation of Natural Resources. 
 
 ISLE OF PINES: United States Su- 
 preme Court Decision concerning. See (in 
 this vol.) Cuba: A. D. 1907 (April). 
 
 ISTHMIAN CANAL. See Panama Canal. 
 
 ISVOLSKY, Alexander: Russian Minis- 
 ter of Foreign Affairs. — His Aide Memoire 
 on Macedonian Affairs. See (in this vol.) 
 Turkey : A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 Convention with Great Britain. See Eu- 
 rope : A. D. 1907 (Aug.). 
 
 ITAGAKI, Count. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1903 (June). 
 
 ITALY: A. D. 1870-1905. — Increase of 
 Population compared with other European 
 Countries. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 
 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — The First Year of the 
 Reign of King Victor Emmanuel III. — 
 Greatly improved conditions. — Restored 
 Liberty of Speech and Meeting. — Neutral- 
 ity of Government in Labor Disputes. — 
 Zanardelli and Giolitti in the Ministry. — 
 In the early months of 1901, when Volume VI. 
 of this work went to press, Italy was in an un- 
 certain and anxious state. It had not recovered 
 from the shock of the assassination of King 
 Humbert, and could not foresee what length the 
 sobering effects of that tragedy would have. It 
 had hope that the new reign just beginning 
 would quiet the dreadful disorders that had be- 
 come rife in Parliament and in the country at 
 large, but fear to the contrary was more than 
 equal, perhaps, to the hope. Happily it was 
 the hope that found justification within the 
 passing year, as will be learned from the follow- 
 ing report of conditions, published in the last 
 month of 1901 : 
 
 “Those who expected that King Victor Em- 
 manuel Ill’s reign would be coincident with a 
 marked improvement in Italy, have so far been 
 amply justified. Few ventured to hope that 
 his Liberal Ministry under Signors Zanardelli 
 and Giolitti would weather a Parliamentary ses- 
 sion. As it is, despite some weakness and a few 
 mistakes, it has come out triumphant. Com- 
 pared with eighteen months ago, Italian politics 
 have undergone what is little less than a revolu- 
 tion. The closing months of the last reign saw 
 the most dangerous constitutional crisis that 
 United Italy has known. A reactionary Gov- 
 ernment was threatening Parliamentary liberty ; 
 the Liberals and Socialists were making a des- 
 perate stand, which at all events preserved the 
 Constitution, and perhaps saved Italy from 
 revolution. Now the signs of danger have al- 
 most passed. The Crown is fast getting back 
 its popularity. Parliament is asserting itself as 
 it has not done for many years, and is able to 
 give its time to quiet, useful work. The Ex- 
 treme Left, stubbornly obstructionist last year, 
 is giving an independent but fairly cordial sup- 
 port to the Ministry. Outside Parliament Ital- 
 ians have for once a government ‘ which allows 
 them to breathe and move and speak.’ For the 
 first time since Crispi introduced coercion, seven 
 years ago, there is liberty of speech and public 
 meeting. Still, occasionally, the unteachable 
 censorship suppresses an issue of some dem- 
 ocratic paper. But there is no prosecution for 
 
 political speeches, no arbitrary political impris- 
 onment, no harrying of cooperative or benefit 
 societies from empty fear of political designs or 
 at the bidding of shopkeepers. 
 
 “ But this is of small account beside the altered 
 attitude of the Government towards labour 
 questions. Hitherto its influence had been al- 
 ways more or less on the side of the employers. 
 Trade Unions were dissolved and sometimes 
 their members arrested ; their organisers were 
 imprisoned for ‘ exciting to class-hatred,’ and 
 under the military courts of 1898 it was an of- 
 fence to plead, however moderately, in defence 
 of the claims of labour. When the agricultural 
 labourers of the lower Po valley struck for a 
 living wage, the Government sent soldiers to 
 reap the crops. Suddenly and radically all this 
 has changed. At last the law is observed, and 
 Trade Unions are allowed the legal sanction 
 which nominally they have had for years. The 
 Government has announced its neutrality in 
 labour disputes, so long as there is no violence 
 or interference with individual liberty. The 
 result has been an epidemic of strikes. The 
 Italian working man, long cowed by his power- 
 lessness before the alliance of employer and 
 Government, is using his new freedom to raise 
 his miserable wage. Signor Giolitti estimated 
 in the middle of last June that since the begin- 
 ning of the year there had been 511 strikes, 
 affecting 600,000 workmen (a number almost 
 unparalleled even in England) and resulting in 
 an increase of wages by nearly £2,000,000, a 
 huge sum in poverty-stricken Italy. Probably 
 by now the total of strikers has reached a figure 
 which has never been equalled within a year in 
 any European country. . . . Thanks to the vig- 
 orous advocacy of arbitration by the Chambers 
 of Labour, the urban strikes have generally 
 been short, and, so far as I know, except for 
 some not very serious trouble at Naples, there 
 has been no case of disorder in them.” — Bolton 
 King, The New Reign in Italy ( Contemporary 
 Review , Dec., 1901). 
 
 A. D. 1902 (June). — Renewal of the Triple 
 Alliance. See Triple Alliance. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1904. — Coercive Proceedings 
 against Venezuela concerted with Great 
 Britain and Germany. — Settlement of claims 
 secured. — Reference to The Hague. See 
 Venezuela: A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (March). — General Strike in 
 Rome. See Labor Organization : Italy. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — Change of Ministry. — 
 Signor Giuseppe Zanardelli, President of the 
 Council, or Premier, since February, 1901, gave 
 his resignation to the King in October, 1903, on 
 account of ill-health, and a new Ministry was 
 formed by Signor Giolitti, who had been Min- 
 ister of the interior in the administration of 
 Zanardelli, and who still retained that portfolio 
 after assuming the presidency of the Council. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1905. — Initiation of the In- 
 ternational Institute of Agriculture by the 
 King. See Agriculture. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Tokens of a Disposition to 
 bring the Church and the State into better 
 Accord. — Several marked tokens of a concilia- 
 tory disposition on both sides of the long break 
 in relations between the Papacy and the Gov- 
 ernment of the Kingdom of Italy appeared in 
 the course of the year 1904. The Government 
 brought in a bill for increasing the public sal- 
 
 338 
 
ITALY, 1904 
 
 ITALY, 1906-1909 
 
 aries of cures. Its diplomatic agents in South 
 America were instructed to give attention to a 
 Papal nuncio who travelled thither on a mis- 
 sion from the Vatican as though he represented 
 the King. The King conveyed a piece of ground 
 to the Pope which enlarged his domain. A Cardi- 
 nal took part in a reception to the King at Bolo- 
 gna and sat at table with them. These were such 
 amenities between the royal and pontifical courts 
 as had not been seen for a generation, and they 
 seemed to bear much significance ; but little 
 came from them in the end. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Oct.-Dec.). — Dissolution of the 
 Chamber of Deputies. — The Government sus- 
 tained in the Elections. — Increased Partici- 
 pation by the Catholics. — The Chamber of 
 Deputies was dissolved by royal decree on the 
 17th of October, and elections appointed to be 
 held on the 6th and 13th of November. The 
 canvass was more animated than usual, Catho- 
 lics taking part in it, and in the subsequent 
 voting, more numerously than hitherto. The 
 Ministry of Premier Giolitti, representing the 
 Liberals and Moderates in politics, between 
 groups of the extreme Right and Left, secured 
 a strong majority. Those of the Left lost a 
 number of seats, though the Socialists claimed 
 to have made large gains in the popular vote. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Effect of the Russo-Japan- 
 ese War on the Triple Alliance. See (in this 
 vol.) Europe: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Action with other Powers 
 in forcing Financial Reforms in Macedonia 
 on Turkey. See Turkey: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Sept.). — Earthquake in Cala- 
 bria. See Earthquakes. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Illness and Retirement 
 of Premier Giolitti. — The Fortisand Sonnino 
 Ministries. — The Demoralized Railway Ser- 
 vice. — Catholic Abstention from Politics 
 relaxed. — Return of Giolitti to Power. — 
 The Italian Premier, Signor Giolitti, was forced 
 by illness to withdraw from office early in the 
 year, and Signor Fortis was commissioned by 
 the King to form a new Ministry. He did not 
 succeed, and Signor Tittoni was then required 
 by the King to take the lead in Government 
 with the late colleagues of Signor Giolitti. Tit- 
 toni soon resigned, however, and Fortis was 
 again called, late in March, to form a Cabinet, 
 which he now found himself able to do. In the 
 following December, however, a reconstruction 
 of the Fortis Ministry occurred, the King re- 
 quiring the Premier to retain his place, while 
 his colleagues were partly changed. 
 
 Throughout the year the Government and the 
 country were greatly troubled by a general de- 
 moralization in the management and service of 
 the railways. Travel and freight transportation 
 were exasperatingly delayed ; accidents were 
 of constant occurrence, and strikes, having no 
 result but the public affliction, were repeated 
 again and again. 
 
 _ Early in the summer an encyclical on the at- 
 titude to be taken by the faithful in political 
 controversies was addressed to the Italian bish- 
 ops by the Pope. Not distinctly, but by infer- 
 ence, it was taken to be a relaxation of the policy 
 of abstention from politics, and to prompt politi- 
 cal action by Catholics, but always under clerical 
 guidance and advice. 
 
 The Fortis Ministry held its ground in the 
 Government, against much attack, until Febru- 
 
 ary, 1906, when it lost the support of a majority 
 in the Chamber, and gave place to a coalition 
 Cabinet formed by Signor Sonnino, which con- 
 ducted the administration till the following 
 May, when, on a question of the purchase of the 
 Southern railways, it suffered defeat. Where- 
 upon Signor Giolitti returned to power, in the 
 face of a threat from the employees of the rail- 
 ways that they would proclaim a general strike 
 if he took up the reins again. The strike did not 
 occur, and a notable access of vigor and activity 
 of Government appeared. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — At the Algeciras Conference 
 on the Morocco Question. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April). — Violent eruption of 
 Mount Vesuvius. See Volcanic Eruptions. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — The Giolitti Adminis- 
 tration. — Its recent resignation. — The Gio- 
 litti Ministry was maintained in the direction of 
 the Government for nearly four years, by virtue 
 of the energetic and efficient administration it 
 conducted. Its capabilities were demonstrated 
 somewhat notably before the close of 1906, by 
 the conversion of the Italian rentes (Government 
 bonds) from 4 to 3 per cent., — a financial opera- 
 tion which had been discussed and fumbled over, 
 apparently, for a long time. Premier Giolitti 
 brought the question to a determination in the 
 Chamber after less than one day of debate ; and 
 the conversion of 8, 000,000, OOOfr. of national 
 debt was so readily accepted by the rente-hold- 
 ers that only 1,700, OOOfr. needed to be paid off. 
 
 Relations between the Government and the 
 Papacy were improved by the breach of the lat- 
 ter with France, which led to the substitution 
 of Italy for France as the protector of Catho- 
 lics and Catholic interests in the Empire of the 
 Turks. This was not, however, agreeable to 
 Austria, and began a coolness between these 
 two of the parties to the Triple Alliance which 
 all the disturbing occurrences in the Near East 
 have tended since to increase. The Alliance with 
 Austria and Germany had been renewed in 1902 ; 
 but there have been several occasions within 
 the past three years on which Italian ill-feeling 
 toward the former has flamed out quite threaten- 
 ingly in Press and Parliament, and sometimes in 
 popular demonstrations. 
 
 A disturbing agitation of the question of reli- 
 gious instruction in the schools occurred in 1908, 
 bringing demands from anti-clerical parties for 
 its prohibition ; but the Government was upheld 
 in refusing such action. A disturbing excite- 
 ment in Sicily was produced that year by the 
 conviction, after a much prolonged and sensa- 
 tional trial, of Signor Nasi, ex Minister of Public 
 Instruction, on charges of embezzlement of pub- 
 lic moneys. The convicted Minister was a Si- 
 cilian, and his fellow-countrymen resented the 
 prosecution of him as an indignity to themselves. 
 To pacify them, Signor Nasi, after a short de- 
 tention in his own house, had the remainder of 
 his sentence of imprisonment remitted. 
 
 The Giolitti Ministry came to its end somewhat 
 unexpectedly on the 2d of December, 1909. It 
 had brought forward, not long before, a Bill em- 
 bodying proposals for the reform of taxation, 
 avowedly to transfer some larger proportion of 
 its burden from the poor to the rich, especially by 
 death duties and income taxes. When the elec- 
 tion of a committee to deal with the Bill occurred 
 Dec. 2, the opponents of the Government secured 
 
 339 
 
ITALY, 1909 
 
 JAMAICA 
 
 a majority, whereupon Premier Giolitti and his 
 Cabinet resigned. A new Ministry was formed, 
 under Baron Sonnino, the leader of the Opposi- 
 tion. The parliamentary support it must depend 
 on is said to be made up of extremely contradic- 
 tory elements. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Falling off in Emigration. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Immigration and Emigration : 
 Italy. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Dec.). — The Awful Destruction 
 of Messina and Reggio by Earthquake. See 
 
 Earthquakes: Italy. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Election of a Jewish Mayor 
 of Rome. — Whether specially significant or 
 not, the election in Rome, in 1908, of Ernesto 
 Nathan, a Jew and an ex-Grand Master of the 
 Order of Free Masons, to be Mayor of the City, 
 was an event which excited wide interest and 
 remark. Mr. Nathan’s birth, and his education 
 partly, were in England, but he acquired citizen- 
 ship in Italy, and rose in reputation and influ- 
 ence at Rome, until he had become the leading 
 figure in the hard fought municipal election of 
 the winter of 1908, which defeated the Church 
 party and elected sixty Radical members out 
 of eighty composing the City Council. The 
 Mayor is elected by the Council, and it gave the 
 office to Nathan. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Church Movement of Agri- 
 cultural Labor Organization. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization : Italy. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Tardy Construction of 
 “ Dreadnoughts.” See War, The Prepara- 
 tions for : Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March). — Parliamentary Elec- 
 tions. — Socialist, Republican, Radical, and 
 Catholic Gains. — Conservative Losses. — 
 Large, but Reduced Majority for the Gov- 
 ernment. — Extensive changes in the represent- 
 ation of the numerous parties in Italian politics 
 resulted from the Parliamentary elections held 
 in March, 1909. As finally reported, after sev- 
 enty four second ballots had been taken, the 
 outcome was as follows: 
 
 From seven Deputies the Catholics rose to 24. 
 The Socialists went up from 26 to 42, the ex- 
 treme Radicals from 32 to 42, and the Republi- 
 cans from 19 to 24. The parties of the Extreme 
 Left had thus risen from 77 to 108. The Mod- 
 erate Liberals, or Constitutional Opposition, as 
 they call themselves, declined the most, num- 
 bering between 60 and 70. But the gains made 
 by the parties of the extreme Left had only 
 recovered for them the ground they had lost in 
 the election of 1904. 
 
 ‘‘An interesting feature of the elections is that 
 the Pope’s supporters are said to have taken a 
 more active part than they have done since the 
 beginning of united Italy. The Papal inhibi- 
 tion against going to the polls was removed in 
 seventy-two constituencies, or one-seventh of 
 
 the whole number voting. The result has been 
 no gain in Rome, where the Anti-Clercial bloc 
 repeated its victories of the preceding year, and 
 a fairly slight gain in the rural districts. In 
 general, it may be questioned whether the Papal 
 non expedit has really kept Catholics out of pol- 
 itics to ^ very considerable extent. If we take 
 the enrolled electors in Germany, we find that 
 they constitute 20 per cent, of the entire popula- 
 tion ; in France the ratio is nearly 24 per cent. ; in 
 Italy it is less than 8 per cent. At first sight 
 that would indicate that an enormous number 
 of Italians boycott the polls. We find, how- 
 ever, that the Italian franchise demands not 
 only the ability to read and write, but a certain 
 degree of additional elementary education. At 
 the same time we find that in 1901 nearly 44 per 
 cent, of all males over twenty years of age were 
 illiterate. This at once nearly doubles the elec- 
 toral ratio. Add the fact that there are very 
 considerable property qualifications for the 
 franchise, and we get for Italy a ratio not far 
 removed from Germany’s 20 percent. It would 
 follow that the number of Italians who re- 
 frain from availing themselves of their electoral 
 rights is not very large.” — N. T. Evening Post , 
 March 8, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Proposed Payment of 
 Members of Parliament. — A Press despatch 
 from Rome, May 9, 1909, reported : “ Leave was 
 asked yesterday to introduce in the Chamber of 
 Deputies two Bills for the payment of members 
 of Parliament. According to the first Bill, pro- 
 posed by Signor Galli, all Deputies and Sena- 
 tors would receive £240 a year ; the second Bill, 
 proposed by Signor Chimienti, would make a 
 payment of 24s. for every sitting attended. 
 Signor Giolitti said that the idea of the pay- 
 ment of members of Parliament was evidently 
 gaining ground, and that the Government would 
 not oppose the introduction of the Bills. On 
 the other hand, he deprecated the contention 
 which had been advanced, that the non-pay- 
 ment of Deputies was in any way responsible 
 for a scanty attendance, and earnestly recom- 
 mended the Chamber to give the question its 
 very careful consideration before committing it- 
 self either way.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Nov.). — Naval strength. See 
 
 (in this vol.) War, The Preparations for : 
 Naval. 
 
 ITO, Prince Hirobumi : Visit to the 
 
 United States. — Mission to St. Petersburg. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 President of the Japanese Council. — His 
 Party. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1903 
 (June). 
 
 Resident-General in Korea. See Korea : 
 A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 His assassination. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). 
 
 J. 
 
 JAMAICA : A. D. 1906. — Harmony of re- 
 lations between the White minority and the 
 Colored majority of inhabitants. — How ex- 
 plained. See (in this vol.) Race Problems : 
 Jamaica. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Destructive Earthquake. 
 See (in this vol.) Earthquakes: Jamaica. 
 
 JAMES, Professor William: Plan for 
 
 ending War. See (in this vol.) War, TnE 
 Revolt against : A. D. 1904. 
 
 JAMESON, Dr. Leander S. : Premier of 
 Cape Colony. — His Continuance of the Pol- 
 icy of Cecil Rhodes. See (in this vol.) South 
 Africa : A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 At the Imperial Conference of 1907. See 
 (in this vol.) British Empire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 340 
 
JAMESON 
 
 JAPAN, 1901-1904 
 
 JAMESON, Dr. L. S. : In Movement for 
 South African Union. See (in this vol.) South 
 Africa : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 JAMESTOWN TERCENTENIAL EX- 
 POSITION. — The three hundredth anniver- 
 sary of the first permanent English settlement in 
 America was celebrated on the site of the set- 
 tlement, at Jamestown, Virginia, by an Exposi- 
 tion which was opened by President Roosevelt 
 on the 26th of April, 1907. The advantages of 
 the place for naval display tempted Congress to 
 
 give that character, in the main, to so much of 
 the celebration as was organized under national 
 auspices that other features were quite eclipsed. 
 As an illustration of three centuries of progress 
 from the beginnings of civilized life in the 
 United States it cannot be said to have had much 
 success. But the show, from many nations, of 
 battle ships and the paraphernalia of naval war 
 was superb. 
 
 JANNARIS, Professor, Imprisonment of. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Crete : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 JAPAN. 
 
 A. D. 1901 (July). — Unveiling of a Monu- 
 ment to commemorate the Advent of Commo- 
 dore Perry. — A monument to commemorate 
 the arrival of Commodore Perry in Japan, in 
 1853, was unveiled with imposing ceremonies, 
 at Kurihama, on the 14th of July, 1901, that be- 
 ing the forty-eighth anniversary of the event. 
 Commodore Rodgers, with three vessels of the 
 Asiatic Squadron of the United States, attended 
 to represent the United States officially in the 
 ceremonies of the day. The monument was 
 erected by the Japanese “ America Association 
 of Japan.” 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1904 . — Persistent occupation 
 of Manchuria by the Russians. — Japanese 
 negotiations and demands, without satisfac- 
 tion. — “ In spite of repeated promises to evacu- 
 ate the points seized and held by Russian forces 
 when, after the relief of the Legations, these 
 forces were withdrawn from Peking and Chili, 
 to be concentrated in Manchuria [see Man- 
 churia, in Vol. VI.], and in disregard of the in- 
 terests of the other allies, the policy of keeping 
 all that she had gained, and of gaining more as 
 far as possible, was steadily pursued by Rus- 
 sia. ... It was the probable effect of a contin- 
 ued occupation of Manchuria by Russia upon 
 their business interests which led Great Britain 
 and America to wish that the repeated Russian 
 assurances of good faith toward China and toward 
 all foreign nations should manifest themselves 
 in works. The case could not be wholly the same 
 with Japan. Her interests of trade were, indeed, 
 if not at the time so large, more close and vital 
 than those of any other nation outside of China. 
 But her other interests were incomparable. So 
 that when Russia failed to carry out her engage- 
 ments, even under a convention which was so 
 much in her favor [see, in this vol., China. A. D. 
 1901-1902], there was a revival of suspicion and 
 apprehension on the part of the Japanese Gov- 
 ernment and the Japanese people. Manchuria 
 and Korea both pointed an index finger of warn- 
 ing directed toward Russia. 
 
 “ It was to further a peaceful adjustment of 
 all the disturbed conditions of the interests of 
 Russia and Japan in the Far East that Marquis 
 Ito went, on his way home from his visit to the 
 United States, at the end of 1901, on an unofficial 
 mission to St. Petersburg. The failure of the 
 overtures which he bore discouraged those of the 
 leading Japanese statesmen who were hoping for 
 some reconciliation which might take the shape 
 of allowing Russian ascendency in Manchuria 
 and Japanese ascendency in Korea. It also 
 strengthened the conviction which prevailed 
 among the younger statesmen that the St. Peters- 
 
 burg Government regarded Manchuria as not 
 only its fortress in the Far East, but also as its 
 path to the peninsula lying within sight of 
 Japan’s shores. ‘ The Japanese Government,’ 
 says Mr. D. W. Stevens, ‘at last felt that the 
 vital interests of Japan might be irrevocably 
 jeopardized in Korea as well as in Manchuria, if 
 it continued to remain a mere passive spectator 
 of Russian encroachments ; and in August, 1903, 
 it resolved to take a decisive step. In the most 
 courteous form and through the usual diplomatic 
 channels Japan intimated at St. Petersburg that 
 her voice must be heard, and listened to, in con- 
 nection with Far Eastern questions in which her 
 interests were vitally concerned.’ The answer 
 of Russia was the appointment of Admiral Alex- 
 eieff as Viceroy over the Czar’s possessions in 
 the Far East, with executive and administrative 
 powers of a semi-autocratic character. . . . 
 Negotiations having in view the peaceful ad- 
 justment of the conflicting interests of Russia 
 and Japan in the Far East, which were begun 
 by the latter country in the summer of 1903, 
 were further continued. Mr. Kurino, the Jap- 
 anese Minister at St. Petersburg, was informed 
 by Baron Komura, who was then Japanese Min- 
 ister of Foreign Affairs, that the recent conduct 
 of Russia at Peking, in Manchuria, and in Korea, 
 was the cause of grave concern to the Govern 
 ment at Tokyo. ‘ The unconditional and per- 
 manent occupation of Manchuria by Russia 
 would,’ said Baron Komura, 1 create a state of 
 things prejudicial to the security and interests 
 of Japan. The principle of equal opportunity 
 would thereby be annulled, and the territorial 
 integrity of China be impaired. There is, how- 
 ever, a still more serious consideration for the 
 Japanese Government; that is to say, if Russia 
 was established on the flank of Korea it would 
 be a constant menace to the separate existence of 
 that empire, or at least would make Russi% the 
 dominant power in Korea. But Korea is an im- 
 portant outpost in Japan’s line of defence, and 
 Japan consequently considers its independence 
 absolutely essential to her own repose and safety. 
 Moreover, the political as well as the commer- 
 cial and industrial interests and influence which 
 Japan possesses in Korea are paramount over 
 those of other Powers. These interests and this 
 influence Japan, having regard to her own se- 
 curity, cannot consent to surrender to, or share 
 with, another Power.’ 
 
 ‘ ‘ In view of these reasons, Mr. Kurino was 
 instructed to present the following note to Count 
 Lamsdorff, the Russian Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs : ‘ The Japanese Government desires to 
 remove from the relations of the two empires 
 
 341 
 
JAPAN, 1902 
 
 JAPAN, 1902 
 
 every cause of future misunderstanding, and 
 believes that the Russian Government shares the 
 same desire. The Japanese Government would 
 therefore be glad to enter with the Russian Im- 
 perial Government upon an examination of the 
 condition of affairs in the regions of the extreme 
 East, where their interests meet, with a view of 
 defining their respective especial interests in 
 those regions. If this suggestion fortunately 
 meets with the approval, in principle, of the 
 Russian Government, the Japanese Government 
 will be prepared to present to the Russian Gov- 
 ernment their views as to the nature and scope 
 of the proposed understanding.’ 
 
 “ The consent of Count Lamsdorff and the 
 Czar having been obtained, on August 12th arti- 
 cles were prepared and submitted by the Jap- 
 anese Government which it wished to have serve 
 as a basis of understanding between the two 
 countries. The essential agreements to be secured 
 by these articles were : (1) A mutual engagement 
 to respect the independence and territorial integ- 
 rity of the Chinese and Korean empires, and to 
 maintain the ‘ open door ’ in these countries ; and 
 (2) a reciprocal recognition of Japan’s preponder- 
 ating interests in Korea and of Russia’s special 
 interests in Manchuria. These demands were not 
 altered in any very important way by Japan dur- 
 ing all the subsequent negotiations. It was their 
 persistent rejection by Russia, together with her 
 long delays in replying while she was meantime 
 making obvious preparations of a warlike char- 
 acter, which precipitated the tremendous conflict 
 that followed some months later.” — George T. 
 Ladd, In Korea with Marquis Ito, ch. 10 ( copy- 
 right, 1908, C. Scribner’s Sons). 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Defensive Agreement be- 
 tween Great Britain and Japan. — An agree- 
 ment of great importance, in the nature of a 
 defensive alliance, between Great Britain and 
 Japan, was concluded at London on the 30th 
 of January, 1902. On the publication of the 
 Treaty, a few days later, it was accompanied 
 by a communication from the British Secretary 
 for Foreign Affairs, the Marquis of Lansdowne, 
 to Sir C. MacDonald, the British Minister at 
 Tokyo, in which the actuating motives of the 
 Agreement were set forth, as follows : 
 
 “Sir: I have signed to-day, with the Jap- 
 anese minister, an agreement between Great 
 Britain and Japan, of which a copy is inclosed 
 in this dispatch. 
 
 “This agreement may be regarded as the out- 
 come of the events which have taken place dur- 
 ing the last two years in the Far East, and of the 
 part taken by Great Britain and Japan in dealing 
 with them. Throughout the troubles and com- 
 plications which arose in China consequent upon 
 the Boxer outbreak and attack upon the Pekin 
 legations, the two powers have been in close and 
 uninterrupted communication, and have been 
 actuated by similar views. We have each of us 
 desired that the integrity and independence of 
 the Chinese Empire should be preserved, that 
 there should be no disturbance of the territorial 
 status quo either in China or in the adjoining 
 regions, that all nations should, within those re 
 gions, as well as within the limits of the Chinese 
 Empire, be afforded equal opportunities for the 
 development of their commerce and industry, 
 and that peace should not only be restored, but 
 should, for the future, be maintained. 
 
 ‘ ‘ From the frequent exchanges of views which 
 
 have taken place between the two Governments, 
 and from the discovery that their Far Eastern 
 policy was identical, it has resulted that each 
 side has expressed the desire that their common 
 policy should find expression in an international 
 contract of binding validity. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ His Majesty’s Government have been largely 
 influenced in their decision to enter into this im- 
 portant contract by the conviction that it con- 
 tains no provisions which can be regarded as an 
 indication of aggressive or self-seeking tenden- 
 cies in the regions to which it applies. It has 
 been concluded purely as a measure of precau- 
 tion, to be invoked, should occasion arise, in the 
 defense of important British interests. It in no 
 way threatens the present position or the legiti- 
 mate interests of other powers. On the contrary, 
 that part of it which renders either of the high 
 contracting parties liable to be called upon by 
 the other for assistance can operate only when 
 one of the allies has found himself obliged to go 
 to war in defense of interests which are common 
 to both, when the circumstances in which he has 
 taken this step are such as to establish that the 
 quarrel has not been of his own seeking, and 
 when, being engaged in his own defense, he finds 
 himself threatened, not by a single power, but 
 by a hostile coalition.” 
 
 Agreement between Great Britain and 
 Japan, signed at London, January 30, 1902. 
 
 “The Governments of Great Britain and 
 Japan, actuated solely by a desire to maintain 
 the status quo and general peace in the extreme 
 East, being moreover specially interested in 
 maintaining the independence and territorial in- 
 tegrity of the Empire of China and the Empire 
 of Corea, and in securing equal opportunities in 
 those countries for the commerce and industry 
 of all nations, hereby agree as follows : 
 
 “ Article I. The High Contracting Parties 
 having mutually recognized the independence 
 of China and of Corea, declare themselves to be 
 entirely uninfluenced by any aggressive tenden- 
 cies in either country. Having in view, how- 
 ever, their special interests, of which those of 
 Great Britain relate principally to China, while 
 Japan, in addition to the interests which she 
 possesses in China, is interested in a peculiar de- 
 gree politically, as well as commercially and 
 industrially, in Corea, the High Contracting 
 Parties recognize that it will be admissible for 
 either of them to take such measures as may be 
 indispensable in order to safeguard those inter- 
 ests if threatened either by the aggressive action 
 of any other Power, or by disturbances arising 
 in China or Corea, and necessitating the inter- 
 vention of either of the High Contracting Par- 
 ties for the protection of the lives and property 
 of its subjects. 
 
 “Article II. If either Great Britain or 
 Japan, in the defence of their respective inter- 
 ests as above described, should become involved 
 in war with another Power, the other High Con- 
 tracting Party will maintain a strict neutrality, 
 and use its efforts to prevent other Powers from 
 joining in hostilities against its ally. 
 
 “Article III. If in the above event any 
 other Power or Powers should join in hostilities 
 against that ally, the other high contracting 
 party will come to its assistance and will con- 
 duct the war in common, and make peace in 
 mutual agreement with it. 
 
 “Article IV. The High Contracting Parties 
 
 342 
 
JAPAN. 1902 
 
 JAPAN, 1904 
 
 agree that neither of them will, without con- 
 sulting the other, enter into separate arrange- 
 ments with another Power to the prejudice of 
 the interests above described. 
 
 “Article V. Whenever, in the opinion of 
 either Great Britain or Japan, the above-men- 
 tioned interests are in jeopardy, the two Gov- 
 ernments will communicate with one another 
 fully and frankly. 
 
 “Article VI. The present agreement shall 
 come into effect immediately after the date of 
 its signature, and remain in force for five years 
 from that date. In case neither of the High Con- 
 tracting Parties should have notified twelve 
 months before the expiration of the said five 
 years the intention of terminating it, it shall re- 
 main binding until the expiration of one year 
 from the day on which either of the High Con- 
 tracting Parties shall have denounced it. But 
 if, when the date fixed for its expiration arrives, 
 either ally is actually engaged in war, the alli- 
 ance shall, ipso facto, continue until peace is 
 concluded. In faith whereof the undersigned, 
 duly authorized by their respective Govern- 
 ments, have signed this agreement, and have 
 affixed thereto their seals.” 
 
 In August, 1905, the above Treaty was re- 
 placed by a fresh Agreement of similar tenor, 
 — see, below, Japan : A. D. 1905 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Aug.). — Success of Prince Ito’s 
 Party in the Parliamentary Election. — “Thus 
 far parties, so called, have been magnetized 
 around men. They have not crystallized along 
 the axes of principles. Marquis Ito, ultra-con- 
 servative in politics but radical and reformer in 
 things social, is at one pole. Count Okuma, rad- 
 ical in politics, sternly conservative of social 
 life and the traditionary ethics, is at the other. 
 
 “ The August elections of 1902 show appar- 
 ently at least that the day of party government 
 has dawned, for now and for the first time 
 Marquis Ito leads in the Lower House a host of 
 the friends of the Constitution (Rikken Seiyu 
 Kai) that has an overwhelming majority of 
 seats and in time of a ‘ division ’ nearly if not 
 wholly a plurality of votes. The returns are 
 just in and the table stands about thus : 
 
 Seiyu Kai (Constitution Friends) . . . 193 
 
 Progressists 106 
 
 Independents 56 
 
 Imperialists and others 21 
 
 “ It was a smart stroke of policy for Ito, two 
 years ago, to unite in one organization [see in 
 Vol. VI. of this work, Japan: A. D. 1900 (Au- 
 gust-October)] the Radicals under Hoshi Torn 
 and his own following of ‘ clansmen, capacities 
 and young statesmen.’ It was the union of the 
 strong and the subtle, taking the name not of a 
 party but of an ‘ Association,’ with a purpose of 
 upholding the constitution (in the Prussian 
 sense), in order to control both the educational 
 and the economic policy of the country, to com- 
 plete the radical transformation of the Japan- 
 ese into a modern man, and ‘ to screen Japan’s 
 Western evolution against all possibility of re- 
 action.’” — W. E. Griffis, in The Independent. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (June). — The Marquis Ito ac- 
 cepts Presidency of the Council to strengthen 
 the Government. — To strengthen the Ministry 
 of Count Katsura in the Diet, the Marquis Ito, 
 powerful head of the Rikken Seiyu-kai (Associ- 
 ation of the Friends of the Constitution, — see 
 
 Japan: A. D. 1900, August-October, in Vol- 
 ume VI. of this work), foreseeing trouble to 
 come from the proceedings of Russia in Man- 
 churia, consented in June to accept the post of 
 President of the Council, and was joined in the 
 Council by Marquis Yamagata and Count Mat- 
 sukata. The Government was thus greatly rein- 
 forced for dealing with the difficulties that now 
 approached very fast. A section of the Seiyu-kai 
 seceded from it, however, and formed the Doshi- 
 shukai (Assembly of Fellow -thinkers), under 
 Count Itagaki. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July). — War with Russia. 
 — Sudden opening of Hostilities. — Occupa- 
 tion of Korea. 4 — Battles at the Yalu. — The 
 Armies in Manchuria. — Movement of Gen. 
 Nogi on Manchuria. — Simultaneously with 
 the rupture of diplomatic relations with Russia, 
 on the 6 th of February, 1904, the Japanese Gov- 
 ernment dispatched from Sasebo a fleet of 7 
 battle-ships, 18 cruisers, and flotillas of torpedo 
 boats aud destroyers, under Vice-Admiral Togo, 
 with transports conveying troops, to open opera- 
 tions of war. The transports were convoyed to 
 Chemulpho, the port of Seoul, Korea, by 4 cruis- 
 ers and a number of torpedo boats, under Rear- 
 Admiral Uryu ; while Admiral Togo proceeded 
 with the remainder of his fleet to Port Arthur. 
 The troops sent to Chemulpho were landed on 
 the 8 th, and Admiral Uryu, the next day, at- 
 tacked a Russian cruiser and gunboat in Che- 
 mulpho harbor with such effect that they were 
 destroyed by their commanders. On the night 
 of the 8 th Togo’s torpedo boats were sent against 
 the Russian fleet at Port Arthur and crippled it 
 to a serious extent. A second body of 14,000 
 troops was landed at Chemulpho on the 15th. 
 
 The Japanese had now a strong footing in 
 Korea, with Seoul securely in hand, and the 
 First Japanese Army, under General Kuroki, 
 was ready to begin its northward advance. 
 Phvangyang was occupied on the 20th, after 
 which further troops could be landed at Chi- 
 nampho, saving a long march. By the end of 
 March there were about 45,000 men in the force 
 moving toward the Yalu. The first encounter 
 with the Russians was near Chengju, where 600 
 of the latter’s cavalry were driven back. On the 
 4th of April the Japanese advance guard reached 
 the Yalu, which forms the boundary between 
 Korea and Manchuria, and occupied Wiju, near 
 its mouth, the opposing cavalry having been 
 withdrawn to the opposite bank of the river on 
 the preceding day. The main body arrived at 
 Wiju April 20. The Russians, on the other side 
 of the Yalu, were then concentrating a force of 
 about 25,000 men, with Liaoyang and Fenghu- 
 angcheng for its first and secondary bases. 
 
 For ten ensuing days both armies were busy 
 in preparations and manoeuvres, the one for at- 
 tempting to force a crossing of the Yalu, the 
 other to resist it. How their preparations com- 
 pared in effectiveness is described by an experi- 
 enced correspondent, David Fraser, who accom- 
 panied the Japanese and wrote the story of the 
 campaign, publishing it subsequently in a book 
 entitled “A Modern Campaign.” The difference 
 that Mr. Fraser saw between the painstaking, 
 the thoughtfulness and the carefully acquired 
 knowledge which went into the Japanese pre- 
 paration for their attack, — the concealment of 
 their forces, the masking of their batteries, the 
 obscuring of all that they did, — and the con- 
 
 343 
 
JAPAN, 1904 
 
 JAPAN, 1904 
 
 trasting carelessness of the Russians in the same 
 particulars, was the difference that gave success 
 to the one and brought defeat on the other. Be- 
 fore the Japanese moved they knew everything 
 they needed to know, — the fordable places 
 on ■ the streams they had to cross, the points of 
 advantage on every mile of the ground to be 
 traversed, the positions of the enemy, — and the 
 Russians did not. And the Japanese were able 
 to repeat much of the same feinting and maneu- 
 vering by means of which they had forced the 
 passage of the Yalu at the same place, against 
 the Chinese, in 1894. 
 
 On the 25th of April the Japanese were ready 
 to bring their preparations into use, and on that 
 and the next two days they drove the Russian 
 outposts from the islands they needed to oc- 
 cupy, and began building bridges at night. In 
 the end, ten bridges were built, some of them 
 invisible to the enemy. Many signs of Japanese 
 movement down the river were then exhibited 
 to the Russians. A Japanese battery became 
 busy at a point some distance below Wiju; gun- 
 boats and other vessels were collected in that 
 direction ; troops were in motion in the same di- 
 rection ; but quiet reigned at and around Wiju, 
 the batteries behind which had not yet beto- 
 kened their existence. That quiet in this part 
 of the Japanese line was broken suddenly at 
 midday on the 29th, when a pontoon train, with 
 accompanying troops, was hurried to the river, 
 the pontoons launched, manned and paddled to 
 the opposite bank. A Russian outpost which 
 fired on these invaders drew the first revelation 
 of a hitherto hidden and silent Japanese battery, 
 and fled from its shells. Possession of the fur- 
 ther shore was thus secured for sufficient time 
 to enable the construction of the pontoon bridge, 
 which the strong current in the river made a 
 difficult task. It was ready, however, for the 
 crossing of the river that night by the infantry of 
 the entire 12th division of the Japanese Army. 
 
 The thrilling episode of the battle of the next 
 two days was the opening of fire from the 
 hitherto hidden and unsuspected batteries of 
 Japanese heavy guns. Mr. Fraser tells us that 
 the Russians had believed it impossible to bring 
 heavy artillery over the Korean roads, and were 
 in consternation when the howitzers belched 
 forth their shells in a fairly overpowering way. 
 “ The trees,” he says, “ screened the flashing of 
 the Japanese guns from the Russian eyes. 
 There was no smoke to indicate their where- 
 abouts. The indirect fire of the howitzers was 
 as deadly as if it had been aimed point-blank. 
 The Russians, on the other hand, fired at ran- 
 dom into the belt of trees ; they had been able 
 to locate only two of the Japanese guns. Their 
 fire had little or no effect upon the well-pro- 
 tected Japanese gunners. In ten minutes the 
 Russian shooting grew wild. . . . After twenty- 
 five minutes both batteries were silenced.” 
 
 It is the testimony of all witnesses of the 
 fighting on both days of the battle, especially on 
 the 1st of May, that the Russians showed des- 
 perate courage ; but every advantage, of posi- 
 tion, of equipment, of numbers, and, above all, 
 of generalship, was in favor of the Japanese. 
 They drove the enemy from all his entrench- 
 ments, and entered Manchuria, to pursue there 
 an equally successful campaign, for the same 
 reasons, of superior ability and more thorough 
 preparation. 
 
 The reported loss of the Japanese in the con- 
 flicts on the Yalu was 5 officers and 218 men 
 killed, 33 officers and 780 men wounded. They 
 captured 22 field guns, 8 machine guns, a quan- 
 tity of rifles and ammunition, and took 628 pris- 
 oners, including 18 officers. General Zasulich, 
 the Russian commander, reported 70 officers and 
 2324 men killed, wounded and taken prisoners. 
 Another Russian report of losses gave 28 offi- 
 cers and 564 men killed, 38 officers and 1081 men 
 wounded, and 6 officers and 679 men missing. 
 
 The Russians retreated on Fengliuaugcheng, 
 but made no stand there, and the Japanese, who 
 followed, occupied the place on the 6tli of May. 
 The advance of the latter was halted at that 
 point until late in June, waiting for operations 
 in other parts of the field. 
 
 Meantime, between the 4th and the 22d of 
 May, the Second Japanese Army, General Oku 
 commanding, had been landed near Pitsewo, on 
 the western coast of the Liao-tung peninsula, 
 and this began a general advance on the 25th. 
 It fought a severe battle on the following day, 
 at Nanshan, or Kinchou, from which the Rus- 
 sians fell back. The victory of the Japanese 
 cost them heavily, their reported loss being 739 
 killed and 5455 wounded ; while General Stossel, 
 the Russian commander, reported a loss of 30 
 officers and 800 men killed and wounded. 
 
 On June 6th this Second Army was divided 
 into two, one of which, passing to the command 
 of General Nogi, became the Third Japanese 
 Army, and was marched presently toward Port 
 Arthur, to open the famous siege of that 
 stronghold. General Oku, retaining about 50,- 
 000 men in the Second Army, and starting north- 
 ward on the 15th, was opposed by Russian forces 
 under General Stackelberg. The first impor- 
 tant conflict was on June 15 at or near Telissu 
 station, which gave the battle its name. Again 
 the Russians were forced back, with a loss of 
 103 officers and about 2600 men, killed and 
 wounded, besides a missing list of 764. The 
 Japanese loss was 50 officers and 1113 men 
 killed and wounded. Hard fighting occurred 
 again between the 6th and 9th of July, on the 
 approach of the Japanese to Kaiping and the 
 Kaiping River, beyond which their opponents 
 were driven. “ The occupation of Kaiping and 
 the country immediately to the north placed 
 General Oku’s army on the edge of the Liao 
 Valley, opened the way to the Yingkon and 
 Newchwang, and facilitated his further advance 
 to the north by allowing supplies to be received 
 from the sea, thus shortening his line of com- 
 munications.” 
 
 A Fourth Japanese Army, under General 
 Nodzu, had now been landed at Takushan, on 
 the eastern coast of the Liao-tung peninsula, 
 and was reconnoitering toward Oku’s forces, as 
 well as toward the First Japanese Army, which 
 had remained in the vicinity of Fenglniangcheng 
 until the 24tli of June, waiting for these co- 
 operative masses of troops to be got into place. 
 It was now being moved in three columns, one 
 of which was soon in touch with the Fourth 
 Army (Nodzu’s), and the two began working 
 to the west and northwest. The Russians gave 
 up Fenshuiling, and by the 9th of July, when 
 Oku, with the Second Army, occupied Kaiping, 
 the three Japanese armies in the northern part 
 of the Liao-tung peninsula — the First, Second, 
 and Fourth — “were united on a front from 
 
 344 
 
JAPAN, 1904 
 
 JAPAN, 1904 
 
 Kaiping east to Fenshuiling, thence northeast 
 through Motieuling, with covering detachments 
 of Kobi troops eastward at Saimachi, Hsien- 
 chang and Huaijen. The Russians were con- 
 centrated in the Liao Valley at Tashihchiao, 
 Haicheng, Anping and Liaoyang.” On the 6th 
 of July Field Marshal Oyama had left Tokyo 
 to take active command of this united army, 
 and the great operations of the Manchurian 
 campaign were about to begin. — Epitome of 
 the Russo-Japanese War, U. S. War Dep’t, Second 
 [. Military Information ] Division, General Staff, 
 No. 11. 
 
 At this time General Nogi, with the Third 
 Japanese Army, was fighting his way slowly 
 toward Port Arthur, against obstinate resist- 
 ance, not arriving at the front of the land de- 
 fences proper until the 14tli of August. 
 
 The Russians had evacuated Dalny (formerly 
 called Talienwan), with its fine harbor, on Ta- 
 lienwan Bay, thirty miles distant from Port 
 Arthur, and the Japanese had occupied it on 
 the 30th of May. This was an acquisition of 
 great importance to them. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -Aug.). — The War with 
 Russia: Siege of Port Arthur. — The Naval 
 Surprise. — Unreadiness of the Defence. — 
 Naval operations of the six months. — Fate 
 of the Russian fleets in the East. — Mr. E. 
 K. Nojine, “accredited Russian War Corre- 
 spondent,” who went through the whole experi- 
 ence at Port Arthur, from first to last of the 
 war, and who wrote what he entitles “The 
 Truth about Port Arthur,” opens his severely 
 critical narrative with the following statement : 
 “When, one hour before midnight on February 
 8, 1904, our warships began to belch fire from 
 their many steel mouths, and the seaward bat- 
 teries suddenly thundered forth their angry 
 death-dealing tidings, no one dreamed that the 
 noise was War, for no one had taken the con- 
 stant rumors of the rupture of diplomatic rela- 
 tions and of approaching hostilities at all seri- 
 ously. . . . Although the sky in the East had 
 for weeks been blood -red with the menace of 
 immediate war, yet when it came the surprise 
 was absolute, its horror intensified by our com- 
 plete unreadiness.” 
 
 What this writer tells of the unreadiness, and 
 of the slowness with which the serious need of 
 more readiness was comprehended by the con- 
 trolling authority at Port Arthur, during the 
 weeks that passed before the stronghold was 
 fully invested, goes almost beyond belief. He 
 writes bitterly and contemptuously of General 
 Stossel, who held command of the district, and 
 admiringly of General Smirnoff, Commandant 
 of the fortress, whom Stossel could overrule. 
 He seems to have been sustained in his judg- 
 ment by the court-martial which subsequently 
 condemned Stossel to death. 
 
 The sound of midnight battle on its sea-front 
 (February 8-9) which announced a beginning 
 of war to the surprised garrison of Port Arthur 
 came from the attack of Admiral Togo’s tor- 
 pedo boats on the Russian fleet in the harbor. 
 Three of the Russian ships were crippled, but 
 not seriously. The next day Togo made a gen- 
 eral attack with his whole fleet of fifteen ves- 
 sels, including five battle-ships, and did some 
 damage to four more of his enemies’ vessels; 
 but a fortnight is said to have repaired them 
 all. The general result of the two operations 
 
 was “to insure the at least temporary immobil- 
 ity of the Port Arthur fleet,” so that “ the trans- 
 port of the army from Japan to Korea might go 
 on without fear of molestation.” A squadron 
 was then detached to look after four cruisers at 
 Vladivostock, and that harbor was cannonaded 
 for the same purpose on the 6th of March. 
 Meantime, on the 9th of February, a Russian 
 cruiser and a gunboat, attempting to leave Che- 
 mulpho harbor, were driven back, and were 
 then destroyed by their Russian commander. 
 
 The main Japanese fleet hovered constantly 
 near Port Arthur, not only maintaining a strict 
 blockade, but making frequent close approaches, 
 to sink vessels and plant mines in the entrance 
 channels of the harbor ; to harrass the Russian 
 fleet with torpedo attacks, or to come boldly 
 within range of its shore defenses and give 
 battle to them, as well as to bombard the fort- 
 ress and town. There were heavy bombard- 
 ments on the 10th and the 22d of May. The 
 Russian fleet, commanded by Vice-Admiral 
 Makaroff, made retaliatory sorties, in returning 
 from one of which, on the 13th of April, the ad- 
 miral’s flag-ship, the Petropalovsk, struck and 
 exploded a line of floating mines. The huge 
 battle-ship was so shattered by the explosion 
 that she sank in two minutes, carrying down 
 the admiral, the famous painter, Verestchagin, 
 who was his guest, and 550 other officers and 
 men. Of all on board only 85 were saved. 
 
 In the course of the next month the Japanese 
 suffered several of the same disasters, two of 
 their battle-ships, the Hatsuse and the Yashima, 
 and two other vessels of less importance, being 
 blown up by the explosion of mines. Of the 
 crew of the Hatsuse nearly 500 perished, while 
 all on board the Yashima were said to have been 
 saved. By collision in a fog one of the Jap 
 anese cruisers was sunk, with all but 90 of her 
 crew. And the three most calamitous of these 
 happenings, to the two battle-ships and the 
 cruiser, occurred on the same day — the 15th of 
 May. Admiral Togo’s fleet was weakened very 
 seriously by these losses. Somewhat later the 
 same fate befell a number of Russian ships, but 
 the loss in them was less. 
 
 Though watched by a Japanese squadron 
 under Vice-Admiral Kamimura, the Russian 
 war-ships at Vladivostock were able to slip out 
 for occasional cruises, in which they captured 
 or destroyed Japanese transports and merchant 
 ships. In more than one instance — notably 
 that of the Kinshu-Maru — the soldiery on cap- 
 tured transports refused to surrender and com- 
 mitted “hara-kiri” in a body, or were engulfed 
 by the sea. “It is quite true that the work 
 done by the Vladivostock squadron was not 
 great in amount, but they must have caused 
 some inconvenience to the military forces of 
 Japan engaged in the campaign.” 
 
 On the 23d of June Rear-Admiral Vithoft, 
 who had succeeded the late Admiral Makaroff 
 in the naval command at Port Arthur, sailed out 
 of the harbor with six battle ships, five cruisers 
 and ten torpedo boats, apparently intending to 
 offer battle to the Japanese. The Russians had 
 repaired their damaged vessels and now seemed 
 to have a fleet that was equal to Togo’s in 
 strength, since he opposed only four battle-ships 
 to their six. Nevertheless when the Japanese 
 approached them they withdrew, returning to 
 Port Arthur, pursued by torpedo-boats, and 
 
JAPAN, 1904 
 
 JAPAN, 1904 
 
 l 
 
 nearly losing the battle ship Sevastopol, which 
 struck a mine and was disabled for six weeks. 
 
 Little occurred during that period on the naval 
 side of the Port Arthur campaign. Then, on 
 the 10th of August, it was reopened startlingly, 
 to be ended with practical completeness within 
 the next few days. On that morning the Port 
 Arthur fleet and the Yladivostock squadron put 
 to sea from their respective harbors, evidently 
 attempting a junction. The Port Arthur fleet 
 was the first to encounter its enemy, which it 
 did the same day, when no more than 25 or 30 
 miles out from the port. Admiral Vithoft now 
 had with him only five battle ships, having left 
 one, probably disabled, behind. With these 
 were the four cruisers, two gunboats and a 
 number of torpedo craft. Admiral Togo brought 
 against this force four battle-ships and four ar- 
 mored cruisers in the battle that ensued. It 
 “ took the form of a long-range engagement be- 
 tween the fleets, steering nearly the same course 
 towards the east. ... At a time which is vari- 
 ously reported, but probably about 6.15 p. m., 
 a 12-inch shell . . . burst near the conning tower 
 of the Cesarevitch the flagship], killing Admi- 
 ral Vithoft and wounding the captain of the 
 ship. At the same time the Cesarevitch’s steer- 
 ing gear was damaged, the helm jammed, and 
 she made a sudden sheer to port. This threw 
 the Russian line into confusion. . . . The Rus- 
 sian formation was now broken up, and the 
 ships fell into a confused group at which the 
 Japanese directed a hot fire at the compara- 
 tively short range of 3500 yards. At times the 
 Russian ships were hidden by the smoke of 
 exploding shells, and about 7 p. m. their fire 
 slackened perceptibly. One report states that 
 a second-class battle-ship and two coast-defence 
 vessels had joined the Japanese, besides another 
 ship of a class not certainly known. The whole 
 twelve Japanese ships concentrated their fire on 
 the six Russian battle-ships and four unarmored 
 cruisers till 8 p. m. Prince Ukhtomsk, who had 
 succeeded to the Russian command on Admiral 
 Vithbft’s death, then signalled to the fleet to 
 follow him, and turned toward Port Arthur. 
 All could not follow, and some made for shelter 
 in other ports, harrassed by torpedo attacks, but 
 not otherwise pursued. 
 
 The result of the Russian sally from Vladivos- 
 tock was much the same. The three armored 
 cruisers from that port were not intercepted by 
 the Japanese until the morning of the 14th, three 
 days after the defeat of the Port Arthur fleet 
 which they had hoped to join. They were then 
 attacked by four armored and two unarmored 
 cruisers. They fought obstinately and suffered 
 frightful losses in officers and men, — 415 
 wounded and 251 killed. One of the ships, re- 
 duced to helplessness, was sunk by its own sur- 
 viving crew, most of whom were picked up by 
 the Japanese. The other two escaped to Vladi- 
 vostock in a wrecked state. 
 
 These engagements “really ended the naval 
 campaign of 1904. Of the ships [from Port 
 Arthur] that got through the Japanese fleet, one 
 battle ship, the Cesarevitch, and three destroy- 
 ers were disarmed and interned at Kiachow 
 (Tsingtau) ; one cruiser, the Askold, and one 
 destroyer had the same fate at Shanghai, and 
 another cruiser, the Novik, was destroyed . . . 
 at Korsakovsk. A third cruiser, the Diana, was 
 disarmed and interned at the neutral French 
 
 port of Saigon. One destroyer had been seized 
 at Chefoo by the Japanese for disregard of Chi- 
 nese neutrality, and one was wrecked on the 
 coast of Shantung. The rest of the fleet which 
 got back to Port Arthur remained there only to 
 be destroyed in nearly every case by their own 
 crews, to save them from the fate of being sur- 
 rendered to their enemy on the fall of the fort- 
 ress. . . . The grand total of the Russian loss 
 [of officers and men] in the six battle-ships 
 and four cruisers amounted to 81 killed and 
 420 wounded. . . . The total Japanese loss, as 
 reported at the time, was 61 killed and 124 
 wounded.” Later statements brought the total 
 loss up to 225.- — Admiral Sir Cyprian Bridge, 
 in The Naval Annual , 1905, ch. 7. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). — The War with 
 Russia: Campaign in Manchuria. — Japan- 
 ese advances ; Russian retreats.— The great 
 battle and Japanese victory at Liao-Yang. — 
 On the 4th of July the Russians, who had given 
 up Motienling to the Japanese five days before, 
 made an attempt to recover it, but failed. They 
 repeated the attempt on the 17th, and again 
 without success. On the 10th a force from the 
 Fourth Japanese Army (Nodzu’s), advancing 
 from Fenshuiling toward Tomucheng, met with 
 a repulse. The right column of Kuroki’s army 
 (the First) fought a considerable engagement 
 with the Russians at Hsihoyen on the 19th. 
 Oku’s army (the Second), advancing from Kai- 
 ping, fought them at Tashinchiao on the 24th. 
 Nodzu was engaged with them again on the 
 31st at Tomucheng, and Kuroki’s right column 
 at Yushulingtzu on the same day; while the 
 left column, simultaneously, expelled them from 
 Yangtzuling. On the 2d of August the Rus- 
 sians retired from Haiclieng and the Japanese 
 occupied it the following day. The Russians 
 had been steadily forced back to the vicinity of 
 Liao-Yang, where they had prepared themselves 
 for a determined stand. 
 
 “ The front of the Russian forces at and in the 
 vicinity of Liao-Yang extended from Anslian- 
 tien through Lantzushan and the mountain range 
 east of Anping to the Taitzu River. The Jap- 
 anese front extended from Haicheng through 
 Tomucheng and Yantzuling to Yushulingtzu.” 
 — Epitome of the Russo-Japanese War, U. S. 
 War Rep' t. Second [Military Information] Div., 
 General Staff, No. 11. 
 
 Both sides were now making ready for the 
 first of the two most terrific battles of the war ; 
 but the month of August was near its close 
 before the Japanese began their assault on the 
 formidable works behind which the Russians 
 awaited their attack. In the “ Epitome ” cited 
 above the effective Russian force taking part 
 in this struggle is estimated at about 140,000, 
 commanded by General Kuropatkin. 
 
 Lord Brooke, Reuter’s special correspondent 
 in Manchuria, in his book entitled “An Eye- 
 witness in Manchuria,” describes the battle of 
 Liao-Yang as “the biggest artillery battle of 
 which history has record.” The Russians occu- 
 pied a line of rocky hills south and east of Liao- 
 Yang. Oku opposed their right and center; 
 Nodzu the center and left; Kuroki was farther 
 east, intending to force the passage of the Tai- 
 tze-ho and reach the rear of their main body. 
 Artillery on both sides opened the battle at 
 dawn, August 30, and a terrible duel was fought 
 for five hours. Then, at half-past eleven, Gen- 
 
 346 
 
JAPAN, 1904 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1903 
 
 eral Oku delivered the first infantry assault, 
 which cost a fearful loss of life, and failed. 
 Late in the afternoon a resolute turning move- 
 ment on the Russian right was attempted by 
 the Japanese and pressed until darkness came, 
 with success only to the extent of driving the 
 enemy from one village. Then a night attack 
 on the Russian center was made, and that, too, 
 was repelled. 
 
 The morning of the 31st brought a renewal of 
 the artillery duel, followed by assault after as- 
 sault from Oku’s indomitable troops on the 
 Russian right flank, with the result of driving 
 it back to the cover of the railway embankment. 
 Meantime General Kuroki, whose army was on 
 the extreme right of the Japanese line, had 
 forced the passage of the Tai-tze-ho River, at a 
 ford 26 miles east of Liao-Yang. This compelled 
 Kuropatkin to withdraw some of his troops from 
 the outer fortifications south and east of Liao- 
 Yang and send them against Kuroki. The crisis 
 of the struggle was now in the battles fought 
 on the next two days with Kuroki, in vain at- 
 tempts to cut him off from the river ford and 
 crush his not large army. At the same time the 
 Japanese were making a direct attack on Liao- 
 Yang and endeavoring to cut Kuropatkin’s com- 
 munications with Mukden. Neither Russians 
 nor Japanese had success in these attempts, but 
 the former were brought to a situation which 
 compelled retreat. On the fourth of September 
 they evacuated Liao-Yang and withdrew from 
 the surrounding works. “As soon as the evac- 
 uation began,” wrote Lord Brooke, “the Japan- 
 ese guns opened fire on the Russians, who had 
 for line of retreat only the railway bridge and 
 the two pontoons across the Tai-tze-ho. Never- 
 theless the retirement was carried on with great 
 coolness, and the loss sustained in crossing the 
 river was comparatively small in view of the 
 difficult position from which the Russians had 
 to extricate themselves. All the artillery was 
 got away. But if the evacuation of Liao-Yang 
 was cleverly effected, the army of Kuropatkin 
 was still in great danger, and the Commander- 
 in-chief seemed really afraid that a large part 
 of his force would be cut off. It was a reason- 
 able apprehension, for General Kuroki’s army 
 began the day with renewed vigor. ... In a 
 melancholy frame of mind the whole army 
 marched northward, with Kuroki continually 
 pressing its flank and the fear that Oku would 
 ere long be on his heels.” 
 
 Pursuit by the Japanese was given up on the 
 morning of September 6th. 
 
 In the “Epitome” of the war, prepared and 
 published by the American Army Staff, the total 
 Russian loss in the Liao-Yang battles is given 
 as reported to have been 54 officers and 1810 men 
 killed ; 252 officers and 10,811 men wounded ; 5 
 officers and 1211 men missing. The Japanese 
 reported a total loss of 17,539 officers and men, 
 without details. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Oct.). — War with Russia : 
 Quiet Aspect of Life during the War. — 
 Spartan Discipline of Japanese Feeling and 
 Conduct. — “For all industrial civilization the 
 contest is one of vast moment ; — for Japan it 
 is probably the supreme crisis in her national 
 life. As to what her fleets and her armies have 
 been doing, the world is fully informed ; but as 
 to what her people are doing at home, little has 
 been written. 
 
 “ To inexperienced observation they would 
 appear to be doing nothing unusual ; and this 
 strange calm is worthy of record. At the begin- 
 ning of hostilities an Imperial mandate was is- 
 sued, bidding all non-combatants to pursue their 
 avocations as usual, and to trouble themselves 
 as little as possible about exterior events ; — and 
 this command has been obeyed to the letter. It 
 would be natural to suppose that all the sacri- 
 fices, tragedies, and uncertainties of the contest 
 had thrown their gloom over the life of the 
 capital in especial ; but there is really nothing 
 whatever to indicate a condition of anxiety or 
 depression. On the contrary, one is astonished 
 by the joyous tone of public confidence, and the 
 admirably restrained pride of the nation in its 
 victories. Western tides have strewn the coast 
 with Japanese corpses; regiments have been 
 blown out of existence in the storming of posi- 
 tions defended by wire-entanglements ; battle- 
 ships have been lost ; yet at no moment has there 
 been the least public excitement. The people 
 are following their daily occupations just as they 
 did before the war ; the cheery aspect of things 
 is just the same ; the theatres and flower dis- 
 plays are not less well patronized. The life of 
 Tokyo has been, to outward seeming, hardly 
 more affected by the events of the war than the 
 life of nature beyond it, where the flowers are 
 blooming and the butterflies hovering as in other 
 summers. Except after the news of some great 
 victory, — celebrated with fireworks and lantern 
 processions, — there are no signs of public emo- 
 tion ; and but for the frequent distribution of 
 newspaper-extras, by runners ringing bells, you 
 could almost persuade yourself that the whole 
 story of the war is an evil dream. 
 
 “Yet there has been, of necessity, a vast 
 amount of suffering — viewless and voiceless suf- 
 fering — repressed by that sense of social and 
 patriotic duty which is Japanese religion. . . . 
 The great quiet and the smiling tearlessness tes- 
 tify to the more than Spartan discipline of the 
 race. Anciently the people were trained, not 
 only to conceal their emotions, but to speak iu 
 a cheerful voice and to show a pleasant face 
 under any stress of moral suffering ; and they 
 are obedient to that teaching to-day. It would 
 still be thought a shame to betray personal sor- 
 row for the loss of those who die for Emperor 
 and fatherland.” — Lafcadio Hearn, A Letter 
 from Japan ( Atlantic Monthly , Nov. , 1904). 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). — War with 
 Russia : Operations against Port Arthur. 
 
 — Preliminary battles. — Investment and 
 Siege. — The Defences. — Desperate as- 
 saults in August. — Story of Lieut. Sakurai. 
 
 — The assault on 203 Metre Hill and its 
 capture. — Surrender of the F ortress. — T rial 
 and condemnation of General Stossel. — As 
 stated heretofore, the Japanese began landing 
 their Second Army, under General Oku, at Pet- 
 siwo, for operations against Port Arthur, on 
 the 4th of May. Very quickly thereafter the 
 railway was cut and Port Arthur was block- 
 aded by laud as well as by sea. On the 8th the 
 last train from the north was brought in. By 
 the 25th Oku was ready to advance, and on the 
 following day he attacked the Russians at Kin- 
 chou (the battle bearing sometimes the name of 
 Nan-shan), and expelled them from that posi- 
 tion, the loss of which, according to the corre- 
 spondent Nojine, sealed the fate of Port Arthur. 
 
 347 
 
JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 He accuses General Stbssel of having boastfully 
 assumed that the Japanese could never take 
 Kinchou, denouncing as traitors all who ques- 
 tioned the sufficiency of its fortification and 
 urged the strengthening of the works. The ex- 
 pulsion from Kinchou necessitated the abandon- 
 ment of the important port of Dalny, which 
 was done with great haste on the night of the 
 26th. “In Dalny,” says Nojine, “there were 
 numerous buildings, docks, and the most splen- 
 did breakwaters running out into the sea for a 
 distance of one and a half miles. . . . Owing 
 to want of time nothing except a few of the 
 railway bridges was blown up. . . . Besides 
 the numerous town, harbor and railway build- 
 ings, there was an immense amount of private 
 house property, as well as large warehouses, 
 stocked with food and stores of all sorts, both 
 public and private. The enemy got possession 
 of them all undamaged, just as they were. 
 After the capture of Arthur the Japanese con- 
 fessed that by not destroying Dalny we had 
 assisted them enormously in their difficult task 
 of disembarking their siege-train, and that the 
 railway had enabled them easily to get it into 
 position in the investing lines. . . . 
 
 “ The enemy having now taken complete pos- 
 session of Dalny, at once used it as their base. 
 There, quietly and comfortably, without any 
 interference from us, they carried out the land- 
 ing of troops for the investment. Ten trans- 
 ports would arrive daily, bringing everything 
 necessary for the concentrating army. The 
 railway from Dalny and all the rolling stock 
 was in perfect order; . . . our fleet did not 
 hinder them in any way; they had command of 
 both land and sea.” 
 
 On the 6th of June Oku’s army was divided, 
 that general leading part of it (still called the 
 Second Army) northward, leaving the remain- 
 der, as a Third Japanese Army, under General 
 Nogi, to conduct the investment and siege of 
 Port Arthur. 
 
 At about this time, according to Nojine, Stos- 
 sel was persuaded by Smirnoff to permit the lat- 
 ter to fortify some of the outer hills of the pen- 
 insula, which had been neglected hitherto ; these 
 were Kuen-san Hill, the Green Hills, Angle Hill, 
 Wolf’s Hill, Ta-ku-shan and Sia-gu-shan hills. 
 “ The latter,” says Nojine, “were of immense 
 importance, as they were quite inaccessible, and 
 protected the whole of the western front of the 
 Fortress, but only so long as Wolf’s Hills were 
 in our possession.” On the 26th and 27th of June 
 the Japanese attacked and captured Kuen-san 
 and Green Hills. The latter were recovered by 
 the Russians on the 4th of July, but they failed 
 to retake Kuen-san. The loss of the latter was 
 very serious ; for the Japanese from its summit 
 could look into the works on the Green Hills 
 and, by telephone, direct the fire of their bat- 
 teries on them. 
 
 Until the 26th of July not much occurred, as 
 the assailants were busy strengthening the posi- 
 tions they had acquired. Then they began a de- 
 termined attack on Green Hill, and continued it 
 through two days. On the morning of the 28th 
 the Russians gave up the position and drew 
 back towards Port Arthur, to what is called the 
 Wolf’s Hills line. They were driven from this on 
 the 30th, and the close investment of Port Ar- 
 thur began then. — E. K. Nojine, The Truth 
 about Port Arthur , ch. 11-22. 
 
 As described in the “ Epitome of the Russo- 
 Japanese War” prepared for the U. S. A. Gen- 
 eral Staff, the immediate “ defences of Port Ar- 
 thur, divided into eastern and western sectors by 
 the valley through which the railway enters the 
 town, consisted of permanent masonry forts 
 whose gorges were connected by the old Chinese 
 Wall, temporary works constructed just prior to 
 and during the siege, and connecting and ad- 
 vance trenches. The west sector followed an ir- 
 regular crest, with an elevation of about 500 feet, 
 around the new town, and terminated on Lao- 
 tiehshan, the highest point in the vicinity, with 
 an elevation of about 1000 feet. The east sector 
 encircled the old town at a distance of from two 
 to two and a half miles, running along an irreg- 
 ular crest, about 350 feet in elevation, within 
 which was an elevation (Wangtai or Signal Hill) 
 of about 800 feet. The permanent forts were 
 polygonal in trace and had ditches with capo- 
 nieres and galleries. The gap between the two 
 sectors was covered by the fort on Paiyushan 
 (Quail Hill). 
 
 “Of the works most intimately connected 
 with the siege the Sungshushan, Ehrlungshan, 
 North and East Tungchikuanshan, Itzushan, 
 and Antzushan forts were strong permanent for- 
 tifications. The two Panglungshan forts, East 
 and West, were semi-permanent redoubt-shaped 
 fortifications ; 203 Meter Hill and Aksakayama 
 were semi-permanent works with two lines of 
 advance trenches. Kuropatkin Fort was a 
 strong field-work with deep ditch ; the Shuishi- 
 hyung lunettes were also provided with ditches, 
 but not so deep. P. H., Kobu and Hachimaki- 
 yama were more in the nature of semi-perma- 
 nent trenches with bomb-proofs.” — Epitome of 
 the Russo-Japanese War, U. S. War Dep't, 
 Second [ Military Information ] Division, General 
 Staff, No. 11, pp. 28-29. 
 
 “ In this fortress, for the first time, were util- 
 ised all those terrible agencies of war which the 
 rapid advance of science in the past quarter of 
 a century has rendered available. Among these 
 we may mention rapid-fire guns, machine-guns, 
 smokeless powder, artillery of high velocity and 
 great range, high explosive shells, the magazine 
 rifle, the telescopic sight, giving marvellous ac- 
 curacy of fire, the range-finder, giving instan- 
 taneously the exact distance of the enemy, the 
 search-light, the telegraph and the telephone, 
 starlight bombs, barbed- wire entanglements, 
 and a dozen other inventions, all of which were 
 deemed sufficient, when applied to such stupen- 
 dous fortifications as those of Port Arthur, to 
 render them absolutely impregnable. 
 
 "The Russians believed them to be so — cer- 
 tainly the indomitable Stossel did. And well he 
 might, for there was no record in history of any 
 race of fighters, at least in modern times, that 
 could face such death-dealing weapons and not 
 melt away so swiftly before their fury as to be 
 swept away in defeat. But a new type of 
 fighter has arisen, as the sequel was to tell.” — 
 Richard Barry, How Port Arthur Fell ( Fort- 
 nightly Rev., March, 1905). 
 
 “The first bombardment from the land side 
 began suddenly on August 7. . . . The bom- 
 bardment continued all day, though doing little 
 material damage. Next morning, from 2 to 5 
 A. m., we heard heavy musketry fire from the 
 direction of Ta-ku-shan : the enemy leaving the 
 town and the main defences in peace, were turn- 
 
JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 ing their attention to it. This hill corresponded 
 in the east to 203 Metre Hill in the west, and 
 was equally important and equally unfortified. 
 It and Sia-gu-slian, the natural forts of Arthur 
 on the eastern front, had a bad time. In the first 
 place they had not been made the most of, for in 
 the original plan of defence of Port Arthur they 
 had been thought to be important points and so 
 had been neither fortified nor armed as their posi- 
 tion with regard to the Fortress warranted, and 
 Smirnoff had only recently succeeded in arming 
 them to a small extent. In the second place they 
 became, after the abandonment of Wolf’s Hills, 
 open to flanking fire, and therefore untenable. 
 The companies of the 13th East Siberian Rifle 
 Regiment sent there went literally to their death, 
 but, together with the gunners, they held on as 
 long as possible.” 
 
 Both of the hills were taken by the Japanese 
 that night. The Russians immediately concen- 
 trated a heavy artillery fire on the new occu- 
 pants, and the next day they attempted to retake 
 Ta-ku shan by assault, but failed. On the 11th 
 they repeated the attempt, with no better suc- 
 cess. On the 16th General Nogi sent in a flag 
 of truce, bearing the proposal of “a discus- 
 sion of negotiations for the surrender of the 
 Fortress,” saying: “The Russians have given 
 signal proofs of their gallantry, but Arthur will 
 be taken all the same.” The invitation was de- 
 clined. On the 20th the Japanese gained Angle 
 Hill and Pan-lun-shan redoubt ; but the Russians 
 recaptured the latter on the following night. 
 
 The Japanese now hoped to be able to take 
 the Fortress by a general assault, and made the 
 attempt with extraordinary determination on the 
 21st, 22d, and 23d. “ On the night of the 23d,” 
 
 writes Nojine, “the Japanese made the most 
 desperate of all their attacks so far. They made 
 three separate and most determined assaults 
 on Zaredoubt Battery, on the line between it 
 and Big Eagle’s Nest, and on Ruche vsky Bat- 
 tery. Though temporarily successful at one or 
 two points, they were finally driven back out 
 of all with shocking slaughter.” It is of this 
 assault that Lieutenant Tadayoshi Sakurai tells 
 the terrible story in one of the chapters of his 
 book, entitled “ Human Bullets : A Soldier’s 
 Story of Port Arthur,” from which the follow- 
 ing is quoted : 
 
 “ I gathered my men around me and said : ‘I 
 now bid you all farewell. Fight with all your 
 might. This battle will decide whether Port 
 Arthur is to fall or not. This water you drink, 
 please drink as if at your death moment.’ 
 
 “I filled a cup with water that was fetched 
 by one or two soldiers at the risk of their lives, 
 and we all drank farewell from the same cup. 
 Soon we received orders to advance to a point 
 half-way up the side of Panlung. . . . This 
 fortress of Panlung had been captured with 
 the flesh and blood of the Ninth Division of the 
 Seventh and Eighth Regiments of the Second 
 Reserve, and was now an important base from 
 which a general assault on the northern forts of 
 East Kikuan and Wantai was to be made. This 
 critical spot was finally taken after a terrible 
 struggle and a valiant action by the men of Gen- 
 eral Oshima’s command. The sad story was elo- 
 quently told by the horrible sights of the ravine. 
 While running through the opening in the wire- 
 entanglement beyond, I noticed many engineers 
 and infantry men dead, piled one upon another 
 
 caught in the wire, or taking hold with both 
 arms of a post, or grasping the iron shears. 
 
 “When we reached the middle of the side of 
 Panlung, I saw the regimental flag that I used 
 to carry, flying above our heads in the dark. 
 My heart leaped at the sight of the dear flag. . . . 
 As soon as we were gathered together the Colo- 
 nel rose and gave us a final word of exhortation, 
 saying : ‘ This battle is our great chance of sav- 
 ing our country. To-night we must strike at 
 the vitals of Port Arthur. Our brave assaultiug 
 column must be not simply a forlorn-hope (“ re- 
 solved-to-die”), but a “ sure-death ” detachment. 
 I as your father am more grateful than I can 
 express for your gallant fighting. Do your best, 
 all of you.’ 
 
 “ Yes, we were all ready for death when leav- 
 ing Japan. Men going to battle of course 
 cannot expect to come back alive. But in this 
 particular battle to be ready for death was not 
 enough ; what was required of us was a deter- 
 mination not to fail to die. Indeed we were 
 ‘ sure death ’ men, and this new appellation gave 
 us a great stimulus. Also a telegram that had 
 come from the Minister of War in Tokyo was 
 read by the aide-de-camp, which said, ‘I pray for 
 your success.’ This increased the exaltation of 
 our spirits. 
 
 “ Let me now recount the sublimity and hor- 
 ror of this general assault. I was a mere lieuten- 
 ant and everything passed through my mind as 
 in a dream, so my story must be something like 
 picking out things from the dark. I can’t give 
 you any systematic account, but must limit my- 
 self to fragmentary recollections. If this story 
 sounds like a vain-glorious account of my own 
 achievements, it is not because I am conscious 
 of my merit when I have so little to boast of, 
 but because the things concerning me and near 
 me are what I can tell you with authority. If 
 this partial account prove a clue from which the 
 whole story of this terrible assault may be in- 
 ferred, my work will not have been in vain. 
 
 “ The men of the ‘sure-death’ detachment rose 
 to their part. Fearlessly they stepped forth to 
 the place of death. They went over Panlung 
 shan and made their way through the piled-up 
 bodies of the dead, groups of five or six soldiers 
 reaching the barricaded slope one after another. 
 I said to the colonel, ‘ Good-by, then ! ’ With 
 this farewell I started, and my first step was on 
 the head of a corpse. Our objective points were 
 the Northern Fortress and Wang-tai Hill. 
 
 “There was a fight with bombs at the en- 
 emy’s skirmish-trenches. The bombs sent from 
 our side exploded finely, and the place became 
 at once a conflagration, boards were flung about, 
 sand bags burst, heads flew around, legs were 
 torn off. The flames mingled with the smoke, 
 lighted up our faces weirdly, with a red glare, 
 and all at once the battle-line became confused. 
 Then the enemy, thinking it hopeless, left the 
 place and began to flee. ‘ Forward ! forward ! 
 now is the time to go forward ! Forward ! Pur- 
 sue! Capture it with one bound!’ and, proud 
 of our victory, we went forward courageously. 
 Captain Kawakami, raising his sword, cried, 
 
 ‘ Forward ! ’ and then I, standing close by him, 
 cried, ‘ Sakurai’s company, forward ! ’ Thus 
 shouting I left the captain’s side, and, in order 
 to see the road we were to follow, went behind 
 the rampart. What is that black object which 
 obstructs our view ? It is the ramparts of the 
 
JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 Northern Fortress. Looking back, I did not see 
 a soldier. Alack, had the line been cut ? In tre- 
 pidation, keeping my body to the left for safety, 
 I called the Twelfth Company. 
 
 “ ‘ Lieutenant Sakurai ! ’ A voice called out re- 
 peatedly in answer. Returning to the direction 
 of the sound, I found Corporal Ito weeping 
 loudly. ‘What are you crying for? What has 
 happened?’ The corporal, weeping bitterly, 
 gripped my arm tightly. ‘ Lieutenant Sakurai, 
 you have become an important person.’ ‘ What 
 is there to weep about ? ’ I say, ‘ what is the 
 matter ? ’ He whispered in my ear, ‘ Our cap- 
 tain is dead.’ Hearing this, I too wept. Was it 
 not only a moment ago that he had given the 
 order ‘ Forward ’ ? Was it not even now that I 
 had Separated from him? And yet our captain 
 was one of the dead. In a moment our tender, 
 pitying Captain Kawakami and I had become 
 beings of two separate worlds. Was it a dream 
 or a reality, I wondered? 
 
 “ Corporal Ito pointed out the captain’s body, 
 which had fallen inside the rampart only a few 
 rods away. I hastened hither and raised him in 
 my arms. ‘ Captain ! ’ I could not say a word 
 more. But as matters could not remain thus, I 
 took the secret map which the captain had, and, 
 rising up boldly, called out, ‘ From hencefor- 
 ward I command the Twelfth Company.’ And 
 I ordered that someone of the wounded should 
 carry back the captain’s corpse. A wounded 
 soldier was just about to raise it up when he 
 was struck on a vital spot and died leaning on 
 the captain. One after another of the soldiers 
 who took his place was struck and fell. 
 
 “ I called Sub-Lieutenant Ninomiya and asked 
 him if the sections were together. He answered 
 in the affirmative. I ordered Corporal Ito not to 
 let the line be cut, and told him that I would be 
 in the center of the skirmishers. In the darkness 
 of the night we could not distinguish the fea- 
 tures of the country, nor in which direction we 
 were to march. Standing up abruptly against 
 the dark sky were the Northern Fortress and 
 Wang-tai Hill. In front of us lay a natural 
 stronghold, and we were in a caldron-shaped 
 hollow. But still we marched on side by side. 
 
 ‘ The Twelfth Company forward!’ I turned to 
 the right and went forward as in a dream. I 
 remember nothing clearly of the time. ‘ Keep 
 the line together!’ This was my one command. 
 Presently I ceased to hear the voice of Corporal 
 Ito, who had been at my right hand. The bay- 
 onets gleaming in the darkness became fewer. 
 The black masses of soldiers who had pushed 
 their way on now became a handful. All at 
 once, as if struck by a club, I fell down sprawl- 
 ing on the ground. I was wounded, struck in 
 my right hand. The splendid magnesium light 
 of the enemy flashed out, showing the piled-up 
 bodies of the dead, and I raised my wounded 
 hand and looked at it. It was broken at the 
 wrist; the hand hung down and was bleeding 
 profusely. I took out the already loosened bun- 
 dle of bandages, tied up my wound with the 
 triangular piece, and then wrapping a handker- 
 chief over it, I slung it from my neck with the 
 sunrise flag, which I had sworn to plant on the 
 enemy’s fortress. 
 
 “ Looking up, I saw that only a valley lay 
 between me and Wang-tai Hill, which almost 
 touched the sky. I wished to drink and sought 
 at my waist, but the canteen was gone; its 
 
 leather strap alone was entangled in my feet. 
 The voices of the soldiers were lessening one by 
 one. In contrast, the glare of the rockets of 
 the hated enemy and the frightful noise of the 
 cannonading increased. I slowly rubbed my 
 legs, and, seeing that they were unhurt, I again 
 rose. Throwing aside the sheath of my sword, 
 I carried the bare blade in my left hand as a 
 staff, went down the slope as in a dream, and 
 climbed Wang-tai Hill. 
 
 “The long and enormously heavy guns were 
 towering before me, and how few of my men 
 were left alive now! I shouted and told the 
 survivors to follow me, but few answered my 
 call. When I thought that the other detach- 
 ments must also have been reduced to a similar 
 condition, my heart began to fail me. No rein- 
 forcement was to be hoped for, so I ordered a 
 soldier to climb the rampart and plant the sun 
 flag overhead, but alas ! he was shot and killed, 
 without even a sound or cry. 
 
 “ All of a sudden a stupendous sound as from 
 another world rose around about me. ‘ Counter- 
 assault ! ’ A detachment of the enemy appeared 
 on the rampart, looking like a dark wooden bar- 
 ricade. They surrounded us in the twinkling 
 of an eye and raised a cry of triumph. Our 
 disadvantageous position would not allow us to 
 offer any resistance, and our party was too small 
 to tight them. We had to fall back down the 
 steep hill. Looking back, I saw the Russians 
 shooting at us as they pursued. When we 
 reached the earthworks before mentioned, we 
 made a stand and faced the enemy. Great confu- 
 sion and infernal butchery followed. Bayonets 
 clashed against bayonets ; the enemy brought 
 out machine-guns and poured shot upon us 
 pell-mell ; the men on both sides fell like grass. 
 But I cannot give you a detailed account of the 
 scene, because I was then in a dazed condition. 
 I only remember that I was brandishing my 
 sword in fury. I also felt myself occasionally 
 cutting down the enemy. I remember a con- 
 fused fight of white blade against white blade, 
 the rain and hail of shell, a desperate fight here 
 and a confused scuffle there. At last I grew so 
 hoarse that I could not shout any more. Sud- 
 denly my sword broke with a clash, my left 
 arm was pierced. I fell, and before I could 
 rise a shell came and shattered my right leg. I 
 gathered all my strength and tried to stand up, 
 but I felt as if I were crumbling and fell to the 
 ground perfectly powerless. A soldier who saw 
 me fall cried, ‘ Lieutenant Sakurai, let us die 
 together.’” — Tadayoshi Sakurai, Human Bul- 
 lets, eh. 26 (Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston). 
 
 The soldier who offered to die with him stayed 
 with the Lieutenant till morning, binding his 
 wounds, and finally creeping away to find and 
 bring help if he could. He, too, had been 
 wounded, and Sakurai found him later in a hos- 
 pital. At the end of many hours of constantly 
 imminent death, the helpless and suffering 
 Lieutenant was saved by two soldiers who bore 
 him, stealthily and with infinite difficulty out 
 of the range of the Russian rifles and to a field 
 hospital, where he found himself among inti- 
 mate friends. 
 
 Of the scene on the morning following the ter- 
 rific assaults of August 23d, the correspondent 
 Nojine writes: “The rising sun showed up 
 
 sheaves of corpses on the ground that was still 
 ours. Death had indeed triumphed, and had 
 
 350 
 
JAPAN, 1904-15)05 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 claimed 22,000 lives. From this time forward 
 the enemy remained content with the slower ad- 
 vance of regular siege operations. . . . The en- 
 emy had got close up to our positions, and the 
 salient angle of the north-east was almost in 
 their hands. I say ‘ almost,’ because the ruins 
 of these works remained the greater part of the 
 time untenanted, neutralized by the gun-fire of 
 both sides.” A month passed before another 
 serious assault was undertaken by the Japanese. 
 Then, on the 21st of September, they attacked 
 what was called “203 Metre Hill.” “Column 
 after column rushed forward on to 203 Metre 
 Hill, covering all its fore hills and slopes with 
 heaps of dead ; but at 8. 45 a. m. they were re- 
 pulsed. This assault was distinguished by par- 
 ticular obstinacy. . . . Having got three-quar- 
 ters of [the hill] they meant to get possession of 
 the rest at all costs : they slowly crawled up- 
 
 wards, fell dead, rolled back, and others dashed 
 forward ; they lay concealed and waited for re- 
 inforcements ; nothing would drive them back. 
 All their thoughts, all their endeavors were to 
 get possession of this hill. Our men began roll- 
 ing down great boulders from the top. These 
 bounded down, flattened out the dead and sought 
 out the living, who, in trying to dodge, exposed 
 themselves and were shot by our men on the 
 lookout. . . . During the night of the 21st about 
 900 corpses were collected under 203 Metre Hill.” 
 Nevertheless the assault was repeated on the fol- 
 lowing day. “From the moment this assault 
 was beaten back, the trenches in front of 203 
 Metre Hill were gradually evacuated and the 
 enemy went to earth only on Angle Hill. All 
 their sapping was confined to the north-east. 
 On the western front of the Fortress there now 
 remained in our possession only 203 Metre, Flat 
 and Divisional Hills. . . . October 1 was an 
 epoch in the history of the defence of Port 
 Arthur, for it was on this day that the first of 
 the 11-inch shells fell into the Fortress, and so 
 changed the aspect of affairs. . . . Nowhere 
 could we find real safety from them. ... The 
 concrete of the forts, the armor on the battle 
 ships, were penetrated clean through.” Mining 
 and counter-mining, by the besiegers and the 
 besieged, were now in progress, and the explo- 
 sion of such mines was begun near the end of 
 October. On the 30th of that month the Japan- 
 ese made another general assault, after a “ cruel 
 bombardment” of four days. “ The October at- 
 tacks were short, but most determined and 
 bloody. As regards their success, it was but 
 slight. The enemy had gained some dozens of 
 yards — no more. . . . The Japanese had fired 
 over 150,000 shells.” The “November assault 
 season ” began on the 20th. Its climax was on 
 the 26th, “when time after time, the enemy 
 threw themselves with extraordinary gallantry 
 and persistence on forts Ehr-lung-shan, Chi- 
 kuan-shan and B Battery. Thousands were 
 mown down, but the living surged onwards. 
 But it could not go on forever, and at 3.30 the 
 infantry attacks slackened and ceased. . . . All 
 next day and night an incessant stream of 
 wounded poured into Arthur, our losses being 
 more than 1500 men. . . . The slopes below and 
 beyond Tumulus Hill were thickly spread with 
 dead Japanese. A thick, unbroken mass of 
 corpses covered the cold earth like a coverlet. 
 On the day of the assault the following order 
 had been issued by Major-General Nakamura, 
 
 who commanded the Japanese force told off for 
 that forlorn hope : . . . ‘ Our objective is to 
 sever the Fortress on two parts. Not a man must 
 hope to return alive. If 1 fall, Colonel Watanabe 
 will take over the command ; if he also falls, 
 Colonel Okuno will take his place. Every officer, 
 whatever lys rank, must consider himself his 
 senior’s successor. The attack will be delivered 
 mainly with the bayonet. No matter how fierce 
 the Russian fire, our men will not reply by a 
 single shot until we have established ourselves. 
 Officers will shoot any men who fall out or re- 
 tire without orders.’ . . . This is the kind of 
 foe we had to fight. . . . 
 
 “ We now come to the culmination of the trag- 
 edy, and perhaps the bloodiest scene of car- 
 nage of the whole war- — the fight for and cap- 
 ture of 203 Metre Hill.” The attack began 
 November 27 and was continuous for eight days, 
 excepting that an hour’s truce was obtained by 
 the Japanese, December 2, for the burial of their 
 dead. The next day “the fight on the hill was, 
 if possible, more exasperated. In the Fortress 
 the feeling of alarm was intensified, and all un- 
 employed men had been got under arms, . . . 
 and the other points denuded, in order to feed 
 the maw of 203 Metre Hill. Even the hospitals 
 gave their contribution. December 4 — bright 
 and frosty — ushered in a fresh hell. It was now 
 hardly a fight between men that was taking 
 place on this accursed spot ; it was a struggle of 
 human flesh against iron and steel, against blaz- 
 ing petroleum, lyddite, pyroxiline and melinite, 
 and the stench of rotting corpses. It was the 
 last day but one of the long-drawn agony.” At 
 noon on the 5th the Japanese gained the top of 
 the hill, and held it against an attempt that 
 evening to drive them off. “ 203 Metre Hill was 
 lost, and with it more than 5000 Russians.” 
 
 The end was now near. On the 15th four 
 generals, and other officers, including General 
 Kondratenko, the most valued assistant of Gen- 
 eral Smirnoff, were holding a consultation in one 
 of the casemates, and were killed by a 11-inch 
 shell, which penetrated even that shelter. On 
 the 18th Chi-kuan-shan Fort was captured ; on 
 the 28th Ehr-lung-shan was lost ; on the 31st the 
 Japanese took fortification No. 3, and on New 
 Year’s Day they won the Eagle’s Nest. That 
 day General Stossel sent a flag of truce to open 
 negotiations for surrender. The capitulation 
 was signed the next day. “Of 18,000 sick and 
 wounded reported on the day the garrison 
 marched out, 6000 only were wounded ; the bal- 
 ance were cases of scurvy.” — E. K. Nojine, The 
 Truth about Port Arthur ( Dutton & Co. , N. Y. ). 
 
 General Stossel was subsequently ordered for 
 trial before a military commission, on a number 
 of charges, including disobedience of orders from 
 the General Commanding in Manchuria, false 
 reports to headquarters, improper interference 
 with the commandant of the Fortress, and per- 
 sonal absence from most of the engagements 
 that had taken place in and around Port Arthur. 
 He was condemned to death, but the Tzar com- 
 muted the sentence to imprisonment for ten 
 years. He began serving the sentence in March 
 1908, and was pardoned and released on the 19th 
 of May, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905 (Sept.-March). — War with 
 Russia : The Campaign in Manchuria. — 
 From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end of 
 the Battle of Mukden. — Early in October, a 
 
JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 month after the escape of the Russian army from 
 its defeat at Liao-Yang, General Kuropatkin at- 
 tacked the Japanese at the Sha-ho river and 
 fought a desperate battle with no substantial suc- 
 cess. Extensive movements were then inter- 
 rupted by the approach of winter, and the cam- 
 paign was practically suspended for the next four 
 months. “The three Japanese armies had main- 
 tained the same relative positions in which they 
 had fought their way from Hai-Cheng northward. 
 Kuroki’swas the right, Oku’s the left, and Nod 
 zu’s the center. By the middle of February, 
 Marshal Oyama had been reenforced by Nogi’s 
 one hundred thousand veterans of Port Arthur, 
 hereafter to be known as the fourth Japanese 
 army, operating to the west of Oku. A some- 
 what mysterious fifth army, under command of 
 General Kawamura, had been operating some- 
 where between Kuroki and Vladivostok, and, 
 while its movements had not been known defi- 
 nitely, it had been expected to threaten General 
 Kuropatkin’s left. Both Russians and Japanese 
 were within a few miles of Mukden, the sacred 
 city of the Manchus. This city of half a million 
 people lies in a plain, — really the valley of the 
 Hun River, — with the Huu and the Liao rivers 
 twenty to thirty miles west and southwest. East- 
 ward are the Mao-Tien Mountains, extending 
 along the line of the Port Arthur & Harbin Rail- 
 way. The Russian and Japanese lines formed a 
 huge bow or crescent, the Japanese to the south- 
 ward, extending over a hundred miles of plains 
 and hill from Chang-Tan eastward across the 
 railway to Lone Tree (Putiloff) Hill, almost all 
 the strong positions being held by the Russians.” 
 In this position of the two stupendous armies 
 the long series of engagements known collect- 
 ively as the Battle of Mukden was opened by 
 the Japanese on the 20th of February, 1905. 
 The center of the Russian army rested on the 
 Sha-ho; its right wing, commanded by General 
 Kaulbars, was distant from its left wing, com- 
 manded by General Linevitch, more than one 
 hundred and twenty miles. The Japanese 
 attack was begun by Kuroki, commanding 
 their right. Crossing the Sha-ho, he “swung 
 around the Russian left, driving it from the 
 mountains in the vicinity of Tie Pass to 
 Fushun, an important fortified post (and the 
 Russian coal depot) on the Hun River ; Nogi’s 
 force had attacked General Kuropatkin from 
 the west. Nogi had marched through the neu- 
 tral zone south of the Liao River, to Sin-Min- 
 Tun, a violation of neutrality against which the 
 Russians and Chinese had protested. This neu- 
 tral zone, however, had already been used by 
 the Russians as a base to forward coal and sup- 
 plies to their army, so the Japanese Govern- 
 ment claimed that the neutrality had become 
 null and void. On March 3, Nogi rolled up the 
 Russians in flight, and his advance was not 
 checked until his right wing had come into 
 touch with Oku’s left, only about eight miles 
 south of Mukden. While the armies of Oku 
 and Nodzu continued to pound the Russian 
 center, with tremendous losses to themselves 
 and to the enemy, Nogi’s left, after a forced 
 march of forty miles, fell upon the Russian 
 center. Through this Oku and Nodzu drove a 
 wedge, and, although Generals Linevitch and 
 Kaulbars had made a desperate defense and 
 General Rennenkampf’s Cossacks had per- 
 formed prodigies of valor, the Russians had 
 
 found themselves (by the end of the first week 
 in March) attacked in so many places on the 
 north of their flanks that it had become a ques- 
 tion with Kuropatkin, not only of retreat, but 
 of saving large bodies of troops from being 
 surrounded and annihilated. 
 
 “Early on the morning of March 10, the Jap- 
 anese occupied Mukden, and the Russian retreat 
 had become a rout. The next day the impor- 
 tant fortified town of Fushun was seized by 
 the Japanese, and thereafter the Russians, dis- 
 organized and suffering from hunger and the 
 weather, poured northward to Tie Pass, forty 
 miles from Mukden, — outmarched, outgener- 
 aled, and outfought. ” — American Review of 
 Reviews, April and May, 1905. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The sufferings caused by the retreat cannot 
 be exaggerated. It must be remembered that 
 the weather remained intensely cold and that 
 the arrangements for collecting the wounded 
 were all disorganised. . . . Defeat, it may be 
 added, was wholly unexpected by the Manchu- 
 rian Army, and that view was shared by the 
 foreign attaches and the war correspondents. 
 Whatever their opinions might be as to the pos- 
 sibility of General Kuropatkin marching on 
 Liao-Yang, they felt confident that the Japanese 
 would be unable to turn the Russians out of the 
 positions so long and so carefully prepared. 
 The Japanese accomplished this seemingly im- 
 possible task. . . . 
 
 “ Following on the disaster of Mukden, Gen- 
 eral Kuropatkin was relieved of his command, 
 exchanging places with General Linevitch. 
 The new Commander-in-Chief fixed his head- 
 quarters at Guntzuling, where the shattered 
 army was re-formed.” — Lord Brooke, An Eye 
 Witness in Manchuria, ch. 37. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905 (Oct.-May). — War with 
 Russia : The expedition of the Baltic Fleet 
 to relieve Port Arthur. — The Dogger Bank 
 incident. — The Seven Months Voyage. — 
 Battle of Tsushima. — Destruction of the 
 Fleet. — After the sea-fights of August 10-14, 
 between Port Arthur and Vladivostok (see above, 
 A. D. 1904, Feb. -Aug.) Russia had no naval 
 force of any importance in the Pacific, and has- 
 tened preparations for sending out a fleet from 
 the Baltic Sea. Under the command of Admiral 
 Rozhdestvensky, this intended reinforcement of 
 the defence of Port Arthur was despatched from 
 Reval and Libau, sailing from the latter port on 
 October 15. At the outset of its voyage, while 
 traversing the North Sea, the Russian fleet ex- 
 perienced a misadventure which occasioned 
 much excitement for a time and threatened to 
 raise a serious question between the Russian and 
 British governments. Briefly stated, the main 
 facts of the case, according to evidence accepted 
 subsequently by an International Commission of 
 Inquiry, were these : 
 
 Before sailing from Reval, and, further, while 
 anchored at the Skagen, making ready to pass 
 to the North Sea, Admiral Rozhdestvensky 
 had been warned by agents of his government 
 that suspicious vessels were on the coast of Nor- 
 way, and that he must beware of hostile under- 
 takings, which were likely to have the form of 
 torpedo attacks. Accordingly he sailed from the 
 Skagen, October 20, twenty-four hours earlier 
 than he had planned, sending off the fleet in six 
 divisions, that which he accompanied being the 
 last, and starting at 10 p. m. In one of the pre- 
 
 352 
 
JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 ceding divisions a transport, by reason of defects 
 in her engine, fell behind the cruisers which 
 escorted her, and at 8 p. m. on October 21 was 
 some iifty miles astern of the remainder of the 
 lleet. She then met several Swedish vessels 
 which she imagined to be torpedo craft, and 
 tired on them, sending a wireless message to 
 the Admiral that she was attacked by torpedo 
 boats on all sides. This message led the Admiral 
 to signal to his captains that they might expect 
 attacks and must keep a doubly vigilant watch. 
 At an early hour in the following morning his 
 own immediate squadron arrived at the Dog- 
 ger Bank, where, as usual, many fishing craft, 
 mostly English, were “shooting their trawls,” 
 and doing so in a regulated way, under the 
 direction of a fishing master or captain, who 
 signalled with rockets to his fleet. One of the 
 preceding divisions of the Russian armada had 
 passed these without alarm, recognizing what 
 they were ; but Admiral Rozhdestvensky and 
 the officers of his flagship were so expectant of 
 enemies that the sight of a green rocket shot 
 into the air, and a distant glimpse of some kind 
 of a ship which seemed to be headed straight 
 for them, at a great rate of speed, convinced them 
 instantly that they were in the midst of swarm- 
 ing foes, and they opened fire. 
 
 According to testimony, their fire was kept 
 up for about half an hour, as they passed 
 through the fishing fleet, one of the vessels in 
 which was sunk, her skipper and one other man 
 killed, while all but one of the remaining crew 
 received wounds. Two others of the fishing 
 craft were struck, and the hospital ship of the 
 National Mission which attended the fleet re- 
 ceived some damage. Ultimately it was learned 
 that the Russians, in their wild firing, did harm 
 to one another, so seriously that the chaplain of 
 one of their ships received a wound from which 
 he died. 
 
 Wild excitement was created in England by 
 the news of this strange performance. Hurried 
 naval preparations were made for vigorous ac- 
 tion, if found necessary, and formal demands for 
 apology, inquiry and compensation were pre- 
 sented at St. Petersburg. Nothing, however, 
 was done rashly, and the two governments con- 
 cerned agreed sensibly and quickly to an inves- 
 tigation of the affair by an International Com- 
 mission, which gave hearings in Paris soon 
 afterwards. The Commission found precedents 
 in recent naval experience — even in the ma- 
 noeuvres of the British navy — of a similar mis- 
 taking of fishing boats and other vessels lor 
 torpedo craft, and was able to deal gently and 
 pacifically with the facts brought before it. It 
 decided that the fishing fleet had committed no 
 hostile act, and that no torpedo boat was either 
 among them or near them, and that, conse- 
 quently, the Russian Admiral was not justified 
 in opening fire. As for his not stopping to as- 
 certain the damage he had done, the conclusion 
 was that enough uncertainty on the subject of 
 danger had been raised in his mind to warrant 
 that neglect; but a majority of the commis- 
 sioners expressed regret that he had not given 
 notice of what had happened when he passed 
 through the Straits. Then, as The Naval An- 
 nual remarked, in reviewing the incident, “di- 
 plomacy steps in and seeks to soothe military 
 and national susceptibilities by declaring that 
 Admiral Rozhdestvensky’s ‘ valeur militaire’ is 
 
 unimpaired, and his ‘sentiments d’humanite’ 
 unimpeachable.” — Naval Annual, 1905, ch. vi. 
 
 Between the English and Russian govern- 
 ments the affair was settled amicably by an 
 indemnity of £65,000 from the latter to the 
 fishermen who suffered. 
 
 The first halt in Rozhdestvensky’s voyage was 
 off Tangier, where he divided his fleet, sending 
 one division, under Admiral Folkersahm, by 
 the Suez Canal route, and leading the other in 
 person down the Atlantic and round the Cape. 
 They met off Madagascar on the 3d of January, 
 and got news there of the fall of Port Arthur 
 and, later, of the defeat of the Russian army at 
 Mukden. The stay of the reunited fleet at Nossi 
 Be island, off the west coast of Madagascar, 
 near its northern extremity, was prolonged, 
 awaiting orders, till the 17th of March. Nothing 
 was known of its next movements until it was 
 seen off Singapore, April 8. Thence it pro- 
 ceeded to Kam-ranh Bay, in French Indo-China, 
 where it stayed for some weeks, waiting to be 
 joined by another squadron from the Baltic, 
 which came under the command of Admiral 
 Nebogatoff. This use of the waters of a neu- 
 tral Power was bitterly complained of in Japan 
 and sharply criticised elsewhere. The whole 
 fleet resumed its northward voyage on the 14th 
 of May, and on the 27th, in the Korean Straits, 
 off the island of Tsushima, it was intercepted 
 by Admiral Togo’s fleet. An account of the 
 circumstances of the interception, and of the 
 wonderfully decisive battle which ensued, de- 
 rived by Mr. George Kennan from both Russian 
 and Japanese participants in the engagement, 
 was published in The Outlook of July 29, 1905. 
 Mr. Kennan, who had been with the Japanese 
 forces during the siege of Port Arthur, and had 
 described it for The Outlook, obtained permis- 
 sion to visit some of the wounded and captured 
 officers of Rozhdestvensky’s fleet in hospital at 
 one of the naval stations in Japan. As he spoke 
 their language they talked with him freely, and 
 information from both victors and vanquished 
 is thus combined in the account from which we 
 quote a few passages, as follows : 
 
 “ When the Baltic fleet left the coast of An- 
 nam, on its way to Vladivostok, Admiral Ro- 
 jesvensky [so Mr. Kennan writes the name] had 
 no accurate information with regard to the 
 whereabouts of the Japanese squadrons. They 
 might all be concentrated in the Tsushima Strait, 
 between Japan and Korea, or they might be 
 watching, in three separate detachments, the 
 three channels that give access to the Sea of 
 Japan, viz , Tsushima, Tsuguru, and La Pe- 
 rouse. Thinking that Togo would not dare to 
 leave wholly unguarded the two northern pas- 
 sages, which are nearest to Vladivostok, Rojes- 
 vensky assumed that the Japanese fleet had 
 been divided into three sections, and that, on 
 any route which he might select, he would 
 probably have to deal with only one of them. . . . 
 
 “ Admiral Togo, however, did not divide his 
 fleet. Anticipating, with acute prescience, the 
 reasoning and the decision of the Russian com- 
 mander, he concentrated his whole force in the 
 Tsushima Strait, and concealed it so perfectly 
 in unfrequented harbors at the southern end of 
 Korea that nobody ever saw it or discovered its 
 location. ... It seems to have had its main 
 base near Masampho, Korea. The arrange- 
 ments made for discovering the approach and 
 
JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 reporting the movements of the Russian fleet 
 were as comprehensive and perfect as possible. 
 All along the southwestern coast of Japan sig- 
 nal stations had been established on prominent 
 islands and on the tops of high mountains, and 
 every one of these ‘watch-towers,’ as they 
 were called, was connected by telephone, either 
 with Sasebo or with Maizuru. Fast scouting 
 ships, equipped with wireless telegraph instru- 
 ments, patrolled the entrance to the strait, and 
 on the charts carried by them, as well as by all 
 other vessels of the Japanese fleet, the whole 
 stretch of water between Japan and Korea had 
 been divided into small numbered squares, so 
 that the exact location of the enemy at any mo- 
 ment might be designated by a number. There 
 was no possibility of Rojesvensky’s getting 
 through the strait unobserved unless he should 
 be favored by dense fog. 
 
 “At five o’clock on the morning of Saturday, 
 May 27, the scouting ship Shinano-maru re- 
 ported by wireless telegraphy from the vicinity 
 of Quelpart Island, ‘Enemy's fleet sighted in 
 square 203. He seems to be steering for the 
 East Channel ’ (the passage between Tsushima 
 Island and the Japanese mainland, which is 
 called on English charts Krusenstern Strait). 
 The Japanese fleet, which was all ready for sea, 
 left its Korean base at once. Admiral Togo 
 himself, with four battle-ships and eight ar 
 moured cruisers, took a northerly course iu order 
 to get ahead of the enemy and stop his progress 
 at or near Oki Island (Okinoshima), while Ad- 
 mirals Kamimura, Uriu, Dewa, and Kataoka 
 sailed in a southeasterly direction for the pur- 
 pose of enveloping his rear. The officers last 
 named came into touch with the Russian fleet 
 between Iki Island and Tsushima soon after ten 
 o’clock ; but as the Japanese plan of action did 
 not contemplate an attack at that point, they 
 merely kept the enemy in sight and reported to 
 Admiral Togo by wireless telegraphy the num- 
 ber and disposition of his ships. Rojesvensky 
 had in all thirty -eight vessels, and they entered 
 the strait in two parallel columns. 
 
 “ The Russians, of course, saw on their left 
 flank and in their rear the squadrons of Admirals 
 Kamimura, Kataoka, Uriu, and Dewa, but, as 
 these ships showed no disposition to attack, they 
 (the Russians) were confirmed in their belief 
 that only a part of the Japanese fleet was there, 
 and that they should get through the strait with- 
 out a serious fight. They remained under this 
 delusion until half past one o’clock in the after- 
 noon, when, to their great surprise, Admiral 
 Togo, with four battle-ships and eight armored 
 cruisers, appeared directly ahead. . . . At 1.55 
 p. m., when the flag-ships of the two fleets were 
 a little more than four miles apart, Togo hoisted 
 the following signal : ‘ The fate of the Empire 
 depends upon this battle. Let every man do his 
 best.’ At two o’clock the Japanese squadrons 
 on the flank and rear of the Russians closed in a 
 little, and eight minutes later the fight began, 
 Admiral Togo opening fire at a distance of about 
 four miles. It became evident at once to the 
 officers of the Orel that in the matter of marks- 
 manship they were wholly outclassed. The fire 
 of the Japanese was a little wild at first, but in 
 a few minutes they got the range with surpris- 
 ing accuracy, and struck the leading battle-ships 
 of the two Russian columns with almost every 
 shot. Ten minutes after the fight began, a 
 
 twelve-inch shell entered the forward turret of 
 the Kniaz Suvaroff, burst there with terrific vio- 
 lence, exploded three or four rounds of ammu- 
 nition that had just been brought up from the 
 magazine, wrecked both guns, and blew the top 
 of the turret completely off. In less than an 
 hour the Russian flag-ship had lost one mast and 
 both funnels, and had taken fire fore and aft ; 
 the Oslabya and the Alexander III. were also in 
 flames ; the Orel, the Sissoi Veliki, and the Boro- 
 dino had been severely if not fatally injured; 
 the Russian columns had been broken up and 
 thrown into disorder ; and the issue of the battle 
 had been fully determined. In other words, the 
 Baltic fleet had been overwhelmed and defeated, 
 by gun-fire alone, in less than forty-five minutes. 
 Most of the second-class Russian vessels were 
 still in fighting condition, but the battle-ship 
 section had lost more than half of its original 
 efficiency, and there was no longer any doubt 
 as to the outcome of the engagement. . . . Ad- 
 miral Togo says, in his detailed official report, 
 that ‘at 2.45 p. m. the result of the battle had 
 been decided.’ And in this judgment the officers 
 of the Orel virtually coincide. They frankly 
 admit that they were overwhelmed from the 
 very first by the accuracy and destructiveness 
 of Admiral Togo’s long-range gun-fire.” 
 
 Though the result of the battle was made cer- 
 tain within its first hour, the destruction of Rus- 
 sian ships went on to the end of the day and 
 through most of the night, with pursuit of those 
 in flight continued until the 26th. Twenty-two 
 of the Russian vessels of all classes were sunk, 6 
 were captured, 6 were afterwards interned in 
 neutral ports, and two only made their way to 
 Valdivostok. The Japanese lost 3 torpedo boats; 
 116 of theiroflicers and men were killed, and 538 
 received wounds. The prisoners they captured 
 numbered about 6000. 
 
 Admiral Rozhdestvensky, accused of coward- 
 ice in the battle, was tried by court-martial and 
 acquitted by a verdict rendered in July, 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — War with Russia: 
 Japan’s greatest achievement. — Sanitation 
 of the Army. — “Without minimizing for a 
 moment the splendor of Japanese victories on 
 land and sea, at Mukden, Port Arthur, Liao- 
 Yang, or with Togo off Tsushima, iu the Korean 
 Straits (and two of these battles are among the 
 bloodiest in history), I yet unhesitatingly assert 
 that Japan’s greatest conquests have been in the 
 humanities of war, in the stopping of the need- 
 less sacrifice of life by preventable diseases. This 
 dreadful and unnecessary waste of life, espe- 
 cially in conflicts between so-called civilized and 
 Anglo-Saxon races, is one of the most ghastly 
 propositions of the age. The Japanese have gone 
 a long way toward eliminating it. . . . 
 
 “ Longmore’s tables, which are accepted as the 
 most reliable statistics of war, and which are 
 based on the records of battles for the past two 
 hundred years, show that there has rarely been 
 a conflict of any great duration in which at least 
 four men have not perished from disease for 
 every one from bullets. In the Russo-Turkish 
 War, 80,000 men died from disease and 20,000 
 from wounds. In the Crimean campaign, it is 
 asserted on eminent French authority that in six 
 months the allied forces lost 50,000 soldiers from 
 disease and only 2,000 from casualties. In the 
 French campaign in Madagascar, in 1894, of the 
 14,000 men sent to the front 29 were killed in 
 
JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1904-1905 
 
 action and 7,000 from disease, most of which was 
 preventable. In our Spanish American War, in 
 1898, in a campaign the actual hostilities of 
 which lasted six weeks, the deaths from casual- 
 ties, as given me by the surgeon-general of the 
 United States army, last week, were 293, while 
 those from disease amounted to 3,681, or nearly 
 14 to 1. 
 
 “ Compare these frightful figures with the rec- 
 ord of killed, wounded, and sick in the Japanese 
 army from February, 1904, to May, 1905, as fur- 
 nished me by Minister of War General Terauchi, 
 in Tokio, in August last. There were killed on 
 the field 43,892, or 7.32 per cent, of the entire 
 army in the field ; there were wounded 145,527, 
 or 24.27 percent.; there died of wounds 9,054, 
 or 1.51 percent.; there died from sickness and 
 disease, including contagious cases, 11,992, or 
 about 2 per cent, of the army. In other words, 
 the total number of deaths from casualties and 
 wounds amounted to 52,946, or nearly 9 per 
 cent, of the army, while the total deaths from 
 sickness amounted to 11,992, or 2 per cent, of 
 the army. This record is unparalleled and unap- 
 proached in the history of warfare. How did the 
 Japanese accomplish it ? In three preeminently 
 fundamental ways. First, thorough preparation 
 and organization for war, such as was never 
 before made in history ; second, through the 
 simple, non-irritating, easily digested ration 
 furnished the troops ; and third, because of the 
 brilliant part played by the members of the 
 medical profession in the application of practi- 
 cal sanitation and the stamping out of preventa- 
 ble disease in the army, thereby saving its great 
 hosts for the legitimate purpose of war, the de- 
 feating of the enemy in the field. . . . 
 
 “She organized her medical department on 
 broad, generous lines, and gave its representa- 
 tives the rank and power their great responsibil- 
 ities merited, recognizing that they had to deal 
 with a foe which history has shown has killed 
 80 percent, of the total mortality in other wars. 
 She even had the temerity (strange as it may 
 seem to an American or an English army official) 
 to grade her medical men as high as the officers 
 of the line, who combat the enemy who kills 
 only 20 per cent., and to accord them equal 
 authority, except, of course, in the emergency 
 of battle, when all authority devolves, as it 
 should, on the officers of the line. In her home 
 land she organized the most splendid system of 
 hospitals that has ever been devised for the treat- 
 ment of sick and wounded, and with her army 
 at the front she put into execution the most 
 elaborate and effective system of sanitation that 
 has ever been practised in war. Upon the decla- 
 ration of war, she was prepared to house, scien- 
 tifically treat, and tenderly care for 25,000 
 wounded in Japan alone, and as the war pro- 
 gressed the hospital capacity was rapidly in- 
 creased, so that one and one-half years after 
 its commencement, or on the sixth day of July, 
 1905, the twelve military home hospitals pos- 
 sessed a normal capacity of 58,261.’’ — Major 
 Louis L. Seaman, M. D. , Lessons for America in 
 the Japanese Medical Service ( American Review 
 of Reviews Nov., 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — War with Russia: 
 Casualties of the entire war onlhe Japan- 
 ese side. — The following is an official Japan- 
 ese statement of the casualties of the entire war 
 on the Japanese side : 
 
 “Killed in battle. . . . 
 
 . 47,387 
 
 
 Died of wounds .... 
 
 . 11,500 
 
 
 Wounded, but recovered 
 
 . 161,925 
 
 
 Total killed and wounded 
 
 
 220,812 
 
 Died of sickness .... 
 
 . 27,158 
 
 Sick, but recovered . . . 
 
 . 209,065 
 
 
 Total sick 
 
 
 236,223 
 
 Total of killed, wounded, 
 and sick 
 
 
 457,035 
 
 Total of fatal casualties . 
 
 
 86,045 
 
 “ These figures relate to the field only, not 
 including cases among the troops in Japan or 
 Formosa, and they may be slightly altered when 
 all the reports of hospitals are compiled. Of 
 those who succumbed to disease nearly three- 
 fourths died in the field and one-fourth after 
 reaching home. 
 
 “To find the total number of killed in battle 
 and patients treated the following additions 
 must be made : 
 
 Total of killed, wounded, and sick in 
 
 the field 457,035 
 
 Patients treated at home 97,850 
 
 Russian prisoner patients 77,803 
 
 Grand total 632,688 
 
 “ The above figures do not include slight cases 
 remaining with the Japanese regiments. In 
 April, 1906, when these figures were published, 
 the Japanese missing had been reduced to 3,000. 
 
 “ Comparative statement of the result of treat- 
 ment, by wars: 
 
 
 Sick and wounded 
 treated in Hos- 
 pital. 
 
 Wounded treated 
 in Hospital. 
 
 
 Recov- 
 ered com- 
 pletely. 
 
 Died. 
 
 Recov- 
 ered com- 
 pletely. 
 
 Died. 
 
 Chinese-Japanese war 
 
 Per cent. 
 50.94 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 14.24 
 
 Per cent. 
 63.23 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 7.49 
 
 Russo-Japanese war 
 
 54.81 
 
 7.65 
 
 71.58 
 
 8.83 
 
 “The difference between each of the totals 
 and 100 represents men incapacitated for active 
 service. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Comparative statement of cases and deaths 
 from sickness and wounds, by wars: 
 
 
 Wounded. 
 
 Sick. 
 
 Died of 
 Wounds. 
 
 Died of 
 Disease. 
 
 Chinese-Japanese . 
 
 1 
 
 6.93 
 
 1 
 
 12.09 
 
 North China .... 
 
 1 
 
 4.37 
 
 1 
 
 1.97 
 
 Russo-Japanese . . 
 
 1 
 
 1.07 
 
 1 
 
 0.46 
 
 “ Comparative statement of percentage of sick- 
 ness in total number of troops in field, by war : 
 
 
 Percentage of 
 sickness for all 
 troops engaged. 
 
 Percentage of deaths 
 from sickness for 
 all troops engaged. 
 
 Chinese-Japanese . . 
 
 59.20 
 
 9.29 
 
 North China war . . . 
 
 34.88 
 
 4.33 
 
 Russo-Japanese .... 
 
 36.04 
 
 2.99 
 
 “ The average monthly percentage of sickness 
 during the twenty-one months of the Russo- 
 Japanese war was 8.69, while the average 
 
 355 
 
JAPAN, 1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1905 
 
 monthly percentage for 1902, which is said to 
 have had an exceptionally good medical record, 
 was 10.21.” — Charles Lynch, Report ( U . S. War 
 Department , Reports of Military Observers . . . 
 during the Russo-Japanese War, pt. 4). 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — General Consequences 
 in Europe of the Russo-Japanese War. See 
 (in this vol.) Eubope : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — Conventions with Ko- 
 rea, establishing a Protectorate over that 
 Empire, with Control of its Finances and its 
 Foreign Relations. See Korea : A. D. 1904- 
 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — The Red Cross Society. 
 See Red Cross Society. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Report on treatment of the 
 Opium Problem in Formosa. See Opium Prob- 
 lem. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (June-Oct.). — Ending of the war 
 with Russia. — Mediation offered by the Pre- 
 sident of the United States and accepted. — 
 Negotiation and Conclusion of the Peace 
 Treaty of Portsmouth. — In the third article 
 of the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of 
 International Disputes agreed to and signed at 
 the First International Peace Conference, at The 
 Hague, in 1898, it was recommended, “ in case of 
 serious disagreement or conflict,” “that one or 
 more Powers, strangers to the dispute, should on 
 their own initiative, and as far as circumstances 
 may allow, offer their good offices or mediation 
 to the States at variance.” To this recommend- 
 ation was added the declaration that “Powers, 
 strangers to the dispute, have the right to offer 
 good offices or mediation, even during the course 
 of hostilities”; and “that the exercise of this 
 right can never be regarded by one or the other 
 of the parties in conflict as an unfriendly act.” 
 
 The first important action on this recommend- 
 ation was takeu by the President of the United 
 States, Mr. Roosevelt, on the 8th of June, 1905, 
 when he directed a communication from tiie 
 then acting Secretary of State, Mr. Loomis, to 
 be dispatched by telegraph to the Ambassadors 
 of the United States at Tokyo and St. Peters- 
 burg, identically the same to each, and to be pre- 
 sented by the latter to the Governments of Rus- 
 sia and Japan. The communication was in the 
 following words: 
 
 “The President feels that the time has come 
 when, in the interest of all mankind, he must 
 endeavor to see if it is not possible to bring to 
 an end the terrible and lamentable conflict now 
 being waged. With both Russia and Japan the 
 United States has inherited ties of friendship 
 and good will. It hopes for the prosperity and 
 welfare of each, and it feels that the progress of 
 the world is set back by the war between these 
 two great nations. The President accordingly 
 urges the Russian and Japanese Governments, 
 not only for their own sakes, but in the inter- 
 est of the whole civilized world, to open direct 
 negotiations for peace with one another. The 
 President suggests that these peace negotiations 
 be conducted directly and exclusively between 
 the belligerents — in other words, that there 
 may be a meeting of Russian and Japanese 
 plenipotentiaries or delegates without any inter- 
 mediary, in order to see if it is not possible for 
 these representatives of the two powers to agree 
 to terms of peace. The President earnestly asks 
 that the Russian Government do now agree to 
 such meeting, and is asking the Japanese Gov- 
 
 ernment likewise to agree. While the President 
 does not feel that any intermediary should be 
 called in in respect to the peace negotiations 
 themselves, he is entirely willing to do what he 
 properly can if the two powers concerned feel 
 that his services will be of aid in arranging the 
 preliminaries as to the time and place of meet- 
 ing ; but if even these preliminaries can be ar- 
 ranged directly between the two powers, or in 
 any other way, the President will be glad, as his 
 sole purpose is to bring about a meeting which 
 the whole civilized world will pray may result 
 in peace.” 
 
 The despatch to Tokyo was delayed in trans- 
 mission and did not reach Minister Griscom until 
 the evening of the 9th, but was delivered to the 
 officials of the foreign office the same night, and 
 the following reply from Baron Komura was 
 handed to Mr. Griscom at 1 o’clock on the morn- 
 ing of the 10tli : 
 
 “The Imperial Government have given to the 
 suggestion of the President of the United States, 
 embodied in the note handed to the minister for 
 foreign affajrs by the American minister on the 
 9tli instant, the very serious consideration to 
 which, because of its source and its import, it 
 is justly entitled. Desiring in the interest of 
 the world as well as in the interest of Japan the 
 reestablishment of peace with Russia, on terms 
 and conditions that will full}' guarantee its sta- 
 bility, the Imperial Government will, in response 
 to the suggestion of the President, appoint plen- 
 ipotentiaries of Japan to meet plenipotentiaries 
 of Russia at such time and place as may be 
 found to be mutually agreeable and convenient, 
 for the purpose of negotiating and concluding 
 terms of peace directly and exclusively between 
 the twm belligerent powers.” 
 
 At St. Petersburg, the reply from Count 
 Lamsdorff, Minister for Foreign Affairs, was 
 given to Ambassador Meyer on the 12th as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 “I have not failed to place before my august 
 master the telegraphic communication which 
 your excellency lias been pleased to transmit to 
 me under instructions of your government. His 
 Majesty, much moved by the sentiments ex- 
 pressed by the President, is glad to find in it a 
 new proof of the traditional friendship which 
 unites Russia to the United States of America, 
 as well as an evidence of the high value which 
 Mr. Roosevelt attaches, even as His Imperial 
 Majesty does, to that universal peace so essen- 
 tial to the welfare and progress of all humanity. 
 With regard to the eventual meeting of Russian 
 and Japanese plenipotentiaries, ‘in order to see 
 if it is not possible for the two powers to agree 
 to terms of peace,’ the Imperial Government 
 has no objection in principle to this endeavor 
 if the Japanese Government expresses a like 
 desire.” 
 
 This Russian response seemed somewhat equiv- 
 ocal to the Japanese Government, and Foreign 
 Minister Komura asked for an assurance as to the 
 powers to be conferred on the peace plenipoten- 
 tiaries from St. Petersburg. Ilow the assurance 
 was obtained has not been made known to the 
 public; but Japan received it soon through Pre- 
 sident Roosevelt, and Baron Komura requested 
 Mr. Griscom to “assure the President that the 
 attitude taken by the Japanese Government re- 
 garding the nature of the powers to be conferred 
 on the peace plenipotentiaries was not in any 
 
 356 
 
JAPAN, 15)05 
 
 JAPAN, 1905 
 
 degree inspired by a desire to raise difficulties or 
 delay negotiations. Experience has taught the 
 necessity of caution, and the Japanese Govern- 
 ment thought that by securing at the outset a 
 common understanding upon this subject they 
 would preclude possibility of any difficulty aris- 
 ing in the initial stage of negotiations and would 
 smooth the way for the real work of the negoti- 
 ators ; but having entire confidence in the wis- 
 dom of the President, the Japanese Government 
 accepts his interpretation of the intention of Rus- 
 sia and will without further question appoint 
 plenipotentiaries with full powers to negotiate 
 and conclude terms of peace.” 
 
 In consultations as to the place of meeting, 
 Russia suggested Paris and Japan proposed 
 Chefu, but objections were raised to both, as 
 well as to The Hague and Geneva, recommended 
 by President Roosevelt. Japan wanted it no- 
 where in Europe and Russia would have it no- 
 where in the East; so Washington became the 
 chosen point. But, when one of the first ten 
 days of August became the appointed time of 
 assembly for the negotiation, the probable heat 
 of Washington was forbidding, and Portsmouth, 
 New Hampshire, where the Government of the 
 United States possesses an island domain of its 
 own, for navy-yard uses, was finally fixed on 
 for the most important peace-parley that has 
 taken place in the world within a century, at the 
 least. 
 
 The plenipotentiaries commissioned by Japan 
 were Baron Komura Iutaro and Mr. Takahira 
 Kogoro, then Japanese Minister at Washington. 
 Mr. Nelidoff, Russian Ambassador at Paris, was 
 named in the first instance for chief plenipoten- 
 tiary by the Tzar, but illness prevented his serv- 
 ing. Mr. Nicholas Mouravieff, Ambassador at 
 Rome, was then appointed, but became equally 
 disabled in health, and M. Sergius Witte took his 
 place, with Baron Roman Rosen, Russian Ambas- 
 sador at Washington, associated in the mission. 
 On Saturday, the oth of August, on board the 
 Government yacht Mayflower, at Oyster Bay, the 
 summer residence of President Roosevelt, the 
 four plenipotentiaries, attended by members of 
 their respective suites, were received by the Pre- 
 sident, introduced to each other, and entertained 
 at a lunch. Thence they were conveyed, by sep- 
 arate vessels, first to Newport, where Sunday 
 was spent, and afterwards to Portsmouth. Their 
 conference was opened on Wednesday, the 9th, 
 and the resulting Treaty of Peace was signed by 
 the negotiators, September 5th. 
 
 At the outset of their communications with 
 each other the differences of mind seemed insur- 
 mountable. How they were brought to agree- 
 ment has been told by two writers who had bet- 
 ter opportunities, perhaps, for knowing the inner 
 circumstances of the negotiation than any other 
 persons outside of the plenipotentiaries them- 
 selves. One of these was Dr. Frederick de Mar- 
 tens, the eminent Russian Professor of Interna- 
 tional Law, who came as a special consulting 
 delegate with M. Witte. In an article on “The 
 Portsmouth Peace Conference,” published in 
 The North American Review of November, 1905, 
 he wrote : 
 
 “During three long weeks the pourparlers 
 between the representatives of the two Powers 
 seemed to show the absolute impossibility of at- 
 taining the desired object, that is, peace. There 
 were especially two obstacles in the way — the 
 
 Japanese demands that Russia should cede Sag- 
 halin and that Russia should pay Japan a war 
 indemnity. These two conditions Russia cate- 
 gorically rejected, and the failure of the Confer- 
 ence seemed inevitable. Then it was that the 
 President of the United States, again basing his 
 action on the principles of the Hague Conven- 
 tion, considered himself once more justified in 
 intervening between the two disputing nations. 
 At first, Mr. Roosevelt proposed that a Commis- 
 sion composed of neutrals, whose decision how- 
 ever, would not be binding on the contending 
 parties, should fix the amount of the sum that 
 Russia should pay to Japan. But this proposal 
 was immediately abandoned because of its evi- 
 dently impracticable nature. The second inter- 
 vention of the President was more effective and 
 happy. Japan was now to be asked to with- 
 draw her demand for an indemnity, and the 
 Tsar, who desired sincerely to see the unfortu- 
 nate war ended, was to consent to the cession of 
 the southern portion of the island of Saghalin. 
 It was at the sitting of August 29th that an 
 accord, based on these mutual concessions, was 
 brought about ; and, during the six days that 
 followed, the stipulations of the definitive treaty 
 of peace were drawn up by a commission named 
 for that purpose. At last, on September 5th, 
 the treaty was concluded, and a battery of artil- 
 lery, in front of the building where the sittings 
 had been held, fired a salute of nineteen guns in 
 honor of the great event.” — F. de Martens, The 
 Portsmouth Peace Conference ( North American 
 Review, Nov., 1905). 
 
 To the same effect Dr. E. J. Dillon, the well 
 known publicist, who had been an intermediary 
 in some of the preliminary unofficial diplomacy, 
 wrote in The Contemporary Review of October 
 as follows: 
 
 “The Peace of Portsmouth is the outcome of 
 rare moral courage meeting, assailing and worst- 
 ing a combination of forces, the classification 
 and labelling of which had best be left to the 
 future historian and biographer who can ap- 
 preciate, without bias and blame, without ap- 
 prehension. The first man to display that un- 
 wonted moral courage was Theodore Roosevelt, 
 whose influence for good on the living ami 
 working of nations is a beneficent force to 
 which the world is beginning to look as to some 
 permanent institution. It is not too much to 
 say that if Japan and Russia are at peace to- 
 day, if countless human beings doomed seem- 
 ingly until a few weeks ago to a terrible death 
 on the battlefield are now about to return to 
 their homes and families and set about building 
 up instead of pulling down, the credit for this 
 welcome change in international relations is due 
 in the first place to the President of the United 
 States. . . . 
 
 “There was hardly a man in Russia ac- 
 quainted with the elements of the problem who 
 considered Mr. Roosevelt’s invitation to a peace 
 conference as other than a voice crying in the 
 wilderness. He had felt his way some months 
 before and convinced himself that it then led 
 nowhither. Soon afterwards I was myself 
 authorised to put forth a feeler and inquire 
 whether a war indemnity formed part of Jap- 
 an’s irreducible minimum. And the result of 
 that inquiry was that hostilities were allowed 
 to take their course. 
 
 “After the Battle of Mukden Mr. Roosevelt 
 
 357 
 
JAPAN, 1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1905 
 
 again returned to the attack, moving slowly 
 and very cautiously, but creating his oppor- 
 tunity as well as utilising it, advising as well 
 as questioning, exhorting almost as much as 
 he argued. With Japan, whose statesmen he 
 knew well, and with the mainsprings of whose 
 action he was perfectly familiar, he experienced 
 no difficulty. What Nippon said, she really 
 meant; what she promised — but not one iota 
 more — she religiously fulfilled; and botli her 
 declarations and her promises apparently flowed 
 from a desire to do what every man in the 
 forum of his own conscience would term the 
 right thing. Probably never before in human 
 history has the world’s cultivated sense of what 
 is fair and just been taken by any nation, Chris- 
 tian or non-Christian, as its own standard of 
 ethics, its own rule of action regardless of im- 
 mediate consequences. . . . 
 
 “ And Japan’s capacity and readiness to sac- 
 rifice the less to the greater, the material to the 
 moral, was, so to say, the fulcrum on which 
 Mr. Roosevelt rested his lever. All the force of 
 his endeavours was concentrated here, all his 
 fund of optimism was derived from this source. 
 
 “ But it takes two to make peace as well as 
 to make war. And the President’s great and 
 greatest difficulty was to persuade Russia, not 
 indeed to imitate Japan’s example, but to con- 
 sult what to outsiders appeared to be her own 
 national interest and to make peace on accept- 
 able terms.”- — E. J. Dillon, The Story of the 
 Peace Negotiations (Contemporary Review, Oct., 
 1905). 
 
 The Treaty of Peace thus happily agreed 
 upon at Portsmouth was duly ratified by the 
 Emperors of Russia and Japan, at St. Peters- 
 burg and at Tokyo simultaneously, on the 14th 
 of October, 1905. The following is the text of 
 the Treaty in full : 
 
 The treaty of peace signed at Portsmouth. 
 
 By the helping grace of God, we, Nicholas 
 II, Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, 
 etc., hereby declare that, in consequence of a 
 mutual agreement between us and His Majesty, 
 the Emperor of Japan, our plenipotentiaries 
 concluded and signed at Portsmouth, August 
 23, 1905, a treaty of peace w'hich, word for 
 word, reads as follows : 
 
 His Majesty, the Emperor of all the Russias, 
 on the one hand, and His Majesty, the Emperor 
 of Japan, on the other baud, being animated by 
 the desire to restore the benefits of peace for 
 their countries and their peoples, have decided 
 to conclude a treaty of peace and have appointed 
 for this purpose their plenipotentiaries, to wit: 
 His Majesty the Emperor of Russia — 
 
 His Excellency, Mr. Sergius Witte, his secre- 
 tary of state and president of the committee of 
 ministers of the Empire of Russia, and 
 
 His Excellency, Baron Roman Rosen, master 
 of the Imperial Court of Russia and his ambas- 
 sador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the 
 United States of America; 
 
 And his Majesty, the Emperor of Japan — 
 His Excellency, Baron Komura Iutaro, Iu- 
 sammi, knight of the Imperial Order of the Ris- 
 ing Sun, his minister of foreign affairs, and 
 His Excellency, Mr. Takahira Kogoro, Iu- 
 sammi, knight of the Imperial Order of the Sa- 
 cred Treasure, his envoy extraordinary and 
 minister plenipotentiary to the United States of 
 America ; 
 
 Who, after having exchanged their full pow- 
 ers, found in good and due form, concluded the 
 following articles : 
 
 Article I. There shall be in the future peace 
 and friendship between Their Majesties the 
 Emperor of all the Russias and the Emperor of 
 Japan, as well as between their respective na- 
 tions and subjects. 
 
 Article II. The Imperial Government of 
 Russia, recognizing that Japan has predominant 
 political, military, and economic interests in Ko- 
 rea, agrees not to interfere or place obstacles in 
 the way of any measure of direction, protection, 
 and supervision which the Imperial Government 
 of Japan may deem necessary to adopt in Korea. 
 
 It is agreed that Russian subjects in Korea 
 shall be treated in exactly the same manner as 
 the citizens of other foreign countries ; that is, 
 that they shall be placed on the same footing as 
 the citizens of the most-favored nation. 
 
 It is likewise agreed that, in order to avoid 
 any cause of misunderstanding, the two high 
 contracting parties shall refrain from adopting, 
 on the Russo-Korean frontier, any military 
 measures which might menace the security of 
 the Russian or Korean territory. 
 
 Article III. Russia and Japan mutually 
 engage : 
 
 1. To completely and simultaneously evacu- 
 ate Manchuria, with the exception of the terri- 
 tory over which the lease of the peninsula of 
 Liao tung extends, in accordance with the pro- 
 visions of additional Article I annexed to this 
 treaty, and 
 
 2. To entirely and completely restore to the 
 exclusive administration of China all parts of 
 Manchuria now occupied by Russian and Japan- 
 ese troops, or which are under their control, 
 with the exception of the above-mentioned ter- 
 ritory. 
 
 The Imperial Government of Russia declares 
 that it has no territorial advantages or prefer- 
 ential or exclusive concessions in Manchuria of 
 such a nature as to impair the sovereignty of 
 China or which are incompatible with the prin- 
 ciple of equal opportunity. 
 
 Article IV. Russia and Japan mutually 
 pledge themselves not to place any obstacle in 
 the way of general measures which apply 
 equally to all nations and which China might 
 adopt for the development of commerce and in- 
 dustry in Manchuria. 
 
 Article V. The Imperial Government of 
 Russia cedes to the Imperial Government of 
 Japan, with the consent of the Government of 
 China, the lease of Port Arthur, of Talien, and 
 of the adjacent territories and territorial wa- 
 ters, as well as the rights, privileges, and con- 
 cessions connected with this lease or forming 
 part thereof, and it likewise cedes to the Impe- 
 rial Government of Japan all the public works 
 and property within the territory over which 
 the above-mentioned lease extends. 
 
 The high contracting parties mutually engage 
 to obtain from the Government of China the 
 consent mentioned in the foregoing clause. 
 
 The Imperial Government of Japan gives on 
 its part the assurance that the property rights 
 of Russian subjects within the above-mentioned 
 territory shall be absolutely respected. 
 
 Article VI. The Imperial Government of 
 Russia obligates itself to yield to the Imperial 
 Government of Japan, without compensation and 
 
 358 
 
JAPAN, 1905 
 
 JAPAN. 1905 
 
 with the consent of the Chinese Government, the 
 Chan-chun (Kwan-Chen-Tsi) and Port Arthur 
 Railroad and all its branches, with all the rights, 
 privileges, and property thereunto belonging 
 within this region, as well as all the coal mines 
 in said region belonging to this railroad or be- 
 ing operated for its benefit. 
 
 The two high contracting parties mutually 
 pledge themselves to obtain from the Chinese 
 Government the consent mentioned in the fore- 
 going clause. 
 
 Article VII. Russia and Japan agree to op- 
 erate their respective railroads in Manchuria for 
 commercial and industrial purposes exclusively, 
 but by no means for strategic purposes. It is 
 agreed that this restriction does not apply to 
 the railroads within the territory covered by the 
 lease of the Liao tung peninsula. 
 
 Article VIII. The Imperial Governments 
 of Russia and Japan, with a view to favoring 
 and facilitating relations and traffic, shall con- 
 clude, as soon as possible, a separate convention 
 to govern their operations of repair on the rail- 
 roads in Manchuria. 
 
 Article IX. The Imperial Government of 
 Russia cedes to the Imperial Government of 
 Japan, in perpetuity and full sovereignty, the 
 southern part of the island of Saghalin, and all 
 the islands adjacent thereto, as well as all the 
 public works and property there situated. The 
 fiftieth parallel of north latitude is adopted as 
 the limit of the ceded territory. The exact 
 boundary line of this territory shall be deter- 
 mined in accordance with the provisions of ad- 
 ditional Article II annexed to this treaty. 
 
 Japan and Russia mutually agree not to con- 
 struct within their respective possessions on the 
 island of Saghalin, and the islands adjacent 
 thereto, any fortification or similar military 
 work. They likewise mutually agree not to 
 adopt any military measures which might hinder 
 the free navigation of the Straits of La Perouse 
 and Tartary. 
 
 Article X. The right is reserved to Russian 
 subjects inhabiting the territory ceded to Japan 
 to sell their real property and return to their 
 country; however, if they prefer to remain in 
 the ceded territory, they shall be guarded and 
 protected in the full enjoyment of their pro- 
 perty rights and the exercise of their industries, 
 provided they submit to the laws and jurisdic- 
 tion of Japan. Japan shall have perfect liberty 
 to withdraw the right of residence in this terri- 
 tory from all inhabitants laboring under politi- 
 cal or administrative incapacity, or to deport 
 them from this territory. It pledges itself, 
 however, to fully respect the property rights of 
 these inhabitants. 
 
 Article XI. Russia obligates itself to reach 
 an understanding with Japan in order to grant 
 to Japanese subjects fishing rights along the 
 coast of the Russian possessions in the Seas of 
 Japan, Okhotsk, and Bering. It is agreed that 
 the above-mentioned obligation shall not impair 
 the rights already belonging to Russian or for- 
 eign subjects in these regions. 
 
 Article XII. The treaty of commerce and 
 navigation between Russia and Japan having 
 been annulled by the war, the Imperial Govern- 
 ments of Russia and Japan agree to adopt as 
 a basis for their commercial relations, until the 
 conclusion of a new treaty of commerce and 
 navigation on the basis of the treaty in force 
 
 before the present war, the system of reciprocity 
 on the principle of the most favored nation, in- 
 cluding import and export tariffs, custom-house 
 formalities, transit and tonnage dues, and the 
 admission and treatment of the agents, subjects, 
 and vessels of one country in the territory of 
 the other. 
 
 Article XIII. As soon as possible, after the 
 present treaty takes effect, all prisoners of war 
 shall be mutually returned. The Imperial Gov- 
 ernments of Russia and Japan shall each ap- 
 point a special commissioner to take charge of 
 the prisoners. All prisoners in the custody of 
 one of the governments shall be delivered to the 
 commissioner of the other government or to his 
 duly authorized representative, who shall re- 
 ceive them in such number and in such suitable 
 ports of the surrendering nation as the latter 
 shall notify in advance to the commissioner of 
 the receiving nation. 
 
 The Governments of Russia and Japan shall 
 present to each other, as soon as possible after 
 the delivery of the prisoners has been completed, 
 a verified account of the direct expenditures 
 made by them respectively for the care and 
 maintenance of the prisoners from the date of 
 capture or surrender until the date of their death 
 or return. Russia agrees to refund to Japan, as 
 soon as possible after the exchange of these ac- 
 counts, as above' "Stipulated, the difference be- 
 tween the actual amount thus spent by Japan 
 and the actual amount likewise expended by 
 Russia. 
 
 Article XIV. The present treaty shall be 
 ratified by Their Majesties the Emperor of all 
 the Russias and the Emperor of Japan. This 
 ratification shall, within the shortest possible 
 time and at all events not later than fifty days 
 from the date of the signature of the treaty, be 
 notified to the Imperial Governments of Russia 
 and Japan, respectively, through the ambassa- 
 dor of the United States of America at St. Peters- 
 burg and the minister of France at Tokyo, and 
 from and after the date of the last of these noti- 
 fications this treaty shall enter into full force in 
 all its parts. The formal exchange of the ratifi- 
 cations shall take place at Washington as soon 
 as possible. 
 
 Article XV. The present treaty shall be 
 signed in duplicate, in the French and English 
 languages. The two texts are absolutely alike; 
 however, in case of difference of interpretation 
 the French text shall prevail. 
 
 In witness whereof the respective plenipoten- 
 tiaries have signed the present treaty of peace 
 and affixed thereto their seals. 
 
 Done at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, the 
 twenty-third day of August (fifth of September) 
 of the year one thousand nine hundred and five, 
 corresponding to the fifth day of the ninth month 
 of the thirty-eighth year of Meiji. 
 
 IUTARO KOMURA. [L. S. 
 
 K. Takahira. [l. s. 
 
 Sergius Witte. [l. s.~ 
 
 Rosen. [l. s. 
 
 In conformity with the provisions of Articles 
 II and IX of the treaty of peace between Russia 
 and Japan under this date, the undersigned 
 plenipotentiaries have concluded the following 
 additional articles : 
 
 I. To Article III : 
 
 The Imperial Governments of Russia and 
 Japan mutually agree to begin the withdrawal 
 
 359 
 
JAPAN, 1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1905 
 
 of their military forces from the territory of Man- 
 churia simultaneously and immediately after the 
 entrance into force of the treaty of peace ; and 
 within a period of eighteen months from this 
 date the armies of the two powers shall be en- 
 tirely withdrawn from Manchuria, with the ex- 
 ception of the leased territory of the peninsula 
 of Liao-tung. 
 
 The forces of the two powers occupying ad- 
 vanced positions shall be withdrawn first. 
 
 The high contracting parties reserve the right 
 to maintain guards for the protection of their 
 respective railroad lines in Manchuria. 
 
 The number of these guards shall not exceed 
 15 men per kilometer, and within the limit of 
 this maximum number the commanders of the 
 Russian and Japanese armies shall, by mutual 
 agreement, fix the number of guards who are to 
 be employed, this number being as low as pos- 
 sible and in accordance with actual require- 
 ments. The commanders of the Russian and 
 Japanese forces in Manchuria shall reach an un- 
 derstanding regarding all the details connected 
 with the evacuation, in conformity with the 
 principles herein above set forth, and shall, by 
 mutual agreement, adopt the measures necessary 
 to carry out the evacuation as soon as possible 
 and at all events within a period not exceeding 
 eighteen months. 
 
 II. To Article IX : 
 
 As soon as possible after the present treaty 
 takes effect, a boundary commission composed 
 of an equal number of members appointed re- 
 spectively by the two high contracting parties 
 shall mark on the spot and in a permanent man- 
 ner the exact line between the Russian and 
 Japanese possessions on the island of Saghalin. 
 The commission shall be obliged, as far as topo- 
 graphical conditions permit, to follow the 50th 
 parallel of north latitude for the line of demar- 
 cation, and in case any deviations from this line 
 are found necessary at certain points compensa- 
 tion shall be made therefor by making corre- 
 sponding deviations at other points. It shall also 
 be the duty of said commission to prepare a list 
 and description of the adjacent islands which are 
 comprised within the cession, and finally the 
 commission shall prepare and sign maps show- 
 ing the boundaries of the ceded territory. The 
 labors of the commission shall be submitted to 
 the approval of the high contracting parties. 
 
 The additional articles mentioned hereinabove 
 shall be considered as being ratified by the rat- 
 ification of the treaty of peace, to which they 
 are annexed. 
 
 Portsmouth, August 23 (September 5), 1905, 
 corresponding to the 5th day, 9th month and 
 28th year of Meiji. 
 
 IUTAItO KOMURA. 
 
 K. Takahira. 
 
 Sergius Witte. 
 
 Rosen. 
 
 The ratification by the Tsar was in the follow- 
 ing terms : 
 
 Therefore, after mature consideration of this 
 treaty and the two additional articles, we ap- 
 proved, confirmed, and ratified them, and do 
 hereby approve, confirm, and ratify them in 
 their full purport, pledging our imperial word 
 for ourselves, our successors, and our heirs, that 
 everything set forth in the above-mentioned acts 
 shall be inviolably observed. In witness whereof 
 we, having signed this, our imperial ratifica- 
 
 tion, with our own hand, have ordered affixed 
 thereto our imperial seal. 
 
 Given at Peterhoff, the first day of October, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hun- 
 dred and five and of our reign the eleventh. 
 
 On the original is written in His Imperial 
 Majesty’s own hand : 
 
 l. s. “Nicholas.” 
 
 countersigned 
 
 Count Lamsdorff, 
 
 Secretary of State, Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). — New Defensive Agree- 
 ment between Great Britain and Japan. — 
 
 On the 12th of August, 1905, three days after the 
 plenipotentiaries of Japan and Russia had held 
 their first meeting at Portsmouth and opened 
 the negotiations which resulted in a Treaty of 
 Peace, a new Agreement of defensive alliance 
 between Japan and Great Britain, replacing 
 that of three years before (see, above, Japan : 
 A. D. 1902), was signed at London, but not 
 made public until the 6 th of September, the 
 day following the conclusion of the Russo-Jap- 
 anese Treaty of Peace. It was then communi- 
 cated to the Governments of Russia and France, 
 through the medium of the British Ambassa- 
 dors at St. Petersburg and Paris, with an ac- 
 companying explanatory despatch from Lord 
 Lansdowne, as follows : 
 
 “Sir, I inclose, for your Excellency's infor- 
 mation, a copy of a new Agreement concluded 
 between His Majesty’s Government and that of 
 Japan in substitution for that of the 30th Janu- 
 ary, 1902. You will take an early opportunity 
 of communicating the new Agreement to the 
 Russian Government. It was signed on the 
 12th August, and you will explain that it would 
 have been immediately made public but for the 
 fact that negotiations had at that time already 
 commenced between Russia and Japan, and 
 that the publication of such a document whilst 
 those negotiations were still in progress would 
 obviously have been improper and inopportune. 
 
 “The Russian Government will, I trust, re- 
 cognize that the new Agreement is an interna- 
 tional instrument to which no exception can be 
 taken by any of the Powers interested in the 
 affairs of the Far East. You should call spe- 
 cial attention to the objects mentioned in the 
 preamble as those by which the policy of the 
 Contracting Parties is inspired. His Majesty’s 
 Government believe that they may count upon 
 the good-will and support of all the Powers in 
 endeavouring to maintain peace in Eastern Asia, 
 and in seeking to uphold the integrity and in- 
 dependence of the Chinese Empire and the prin- 
 ciple of equal opportunities for the commerce 
 and industry of all nations in that country. 
 
 “On the other hand, the special interests of 
 the Contracting Parties are of a kind upon 
 which they are fully entitled to insist, and the 
 announcement that those interests must be safe- 
 guarded is one which can create no surprise, 
 and need give rise to no misgivings. 
 
 “I call your especial attention to the wording 
 of Article II, which lays down distinctly that it 
 is only in the case of an unprovoked attack 
 made on one of the Contracting Parties by an- 
 other Power or Powers, and when that Party is 
 defending its territorial rights and special inter- 
 ests from aggressive action, that the other Party 
 is bound to come to its assistance. 
 
 “ Article III, dealing with the question of 
 
 360 
 
JAPAN, 1905 
 
 JAPAN, 1906 
 
 Corea, is deserving of especial attention. It re- 
 cognizes in the clearest terms the paramount 
 position which Japan at this moment occupies 
 and must henceforth occupy in Corea, and her 
 right to take any measures which she may find 
 necessary for the protection of her political, 
 military, and economic interests in that coun- 
 try. It is, however, expressly provided that 
 such measures must not be contrary to the prin- 
 ciple of equal opportunities for the commerce 
 and industry of other nations. The new Treaty 
 no doubt differs at this point conspicuously 
 from that of 1902. It has, however, become 
 evident that Corea, owing to its close proxim- 
 ity to the Japanese Empire and its inability to 
 stand alone, must fall under the control and 
 tutelage of Japan. 
 
 “His Majesty’s Government observe with 
 satisfaction that this point was readily conceded 
 by Russia in the Treaty of Peace recently con- 
 cluded with Japan, and they have every reason 
 to believe that similar views are held by other 
 Powers with regard to the relations which 
 should subsist between Japan and Corea. 
 
 “ His Majesty’s Government venture to an- 
 ticipate that the alliance thus concluded, de- 
 signed as it is with objects which are purely 
 peaceful and for the protection of rights and 
 interests the validity of which cannot be con- 
 tested, will be regarded with approval by the 
 Government to which you are accredited. 
 They are justified in believing that its conclu- 
 sion may not have been without effect in facili- 
 tating the settlement by which the war has 
 been so happily brought to an end, and they 
 earnestly trust that it may, for many years to 
 come, be instrumental in securing the peace of 
 the world in those regions which come within 
 its scope. 
 
 Agreement between the United Kingdom 
 and Japan. 
 
 “Preamble. The Governments of Great Brit- 
 ain and Japan, being desirous of replacing the 
 agreement concluded between them on the 30th 
 of January, 1902, by fresh stipulations, have 
 agreed upon the following articles, which have 
 for their object — 
 
 (a) The consolidation and maintenance of the 
 general peace in the regions of Eastern Asia and 
 of India. 
 
 (b) The preservation of the common interests 
 of all powers in China, by insuring the inde- 
 pendence and integrity of the Chinese Empire 
 and the principle of equal opportunities for 
 the commerce and industry of all nations in 
 China. 
 
 (c) The maintenance of the territorial rights 
 of the high contracting parties in the regions 
 of eastern Asia and of India, and the defense of 
 their special interests in the said regions. 
 
 “Article I. It is agreed that whenever in 
 the opinion of either Great Britain or Japan any 
 of the rights and interests referred to in the 
 preamble of this agreement are in jeopardy, 
 the two governments will communicate with 
 one another fully and frankly and will consider 
 in common the measures which should be taken 
 to safeguard those menaced rights or interests. 
 
 “Article II. If by reason of unprovoked 
 attack or aggressive action, wherever arising, 
 on the part of any other power or powers either 
 contracting party should be involved in war 
 in defense of its territorial rights or special in- 
 
 terests mentioned in the preamble of this agree- 
 ment, the other contracting party will at once 
 come to the assistance of its ally and will con- 
 duct the war in common and make peace in mu- 
 tual agreement with it. 
 
 “Article III. Japan possessing paramount 
 political, military, and economic interests in 
 Korea, Great Britain recognizes the right of 
 Japan to take such measures of guidance, control, 
 and protection in Korea as she may deem pro- 
 per and necessary to safeguard and advance 
 those interests, provided always that such mea- 
 sures are not contrary to the principle of equal 
 opportunities for the commerce and industry of 
 all nations. 
 
 “ Article IV. Great Britain having a special 
 interest in all that concerns the security of the 
 Indian frontier, Japan recognizes her right to take 
 such measures in the proximity of that frontier 
 as she may find necessary for safeguarding her 
 Indian possessions. 
 
 “Article V. The high contracting parties 
 agree that neither of them will without consult- 
 ing the other enter into separate arrangements 
 with another power to the prejudice of the ob- 
 jects described in the preamble of this agree- 
 ment. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article VI. As regards the present war be- 
 tween Japan and Russia, Great Britain will con- 
 tinue to maintain strict neutrality unless some 
 other power or powers should join in hostilities 
 against Japan, in which case Great Britain will 
 come to the assistance of Japan and will conduct 
 the war in common and make peace in mutual 
 agreement with Japan. 
 
 “Article VII. The conditions under which 
 armed assistance shall be afforded by either power 
 to the other in the circumstances mentioned in 
 the present agreement, and the means by which 
 such assistance is to be made available, will be 
 arranged by the naval and military authorities 
 of the contracting parties, who will from time 
 to time consult one another fully and freely upon 
 all questions of mutual interest. 
 
 “ Article VIII. The present agreement shall, 
 subject to the provisions of Article VI., come 
 into effect immediately after the date of its 
 signature and remain in force for ten years from 
 that date. In case neither of the high contract- 
 ing parties should have notified twelve months 
 before the expiration of the said ten years the 
 intention of terminating it, it shall remain bind- 
 ing until the expiration of one year from the 
 day on which either of the high contracting 
 parties shall have denounced it. But if when 
 the date fixed for its expiration arrives either 
 ally is actually engaged in war the alliance shall 
 ipso facto continue until peace is concluded.” 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Dec.). — Treaty with China 
 relative to Manchuria. See (in this vol.) 
 China: A. D. 1905 (Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — Korea under Japanese 
 Control. — The rule of Prince Ito. — Insur- 
 rection and its suppression. — Constructive 
 and Reformative Work. See Korea : A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — Disputes with China. 
 — The Fa-ku-menn Railway and the Antung- 
 Mukden Railway Questions. — Settlement 
 of the latter by Japanese Ultimatum. See 
 China: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906.— Chinese Students in the Coun- 
 try. See Education : China : A. D. 1906. 
 
JAPAN, 1907 
 
 JAPAN, 1909 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Resentment at Segregation 
 of Oriental Children in San Francisco 
 Schools. See Race Problems : United 
 
 States : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Riotous attacks on Japanese 
 laborers in British Columbia and the State 
 of Washington. See Race Problems : Can- 
 ada. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (June). — Treaty with France 
 concerning affairs in the East. — A treaty 
 between the governments of Japan and France 
 was signed on the 10th of June, 1907, according 
 to which France recognizes the rights of Japan 
 in Korea and her special interests in Manchuria, 
 and Japan, on her side, promises not to interfere 
 with French possessions in Siam and Indo-China. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (May). — Slender victory of the 
 Saionji Ministry in the Parliamentary Elec- 
 tions. — Parliamentary elections in May, 1908, 
 gave the Ministry a bare probability of support 
 by combinations of the party of Prince Ito — 
 the Rikken Seiyu-kai — with some of the other 
 partly sympathetic groups. The maintenance 
 of the prudent policy of Government since the 
 close of the great war, against the Jingo ele- 
 ment, was left somewhat precarious. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Nov.). — Exchange of Notes 
 with the United States, embodying an im- 
 portant Declaration of Common Policy in the 
 East. — On the 30th of November, 1908, dis- 
 tinct form was given to a common understand- 
 ing between Japan and the United States, as to 
 their agreement in purposes'and policy touching 
 affairs in the East. The form was not that of a 
 treaty, but of a simple Declaration, identical in 
 notes exchanged at Washington between Secre- 
 tary Root and Ambassador Takahira. The fol- 
 lowing is the text of the Declaration: 
 
 “I. It is the wish of the two Governments to 
 encourage the free and peaceful development of 
 their commerce on the Pacific Ocean. 
 
 “II. The policy of both Governments, unin- 
 fluenced by any aggressive tendencies, is di- 
 rected to the maintenance of the existing status 
 quo in the region above mentioned, and to the 
 defense of the principle of equal opportunity 
 for commerce and industry in China. 
 
 “III. They are accordingly firmly resolved 
 reciprocally to respect the territorial possessions 
 belonging to each other in said region. 
 
 “IV. They are also determined to preserve 
 the common interests of all Powers in China by 
 supporting, by all pacific means at their dis- 
 posal, the independence and integrity of China 
 and the principle of equal opportunity for com- 
 merce and industry of all nations in that Em- 
 pire. 
 
 “V. Should any event occur threatening the 
 status quo as above described, or the principle of 
 equal opportunity as above defined, it remains 
 for the two Governments to communicate with 
 each other, in order to arrive at an understand- 
 ing as to what measures they may consider it 
 useful to take. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Suppression of Race- 
 track Gambling. See (in this vol.) Gambling. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Material Development of the 
 Country. — “The mileage of Japanese railways, 
 now over 5,000 miles, has been quadrupled with- 
 in 20 years — without counting the Korean and 
 South Manchurian railways, which are owned 
 by Japanese companies. The development of 
 posts, telegraphs, and telephones has proceeded 
 
 on an even greater scale, and the revenues of 
 the department, which only amounted in 1899 to 
 £1,740,000, exceeded £3,850,000 in 1909, whilst 
 the amount invested in postal savings banks 
 rose during the same decade from under £2,200,- 
 000 to £10,698,409. The Japanese merchant 
 flag, represented by a steam tonnage of nearly 
 one and a quarter million tons, is known in 
 every sea, and the Nippon Yusen Ivaisha, on one 
 of whose excellent steamers I crossed the Pacific 
 a few weeks ago, has alone a well-equipped fleet 
 of 265,000 tons in the aggregate, running not 
 only to the United States and to Europe, but 
 to South America and Australia, besides local 
 services in Japanese, Chinese, and Korean wa- 
 ters. . . . 
 
 “ Powerful firms like the Mitsui, the Mitsubi- 
 shi, Messrs. Okura, Messrs. Takata, &c., take 
 a leading part in every branch of a national im- 
 port and export trade which has risen within 30 
 years from under £6,000,000 to nearly £100,000,- 
 000 in 1907. Great industrial cities have grown 
 up like Osaka, the centre of the cotton-spinning 
 industry, whose population, less than 400,000 a 
 quarter of a century ago, now exceeds 1,200,000. 
 The aggregate capital of Japanese industrial 
 companies, which in 1882 was estimated at £10,- 
 000,000, rose within the same period to more than 
 £126,000,000, and in the cotton industry alone 
 the number of spindles increased from 65,000 to 
 over one and a half million. According to sta- 
 tistics collected by Mr. Takahashi and Mr. Iga- 
 rashi, the national wealth of Japan was assessed 
 at the beginning of 1905 at close upon £2,500,- 
 000,000, to which must now be added, over and 
 above any normal increment, the economic 
 value of the position she has acquired in South- 
 ern Manchuria and Korea.” — Cor. of The Times, 
 London. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Parties in Domestic Polb- 
 tics. — The present parties in the lower house 
 of the Japanese Parliament were thus described 
 by the Tokio correspondent of the London 
 Times, in January, 1909: “The Lower House 
 consists of 379 members. These are divided 
 into five sections — namely, the Seiyu-kai (192 
 members), the Progressists (67), the Boshin Club 
 (42), the Yushin-kai (44) and the Daido Club 
 (34). If any man were required to indicate 
 clearly the lines of division between these sec- 
 tions, he would be much perplexed to do so. 
 On the broad bases of Liberalism and Conserva- 
 tism the first four occupy the same Liberal plat- 
 form, while the last stands as the sole exponent 
 of Conservative views. Yet the four Liberal 
 sections are not more hostile to each other than 
 the fifth is to all. They are held asunder by 
 traditions and by prejudices. 
 
 “The Seiyu-kai has fought its way to an 
 overwhelmingly strong position in the face of 
 perennial opposition from the Progressists. 
 Once only did the two join hands, but their 
 union lasted no more than a few weeks, and 
 they separated with a strong access of mutual 
 rancour. Yet both had entered the arena origi- 
 nally as champions of the same cause, constitu- 
 tional government, and nothing held them apart 
 save personal rivalries. In the course of their 
 28 years of strenuous evolution, they gradually 
 sloughed off their extremists, and these consti- 
 tute the present Yushin-kai, a coterie of bril- 
 liant Radical free-lances, whose hand may be 
 said to be against every one. The Daido Club 
 
 362 
 
JAPAN, 1909 
 
 JAPAN, 1909 
 
 are frank Conservatives. They are the only 
 unequivocal supporters of the Cabinet now in 
 office. . . . There remain the Boahin Club. They 
 are an association of business men — the first 
 political association of that complexion in Japan. 
 The early Diets were all conspicuously deficient 
 in representatives of the commercial and manu- 
 facturing classes ; mainly because politics had 
 become a more or less discredited pursuit before 
 ever a general election was held, and partly be- 
 cause the urban population did not return a due 
 proportion of members. The latter defect hav- 
 ing been remedied by the new election law of 
 1901, there was thereafter found in the Lower 
 House a group of men calling themselves ‘In- 
 dependents,’ but always seen in the Government 
 lobby. In fact their sense of business interests 
 prompted them to lend their support to the 
 principle of stable Cabinets above everything.” 
 A. D. 1909 . — Present Status of Christian- 
 ity. See (in this vol.) Missions, Christian. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Sept.). — The State of 
 the War Debt and its Payment. — The fol- 
 lowing is a Press despatch from Tokyo to Lon- 
 don, July 17, 1909: “ At the close of 1906, when 
 Japan came to make out the accounts of her war 
 with Russia, she found that she had incurred a 
 total expenditure of about 1,700 million yen 
 (£170,000,000). By that amount her national 
 debt was increased. She then determined to lay 
 aside every year a sum of at least 110 million yen 
 (£11,000,000) for the service of the debt. That 
 did not mean, of course, that redemptions aggre- 
 gating 110 millions were to be made annually. 
 These 110 millions were for the service of the 
 debt ; in other words, they were for the purpose 
 of paying interest as well as principal. The 
 portion applicable to redemption would be from 
 30 to 37 millions yearly, and the loan would 
 thus be completely paid off in about 30 years. 
 That was the programme when the Marquis 
 Katsura came into office. But very soon he an- 
 nounced the Treasury’s intention of increasing 
 the redemption fund to 50 millions. That is to 
 say, he added some 16 millions to the money 
 available for paying off the debt ; and evidently, 
 if the increase were permanent, the whole in- 
 debtedness would be wiped off in about 20 years 
 instead of 30, as originally planned. Still better 
 things, however, are said to be contemplated. 
 The sum actually devoted to the sinking fund 
 during the last fiscal year was 50,800,000 yen, 
 and since the interest on that amount will go to 
 augment the redemption fund during the current 
 year, the amount paid off from that source will 
 be 53,340,000 yen. To this it is proposed to add 
 another 10 millions obtained from the national 
 growth of the State’s income, for the experience 
 of the last year encourages the belief that such 
 growth may be confidently expected, the actual 
 development of the ordinary revenue having 
 reached a sum of over 30 millions. It is further 
 expected that from 1912 onwards the yield from 
 the Customs duties will advance from 38 to 53 
 millions, unless Japan manages her negotiations 
 for tariff revision clumsily.” 
 
 Speaking to the Bankers’ Club at Tokyo in 
 September, 1909, Premier Katsura expressed the 
 belief that the financial condition of the country 
 was encouraging, and while maintaining that the 
 present system of finances was excellent, he ex- 
 pressed the hope to improve it steadily until 
 perfection is reached. The premier said that 
 
 the government’s policy would begin this year, 
 and the development of resources aud the avoid- 
 ance of unproductive expenditure would be 
 consistently followed. He announced the fol- 
 lowing measures as forming part of the financial 
 programme for the ensuing year : — 1 . Reduc- 
 tion and modification of the war taxes in order 
 to relieve the pressure on the people. 2. In- 
 crease of the sinking fund. By the allocation of 
 a considerable amount out of the surplus of pre- 
 vious years the sum of 53,000,000 yen (£5,300,- 
 000 ) previously fixed for this service will be 
 greatly exceeded. 3. The raising of the salaries 
 of all Government officials by 30 per cent. This 
 reform had been delayed by the outbreak of the 
 Russo-Japanese war. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Aug.). — The Burning of 
 Osaka. See ( in this vol.) Osaka. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Visit of a Commercial 
 Commission to the United States. — A large 
 party of prominent Japanese business men, 
 headed by Baron Shibusawa, and coming as a 
 Commercial Commission to seek more intimate 
 commercial relations between Japan and the 
 United States, landed at Seattle on the 1st of 
 September, 1909, and toured the country for a 
 number of weeks. The party received much 
 attention and were entertained most hospitably 
 everywhere, nowhere with more warmth than 
 on the Pacific Coast, where ill-feeling toward 
 Japan had been manifested in some circles a 
 few years before. In a statement to the Press 
 at Seattle Baron Shibusawa said : “It is inter- 
 esting to note that while different European 
 nations are talking about the increase of arma- 
 ment, and when especially great rulers are ex- 
 changing visits accompanied by warships, the 
 Japanese people are perfectly satisfied in send- 
 ing us plain business men on a peaceful mission 
 to this great commercial country. I have been 
 told that Japan is spoken of as a warlike 
 nation, but this is altogether absurd. We are 
 all deeply interested in the development of the 
 Japanese- American commercial relations, which, 
 of all reasons, prompts us to pay a visit to your 
 country. Let us therefore work for the exten- 
 sion of commercial relations to our mutual in- 
 terests. We must go hand in hand with you 
 to develop the vast field in the East.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Assassination of 
 Prince Ito. — Prince Hirobumi Ito, the man of 
 most light and leading, as he appears to have 
 been, in the transformation of Japan within the 
 past half century, was foully assassinated on tlie / 
 26th of October, 1909, at Kharbin, or Harj/m, 
 Manchuria. He had gone to Kharbin to meet 
 M. Kokovsoff, Russian Minister of Finance, for 
 a conference on the Manchurian questions that 
 had arisen between Russia and Japan. As he 
 stepped from the railway train which brought 
 him to the city, and was approaching the Minis- 
 ter, who came to welcome him, he was fired upon 
 from the surrounding crowd. Three revolver 
 shots struck the Prince, two of which inflicted 
 wounds that caused his death within twenty 
 minutes. Three of his attendants were wounded, 
 not fatally, by other shots. All were found to 
 have been fired by one bystander, who proved 
 to be a Korean. The assassin made no attempt 
 to escape, but exclaimed when seized : “I came 
 to Kharbin for the sole purpose of assassinating 
 Prince Ito, to avenge my country.” He had two 
 companions who boasted of being parties to the 
 
 363 
 
JAPAN, 1909 
 
 KENTUCKY 
 
 crime. He was subsequently identified as In- 
 dian Angan, formerly editor of a newspaper at 
 Seoul. 
 
 Since retiring from his responsible post in 
 Korea, as Resident-General, Prince Ito bad re- 
 sumed the presidency of the Privy Council, in 
 the Japanese Government, which Prince Aritomo 
 Yamagata had filled during his absence. Prince 
 
 JAPANESE IMMIGRATION : The Re- 
 sistance to it in America, Australia, and 
 South Africa. See (in this vol.) Race Prob- 
 lems. 
 
 JEANES, Miss Anna T. : Great Gift to 
 Schools for Southern Negroes. See (in this 
 vol.) Education: United States. A. D. 1907. 
 
 JEROME, William Travers: Reelection 
 as District Attorney of the County of New 
 York. See (in this vol.) New York City: A. D. 
 1905. 
 
 JEWS, THE: In Roumania. — Oppres- 
 sions. — Remonstrance of the United States. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Balkan and Danubian 
 States : Roumania. 
 
 Persecution and Massacre in Russia. See 
 Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, and 1903 (April). 
 
 JIMENEZ, President: His overthrow. See 
 (in this vol.) San Domingo: A. D. 1904-1907. 
 
 JOAN OF ARC, Beatification of. See (in 
 this vol.) Papacy: A. D. 1909 (April). 
 
 JOINT STATEHOOD ACT. See (in this 
 vol.) United States : A. D. 1906. 
 
 Yamagata was now reappointed to that office. 
 He and Prince Ito had been intimate friends, 
 and yet political opponents, differing in opinions 
 and heading rival parties, but always acting 
 together on the vital questions of national policy. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). — Naval Armament, 
 Present and Prospective. See (in this vol.) 
 War, The Preparations for: Naval : Japan. 
 
 JOLO, Sultan of. See (in this vol.) Phil- 
 ippine Islands: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 JONES, John Paul : Recovery and removal 
 of his remains from Paris. See (in this vol.) 
 United States : A. D. 1905 (Feb. -June). 
 
 JOUBERT-PIENAAR, General F. : On 
 Slavery in Portuguese Africa. See (in this 
 vol.) Africa: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 JUAREZ, Benito: Celebration of his cen- 
 tenary. See (in this vol. ) Mexico : A. D. 
 1906. 
 
 JUDSON, Harry Pratt: President of the 
 University of Chicago. See (in this vol.) Edu- 
 cation: A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 JUNIOR REPUBLIC, The. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Children, under the Law: As Offend- 
 ers. 
 
 JUSTH, M. de. See (in this vol.) Austria- 
 Hungary: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 JUVENILE COURTS. See (in this vol.) 
 Children, under the Law: As Offenders. 
 
 JUVENILE REFORM. See (in this vol.) 
 Children, under the Law: As Offenders. 
 
 K. 
 
 KAFFIR, The Problem of the. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Race Problems : In South Africa. 
 
 KAIPING. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 
 1904 (Feb.-July), and (July-Sept.). 
 
 KAJAR TRIBE, The : The Tribe of the 
 Persian Imperial Dynasty. See (in this vol.) 
 Persia : A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 KAMIMURA, Admiral. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb.-Aug.). 
 
 KANO : British capture. See (in this vol.) 
 Africa : A. D. 1903 (Nigeria). 
 
 KANSAS: A. D. 1904. — Legislation and 
 action against the Standard Oil Company. 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : United States : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 K AR AGEORGEVICH. See (in this vol.) 
 Balkan and Danubian States : Servia. 
 
 KATANGA, Railway Lines to. See (in 
 this vol.) Railways : Central Africa. 
 
 KATSURA, Count: His Ministry 
 
 strengthened by Marquis Ito. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan : A. D. 1903 (June). 
 
 KAULBARS, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (Sept. -March). 
 
 KAWAMURA, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (Sept. -March.). 
 
 KELANTAN: Cession of Suzerainty to 
 Great Britain. See (in this vol.) Siam : A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 KELLY, Charles F. : Confessions as a 
 “ Boodler.” See (in this vol.) Municipal Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 KENNEDY, John Stewart, the Bequests 
 of. (See in this vol.) Gifts and Bequests. 
 
 KENTUCKY: A. D. 1905-1909. — The 
 Tobacco Farmers’ Union and its Night 
 Riders. — “ Kentucky has been having an ex- 
 
 perience unique, costly, tragic, and probably to 
 some extent valuable, with the farmers engaged 
 in the chief agricultural industry of the state — 
 growing tobacco. Some 80,000 of them, repre- 
 senting probably 400,000 of the population of 
 the state, have been engaged in a union demon- 
 stration for the purpose of securing higher pay. 
 The result has been in some sections anarchy, 
 in all great distress. . . . 
 
 “A trust having arisen in New York which 
 was able to control the output, and therefore to 
 make prices to suit itself, the farmers have an- 
 swered this trust by forming under the equity 
 society a union of their own, and going on a 
 strike for higher prices. . . . The union to 
 which I refer is the Burley Tobacco Society, in 
 Kentucky. It is organized to oppose the exac- 
 tions of the American Tobacco Company of 
 New Jersey. Tobacco is grown in several dis- 
 tinct districts in Kentucky, and there, as else- 
 where, each district has, by reason of soil or 
 climate, a virtual monopoly of its own type. 
 Down in the southwestern corner, in the so- 
 called Black Patch, embracing several counties 
 of Tennessee, a dark and heavy leaf is grown 
 and fire-cured for the foreign trade. This is 
 bought by government, or so-styled ‘regie’ 
 buyers. North of this is a heavy leaf stemmed 
 for the British trade. North and east of this is 
 the region in which a dark air-cured leaf is 
 grown for domestic uses. East of this, embrac- 
 ing all Blue Grass and extending to Maysville, 
 is the Burley district, in which is grown the 
 famous red and white Burley tobacco. . . . 
 
 “Pooling tobacco in Kentucky started down 
 in the Black Patch, or received its greatest im- 
 petus there. The regie buyers combined, or 
 
 364 
 
KENTUCKY 
 
 KOREA, 1904-1905 
 
 were formed into a combination by their su- 
 periors, anil the Patch was districted, each man 
 being given an exclusive territory, and no farmer 
 being allowed to sell to any one but his own 
 buyer. In this way a set price as low as four 
 cents was made, and the farmer had no option 
 but to take it; no option, at least, that was open 
 to the farmer not rich enough to ship his crop 
 to Bremen and seek European competition. In 
 this situation a group of canny planters formed 
 a tight little corporation of $200 capital, for the 
 avowed purpose of holding, handling, buying, 
 and selling tobacco. They induced about a 
 thousand of their neighbors — there are forty 
 thousand dark-tobacco growers in the Patch — 
 to pledge their crops with them, and they 
 planned to hold this much off the market and 
 compel the regie buyers to pay a higher price 
 for it. This proving popular, they soon had 
 live thousand pledges. Then they — or interests 
 closely allied with them — organized a band of 
 Ku-Klux, called Night Riders, who, first by so- 
 called ‘peace armies,’ and then by raiding at 
 night all who resisted, frightened or forced — 
 during the next three years — all the forty 
 thousand to sign. 
 
 “The tight little corporation thus had a mo- 
 nopoly of the dark tobacco. It forced the regie 
 buyers to pay a price raised by slow degrees to 
 11 cents round, exacted large commissions and 
 profits, — as much as 1500 per cent a year on 
 the capital, — and now controls the Black Patch 
 absolutely. All its pledges expire in January, 
 1909, and the situation will then become anarch- 
 istic. The success of this Black Patch plan was 
 entirely due to the employment of Night Riders, 
 who correspond to the professional ‘sluggers’ 
 of a labor union, or the hired assassins of a 
 Black-Hand league.” — J. L. Mathews, The 
 Farmers’ Union and the Tobacco Pool ( Atlantic 
 Monthly , Oct., 1908). 
 
 KHARBIN, or Harbin, Russian control at. 
 See (in this vol.) China : A. D. 1909 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Assassination of Prince Ito. 
 See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1909 (Oct.). 
 
 KHARKOFF, Disturbances in. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia: A. D. 1904r-1905. 
 
 KHARTUM, The New. See (in this vol.) 
 Sudan, The : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Gordon Memorial College. See Education: 
 Egypt. 
 
 KIAMIL PASHA: Grand Vizier. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Turkey : A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.), 
 and after. 
 
 KIEFF, Disturbances in. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 KINCHOU, Battle of. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), and 1904-1905 
 (May-Jan.). 
 
 KINGSTON, Jamaica: A. D. 1907. — De- 
 struction of Kingston. See (in this vol.) Earth- 
 quakes : Jamaica. 
 
 KINSHU-MARU, The incident of the. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb. -Aug.). 
 
 KIPLING, Rudyard. See (in this vol.) No- 
 bel Prizes. 
 
 KIRDORF, Herr: Head of the Coal and 
 Steel Syndicates in Germany. — His attitude 
 towards the Workingmen. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization : Germany : A. D. 1905 - 
 1907 . 
 
 KISHINEFF, Jewish Massacre at. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1903 (April). 
 
 KITCHENER OF KHARTUM, Gen- 
 eral Lord: In South Africa. See (in this vol.) 
 South Africa : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 In India. See (in this vol.) India : A. D. 
 1905 (Aug.). 
 
 KLERKSDORP CONFERENCE. See 
 
 (in this vol.) South Africa : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 KNIAZ POTEMKIN, Mutiny on the. See 
 (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905 (Feb. -N ov.). 
 
 KNIGHTS OF LABOR. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization : United States. 
 
 KNOX, Philander C. : Attorney-General. 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1901- 
 1905. 
 
 Secretary of State. See the same, A. D. 1909 
 (March). 
 
 KOCH, Robert. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 KOCHER, E. T. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 KOMURA, Baron Iutaro, Japanese Min- 
 ister of Foreign Affairs. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 Japanese Plenipotentiary for negotiating 
 Treaty of Peace with Russia. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1905 ( June-Oct.). 
 
 KONDRATENKO, General. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 KOREA: A. D. 1901-1904. — Japanese 
 distrust of Russian designs. — Negotiations 
 and demands. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 
 1901-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Agreement respecting Ko- 
 rea between Great Britain and Japan. See 
 
 Japan : A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb.). — Occupation by the 
 Japanese. See Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb.- 
 July). 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — Conventions with Jap- 
 an, creating. Protectorate Relations with 
 that Empire and submitting Financial and 
 Diplomatic Affairs to Japanese control. — On 
 
 the 25th of February, 1904, the text of a proto- 
 col, concluded on the 23d, between the Gov- 
 ernments of Japan and Korea, was communi- 
 cated to the Government of the United States 
 (and, of course to others), by the Government of 
 Japan, with an accompanying explanation, as 
 follows : 
 
 ‘ ‘ In the prosecution of the present war the 
 use of some of the ports and some portions of 
 the territory of Korea is found inevitable, and 
 therefore, with a view to facilitate military op- 
 erations and to show that such use of ports and 
 territory is made with the full knowledge and 
 consent of Korea, and not in disregard or viola- 
 tion of her independence or territorial integrity, 
 and also in order to prevent future complica- 
 tions, the Japanese Government concluded with 
 the Korean Government on the 23d instant the 
 following protocol. . . . 
 
 “ Article I. For the purpose of maintaining 
 permanent and solid friendship between Japan 
 and Korea and firmly establishing peace in the 
 Far East, the Imperial Government of Korea 
 shall place full confidence in the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment of Japan and adopt the advice of the 
 latter with regard to improvements in adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 “Article II. The Imperial Government of 
 Japan shall, in a spirit of firm friendship, in- 
 sure the safety and repose of the Imperial House 
 of Korea. 
 
 365 
 
KOREA, 1904-1905 
 
 KOREA, 1904-1905 
 
 “Article III. The Imperial Government of 
 Japan definitively guarantee the independence 
 and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire. 
 
 “Article IV. In case the welfare of the Im- 
 perial House of Korea or the territorial integrity 
 of Korea is endangered by the aggression of a 
 third power or internal disturbances, the Impe- 
 rial Government of Japan shall immediately 
 take such necessary measures as circumstances 
 require, and in such case the Imperial Govern- 
 ment of Korea shall give full facilities to pro- 
 mote the action of the Imperial Japanese Gov- 
 ernment. The Imperial Government of Japan 
 may, for the attainment of the above-mentioned 
 object, occupy, when circumstances require it, 
 such places as may be necessary from strategic 
 points of view. 
 
 “ Article V. The Government of the two 
 countries shall not in future, without mutual con- 
 sent, conclude with a third power such an ar- 
 rangement as may be contrary to the principles 
 of the present protocol. 
 
 “Article VI. Details in connection with 
 the present protocol shall be arranged as the cir- 
 cumstances may require between the represent- 
 ative of Japan and the minister of state for 
 foreign affairs of Korea.” 
 
 On the 30th of August, 1904, an additional 
 Agreement between the Governments of Japan 
 and Korea, signed in part on the 19th and in 
 part on the 22d of that month, was communi- 
 cated by the Japanese Ambassador to the United 
 States to the State Department at Washington, 
 with a note saying: “In communicating this 
 agreement to the Government of the United 
 States I am instructed to say that it is nothing 
 more than the natural consequence or devel- 
 opment of the protocol concluded between the 
 Japanese and Korean Governments on the 23rd 
 of last February, which I had the honor to com- 
 municate at that time for the information of 
 the Government of the United States. I am 
 further directed to say that the agreement does 
 not in anywise interfere with the full operation 
 or validity of Korea’s existing treaties ; and 
 that Article II thereof is not intended to place 
 any impediment in the way of legitimate enter- 
 prise in Korea, but merely to check, as far as 
 possible, the future conclusion of unwise and 
 improvident engagements, which in the past 
 have been fruitful sources of trouble and com- 
 plication.” 
 
 The Agreement thus announced was in the 
 following terms : 
 
 “ Article I. The Korean Government shall 
 engage a Japanese subject recommended by the 
 Japanese Government as financial adviser to the 
 Korean Government, and all matters concern- 
 ing finance shall be dealt with after his counsel 
 shall have been taken. 
 
 “ Article II. The Korean Government shall 
 engage a foreigner recommended by the Japan- 
 ese Government as diplomatic adviser to the for- 
 eign office, and all important matters concerning 
 foreign relations shall be dealt with after his 
 counsel shall have been taken. 
 
 “Article III. The Korean Government 
 shall consult the Japanese Government before 
 concluding treaties and conventions with for- 
 eign powers, and also in dealing with other im- 
 portant diplomatic affairs, such as grants of 
 concessions to or contracts with foreigners.” 
 
 Writing of this Agreement a few days later 
 
 to the State Department at Washington, the 
 American Minister to Japan, Mr. Lloyd Griscom, 
 remarked : “It is interesting to note that Mr. 
 Megata, selected to be financial adviser to the 
 Korean Government, was educated in America 
 and is a graduate of Harvard University, and 
 Mr. Stevens, who has been chosen as adviser 
 to the foreign office, is an American gentleman 
 about whom it would be superfluous to inform 
 you.” 
 
 Under a third Agreement, signed April 1, 
 1905, Japan took over the control and operation 
 of the post, telegraph, and telephone services 
 of Korea, in order to ‘ ‘ rearrange the system of 
 communications in that country, and, by amal- 
 gamating it with that of Japan, to unite the 
 two systems into one.” 
 
 Finally, on the 17th of November, 1905, a 
 fourth Agreement was signed, which definitely 
 surrendered to Japan the “control and direction 
 of the external relations and affairs of Korea,” 
 in the following stipulations: 
 
 “Article I. The Government of Japan, 
 through the department of foreign affairs in 
 Tokyo, will hereafter have control and direction 
 of the external relations and affairs of Korea 
 and the diplomatic and consular representa- 
 tives of Japan will have the charge of the sub- 
 jects and interests of Korea in foreign countries. 
 
 “Article II. The Government of Japan 
 undertake to see to the execution of the treaties 
 actually existing between Korea and other 
 powers, and the Government of Korea engage 
 not to conclude hereafter any act or engage- 
 ment having an international character, except 
 through the medium of the Government of 
 Japan. 
 
 “Article III. The Government of Japan 
 shall be represented at the court of His Majesty 
 the Emperor of Korea by a resident general, 
 who shall reside at Seoul primarily for the pur- 
 pose of taking charge of and directing the mat- 
 ters relating to diplomatic affairs. He shall 
 have the right of private and personal audience 
 of His Majesty the Emperor of Korea. The 
 Japanese Government shall have the right to 
 station residents at the several open ports and 
 such other places in Korea as they may deem 
 necessary. 
 
 “ Such residents shall, under the direction of 
 the resident general, exercise the powers and 
 functions hitherto appertaining to Japanese 
 consuls in Korea, and shall perform such duties 
 as may be necessary in order to carry into full 
 effect the provisions of this agreement. 
 
 “ Article IV. The stipulations of all treaties 
 and agreements existing between Japan and 
 Korea not inconsistent with the provisions of 
 this agreement shall continue in force. 
 
 “ Article V. The Government of Japan un- 
 dertake to maintain the welfare and dignity of 
 the Imperial House of Korea.” 
 
 With the communication of this Agreement to 
 foreign Powers there went a declaration by the 
 Japanese Government, in part as follows : “ The 
 relations of propinquity have made it necessary 
 for Japan to take and exercise, for reasons 
 closely connected with her own safety and re- 
 pose, a paramount interest and influence in the 
 political and military affairs of Korea. The 
 measure^ hitherto taken have been purely ad- 
 visory, but the experience of recent years has 
 demonstrated the insufficiency of measures- of 
 
 366 
 
KOREA, 1904-1905 
 
 KOREA, 1905-1909 
 
 guidance alone. The unwise and improvident 
 action of Korea, more especially in the domain 
 of her international concerns, has in the past 
 been the most fruitful source of complications. 
 To permit the present unsatisfactory condition 
 of things to continue unrestrained and unregu- 
 lated would be to invite fresh difficulties, and 
 Japan believes that she owes it to herself and 
 to her desire for the general pacification of the 
 extreme East to take the steps necessary to put 
 an end once for all to this dangerous situation.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — Status of the Korean 
 Empire under Japanese Control. — The Jap- 
 anese View. — ‘‘After her quick entry into 
 Seoul at the outbreak of the war, Japan found 
 herself precisely in the position which she had 
 long desired to establish. The plan of joint 
 non-intervention in Korean affairs as agreed 
 upon between Japan and Russia in 1896 and 
 1898 [see, in Vol. VI. of this work, Korea], 
 which had again and again resulted in competi- 
 tive intervention, had proved disastrous to the 
 interest of Japan and of general reform; but 
 now Russia had abruptly withdrawn from Seoul, 
 and Japan found herself free to move alone. 
 Thereupon she hastened to impose upon the 
 Korean Foreign Minister a treaty of alliance [as 
 above], on February 23, 1904, which laid the 
 foundation for all Japan’s subsequent conduct 
 in the peninsula. . . . 
 
 ‘‘An analysis and interpretation of the forces 
 which the war has set loose and which are 
 bringing their inevitable consequences would 
 be highly instructive. Let us, however, con- 
 tent ourselves here by pointing to the Korean 
 clauses in the three important documents con- 
 cluded within the last two years, in which the 
 rapid development of the Korean problem is 
 easily traceable, — namely, the Korean-Jap- 
 anese treaty of alliance of February 23, 1904, the 
 Russo-Japanese treaty of peace signed on Sep- 
 tember 5, 1905 [see, in this vol., Japan ; A. D. 
 1905 (June-Oct.)], and the Anglo Japanese 
 agreement of alliance concluded on August 12 
 [see Japan: A. D. 1905 (Aug.)], and published 
 with Lord Lansdowne’s dispatch to the British 
 Ambassador at St. Petersburg on September 
 26, 1905. It will be remembered that the first 
 instrument at once placed Korea under Japan’s 
 military protection and administrative guid- 
 ance, and bound Japan to uphold Korea’s inde- 
 pendence and territorial integrity, including 
 the safety of her Imperial house. One will 
 readily observe that two distinct points are here 
 involved. These two points the further pro- 
 gress of events, some of which have already 
 been described, seems to have put so far apart, 
 that in the treaty of Portsmouth Japan’s pre- 
 ponderance over Korea was recognized by 
 Russia, while little was said of the independ- 
 ence of the peninsular empire. It was even 
 said that M. Witte insisted during the discus- 
 sion of the clause that Baron Komura should 
 declare in his proposed terms that Japan in- 
 tended to make of Korea a province of the 
 Japanese Empire. This the Baron is reported 
 to have emphatically declined, presumably be- 
 cause he would not consider the protection by 
 Japan and the territorial integrity of Korea in- 
 compatible with each other. The difference be 
 tween the theoretical and practical situation is, 
 however, reflected unmistakably in the Anglo- 
 Japanese agreement, the third article of which 
 
 reads : ‘ Japan possessing paramount political, 
 military, and economic interests in Korea, 
 Great Britain recognizes Japan’s right to take 
 such measures for the guidance, control and 
 protection of Korea as she may deem proper 
 and necessary to safeguard and advance those 
 interests, providing the measures so taken are 
 not contrary to the principle of equal opportu- 
 nities for the commerce and industry of all 
 nations.’ In other words, Japan is left free to- 
 control Korea and then prevail upon the latter 
 to open her door equally wide to all nations, in- 
 cluding Japan herself. After specially dwelling 
 on the substance of this article, Lord Lansdowne 
 says in his dispatch : ‘ The treaty at this point 
 differs conspicuously from that of 1902. It has, 
 however, become evident that Korea, owing to 
 its close proximity to the Japanese Empire, and 
 to its inability to stand alone, must fall under 
 the control and tutelage of Japan. His Ma- 
 jesty’s Government observes with satisfaction 
 that this point has been readily conceded by 
 Russia in the treaty of peace, and there is every 
 reason to believe that similar views are held by 
 the other Powers with regard to the relations 
 which should subsist between Japan and Korea.’ 
 Thus are Korea’s alleged incapacity of self-gov- 
 ernment and Japan’s need of control over the 
 peninsular affairs openly recognized by a third 
 Power, and it is taken for granted that no other 
 Power will deny these points. Such a declara- 
 tion could not be made, it is admitted, in 1902, 
 when the first treaty of alliance was concluded, 
 nor perhaps even at the time when the Korean- 
 Japanese protocol was signed in February, 1904. 
 Yet the doctrine of Korea’s independence is still 
 not theoretically contradictory with this situa- 
 tion now recognized by the Russian and British 
 governments, nor has it become less effective 
 than in the last year, for, while the control by 
 Japan has since been tightened, Korea remains 
 a separate empire with all the sovereign rights 
 of an independent State. Japan, speaking tech- 
 nically, exercises a supervisory control and dis- 
 charges administrative functions entrusted to 
 her care. The future trend of affairs — whether 
 the Korean independence will vanish into a 
 mere fiction as the Japanese control advances, 
 or whether under the latter the peninsular people 
 will be trained to an effective self-government 
 — must largely be determined by the mutual 
 interaction of the complex factors, both Korean 
 and Japanese, public and private, conscious and 
 unconscious, which are steadily working out 
 the destiny of the peninsula.” — K. Asakawa, 
 Korea and Manchuria under the New Treaty 
 (Atlantic Monthly , Nov. , 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Aug.). — New Agreement con- 
 cerning Korea between Great Britain and 
 Japan. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1905 
 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — Japanese Control of 
 Korean Affairs. — Under Prince Ito. — At- 
 tempted appeal of Korea to the Hague 
 Conference of 1907 . — Enforced abdication 
 of the Emperor. — Elevation of his Son to 
 the Throne. — Extensive and fierce Revolt 
 rigorously fought down. — Retirement of 
 Prince Ito. — Recent Measures. — As to the 
 use made by the Japanese of the entireness of 
 their domination in Korea, as conceded to them 
 in the treaties referred to above, by the Govern- 
 ment of Korea, primarily, and by Great Britain 
 
 367 
 
KOREA, 1905-1909 
 
 KOREA, 1905-1909 
 
 and Russia, secondarily, in their recognition and 
 endorsement of the status thus established, there 
 lias been much controversy since. The Ko- 
 reans themselves have been loud complainants 
 of harsh and oppressive exercises of Japanese 
 power in their country, and have found many 
 sympathizers among the western peoples to de- 
 nounce their alleged wrongs. On the other 
 hand, many foreign visitors to Korea, after care- 
 ful observation of conditions in the country, 
 have borne strong testimony in favor of the 
 Japanese conduct of Korean affairs. Professor 
 George T. Ladd, for example, of Yale Univer- 
 sity, is one of these witnesses whose judgment 
 has great weight. Having gone to Japan to 
 give a course of lectures there, Professor Ladd 
 was asked by Prince lt.o, the Japanese Resident- 
 General in Korea, to visit the latter country as 
 an observer, and lend counsel to the Prince rela- 
 tive specially to some matters that touched 
 American missions. His subsequent book, en- 
 titled “In Korea with Prince Ito,” represents, 
 beyond question, a careful and candid study of 
 conditions which he had the best of opportuni- 
 ties for becoming rightly acquainted with. It 
 does not approve or justify everything that the 
 Japanese dictators of Korean administration 
 were doing, but it represents the general motive 
 and intent of their undertakings to have been 
 for the improvement of the people and country 
 whose affairs they had taken into their hands. 
 The same may be said of what has been written 
 of Korea since the Russo-Japanese war by Mr. 
 George Kennan, the experienced traveller in the 
 East and student of its peoples and their life. 
 
 The truth appears to be that the Japanese are 
 using their power in Korea as justly, as hon- 
 estly, as rightly as the English are using sim- 
 ilar power in Egypt, as the Americans are using 
 it in the Philippine Islands, or as any people 
 has ever used the power to dictate government 
 to another people. The question of right and 
 wrong in all such cases goes back of the mode 
 of using the overlordship, and is a question of 
 the right to hold it for any mode of use. That 
 there was compulsion in the procurement of the 
 convention by which the Emperor of Korea and 
 his decadent Government surrendered them- 
 selves to the dictatorial protection of Japan goes 
 without saying. That there is not a strong na- 
 tion in the world to-day that would not, in the 
 same circumstances, have exercised the same 
 compulsion and wrung the same surrender, is 
 just as indisputable; but the political moral 
 ity of the world is still too undeveloped for that 
 fact to be exonerating. It only “sights” the 
 political ethics of Japan along the level of our 
 Christendom, and finds her to be, at least, not 
 below it. 
 
 Soon after the Convention of November 17, 
 1905. had been signed. Marquis Ito, the Japanese 
 Resident-General in Korea, invited the newspa- 
 per editors in Seoul to a luncheon, at which he 
 addressed them, as reported at the time, partly 
 in these words: 
 
 “ If the state of affairs in Korea be examined, 
 it is found that the relations between sovereign 
 and subject, government and governed, are of a 
 very distant nature, and are by no means so close 
 as those in Japan. Hence it becomes inevitable 
 to adopt toward the Government measures of a 
 more or less compulsory nature. The people, 
 however, are eminently peaceful and quiet, and 
 
 toward them, therefore, the policy pursued must 
 be one of gentle persuasion. Those are points 
 which have to be kept in view not merely by 
 our officials, but also by all Japanese subjects 
 residing in Korea. Such Japanese subjects 
 must carefully refrain from all acts of violence 
 to which their country’s victories may prompt 
 them, and must be guided by a spirit of kindness 
 in their dealings with the Koreans. Already the 
 United States representative in Seoul has re- 
 ceived instructions from his Government for the 
 removal of the legation, and it may be assumed 
 that the other powers will similarly recognize 
 Japan’s convention. It will then be for Japan 
 not to forget the duties that heaven has dele- 
 gated to her, but to lead Korea gently and help- 
 fully along the path of progress, for assuredly 
 anything like arbitrary or coercive conduct will 
 earn for Korea the sympathy of the nations, and 
 will defeat the true and abiding policy of Japan.” 
 
 Discontent, complaint, resistance in Korea were 
 inevitable, whatever treatment the country in so 
 helpless and humbled a situation might receive. 
 By a dexterous movement in 1907 it compelled 
 the world to take notice of its plight. The Em- 
 peror, or his immediate entourage, succeeded by 
 some means in fairly smuggling out of the coun- 
 try a delegation commissioned to claim a hear- 
 ing before the Peace Conference at The Hague. 
 Their claim was effectually extinguished by the 
 agreement of 1904, which turned over to Japan 
 the whole management of the foreign affairs of 
 Korea ; but the Korean situation was discussed 
 widely fora time. Nothing of benefit to the na- 
 tive Korean Government, however, came from 
 the event. The iron hand of Japanese control 
 was laid in heavier pressure on the feeble court, 
 at once. The nominal Korean Ministry was 
 made to demand and compel the abdication of 
 the Emperor, on the ground that he had endan- 
 gered the national welfare by violation of the 
 treaty of August, 1904. His young son was 
 crowned in his stead, and Korea was required to 
 submit to a new' Agreement, signed on the 24th 
 of July, 1907, by which the Resident-General 
 “ acquired initiative as well as consultatory com- 
 petence to enact and enforce law's and ordinances, 
 to appoint and remove Korean officials, and to 
 place capable Japanese subjects in the ranks of 
 Korean officialdom.” Special provision was made 
 for the separation of the Judiciary and the Ex- 
 ecutive, so as to put an end, wrote an English 
 correspondent, “ to the grievous corruption prac- 
 tised under a system which invested provincial 
 governors and district magistrates with judicial 
 functions, reducing the administration of justice 
 to a mere matter of favour or interest.” Under 
 this new agreement the Resident-General ac- 
 quired authority sufficient to overcome obstruc- 
 tion, for it pledged the Government of Korea to 
 act under his guidance in matters of administra- 
 tive reform ; not to enact any laws or take any 
 important measures without Ids previous assent; 
 and not to appoint or dismiss high officials with- 
 out his concurrence. 
 
 The attempt to carry an appeal to the Hague 
 Conference was not fortunate for Korea in the 
 result. As a coup it was skilfully executed, 
 but can hardly be regarded as shrewd in the 
 planning. It was attributed, in both plan and 
 execution, to an American, Mr. Homer B. Hurl 
 bert, who went to Korea as an educator some 
 years before, under an appointment by the Gov- 
 
 368 
 
KOREA, 1905-1909 
 
 KOREA, 1905-1909 
 
 eminent of the United States, on an official re- 
 quest from Korea ; who had acquired much 
 influence there and was strenuously a partisan of 
 the Koreans, as against the Japanese. Publish- 
 ing a small periodical, the Korean Review, Mr. 
 Ilurlburt became an effective champion of their 
 cause, publicly as well as privately in the native 
 counsels of the overlorded empire. In the latter 
 capacity he was pitted against another Ameri- 
 can, Mr. Durham White Stevens, whose ap- 
 pointment by Japanese selection, in 1904, to be 
 adviser to the Korean Foreign Office, is men- 
 tioned above. Originally in the service of his 
 own country, Mr. Stevens had then become of- 
 ficial adviser to the Japanese Legation at Wash- 
 ington, and passed from that to the service in 
 Korea. His fidelity to Japanese interests cen- 
 tered on him the animosity of the rebellious ele- 
 ment in Korea, and he fell a victim to their hate. 
 
 The forcing of the old Emperor from the 
 throne and the exaction of a more direct and 
 complete submission of Korea to Japanese rule 
 had provoked an extensive revolt. This was 
 made more serious by an acknowledged mis- 
 take committed by Prince Ito, in disbanding 
 the Korean army. A correspondent of the New 
 York Evening Post , who wrote from Tokyo on 
 the 14th of December, 1908, gave this account 
 of the effect, and of the dreadful suffering of 
 the country from the conflict that followed, in 
 1907-8: “The discharged soldiers, stung by the 
 disgrace of dismissal and the dishonor of forced 
 submission to hated intruders, quickly spread 
 all over the country, stirring up their compa- 
 triots to a fearless and often a fatal zeal against 
 the alien administration. The Japanese authori- 
 ties forthwith set about a vigorous suppression 
 of the malcontents, even to the extent of a mer- 
 ciless annihilation of life and a wholesale de- 
 struction of property. . . . The rebel forces 
 only -waxed more formidable, until by the ap- 
 proach of spring the insurgent bands were so 
 widely distributed and menacing that no Japan- 
 ese could safely venture beyond the confines of 
 well-guarded towns and cities. 
 
 “Accordingly the imperial authorities were 
 driven to replace their new policy of remaining 
 on the defensive by the former one of extermi- 
 nation, and no quarter. Last summer, therefore, 
 a well-organized campaign for completely wip- 
 ing out the insurrectionary forces was resolved 
 upon and put into execution. ... A procla- 
 mation had previously been issued to the effect 
 that all Koreans affording food or shelter to the 
 insurgents, or in any way rendering assistance 
 liable to involve a charge of complicity, would 
 be summarily dealt with ; while those who sur- 
 rendered to the proper authorities would be 
 pardoned. The message placed the people be- 
 tween the devil and the deep sea. If the natives 
 refused assistance to the insurgents, obedience 
 would be required of them at the point of the 
 bayonet by their insulted fellow-patriots; while 
 if they were suspected of thus acquiescing, 
 they perished at the hands of the Japanese sol- 
 diery. Under the circumstances the Koreans 
 naturally chose rather to die serving their own 
 people than to suffer the same fate by resisting 
 them.” 
 
 A tragical incident of this fierce struggle was 
 the assassination of Mr. Durham White Stevens, 
 while visiting the United States. He had been 
 marked for death by the Korean insurgents, and 
 
 was slain by their emissaries, in March, 1908, 
 soon after his landing in California. 
 
 The correspondent above quoted regarded the 
 insurrection as having spent its force at the time 
 of his writing, December, 1908. Against the 
 enormous destruction of life and property which 
 the suppression of it had cost, he proceeded to 
 set a brief summary of the simultaneous con- 
 structive and reformative work which the Jap- 
 anese had been carrying on. This was described 
 more broadly, however, a little later, by a writer 
 iu the London Times, from whom we quote ; 
 “The coasts have been lighted and buoyed ; 
 posts, telegraphs, and, telephones have been 
 provided ; roads and railways have been built ; 
 public buildings have been erected ; various in- 
 dustrial enterprises have been started, as print- 
 ing, brick-making, forestry, and coal-mining ; 
 model farms have been laid out ; the cultivation 
 of cotton has been commenced and promises to 
 become a great industry ; an industrial training 
 school has been built and equipped ; an exposi- 
 tion has been held in Seoul ; sanitary works have 
 been inaugurated ; fine hospitals and medical 
 schools have been opened ; an excellent educa- 
 tional system modelled on that of Japan has 
 been organized ; waterworks have been con- 
 structed in several towns ; and, last though not 
 least, complete freedom of conscience has re- 
 placed the old anti-Christian bigotry.” 
 
 In June, 1909, the veteran statesman, Prince 
 Ito, was relieved of the trying office of Resident- 
 General in Korea, and succeeded by Viscount 
 Sone, who had previously served with him as 
 Vice Resident-General. A Tokyo correspondent 
 wrote of the change: “ It was first planned to 
 appoint Viscount Terauchi, minister of war in 
 the Japanese Cabinet, to the residency in Korea, 
 but Prince Ito objected, pointing out to the 
 ministers that the selection of Viscount Ter- 
 auchi, a lieutenant-general, would be considered 
 as a triumph for the military regime and an 
 abandonment and disavowal of Prince Ito’s pol- 
 icy for the peaceful development of Korea. As 
 usual. Prince Ito’s advice was accepted by his 
 fellow statesmen, and Viscount Sone, who re- 
 ceived his training in Korea under the admin- 
 istration of Prince Ito, was named to the post. 
 
 “A high officer said to-day that when the 
 Korea residency was created it was incumbent 
 upon Japan to send her most able statesman, 
 Prince Ito, to fill the important post. He formu- 
 lated his policy of administration without inter- 
 ference, and while some of the leading men of 
 Japan were inclined to doubt the wisdom of that 
 policy they are now virtually converted to his 
 ideas, and it is generally believed that the feel- 
 ing of confidence and friendship for Japan can 
 be created among the Koreans and make the 
 country doubly valuable.” 
 
 Further changes in the administration of Ko- 
 rean affairs attended this official change. They 
 were reported to the London Times by its Tokyo 
 correspondent, July 18, as follows : “ Japan has 
 just taken some important steps in Korea, the 
 occasion chosen being the simultaneous presence 
 of the outgoing and the incoming Residents-Gen- 
 eral in Seoul. She has made arrangements for 
 the establishment of a central bank under offi- 
 cial auspices, and she has negotiated for the 
 abolition of the two Departments of War and 
 Justice. . . . The capital will be one million 
 sterling in £10 shares, 30,000 of which shares 
 
 369 
 
KOREA, 1905-1909 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 will be allotted to the Korean Government, the 
 remainder being offered for subscription in Ko- 
 rea and Japan. . . . An important feature is 
 that all the bank’s officers will be nominated 
 by the Japanese Government, though they may 
 include Korean subjects. 
 
 “This being a purely financial measure 
 which falls naturally into its place in the se- 
 quence of Japan’s protectorate programme has 
 not attracted any special attention. Not so, 
 however, the abolition of the Korean Depart- 
 ment of Justice, and its replacement by a bu- 
 reau in the Residency-General. The immediate 
 effect of that change is to convert the Korean 
 Courts of law into branches of the Japanese tri- 
 bunals of justice. Korean laws will, of course, 
 be administered — and their revision and codifi- 
 cation cannot be accomplished in a moment — 
 but all the occupants of the bench will be se- 
 lected and appointed by Japan, and if competent 
 Koreans cannot be found, or until they are edu- 
 cated, Japanese alone will be nominated. Japan 
 is to bear the charges of this arrangement — 
 namely, £50,000 annually. The innovation is 
 not so radical as it appears at first sight. 
 Already the assistant Judges in the principal 
 Courts were Japanese subjects, so that what is 
 now done is to extend the system rather than to 
 alter it. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ These things may be regarded as a definite 
 step towards the reality of Japan’s control in 
 Korea. There have been three distinct stages 
 in her attitude towards her neighbour: first, the 
 advisory stage; then the stage of subordinate 
 administration; and finally the stage of well- 
 nigh effective direction. The first stage was 
 antecedent to the Convention of November, 
 1906. During that period Japan limited her- 
 self to tendering counsels which Korea adopted 
 or rejected at will. The second stage was 
 marked by assumption of entire authority in 
 
 the realm of foreign affairs; entire authority 
 in the domain of communications; practically 
 entire authority in military and police affairs, 
 and vicarious authority in the Departments of 
 State by means of Vice-Ministers, in the field of 
 justice by the agency of assistant judges, and 
 in provincial administration by means of secre- 
 taries who ranked as assistant-governors. The 
 third stage has just been inaugurated; military 
 control has been made complete; judicial control 
 has been made complete, and financial control 
 has been made well-nigh complete. Very little 
 remains to be done.” 
 
 KOSSUTH, Ferencz : Leader of the Inde- 
 pendence Party in Hungary. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary : A. D. 1902-1903 ; 1904 ; 
 1905-1906 ; 1908-1909. 
 
 KRATZ, Charles: Municipal “ Boodler ,f 
 of St. Louis. See (in this vol.) Municipal 
 Government. 
 
 KRONSTADT : Revolutionary Disturb- 
 ances. - — The treachery that defeated the 
 Rising of 1906 . See (in this vol.) Russia : 
 A. D. 1905 (Feb. -Nov.), and 1906 (Aug.). 
 
 KUANG-HSU : Emperor of China.- — His 
 death. See (in this vol.) China : A. D. 1908 
 (Nov.). 
 
 KUENSAN HILL, Capture of. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904^1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 KULTURKAMPF, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Education: Prussia; A. D. 1904. 
 
 KURINO: Japanese Minister at St. Pe- 
 tersburg. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1901- 
 1904. 
 
 KUROKI, General. See (in this vol.) Japan ; 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), and after. 
 
 KUROPATKIN, General: In the Russo- 
 Japanese War. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 
 1904 (Feb. -July), and after. 
 
 KUYPER, Rev. Dr. Abraham. See (in this 
 vol.) Netherlands: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 L. 
 
 LABOR EXCHANGES ACT, British. I See (in this vol.) Poverty, Problems of : Eng- 
 
 I LAND. 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION. 
 
 (Trade Unions — Labor Parties — Strikes — Lockouts — Mediations — Arbi- 
 trations — Industrial Agreements.) 
 
 Australia: A. D. 1886 - 1906 . — The Rise of 
 the Labor Party. — Its rigorous organiza- 
 tion. — Some account of the part played in 
 Australian politics by the Labor Party is given 
 elsewhere (see, in this vol., Australia: A. D. 
 1903-1904, and after). The circumstances of 
 the rise and growth of the party are related 
 briefly and the rigorousness of its organization 
 is described in the following : 
 
 “To trace the origin of the movement we 
 must go back to the fall of prices which began 
 about 1886, to the succeeding lean years 1886-92, 
 and the miseries of the consequent period of 
 unsuccessful strikes. The strikers and their 
 working-class sympathizers were taunted with 
 appealing to brute force, and recommended to 
 depend rather upon constitutional political meth- 
 ods for the redress of grievances. The work- 
 
 ingmen took the advice and bettered it. The 
 trades unions devoted a portion of their funds 
 and much of their energy to political propa- 
 ganda. First in New South Wales, later in all 
 the colonies and in many widely separated dis- 
 tricts, labor leagues were organized which 
 sketched out a policy and laid down a pledge 
 which all candidates supported by the leagues 
 must sign. These formed the nucleus of a new 
 and independent political party which gave 
 their votes to either Liberal or Conservative in- 
 differently, regardless of which was in office, in 
 return for legislative concessions from either. 
 The new party springing thus almost simulta- 
 neously to life all over the continent was at first 
 regarded as a pathetic joke. They were few in 
 numbers, uneducated, inexperienced in affairs 
 of state, and had opposed to them all the wealth 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 and the legal astuteness in every chamber 
 where they held seats. But they were deter- 
 mined, united, and, with rare exceptions, self- 
 sacrificing. They were mutually hound not to 
 take office except with the consent of their fel- 
 low-laborites, so that they were labeled from 
 the first as ‘Not for sale.’ And from their 
 point of view the plan has succeeded. 
 
 ■ * Friend and foe alike pay tribute to the mag- 
 nificent organization and discipline of the move- 
 ment, and to the personal disinterestedness of 
 the leaders. A great economy of effort is as- 
 sured by having a platform and organization 
 practically identical for the Federal, State and 
 municipal elections, and for general propaganda 
 work, and consequently being able to utilize 
 the same bodies — the local political labor 
 leagues — and the same workers for what seems 
 to them social righteousness, whether in national, 
 State, or municipal concerns. The Labor party 
 was born of trades-unionism, and its whole ad- 
 ministration has been based on trades union 
 methods. The political labor leagues were at 
 first composed of trades-unionists, and are still 
 closely in touch with trades unions. These are 
 the bodies who vote for the selection of candi- 
 dates for all elections and for delegates to the 
 annual and triennial State and Federal confer- 
 ences of the party. The Labor party in Parlia- 
 ment may be the controlling force, but no other 
 party in Australia has to carry out the behests 
 of its constituents as does this. 
 
 “ We now come to the pledge and the caucus. 
 The pledge, which was first drafted by the New 
 South Wales Labor Conference in 1895, reads as 
 follows : ‘ I hereby pledge myself not to oppose 
 the candidate selected by the recognized politi- 
 cal Labour organisation, and, if elected, to do 
 my utmost to carry out the principles — em- 
 bodied in the Federal Labour Platform, and 
 on all questions affecting the Platform to vote 
 as a majority of the Parliamentary Party may 
 decide at a duly constituted caucus meeting.’ 
 
 “As the pledge binds all members to carry 
 out the general principles of a platform decided 
 for him by the united labor vote of Australia, so 
 each man has his vote in the legislature decided 
 for him beforehand on all details of that policy 
 by the caucus vote of his party in the legislature, 
 before or during the course of debate. The ad- 
 vocates of the system say that this is the only 
 way in which any consistent policy can be car- 
 ried out to a successful end. Opponents assert 
 that in it we have the germs of machine politics, 
 and that labor may by and by pay dearly for its 
 present victory. The large amount of direct 
 representation in Australia, and the increasing 
 probabilities of the initiative and referendum 
 being more largely used, may check this ten- 
 dency.” — Alice Henry, The Australian Labor 
 Movement ( The Outlook, Nov. 3, 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — Failures of the Com- 
 pulsory Arbitration Law. — In this volume, 
 under the heading — Australia : A. D. 1905- 
 1906, — an instance of failure in the operation of 
 the compulsory Arbitration Law to arrest a strike 
 of coal miners in New South Wales is recorded. 
 The failure was repeated in the same field in the 
 fall of 1909, when 12,000 miners of the Newcastle 
 and Maitland collieries of New South Wales 
 stopped work. “The men,” it was reported, 
 “demand an open conference to deal with the 
 principal grievances, with resort, in the event of 
 
 failure, to the Federal Arbitration Court or a 
 special commission. The owners, on the other 
 hand, insist on a conference with closed doors 
 and the settlement of undecided questions under 
 the State Industrial Act. They further want 
 work to be resumed simultaneously with the 
 opening of the conference. The men, however, 
 refuse to hew coal until their grievances have 
 been settled, but offer to carry on during the 
 conference all work necessary to keep the mines 
 in working order.” 
 
 The correspondent who reported this went on 
 to say : “ The public seems to be without a rem- 
 edy against the strikers, since it is impossible to 
 imprison the whole mass, and the imprisonment 
 of the leaders would mean a general strike. In 
 addition the only available labour for colliery 
 purposes is controlled by the trade unions.” 
 Evidently, however, the law was vindicated in 
 the end, since a report from Sydney on the 29th 
 of December, made known that 13 officials of 
 the miners’ union had been fined £100 each, with 
 two months hard labor in default. 
 
 Austria : A. D. 1902 . — During a strike of 
 about 6500 men in various employments at Tri- 
 este, in February, 1902, there were conflicts with 
 the military in which about 40 were killed and 
 wounded. The demand was for an eight hours 
 day, and it was conceded in the end, after an 
 arbitration which decided in their favor. In the 
 following August serious labor disturbances 
 occurred in Galicia, where the peasants claimed 
 better wages, and troops had to be sent to the 
 region to restore order. 
 
 Belgium: A. D. 1902 . — General Strike of 
 Workmen as Protest against the Plural Suf- 
 frage. See (in this vol.) Belgium : A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Compensation for Injuries to 
 Workmen. — After months of debate an Act 
 prescribing compensation for accidents injurious 
 to workmen was passed, attempts to attach to it 
 the principle of compulsory insurance having 
 failed. 
 
 Canada: A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — The Act 
 known as “The Industrial Disputes Investi- 
 gation Act.” — Its main provisions. — Its 
 object, not Compulsory Arbitration, but the 
 Compulsory Attempting of Arbitration. — 
 General success of the Act. — Failure to pre- 
 vent Canadian Pacific Railway Strike. — In 
 the judgment of many who give thought and 
 study to labor questions, the most promising ex- 
 periment yet made in legislation for dealing with 
 disputes between employers and workmen is the 
 Canadian Act of March, 1907, entitled “An Act 
 to aid in the Prevention and Settlement of Strikes 
 and Lockouts in Mines and Industries connected 
 with Public Utilities.” The essence of the Act 
 is in its 56th to 61st sections, which read as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 “ 56 . It shall be unlawful for any employer to 
 declare or cause a lockout, or for any employee 
 to go on strike, on account of any dispute prior 
 to or during a reference of such dispute to a 
 Board of Conciliation and Investigation under 
 the provisions of this Act, or prior to or during a 
 reference under the provisions concerning rail- 
 way disputes in the Conciliation and Labour Act : 
 Provided that nothing in this Act shall prohibit 
 the suspension or discontinuance of any indus- 
 try or of the working of any persons therein for 
 any cause not constituting a lockout or strike : 
 Provided also that, except where the parties have 
 
 371 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 entered into an agreement under section 62 of 
 this Act, nothing in this Act shall be held to re- 
 strain any employer from declaring a lockout, or 
 any employee from going on strike in respect 
 of any dispute which has been duly referred to 
 a Board and which has been dealt with under 
 section 24 or 25 of this Act, or in respect of any 
 dispute which has been the subject of a reference 
 under the provisions concerning railway disputes 
 in the Conciliation and Labour Act. 
 
 “57. Employers and employees shall give at 
 least thirty days’ notice of an intended change 
 affecting conditions of employment with respect 
 to w'ages or hours ; and in every case where a 
 dispute has been referred to a Board, until the 
 dispute has been finally dealt with by the Board, 
 neither of the parties nor the employees affected 
 shall alter the conditions of employment with 
 respect to wages or hours, or on account of the 
 dispute do or be concerned in doing, directly or 
 indirectly, anything in the nature of a lockout 
 or strike, or a suspension or discontinuance of 
 employment or work, but the relationship of 
 employer and employee shall continue unin- 
 terrupted by the dispute, or anything arising 
 out of the dispute; but if, in the opinion of the 
 Board, either party uses this or any other pro- 
 vision of this Act for the purpose of unjustly 
 maintaining a given condition of affairs through 
 delay, and the Board so reports to the Minister, 
 such party shall be guilty of an offence, aud lia- 
 ble to the same penalties as are imposed for a 
 violation of the next preceding section. 
 
 “58. Any employer declaring or causing a 
 lockout contrary to the provisions of this Act, 
 shall be liable to a fine of not less than one hun- 
 dred dollars, nor more than one thousand dol- 
 lars, for each day or part of a day that such 
 lockout exists. 
 
 “ 59. Any employee who goes on strike con- 
 trary to the provisions of this Act shall be liable 
 to a fine of not less than ten dollars, nor more 
 than fifty dollars, for each day or part of a day 
 that such employee is on strike. 
 
 ‘ ‘ 60. Any person who incites, encourages or 
 aids in any manner any employer to declare or 
 continue a lockout, or any employee to go or con- 
 tinue on strike contrary to the provisions of this 
 Act, shall be guilty of an offence and liable to a 
 fine of not less than fifty dollars nor more than 
 one thousand dollars. 
 
 “61. The procedure for enforcing penalties 
 imposed or authorized to be imposed by this Act 
 shall be that prescribed by Part XV. of the Crim- 
 inal Code relating to summary convictions.” 
 
 A sufficient understanding of the practical 
 operation of the Act may be derived from the 
 following prescriptive sections : 
 
 “ 5. Wherever any dispute exists between an 
 employer and any of his employees, and the 
 parties thereto are unable to adjust it, either of 
 the parties to the dispute may make application 
 to the Minister for the appointment of a Board 
 of Concilation and Investigation, to which Board 
 the dispute maybe referred under the provisions 
 of this Act: Provided, however, that, in the 
 case of a dispute between a railway company 
 and its employees, such dispute may be referred, 
 for the purpose of conciliation and investigation, 
 under the provisions concerning railway disputes 
 in the Conciliation and Labour Act. 
 
 “ 6. Whenever, under this Act, an application 
 is made in due form for the appointment of a 
 
 Board of Conciliation and Investigation, aud such 
 application does not relate to a dispute which 
 is the subject of a reference under the provisions 
 concerning railway disputes in the Conciliation 
 and Labour Act, the Minister, whose decision for 
 such purpose shall be final, shall, within fifteen 
 days from the date at which the application is 
 received, establish such Board under his hand 
 and seal of office, if satisfied that the provisions 
 of this Act apply. 
 
 “ 7. Every Board shall consist of three mem- 
 bers who shall be appointed by the Minister. 
 Of the three members of the Board one shall be 
 appointed on the recommendation of the em- 
 ployer and one on the recommendation of the 
 employees (the parties to the dispute), and the 
 third on the recommendation of the members so 
 chosen.” 
 
 “ 11. No person shall act as a member of the 
 Board who has any direct pecuniary interest in 
 the issue of a dispute referred to such Board.” 
 
 “23. In every case where a dispute is duly 
 referred to a Board it shall be the duty of the 
 Board to endeavour to bring about a settlement 
 of the dispute, and to this end the Board shall, 
 in such manner as it thinks fit, expeditiously 
 and carefully inquire into the dispute and all 
 matters affecting the merits thereof and the 
 right settlement thereof. In the course of such 
 inquiry the Board may make all such sugges- 
 tions and do all such things as it deems right and 
 proper for inducing the parties to come to a fair 
 aud amicable settlement of the dispute, and 
 may adjourn the proceedings for any period 
 the Board thinks reasonable to allow the parties 
 to agree upon terms of settlement. 
 
 “24. If a settlement of the dispute is arrived 
 at by the parties during the course of its refer- 
 ence to the Board, a memorandum of the settle- 
 ment shall be drawn up by the Board and signed 
 by the parties, and shall, if the parties so agree, 
 be binding as if made a recommendation by the 
 Board under section 62 of this Act, and a copy 
 thereof with a report upon the proceedings shall 
 be forwarded to the Minister. 
 
 “25. If a settlement of the dispute is not 
 arrived at during the course of its reference to 
 the Board, the Board shall make a full report, 
 thereon to the Minister, which report shall set 
 forth the various proceedings and steps taken 
 by the Board for the purpose of fully and care- 
 fully ascertaining all the facts and circum- 
 stances, and shall also set forth such facts and 
 circumstances, and its findings therefrom, in- 
 cluding the cause of the dispute and the Board’s 
 recommendation for the settlement of the dis- 
 pute according to the merits and substantial 
 justice of the case. 
 
 “26. The Board’s recommendation shall deal 
 with each item of the dispute and shall state in 
 plain terms, and avoiding as far as possible all 
 technicalities, what in the Board’s opinion ought 
 or ought not to be done by the respective parties 
 concerned. Wherever it appears to the Board 
 expedient so to do, its recommendation shall also 
 state the period during which the proposed 
 settlement should continue in force, and the 
 date from which it should commence.” 
 
 “ 28. Upon receipt of the Board’s report the 
 Minister shall forthwith cause the report to be 
 filed in the office of the Registrar and a copy 
 thereof to be sent free of charge to the parties 
 to the dispute and to the representative of any 
 
 372 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 newspaper published in Canada who applies 
 therefor, and the Minister may distribute copies 
 of the report, and of any minority report, in 
 such manner as to him seems most desirable hs 
 a means of securing compliance with the Board’s 
 recommendation.” 
 
 The fundamental object of the law, as will be 
 seen, is not to compel arbitration, but to com- 
 pel an attempt at arbitration, before any strike 
 or lockout is permitted, and to give authentic 
 and full publicity to all the circumstances which 
 can justify or condemn a strike or lockout, if 
 one occurs. So far in the experience of Canada 
 with this wise enactment it has generally been 
 successful in bringing about a peaceful settle- 
 ment of labor disputes. It failed in the case of 
 a disagreement between the Canadian Pacific 
 Railway Company and its mechanical employes, 
 which arose in April, 1908, when the Company 
 served notice of a reduction of wages to one 
 class of boiler-makers, and of an increase in the 
 proportion of apprentices to be employed in its 
 shops, together with some changes of rules con- 
 cerning machine tools, etc. The men applied for 
 the appointment of a Conciliation Board, in 
 accordance with the law, but were not satisfied 
 with the conclusions reported by a majority of 
 the Board, and struck, as the law then permitted 
 them to do. The strike was weakened by the 
 unfavorable public opinion which the investiga- 
 tion produced. 
 
 England : A. D. 1892-1901. — A Statistical 
 Study of Ten Years of Trade Disputes. — 
 
 The following is the concluding summary of an 
 elaborate statistical study of Strikes and Lock- 
 outs in England during the ten years from 1892 
 to 1901, made by an eminent statistician, Mr. 
 J. H. Schooling: 
 
 “To sum up the chief practical points that 
 seem to have come out of this examination of 
 trade disputes during 1892-1901, these are: 
 
 “( a ) An improvement during 1897-1901 as 
 compared with 1892-1896. 
 
 “(b) An altogether undue predominance of 
 the Mining and Quarrying Trades in trade dis- 
 putes, not only actually, but also relatively to 
 the industrial population of each group of trades 
 compared. This is a most unsatisfactory feature, 
 for the reason that so many other trades depend 
 upon non-interruption of coal mining for their 
 successful working. Therefore, efforts to pre- 
 vent disputes should be specially directed to the 
 Mining and Quarrying Trades. 
 
 “(c) Nearly two-thirds of all trade disputes 
 are caused by disputes about wages, and nearly 
 one-half of all trade disputes are caused by 
 a demand by workpeople for ‘ an increase 
 of wages.’ Only 6 per cent, of all disputes 
 are caused by resistance ‘ against decrease of 
 wages.’ . . . 
 
 “(d) Trade Unionism is not so productive of 
 strikes as it is commonly supposed to be. 
 
 “(e) Conciliation Boards, etc., do not cause 
 the settlement of many disputes after the dis- 
 pute has commenced. Their work is in the 
 direction of preventing strikes and lock-outs. 
 That this work is effective and that it should be 
 zealously promoted is evidenced by the fact that 
 in 1901, 75 per cent, of all changes in wages and 
 in hours of labour were arranged by sliding 
 scales, wages boards, or by other peaceful meth- 
 ods, while only 2 per cent, of these changes fol- 
 lowed upon strikes or lock-outs. 
 
 “(/) The respective chances of success by 
 workpeople or by employers when a trade dis- 
 pute is entered upon are, in round numbers: 
 150 chances for the employers; and 
 100 chances for the workpeople. 
 
 “In addition to this relatively small chance 
 of success by workpeople when they strike, the 
 cost to them and to their trade organisations is 
 relatively greater than the cost to employers.” 
 — J. H. Schooling, Strikes and Lock-outs , 1892- 
 1901 (Fortnightly Review, May, 1904). 
 
 A. D. 1900-1906. — The Taff Vale De- 
 cision. — Trades Unions made liable for 
 Damages. — Resulting amendment of the 
 English Law. — In the summer of 1900 a strike 
 of employes of the Taff Vale Railway Company 
 occurred, which lasted only a fortnight or there- 
 abouts, but had large and important conse- 
 quences. During the strike the Company applied 
 for an injunction to restrain two officers of the 
 Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants from 
 interfering as such with the affairs of the road. 
 The Society opposed the application, on the 
 ground that it was not a corporation or an indi- 
 vidual and could not be sued. Justice Farwell, 
 before whom the case came, held that a trade 
 union was a corporate body, responsible for ille- 
 gal acts committed by its officers. This decision 
 was a serious menace to the unions generally, 
 and they cooperated extensively with the Amal- 
 gamated Society in carrying an appeal to the 
 higher courts. The case was argued in the Court 
 of Appeals in November, 1900, and the justices 
 of that court reversed the decision of Justice 
 Farwell. The plaintiff in the suit, the Railway 
 Company, then carried it to the tribunal of last 
 resort, the House of Lords, and there, in July, 
 1902, the judgment of the Court of Appeals was 
 set aside and that of Justice Farwell was sus- 
 tained, making it the law of Great Britain, that 
 a trade union is a legal entity, capable of su- 
 ing and being sued. On this decision the Taff 
 Vale Railway Company brought suit against 
 the Amalgamated Society for damages, and 
 obtained a verdict on the 20th of December 
 which awarded the Company £28,000. 
 
 A strenuous endeavor to overcome the effect 
 of the decision rendered by the House of Lords, 
 through amendatory legislation, was begun by 
 the Labor Party, with strong sympathy among 
 the Liberals, and it had success. An Act (which 
 became law on the 21st of December, 1906) “to 
 provide for the regulation of Trades Unions and 
 Trade Disputes,” added the following “ as a new 
 paragraph after the first paragraph of section 
 three of the Conspiracy and Protection of Pro- 
 perty Act, 1875”: 
 
 “ An act done in pursuance of an agreement 
 or combination by two or more persons shall, if 
 done in contemplation or furtherance of a trade 
 dispute, not be actionable unless the act, if done 
 without any such agreement or combination, 
 would be actionable.” 
 
 Further provisions of the new Act were as 
 follows : 
 
 “2. — It shall be lawful for one or more per- 
 sons, acting on their own behalf or on behalf of 
 a trade union or of an individual employer or 
 firm in contemplation or furtherance of a trade 
 dispute, to attend at or near a house or place 
 where a person resides or works or carries on 
 business or happens to be, if they so attend 
 merely for the purpose of peacefully obtaining 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 or communicating information, or of peacefully 
 persuading any person to work or abstain from 
 working. . . . 
 
 “ 3 . An act done by a person in contemplation 
 or furtherance of a trade dispute shall not be 
 actionable on the ground only that it induces 
 some other person to break a contract of employ- 
 ment or that it is an interference with the trade, 
 business, or employment of some other person, 
 or with the right of some other person to dispose 
 of his capital or his labour as he wills. 
 
 “ 4 . — (1) An action against a trade union, 
 whether of workmen or masters, or against any 
 members or officials thereof on behalf of them- 
 selves and all other members of the trade union 
 in respect of any tortious act alleged to have 
 been committed by or on behalf of the trade 
 union, shall not be entertained by any court. 
 (2) Nothing in this section shall affect the lia- 
 bility of the trustees of a trade union to be sued 
 in the events provided for by the Trades Union 
 Act, 1871, section nine, except in respect of any 
 tortious act committed by or on behalf of the 
 union in contemplation or in furtherance of a 
 trade dispute. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Political effect of the Taff 
 Vale Decision of the House of Lords, stimu- 
 lating the growth of the Labor Party. — The 
 
 Taff Vale Decision rendered by the House of 
 Lords gave an immediate great impetus to the 
 growth and the independence of the Labor 
 Party, pledged by a resolution adopted at a 
 ‘ ‘ Labor Representation Conference ” held in 
 February, 1903, to insist that Labor candidates 
 and Labor Members of Parliament when elected 
 should “ strictly abstain from identifying them- 
 selves with the interests of any section of the 
 Liberal or Conservative parties,” holding them- 
 selves free to act solely for the purpose of “se- 
 curing the social and economic requirements of 
 the industrial classes.” The same conference 
 took action for the creation of a fund for the 
 payment of Labor Members of Parliament and 
 for assisting in the payment of election ex- 
 penses. The effects of the movement were soon 
 felt in Parliamentary elections. See, also (in 
 this vol.), Socialism: England. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (March). — Report of Royal 
 Commission on Labor Disputes. — A Royal 
 Commission on Labor Disputes, appointed in 
 England in 1903, submitted its report in March, 
 1906. The trades unions had declined to take 
 part in its investigations, though their interests 
 were represented on the Commission by one of 
 the ablest and staunchest champions of the 
 rights of labor, Sidney Webb. Coal mine 
 owners were represented by one member; the 
 remaining three members were Lord Dunedin, 
 President of the Court of Session, Sir Godfrey 
 Lushington, formerly of the Home Office, and 
 an eminent lawyer of Liberal politics, Arthur 
 Cohen. The most important recommendation 
 of the Commission was that “ an agreement or 
 combination by two or more persons to do or 
 procure to be done any act in contemplation or 
 furtherance of a trade dispute shall not be the 
 ground of a civil action, unless the agreement 
 or combination is indictable as a conspiracy, 
 notwithstanding the terms of the ‘ Conspiracy 
 and Protection of Property Act of 1875.’ ” The 
 Act of 1875 had so modified the old conspiracy 
 law that no combination to do what would not 
 be punishable by imprisonment if done by a 
 
 single person could be made the subject of a 
 criminal proceeding. The Commission now ad- 
 vised an extension of the same rule to civil 
 actions. But, by unanimous agreement the 
 Commission approved the decision rendered by 
 the House of Lords in the Taff Vale case (see 
 above), which took away from trades unions in 
 Great Britain the immunity from being sued 
 which they had formerly enjoyed. As to the 
 right of “picketing,” in the prosecution of a 
 labor strike, the Commission would have it 
 limited only to prevent coercion by menace or 
 intimidation in the performance. It recom- 
 mended punishment for a workman who “acts 
 in such a manner as to cause a reasonable appre- 
 hension in the mind of any person that violence 
 will be used to him or to his wife or family, or 
 damage be done to his property.” 
 
 In the judgment of the Commission the in- 
 corporation of trades unions is much to be de- 
 sired. These are the main conclusions to which 
 it was led by its long study of the subject of 
 industrial disputes. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — Excellent Settlement 
 of a threatened Railway Strike. — Adopted 
 System of Conciliation and Arbitration 
 Boards. — A general railway strike in Great 
 Britain was threatened very seriously in the 
 autumn of 1907, when the Amalgamated So- 
 ciety of Railway Servants, ably led by its Sec- 
 retary, Mr. Richard Bell, who is a Member of 
 Parliament, presented demands to the compa- 
 nies which the latter would not yield to. Mr. 
 David Lloyd -George, the then President of the 
 Board of Trade — which is a department of the 
 National Government — undertook to negotiate 
 a peaceable settlement of the dispute, and ac- 
 complished it with remarkable success. The 
 outcome of his skilful diplomacy was the ac- 
 ceptance, November 6 , 1907, by both companies 
 and men of a comprehensive scheme for concil- 
 iation and arbitration, which provided for the 
 formation of boards for each railway, consisting 
 of representatives of the company and of the 
 men. to consider thereafter any question relat 
 ing to rates of wages aud hours of duty. The 
 scheme further provided that questions which 
 these boards were unable to settle were to be 
 referred to a single arbitrator. 
 
 The London and North-Western was the first 
 railway company to complete its arrangements 
 in connection with the scheme, and demands 
 from most of the grades concerned in the work- 
 ing of traffic, numbering about 39,000 men, were 
 considered by the newly-formed conciliation 
 boards. The principal grades concerned were : 
 Engine drivers, firemen and cleaners ; signalmen ; 
 brakesmen and shunters ; passenger guards and 
 platform porters; carriage cleaners, wagon ex- 
 aminers and greasers ; permanent way men ; 
 goods staff ; cartage staff. 
 
 As agreement in the London aud North-West- 
 ern case was found impossible, reference was 
 made to arbitration, and Sir Edward Fry was 
 chosen to be arbitrator. He gave hearings on 
 the questions in controversy in December, 1908, 
 and his award was announced in the February 
 following. He decided that the railway com- 
 pany had made good its contention that it could 
 not pay an “all round advance’’ in wages of 
 two shillings per week, which had been the 
 demand for all grades in the service. He al- 
 lowed, in fact, few increases in wages ; but 
 
 374 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 awarded, on the contrary, some reductions in 
 wage which the company claimed. On other 
 points, concerning the pay for overtime, etc., 
 his award was to the satisfaction of the railway 
 employes. On the whole, it seems to have 
 ended the dispute with considerable satisfaction 
 all round. On this first decision under the new' 
 arrangement for settling disputes, Mr. Bell ex- 
 pressed himself as “very pleased to find that a 
 great many of the concessions asked for have 
 been embodied by the arbitrator in his award. 
 We have got,’’ said he, “ rate and a quarter for 
 overtime for all classes uniformly. We have got 
 rate and a quarter for Sunday duty for signal 
 men, as well as other grades who have hitherto 
 not been paid extra rates. We have got pay- 
 ment for Sunday labour for the passenger staff 
 — men who were formerly not paid for Sunday 
 duty ; we have established the principle that men 
 doing the work of a higher grade for more than 
 one day shall be paid at the rate of the higher 
 grade. That is the principle we have been 
 fighting for for several years, and it will mean 
 many shillings per week to thousands of men. 
 A very important item of the award is the deci- 
 sion that no alteration shall be made in the shape 
 of increased hours or reduced wages in regard 
 to men whose claims were submitted to the ar- 
 bitrator, but whose conditions have not been 
 altered by the award. We have always, hith- 
 erto, had to complain about companies ‘ cut- 
 ting,’ but the London and North-Western cannot 
 do it here.” 
 
 Mr. Bell mentioned that several other similar 
 claims against other companies were going to 
 arbitration, but while he thought that Sir Ed- 
 ward Fry’s decisions might have some influence 
 upon future conferences, he pointed out that 
 other arbitrators will possibly refuse to accept 
 any lead, but decide matters entirely upon their 
 own views after dealing with the particular 
 cases. 
 
 A general report to the Board of Trade, on 
 the working of the Railway Conciliation Boards, 
 under the agreement of November 6, 1907, was 
 published in March, 1909, as a Blue Book, from 
 which the following is taken: “The agreement 
 was signed initially on behalf of 11 of the prin- 
 cipal railway companies, but adhesion to its 
 terms was afterwards signified, subject in the 
 case of the Scottish companies to modifications 
 of certain clauses upon matters of detail, by 35 
 other companies, making a total of 46 railway 
 companies that have adopted the arrangements 
 proposed by the Department for avoiding the 
 serious results that would attend a cessation of 
 labour on railways. The assenting companies 
 include nearly all those having as many as 200 
 employes in their service, and in fact the only 
 companies that have not adopted the scheme 
 are small companies for which the formation 
 of conciliation boards was not thought to be 
 required, and a few of the larger companies to 
 whose lines the provisions of the agreement 
 were for special reasons unsuitable. . . . 
 
 “ For the 46 railways dealt with under the 
 scheme, the number of boards to be formed, 
 apart from the central conciliation boards, was 
 169, and the total number of representatives to 
 be elected on such boards was 877. On 44 of 
 the railways there was provision for a central 
 board in addition to the sectional boards, thus 
 making a total of 213 conciliation boards to be 
 
 formed altogether under the scheme. . . . Eight 
 hundred and fifty representatives of employes 
 were to be elected in these 416 elections, and 
 for these places the total number of candidates 
 nominated was 1,608. 
 
 “The total number of employes eligible to 
 vote upon the various railways coming within 
 the scheme is estimated at a little over 270,000. 
 After allowing for cases where the representa- 
 tives were returned unopposed, it is found that 
 where voting papers have actually been issued, 
 over 77 per cent, of the employes eligible have 
 availed themselves of the franchise.” 
 
 A. D. 1908. — “ A Notable Labor Treaty.” 
 — The Shipbuilding Agreement between 
 Employers and Trade Unions to avert Strikes 
 and Lockouts. — In the early part of 1908 the 
 woodworkers in the shipbuilding yards of the 
 north of England went on strike against a reduc- 
 tion in wages, which was equivalent to one that 
 the ironworkers in all the British shipyards and 
 the woodworkers in the Scotch yards had ac- 
 cepted. The Federation of Shipbuilding Em- 
 ployers then notified a national lockout unless 
 the strikers resumed work pending the adjust- 
 ment of the dispute by conference. For some 
 time past there had been negotiations on foot 
 between the federated employers and certain of 
 the other shipbuilding labor unions, aiming at 
 the conclusion of a permanent working agree- 
 ment for the prevention of strikes. The wood- 
 workers were now brought into this negotiation, 
 and after a long threshing out of disputes, in a 
 joint committee of representatives from twenty- 
 six trade unions and from the employers’ feder- 
 ation a “ Memorandum of Agreement” was pro- 
 duced which all signed on the 16th of December, 
 1908, and which the London Times, making it 
 public on the 11th of January, characterised 
 rightly as “A Notable Labor Treaty.” The 
 provisions of this industrial agreement seem to 
 be of so much historical importance that we give 
 the important sections entire: 
 
 “I. — GENERAL FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES. 
 
 “ (1) Changes in wages due to the general 
 conditions of the shipbuilding industry shall be 
 termed general fluctuations. Such general fluc- 
 tuations in wages shall apply to all the trades 
 comprised in this agreement and in every feder- 
 ated firm at the same time and to the same ex- 
 tent. Differences in rates of wages in any trade 
 in different districts can be dealt with as here- 
 tofore under clause II., section 3. 
 
 “(2) In the case of all such general fluctua- 
 tions the following provisions and procedure 
 shall apply, viz. : — (a) No step toward an alter- 
 ation in wages can be taken until after the lapse 
 of six calendar months from the date of the pre- 
 vious general fluctuation. (5) Before an applica- 
 tion for an alteration can be made, there shall be 
 a preliminary conference between the federation 
 and the unions, in order to discuss the position 
 generally. Such conference shall be held within 
 14 days of the request for the same, (c) No ap- 
 plication for an alteration shall be competent 
 until the foregoing preliminary conference has 
 been held, and no alteration shall take effect 
 within six weeks of the date of the applications. 
 
 ( d ) The application fora proposed alteration shall 
 be made as follows : The federation to the unions 
 parties to this agreement ; or the said unions to 
 the federations, (e) Within 14 days after the re- 
 
 375 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 ceipt of an application the parties shall meet in 
 conference. (/) The conference may be adjourned 
 by mutual agreement, such adjourned confer- 
 ence to be held within 14 days thereafter. ( g ) 
 Any general fluctuation intrademen’s rates shall 
 be of the following fixed amount, viz.: — Piece- 
 work rates, 5% ; and Time rates 1 /- per week, or 
 ^d. per hour where payment is made by the hour. 
 
 “II. — QUESTIONS OTHER THAN GENERAL 
 FLUCTUATIONS IN WAGES. 
 
 “(1) When any question is raised by or on be- 
 half of either an employer or employers, or of a 
 workman or workmen, the following procedure 
 shall be observed, viz. : — (a) A workman or de- 
 putation of workmen shall be received by their 
 employers in the yard or at the place where a 
 question has arisen, by appointment, for the mu- 
 tual discussion of any question in the settlement 
 of which both parties are directly concerned; 
 and failing arrangement, a further endeavour 
 may, if desired, be then made to negotiate a set- 
 tlement by a meeting be tween the employer, with 
 or without an official of the local association, on 
 the one hand, and the official delegate, or other 
 official of the workmen concerned, with or with- 
 out the workman or workmen directly con- 
 cerned, as deemed necessary. ( b ) Failing set- 
 tlement the question shall be referred to a joint 
 committee consisting of three employers and 
 three representatives of the union or of each of 
 the unions directly concerned, none of whom 
 shall be connected with the yard or dock where 
 the dispute has arisen, (c) Failing settlement 
 under subsection ( b ), the question shall be 
 brought before the employers’ local association 
 and the responsible local representatives of the 
 union or unions directly concerned in local con- 
 ference. (d) Failing settlement at local confer- 
 ence, it shall be competent for eitb er party to ref er 
 the question to a central conference to be held 
 between the executive board of the federation 
 and representatives of the union or unions di- 
 rectly concerned, such representatives to have 
 executive power. 
 
 “ (2) If the question is in its nature a general 
 one affecting more than yard or dock, it shall be 
 competent to raise it direct in local conference, 
 or if it is general and affecting the federated 
 firms or workmen in more than one district, it 
 shall be competent to raise it direct in central 
 conference without in either case going through 
 the prior procedure above provided for. 
 
 “(3) The questions hereby covered shall ex- 
 tend to all questions relating to wages, includ- 
 ing district alterations in wages and other mat- 
 ters in the shipbuilding and ship repairing trade, 
 which may give rise to disputes. 
 
 “in. — GRAND CONFERENCE. 
 
 “ In the event of failure to settle any question 
 in central conference under clause II., section 1, 
 subsection ( d ), either party desirous to have suc h 
 question further considered shall prior to any 
 stoppage of work refer same for final settlement 
 to a grand conference to be held between the 
 federation and all the unions parties to this agree- 
 ment. A conference may by mutual agreement 
 be adjourned. On any occasion when a settle- 
 ment has not been reached, the conference must 
 be adjourned to a date not earlier than 14 days 
 nor later than one month from the date of such 
 conference. . . . 
 
 “ VI. — GENERAL PROVISIONS. 
 
 “At all meetings and conferences the repre- 
 sentatives of both sides shall have full powers 
 to settle, but it shall be in their discretion 
 whether or not they conclude a settlement. 
 
 “ In the event of any stoppage of work occur- 
 ring in any federated yard or federated district 
 either in contravention of the foregoing or after 
 the procedure laid down has been exhausted, en- 
 tire freedom of action is hereby reserved to the 
 federation, and any federated association, and 
 to the unions concerned, notwithstanding the 
 provisions of this agreement. The suspension 
 of the agreement shall be limited to such par- 
 ticular stoppage, and the agreement in all other 
 respects shall continue in force. 
 
 “ Pending settlement of any question other 
 than questions of wages, hours, and piece prices 
 (the last-named of which is provided for above), 
 two or three employers not connected with the 
 yard where the question has arisen shall give a 
 temporary decision, but such decision shall be 
 without prejudice to either party, and shall not 
 be adduced in evidence in the ultimate settle- 
 ment of the question. 
 
 “The expression ‘ employer ’ throughout this 
 agreement shall include an employer’s accred- 
 ited representative. 
 
 “ Until the whole procedure of this agreement 
 applying to the question at issue has been car- 
 ried through there shall be no stoppage or in- 
 terruption of work either of a partial or of a 
 general character. 
 
 “ VII. — DURATION OF AGREEMENT. 
 
 “ This agreement shall continue in force for 
 three years, and shall thereafter be subject to 
 six months’ notice in writing on either side, said 
 notice not to be competent until the three years 
 have elapsed.” 
 
 Signed by the President of the Shipbuilding 
 Employers Federation and by seven representa- 
 tives of the Trades Unions. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Educational Demands of the 
 Trade Unions. See (in this vol.) Education : 
 England. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Trade Unions forbidden to 
 pay Members of Parliament. See England : 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Dec.). 
 
 France: A. D. 1884-1909. — Organized La- 
 bor in the French Republic. — The Syndi- 
 cats and Syndicalism. — A Trade Union 
 version of Socialism. — The Confederation 
 Gen6rale du Travail, and the idea of a gen- 
 eral strike. — Its revolutionary implication. 
 — The strike of government employes in the 
 French telegraph and postal service, begun in 
 March, 1909, and which was recognized instantly 
 as a most alarmingly revolutionary movement, 
 roused inquiry everywhere concerning the form 
 and character that labor organization in France 
 has taken on. The London Times gave elabo- 
 rate satisfaction to this inquiry by a series of 
 five articles, published in April, by a writer 
 whose evident knowledge of the subject was 
 complete. The statements here following are 
 condensed from that source : 
 
 The organization of labor in France differs in 
 important respects from that in Great Britain 
 and the United States. “ The French term for 
 trade unions is syndicats, or, more correctly, 
 syndicate professionnels; but the two terms are 
 iiot equivalent or synonymous. For, whereas 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 the word ' trade union’ is applied only to com- 
 binations of persons employed, the syndicate 
 include also combinations of employers and of 
 both together.” The employers’ associations are 
 called syndicats patronaux. ‘ ‘ A trade union is 
 a combination of persons engaged in the same 
 trade without any reference to locality ; they 
 may be and generally are widely distributed in 
 many places ; the bond is the trade, not the lo- 
 cality ; hence the use of the singular number. 
 There is another kind of combination formed by 
 several trades in the same locality and called a 
 trades council ; the bond is the locality, not the 
 trade. Both forms of organization exist in France; 
 the trade union is called syndicat ouvrier, and the 
 trades council bourse du travail. . . . Both play 
 a part in the movement, and, though in the ag- 
 gregate they are composed of the same individ- 
 uals, their policy and interests are not always 
 or necessarily identical. Both are further com- 
 bined into federations. 
 
 “The effective development of trade union- 
 ism in France only dates from 1884, when the 
 law authorizing the formation of syndicats pro- 
 fessionals was passed.” Unions had existed 
 before, but under difficulties, without sanction 
 of law. ‘ ‘ The peculiarity of the struggle for the 
 right of combination in France was that the ne- 
 cessity remained under numerous changes and 
 diverse forms of government . . . and that the 
 democratic State was not less but rather more 
 oppressive than the others. ... It was the Na- 
 tional Assembly, travailing with the Revolution, 
 which, in the sacred name of liberty and the 
 rights of man, forbade the citizens to form trade 
 organizations by the law of 1791 ; and for nearly 
 100 years this ban remained through all the sub- 
 sequent changes, sometimes fortified, sometimes 
 relaxed, but never removed.” The law of 1791 
 was relaxed under Napoleon III., but the sever- 
 ity of it was renewed by the Government of the 
 Third Republic, down to 1884. In that year, 
 according to official returns, there existed but 
 68 regularly constituted unions in France. By 
 1890 the number had increased to 1006, with a 
 membership of 139,692. In 1908 the reported 
 number of unions was 5524, and their member- 
 ship 957, 102. “ The aggregate is as yet compara- 
 tively small, and, numerically, trade unionism is 
 still relatively weak in France ; but the example 
 of Germany shows how rapidly this movement 
 may increase in strength. According to the 
 occupational census of 1901 the number of per- 
 sons in France who might be enrolled in trade 
 unions was approximately 9,000,000 ; and the 
 numbers would not be substantially higher now, 
 so that the official returns show roughly about 
 10 per cent, organized. . . . With regard to 
 organization by industries the largest number 
 of trade unionists belonged in 1907 to the fol- 
 lowing groups : Transport, 260,869 ; metal in- 
 dustries, 103,835; textiles, 78,854; building 
 trades, 66,678: miners, 64,194 ; agriculture and 
 forestry, 51,407 ; food and drink, 48,353. But 
 trade union strength depends, for economic pur- 
 poses, more upon the proportion of workers or- 
 ganized in a given trade than upon the actual 
 number. From this point of view the strongest 
 groups are, with the percentage of workers or- 
 ganized, as follows : Miners, 35 per cent ; chem- 
 ical industries, 31.2 ; transport, 23.4 ; paper 
 and printing, 20.9; leather, 20.0 ; metal work- 
 ers, 18.7. These figures have an important 
 
 bearing on the situation, because of the division, 
 which will be discussed in a subsequent arti- 
 cle, of the unions into revolutionary and mod- 
 erate groups. As for geographical distribution. 
 Paris is the great centre, and the north of 
 France is much stronger than the south.” 
 
 “The term bourse du travail means literally 
 labour exchange,’ and that was the original 
 function of these organizations ; it still is one of 
 them, but is overshadowed by the all-devouring 
 political aims which in France seem to seize hold 
 of all things, one after another, and swallow 
 them up. The bourses were started in 1886, two 
 years after trade unionism received its charter. 
 
 . . But instead of being used for their origi- 
 nal purpose, strictly as labour exchanges, they 
 soon became a form of labour organization corre- 
 sponding as nearly as possible to our trade coun- 
 cils, though supported by municipal or depart- 
 mental subventions. . . . According to M. 
 
 Mermeix, to whose brilliant work on ‘ Le Syndi- 
 calisme contre le Socialisme ’ I am indebted for 
 much information, the syndicats were promptly 
 seized upon by the Guesdist or Social Demo- 
 cratic party as soon as they began to develop 
 freely after 1884, and the other Socialist bodies, 
 who were then in violent antagonism, responded 
 by cultivating the bourses du travail. The in- 
 evitable result was a strong political turn given 
 to both sets of organizations ; but it was not the 
 turn intended by the Socialists. For presently 
 the syndicats and the bourses, which really re- 
 present ‘Labour’ turned against the politicians 
 called Socialists, who do not represent ‘Labour,’ 
 and made common cause against them.” 
 
 “The most obvious feature of the movement 
 in recent years has been a great increase of in- 
 dustrial restlessness. We need not put it all 
 down to the trade unions, but they have had a 
 good deal to do with it, and have undoubtedly 
 been devoting their energies in an increasing 
 measure to strikes.” This “began in 1899 and 
 has continued, with fluctuations, ever since. It 
 reached its high-water mark in 1906, and then 
 somewhat subsided, but recent events show that 
 the same spirit is still active. And besides in- 
 creasing in number, extent, and duration, the 
 strikes have frequently been marked by acts of 
 violence and attended in several cases by loss of 
 life. All this, in spite of a system of concili- 
 ation and arbitration and strong organization 
 on the part of employers. What is the cause ? 
 There has been nothing in the economic situa- 
 tion to account for industrial disorder continued 
 over a series of years. . . . 
 
 "Syndicalisms is the distinctive mark of the 
 present labour movement in France. . . . Per- 
 haps the essential character of Syndicalisms is 
 best expressed by saying that it is a purely 
 trade union version of Socialism, definitely and 
 even violently opposed to Collectivism and more 
 nearly allied to anarchism, yet distinct from 
 it. . . . The object of Syndicalisme is revolu- 
 tion, sudden and complete, in which the State, 
 with all the apparatus of government, is to dis- 
 appear, and the possession and control of ma- 
 terial means — which alone count — is to pass 
 from the hands of its present owners, whether 
 private or public, into those of organized labour. 
 This original idea is Socialistic or Collectivist 
 in so far as it is directed against capitalism ; it 
 is anarchistic in so far as it contemplates the 
 disappearance of the State ; but, above all, it is 
 
 377 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 trade unionist, for the syndicat is posited as the 
 unit or cell of the future social organism. . . . 
 To complete this brief outline of the idea of 
 Syndicalisme it is only necessary to add that the 
 means whereby the revolution is to be accom- 
 plished is the general strike, and that, pending 
 that consummation, ordinary strikes are system- 
 atically encouraged as good practice, in which, 
 as by skirmishes or manoeuvres, the labour 
 forces are trained and prepared for the great 
 encounter.” 
 
 The idea of a general strike was put forward 
 in 1888 by an anarchist Parisian carpenter 
 named Tortelier, and the militant forces of or- 
 ganized labor rallied to it. It brought together 
 the two sets into which labor organization had 
 split — the Guesdist party, controlling the Syn- 
 dicate, and their opponents in possession of the 
 bourses du travail. It “caused the rout and 
 withdrawal of the Social Democrats, and so led 
 to the birth of Syndicalisme. The turning 
 point was reached in 1894 at a joint congress 
 held at Nantes, when after a set debate the 
 general strike was adopted by 65 votes against 
 37, with nine abstinents. In the following year 
 the Confederation Generate du Travail was 
 formed as a new and united federation of trade 
 unions, purged of politics, or, at least, of Par- 
 liamentary politics; and thenceforward the two 
 sets of organizations — trade unions and trades 
 councils — drew the labour car together ; but at 
 first and for some years they by no means 
 pulled together.” In 1902 they were harmon- 
 ized, “mainly by the efforts of M. Niel,” who 
 has been called the real creator of the Confeder- 
 ation Generate, to the head of which, as general 
 secretary, “which means president,” he was 
 elected in February, 1909. “The word ‘presi- 
 dent’ is eschewed, as savoring of the bourgeois 
 state.” M. Niel is a compositor. “He is of the 
 best type of trade unionist; a calm, capable, 
 level-headed man, devoted to trade unionism, 
 but no crazy theorist or violent fanatic.” 
 
 “ The numerical strength of the Confederation 
 or its want of strength is a point on which its 
 enemies are never tired of insisting. In October 
 last the official figures presented to the congress 
 at Marseilles were : First section, 2,586 syndi- 
 cate, with an aggregate membership of 294,398; 
 second section, 154 bourses du travail, represent- 
 ing 2,014 syndicate. The figures must not be added 
 together, because the two sections represent 
 the same or almost the same forces, differently 
 organized. The returns of the first section show 
 the effective membership, and we may call it 
 300,000. Now the official statistics of the Min- 
 isters du Travail give the total membership of 
 syndicate ouvriers at the beginning of 1908 as 
 957,102. The Confederation, therefore, em- 
 braces less than one-third of the organized labour 
 in France. But that calculation is open to some 
 criticisms ; the Government returns are said to 
 be too high, those of the Confederation too low. 
 There is probably some truth in both state- 
 ments.” 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Extensive Strike of Coal 
 Miners. — Strikes at Marseilles. — On the 8 th 
 of October, 1902, the National Committee of 
 French Miners, meeting at Paris, voted to de- 
 clare a general strike, and issued a manifesto 
 to their comrades in Europe, America, and Aus- 
 tralia, appealing for aid and stating their cause, 
 in these words; “We are pushed to the last 
 
 extremity in fighting to obtain a slight improve- 
 ment in our miserable condition — more equi- 
 table remuneration, with the regulation of our 
 work for the present, and legislation sheltering 
 us against the strict needs of old age. We are 
 sure you understand your duty. We leave to 
 you the initiative in such measures as are most 
 convenient to you in aiding us in this struggle.” 
 The strike had actually begun in part before this 
 order was given and it was estimated that some 
 42,000 men had left work in the northern coal 
 fields. The whole number of French miners 
 was calculated by the Temps to be 162,000 men, 
 of whom, however, only 60,000 belonged to the 
 federation. The mine owners refused to discuss 
 the matter, declaring that the strike began 
 before any warning had been given them and 
 without any sufficient motives, and also that 
 the chief points in dispute were already before 
 parliamentary committees. Troops were sent to 
 the mining districts, and some conflicts occurred. 
 The Government attempted arbitration, and 
 late in October an agreement was reached which 
 brought the strike to an end. 
 
 At the same time troublesome strikes of dock- 
 laborers, stokers, and sailors were going on at 
 Marseilles, for some weeks. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Serious Strikes and Labor 
 Disturbances. See (in this vol.) France : 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March-May). — Serious Strike 
 of Government Employes in the Telegraph 
 and Postal Service. — Overcome by the firm- 
 ness of the Government. — Disciplinary pro- 
 ceedings. — Court decision against Trade 
 Unions among Employes of the State. — The 
 organizations involved in the strike of govern- 
 ment employes in the telegraph and postal 
 service of France, which began on the 13tli of 
 March, 1909, are outside of the Labor Syndicate 
 embraced in the Confederation Generate du Tra- 
 vail described above; but in part they have 
 been brought into close connection with that 
 combination and have striven for identification 
 with it. As explained by the Paris correspondent 
 of the London Times, “the associations of French 
 Civil servants include two quite separate groups 
 — one in favour of Parliamentary action, the 
 other sympathizing with the General Confeder- 
 ation of Labour and desiring to be allowed to 
 combine freely and, when it suits them, to 
 strike. The former group is represented by a 
 Comite d’fitudes so-called, and includes a large 
 number of primary school teachers and Lycee 
 professors, the association of the Law Courts 
 clerks, sub -employes at the Post Office, employes 
 of the Roads and Inland Communications De- 
 partment of the Ministry of Public Works, and 
 so forth. These various associations, forming 
 the first group, are convinced that their lot can 
 be quite adequately improved if Parliament 
 will only vote a satisfactory Bill on the status of 
 functionaries. The second group has no confi- 
 dence whatever in such a measure. It does not 
 count on Parliament for a panacea. Under the 
 title of ‘ Central Committee for the defence of 
 the syndical rights of wage-earners of the 
 State, the departments, and the communes,’ it 
 has always worked in unison with the revolu- 
 tionary unions of the General Confederation of 
 Labour, and it was this group which wrote two 
 years ago to M. Clemenceau an open letter 
 stating their demands, among which the most 
 
 378 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 important of all was the right to strike. In 
 consequence of that manifestation, which was re- 
 garded as illegal, a certain number of function- 
 aries were dismissed, notably, as readers of The 
 Times will recall, a school teacher by the name 
 of N£gre, an official of the Ministry of the In- 
 terior, M. Janvion, a postman named Simonnet, 
 and an electrician, M. Pataud.” 
 
 These dismissed officials, M. Pataud especially, 
 were the leaders of the strike that was under- 
 taken on the 13th of March, when twelve hun- 
 dred men employed in the central offices of the 
 Paris Telegraph Department stopped work at 
 about 2 o’clock in the afternoon, “ in order to ex- 
 press ‘ sympathy ’ with three hundred men of 
 the postal service who had invaded the offices on 
 the 12th, and had made a demonstration against 
 M. Simyan, the Under-Secretary of State for 
 Posts and Telegraphs. ” ‘ ‘ The precise grievances 
 of the strikers,” said The Times, “are probably 
 known to their superiors; but, so far as we have 
 seen, they have not been placed before the out- 
 side world in any form which renders it possible 
 even clearly to understand them.” 
 
 On the other hand, a special correspondent of 
 the New York Evening Post wrote from Paris on 
 the 25th of March : “ The strike of these govern- 
 ment employees may have been a side develop- 
 ment of the general movement which threatens 
 to transform the Parliamentary French republic 
 into a republique syndicate ; but, in itself, it was 
 something far different. And, for another reason, 
 it is a direct object-lesson for the United States, 
 where the trade unions are not yet revolutionary, 
 The entire strike has been a spontaneous upris- 
 ing of civil service in possession against the in- 
 vasion of a spoils system. The strike would 
 not have been possible if these civil service ap- 
 pointees — ‘ government functionaries ’ — had 
 not formed themselves into strongly organized 
 unions, just as private service employees have 
 long been doing ; and in this they have been en- 
 couraged by successive republican governments, 
 unforeseeing perhaps such strikes as the inev- 
 itable consequence. The spoils system in the 
 present case means the intervention of political 
 influence in civil service appointments and 
 promotions.” The strikers, said this writer, 
 want essentially two things, “First, that poli- 
 ticians — and particularly Postmaster-General 
 Simyan, who was taken over from M. Combes 
 into the present government — should cease 
 interfering with civil service appointments and 
 promotions and no longer use their power in 
 behalf of the favorite of some deputy with ‘ in- 
 fluence.’ ” 
 
 The situation produced in Paris by the strike 
 was thus described by this correspondent of The 
 Post : “ We of Paris were for eight days in the 
 same condition as Frenchmen were before Riche- 
 lieu invented a State postal service for the use of 
 private persons. For example, my last letters 
 were sent — one to Havre by a special messen- 
 ger who was carrying by hand cable messages 
 for several correspondents to be forwarded from 
 that port; one to London by another special 
 messenger, who posted it with many others in 
 a channel boat ; and a third to Cherbourg by 
 the kindness of the American Chamber of Com- 
 merce of Paris, which organized a service of its 
 own for its members. ... If there had been a 
 sudden outbreak between Servia and Austria 
 last week, the French government would have 
 
 known little about it, and, in case of need, army 
 mobilization would have been impossible.” 
 
 A system of public service in which such sit- 
 uations as this are made possible could not exist 
 long without destruction of government and of 
 all social order. No argument was needed to 
 demonstrate that it must not be paltered with ; 
 but the Government of France was forced mo- 
 mentarily to yield so much show of deference 
 or respect to its rebellious servants, whose 
 demands were made with arrogance of spirit 
 anti insolence of tone, that the arrogance and 
 insolence appeared to have triumphed in the 
 encounter with national sovereignty and law. 
 The tenor of an interview given on the 22d by 
 the Premier, M. Clemenceau, and the Minister 
 of Public Works, Posts, and Telegraphs, M. Bar- 
 tliou, to a committee from the striking employes 
 of the State, was thus stated in a Press despatch 
 at the time: “The two conditions which had 
 been submitted to the Ministers were, first, im- 
 munity from disciplinary penalties for all the 
 strikers; secondly, the resignation of M. Sim- 
 yan, the obnoxious Under-Secretary of State. 
 The Ministers had agreed to the first of these 
 conditions for all strikers who should have re- 
 turned to work by Tuesday morning. The sec- 
 ond condition was refused by the Ministers 
 on the ground that M. Simyan is responsible to 
 the Chamber of Deputies, but not to the postal 
 employes. M. Barthou had, however, made it 
 plain that, in accordance with the terms of his 
 speech in the Chamber last Friday, the Govern- 
 ment contemplated appointing in place of M. 
 Simyan an official with the qualification of tech- 
 nical knowledge. ‘ When, on Friday,’ he said, ‘ I 
 discussed before the Chamber the transformation 
 of the Under-Secretaryship of Posts and Tele- 
 graphs into a techinal directorship, I was not 
 employing an empty phrase. I consider that 
 the reform is of practical interest and that it 
 ought to be effected at an early date.’ This was 
 as near a promise to fulfil the strikers’ demands 
 as constitutional considerations would permit.” 
 This brought about a return to duty of postal 
 clerks and operators of the telegraph and the 
 telephone ; but they returned as victorious revo- 
 lutionists, and the news from Paris in the fol- 
 lowing weeks was filled with accounts of their 
 manifestations of contempt and defiance for the 
 Government, and the extensive insubordination 
 among them that prevailed. But the Govern- 
 ment, on its side, supported strongly by a great 
 majority of votes in the Chamber of Deputies, 
 and by resolute expressions of public opinion 
 from every part of France, was now taking 
 measures to prepare itself for defeating any fu- 
 ture attempt to paralyze the service of the posts 
 and wires. The engineer troops and other tech- 
 nical branches of the service were warned to be 
 ready for emergencies, carrier pigeons were col- 
 lected, and preliminary arrangements made for 
 an elaborate service of motor-cars. Chambers 
 of commerce throughout the country were called 
 on to be prepared to cooperate with the Govern- 
 ment in organizing an auxiliary mail service. By 
 such measures it was soon rendered safe to begin 
 applying discipline to the insubordination that 
 had become rife. Seven flagrant offenders were 
 tried by a Council of Discipline and dismissed, 
 on the 8th of May, and this precipitated an 
 attempt to renew the strike, and to make it in- 
 troductory to the long-threatened revolutionary 
 
 379 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 strike of all labor in France. A few anxious days 
 followed, while the menace kept a serious show, 
 and then it vanished, like an emptied cloud. The 
 linn attitude of the Government and the hostility 
 of national opinion had daunted the revolution- 
 ary syndicats which inclined to join fortunes 
 with the revolutionists of the public service, and 
 the latter were left to confront official authority 
 alone. Their second strike came to nothing. A 
 despatch from Paris on the 16th of May stated 
 that 548 postmen who were prominent in the 
 rebellion of the strike had been expelled from 
 the service, and that others were receiving less 
 severe punishments from the Disciplinary Court. 
 
 Ultimately, sixteen officials of the Post Office 
 were prosecuted by the Government for illegally 
 forming a trade union. They were brought to 
 trial in July, with the result announced on the 
 29th as follows: “The 16 officials who were 
 prosecuted by the Government have been con- 
 demned to a purely nominal fine of 12s. 6d., and 
 their union has been declared to be contrary to 
 the law. The Court argued that in the present 
 state of the law there was no doubt whatever 
 that the Waldeck-Rousseau Bill of 1884, per- 
 mitting the organization of trade unions, solely 
 had application to the interests of private in- 
 dividuals, and that the Chamber of Deputies 
 had not meant to extend the provisions of that 
 law to Civil servants. The considerations of this 
 important legal judgment furthermore declare 
 it to be utterly preposterous that State employes 
 should arrogate to themselves the right to 
 strike, since they are the employes of the nation, 
 and enjoy moreover such special privileges as 
 servants of the State that no comparison can be 
 drawu between them and the working classes, 
 whose right to strike is not contested.” 
 
 The judgment of the Paris Correctional Court, 
 in the case of the sixteen officials who were pro- 
 secuted for illegally forming a trade union was 
 followed, on the 7th of August, by a kindred 
 decision from the Conseil d'etat, to which two 
 dismissed postmen had appealed. Their appli- 
 cation to be restored to the service was denied. 
 The decree of the Conseil expressly declared 
 that a strike of civil servants is an “ illegal act,” 
 and added that a State official “has accepted all 
 the obligations arising from the necessities of 
 the public service and has renounced all privi- 
 leges incompatible with the essential continuity 
 of the national life,” that civil servants who 
 declare a strike place themselves collectively 
 outside the pale of the laws and regulations 
 which guarantee the exercise for them of the 
 rights which they normally possess as servants 
 of the State. 
 
 Having thus vindicated its authority over the 
 servants of the State, the Government exercised 
 a wise clemency at once. Two days after the 
 decision of the Conseil d’Etat, the new Minis- 
 ter of Public Works authorized the publication 
 of the following note : “In consequence of 
 the decision of the Conseil d’lStat, M. Millerand 
 has decided, while approving the suspensions 
 pronounced by their respective chiefs, that 30 
 officials of both sexes, five subaltern officials, 
 and ten Post Office workmen who have been 
 dismissed should resume work the day after 
 tomorrow.” Further reinstatements were an- 
 nounced in the course of the following month. 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1905. — Strikes. — Upwards 
 of 100,000 miners in the coal fields of the Ruhr 
 
 district began a strike in January which did not 
 end until the middle of February, and which 
 caused most of the iron works and machine 
 shops of Rhenish Prussia and Westphalia to be 
 closed. Low wages (of 4 marks or a little less 
 than a dollar per day) and inhuman and dishon- 
 est treatment were the chief complaints in the 
 miners. A bill to reform conditions in the mines 
 was passed soon afterwards. The cost of the 
 strike to all concerned was estimated to have 
 been more than $30,000,000. A very serious 
 strike of about 40,000 men in electrical indus- 
 tries occurred at Berlin in September and Octo- 
 ber, resulting in a concession of six per cent, in- 
 crease of wages to the men. Statistics published 
 in the next year showed a startling increase of 
 labor conflicts in 1904 and 1905. From 1899 to 
 1903 the yearly average of strikes had been 
 1242. In 1904 the number rose to 1870, and in 
 1905 to 2057. Lockouts had averaged 42 in 
 each of the previous five years, but increased to 
 120 in 1904. Apparently the labor conditions 
 were no more peaceable in 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — The Operation of In- 
 dustrial Courts. — Desire for Voluntary 
 Boards of Conciliation. — “In the event of 
 actual dispute the official machinery of the In- 
 dustrial Courts is always at call, should the dis- 
 putants be willing to use it. The law requires 
 the formation of these Courts in all towns with 
 over 20,000 inhabitants, but they may be 
 formed elsewhere at the option of the Govern- 
 ment of the State or on the joint requisition of 
 a given number of employers and workpeople, 
 and they consist of equal numbers of both. 
 That the 406 Courts now in existence do not 
 mediate oftener would appear to be less the 
 fault of the workpeople than of the employers. 
 During 1905 they acted as boards of conciliation 
 on 350 occasions: on 165 in response to invita- 
 tions from both sides, on 175 on the invitation 
 of the workpeople alone, and on ten only on the 
 sole invitation of the employers. Only in 128 
 cases was it possible to bring the disputing 
 parties together. . . . 
 
 “ At the annual meeting of the German Society 
 for Social Reform, held in Berlin in December, 
 1906, resolutions were adopted ‘ affirming the 
 meeting’s conviction that industrial peace would 
 best be promoted by the development of collec- 
 tive arrangements between employers and work- 
 people in the form of (1) wages agreements, 
 (2) voluntary boards of conciliation and arbitra- 
 tion, and (3) workmen’s committees for indi- 
 vidual works ’ ; and it was urged that, ‘ after the 
 example of Great Britain, conciliation boards 
 suited to the various industries should be gen- 
 erally formed, these to cooperate with higher 
 tribunals and to call in on occasion the help of 
 prominent public men as advisers and arbitra- 
 tors.’” — William H. Dawson, The Evolution of 
 Modern Germany, p. 136 ( Unwin, London ; Scrib- 
 ners, N. T'.,1909). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — The Spirit of the 
 Struggle between Capitalists and Workmen. 
 — Attitude of the Latter. — ‘ ‘ The struggle be- 
 tween labour and capital in Germany is a little 
 less refined than in some other countries. . . . 
 Rhineland — Westphalia is its chosen battle 
 ground. Here all the conditions of economic 
 warfare exist in a rare degree. It is a striking 
 fact that a large part of the natural resources, 
 industry, and wealth-production of that unrest- 
 
 380 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 ing workshop of German} - is under the control 
 of a dozen men of commanding business genius 
 — men of strong and masterful character, born 
 rulers of the sternest mould, without sentiment, 
 not insusceptible to justice, yet never going 
 beyond it, inflexible in decision, of inexhaust- 
 ible will-power, and impervious to all modern 
 notions of political liberalism. These men, who 
 have so conspicuously helped to create modern 
 industrial Prussia, and who are a greater real 
 power in the land than Ministers and legislators 
 put together, typify in modern industry the 
 feudalism which is slowly dying upon the great 
 estates of the East. Their attitude towards the 
 unions in which their workmen are organised 
 to the number of hundreds of thousands is fre- 
 quently expressed in the maxim, ‘ We intend to 
 be masters in our own house,’ and nothing is 
 wanting in the vigour with which this maxim is 
 applied. On the occasion of the Mannheim con- 
 ference of the Association for Social Policy in 
 September, 1905, Herr Kirdorf , probably the best 
 known industrialist of Westphalia, and the head 
 of the Coal and Steel Syndicates, was invited to 
 give an employer’s reply to an indictment of the 
 syndicates made by Professor Gustav Schmoller. 
 In the course of his statement occurred the fol 
 lowing observations on the question of labour 
 organisation : — 
 
 “ ‘ It is regrettable that our workpeople are 
 able to change their positions at any time. An 
 undertaking can only prosper if it has a station- 
 ary band of workers. I do not ask that legisla- 
 tion should come to our help, but we must re- 
 serve to ourselves the right to take measures to 
 check this frequent change of employment. 
 The proposal has been made that all workpeople 
 should be compelled to join organisations and 
 that employers should be required to negotiate 
 with these organisations. For myself I would 
 remark that I refuse to negotiate with any or- 
 ganisation whatever. ’ . . . 
 
 “Public opinion naturally finds itself often 
 in conflict with the Westphalian industrialists’ 
 attitude, which more than anything else was 
 responsible for the solid gain won by the men 
 in the great colliery strike of 1905. It was the 
 same Herr Kirdorf who declared during that 
 strike . * The movement can only end by the men 
 recognising that they can get nothing by a 
 strike and returning to the mines. We will 
 negotiate with every man singly, but we will 
 not concede workmen’s committees.’ It was this 
 inflexible attitude, persisted in too long, which 
 turned first the public and then the Government 
 against the colliery owners. By refusing to 
 meet the colliers’ ‘Committee of Seven’ they 
 created the impression that the men were wish- 
 ful for peace but were unable to gain an ear for 
 their overtures. In the end not only were work 
 men’s committees granted by force of law, but 
 the hours of labour were curtailed, fines were 
 abolished, and other concessions were made 
 which cost the colliery owners dearly, until the 
 extra burden could be transferred to the pub- 
 lic.” — William H. Dawson, Evolution of Mod- 
 ern Germany , pp. 122-125 {Unwin, London; 
 Scribners, N. 7., 1909). 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Extent of Trade Unionism. — 
 The twentieth International Congress of Miners 
 was held in Berlin, and at its opening, on the 
 31st of May, 1909, Herr Ritter, president of the 
 Federation of Berlin Trade Unions, in welcom- 
 
 ing the Congress, said that there were now 223,- 
 000 trade unionists in Berlin, as compared with 
 40,000 when the congress held its last meeting 
 there 15 years ago. Another German speaker 
 said that during the last 15 years the number of 
 trade unionists in the whole Empire had in- 
 creased from 300,000 to 1,800,000. 
 
 Italy: A. D. 1901 . — - Changed Attitude of 
 the Government toward Labor Unions. See 
 (in this vol.) Italy: A. D. 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — A Church Movement of 
 Agricultural Labor Organization. — “An 
 agitation among agricultural labourers in North 
 Umbria seems to have taken a new and very 
 unusual form, since, from all accounts, it is di- 
 rectly promoted and supported by the clergy. 
 The parish priests in the neighbourhood of 
 Perugia are said not only to have put them- 
 selves at the head of the movement, but to 
 have actually initiated it with a manifesto de- 
 nouncing the grievances of the labourers, and 
 calling upon them to organize themselves in 
 order to extort more favourable conditions from 
 the landowners who employ them. The Church 
 seems to have satisfied itself that the mutual re- 
 lations of capital and labour were unfair to the 
 labourer, and to have determined to be before- 
 hand with the Socialist agitator, creating an 
 organization which will call itself democristi- 
 ana, or Christian democrat, in anticipation of 
 what might have been a more revolutionary 
 Socialist league. The manifesto was issued 
 last May, and contained much the same de- 
 mands as have been successfully made by la- 
 bour in other parts of Italy. ... So far the 
 landowners have proved absolutely recalcitrant. 
 A league of resistance has been formed on their 
 side, and an attempt was made at reprisals by 
 boycotting parish priests, stopping any pay- 
 ment of tithes to the Church, dismissing any 
 private chaplains who belonged to the secular 
 clergy, and employing the regular clergy in- 
 stead of the parochial in any cases where their 
 services were required. 
 
 “The parish clergy were not to be intimi- 
 dated by financial loss, and the proprietors then 
 appealed to the Archbishop of Perugia to put 
 his veto on their agitation. The Archbishop, 
 Monsignor Mattei-Gentile, could only inform 
 them that he had already given his sanction to 
 the movement. The proprietors, by the friendly 
 mediation of a Cardinal, then appealed to the 
 Pope. After some consideration, Pius X. sent 
 a certain Signor Giovanni Passamonti, a lawyer 
 who has had a good deal of experience in Um- 
 brian affairs, to make an inquiry, and attempt 
 some kind of compromise. Neither side, how- 
 ever, would listen to suggestions of concilia- 
 tion. ... So the matter now stands. The po- 
 sition is certainly an interesting one, as it is the 
 first time that the Church has actually taken 
 the lead in a labour movement.” — Rome Cor- 
 respondent, London Times, July 21, 1909. 
 
 Netherlands: A. D. 1903 . — Laws against 
 Railway Strikes. — Failure of Labor Strike 
 to prevent their Passage. — Early in 1903 it 
 was made known that the Government of the 
 Netherlands intended to bring forward in the 
 States-General a bill prohibiting strikes among 
 railway employees, on the ground that they 
 were engaged in a public service which must 
 not suffer interruption. At once the railway 
 men gave notice that they would, if this mea- 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 sure were undertaken, appeal to all workmen in 
 the country for a general strike. The Govern- 
 ment then prepared itself for a struggle by sum- 
 moning a certain quota of the infantry and engi- 
 neers of the Reserves to arms, and, on the 25th 
 of February, its proposed legislation was intro- 
 duced. It amended the penal code, in order to 
 punish strikes by persons in the public service 
 as misdemeanors and to attach penalties of more 
 severity to all attacks on the freedom of labor. 
 It provided, further, for the organization of a 
 military railway brigade, to insure service on 
 the lines in case of a strike ; and finally, it 
 created a commission to investigate the condi- 
 tion of the railway service and of its employees. 
 Pending the discussion of these measures the 
 threatened strike was undertaken, and was seen 
 very soon to have failed. Without any serious 
 conflict with the authorities it was given up, 
 and, on the 11th of April, the bills became Law. 
 
 New Zealand: A. D. 1896 - 1908 . — The 
 Compulsory Arbitration Law. — Its work- 
 ing. — At the meeting of the National Civic 
 Federation of the United States, in December, 
 1908, Mr. Hugh H. Lusk, of New Zealand, spoke 
 of the compulsory arbitration law of that coun- 
 try (see, in Volume VI. of this work. New Zea- 
 land). “In form,” he said, “the law is not 
 compulsory upon all men, but only upon those 
 who become amenable to it by registering their 
 associations under the law. Since associations, 
 both of workers and of employers, are generally 
 registered, it is and has been for twelve years 
 now past absolutely compulsory arbitration. 
 About six years ago the law was extended to the 
 Commonwealth of Australia, where it is now in 
 force. In New Zealand compulsory arbitration 
 has hitherto been a great success, It has had 
 the effect of preventing all strikes and all lock- 
 outs for twelve years in that country until the 
 other day. The history of its extension to Aus- 
 tralia has been the greatest tribute that could be 
 made to its success in New Zealand. It has not 
 been in all respects as great a success in Aus- 
 tralia as in New Zealand. New Zealand has a 
 million white inhabitants, Australia nearly five 
 million ; therefore, by the extension of the law 
 from New Zealand to Australia you have got, as 
 it were, a stepping stone from which you can 
 easily see how far it would be likely to be a suc- 
 cess in a country as much greater and as much 
 more populous than Australia as is this country. 
 
 “The law of New Zealand, and now of Aus- 
 tralia, compels all associated workers who are 
 registered under the act to submit to the law if 
 they have causes of difference with their em- 
 ployers. In the first place, they have to go to a 
 member of the Board of Conciliation, one of 
 which exists in any considerable district, and 
 the Conciliation Board failing in its object they 
 can remove the cause into the Court of Arbitra- 
 tion, which passes final judgment. 
 
 “ For twelve years the law operated without 
 serious breakdown in New Zealand. It has been 
 carried on for five years without a serious break- 
 down in Australia. Now, what is wrong with 
 the Act and its operations ? At first the workers 
 were perfectly satisfied with the court because, 
 as a general rule, it was with them. Later on, 
 the court as a rule has been against them. They 
 have been inclined to the belief that the consti- 
 tution of the court is unfavorable, the court 
 being constituted of two representatives of labor 
 
 and two representatives of capital, together 
 with one Judge of the Supreme Court, sitting 
 as president or chairman. They have come to 
 the conclusion that it is the fifth man who really 
 gives the decision. The difficulty in such a case 
 as this is that if the representative man who 
 gives his decision has not the confidence of both 
 parties the court fails in its object. It is be- 
 lieved that the decisions are, in general, those of 
 a man belonging to the capitalist class — since 
 laborers do not often find their way to the Su- 
 preme Court bench in any country. This seems 
 to be the bottom of the difficulty both in New 
 Zealand and in Australia. I do not think you 
 could enact a law either as a Federal law or as a 
 State law, to-day, such as the law in New Zea- 
 land and enforce it. The people are not ready 
 for it. The Canadian plan seems to me to be a 
 step, although perhaps rather a timid step in the 
 right direction.” 
 
 The exceptional strike to which Mr. Lusk re- 
 ferred, as occurring “the other day,” was in 
 February, 1907. The strike was of men in the 
 freezing works of the frozen meat trade. They 
 stopped work as individuals, not as a union, 
 each claiming his right to take a rest from work ; 
 but the law was applied to them, nevertheless, 
 and they were fined £5 each. Mr. Gompers, who 
 spoke after Mr. Lusk, declared himself emphat- 
 ically against the New Zealand system, say- 
 ing: “I would not have employers do as they 
 please ; I would not want workmen to do as 
 they please ; but I believe that by the organ- 
 ization of industry and by the organization of 
 labor we are gathering forces conscious of their 
 power, which, intelligently and wisely wielded, 
 bring forth a spirit of conciliation that no court of 
 arbitration ever yet was able to impose. There 
 is in the United States more genuine conciliation 
 between organized employers and organized 
 workmen than exists in any other part of the 
 world.” 
 
 Russia: A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — Revolutionary 
 Strikes. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1904- 
 1905. 
 
 Scotland: A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — Five Years 
 of Peace in Coal Mining. — A threatened 
 conflict averted. — In 1904 the coalmasters of 
 Scotland made an agreement with their men for 
 regulating -wages according to a fixed scale, to 
 be neither below 37£ per cent., nor over 100 per 
 cent, above what is called the basis of 1888, 
 which was 4s. per day. In effect the range -was 
 from 5s. 6 d. to 8 s. per day, and within these 
 limits the Coal Conciliation Board was empow- 
 ered to adjust questions of wages as they arose. 
 Under this agreement the Conciliation Board 
 operated satisfactorily till the summer of 1909, 
 and under the constitution of the board there 
 was power to refer any question on which the 
 representatives of the masters and men could 
 not agree to a neutral chairman, whose decision 
 was to be absolute. 
 
 During the first three years of the agreement 
 trade was prosperous and wages rose nearly to the 
 maximum under which the Conciliation Board 
 could adjudicate. Then came the period of gen- 
 eral depression, and wages went down, along 
 with prices of coal, until, finally, the coalmasters 
 applied for a further reduction to the minimum 
 of the agreement, 5s. 6 d. per day. The men's 
 representatives on the Board refused to entertain 
 the proposal. The disagreement became acute 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 in a few weeks, ami the Miners’ Federation of 
 Great Britain threatened a general strike in 
 support of the contention of its Scottish mem- 
 bers. On a ballot taken in July, 518,361 of the 
 coal miners of the United Kingdom voted for a 
 eneral stoppage of work, in support of the 
 emands of the Scottish miners against 62,980 
 who opposed the undertaking. But the efforts 
 of the Government, exerted through the Board 
 of Trade, were successful in averting the 
 threatened catastrophe. Conferences between 
 delegates from the coal miners and the coal own- 
 ers, held at the offices of the Board of Trade and 
 under chairmanship of the President of the 
 Board, Winston Churchill, resulted in an agree- 
 ment signed on the 30th of July, which is to be 
 in force until August 1st, 1912, and indefinitely 
 thereafter unless six months notice of a wish to 
 terminate it is served by one party to it on the 
 other. The agreement provides for the contin- 
 uation of the former Conciliation Board “with 
 the provision that there shall be obligatory 
 a neutral chairman (whose decision in cases 
 of difference shall be final and binding) to be 
 selected by such method as shall be mutually 
 agreed upon by the parties, and, failing agree- 
 ment, by the Speaker of the House of Com- 
 mons.” 
 
 On the point of wages, the opinion of the 
 miners’ delegates was reported to be that the 
 agreement was ‘ ‘ fair to all parties, for it secured 
 the owners against having to pay an increased 
 wage unless all the circumstances of the trade, 
 considered over a reasonable period, were taken 
 into account by a perfectly impartial arbitrator. 
 The concession of the principle of the 50 per cent, 
 increase on the 1888 basis as a minimum wage 
 would, as far as could be foreseen, obviate 
 trouble in the future, and the safeguards which 
 had been introduced into the grant of the con- 
 cession were, in the opinion of all the delegates 
 who were willing to express their views, emi- 
 nently fair to all the interests concerned.” 
 
 South Africa: A. D. 1903 - 1904 . — The 
 question of Asiatic Labor for the mines in 
 the Transvaal. — Admission of Chinese Coo- 
 lies. — The political side of the Opposition 
 to White Labor. See (in this vol.) South 
 Africa: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 Spain : A. D. 1902 . — Great Strike at Bar- 
 celona. — Barcelona, the scene of frequent and 
 much disturbance, both political and industrial, 
 produced, in the middle of February, a general 
 strike of 80,000 workmen, between whom and 
 the troops of General Weyler, the Minister of 
 War, a week of battle in the streets occurred, 
 with martial law in force. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Insurrection and Strike at 
 Barcelona. See (in this vol.) Spain : A. D. 
 1907-1909. 
 
 Sweden: A. D. 1909 . — The Lockout and 
 the attempted General Strike of all Labor in 
 the Kingdom. — The labor conflicts of 1909 
 were marked most impressively by two attempts, 
 in two countries, to combine all unionized labor, 
 of all trades and employments, in the oft-threat- 
 ened “general strike,” whereby an absolute 
 paralysis of society might be brought about. 
 The first of these attempts was planned in 
 France, for the enforcement of the demands of 
 the postal and telegraphic employees of the 
 Government, who claimed the right to engage 
 in conflict with the State by an organized 
 
 “strike.” This came happily to naught; and, 
 the second, undertaken in Sweden, had the 
 same result. 
 
 A dispute in the paper, woolen, and cotton 
 industries of Sweden led, first, to a lockout of 
 about 13,000 workmen in those factories, the 
 employers acting in a compact association, 
 which seems to have embraced all important 
 fields of production. On the 26th of July the 
 lockout was extended to certain other allied 
 trades, affecting about 40,000 employees in all ; 
 and it was then announced that on the 2 d of 
 August, if the men did not come to terms, the 
 closing of works would be carried into the iron 
 trades, and further still. This challenged the 
 Allied Trade Unions to summon a “ general 
 strike” of all their membership, and the call 
 went out for an universal dropping of work on 
 August 4th. Exception, however, was made 
 in the call, of employees in the water-works, 
 lighting and sanitation departments of the pub- 
 lic service, and of those on whom hospitals, 
 funerals and living animals were dependent for 
 care. Railway, postal, telegraph and telephone 
 employees were not included in the Labor Fed- 
 eration, and did not strike. Between lockout 
 and strike, however, the suspension of industry 
 was so extensive as to reduce Stockholm, es- 
 pecially, to a very grave situation ; but the 
 emergency was faced with remarkable energy 
 and courage by both Government and people. 
 
 Neither employers nor employees would listen 
 to any mediation between them by King or 
 Ministers, and the measures of Government were 
 directed solely to the repression of disorder and 
 the checking of all that savored of revolution- 
 ary aims. How the public of Stockholm saved 
 itself from paralysis is told by a correspondent 
 who wrote from that city on the 28th of August, 
 when the strike was in its fourth week. “How 
 is it,” he asked, “that the trams are running, 
 cabs are plying for hire in the streets, the steam 
 ferries are working as usual, streets and houses 
 are lighted, and there seems no lack of provi- 
 sions or transport? The explanation is that 
 these and many other of the most important 
 social services are being performed by a brigade 
 of volunteers, who have come forward in the 
 public interest and who devote their time and 
 energies gratuitously to supplying the most 
 pressing needs of society at large. . . . 
 
 “On July 31 plans were first formed for 
 meeting the situation by the organization of a 
 band of voluntary helpers, and on August 2 a 
 meeting was held at which definite action was 
 determined upon. A ‘ Public Security Bri- 
 gade ’ ( Frivilliga skyddskaren) was to be enrolled, 
 and the following services, amongst others, 
 were to be undertaken : The protection of 
 banks, insurance officers, and similar institutions 
 liable to attack or plunder by the strikers ; the 
 working of trams and steamboats, and of gas, 
 water, and electric lighting machinery; the 
 driving of motor and other cabs ; the conveyance 
 of the sick to the hospitals, and the rendering 
 to the hospital staff of any necessary help ; the 
 unloading and transport of the necessities of 
 life, such as food, coal, wood, &c. The object 
 of the organization was not to help individual 
 sufferers or to safeguard individual interests, 
 but in every way possible to maintain such ser- 
 vices as should be considered necessary for the 
 security and welfare of the community. 
 
 383 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 “The appeal for volunteers met with a gener- 
 ous and enthusiastic response, and within a 
 week of the first meeting on August 2 the whole 
 organization was in full working order. All 
 classes supplied their quota. Counts and barons, 
 military and naval officers, professional and 
 business men, engineers, clerks, students from 
 the Universities and technical schools, alike vol- 
 unteered their services. The importance of 
 such a movement can hardly be overestimated. 
 The fact that the executive body has no con- 
 nexion with the Government or municipality 
 and yet is working inconstant touch and in per- 
 fect harmony with both speaks volumes for 
 the spirit in which the work has been under- 
 taken and the efficiency with which it is being 
 carried out. It is an object-lesson in the capa- 
 city of the upper and middle classes to meet 
 such an emergency. And lastly, if, as is thought 
 probable by some, the institution should be- 
 come a permanent one, Sweden will have one 
 of the best guarantees for industrial peace in 
 the future.” 
 
 When this was written, the struggle, so far 
 as it involved an attempted general strike, was 
 near its end. On the 3d of September the 
 Labor Federation announced its willingness that 
 those organizations which were not connected 
 with the original dispute, but which had joined 
 the strike to help make it general, should return 
 to work, if the Government would renew its 
 proffer of mediation in the primary dispute. 
 This the Government did willingly ; but at the 
 end of September it was announced that the ne- 
 gotiations undertaken had broken down and that 
 60,000 men were still without work. 
 
 The most serious feature of the conflict was 
 the apparent readiness with which many labor 
 organizations broke agreements and contracts, in 
 order to take part in it, even when not called on 
 to do so by the general Federation. According 
 to the claim of the Employers’ Federation, more- 
 over, it was faithlessness to such contracts which 
 had most to do with bringing of the Lockout on. 
 On the other hand, the workmen maintain that 
 it is the aim of the employers to break down 
 their unions, and that self-preservation justifies 
 them in breaking contracts when that course is 
 necessary to defeat such attempts. Where the 
 very truth lies is questionable, here as in most 
 such conflicts. 
 
 United States : The Organization of 
 
 Labor. — “Most of the national trade unions 
 are affiliated to one great federal organization, 
 known as the American Federation of Labor. 
 The railway brotherhoods, so called, keep their 
 separate organizations, without affiliating to 
 any other body. There are some independent 
 unions ; while the Knights of Labor are a body 
 entirely distinct from all other organizations, 
 and have a different organic law. It is difficult 
 to ascertain the membership of unions. In Great 
 Britain the law requiring registration enables 
 the Government to state with fair accuracy the 
 strength of unions in that country. According 
 to the latest reports available, the English trade 
 unions had a membership of 1,802,518, while in 
 the United States, — with double England’s 
 population, — the estimated membership of 
 labor organizations on July 1 last was 1,400,000. 
 It is estimated at the present time that there are 
 nearly 18,000,000 persons (men, women, and 
 children) in the United States working as wage- 
 
 earners. The percentage embraced in the labor 
 unions is not large, therefore, being not more 
 than 8 per cent, of the whole body. It must be 
 remembered, however, that in many trades the 
 members are organized up to a large proportion, 
 
 — sometimes 90 per cent. — of the total number 
 engaged. The American Federation of Labor 
 probably represents 850,000 members, and the 
 Knights of Labor perhaps 200,000. The Order 
 of Railway Conductors of America, — whose 
 head, Mr. E. E. Clark, has been appointed on 
 the Coal Commission, — has nearly 25,000 mem- 
 bers ; the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, 
 over 34,000 ; the Brotherhood of Locomotive 
 Firemen, nearly 38,000 ; the Brotherhood of 
 Railway Trainmen, about 44,000 ; and there are 
 at least four other influential railroad organiza- 
 tions.” — Carroll D. Wright, Labor Organization 
 in the United States ( Contemporary Review, Oct.. 
 1902). 
 
 The Trade Union as a factor in the As- 
 similation of the Foreign-born Population, 
 and in its Political Education. — “Whatever 
 our judgment as to the legality or expediency 
 of the industrial policy of our American unions, 
 no student of contemporary conditions can deny 
 that they are a mighty factor in effecting the 
 assimilation of our foreign-born population. 
 Schooling is primarily of importance, of course, 
 but many of our immigrants come here as 
 adults. Education can affect only the second 
 generation. The churches, particularly the 
 Catholic hierarchy, may do much. Protestants 
 seem to have little influence in the industrial 
 centres. On the other hand, the newspapers, 
 at least such as the masses see and read, and the 
 ballot under present conditions in American 
 cities, have no uplifting or educative power at 
 all. The great source of intellectual inspiration 
 to a large percentage of our inchoate Americans, 
 in the industrial classes, remains in the trade- 
 union. It is a vast power for good or evil, 
 according as its affairs are administered. It 
 cannot fail to teach the English language. That 
 in itself is much. Its benefit system, as among 
 the cigarmakers and printers, may inculcate 
 thrift. Its journals, the best of them, give a 
 general knowledge of trade conditions, impos- 
 sible to the isolated workman. Its democratic 
 constitutions and its assemblies and conventions 
 partake of the primitive character of the Anglo- 
 Saxon folkmoot, so much lauded by Freeman, 
 the historian, as a factor in English political 
 education and constitutional development. Not 
 the next gubernatorial or presidential candidate; 
 not the expansion of the currency, nor the re- 
 form of the general staff of the army ; not free- 
 trade or protection, or anti-imperialism, is the 
 real living thing of interest to the trade-union 
 workman. His thoughts, interests, and hopes 
 are centred in the politics of his organization. 
 It is the forum and arena of his social and in- 
 dustrial world.” — W. Z. Ripley, Race Factors 
 in Labor Unions ( Atlantic Monthly, March, 
 1904). 
 
 A. D. 1899-1907. — The Western Federa- 
 tion of Miners. — Its adoption of a Socialist 
 Platform. — Its fierce Conflict with Mine 
 Owners. — Alleged Criminal Instigations by 
 its Leaders. — Orchard’s Confessions. — 
 Trial and Acquittal of Secretary Haywood. 
 
 — The Western Federation of Miners was organ- 
 ized in Butte, Montana, in 1893. The domain 
 
 384 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 of the organization was and is mainly the metal 
 mining fields west of the Mississippi River ; 
 while that of the organization called the United 
 Mine Workers was and is the coal fields east 
 of the Mississippi. The strongly marked dif- 
 ference in character between these two com- 
 prehensive unions of mining labor is indicated 
 in an article by William Hard, contributed to 
 The Outlook of May ID. 1906. “The United, 
 Mine Workers,” wrote Mr. Hard, “accepts the” 
 present industrial system and ‘ regards- the em- 
 ployer as its partner. The Western Federation 
 of Miners denounces the present industrial sys- 
 tem and regards the very existence of the em- 
 ployer as an evil. The United Mine Workers is 
 interested mainly in the division of the proceeds 
 of the present industrial system between itself 
 and its partner, the employer. It wants to in- 
 crease its own share of the proceeds and it wants 
 to reduce its partner’s share. The Western 
 Federation of Miners, on the other hand, is in- 
 terested mainly in the elimination of the em- 
 ployer. It wants more wages, of course, but if 
 it should succeed in establishing a scale of even 
 a hundred dollars a day it would still be bound 
 by its principles to spurn the relaxing comforts 
 of prosperity and to nerve itself to a continua- 
 tion of the struggle. 
 
 “ Edward Boyce, as President of the Federa- 
 tion, addressed its annual Convention in 1902 as 
 follows : ‘ There are only two classes of people 
 in the world. One is composed of the men and 
 women who produce all. The other is composed 
 of men and women who produce nothing, but 
 live in luxury upon the wealth produced by 
 others.’” The Convention, at the same session, 
 adopted the following declaration: “We, the 
 tenth annual Convention of the Western Feder- 
 ation of Miners, do declare for a policy of in- 
 dependent political action, and do advise and 
 recommend the adoption of the platform of the 
 Socialist Party of America.” 
 
 Says Mr. Hard, in comment on this Socialist 
 pronouncement by the W estem Federation : 
 “There is usually one of two reasons for the 
 presence of a large number of Socialists in any 
 trade union. One is the influence of Europeans ; 
 the other is a particularly spectacular triumph 
 of the machine over the man, and a particu- 
 larly cruel displacement of human beings by 
 superhuman tools. . . . The Western Federa- 
 tion of Miners, however, has not been devoured 
 by the machine, and it does not contain more than 
 a small percentage of Europeans. Whatever of 
 lawlessness there has been in the history of the 
 Western Federation has been American lawless- 
 ness. Whatever of radicalism there has been 
 in that history has been radicalism cherished 
 and propagated by Americans. That favorite 
 National scapegoat, ‘the foreigner,’ cannot be 
 loaded with the sins of the Western Federation. 
 
 . . . The Western mines are full of longlimbed, 
 franked-eyed men who have adventured them- 
 selves far and wide upon the face of the earth. 
 There are Eastern miners who were blacklisted 
 after leading unsuccessful strikes. There are 
 cowboys who tired of the trail. There are farm- 
 ers who preferred prospecting to plowing. There 
 are city men who burst the bars of their cages to 
 breathe the open air of the West. These adven- 
 turous characters, going out into a new country 
 and plunging into the virgin, everlasting hills, 
 where it would seem that at last all men would 
 
 stand on the same footing, have suddenly dis- 
 covered that amid these primitive surroundings 
 the modern industrial system is not only found, 
 but is found at its worst. No one would try to 
 find a parallel anywhere else on earth for the 
 reckless unscrupulous and maddening insolence 
 of the corporations of the Rocky Mountain 
 States. And practical anarchism among cor- 
 P 9 r at ion s ifi-jaby a yj^ s t r op g promoter of theo- 
 retical Socialism amoitg trade unions. . .. 
 
 “The internal policy of the Western Federa- 
 tion of Miners is consistent with its published 
 principles. The most important part of this pol- 
 icy is an aversion to the signing of contracts 
 with employers. A contract is regarded as a 
 manacle. It binds one union when another 
 union might need its help. ... In consequence 
 of not demanding a contract, the Federation 
 naturally does not demand a closed shop. As it 
 does not ask the employer to bind himself by a 
 contract to anything, it does not ask him to 
 bind himself to the exclusive employment of 
 union men. In three other respects besides its 
 failure to demand a closed shop the Western 
 Federation of Miners follows a policy which has 
 often been admired by enemies of trade unions. 
 The Western Federation has no apprentice sys- 
 tem. It does not restrict output. And it dis- 
 countenances jurisdictional quarrels between 
 rival trade organizations. . . . 
 
 “So much for the philosophy of the Western 
 Federation of Miners. Now for the lawlessness 
 with which it has been charged. There can be 
 no doubt that members of the Western Federa- 
 tion of Miners have frequently coerced non- 
 union men. ... A programme of intimidation 
 has at times, in certain mining camps, become 
 the equivalent of a closed shop contract. The 
 employer was not asked to exclude non-union 
 men. The union excluded them spontaneously, 
 without bothering the employer about it. . . . 
 In addition to the coercion of individual non- 
 unionists, there have been a few occasions on 
 which armed bodies of union men have stormed 
 mining property and captured it.” 
 
 On the other side of the case this writer re- 
 counts the acts of violence and the barbarous 
 “ deportations” which the miners of the West- 
 ern Federation have suffered at the hands of 
 the Mine-Owners’ Association and the Citizens’ 
 Alliance in cooperation with them; and he em- 
 phasises this fact: — “ that the members of the 
 Citizens’ Alliance and the members of the 
 Western Federation of Miners are brothers 
 under their skins. They come in the main from 
 exactly the same breed. Two men go out pro- 
 specting. They come from the same town in 
 Ohio. Their claims are half a mile apart. One 
 man strikes gold. The other does n’t. One man 
 becomes a millionaire and a member of the 
 Mine-Owners’ Association. The other becomes 
 a workingman and a member of the Western 
 Federation. . . . They were all of them Ameri- 
 can adventurers before they became employers 
 and employees. Practically identical in breed, 
 the mine-owners and the miners are practically 
 identical in temperament. They transact their 
 affairs on both sides with an untrammeled reck- 
 lessness which is appalling, but which, if the 
 distinction be admitted, savors of anarchy 
 rather than of illegality. The situation is like 
 that in the rough early mediaeval States before 
 the central authority had established its power 
 
 385 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 by means of police. . . . That these frontiers- 
 men, as workingmen and as members of the 
 Western Federation, have used their guns in 
 trade union controversies is indubitable. That 
 the Western Federation, however, is an or- 
 ganized criminal clique, and that it accentuates 
 and stimulates the gun-playing proclivities of 
 its members, is, so far, unsupported by evi- 
 dence.”- — -William Hard, The Western Federa- 
 tion of Miners (The Outlook, May 19, 1906). 
 
 The question on which Mr. Hard threw doubt, 
 as to whether the leaders of the Western Feder- 
 ation of Miners, or any of its responsible mem- 
 bers, had been implicated in the dreadful crimes 
 of murder and destruction of property which 
 attended the conflict between the Federation 
 and the mine-owners of the Far West, came to 
 trial in connection with the horrible murder of 
 ex-Governor Frank Steunenberg, of Idaho. The 
 victim had been Governor of that State in 
 1899, when, during a strike in the Coeur d’Alene 
 district, a mill at Wardner was blown up by a 
 mob. Governor Steunenberg obtained the aid 
 of Federal troops and vigorously crushed the 
 disorder. Six years afterwards, on the 30th of 
 December, 1905, at the gate of his residence in 
 Caldwell, he was blown to pieces by a bomb, so 
 placed that it was exploded by the opening of 
 the gate. A man named Harry Orchard was 
 arrested on suspicion and held until, finally, he 
 not only confessed the crime in question, but 
 owned, or claimed to have participated in, or 
 had knowledge of, an appalling number of other 
 murders, deadly explosions, and other barbari- 
 ties, all of which he alleged to have been com- 
 mitted at the instigation and under the direction 
 of officials in the Western Federation. Its Pre- 
 sident, Charles H. Moyer, its Secretary, W. D. 
 Haywood, and George A. Pettibone of its ex- 
 ecutive were especially implicated by Orchard’s 
 confession in the murder of Governor Steunen- 
 berg. These accused men were in Colorado at 
 the time, and there, on a requisition from the 
 Governor of Idaho, they were arrested on the 
 15th of February, 1906, and taken hurriedly to 
 Boise, having no opportunity to resist what was 
 claimed to be the illegal extradition. Subse- 
 quently, however, when the question was car- 
 ried from the Supreme Court of Idaho up to the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, the legal- 
 ity of the proceeding was affirmed by all of the 
 tribunals which reviewed it. 
 
 Intense feeling in labor circles was enlisted in 
 behalf of the accused chiefs of the Western Fed- 
 eration of Miners. Very generally their inno- 
 cence of the imputed crimes was believed, and 
 they were looked on as victims of an implacable 
 conspiracy, in which capitalists and politicians 
 were leagued, to hunt them to their death. 
 More than a year intervened between their arrest 
 and the trial of Haywood, who was the first to 
 be arraigned. This greatly exciting trial was 
 opened, at Boise City, the capital of Idaho, in 
 May, 1907, and was concluded on the 28th of 
 July, resulting in the acquittal of the accused. 
 Orchard’s testimony does not seem to have been 
 seriously shaken, otherwise than by the incred- 
 ible horrors of his story ; but corroborative evi- 
 dence was lacking, and nobody could trust a 
 witness whose moral irresponsibility was so plain 
 a fact. The announcement of the verdict of ac- 
 quittal was gladly received. It was followed at 
 once by the release of President Moyer on bail. 
 
 A. D. 1900-1909. — Labor Unions and Ori- 
 ental Immigration. See (in this vol.) Race 
 Problems : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1900-1909. — Study and treatment of 
 Industrial Problems by the National Civic 
 Federation. See Social Betterment: 
 United States. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Teamsters’ Strike in San 
 Francisco. See Municipal Government: 
 San Francisco. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — The unfortunate Strike of the 
 Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, and 
 Tin Plate Workers. — Its conflict with the 
 United States Steel Corporation. — Breaches 
 of Contract involved. — Failure. — A strike 
 which involved breaches of contract between 
 employes and employers, and which resulted 
 most unfortunately to those engaged in it, was 
 ordered in July, 1901, by the heads of the Na- 
 tional Amalgamated Association of Iron, Steel, 
 and Tin Plate Workers of the United States. As 
 in the case of the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902, 
 which is told of below, the circumstances of this 
 strike received a very thorough study and a very 
 clear exposition to the public, in an article from 
 the pen of Dr. Talcott Williams, published in 
 the American Review of Revieics for September, 
 1901, and what is stated here is drawn from that 
 article : 
 
 The industries concerned in what occurred had 
 been carried on for a considerable period under 
 conditions too complicated to be described in 
 this limited place. It must suffice to say that 
 there were union mills and non-union mills, and 
 also a third class, of “open” mills, in which 
 union and non-union men worked together. A 
 truce had sprung up during a period of pros- 
 perity in which, says Dr. Williams, “there had 
 come to be a quasi, only a quasi, general under- 
 standing that certain mills were to be considered 
 as union, certain as non-union, and certain as 
 ‘open.’” While “the trade was still divided 
 among hundreds of mill-owners,” the Amalga 
 mated Association of workers in them “equal- 
 ized conditions for all of them. It lifted wage 
 disputes out of the narrow mill atmosphere. It 
 forced all concerned to look at the trade as a 
 whole. It gave continuity and uniformity to 
 contracts for wages. It established standards of 
 wages ” — for union and non-union, both. But 
 when, in June, 1901, “the Amalgamated came 
 to its annual collective bargaining,” it had to 
 deal, not with numerous independent mill-own- 
 ers, but with the great consolidation of them 
 that had just occurred, in the formation of the 
 mammoth United States Steel Corporation. 
 
 • ‘ Two courses,” says Dr. Williams, 1 ‘ were open 
 to the president and officers and Advisory Coun- 
 cil of the Amalgamated. They might, after the 
 usual conference, for which its constitution pro- 
 vides, through a special committee, have signed 
 its ‘scale’ for the union mills in which its mem- 
 bership worked and wait for the social and po- 
 litical pressure of public opinion, as in 1900, to 
 force this new representative of capital — the 
 ‘ Trust’ — in its various forms to accept a col- 
 lective bargain for part of its mills, trusting to 
 events, the steady gravitation of skilled labor to 
 its ranks, and the greater economic efficiency of 
 the union — for uniess it is that it cannot survive 
 — to win a slow battle. Much depended for or 
 ganized labor all over the country in formally 
 committing the United States Steel Corporation,. 
 
 386 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 the greatest employer of labor on the planet, to 
 the recognition of a union scale as the best regu- 
 lator of wages, union and non-union. It looked 
 as if this waiting plan were adopted when the 
 scale was signed for one year to come, carrying 
 a new non-interruption clause, with the Ameri- 
 can Tin Plate Company. ... On the last day on 
 which the scale could be signed — June 29 — 
 and it generally is not signed before, the demand 
 was made that the scale should be signed for all 
 [of certain] non-union mills. The advance in 
 wages asked was conceded. Mr. Persifor F. 
 Smith, for the company, offered to sign for 
 twenty-one mills accepted in the past as union. 
 President Shaffer refused to sign for any, unless 
 all were accepted as union. Mr. Smith refused 
 to sign for mills non-union in the past, and 
 claimed that two, Salzburg and Old Meadow, 
 hitherto union, had abandoned the organization, 
 a position later conceded. The issue raised was 
 whether the change from individual to collective 
 bargaining could be required under penalty of a 
 strike, not only in the mills in question, but in 
 all the mills of the company. The men involved 
 had a right to require a collective bargain for as 
 many as they chose to include. The company 
 had its right, equally, to decide where it would 
 have individual and where collective bargain- 
 ing. . . . 
 
 “ The Amalgamated was . . . strong, until it 
 struck. Its demand for wages and hours were all 
 accepted. It had been allowed to organize lodges 
 in various non-union mills, after the corporation 
 had bought them, where before it was excluded. 
 When it attempted, on its own demand and in- 
 stance, to change the status of these mills and 
 act for their labor, it proved right in its claim 
 that the men wished to be union in four out of 
 five of the steel hoop mills and wrong in five 
 out of the seven mills claimed in the Sheet Steel 
 Company. Each contestant claimed more than 
 it could control. A compromise was in order. 
 A compromise was offered. Twelve mills in all 
 were in dispute. The corporation offered four. 
 The Amalgamated demanded all or none. . . . 
 A strike was ordered July 15, and the American 
 Tin Plate Company men broke their year’s con- 
 tract of a fortnight before.” 
 
 The strike was “circumscribed at first by 
 members of the Amalgamated in the Federal 
 Steel Company plants at Chicago, Joliet, and 
 Milwaukee refusing to break their contracts 
 and strike. Here, the membership of the Amal- 
 gamated was less than a tenth of the whole 
 number involved. It is not over this propor- 
 tion in the general body of men on the pay-roll 
 of the United States Steel Corporation. The 
 proportion in union mills varies. In none does 
 it include all. In some, those without its mem- 
 bership are a small fraction, in others, more 
 than half. By the men of the National Steel 
 Company and the National Tube Company, an- 
 nual contracts were broken, sacrificing the an- 
 nual collective bargain.” 
 
 “Nothing can be accomplished for labor, 
 even that tenth share of it organized in the 
 Amalgamated, until this share has learned that 
 contracts must be kept and the line drawn be- 
 tween wages and business control. The success- 
 ful efforts of the Amalgamated to induce its 
 members to break their contracts, first in the 
 tin works and later at various works in the 
 Federal Steel Company, has deepened the con- 
 
 viction among business men and the public that 
 men in the union cannot be trusted to keep 
 promises; and until this trust is possible, no- 
 thing is possible.” 
 
 The strike failed in its objects completely, 
 and came to an end on the 14th of September, 
 having lasted sixty-one days. Under the agree- 
 ment which then terminated it, the union mills 
 which the Amalgamated Association had been 
 able to keep closed were recognized as being 
 within its sphere, but no provision could be 
 made for the displaced union men of mills 
 which had been wholly or partly reopened dur- 
 ing the progress of the strike, and large bodies 
 of the strikers were left to seek employment 
 where they could. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Remarkable Conference on 
 the Peaceful Settlement of Labor Disputes, 
 under the auspices of the National Civic 
 Federation. — Appointment of a Committee 
 of Conciliation. — In January, 1902, a remark- 
 able conference, to discuss the relations between 
 labor and capital and to seek means for the 
 peaceable settlement of industrial disputes, was 
 held in New York, under the auspices of the 
 National Civic Federation. Notable men of all 
 professions, of high circles in business, of high 
 leadership in trade unions, and of high official 
 positions, came together, with the Hon. Oscar 
 S. Straus presiding, and held frank and free 
 talk on a subject which concerned them all in 
 the greatest possible degree. The main practi- 
 cal result of the Conference was the appoint- 
 ment of a powerful standing Committee, to act 
 for the Civic Confederation as an agency of con- 
 ciliation and intermediation between the parties 
 in industrial disputes. The Committee, which 
 has exercised its good offices many times since, 
 not always with success, but always with an 
 influence that must be of growing effect, wa3 
 appointed as follows : 
 
 On Behalf of the Public. — Grover Cleveland ; 
 Cornelius N. Bliss ; Charles Francis Adams ; 
 Archbishop John Ireland ; Bishop Henry C. 
 Potter ; Charles W. Eliot, president of Harvard 
 University ; Franklin MacYeagh, Chicago ; 
 James H. Eckels; John J. McCook; John G. 
 Milburn, Buffalo; Charles J. Bonaparte, Bal- 
 timore ; Oscar S. Straus ; Ralph M. Easley. 
 
 Representatives of Organized Labor. — 
 Samuel Gompers, president of the American 
 Federation of Labor; John Mitchell, president 
 of the United Mine Workers; F. P. Sargent, 
 grand master of the Brotherhood of Locomotive 
 Firemen ; T. J. Shaffer, president of the Amal- 
 gamated Association of Iron, Steel, and Tin 
 Workers; James Duncan, secretary of the Gran- 
 ite Cutters’ Association ; Daniel J. Keefe, presi- 
 dent of the International Association of ’Long- 
 shoremen ; Martin Fox, president of the National 
 Iron Molders’ Union ; James E. Lynch, presi- 
 dent of the International Typographical Union ; 
 Edward E. Clarke, grand conductor, Brother- 
 hood of Railway Conductors ; Henry White, 
 secretary of the Garment Workers of America ; 
 Walter Mac Arthur, editor of the Coast Seamen's 
 Journal , San Francisco; James O’Connell, presi- 
 dent of the International Association of Machin- 
 ists. 
 
 Representative Employers. — Senator Mar- 
 cus A. Hanna, Cleveland ; Charles M. Schwab, 
 president of the United States Steel Corpora- 
 tion ; S. R. Callaway, American Locomotive 
 
 387 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 Works; Charles Moore, president of the Na- 
 tional Tool Company; J. D. Rockefeller, Jr. ; H. 
 H. Vreeland, Metropolitan Street Railway Com- 
 pany ; Lewis Nixon, Crescent Shipyard, Eliza- 
 bethport, N. J. ; James A. Chambers, president 
 of the American Glass Company, Pittsburg, 
 Pa. ; William H. Pf abler, president of the Na- 
 tional Association of Stove Manufacturers, 
 Philadelphia, Pa. ; E. P. Ripley, president of 
 the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway ; 
 Marcus M. Marks, president of the National 
 Association of Clothing Manufacturers ; J. 
 Kruttschnitt, president of the Southern Pacific 
 Railway Company. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1903. — The Great Strike of 
 Anthracite Coal Miners. — Distress and 
 Alarm in the Country.. — Intermediation of 
 President Roosevelt. — Arrogant Attitude of 
 Mine-owning Interests. — Final submission 
 to Arbitration Commission appointed by the 
 President. — Award of the Commission. — A 
 prolonged general strike of miners in the anthra- 
 cite coal fields of Pennsylvania, beginning in 
 May, 1902, was one of the most serious in its 
 public effects and the most alarming that has 
 ever occurred in the United States. It may be 
 said to have had its origin in a previous strike 
 that came about in the fall of 1900, resulting from 
 which the miners had obtained an advance in 
 wages of ten per cent. That increase was guar- 
 anteed until the 1st of April, 1901. In the in- 
 terval Mr. John Mitchell, the able and much re- 
 spected President of the United Mine Workers 
 of America, strove to secure from the railway 
 magnates who are the masters of the anthracite 
 coal property and trade some recognized right on 
 the part of the miners as a body to discuss and 
 arrange the terms and conditions of their work. 
 The rebuffs that he met with were near to caus- 
 ing another strike in the spring ; but some pow- 
 erful influences were brought to bear, it was said, 
 by New York financiers, which patched up a 
 truce for the ensuing year. The ten per cent in- 
 crease of wages was continued for that further 
 period, and the miners, in some way, rightly or 
 wrongly, acquired an idea that the next year 
 was to bring about an arrangement of free and 
 fair representative conferences between their 
 union and the union of mine-owners and opera- 
 tives, like that which had been established in the 
 bituminous coal regions. In this expectation 
 they were wholly disappointed when the year 
 came to its end, as it did on the 1st of April, 
 1902. 
 
 The National Civic Federation, in which every 
 great social interest, of capital, labor, politics, 
 education, religion, philanthropy, is splendidly 
 represented, intervened in the disputes which 
 followed, and brought about some meetings 
 on the subject; but the capitalist side of the 
 controversy was entrenched in its determina- 
 tion to give no recognition to any union of 
 miners, and to refuse an arbitration of the dis- 
 pute, while the miners were provoked to the 
 making of larger demands than they might have 
 insisted upon, probably, if they had been differ- 
 ently met. By a small majority of the delegates 
 to a convention held in May the miners voted 
 to strike — against the judgment of President 
 Mitchell it is said — and work in the mines 
 was stopped about the middle of the month. 
 
 On both sides of the conflict there were real 
 difficulties in the way of approach to a common 
 
 ground of negotiation. These were fairly set 
 forth by Dr. Talcott Williams, of the Philadel- 
 phia Press, in The Review of Reviews for July, 
 1902. On the side of the anthracite railroad 
 managers and mine operators he pointed to the 
 fact that they were “ under a grinding competi- 
 tion with bituminous coal. To accept a union 
 of United Mine Workers of America, in which 
 the bituminous workers were two to one, was, 
 they believed, to render it certain that on most 
 issues the management of the union would keep 
 bituminous mines busy rather than anthracite.” 
 Further to the fact that “anthracite mining 
 varies greatly from mine to mine, and a uniform 
 ‘ scale,’ as in bituminous mines, is difficult.” 
 But, said he, “ it cannot be impracticable, for 
 veins as narrow, tortuous and varying are mined 
 under a ‘scale' in England.” As for difficul- 
 ties of concession on the part of the mine-work- 
 ers, this just analyzer of the conflict described 
 their division into three classes having different 
 and unequal footings in the industry. These 
 were the miners who break out or detach the 
 coal in the mines ; the laborers whom the miners 
 employ to load and remove what the latter de- 
 tach ; and, finally, the men employed as mine 
 bosses and to operate engines and pumps. The 
 miners are paid for the quantity taken out ; the 
 laborers (who aspire to become miners) receive 
 wages for a ten hours day ; the bosses and engi- 
 neers are employed by the year and have con- 
 tinuous work, because the pumps cannot be 
 stopped, whether mining goes on or not. These 
 three interests must be consolidated in a union 
 of the mine-workers if it is to have any effect- 
 ive strength ; and this raises knotty problems 
 among them. The attitude of the railroad 
 managers and operators had prevented such a 
 consolidation, with bad results, in Dr. Williams’s 
 opinion. As he summed up the situation, it 
 was this : “Had the miners’ union in the past 
 eighteen months exerted the rigid discipline 
 of big well-managed unions, prevented small 
 strikes, and worked for a cheap output, it might 
 have divided capital. But it had not been ‘ re- 
 cognized.’ Therefore, its control was often 
 loose. Local unions irritated local operators. 
 In the Reading mines, the proportion of coal 
 mined per miner fell one-eighth. It is part of a 
 bad system of over- manned mines under which 
 miners try to distribute work. Output was re- 
 duced and wages increased. The result was 
 that the miners were without the responsible 
 control of a big union, and the railroad man- 
 agers and operators irritated by small strikes 
 and ready for a fight.” 
 
 In his conclusions this well-informed critic 
 of the situation justified the public feeling of 
 the time which held the capitalists of the con- 
 troversy more accountable than the laborers for 
 the loss and suffering inflicted on the country. 
 He closed his article with these words: 
 
 “Under competition, the anthracite plant is 
 one-half larger in mines and one-half greater in 
 labor than the utmost demand of the public. 
 Two-thirds of the mines and two-thirds of the 
 men, run more regularly and systematically, 
 could in spite of the lack of demand in summer, 
 produce the coal cheaper and more profitably, 
 and at a higher individual aggregate average, 
 even if at a lower per diem or per ton than the 
 present system. What the anthracite coal in- 
 dustry really needs is a reorganization like that 
 
 388 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 after tlie London dock strike of 1889, reducing 
 the number of men but increasing work for 
 each. As it is, men who prefer working all 
 the year to working two-thirds of the year, and 
 often half a day at that, have, by a natural 
 elimination, been weeded out steadily, and have 
 left a large share of men, bred to a habit of 
 irregular work and short hours. This one fact 
 is at the bottom of much fitful irregularity in 
 the mines. 
 
 “The railroad managers, holding public fran- 
 chises weighted by public responsibilities, have 
 clearly no right, as they have all united in doing, 
 to refuse all compromise, conciliation, or adjust- 
 ment, and simply stop work, letting the public 
 pay the cost in higher coal. They are bound 
 either to reach an adjustment themselves, to let 
 some one else reach one for them, or to reorgan- 
 ize the whole industry on a basis which will 
 reduce the material and moral waste of the 
 present system, where poor mines are worked 
 and men are one-third of the year idle even in a 
 prosperous year.” 
 
 The powers which controlled the mines did 
 not, however, see their duty to the public in 
 this light, and the strike went on. Before the 
 summer ended the pinch of scarcity in the sup- 
 ply of fuel to the country was being felt widely, 
 in most industries and in domestic life. The 
 pinch increased, and the price of coal went 
 higher as cold weather came on. Control of the 
 rougher elements among the miners and mine 
 laborers was lost by their leaders, and rioting 
 broke out, with dark outrages of crime, calling 
 for a strenuous employment of militia and po- 
 lice. There were threatenings, too, of a sympa- 
 thetic strike of bituminous miners, which might 
 easily produce a fuel famine of frightful effect ; 
 but President Mitchell and other intelligent 
 leaders succeeded in persuading the miners of 
 the bituminous district that their best help to 
 the anthracite unions was by adhering to their 
 yearly contract and continuing the work which 
 enabled them to contribute funds to the support 
 of the existing strike. In August they were re- 
 ported to be sending to the idle anthracite men 
 no less than $130,000 a week. With this and 
 other help these seemed likely to maintain their 
 stand for months. By the first of October the 
 supply of anthracite coal was so meagre that 
 “factory managers were put to their wits’ end to 
 get fuel enough at $15 or $20 a ton to keep their 
 machinery running ; whereas, in normal times, 
 their supplies had cost perhaps $3 a ton. The 
 great majority of the retail coal dealers were 
 entirely sold out, and for the poor who were 
 obliged to buy in small quantities the price had 
 reached a cent a pound, or even more, with 
 prospect of a total cessation of the anthracite 
 supply. Soft coal was being largely substituted 
 for hard coal; but it also, in the East, had ad- 
 vanced 300 or 400 per cent, in price, and it was 
 not well adapted for chimneys, furnaces, stoves 
 and grates that had been constructed for anthra- 
 cite. Furthermore, the cessation of anthracite 
 mining during that half of the year in which 
 the bulk of the winter’s supply is produced had 
 created a situation of scarcity that could not 
 have been wholly overtaken by the utmost effort 
 to substitute the bituminous article.” 
 
 The situation was now so grave that the whole 
 country was demanding an intervention of gov- 
 ernment by some means to end the obstinate dis- 
 
 pute. The Federal Executive could find no 
 legal authority to act; but President Roosevelt 
 determined to bring the prestige and weight of 
 his high office and of his vigorous personality 
 into an exercise of persuasive influence in the 
 case. He invited the representatives of both 
 parties in the conflict to meet him, and the meet- 
 ing took place October 3d. In opening a dis- 
 cussion of the subject he disclaimed any right 
 or duty to intervene between them on legal 
 grounds, but said that “the urgency and the 
 terrible nature of the catastrophe impending 
 over a large portion of our people ” had impelled 
 him to think it incumbent on him to use such 
 influence as he could to “ bring to an end a situ- 
 ation which has become literally intolerable.” 
 “With all the earnestness that is in me,” he 
 pleaded, “ I ask that there be an immediate re- 
 sumption of operations in the coal mines in some 
 such way as will, without a day’s unnecessary 
 delay, meet the crying needs of the people. I 
 do not invite a discussion of your respective 
 claims and positions. I appeal to your patriot- 
 ism, to the spirit that sinks personal considera- 
 tions and makes individual sacrifices for the gen- 
 eral good.” Mr. Mitchell then spoke briefly, 
 saying that he and his associates did not feel 
 that they were responsible for “this terrible 
 state of affairs”; and he made the following 
 proposition ; “We are willing to meet the gen- 
 tlemen representing the coal operators to try to 
 adjust our differences among ourselves. If we 
 cannot adjust them that way, Mr. President, we 
 are willing that you shall name a tribunal who 
 shall’determine the issues that have resulted in 
 the strike ; and if the gentlemen representing 
 the operators will accept the award or decision 
 of such a tribunal, the miners will willingly ac- 
 cept it, even if it is against their claims.” 
 
 To say that the President’s appeal and Mr. 
 Mitchell’s proposal of arbitration had an arro- 
 gant response from the chiefs of the coal mo- 
 nopoly is to speak mildly of the spirit and 
 language of their replies. “I now ask you,” 
 said one of them, “ to perform the duties vested 
 in you as President of these United States and 
 to at once squelch the anarchistic condition of 
 affairs in the coal region by the strong arm of 
 the military at your command.” “The duty 
 of the hour,” cried another dictatorially, “is not 
 to waste time negotiating with the fomenters of 
 this anarchy and insolent defiance of law, but 
 to do as was done in the War of the Rebellion 
 — restore the majesty of the law.” With one 
 consent they rejected the proposal of arbitration 
 with scornful defiance, and the meeting broke 
 up without result. 
 
 But, behind the men in immediate command 
 of the railway and the mining companies there 
 was a bigger-brained financial power that 
 could comprehend, as they could not, the reck- 
 lessness of so arrogant a challenge, which went 
 straight past the miners and the President of 
 the United States to a suffering public. As the 
 captain of that force, Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan 
 took the business in hand, and, after a confer- 
 ence with Secretary Root and some talk with 
 railway presidents, brought the latter to a dif- 
 ferent state of mind. On the 13th of October 
 he went to Washington with the proposal of a 
 Commission, to be appointed by the President, 
 to which the companies were willing that “all 
 questions between the respective companies and 
 
 389 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 their own employes” should be referred. “The 
 Commission to be constituted as follows: (1) An 
 officer of the Engineer Corps of either the mili- 
 tary or naval service of the United States; (2) 
 an expert mining engineer, experienced in the 
 mining of coal and other minerals, and not in 
 any way connected with coal-mining proper- 
 ties, either anthracite or bituminous; (3) one of 
 the judges of the United States courts of the 
 Eastern District of Pennsylvania ; (4) a man of 
 prominence, eminent as a sociologist ; (5) a man 
 who by active participation in mining and sell- 
 ing coal is familiar with the physical and com- 
 mercial features of the business.” There were 
 added the stipulations that upon the constitu- 
 tion of such Commission the miners should re- 
 turn to work and “cease all interference with 
 and persecution of any non-union men who are 
 working or shall hereafter work,” and that the 
 Commission’s findings should govern the condi- 
 tions of employment between the respective 
 companies and their own employees for a term 
 of at least three years. On this basis, with 
 some modifications, an agreement with Mr. 
 Mitchell, acting for the miners, was arrived at, 
 and the appointment of the Commission, named 
 as follows, was announced on the 16tli : 
 
 Brig. Gen. John M. Wilson, U. S. A., retired 
 (late Chief of Engineers), Washington, D. C., 
 “ as an officer of the Engineer Corps.” 
 
 Edward Wheeler Parker, Washington, D. C., 
 chief statistician of the coal division of the Geo- 
 logical Survey, and editor of the Engineering 
 and Mining Journal; “as an expert mining 
 engineer.” 
 
 Hon. George Gray, Wilmington, Del., “as a 
 Judge of a United States Court.” 
 
 Edgar E. Clark, Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Grand 
 Chief of the Order of Railway Conductors, ‘ ‘ as 
 a sociologist, the President assuming that for 
 the purpose of such a Commission the term 
 sociologist means a man who has thought and 
 studied deeply on social questions and has 
 practically applied his knowledge.” 
 
 Thomas H. Watkins, Scranton, Pa., “as a man 
 practically acquainted with the mining and sell- 
 ing of coal.” 
 
 Bishop John L. Spalding, Peoria, 111. (The 
 President added the Bishop’s name to the Com- 
 mission.) 
 
 Carroll D. Wright, Commissioner of Labor; 
 appointed Recorder of the Commission. 
 
 Mr. Mitchell’s acceptance of the plan of settle- 
 ment, as finally worked out by the President, 
 was ratified by a miners ’ convention at Wilkes- 
 barre, and the strike was declared at an end 
 October 21st. The Arbitration Commission 
 was organized at the White House on the 24tli, 
 under the presidency of Judge Gray. Carroll D. 
 Wright, appointed originally as recorder of the 
 Commission, was added as a seventh member to 
 the board, all parties consenting. Public hear- 
 ings by the Commission were opened at Scranton 
 on the 14tli of November, President Mitchell be- 
 ing the first witness, under cross-examination by 
 railway attorneys for five days. The investiga- 
 tion was laborious and long, and it was not until 
 the 21st of March, 1903, that the award of the 
 Commission was made. The following summary 
 of its important decisions is derived from an ex- 
 position of it by Walter E. Weyl, Pli. D., in The 
 Review of Reviews for April, 1903: “ There were 
 four demands of the miners, — namely, for an 
 
 increase of pay, a decrease in hours, the weigh- 
 ing of coal where practicable, and the recogni- 
 tion of the union. The first two demands of 
 the miners have been compromised, the miners 
 receiving over half of the increase demanded ; 
 the third demand was refused, but the condi- 
 tions reformed ; while for the fourth demand, 
 the men secured practically what they desired, 
 although formal recognition was denied them. 
 
 “ At the beginning of the hearings, the com- 
 mission decided that any increase in the rate of 
 pay, or any decrease in the hours, should be re- 
 troactive, and be effective from the first day of 
 November. There would have been difficulty in 
 carrying out this plan, however, especially in 
 the case of a reduction in hours, and in substi- 
 tution therefor the commission provided for a 
 10 per cent, increase in all wages of all em- 
 ployees during the five months of investigation, 
 from November 1, 1902, to April 1, 1903. . . . 
 With regard to future wages and future hours 
 of labor, the commission has adopted the plan 
 of awarding increases for the various classes of 
 employees and making this increased wage the 
 minimum of a sliding scale. In other words, 
 during the three years from April 1, 1903, to 
 April 1, 1906, wages may not fall below the in- 
 creased scale now awarded, no matter what the 
 price of coal may be, but must rise above that 
 rate in case the price of coal advances. The 
 contract miners asked for an increase of 20 per 
 cent., and have received a minimum of 10 per 
 cent.” The engineers hoisting water and the 
 firemen were awarded the reduction in hours 
 that they asked for, from twelve to eight, with- 
 out reduced pay. Other engineers and pump 
 men who asked the same received a five per cent, 
 increase of pay with a reduction of working 
 days per week from seven to six. The work day 
 of men paid by the day was cut down from ten 
 hours to nine. “ These wages, however, are not 
 necessarily the wages which will prevail, but 
 merely the irreducible minimum of wages dur- 
 ing the next three years. It was suggested by 
 Mr. Baer that a sliding scale should be adopted, 
 and that the wages of all mine workers should 
 not fall below what they were in April, 1902, 
 but should be increased by one per cent, for 
 every five cents increase in the price of the large 
 sizes of coal in New York City. ” This seems to 
 have made part of the award. 
 
 “ The commission says that it does not consider 
 the question of recognition within the scope of 
 the jurisdiction conferred upon it, although it 
 states that ‘ the suggestion of a working agree- 
 ment between employees and employers em- 
 bodying the doctrine of collective bargaining is 
 one which the commission believes contains 
 many hopeful elements for the adjustment of re- 
 lations in the mining region.’ This concession, 
 however, is qualified by the statement that ‘ the 
 present constitution of the United Mine Workers 
 of America does not present the most inviting 
 inducements to the operators to enter into con- 
 tractual relations with it.’ Notwithstanding its 
 disclaimer of jurisdiction, however, the Anthra- 
 cite Coal Strike Commission has in practical ef- 
 fect compelled the operators to grant to the union 
 full, plenary, and distinct recognition. The re- 
 cognition of the United Mine Workers is clearly 
 indicated by the language of the award. Section 
 4 provides that ‘ Any difficulty or disagreement 
 arising under this award, either as to its inter- 
 
 390 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 pretation or application, or in any way growing 
 out of the relations of the employees and em- 
 ployers, which cannot be settled or adjusted 
 by conciliation between the superintendents or 
 managers of the mine or mines and the miner 
 or miners directly interested, or is of a scope 
 too large to be settled or adjusted, shall be re- 
 ferred to a board of conciliation, to consist of 
 six persons, appointed as hereinafter provided. 
 That is to say, if there shall be a division of 
 the whole region into three districts, in each of 
 which there shall exist an organization represent- 
 ing a majority of the mine workers of such dis- 
 trict, one member of said board of conciliation 
 shall be appointed by each of said organizations, 
 and three other persons shall be appointed by the 
 operators, the operators of said district appoint- 
 ing one person.’ The award of this board of 
 conciliation shall be final, and in case of dispute 
 the matter shall be referred to an umpire ap- 
 pointed by one of the Circuit judges of the Third 
 Judicial Circuit of the United States. There 
 could be no clearer, no more definite, recogni- 
 tion of the union than is herein provided.” 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1909 . — The National Farmers’ 
 Union and the American Society of Equity. 
 — A history of the Farmers’ National Union 
 has been written by its President, Charles 
 Simon Barrett, from whose narrative the fol- 
 lowing account is drawn. It is quoted here 
 from the National Civic Federation, Review. 
 
 “In the little town of Emory, Texas, in the 
 year 1902, ten men met together at various 
 times and discussed the methods of formulating 
 rules and plans by which the laboring masses 
 might be allowed a voice in the pricing of their 
 farm products. From this meeting of a few 
 plain men the Texas Union was formed. 
 Credit as the founder of the Farmers’ Union is 
 given to Newt. Gresham, of Texas, an indefati- 
 gable worker for the good of farmers, who was 
 long identified with the Farmers’ Alliance as 
 one of the organizers of that association. 
 
 “From local and State unions the organiza- 
 tion has grown to be a national union, holding 
 annual conventions and gathering into its fold 
 an aggregation of between two and three mil- 
 lion members. 
 
 “The most striking feature of this great or- 
 ganization is the fact that its membership is 
 made up of employers and employes. No line 
 is drawn separating the farm owner, operator 
 or laborer, but all are received in the Farmers’ 
 Union on one broad platform of mutual aims 
 and interests. Recognizing that the good of all 
 is the good of the individual, the Farmers’ 
 Union, in democratic fashion, labors for the 
 greatest good for the greatest number. 
 
 “The Farmers’ Union works along the most 
 practical lines. There have been four great 
 national meetings, the first being held in Texar- 
 kana in 1905, and the convention of 1906 at the 
 same place ; in 1907 the national meeting was 
 at Little Rock, Arkansas, and in 1908 at Fort 
 Worth, Texas, where President Gompers ap- 
 peared. Besides the annual meetings of the 
 National Union several important conventions 
 have been held : one in January, 1907, in At- 
 lanta, Georgia, was called as a grand national 
 rally. At Memphis, Tennessee, the same year, 
 a convention of the Farmers’ Union was held 
 for the purpose of devising ways and means by 
 which the cotton then held by the membership 
 
 of the Union might be sold advantageously. 
 At New Orleans, 1908, another cotton growers' 
 meeting was held, and at Topeka, Kansas, and 
 Atlanta, Georgia, very important meetings 
 were arranged between the cotton spinners and 
 growers of the South and representatives from 
 many English and continental cotton mills of 
 Europe. 
 
 “The purpose and principles of the Farmers’ 
 Union, as enunciated in its constitution, afford 
 material for an interesting study. It declares 
 the following purposes: ‘To establish justice. 
 To secure equity. To apply the Golden Rule. 
 To discourage the credit and mortgage system. 
 To assist members in buying and selling. To 
 encourage the agricultural class in scientific 
 farming. To teach farmers the classification of 
 crops, domestic economy and the process of 
 marketing. To systematize methods of produc- 
 tion and distribution. To eliminate gambling 
 in farm products by boards of trade, cotton ex- 
 changes and other speculators. To bring farm- 
 ers up to the standard of other industries and 
 business enterprises. To secure and maintain 
 profitable and uniform prices for grain, cotton, 
 live stock and other products of the farm. To 
 strive for harmony and good will among all 
 mankind and brotherly love among ourselves.’” 
 
 Another extensive organization of farmers 
 bears the name of the American Society of 
 Equity, which was reported in 1906, when it 
 weDt into alliance with the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor, to have a membership of 268,000. 
 This membership was scattered principally 
 throughout Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, Wis- 
 consin, Minnesota, and Nebraska, with some 
 members in Kansas, Oklahoma, and Michigan. 
 
 A.D. 1903 . — Establishment of the Depart- 
 ment of Commerce and Labor in the Federal 
 Government. See (inthisvol.) United States; 
 A. D. 1903 (Feb.). 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — President Roosevelt on Com- 
 binations among Employees of the Govern- 
 ment. — “There is no objection to employees 
 of the Government forming or belonging to 
 unions ; but the Government can neither dis- 
 criminate for nor discriminate against nonunion 
 men who are in its employment, or who seek to 
 be employed under it. Moreover, it is a very 
 grave impropriety for Government employees 
 to band themselves together for the purpose of 
 extorting improperly high salaries from the 
 Government. Especially is this true of those 
 within the classified service. The letter car- 
 riers, both municipal and rural, are as a whole 
 an excellent body of public servants. They 
 should be amply paid. But their payment 
 must be obtained by arguing their claims fairly 
 and honorably before the Congress, and not by 
 banding together for the defeat of those Con- 
 gressmen who refuse to give promises which 
 they can not in conscience give. The Adminis- 
 tration has already taken steps to prevent and 
 punish abuses of this nature; but it will be wise 
 for the Congress to supplement this action by 
 legislation.” — President's Message to Congress, 
 Dec. 16, 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — Long unsuccessful 
 Strike of Operators in the Fall River Cotton 
 Mills. — From July 25, 1904, until January 18, 
 1905, about 25,000 workers in the Cotton Mills 
 of Fall River, Massachusetts, were idle, and 
 seventy -two mills were substantially out of busi- 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 ness, as the consequence of a reduction of wages 
 which the operatives would not consent to. 
 Great suffering among the men and women con- 
 cerned was said to have been endured. It was 
 through the mediation of Governor Douglas 
 that a settlement was finally brought about, the 
 work people submitting to the reduced wages, 
 but having the promise of some increase later 
 on, if an independent examination of the books 
 of the mill companies should show a certain 
 stipulated percentage of profit. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (April-July). — Strike of the 
 Teamsters’ Union at Chicago. — One of the 
 most violently conducted strikes that has ever 
 occurred in the United States was brought on at 
 Chicago, in the spring of 1905, by an attempt 
 of the Teamsters’ Union in that city to give sym- 
 pathetic support to a strike of the Garment 
 Workers Union. The latter selected for special 
 attack the firm of Montgomery Ward & Co., 
 which carries on an enormous mail-order busi- 
 ness, selling goods of all descriptions through 
 no agencies, but dealing directly with customers 
 in small towns and rural districts throughout 
 the country. This company employed few gar- 
 ment workers relatively: but, probably because 
 the magnitude and diversity of its shipments 
 made it particularly vulnerable to such an attack, 
 the teamsters began their undertaking by refus- 
 ing to move its wagons or goods. From this the 
 movement spread, as teamsters refusing to de- 
 liver goods to Montgomery Ward & Co. were 
 discharged, and the concerns discharging them 
 were boycotted in turn. Presently business in 
 Chicago, to a large extent, was brought to a 
 stand-still. The membership of the Teamsters’ 
 Union in the city was said to exceed 35,000, and 
 4000 were estimated to be on strike at the end of 
 the first week in May. From this time the heat 
 of passion in the conflict rose fast. An Employers’ 
 Teaming Association was organized, and the 
 business interests of Chicago showed readiness 
 to fight the striking union to a finish. Fierce 
 attacks were made on the non-union teamsters 
 brought into the work, but they seem to have 
 been well defended by the police. In a hundred 
 ways the whole city was divided into factions 
 and deplorably disturbed. Children refused to 
 attend schools which received coal from boy- 
 cotted companies or wagons; and arrests of both 
 children and parents were necessary to enforce 
 the compulsory education laws. 
 
 While the strike was in its earlier weeks, Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt visited Chicago, and was called 
 on by the President of the Teamsters’ Union, 
 Mr. Shea, who protested against a supposed de- 
 sign to call Federal troops to the city. In reply 
 to him the President said : “I have not been 
 
 called upon to interfere in any way, but you 
 must not misunderstand my attitude. In every 
 effort of Mayor Dunne to prevent violence by 
 mobs or individuals, to see that the laws are 
 obeyed and that order is preserved, he lias the 
 hearty support of the President of the United 
 States — and in my judgment he should have 
 that of every good citizen of the United States. 
 ... I am a believer in unions. I am an hon- 
 orary member of one union. But the union 
 must obey the law, just as the corporation must 
 obey the law ; just as every man, rich or poor, 
 must obey the law. As yet no action whatever 
 has been called for by me, and most certainly if 
 action is called for by me I shall try to do exact 
 
 justice under the law to every man, so far as I 
 have power. But the first essential is the pre- 
 servation of law and order, the suppression of 
 violence by mobs or individuals.” 
 
 At a banquet the same evening the President 
 recurred to the subject and added, with fine 
 emphasis : “ This Government is not and never 
 shall be the government of a plutocracy. This 
 Government is not and never shall be the gov- 
 ernment of a mob.” Those immediately respon- 
 sible for dealing with a local situation, the Presi- 
 dent said, must first exhaust every effort before 
 a call is made upon any outside body. “But,” 
 he added, “if ever the need arises, back of the 
 city stands the State, and back of the State 
 stands the Nation.” 
 
 Chicago kept the conflict within itself, fight- 
 ing it out through 105 days. It ended in the 
 unconditional defeat of the Teamsters’ Union, 
 which called off the strike on the 20th of July. 
 It was followed by a grand jury investigation 
 of charges which each side had hurled freely 
 against the other, of blackmail attempts by one, 
 of bribery and attempted bribery by the other. 
 The evidence obtained left little doubt that la- 
 bor-leaders had extorted money for the preven- 
 tion of strikes, and that business men had paid 
 for exemption from trouble. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Suspension of Coal Mining, 
 both Anthracite and Bituminous, throughout 
 the Country. — Final Agreement for Three 
 Coming Years. — On the 31st of March, 1906, 
 the agreements between mine owners and miners 
 under which the latter had been working, in 
 the bituminous mines for two years and in the 
 anthracite for three, expired, and agreements 
 for the future working had not been arrived at 
 in either case. Miners in the bituminous field 
 had accepted a wage reduction of five and a half 
 per cent, in 1904, and now wanted it restored. 
 Part of the mine owners, in Western Pennsyl- 
 vania, were willing to concede it ; others, in the 
 more western States, stood out against them. 
 In the anthracite field there was also a question 
 of wages between miners and operators, and 
 both sides offered arbitration, but differed as 
 to the point to be submitted. The miners 
 claimed arbitration of the general question of 
 wages and conditions in the mines; the operators 
 maintained that those had been adjudicated by 
 the arbitration of 1903, and that the only proper 
 question now was whether any change in condi- 
 tions had occurred which called for a readjust- 
 ment. That question they would submit to at 
 least a majority of the members of the former 
 Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, or they 
 would agree that the awards made in 1903 by 
 that Commission “and the principles upon 
 which they were established by the Commission, 
 and the methods established for carrying out 
 their awards, shall be continued for and during 
 the further term of three years from the first 
 day of April, 1906.” 
 
 The 1st of April found these disagreements 
 still existing, and coal mining, both anthracite 
 and bituminous, was generally suspended 
 throughout the United States. More than 300,- 
 000 miners, on the whole, stopped work. In the 
 anthracite field the suspension of work lasted 
 until the 10th of May, when it was resumed 
 under an agreement which continued for another 
 three years (until March 31, 1909) the award of 
 1903. During the forty days of idleness there 
 
 392 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 were few disorders of any kind in this region. In 
 the soft coal lields the suspension was more pro- 
 tracted. It was ended in different localities at 
 different times. Some mine owners, in several 
 States, made terms with their men at an early 
 day. Some kept their mines idle until the 
 middle of July. Serious disturbances and con- 
 flicts of rioters with police and militia occurred 
 in a number of States. At the end the miners had 
 won a restoration of the wages of 1904, but had 
 made concessions on other points of dispute 
 which differed in different States. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — President Roosevelt’s Found- 
 ation for the Promotion of Industrial Peace. 
 — President Roosevelt, having been awarded 
 the Nobel Prize of the year 1906 for his services 
 in the interest of international peace, devoted 
 the sum received, being somewhat more than 
 §40,000, to the creation of a fund “ the income 
 of which shall be expended for bringing together 
 in conference at the city of Washington, espe- 
 cially during the sessions of congress, represent- 
 atives of labor and capital for the purpose of 
 discussing industrial problems, with the view 
 of arriving at a better understanding between 
 employers and employes, and thus promoting 
 industrial peace.” To carry out this purpose, 
 an organization was incorporated by Act of 
 Congress, March 2, 1905, under the name of the 
 “ Foundation for the Promotion of Industrial 
 Peace,” with trustees named as follows: Chief 
 ,1 ustice Melville W. Fuller, president ; Seth Low 
 of New York, representing the general public, 
 treasurer ; John Mitchell of the United Mine 
 Workers of America, representing labor, secre- 
 tary ; Thomas G. Bush of Birmingham, Ala., 
 representing general public ; Marvin A. Hugh- 
 itt, representing capital, and Secretaries James 
 Wilson and Oscar Solomon Straus. Vacancies 
 in the board to be filled by the President of 
 the United States. The Trustees to pay over 
 the income of the Foundation, or such part as 
 they may apportion, to an Industrial Peace 
 Committee, of nine members, selected and ap- 
 pointed by the Trustees, “three members of this 
 committee to be representatives of labor, three 
 to be representatives of capital, each chosen for 
 distinguished services in the industrial world in 
 promoting righteous industrial peace, and three 
 members to represent the general public.” As 
 originally appointed, this Committee was made 
 up of the following persons: “Archbishop John 
 Ireland, Marcus M. Marks of New York, Ralph 
 M. Easley of New York, Elbert H. Gary, chair- 
 man finance committee United States Steel Cor- 
 poration; Lucius Tuttle, president of Boston & 
 Maine railroad ; J. Gunby Jordan of Columbus, 
 Ga. ; Samuel Gompers, president of the Ameri- 
 can Federation of Labor ; Daniel Keefe, pre- 
 sident of the Longshoremen’s association, and 
 Warren S. Stone, president International Bro- 
 therhood of Locomotive Engineers.” 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Abortive Strike of Telegra- 
 phers. — A widely organized and considerably 
 prolonged strike of American telegraph oper- 
 ators, in the fall of 1907, was made abortive by 
 the fact that the supply of men and women who 
 have some training for the ordinary work of 
 telegraphy is too large for a trade union to con- 
 trol the employment of it. The telegraphic ser- 
 vice was made very imperfect for some weeks, 
 and the public was subjected to much incon- 
 venience ; but the employing companies were 
 
 brought to no such straits as could be coercive. 
 The struggle of the operators was mainly for 
 the recognition of their union, to secure nego- 
 tiation with them as a body, for the adjusting 
 of some conditions of which they complained. 
 They suffered absolute defeat, and had to make 
 terms individually at the end. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April). — Threatened Railway 
 Strike averted by Federal Intermediation. — 
 A strike of trainmen and conductors on railways 
 west of Chicago which threatened to be very 
 serious was averted, in April, 1907, by the in- 
 termediation of the Chairman of the Interstate 
 Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of 
 Labor, acting in obedience to the Erdman Law, 
 so called, of 1898. Both parties to the dispute 
 made concessions. The employes withdrew 
 their demand for a nine-hour work day, and the 
 railway companies made an advance in wages 
 which was estimated to add over §5,000,000 to 
 the earnings of 50,000 men during the ensuing 
 year. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — The Work of the National 
 Civic Federation in Promotion of Trades 
 Agreements. — The following is from the an- 
 nual address of President Seth Low to the Na- 
 tional Civic Federation, at its annual meeting in 
 New York on the 14th of December, 1908. The 
 special subject of discussion at the meeting was 
 “The Trade Agreement,” on which Mr. Low 
 spoke in part as follows: 
 
 “It has been our good fortune during the 
 year to associate Mr. John Mitchell with the ac- 
 tive work of the Federation, as the Chairman of 
 its Trades Agreement Department. Mr. Mitchell 
 entered upon his duties on August 1, and we have 
 already had many opportunities to perceive the 
 advantage to our work likely to result from his 
 permanent connection with it. Through cor- 
 respondence with labor unions and with the em- 
 ployers who have trade agreements with labor 
 unions, he is building up an exceedingly strong 
 department, the influence of which ought to be 
 very helpfully felt in furthering the use of the 
 trade agreement as a means for promoting in- 
 dustrial peace and progress. 
 
 “ There are still some, though they are fewer 
 in number than they used to be, who maintain 
 that the relation of the employer to the employe 
 is an individual one, and who therefore will not 
 deal with men as members of an organization in 
 matters relating to their employment. I read in 
 the paper the other day that there are 89,000 
 stockholders in the Pennsylvania Railroad Com- 
 pany. No one contends that these people or- 
 ganize into a company in order to fight labor. 
 They organize because they have to in order to 
 work together, and, as a result of organizing, 
 they are represented in every use made of their 
 capital by their officers. Can any one seriously 
 contend that these 89,000 stockholders, speaking 
 through their officers, are justified in saying to 
 their 160,000 employes, ‘ We insist upon dealing 
 with you, man by man; we will not recognize 
 your organization. ’ Is it not rather clear, that 
 the 160,000 employes, so far as their interests 
 are common, must unite if they are to have any- 
 thing at all to say as to the conditions upon 
 which they will work, and, if they unite, they 
 must have an organization and they must be 
 represented by their officers ? . . . 
 
 “Take another illustration : The United 
 
 States Steel Corporation employs, in round 
 
 393 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 numbers, 200,000 men. Of this vast army of 
 workmen about 44,000, nearly all of them repre- 
 sentatives of organized labor, own stock in the 
 corporation. In their capacity as stockholders, 
 these 44,000 workmen are represented by the 
 officers of the corporation. Can it be contended 
 that they are any the less free, or have any less 
 right, to be represented, in their capacity as 
 workmen, by the chosen representatives of their 
 trade organization? And when the two attri- 
 butes of holding stock and taking employment 
 are thus united in the same persons, will any 
 one any longer contend that these men, as work- 
 men, organize for the purpose of antagonizing 
 themselves as capitalists? 
 
 “Now it is out of conditions that have pro- 
 duced a situation like this that the so-called 
 ‘trade agreement’ has sprung. In its simplest 
 statement, a trade agreement is an agreement 
 between organized stockholders and organized 
 workmen, both acting through their chosen 
 representatives, to determine, for the period of 
 the agreement, the general terms of employ- 
 ment of the various classes of workingmen 
 concerned. That each side tries to make the best 
 bargain it can, goes without saying. That con- 
 ditions favor sometimes one side and sometimes 
 the other is equally true. That each side tends, 
 when it has in its turn the upper hand, to push 
 the other too hard is not improbable. But just 
 as certainly as a pendulum, after swinging from 
 one side to the other, tends to rest in a position 
 of equilibrium, so such trade agreements tend 
 to relieve the trade to which they apply of the 
 extreme swing from conditions favoring capital 
 to conditions favoring labor, and vice versa , 
 which so often spells disaster to capital and 
 labor alike. In other words, trade agreements 
 that are revisable from time to time certainly 
 make for industrial peace, and they ought as 
 certainly to make for industrial progress. In the 
 meanwhile they are constantly educating every- 
 body concerned into a realization of the funda- 
 mental importance of keeping faith.” 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — The Question of In- 
 junctions in Labor Disputes. See (in this vol.) 
 Law and its Courts : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Union Boycottinga Vio- 
 lation of the Sherman Anti-Trust Law. — 
 The American Federation of Labor and the 
 Bucks Stove Company. — - Alleged Contempt 
 of Court by President Gompers and others. — 
 Early in 1908 the Supreme Court of the United 
 States gave final decision to a case in which the 
 Hatters’ Union and the American Federation of 
 Labor were proceeded against, for boycotting 
 the goods of a hat manufacturing firm which re- 
 fused to unionize its factory. As the plaintiffs 
 in the suit sold their hats in many States, the 
 boycott was alleged to be a combination in re- 
 straint of interstate commerce, and a violation, 
 therefore, of the anti-trust law. The United 
 States Circuit Court had dismissed the complaint, 
 and the Court of Appeals had affirmed its de- 
 cree; but the Supreme Court, by a unanimous 
 decision, overruled both. It held that the law 
 in question is violated by a combination to pre- 
 vent the sale of non-union articles in different 
 States. 
 
 [Under this decision, in a suit by the hat man- 
 ufacturing company against the Hatters’ Union 
 for damages, a jury at Hartford, Conn., on the 
 3d of February, 1910, awarded §74,000 to the 
 
 former. The Union has appealed from the 
 verdict.] 
 
 The attitude of law toward trade union boy- 
 cotting was exhibited a year later in another 
 more notable case, which arose from action taken 
 by the American Federation of Labor against 
 the Bucks Stove Company. In March 1907, the 
 Federation had proclaimed a boycott against 
 that company, advertising it in the official organ 
 of the Federation as one which “we don’t pa- 
 tronize,” and taking measures to prevent trades- 
 men from buying the company’s stoves. A suit 
 to enjoin this boycott was brought, and the 
 injunction was granted, in December, 1907, by 
 Judge Gould, of the Supreme Court of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia. The issuance of the injunc- 
 tion was made dependent, however, on the filing 
 of a bond by the plaintiff, to make good all 
 damages if the injunction should not finally be 
 sustained, and an interval of six days occurred 
 before the filing of the bond made the injunction 
 effective. In that interval, many copies of a 
 publication which the injunction would forbid 
 were sent out by mail from the headquarters of 
 the Federation, and more or less of these copies 
 reached their destination after the injunction be- 
 came of force. This proceeding, together with 
 various devices by which the officers of the 
 Federation had sought to evade the injunction, 
 through covert allusions to the boycott, became 
 the ground of a charge that the principal officers 
 of the Federation, Samuel Gompers, John 
 Mitchell, and Frank Morrison, had violated the 
 injunction and been guilty of contempt of 
 court. On this charge, in July, 1908, these offi- 
 cials were ordered to show cause, on the 8 th of 
 September following, why they should not be 
 punished for contempt. The case came then 
 before another judge, Daniel T. Wright, whose 
 judgment, rendered near the end of the year, 
 held them guilty of contempt and sentenced them 
 to imprisonment, severally, for one year, for nine 
 months and for six months. 
 
 Appeal from the injunction, meantime, had 
 been taken to the Court of Appeals of the Dis- 
 trict of Columbia, and there, on the 11th of 
 March, 1909, it received a modification which 
 seems, practically, to have extinguished the 
 contempt. The Court held that the decree 
 should be modified to the extent that it shall 
 only restrain the defendants from conspiring or 
 combining to boycott the business of the Bucks 
 Stove & Range Company or threatening or de- 
 claring any boycott or assisting therein, and 
 from printing the name of the complainant, its 
 business or product in the “ we don’t patronize ” 
 or “ unfair” list of defendants in furtherance of 
 any boycott. The court held that the defend- 
 ants cannot be restrained from all publications 
 referring to the Bucks company, but only such 
 as are made in furtherance of an illegal boy 
 cott. 
 
 On the appeal from the decree of the Court 
 which adjudged Gompers, Morrison, and Mitch- 
 ell to be guilty of contempt of court, the Dis- 
 trict Court of Appeals, on the 2d of November, 
 1909, affirmed that decree, and the sentence 
 of Judge Wright was thus in force. A stay 
 was given to it for a time, during which a writ 
 of certiorari was obtained from the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, which will review 
 the whole case, but not until October, 1910. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Expiration and Renewal of 
 
 394 
 
LABOR ORGANIZATION 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 the Three Year Agreement in the Anthracite 
 Coal Districts. — Report of the Conciliation 
 Board for the past Three Years. — Again, in 
 the spring of 1909, at the end of a three year 
 term of agreement (see above, A. D. 1906), the 
 anthracite coal miners and their employers were 
 in controversy over a renewal of the agreement. 
 The latter proffered a renewal, without change, 
 for another three years. The miners, in con- 
 vention, at Scranton, on March 23d and 24tli, 
 refused the offer unless the agreement should 
 be signed by them as members of the United 
 Mine Workers of America, recognizing their or- 
 ganization. In this they were upheld by the 
 new President of the United Mine Workers, 
 Thomas L. Lewis, successor to Mr. John Mitch- 
 ell, whose state of health had compelled him 
 to resign. The old agreement expired on the 
 31st of March, and nothing was formulated at 
 the time in its place, except a verbal under- 
 standing that, pending further conferences, the 
 miners would continue work on the former 
 terms. Later, however, it was stated that the 
 Board of Conciliation, created by the strike 
 commission of 1902, had been continued for a 
 further period of three years. 
 
 At the end of August, 1909, the Conciliation 
 Board published a report of the last three years 
 of its work, in the settling of differences be- 
 tween mine-workers and operators. Only 
 twenty-three grievances were presented to the 
 mediators between April 1, 1906, and April 1, 
 1909, as compared with 150 grievances in the 
 preceding three years. The volume issued 
 three years ago contained 336 pages. This year 
 only 69 pages are required to tell of the griev- 
 ances and settlement. A number of the griev- 
 ances covered in the new report were settled 
 out of court. Of the others, some were de- 
 cided in favor of the employees, some for the 
 employers. In three years only three griev- 
 ances had to be referred to an umpire. As the 
 purposes of the board have become more clearly 
 understood, a greater number of differences 
 have been settled without reaching the stage of 
 formal complaints. The members use their in- 
 fluence with the contestants to effect a compro- 
 mise, avoiding the delay occasioned by a formal 
 investigation. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May-June). — The Georgia 
 
 Railroad Strike. See (in this vol.) Race 
 Problems: United States: A. I). 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — Strike of Girls in the 
 Shirtwaist Trade at New York. — Its Social 
 Significance. — One of the most important of 
 recent labor strikes, in its social aspect, was 
 undertaken in November, 1909, by the shirt- 
 waist-makers of New York City, mostly girls. 
 At the outset, the strikers numbered between 
 25,000 and 30,000; but half of them, by the 
 middle of December, had made terms with their 
 employers and resumed work. Ten or fifteen 
 thousand were still in heroic contention with 
 obstinate masters of the trade, and having pub- 
 lic opinion and sympathy very strongly on their 
 side. “The strike began,” says the New York 
 Evening Post , “ in a multiplicity of causes. 
 Wages, sanitary conditions in the shops, humane 
 treatment by foremen and forewomen, and re- 
 cognition of the Waistmakers’ Union all played 
 a part. The contest has now [Dec. 15] settled 
 down to the single question of the union shop. 
 The employers profess themselves ready to ar- 
 bitrate every other point in dispute. The strik- 
 ers maintain that recognition of their union is 
 their only guarantee against the recurrence of 
 conditions such as precipitated the conflict. . . . 
 It would be easy to exaggerate the significance 
 of the eager way in which the Suffragist leaders 
 have thrown themselves into the conflict. It is 
 even easy to exaggerate the significance of the 
 way in which women of wealth and social pro- 
 minence have come out in support of the strike. 
 More significant to us is the zeal with which 
 women of no very great social prominence, but 
 still not of the working class, have from the be- 
 ginning given their services in organizing and 
 managing the strike, and particularly in doing 
 picket duty on the streets and defending the 
 rights of the girl employes before the police 
 magistrates and in the courts. Here evidently 
 is a sex-sentiment which cuts across the bound- 
 aries of class and bids fair to give a new aspect 
 to labor conflicts of the future in which women 
 are involved. The present strike has a social 
 significance quite beyond the questions imme- 
 diately at issue. It is our first great woman’s 
 strike, and as such it signalizes in a dramatic 
 fashion woman’s invasion into the field of in- 
 dustry.” 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION. 
 
 (Employers’ Liability — Industrial 
 
 Safety Guards. — Employers’ Liability. — 
 Insurance, etc. — The Needed Law. — “In 
 
 order to protect workingmen against injury by 
 disease or negligent arrangements of machinery 
 and ways, we need a state code of regulations 
 which will prescribe protective devices, provide 
 faithful inspectors and punish those guilty of 
 violating the law. The roundabout method of 
 making employers liable for damages in case 
 of negligence has little effect, because employ- 
 ers can buy legal protection and wage-earners 
 have no money for law suits. Employers’ lia- 
 bility laws may be made more severe and dras- 
 tic ; by statutes the obnoxious ‘ fellow servant ’ 
 factor may be eliminated ; various other pro- 
 visions may be enacted by Congress and by state 
 
 Insurance — Hours of Labor, etc.) 
 
 legislatures to extend somewhat the definition 
 of negligence; but no law of this kind ever was 
 made or ever can be made which will protect 
 workmen from the loss of wages not clearly due 
 to negligence of employers. An employer can- 
 not be made ‘ liable ’ for defects for which he 
 or his agent is not responsible. It is sheer 
 waste of time to labor for improvement of a 
 law whose fundamental principle covers only 
 cases of employers’ fault, because a vast num- 
 ber of injuries are due to causes which the ut- 
 most care cannot prevent. 
 
 “ In order to secure income in periods of in- 
 capacity for labor several legal ways are open. 
 The British method has much to commend it 
 and finds favor with many Americans, the 
 
LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 method based on the principle of ‘ compensa- 
 tion.’ In Great Britain the old liability law is 
 left to stand, like a rotting trunk, by the side of 
 the new and living tree of the ‘ compensation ’ 
 law. By the terms of this new law, enacted in 
 1897 and extended 1907 to certain trade diseases, 
 the employer is required to pay indemnity to 
 any employe who ,is injured in health or limb 
 by accident or any cause due to the trade, and 
 in case of death his dependent family is paid 
 a certain sum for support. The employer rest- 
 ing under this obligation is permitted to meet it 
 any way he can find. Usually he will bargain 
 with an insurance company to carry his legal 
 risk for a premium. It is said the insurance 
 companies are putting up the rates, but British- 
 ers will discover a way to cover the risk in the 
 cheapest form. Already our federal government 
 has embodied this ‘ compensation ’ principle in 
 a law which gives a meagre sum to its own em- 
 ployes of certain classes when injured in its ser- 
 vice; and the example of the central government 
 will probably soon be imitated in several states. 
 Bills are now being drawn for this purpose. 
 
 “The ‘social insurance’ principle is entirely 
 different from that of either ‘ liability ’ or ‘ com- 
 pensation.’ The word ‘compensation’ carries a 
 little of the flavor of the ancient damage suit, 
 while ‘ insurance ’ is simply an amicable busi- 
 ness arrangement to provide in advance for the 
 inevitable average risk of the trade, which may 
 be extended beyond the perils of the shop and 
 mill to all places and conditions of the work- 
 man's life. 
 
 ‘ 1 Historically the unquestioned tendency is 
 from the liability principle to the direct insur- 
 ance principle, with a wayside inn, perhaps, in 
 some law like that of Great Britain, the law of 
 France being almost squarely on the social in- 
 surance ground so far as it goes. 
 
 “ The Illinois Industrial Insurance Commis- 
 sion proposed a law based on the insurance 
 principle, though its friends were compelled to 
 stop at a compromise with existing laws and 
 constitutions. The bill offered by that commis- 
 sion was based on permission and persuasion ; 
 it offered to the employers who would provide 
 an adequate system of insurance against trade 
 accidents, freedom from the sword of the exist- 
 ing liability law; and it offered to the workmen, 
 if they were willing to accept these terms, an 
 assured income in case of injury and to their 
 dependents relief in case of death due to occupa- 
 tion. A law passed by the Legislature of Mas- 
 sachusetts, in May, 1908, has actually embodied 
 this idea and set it to work in the field of experi- 
 ment. It remains to be seen whether the mo- 
 tives mentioned will induce employers and 
 employes to agree on the plan. Without agree- 
 ment the law will be a dead letter, for it is 
 merely permissive, and agreements will not be 
 made unless the economic motive is adequate. 
 Up to this writing (December 7) not a single 
 employer has organized a scheme under this 
 law. 
 
 “The Wisconsin Board of Labor has made 
 what seems a wise proposition to the effect that 
 employers be compelled to insure their employes 
 up to the ordinary amount already known to be 
 spent for litigation, casualty insurance pre- 
 miums and other expenses ; and they also pro- 
 perly suggest state organization for the collec- 
 tion and administration of the premiums. 
 
 “ The recent International Congress on Work- 
 ingmen’s Insurance, after many years of debate, 
 reached conclusions of vast import, happily 
 without dissent. One conclusion was that all 
 attempts to insure the workmen who most need 
 it, whose pay is small and uncertain, and who 
 are not organized, must prove failures. Dele- 
 gates from France and England who have al- 
 ways stood for ‘liberty ’ have come to admit 
 this truth. Not even subsidies to voluntary in- 
 surance associations have been effective. Only 
 when insurance is made compulsory on all does 
 it reach the multitude of the wage-earners. But 
 compulsion to insure may include liberty of 
 method, if the plan adopted is approved by 
 legal authority and by actuaries. Either pri- 
 vate companies, mutual associations, or state 
 departments of insurance may be trusted to 
 conduct the plans once they are obligatory on 
 all. 
 
 “ Another interesting conclusion at the Rome 
 congress was that compulsory insurance can 
 cover only a minimum guarantee of income to 
 the sick, wounded or invalid workman ; while 
 above this minimum, with advancing wages, 
 workmen and their employers can well unite in 
 providing more generously for loss of in- 
 come by voluntary payments of higher premi- 
 ums. Trade unions, fraternal societies and 
 other organizations, as well as casualty compa- 
 nies, have before them an indefinite field for 
 expanding their activities in this direction.” — 
 Charities and the Commons , March 13, 1909. 
 
 Accident and Sickness Insurance : Pro- 
 posed Amendments to the German Compul- 
 sory Insurance Laws. — A Bill to amend the 
 compulsory insurance laws of Germany (see, in 
 Volume IV. of this work, Social Movements: 
 A. D. 1883-1889, and Germany : A. D. 1897- 
 1900 in Volume VI.), which was laid by the Im- 
 perial Government before the Federal Council in 
 April, 1909, to be acted on in the course of the 
 ensuing year, is described in part elsewhere (see, 
 in this vol., Poverty, Problems of: Pensions). 
 Of the contemplated amendments that relate to 
 accident and sickness insurance it was an- 
 nounced, that “the proposed amendments of 
 the law of accident insurance are mainly formal, 
 but the scheme of insurance against illness is to 
 be largely extended, and will include practically 
 all classes of workers for whom insurance against 
 invalidity and old age is or is to be compulsory. 
 On the one hand, the system will in future in- 
 clude agricultural labourers, workers engaged 
 for less than one week, and assistants and ap- 
 prentices, whose insurance is not at present com- 
 pulsory. On the other hand, it will include 
 such categories of workers as stage and orchestra 
 employes, and teachers who are not in the service 
 of the State, if their salaries do not exceed £100 
 a year. The crews of seagoing ships, as well as 
 of vessels plying on inland waterways, are now 
 brought into the general sick insurance system." 
 
 Accidents to Workmen in the United 
 States. — The Death Roll. — Appalling Sta- 
 tistics. — “Mr. Frederick L. Hoffman, of the 
 Bureau of Labor, Department of Commerce and 
 Labor, has compiled some striking statistics 
 concerning the subject of accidents to working- 
 men. The importance of this subject is appar- 
 ent when it is considered that between 30,000 
 and 35,000 workmen lose their lives in accidents 
 in the course of their employment in this conn- 
 
LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 try during a year. Statistics have been secured 
 from oilicial sources and from insurance experi- 
 ence which show that the accident liability to 
 which American workmen are subject is indeed 
 high. Census reports covering the years 1900 
 to 1906 show that out of over 1,000,000 deaths 
 of males more than nine per cent, were due to 
 accident. The liability of workmen to acci- 
 dental injury or death is brought under five 
 general classifications, including factories and 
 workshops, electrical industries, mines and 
 quarries, transportation by rail and transporta- 
 tion by water. Of those employed in factories 
 and workshops, probably the most exposed class 
 is the workers in iron and steel. Of 8,456 acci- 
 dents during the years 1901 to 1905, 4.1 per 
 cent, of the accidents to men employed in roll- 
 ing mills resulted fatally. According to indus- 
 trial insurance experience, the fatal-accident 
 rate of electricians and of electric linemen is ex- 
 cessive. Of 645 deaths of electricians, 14.7 per 
 cent., and of 240 deaths of linemen, 46.7 per 
 cent., were due to accidents. In the anthracite 
 mines of Pennsylvania state inspectors have 
 found that during ten years there have averaged 
 annually 3.18 fatal accidents for every 1,000 
 men employed, and the rate is even higher than 
 this for certain specific occupations in the mines. 
 That this rate is excessive is shown by compar- 
 ison with the death rate from accident of 1.29 
 per 1,000 in the British coal mines. Reports of 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission show that 
 during ten years 16,363 railway trainmen lost 
 their lives in accidents. This is equivalent to 
 7.46 deaths per 1,000 employes.” — Electrical 
 Review, Jan. 2, 1909. 
 
 Child Labor. See (in this vol.) Children, 
 
 UNDER THE Law : As WORKERS. 
 
 Employers’ Liability in Great Britain. 
 — The Workmen’s Compensation Act of 
 1906 . — The Workmen’s Compensation Act 
 which passed the British Parliament in Decem- 
 ber, 1906, has the core of its purpose in the first 
 of two appended schedules, which fixes the 
 “Scale and Conditions of Compensation,” in the 
 following terms : 
 
 “ (1) The amount of compensation under this 
 Act shall be — 
 
 “ (a) where death results from the injury — 
 
 “ (i) if the workman leaves any dependants 
 wholly dependent upon his earnings, a sum 
 equal to his earnings in the employment of the 
 same employer during the three years next pre- 
 ceding the injury, or the sum of one hundred 
 and fifty pounds, whichever of those sums is the 
 larger, but not exceeding in any case three hun- 
 dred pounds, provided that the amount of any 
 weekly payments made under this Act, and any 
 lump sum paid in redemption thereof, shall be 
 deducted from such sum, and, if the period of 
 the workman’s employment by the said employer 
 has been less than the said three years, then the 
 amount of his earnings during the said three 
 years shall be deemed to he one hundred and fifty- 
 six times his average weekly earnings during 
 the period of his actual employment under the 
 said employer ; 
 
 “ (ii) if the workman does not leave any such 
 dependants, but leaves any dependants in part 
 dependent upon his earnings, such sum, not ex- 
 ceeding in any case the amount payable under 
 the foregoing provisions, as may be agreed upon, 
 or, in default of agreement, may be determined, 
 
 on arbitration under this Act, to be reasonable 
 and proportionate in the injury to the said de- 
 pendants; and 
 
 “ (iii) if he leaves no dependants, the reason- 
 able expenses of his medical attendance and 
 burial, not exceeding ten pounds ; 
 
 “ (b) where total or partial incapacity for work 
 results from the injury, a weekly payment dur- 
 ing the incapacity not exceeding fifty per cent, 
 of his average weekly earnings during the pre- 
 vious twelve months, if he has been so long 
 employed, but if not then for any less period 
 diming which he has been in the employment 
 of the same employer, such weekly payment not 
 to exceed one pound : 
 
 “ Provided that — 
 
 “(a) if the incapacity lasts less than two 
 weeks no compensation shall be payable in re- 
 spect of the first week ; and 
 
 “ ( 6 ) as respects the weekly payments during 
 total incapacity of a workman who is under 
 twenty-one years of age at the date of the in- 
 jury, and whose average weekly earnings are 
 less than twenty shillings, one hundred per 
 cent, shall be substituted for fifty per cent, of 
 his average weekly earnings, but the weekly 
 payment shall in no case exceed ten shillings. 
 
 “(2) For the purposes of the provisions of 
 this schedule relating to ‘ earnings ’ and ‘ aver- 
 age weekly earnings ’ of a workman, the follow- 
 ing rules shall be observed : — 
 
 “( a ) average weekly earnings shall be com- 
 puted in such manner as is best calculated to 
 give the rate per week at which the workman 
 was being remunerated. Provided that where 
 by reason of the shortness of the time during 
 which the workman has been in the employ- 
 ment of his employer, or the casual nature of 
 the employment, or the terms of the employ- 
 ment, it is impracticable at the date of the acci- 
 dent to compute the rate of remuneration, re- 
 gard may be had to the average weekly amount 
 which, during the twelve months previous to 
 the accident, was being earned by a person in 
 the same grade, employed at the same work by 
 the same employer, or, if there is no person so 
 employed, by a person in the same grade em- 
 ployed in the same class of employment and in 
 the same district ; 
 
 “(b) where the workman had entered into 
 concurrent contracts of service with two or 
 more employers under which he worked at one 
 time for one such employer and at another time 
 for another such employer, his average weekly 
 earnings shall be computed as if his earnings 
 under all such contracts were earnings in the 
 employment of the employer for whom he was 
 working at the time of the accident ; 
 
 “ (c) employment by the same employer shall 
 be taken to mean employment by the same em- 
 ployer in the grade in which the workman was 
 employed at the time of the accident, uninter- 
 rupted by absence from work due to illness or 
 any other unavoidable cause; 
 
 “(d) Where the employer has been accus- 
 tomed to pay to the workman a sum to cover 
 any special expenses entailed on him by the na- 
 ture of his employment, the sum so paid shall 
 not be reckoned as part of the earnings. 
 
 “ (3) In fixing the amount of the weekly pay- 
 ment, regard shall be had to any payment, al- 
 lowance, or benefit which the workman may 
 receive from the employer during the period of 
 
 397 
 
LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 Lis incapacity, and in the case of partial inca- 
 pacity the weekly payment shall in no case 
 exceed the difference between the amount of 
 the average weekly earnings of the workman 
 before the accident and the average weekly 
 amount whieh he is earning or is able to earn 
 in some suitable employment or business after 
 the accident, but shall bear such relation to the 
 amount of that difference as under the circum- 
 stances of the case may appear proper. 
 
 “ (4) Where a workman has given notice of 
 an accident, he shall, if so required by the em- 
 ployer, submit himself for examination by a 
 duly qualified medical practitioner provided and 
 paid by the employer, and, if he refuses to sub- 
 mit himself to such examination, or in any way 
 obstructs the same, his right to compensation, 
 and to take or prosecute any proceeding under 
 this Act in relation to compensation, shall be 
 suspended until such examination has taken 
 place.” 
 
 Further clauses of this schedule, and of the 
 second schedule, which relates to the arbitration 
 of disputed matters, are prescriptive in detail of 
 procedure for carrying out the orders stated 
 above. The liability of the employer and its 
 limitations are set forth in the body of the Act, 
 as follows : 
 
 “i. — (1) If in any employment personal in- 
 jury by accident arising out of and in the course 
 of the employment is caused to a workman, his 
 employer shall, subject as hereinafter men- 
 tioned, be liable to pay compensation in accord- 
 ance with the First Schedule to this Act. 
 
 “ (2) Provided that — 
 
 “(a) The employer shall not be liable under 
 this Act in respect of any injury which does not 
 disable the workman for a period of at least one 
 week from earning full wages at the work at 
 which he was employed : 
 
 “ (b) When the injury was caused by the per- 
 sonal negligence or wilful act of the employer 
 or of some person for whose act or default the 
 employer is responsible, nothing in this Act 
 shall affect any civil liability of the employer, 
 but in that case the workman may, at his op- 
 tion, either claim compensation under this Act 
 or take proceedings independently of this Act ; 
 but the employer shall not be liable to pay com- 
 pensation for injury to a workman by accident 
 arising out of and in the course of the employ- 
 ment both independently of and also under this 
 Act, and shall not be liable to any proceedings 
 independently of this Act, except in case of 
 such personal negligence or wilful act as afore- 
 said : 
 
 “ (c) If it is proved that the injury to a work- 
 man is attributable to the serious and wilful 
 misconduct of that workman, any compensation 
 claimed in respect of that injury shall, unless 
 the injury results in death or serious and perma- 
 nent disablement, be disallowed. 
 
 “(3) If any question arises in any proceed- 
 ings under this Act as to the liability to pay 
 compensation under this Act (including any 
 question as to whether the person injured is a 
 workman to whom this Act applies), or as to 
 the amount or duration of compensation under 
 this Act, the question, if not settled by agree- 
 ment, shall, subject to the provisions of the 
 First Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitra- 
 tion, in accordance with the Second Schedule to 
 this Act.” 
 
 In New Zealand : Compensation for “ Min- 
 ers’ Disease.” — In the later part of 1908 a sin- 
 gular labor strike was caused in New Zealand by 
 legislation making “miners’ disease ” a ground of 
 compensation from employers. The men refused 
 to be examined for the disease, and the masters 
 refused to engage them without examination; 
 while the Government, which apparently ex- 
 pected masters to take the risk of engaging men 
 already diseased, itself refused to admit the min- 
 ers to the benefits of State insurance without 
 examination. 
 
 A despatch from Wellington, January 9, 1909, 
 announced: “ The Waihi miners have unani- 
 mously refused to submit to medical examina- 
 tion, and 1,700 men will cease work on Monday 
 unless the owners concede the point. The out- 
 look is serious and the township is depressed. 
 The Auckland coal miners remain idle, and con- 
 sequently part of the coast fleet is laid up and 
 a number of hands have been discharged.” But 
 a later despatch of the same date added: “The 
 Government have now resolved to accept the 
 risk of insuring the miners without examination, 
 pending an amendment of the Act next session. 
 
 In the United States: On Interstate Rail- 
 ways. — In his message to Congress, December, 
 1908, the President referred to this enactment, 
 which he had approved in the previous April : 
 
 “Among the excellent laws which the Con- 
 gress passed at the last session was an employers’ 
 liability law. It was a marked step in advance 
 to get the recognition of employers’ liability on 
 the statute books ; but the law did not go far 
 enough. In spite of all precautions exercised by 
 employers there are unavoidable accidents and 
 even deaths involved in nearly every line of busi- 
 ness connected with the mechanic arts. This 
 inevitable sacrifice of life may be reduced to a 
 minimum, but it can not be completely elimi- 
 nated. It is a great social injustice to compel the 
 employee, or rather the family of the killed or 
 disabled victim, to bear the entire burden of such 
 an inevitable sacrifice. In other words, society 
 shirks its duty by laying the whole cost on the 
 victim, whereas the injury comes from what 
 may be called the legitimate risks of the trade. 
 Compensation for accidents or deaths due in any 
 line of industry to the actual conditions under 
 which that industry is carried on should be paid 
 by that portion of the community for the bene- 
 fit of which the industry is carried on — that is, 
 by those who profit by the industry. If the en- 
 tire trade risk is placed upon the employer he 
 will promptly and properly add it to the legiti- 
 mate cost of production and assess it proportion- 
 ately upon the consumers of his commodity. It 
 is therefore clear to my mind that the law should 
 place this entire ‘ risk of a trade ’ upon the em- 
 ployer. Neither the Federal law, nor, as far as 
 I am informed, the State laws dealing with the 
 question of employers’ liability are sufficiently 
 thorogoing. The Federal law should of course 
 include employees in navy-vards, arsenals, and 
 the like.” 
 
 The following is the text of the Act: 
 
 “ Sec. 1. That every common carrier by rail- 
 road while engaging in commerce between any 
 of the several States or Territories, or between 
 any of the States and Territories, or between the 
 District of Columbia and any of the States or Ter- 
 ritories, or between the District of Columbia or 
 any of the States or Territories and any foreign 
 
 398 
 
LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 nation or nations, shall be liable in damages to 
 any person suffering injury while he is employed 
 by such carrier in such commerce, or, in case of 
 the death of such employee, to his or her per- 
 sonal representative, for the benefit of the sur- 
 viving widow or husband and children of such 
 employee; and, if none, then of such employee’s 
 parents ; and, if none, then of the next of kin 
 dependent upon such employee, for such injury 
 or death resulting in whole or in part from the 
 negligence of any of the officers, agents or em- 
 ployees of such carrier, or by reason of any de- 
 fect or insufficiency, due to its negligence, in 
 its cars, engines, appliances, machinery, track, 
 roadbed, works, boats, wharves, or other equip- 
 ment. 
 
 “Sec. 2. That every common carrier by rail- 
 road in the Territories, the District of Columbia, 
 the Panama Canal Zone, or other possessions of 
 the United States shall be liable in damages to 
 any person suffering injury while he is em- 
 ployed by such carrier in any of said jurisdic- 
 tions, or, in case of the death of such employee, 
 to his or her personal representative, for the 
 benefit of the surviving widow or husband and 
 children of such employee; and, if none, then 
 of such employee’s parents ; and, if none, then 
 of the next of kin dependent upon such em- 
 ployee, for such injury or death resulting in 
 whole or in part from the negligence of any of 
 the officers, agents, or employees of such car- 
 rier, or by reason of any defect or insufficiency, 
 due to its negligence, in its cars, engines, appli- 
 ances, machinery, track, roadbed, works, boats, 
 wharves, or other equipment. 
 
 “Sec. 3. That in all actions hereinafter 
 brought against any such common carrier by 
 railroad under or by virtue of any of the pro- 
 visions of this Act to recover damages for per- 
 sonal injuries to an employee, or where such in- 
 juries have resulted in his death, the fact that 
 the employee may have been guilty of contribu- 
 tory negligence shall not bar a recovery, but 
 the damages shall be diminished by the jury in 
 proportion to the amount of negligence attribu- 
 table to such employee : Provided, That no such 
 employee who may be injured or killed shall be 
 held to have been guilty of contributory negli- 
 gence in any case where the violation by such 
 common carrier of any statute enacted for the 
 safety of employees contributed to the injury or 
 death of such employee. 
 
 “ Sec. 4. That in any action brought against 
 any common carrier under or by virtue of any 
 of the provisions of this Act to recover dam- 
 ages for injuries to, or death of, any of its 
 employees, such employee shall not be held to 
 have assumed the risks of his employment in 
 any case where the violation by such common 
 carrier of any statute enacted for the safety of 
 employees contributed to the injury or death of 
 such employee. 
 
 “ Sec. 5. That any contract, rule, regulation, 
 or device whatsoever, the purpose or intent of 
 which shall be to enable any common carrier to 
 exempt itself from any liability created by this 
 Act, shall to that extent be void: Provided, That 
 in any action brought against any such com- 
 mon carrier under or by virtue of any of the 
 provisions of this Act, such common carrier 
 may set off therein any sum it has contributed 
 or paid to any insurance, relief benefit, or in- 
 demnity that may have been paid to the injured 
 
 employee or the person entitled thereto on 
 account of the injury or death for which said 
 action was brought. 
 
 “Sec. 6. That no action shall be maintained 
 under this Act unless commenced within two- 
 years from the day the cause of action accrued. 
 
 “Sec. 7. That the term ‘common carrier’ as 
 used in this Act shall include the receiver or 
 receivers or other persons or corporations 
 charged with the duty of the management and 
 operation of the business of a common carrier. 
 
 “Sec. 8. That nothing in this Act shall be 
 held to limit the duty or liability of common 
 carriers or to impair the rights of their em- 
 ployees under any other Act or Acts of Con- 
 gress, or to affect the prosecution of any pend- 
 ing proceeding or right of action under the 
 Act of Congress entitled ‘ An Act relating to 
 liability of common carriers in the District of 
 Columbia and Territories, and to common car- 
 riers engaged in commerce between the States 
 and between the States and foreign nations to 
 their employees,’ approved June eleventh, nine- 
 teen hundred and six.’’ — Statutes of the United 
 States of America passed at Session of the 
 60 th Congress, 1907-8, pt. 1. chap. 149. 
 
 Hours of Labor: Judicial Limitation of 
 Police Power to regulate them in the United 
 States. — By a decision from the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, in April, 1905, an 
 Act of the Legislature of New York, limiting 
 the hours of labor to be exacted from workmen 
 in bakeries, was pronounced unconstitutional. 
 The law in question provided that “no em- 
 ployee shall be required or permitted to work in 
 a biscuit, bread or cake bakery or confectionery 
 establishment more than sixty hours in any one 
 week, or more than ten hours in any one day, 
 unless for the purpose of making a shorter work 
 day on the last day of the week ; nor more hours 
 in any one week than will make an average of 
 ten hours per day for the number of days dur- 
 ing such week in which such employee shall 
 work.” The New York Court of Appeals had 
 passed on this enactment and declared it consti- 
 tutional, as a measure for the protection of pub- 
 lic health. A majority of the Supreme Court — 
 five to four — rejected this view, saying, in the 
 opinion written by Justice Peckham : “We think 
 the limit of the police power has been reached 
 and passed in this case. There is, in our judg- 
 ment, no reasonable foundation for holding this 
 to be necessary or appropriate as a health law 
 to safeguard the public health or the health of 
 the individuals who are following the trade of 
 a baker.” In the dissenting opinion of Justice 
 Harlan, Justices White and Day concurring, it 
 was said : ‘ ‘ The rule is universal that a legisla- 
 tive enactment, Federal or State, is never to be 
 disregarded or held invalid unless it be, beyond 
 question, plainly and palpably in excess of leg- 
 islative power. If there be doubt as to the 
 validity of the statute, that doubt must there- 
 fore be resolved in favor of its validity, and 
 the courts must keep their hands off, leaving 
 the Legislature to meet the responsibility for 
 unwise legislation.” 
 
 Limitation of Working Hours for Train- 
 men. See (in this vol.) Railways: United 
 States : A. D. 1907. 
 
 The “ English Coal Mines (Eight Hour) 
 Act.” — The Act so called, passed in 1908, came 
 into force on the 1st of July, 1909, except as. 
 
 399 
 
LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 respects mines in the counties of Northumber- 
 land and Durham, where its operation was de- 
 ferred until the 1st of January, 1910. The Act 
 provides that “a workman shaTl not be below 
 ground in a mine for the purpose of his work, 
 or of going to and from his work, for more than 
 eight hours during any consecutive twenty-four 
 hours”; but this is qualified by the condition 
 that “no contravention of the foregoing provi- 
 sions shall be deemed to take place in the case 
 of a workman working in a shift if the period 
 between the times at which the last workman 
 in the shift leaves the surface and the first work- 
 man in the shift returns to the surface does not 
 exceed eight hours.” This rule, it is said, makes 
 the nominal working day of eight hours “one 
 that will vary, according to local conditions, from 
 eight and a half to nine hours.” On the other 
 hand, the Coal Owners’ Association of South 
 Wales and Monmouthshire, in a manifesto issued 
 shortly before the Act became operative, de- 
 clared : “The Act does not permit eight hours’ 
 work underground, but a considerable portion 
 of this time is taken up in travelling to and from 
 the actual place of work, and in many of the 
 older collieries not more than 6-J hours’ effect- 
 ive work will be performed. The owners are 
 strongly of opinion that it will be found impos- 
 sible to work such collieries and maintain them 
 in repair with all the pumping of water, boilers, 
 engines, horses, officials, and attendants neces- 
 sary for 24 hours per day on 6-J hours’ product- 
 ive work, especially in view of the fact that in 
 South Wales a much larger proportion of the 
 collier’s time is occupied in other work than in 
 producing coal than is the case in most other 
 coalfields.” 
 
 The conditions are described as being different 
 in the Welsh mines from those in other British 
 coal fields, and it seems to have been there only 
 that trouble arose when the Act came into ef- 
 fect. 
 
 Germany’s Latest Code. — “The coal 
 miners of Prussia have secured a legal eight- 
 hours day for underground work, but in indus- 
 try generally the number of hours worked is 
 ten daily, or sixty weekly, and these hours gen- 
 erally fall between six and six or seven and 
 seven. In some industries, and especially the 
 textile industries, from sixty-three to sixty -six 
 hours per week are commonly worked by both 
 sexes. . . . Just as there was once a time when 
 the textile industry of the Rhineland worked to 
 a large extent seventeen hours a day in order 
 to facilitate competition with England’s more 
 highly developed factories and more skilled 
 workers, so now a day of ten and eleven hours 
 is maintained in the same industry purely out of 
 fear of the foreigner. . . . The only limitation 
 of hours introduced by the amendment to the 
 Industrial Code which was passed in 1908 ap- 
 plied to female workers, and it merely fixed 
 the rule of sixty hours, subject to many excep- 
 tions. An investigation made in 1902 by the 
 Government into the hours worked by females 
 employed in factories and workshops showed 
 that of 813,560 such workpeople, employed in 
 38,706 works, 86,191 (in 6,768 works), or 10.6 
 per cent., worked nine hours or less, while 347,- 
 814 (in 18,267 works), or 42.8 per cent., worked 
 from nine to ten hours (inclusive), so that over 
 half already enjoy the protection which the new 
 law is to afford. The Socialists at present de- 
 
 mand a ten -hours day for both sexes, for the 
 whole country and for all industries, but they 
 regard this no longer as their final objective, but 
 as a stage on the way towards the goal of an 
 eight-hours day, via a halfway house of nine 
 hours.” — William H. Dawson, The Involution of 
 Modern Germany, pp. 129-131 (Unwin, London; 
 Scribners, N. Y., 1909). 
 
 “ On December 28 last [1908] an industrial 
 amendment Act was passed by the German 
 Reichstag and became law. It introduces a 
 number of new and more stringent regulations 
 for the protection of women and children, which 
 will have the effect of securing a large reduction 
 of the hours of labour in many manufacturing 
 industries. In its application it goes beyond 
 the existing factory law, which applies to Fab- 
 riken, and it includes all Betriebe (industrial es- 
 tablishments) in which ten or more persons are 
 employed. It reduces the maximum number of 
 hours for women from 11 to 10 on ordinary 
 week days and from 10 to 8 on Saturday. That 
 is to say, it reduces the statutory maximum 
 week from 65 to 58 hours. It extends the period 
 during which night-work is prohibited by an 
 hour, and fixes it from 8 p. m. to 6 a. m., instead 
 of from 8.30 p. m. to 5.30 a. m. as heretofore. It 
 further provides that after each day’s work an 
 unbroken interval of 11 hours’ rest must elapse; 
 and this also applies to workers of both sexes 
 under 16. The latter, who already enjoy the 
 daily and weekly maximum now granted to 
 women, will also have the statutory times of be- 
 ginning and leaving off work altered from 5.30 
 A. M. to 6 a.m. for beginning and from 8.30 a. m. 
 to 8 p. m. for leaving off.” — London Times, 
 March 15, 1909. 
 
 Japanese Legislation in Prospect. — The 
 
 following report from Japan came to the Ameri- 
 can Press in a telegram dated December 15, 1909, 
 at Victoria, British Columbia: Factory owners 
 of Japan, who employ 642,000 hands, of whom 
 392,000 are women and a big percentage children, 
 are excited over factory laws to be advocated 
 at this session of the Diet, according to news 
 brought here yesterday. The law will provide 
 against employment of children less than twelve 
 years old, but those above ten now employed 
 will be permitted to continue. Workers under 
 sixteen and females mhy not be worked more 
 than twelve hours a day, and must be given two 
 days rest each month. In days of ten hours, an 
 hour’s rest must be given. 
 
 Report of the United States Industrial 
 Commission in 1902. — Recommendations for 
 State Legislation.- — Child Labor and Wo- 
 man’s Labor. — The Utah Law on Labor in 
 Mines. — “ Perhaps the subject of greatest pub- 
 lic interest to-day is that of the regulation of 
 the hours of labor permitted in industrial occu- 
 pations, and especially in factories. Most of the 
 Northern and Eastern States prohibit the em- 
 ployment of persons under the full age in fac- 
 tories or other mechanical establishments for 
 more than a prescribed time per diem, usually 
 ten hours, and not exceeding sixty hours per 
 week. Obviously, Congress has no power with- 
 out a constitutional amendment to legislate di- 
 rectly on this subject. The Commission are of 
 the opinion that a uniform law upon this subject 
 may wisely be recommended for adoption by all 
 the States. We believe that such legislation can 
 not, under the Federal and State constitutions be 
 
 400 
 
LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 LABOR PROTECTION 
 
 recommended as to persons, male or female, 
 above the age of 21, except, of course, in some 
 special industries where employment for too 
 many hours becomes positively a menace to the 
 health, safety or well-being of the community; 
 but minors not yet clothed with all the rights of 
 citizens are peculiarly the subject of State pro- 
 tection, and still more so young children. The 
 commission are of opinion, therefore, that a sim- 
 ple statute ought to be enacted by all the States 
 to regulate the length of the working day for 
 young persons in factories (meaning by ' young 
 persons ’ those between the age of majority and 
 14) ; and in view of the entire absence of protec- 
 tion now accorded by the laws of many States to 
 children of tender years we think that the em- 
 ployment of children in factories in any capacity, 
 or for any time, under the age of 14, should be 
 prohibited. The question of shops and mercan- 
 tile establishments generally appears even more 
 subject to local conditions than that of factories ; 
 therefore the Commission see no need for even 
 recommending to the States any uniform legis- 
 lation upon this subject. But child labor should 
 be universally protected by educational restric- 
 tions, providing in substance that no child may 
 be employed in either factories, shops, or in stores 
 in large cities, who cannot read and write, and, 
 except during vacation, unless he has attended 
 school for at least twelve weeks in each year. 
 Further regulation, especially in the line of 
 bringing States which now have no factory acts 
 up to a higher standard, is earnestly recom- 
 mended. 
 
 “ The Supreme Court of the United States has 
 affirmed the constitutionality of the Utah law 
 limiting the length of the day’s labor in mines 
 or under-ground workings, even in the case of 
 male citizens of full age. The Commission would 
 therefore recommend that the provisions of the 
 Utah constitution and statutes be followed in all 
 the States, by which the period of employment 
 of workmen in all under-ground mines or work- 
 ings shall be eight hours a day, except in cases 
 of emergency, when life or property is in im- 
 minent danger, and also that the employment of 
 children under the age of 14 and of all women 
 and girls in mines or under-ground quarries and 
 workings shall be forbidden.” — Final Report 
 (1902) of Industrial Commission, pp. 946-8. 
 
 Hours of Labor for Women. — Right of 
 the State to put other Limitations than on 
 Men. — U. S. Supreme Court Decision. — The 
 constitutional right of a State to put other lim- 
 itations on the hours of labor for women than it 
 puts on the hours of labor for men was ques- 
 tioned by the proprietor of a laundry in Oregon, 
 and the question was carried to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States. The decision of 
 that tribunal was rendered early in 1908, affirm- 
 ing the right of a State to make such distinction 
 in labor limitations between the two sexes, and 
 the ground of the decision introduces a prin- 
 ciple of enormous importance into law. A 
 legal limitation of the hours of labor touches 
 
 the contractual rights of the individual, and the 
 Court conceded that in those rights women 
 stand on the same plane as men ; but the State, 
 it declares, has the constitutional right, for the 
 public good, to limit the contractual right of 
 the individual, and its reasoning on the matter 
 before it turns therefore on the question whether 
 the protection of women by this special limita- 
 tion of contractual rights is or is not for the 
 public good ? On this question the counsel for 
 the State of Oregon, Mr. Louis D. Brandeis, 
 had submitted a remarkable mass of testimony, 
 social and physiological, which the Court ac- 
 cepted as conclusive, and founded its decision 
 thereon. This testimony the Court declared to 
 be “significant of a widespread belief that 
 women’s physical structure, and the functions 
 she performs in consequence thereof, justify 
 special legislation restricting or qualifying the 
 conditions under which she should be permitted 
 to toil.” Though “constitutional questions . . . 
 are not settled by even a consensus of present 
 public opinion,” yet the Court held that “when 
 a question of fact is debated and debatable, and 
 the extent to which a special constitutional 
 limitation goes is affected by the truth in re- 
 spect to that fact, a widespread and long-con- 
 tinued belief concerning it is worthy of consid- 
 eration.” Applying that principle in this case, 
 the Court affirmed that ‘ ‘ as healthy mothers are 
 essential to vigorous offspring, the physical 
 well-being of woman becomes an object of pub- 
 lic interest and care in order to preserve the 
 strength and vigor of the race.” On account of 
 her physical constitution, “she is not an equal 
 competitor with her brother.” In spite of the 
 removal of legal and other disabilities, “ she 
 will still be where some legislation to protect 
 her seems necessary to secure a real equality of 
 right.” Such legislation to defend woman, to 
 use the Court’s phrase, “from the greed as well 
 as the passion of man,” is not merely for her 
 benefit, but for the well-being of the race. 
 
 “The two sexes,” said Justice Brewer, who 
 delivered the decision of the Court, “differ in 
 structure of body, in the functions to be per- 
 formed by each, in the amount of physical 
 strength, in the capacity for long-continued 
 labor, particularly when done standing, the in- 
 fluence of vigorous health upon the future well- 
 being of the race, the self-reliance which enables 
 one to assert full rights, and in the capacity to 
 maintain the struggle for subsistence. This 
 difference justifies a difference in legislation 
 and upholds that which is designed to com- 
 pensate for some of the burdens which rest 
 upon her.” 
 
 Oriental Competition : The Force of the 
 Objection to it in Countries under the Pro- 
 tective Tariff System. See (in this vol.) Race 
 Problems ; United States. 
 
 A. D. 1900-1909. — Study and Treatment 
 of Industrial Problems in the United States 
 by the National Civic Federation. See (in this 
 vol.) Social Betterment: United States. 
 
 401 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION. 
 
 (Cooperative Organization — Pensior 
 
 tion, 
 
 The Bonus System. — Its Working in the 
 Shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company. — 
 
 “Awarding extra compensation for extra work 
 has long been the practice of successful manu- 
 facturing ; but the particular method of award- 
 ing a bonus above referred to is of recent origin, 
 and fills an important need in modern systems 
 of management. It may be briefly described 
 as follows : Alternative ways of doing a piece 
 of work are carefully investigated by the most 
 competent expert available and the results re- 
 corded. The best method is determined and 
 taught to an ordinary workman, who is awarded 
 extra compensation in addition to his day’s pay 
 for doing the work iu the time and manner spe- 
 cified. This method of compensation was the 
 outcome of an attempt to introduce in compli- 
 cated work equitable piece rates determined as 
 nearly as possible by scientific methods.” 
 
 The original working out of this method into 
 a system is ascribed by the writer of the above 
 to Mr. Fred W. Taylor, in the early eighties, he 
 being then in the employ of the Midvale Steel 
 Company. After setting forth the principles in- 
 volved in the system, this writer concludes his 
 article by stating: “The principles above out- 
 lined were applied during the spring and sum- 
 mer of 1901 to the ordnance and armor-plate 
 machine shops of the Bethlehem Steel Company, 
 and resulted in a short time in more than dou- 
 bling the output of those shops. The system is 
 still in use substantially as introduced, and the 
 superintendent, Mr. Archibald Johnston, in his 
 testimony before the House Committee on La- 
 bor, February 13, 1902, makes the following 
 statement regarding it: “This arrangement 
 
 has worked very satisfactorily, both to the men 
 and the company, for it has enabled us to get 
 work out more quickly, and to add to the pro- 
 ducing capacity of our invested capital; while 
 for the men it has been a great benefit, as we 
 have many instances of employees who have 
 bought homes for themselves principally from 
 their extra earnings on the bonus system, and 
 from overtime work. The system has been a 
 stronger incentive to industry than any other we 
 have been able to put into effect in our plant.” 
 — H. L. Gantt, The Bonus System of Bewarding 
 Labor (Am. Beview of Be views). 
 
 Cooperative Organization: France, Italy, 
 etc. — Cooperative Production. — A book pub- 
 lished in 1905, entitled “ Labor Problems,” by 
 T. 8. Adams and Helen L. Sumner, gives an 
 interesting account of cooperative associations 
 for contract labor in France, of which there 
 were 296 on the 1st of January, 1901, seemingly 
 having considerable success, 106 of the number 
 being in the building trades. Similar organiza- 
 tions were reported in Italy and New Zealand. 
 
 In France, the law provides for dividing public 
 contracts, and for making payments on them in 
 such ways as to bring them within the means of 
 these associations of workmen. In Germany 
 and Holland there is said to have been a less de- 
 gree of success in organizing this mode of pro- 
 ductive cooperation. 
 
 Great Britain : The Cooperative Union 
 
 s — Profit-sharing — Wages Regula- 
 etc.) 
 
 and Cooperative Congress. — Recent Statis- 
 tics of Membership, Organizations, and Oper- 
 ations. — Rapidly increasing Cooperation 
 in Agriculture. — As reported at the annual 
 Cooperative Congress of 1905, the Cooperative 
 Union of Great Britain had then a membership 
 of 2,200,000, conducting cooperative undertak- 
 ings with a total capital of £36,500,000 and a 
 trade of £92,000,000. At that meeting a proposi- 
 tion to act with the Labor Representation Com- 
 mittee, for increasing the representation of labor 
 interests in Parliament, was defeated by 801 
 votes against 135. 
 
 Four years later, at the Congress held in May, 
 1909, the reported membership of the Coopera- 
 tive Union had increased to 2,516,194, in 1560 
 affiliated societies. Among other statistics re- 
 ported for the previous year were the follow- 
 ing : “The two large wholesale societies — one 
 in England and the other in Scotland — had a 
 membership of 1414 in 1908, or a decrease of 
 three as compared with the total for 1907 ; the 
 shares held amounted to £1,984,676, a rise of 
 £190,131 ; the loans were £5,114,201, an increase 
 of £382,990 ; the sales for the year amounted 
 to £32,433,968, an increase of £43,940, and the 
 interest on capital was £96,350, an increase of 
 £5,498. The year’s trading, however, resulted 
 in a decrease of profits amounting to £137,197, 
 the total profits being £731,124. There were 
 1428 distributive societies, a decrease of 15, but 
 the membership rose to 2,404,595, or 81,217 
 more ; the shares held went up to £30,037,352, 
 an increase of £998,703; the loans amounted to 
 £4,558,021, a rise of £212,377; the sales in- 
 creased by £1,635,749, the total being £60,783,- 
 278; but the profits dropped to £10,773,005, or a 
 decrease of £126,327. 
 
 “Cooperative production forms a large and 
 important branch of the movement. Some facts 
 relating to it are given from the last annual re- 
 port of the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies 
 in order to supplement the figures of the cen- 
 tral board. According to the Chief Registrar’s 
 report, 1251 societies, including distributive, 
 wholesale, and productive societies, made re- 
 turns showing that, they carried on production 
 to the extent of £16,989,764 in the year, calcu- 
 lated on wholesale prices. The workpeople em- 
 ployed in production numbered 44,188 — men, 
 25,809; women, 12,212; boys, 6167 — and the 
 wages paid to these (exclusive of bonus) 
 amounted to £2,324,674. The board’s annual 
 summary of the operations carried on by the 
 productive societies and the productive depart- 
 ments of the two wholesale societies shows a 
 total production in 1908 of £11,112,220. To 
 this is added an estimated production of £7,750,- 
 000 by the distributive societies, making the 
 total production of the cooperative movement 
 for the year about £18,862,000. The number of 
 productive societies to which the Board’s returns 
 relate is 122, a decrease of five as compared with 
 the total for the previous year. The number 
 of people employed by these societies during 
 the year was 28,575, an increase of 1637 ; the 
 capital invested was £4,610,072, an increase of 
 
LA DOIl REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 £259,137 ; the trade, as stated above, was £11,- 
 112,220, an increase of £450,802; the profits 
 amounted to £352,398, a decrease of £15,317; 
 and the losses amounted to £68,650, as against 
 £8336. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Among the industries engaged in coopera- 
 tive production, corn milling had a trade last 
 year amounting to £4,564,706, which was con- 
 siderably higher than the total for the previous 
 year. Increases were also recorded in the 
 cotton, linen, silk, and wool industries, and by 
 societies engaged in woodwork, building, and 
 quarrying, printing and bookbinding, baking, 
 and laundry-work. But the societies produc- 
 ing boots, shoes, and leather, metal and hard- 
 ware, and various other goods had a reduced 
 trade.” 
 
 In an article on “ The Coining of Coopera- 
 tion,” in Agriculture, the London Times of May 
 3, 1909, made the following statements: ‘‘The 
 cooperative movement, on which more than any- 
 thing else the success of all small farmers and 
 many big farmers depends, is advancing with a 
 rapidity very little realized even by farmers 
 themselves. 
 
 ‘‘The position at present is this. In Ireland, 
 in Scotland, and in England exist three organi- 
 zation societies which decided in July of last 
 year to amalgamate for certain purposes. Un- 
 der the lead of Sir Horace Plunkett the three 
 societies decided that joint action would be 
 effective in all the three branches of cooperative 
 trade — ‘ (1) The acquisition of farmers’ supplies 
 of the best quality at the lowest price; (2) the 
 marketing of produce in the most economical 
 manner ; and (3) the interchange of certain pro- 
 ducts.’ 
 
 “ Into this third attribute of cooperation it 
 is worth while inquiring closely. The idea, 
 which may mean an immense advance in the 
 production of the farm, small or great, has not 
 become familiar even to some of the best local 
 cooperative societies we have. A few examples 
 will illustrate the possibilities. No one will 
 doubt the value of geographical knowledge to 
 the farmer. One of the biggest successes made 
 on the Fen farms in recent years resulted from 
 the accident that a Fen farmer went to shoot 
 snipe in Ireland, and there came upon a potato 
 which proved to be exceptionally suited to the 
 Fen soil. Many small fortunes have been made 
 in potato farming by the use of Scotch seed. 
 To-day, of course, every one is aware of its ex- 
 cellence, due partly to the red soil, partly to the 
 wise custom of the Scotch farmer in digging 
 his potatoes before they are mature. But this 
 knowledge penetrated very slowly. . . . 
 
 “An admirable instance, illustrating the same 
 point, may be found in the unpublished history 
 of the French wheats recently introduced into 
 England. The whole tale is full of suggestions 
 for English farmers and for the organization 
 societies. French farmers, as we all know, are 
 very closely federated ; and every sort of work 
 — in buying, in marketing, and in advancing 
 money — is carried on by the local and feder- 
 ated syndicates. Some years ago the leaders of 
 these syndicates came to the conclusion that 
 their wheats greatly improved by a year or two 
 in English soil. They preferred their own va- 
 rieties, but found them more prolific when the 
 seed was imported from England. Several dif- 
 ficulties met them. They had first to persuade 
 
 English growers to grow these varieties, and 
 secondly they had to compel them to keep the 
 stock pure. The second difficulty might have 
 been insuperable without joint action, but it 
 was soon overcome by the syndicates. 
 
 “At present Ireland is a long way ahead of 
 England, and England of Scotland, in co-opera- 
 tive organization ; but certainly in England, as 
 well as Ireland, co-operation has advanced more 
 rapidly in the last year or two than seemed at 
 all likely at the beginning of the century. The 
 Agricultural Organization Society, which was 
 formed for propaganda work, is already able to 
 give proof of valuable results from joint action 
 towards what may be called the self-sufficiency 
 of Britain. The advance has been made pos- 
 sible by the new federations of farmers, as well 
 as by the multiplication of local co-operative 
 societies.” 
 
 Exhibition of Cooperative Productions. — 
 
 An exhibition of cooperative productions was 
 opened in August, 1909, at the Crystal Palace, 
 London, in connection with a National Co-op- 
 erative Festival. On the one side goods were 
 shown from the various co-partnership produc- 
 tive societies, including boots and shoes, bas- 
 kets, cloth, velvets, cutlery, watches, and 
 printing ; and on the other side were specimens 
 of the Co-operative Wholesale Society’s goods, 
 such as working exhibits of sweet-boiling, soap- 
 milling, and cigar and cigarette making. In 
 addition to the exhibits from workshops, the 
 Tenant’s Housing Societies showed plans of 
 their houses owned on the cooperative principle 
 by groups of workmen and others. It was 
 pointed out by the promoters of the exhibition 
 that such houses may be completely equipped 
 for habitation with articles produced under co- 
 operative conditions. 
 
 India; Rapidity of the Movement. — “The 
 co-operative movement in India, which was 
 started five years ago by the passing of the Co- 
 operative Credit Societies Act, has made steady 
 and satisfactory progress in all the Provinces, 
 and there are now 2,000 societies with 185,000 
 members and a working capital of over half a 
 million sterling. Each Province has its official 
 registrar and staff of inspectors, whose business 
 it is to preach the benefits of co-operation, to en- 
 courage the formation of new societies, to help 
 each society to draw up its by-laws, to check 
 and audit its accounts free of charge, to point 
 out mistakes, and to put things right. The or- 
 dinary type of co-operative society is the village 
 bank of from 50 to 100 members, all residents of 
 the same neighbourhood, who know intimately 
 each other’s needs and resources, and, above all, 
 each other’s character.” — Cor. London Times, 
 Dec. 17, 1909. 
 
 New Zealand : The Labor Group Method. 
 
 — “What distinguishes New Zealand as a State 
 is the way in which governmental powers have 
 been used, not to stop competition in the social- 
 istic sense, but to force a higher and fairer 
 level, on which it acts for the many rather than 
 for the few. Every startling step has been of 
 this nature. New Zealand is democratizing com- 
 petition. If the public is there threatened with 
 monopoly prices in coal or in insurance, the 
 State acts competitively for the whole people. 
 Our great interest in this method is that it may 
 have immeasurable development without land- 
 ing us in Socialism. It has the soul of demo- 
 
 403 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 cracy in it while preserving great areas on 
 which those forms of private property may be 
 maintained which Socialism usually attacks. 
 Even more significant is the other illustration 
 which New Zealand offers. 
 
 “ It is the allotment of work to labor groups 
 under the co-operation method. It unifies at 
 once the political and the industrial practice. 
 If the digging and laying up of a cellar, a sec- 
 tion of roadway, or the foundations of a bridge 
 are assigned to twelve laborers for the sum of 
 fifty pounds, they elect their own manager, 
 agreeing upon the distribution of the work. A 
 standard of efficiency is set, which the inspector 
 enforces. The lump sum of fifty pounds is 
 assumed by the authorities to give first a ‘ fair 
 wage,’ but beyond that a margin is given 
 which extra zeal and fidelity may very mate- 
 rially increase. Under private contractors work- 
 ing for profit, this is of course a very old story. 
 It is not an old story for the State or town to do 
 it, with the express purpose of avoiding certain 
 evils of competition, like insecurity and lack of 
 work.” — John Graham Brooks, Industrial De- 
 mocracy ( The Outlook, Nov. 17, 1906). 
 
 Russia: A. D. 1903 . — Statistics of Con- 
 sumers’ Associations. — In 1903 “ the number 
 of co-operative consumers’ associations in Russia 
 was 824. In order to compile some statistics, 
 in regard to these, the ‘ Permanent Commission 
 for Co-operative Associations’ sent out some in- 
 quiry blanks which, in 204 cases, were properly 
 filled out and returned. From these reports is 
 gathered that the 204 associations had together 
 91,417 members and 26,402 annual subscribers, 
 making a total number of about 118,000 cus- 
 tomers. The average membership of the associa- 
 tions was 577. The number of employees was 
 3258, or 16 per association, and the expenses for 
 wages and maintenance of these amounted to 
 1,131,307 rubles, or averaging 5515 rubles foreach 
 association. The total capital reached a sum of 
 more than 4,000,000 rubles, which item was 
 counterbalanced by a total indebtedness of nearly 
 an equal amount. Of the entire net profit, — 
 1,270,000 rubles, — 256,539 rubles were distrib- 
 uted as dividends on shares, 590,857 rubles as 
 premiums on purchases, and 68,155 were paid 
 into the government as taxes.” — Herman Ros- 
 enthal (. American Review of Reviews). 
 
 United States: Cooperative Distribution 
 and Cooperative Production. — “Today in 
 Utah are eighty-seven cooperative distribution 
 societies and in California sixty; and elsewhere 
 are signs that the excellent principles of united 
 effort may soon enter upon another and very 
 likely its most notable revival. In San Fran- 
 cisco before the earthquake the cooperators 
 had a large wholesale store doing a good busi- 
 ness. At Lawrence, Mass., the flourishing Ar- 
 lington Store Society, an admirably conducted 
 Rochdale venture, has 4,360 members and 
 does an annual business of more than $500,000, 
 and at Lewiston, Maine, is a store managed 
 on lines of modified cooperation with annual 
 sales of more than $600,000. Through the 
 country the cooperative stores number about 
 250, with 60,000 or more members and $7, 
 000 , 000 , of annual business; a showing that 
 looks small compared with the gigantic opera- 
 tions of the British societies. But with the 
 development of the Cooperative Association of 
 America, a new enterprise managed by men 
 
 like Frank Parsons, B. O. Flower, Charles E. 
 Lund and other advanced thinkers, there is 
 likely to be in the next few years a new and 
 very different story to tell of cooperation in 
 America. 
 
 “ Cooperative production has already made a 
 different story, although even that is flecked 
 with enough of failure. ... So far back as 1868, 
 in Minneapolis, four journeymen coopers had 
 formed a cooperative society, steadily enlarged 
 as the milling interests increased. In 1874, 
 when the flour output was about 500,000 bar- 
 rels a year, so many coopers had come to town 
 that the Cooperative Barrel Manufacturing 
 Company was formed and twelve years after- 
 wards two-thirds of all barrels made in Minne- 
 apolis were made in cooperative shops. And 
 then somehow the things began to decline. Of 
 seven great cooperative shops existing in 1886 
 only three survive. ... In other lines of pro- 
 ductive effort Cooperation has often achieved 
 notable success. The cooperative creamery, for 
 instance, has been a boon to millions of farmers. 
 Of such creameries in the United States there 
 are about 3,800 with a membership in their as- 
 sociations of more than 300,000 and an annual 
 product worth more than $80,000,000. In Min- 
 nesota six-sevenths of all the creameries are 
 cooperative; six hundred have been organized 
 in the last ten years with a membership of 
 50,000. The idea is steadily gaining; it is very 
 strong in all the Western States, and even in 
 Massachusetts twenty-eight of fifty creameries 
 are cooperative. In the operation of these so- 
 cieties there has been almost uniform success. 
 The farmers indeed have done far more than 
 the workingmen to show the benefits of union. 
 There are "in the United States about 4,000 
 farmers’ purchasing and distributing societies 
 with 500,000 members. Fruit growers’ associa- 
 tions have been formed in nine states and have 
 now more than 100,000 members. The South- 
 ern California Fruit Exchange, organized in 
 1891, handles more than half the orange busi- 
 ness in California. It has seventy associations 
 with 4,000 members. One third of all the 
 fruit grown in California is now handled coop- 
 eratively. 
 
 “ There are also cooperative bee keepers, 
 cooperative sheep herders, cooperative poultry 
 raisers, cattle breeders, wool growers, cotton 
 growers and milk-dealers, and in six states are 
 flourishing cooperative grain elevators. . . . 
 [See also, above, Labor Organization: U. S. : 
 A. D. 1906.] Of cooperative insurance compa- 
 nies we have about 3,800, including mutual life, 
 fire, hail and live-stock insurance. Three thou- 
 sand of these are among the farmers, with a 
 total membership of 2,700,000 and total risks 
 reaching the amazing sum of $3,000,000,000. 
 Premiums among the farmers’ cooperative in- 
 surance companies average twenty-four cents 
 for each $100 of insurance against an average 
 among all companies, as reported by the United 
 States census, of $1 for every $100 of insurance. 
 In Michigan, Iowa, Indiana, Kansas, Nebraska, 
 Minnesota, Wisconsin, and the Dakotas farm- 
 ers’ cooperative telephone companies have had a 
 phenomenal growth and have effected in some 
 degree a transformation of rural life. . . . Co- 
 operative distribution . . . has lately been revived 
 in America through the well-considered efforts 
 of the Cooperative Association of America, and 
 
 404 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 still more recently through the Golden Rule 
 Fraternity. The Cooperative Association be- 
 gan in Lewiston, Me., in 1900, as ‘A Trust for 
 the People.’ It has utilized the ordinary trust 
 machinery towards communal good instead of 
 personal profit. There is a holding company 
 called the ‘Co-Workers’ Fraternity’ and this 
 owns a controlling interest in stock of the Coop- 
 erative Association of America, in the National 
 Production Company of New Jersey, in the 
 Massachusetts Cooperative Society, and is to 
 own a similar control in the other cooperative 
 societies now being formed. On this modern 
 and comprehensive basis cooperation is being 
 reformed and reorganized in America. Its pit- 
 falls hitherto have been chiefly those of man- 
 agement. On the new plan of organization 
 these should be avoided. . . . The revived 
 prospects of Cooperation in America are due 
 chiefly to the altruistic efforts of a certain band 
 of thoughtful men and women that believe this 
 to be the first step towards a cure of the na- 
 tional evils.” — Chas. D. Russell, The Uprising 
 of the Many, pp. 30-37 (iV. Y., Doubleday, Page 
 & Co., 1907). 
 
 “ I spent nearly four weeks, from March 3 to 
 March 27, [1908] visiting a chain of co-operative 
 stores, fifty-five in number, in the vicinity of 
 Minneapolis, Minnesota. These stores are or- 
 ganized on the famous Rochdale plan, for the 
 benefit of the consumer instead of the capitalist. 
 The profits are divided in proportion to pur- 
 chases, except that the general public who have 
 not yet chosen to become members or share- 
 holders receive only half -dividend or benefit. 
 Goods are not sold cheaper ; it is aimed to create 
 capital by earning good profits. An accounting 
 is had and the profits ascertained once in three 
 or six or twelve months. These profits are then 
 distributed between a surplus fund, an educa- 
 tional or propaganda fund, and dividend on pur 
 chases, which is paid in cash if the shareholder 
 has paid in full, or credited on his share if only 
 part paid. This is the nub of the Rochdale Sys- 
 tem, departures from which have been the cause 
 of a long and almost unbroken line of failure in 
 American attempts in co-operative stores. 
 
 “ These Minnesota and Wisconsin stores have 
 all been organized on a nearly uniform plan by 
 a propaganda organization known as the Right 
 Relationship League, consisting of three active 
 officers, two additional directors, eight field or- 
 ganizers, and an associate membership of all the 
 store shareholders who pay a fee of one dollar. 
 The stores are incorporated by counties ; when 
 there are several stores in one county, they are 
 ‘ departments ’ or branches. For example, the 
 Polk County (Wisconsin) company has ten 
 stores, the Pepin County company nine stores, 
 and each has a general manager and a joint 
 warehouse. Instead of starting a new store with 
 a new manager and no established trade, the 
 newly organized co-operative company buys out 
 the best or next best general store in the town 
 and continues the former owner as manager. 
 
 “Of the old guard who wrote and hoped for 
 co-operation twenty to thirty years ago, all 
 gave up the fight long since, myself excepted. 
 Edward Everett Hale, Richard T. Ely, Carroll 
 D. Wright, Washington Gladden, E. W. Bemis, 
 John R. Commons, will be glad to know that 
 the lost cause is reviving and may yet, in their 
 lifetime, justify their early faith and repay their 
 
 labors.” — N. O. Nelson, The Co-operative Move- 
 ment in the United States ( The Outlook, July 4, 
 1908). 
 
 In February, 1909, it was reported that the 
 stores of the above League had increased in 
 number to seventy-six; that the membership 
 and capital had been doubled within a year, 
 and that a wholesale company had been formed, 
 each store subscribing $ 1000 . 
 
 In “Labor Problems,” by T. S. Adams and 
 Helen L. Sumner, a considerable number of 
 successful undertakings in producers ’ co-opera- 
 tion in the United States are enumerated, in- 
 cluding establishments operated by labor unions 
 in the iron, glass, garment and cigar-making, 
 box-workers, wood-workers, building trades, 
 etc., east and west; besides co-operative laun- 
 dries and restaurants. The most interesting of 
 these organizations appears to be that of the 
 Workers’ Cooperative Association of Boston, 
 formed in 1900 by members of the building 
 trades. 
 
 The “ New Protection”: Australia: A. D. 
 1907 - 1908 . — The “New Protection,” so called, 
 introduced in Australia, “is an extension of the 
 principle of the Wages Boards Acts, which aim 
 to preserve for the workers a certain assured 
 remuneration. Under the New Protection, the 
 field of this minimum wage legislation is ex- 
 tended to the trades subsidized or assisted under 
 protective duties, so as to compel the manufac- 
 turers to share the accruing advantage with 
 their employees. The Tariff Excise Act is the 
 first installment of the new legislation. It came 
 into force on January 1, 1907, and was specially 
 intended to protect the agricultural implement 
 industry from American and Canadian competi- 
 tion. It placed upon imported harvesters a duty 
 of sixty dollars. The Federal Labor party sup- 
 ported the manufacturers in obtaining the duty, 
 on condition that there was inserted a clause im- 
 posing upon locally produced harvesters an ex- 
 cise duty of half the amount of the import duty. 
 Manufacturers would, however, be exempt from 
 the payment of this excise upon showing proof 
 that their workmen had been paid ‘ fair and 
 reasonable remuneration.’ 
 
 “At the close of the manufacturing season one 
 hundred and twelve manufacturers of harvesters 
 filed applications for exemption from excise 
 duty.” This, at once on a test case, carried the 
 question, what is a “fair and reasonable remu- 
 neration” for wage-paid labor into the Court of 
 Conciliation and Arbitration, and its judge, 
 much against his will, was required to determine 
 it. He decided that not less than $9.50 per week, 
 in Australia, for the lowest class of unskilled 
 labor, could be regarded as a “living wage.” 
 “This formed the basis of the entire Tariff Ex- 
 cise scale, since from it the court calculated the 
 rates of payment for all other employees. This 
 was the easier because there was but little differ- 
 ence of opinion between the employers and the 
 respective unions as to the proportionate wages 
 to be paid to various classes of skilled labor, and, 
 with the price for unskilled labor raised, a simi- 
 lar increase followed in all the skilled trades in 
 the business of manufacturing harvesters. 
 
 “The Harvester legislation is only the fore- 
 runner of plans for extensive control over in- 
 dustry to be brought forward as soon as the 
 import duties under the recently introduced 
 tariff are decided. 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 “ In this the three objects to be gained are 
 not always easily reconciled, and the detail 
 work, besides, of drafting rules and regulations 
 to result in a moderately practicable working 
 Act will be enormous. These objects are: 1. To 
 conserve the market for the Australian manu- 
 facturer. 2. To insure fair remuneration to the 
 employee. 3. To protect the consumer by 
 placing a limit upon the price which may be 
 charged. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The rough outline of the proposals is as 
 follows: All dutiable goods bearing the Com- 
 monwealth Trade-Mark (a sort of universal 
 label) as a guarantee that they have been man- 
 ufactured under fair and reasonable conditions 
 as to remuneration of labor will be exempt 
 from excise. A board of excise, to consist of 
 three members, to be appointed to give effect 
 to these proposals. All goods manufactured 
 under conditions which are in accordance with 
 the State or Commonwealth industrial award 
 or agreement, or which are declared to be fair 
 and reasonable by the newly created board of 
 excise, will be entitled to have the Common- 
 wealth Trade-Mark affixed.” — Alice Henry, 
 Australia’s “New Protection” (The Outlook, 
 Feb. 8, 1908). 
 
 The constitutionality of the Tariff Excise 
 Act was soon brought to a test, and the Fed- 
 eral High Court decided in June, 1908, that 
 wages could not be regulated in the method 
 proposed. In the following October proceed- 
 ings were opened in Parliament to secure such 
 an amendment of the Constitution as would 
 empower the desired legislation. 
 
 Pensions : The German State-aided Sys- 
 tem. See (in this vol.) Poverty, Problems 
 of: Pensions. 
 
 System adopted by American Railroad 
 Companies.- — On the 10th of November, 1909, 
 announcement was made by the New York Cen- 
 tral Railroad Company that it had adopted an 
 employees’ pension system, by which 100,000 
 men would be affected. Under the plan, em- 
 ployees reaching the age of seventy years are 
 retired. If they have been continuously in the 
 service of the company for at least ten years 
 preceding their retirement, they will be entitled 
 to a pension. An employee who has been at 
 least twenty years in continual service and has 
 become unfit for duty may be retired with a 
 pension, although he has not reached the age 
 of seventy. The amount of the pensions is 1 per 
 cent, for each year of continuous service, based 
 upon the average rate of pay received for the ten 
 years next preceding retirement. The pension 
 system became effective on January 9, 1910. 
 
 The latest government report on the number 
 of railroad employees puts the total for the coun- 
 try at 1,672,074. “Of these,” says the New 
 York Evening Post, “approximately 665,000, or 
 about 40 per cent., serve the roads which have 
 pension systems. These companies are the New 
 York Central, the Rock Island, the Pennsyl- 
 vania, the Buffalo, Rochester and Pittsburg, the 
 Chicago and Northwestern, the Illinois Central, 
 the Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe, the Union 
 Pacific, Southern Pacific, and their affiliated 
 lines, the Delaware, Lackawanna and Western, 
 the Baltimore and Ohio, the Atlantic Coast Line, 
 the Reading, and the Central of New Jersey.” 
 
 Profit-sharing : Plan of Furness, Withy & 
 Company. — One of the greatest of the British 
 
 ship-building and shipping concerns, that of the 
 incorporated firm of Furness, Withy & Co. of 
 which Sir Christopher Furness is the managing 
 director, announced in the fall of 1908 that it 
 could not continue its business unless the con- 
 stant troubles between itself and its employees 
 over wages questions could be brought to an end. 
 With that view it was proposed to the workmen 
 that they should become partners in the business 
 by taking shares of the company’s capital stock 
 and paying therefor by a five per cent reduction 
 of their wages until the price of their shares 
 should be covered. Additional shares of stock 
 would be issued for the purpose, on which four 
 per cent of dividend would be paid, whether the 
 company divided any surplus on the general 
 stock or not. A certain percentage of the earn- 
 ings of the business would be allotted to capital, 
 and to cover depreciation and development, over 
 and above which the employee-partners would 
 participate in all profits. With reference to these 
 allotments, to capital, etc., Sir Christopher Fur- 
 ness, speaking to a Labor Union meeting on the 
 subject of his proposal, said : “ I am aware that 
 a section of working-men criticise the amounts 
 laid aside by some companies for these various 
 purposes as if they were devices for stealing the 
 real earnings of the company from their employ- 
 ees, but, take my word for it, these allotments 
 cannot be dispensed with, that is to say, if the 
 directors have any regard for the continuance of 
 the company with a reasonable hope of prosper- 
 ity. Possibly an arrangement might be reached 
 that nothing beyond a definite percentage on an 
 average of years should be put aside.” 
 
 Importantly in connection with the arrange- 
 ment of profit-sharing co partnery, Sir Christo- 
 pher planned to organize what he called a Works 
 Council, to be composed of an equal number of 
 representatives of the workmen and representa- 
 tives of the company. It would be, he said, a 
 kind of Court of Reference and Committee of 
 Counsel rolled into one. The proposals of the 
 firm were accepted by its employees and the 
 co-partnery arrangement was carried out. 
 
 A year and a half later, on May 22, Sir Chris- 
 topher Furness and two others purchased an 
 extensive colliery, the Wingate Colliery, and 
 made a similar proposition to the workmen there, 
 offering them one quarter of the shares of the 
 company to be formed, on the same terms of 
 payment as in the case of the ship-building com- 
 pany. This gave evidence that the plan had 
 worked satisfactorily thus far in its earlier trial. 
 
 On the 15th of Dec., 1909, the secretary of the 
 Company addressed a letter to its Employe 
 Shareholders, saying: “ I have to acquaint you 
 that my board have had under consideration the 
 working of the company since the adoption of 
 the co partnery scheme, and I am directed to say 
 that they consider the results, from every point 
 of view, to be very satisfactory.” The substan- 
 tial results to the employees were thus stated : 
 
 “ On the financial side you will also be pleased 
 to hear that the working results are equally sat- 
 isfactory. The audited accounts up to Septem- 
 ber 30 last, and the estimated results from that 
 date to the present time, show such a balance as 
 enables the directors to declare a dividend. They 
 propose therefore, to make a distribution on the 
 agreed basis of the scheme — viz., the guaran- 
 teed 4 per cent, to the employe shareholders, the 
 fixed 5 per cent, to the Ordinary shareholders, 
 
 406 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 with a bonus of 5 per cent, to both classes of 
 shareholders. This will yield to the employe 
 shareholders a return at the rate of 9 per cent, 
 per annum, and to the Ordinary shareholders at 
 the rate of 10 per cent, per annum, for the nine 
 months ending December 81, 1909. 
 
 ‘‘For better convenience it has been decided 
 by my board to make the financial year end on 
 December 31. 
 
 ‘‘The amount due to each employe share- 
 holder will be paid at the offices of the company 
 at the respective ship-yards on the pay-day, 
 Friday, December 24.” 
 
 Promising as this plan of profit-sharing ap- 
 peared, it did not prove satisfactory to the em- 
 ployes, and, on the 1st of April, 1910, they voted 
 against its continuance, complaining that their 
 expectation of full employment had not been 
 realized, and that the system tended to break up 
 trade unions, which are labor’s surest support 
 and defence. 
 
 The Plan of the United States Steel Cor- 
 poration, and other Great Corporations. — 
 
 “An occurrence of tremendous and far-reaching 
 importance is the success of the United States 
 Steel Corporation’s wage-earners’ investment 
 and profit-sharing plan. When this plan was 
 announced, January 1, [1903], every thoughtful 
 man in the country gave it close attention. . . . 
 With all, the question of questions was, Will it 
 succeed ? ... We have not been compelled to 
 wait long for the answer. The directors of the 
 Steel Corporation offered 25,000 shares of stock 
 to their 168,000 employees. The books were to 
 be kept open thirty days. No one dared believe 
 that within this month, while the plan was so 
 new, while all sorts of prejudices or fears might 
 deter subscribers, and while the great mass of 
 employees would still be studying and thinking 
 about the offer which to them must have seemed 
 somewhat novel and complicated, all or even 
 ■one-half of the proffered stock would be taken 
 up. Yet, when the books closed Saturday even- 
 ing, January 31, it was found that the 25,000 
 shares offered had been subscribed for more than 
 twice over. Twenty-seven thousand six hun- 
 dred and thirty -three employees had subscribed 
 for 51,125 shares. . . . 
 
 “ The company’s proposal was to share profits 
 with all employees who would demonstrate 
 their interest and thrift by buying the company’s 
 stock. Consequently, the great bulk of the 
 stock set aside for purchase by employees was 
 offered to the men who earn the smallest salaries. 
 This was done by dividing the 168,000 em- 
 ployees into six classes, according to their sala- 
 ries — Class A, over §20,000 a year ; Class B, 
 §10,000 to §20,000, down to Class E, §800 to 
 §2,500 a year, and Class F, under §800 a year — 
 and then by limiting the amount of stock em- 
 ployees could take to the following proportions 
 of their annual salaries : Class A, 5 per cent. ; 
 Class B, 8 per cent.; Class C, 10 per cent. ; Class 
 D, 12 per cent.; Class E, 15 per cent.; and 
 Class F, 20 per cent. It will thus be seen why 
 90 per cent, of all the stock subscribed for in 
 January goes to the two classes of mechanics 
 and workmen whose salaries are under §2,500 
 a year. 
 
 “The method is really a very simple one. 
 Employees subscribe for stock, one or two 
 shares apiece. The shares cost §82.50, or less 
 than the market value. Each employee pays 
 
 in monthly installments, taken from his wages, 
 and he may have the payments made small or 
 large, as he likes, save that not more than 25 
 per cent, of his wages may be so used in any 
 month, and he may not be more than three 
 years in completing payment. Dividends at 
 the rate of 7 per cent, a year go to the subscriber 
 from the date of his first payment. Interest at 
 5 per cent, is charged on the deferred payments. 
 In other words, the corporation sells stock be- 
 low the market price, on credit, and pays the 
 holder 2 per cent, a year in dividends more than 
 he has to pay in interest. Here is a direct in- 
 ducement to the investment of savings. But 
 this is not all. Inducements are offered the em- 
 ployee to complete payment for his stock and 
 to hold it. As soon as he has fully paid for it, 
 the certificate is issued in his name, and he is 
 free to dispose of it. But to make it worth his 
 while to hold it and at the same time keep his 
 place as a working partner in the company’s 
 service, the corporation says to him : ‘ If you 
 
 hold your stock, and beginning with January 
 next year you show it to the treasurer of your 
 company, and present a letter from the proper 
 official that during the preceding year you have 
 been in the employ of the company, and have 
 shown a proper interest in its welfare and pro- 
 gress, and you do this each January for five 
 years, we will give you, in addition to the divi- 
 dends paid you, a bonus of five dollars per 
 share for each year. During the second period 
 of five years, we will pay you a further yearly 
 bonus, as a reward for your continuous faithful 
 service.’ The amount of the second bonus 
 cannot now be fixed, but it will doubtless be 
 larger than the first one. Ample provision is 
 made for the protection of subscribers who 
 from one cause or another are unable to com- 
 plete payment. Subscribers who discontinue 
 payments get their money back and keep the 
 difference between the 7 per cent, dividends 
 and the 5 per cent, interest. In the case of sub- 
 scribers who die or are disabled while faithfully 
 serving the corporation, after having paid for 
 their stock, the five dollars per share yearly 
 bonus is not lost, but is paid over to them or 
 to their estates.” — Walter Wellman, The Steel 
 Corporation Points the Way ( American Review 
 of Reviews, March, 1903). 
 
 “On December 31, 1908, it was reported that 
 22,960 employees had purchased shares under 
 this plan and at that date either held the certi- 
 ficates or were making monthly payments for 
 them on account. This is about 10 per cent, 
 of the total number of employees, so that the 
 scheme has not failed to enlist support. Indeed, 
 it appears that in certain years, in 1907, for in- 
 stance, the allotments of stock to employees 
 were over-subscribed by 100 per cent. In May 
 of this present year it was announced that 
 since the scheme went into effect 193,493 shares 
 of preferred stock and 15,318 of common stock 
 had been sold to the employees at a total 
 price of §17,491,680. For 1909, the preferred 
 was allotted at §110 per share, and the com- 
 mon on the basis of §50 per share. Indeed, 
 one might opine that of late the attention of 
 the lucky employee-holders might have been 
 concentrated more on the ticker than on the 
 steel hammer. Their paper profits have been 
 figured at over §6,000,000, and it is asserted that 
 much of the stock has been sold by the fortu- 
 
 407 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 nate investors.” — N. Y. Evening Post , July 29, 
 1909. 
 
 A plan of profit-sharing with its employees 
 similar to that of the U. S. Steel Corporation 
 was introduced by the International Harvester 
 Company, 1909, and by the Youngstown Sheet 
 and Tube Company at about the same time. 
 The plan of the former company was described 
 very fully to the National Civic Federation, at 
 its tenth annual meeting in New York, Novem- 
 ber, 1909, by Mr. George W. Perkins, chairman 
 of the finance committee of the company. The 
 result of the plan is “ that a man begins to buy 
 a share of the company’s stock at a price below 
 the market value; he is allowed to pay for it in 
 instalments, paying 5 per cent, interest on de- 
 ferred payments ; he is credited with 7 per cent, 
 dividends on the preferred stock and whatever 
 dividends are declared on common stock. In ad- 
 dition to this, he is credited with, respectively, 
 $4 and $3 per share, each year, on the preferred 
 and common stock, and at the end of five years 
 receives a further benefit by way of a share in a 
 fund made up of such §4 or $3 deposits as are 
 made by the company on account of those who 
 do not continue under the plan. It will be seen 
 that this offers the men an exceedingly satis- 
 factory form of investment in the business in 
 which they are employed, and gives to the com- 
 pany the great advantage of anchoring its or- 
 ganization to the business. 
 
 ‘‘The stock offered last summer was largely 
 over subscribed, and the company to-day has 
 more than 4,300 employees as stockholders.” 
 
 Wages Regulation by Law. — The Eng- 
 lish Trade Boards Bill. — To Suppress 
 “ Sweating ” in certain Industries. — A Bill 
 known as the Trade Boards Bill, which had 
 passed the House of Commons already, had its 
 second reading in the House of Lords, almost 
 without opposition or serious criticism, on the 
 20th of August, 1909. The second reading was 
 moved by Lord Hamilton of Dalzell, who said 
 in doing so that “its object was the establish- 
 ment of a minimum rate of wages in certain 
 sweated industries. The establishment by stat- 
 ute of a minimum rate of wages was, he sup- 
 posed, anew departure, but the regulation of the 
 conditions of labour in certain trades was by no 
 means new, and ever since the passing of the first 
 Factory Act Parliament had from time to time 
 agreed to legislation having that object. Every 
 one knew what sweating was, and every one 
 acknowledged it to be a great evil. It was not a 
 new thing, but the Government were of opinion 
 that the time had now come when the only 
 practical remedy should be applied. He under- 
 stood that in Germany legislation dealing with 
 this subject was imminent. He commended 
 that fact to any one who might be afraid that 
 by legislation of this sort the trade of this 
 country would be driven abroad. 
 
 “Asa matter of fact there was no reason to 
 believe that any trade would be killed by the 
 Bill. He did not know of any better proof of 
 that than was found in the fact that almost all 
 connected with the trades mentioned in the 
 schedule, both masters and men, warmly sup- 
 ported the bill. He imagined that there would 
 be a levelling up process. Employers who had 
 paid fair wages would continue to do so; em- 
 ployers who would like to pay fair wages but 
 were afraid of having their prices cut by the 
 
 class below would now be able to do so, while 
 the genuine sweater would have to pay fair 
 wages whether he liked it or not. Girls living 
 at home with their families and married women 
 who had no children were often willing to work 
 at considerably less than the market rate for the 
 purpose of earning a little pocket money, and 
 it might be said that if both parties were agree- 
 able to this arrangement there was no reason to 
 interfere. Seeing, however, that these people 
 dragged down the level of wages and inflicted 
 a serious injury on those who had to carry on 
 trade for their living, they were included in the 
 Bill. If their work was worth having, it must 
 be worth paying for. The trades selected for 
 the purpose of the Bill were certain parts of 
 the tailoring trade, the paper box making trade, 
 certain parts of the common lace finishing 
 trade, and certain parts of the chain making 
 trade. These were all trades in which sweating 
 was acknowledged to exist. The Bill could be 
 extended to other trades by a Provisional Order 
 Bill, and in this way the control of Parliament 
 would be maintained. The minimum rate of 
 wages in the specified trades would be regulated 
 by a Central Trade Board assisted by local com- 
 mittees. Notice would be given when it was 
 intended to fix a minimum rate of wages, and 
 there would be an interval of three months to 
 give those who desired to raise objections an 
 opportunity of being heard. During the inter- 
 mediary period, which would last six months, 
 the rate of wages fixed by the Board would not 
 be compulsory. He admitted that the establish- 
 ment of a minimum rate of wages was a new 
 principle. In certain quarters it had been ob- 
 jected to as an undue interference with freedom 
 of contract, but the principle would only be 
 applied where the workpeople had shown them- 
 selves incapable of any action for themselves. 
 The conditions in those extreme cases clearly 
 called for legislative action, in the interests of 
 the community as well as of the workpeople 
 themselves.” 
 
 Almost every speaker who discussed the Bill, 
 Liberal and Conservative alike, gave it cordial 
 support. 
 
 Wages and Cost of Living : Germany and 
 England compared, 1908 - 1909 . — Results of 
 a statistical study of labor conditions in Ger- 
 many, compared with those in Great Britain, 
 were published by the British Government in 
 the summer of 1908, and the showing favors the 
 British workingmen. As nearly as the different 
 housing of their class in the two countries can 
 be compared, the average of -German rents is to 
 rents in England as 123 to 100; while the cost of 
 food to the Germans is to that of the English as 
 115 to 100. On the side of necessary expendi- 
 ture, therefore, the wages of the German work- 
 man are drawn upon more heavily than the Eng 
 lishman’s by fifteen or twenty per cent., at the 
 least. In other words, he would need to have 
 higher wages than the Englishman, by as much 
 as fifteen or twenty per cent., to put him on a 
 footing of equality with the latter in the cir- 
 cumstances of his living. Instead of which his 
 wages are lower by a number of points, the sta- 
 tistical ratio being 83 to 100 in the average of 
 weekly wages, and 75 to 100 in the average of 
 hourly rates. But this does not end his disad- 
 vantages, for he renders more hours of work, in 
 the measure of 111 to 100. Notwithstanding all 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 which handicaps, it is quite commonly conceded 
 that the German workingman is physically more 
 vigorous than the English, as a rule, and con- 
 trives, by more thriftiness in his living, to keep 
 it on a higher level. Which is an extraordinarily 
 creditable fact. 
 
 That the German workman lives and labors 
 under the conditions produced by a high protec- 
 tive tariff, which is claimed to be protective of 
 high wages as well as high prices, while the 
 British workman’s conditions of life and labor 
 are the product of free trade in everything but 
 a few tariff-taxed articles of luxury, such as 
 wines, tobacco, silks, jewels and the like, are 
 facts to be borne in mind when these compari- 
 sons are considered. 
 
 The following is from a report by the British 
 Consul-General on the trade and commerce of 
 the consular district of Frankfort-on -the-Main 
 for the year ending April 30, 1909. 
 
 “ In last year’s report it was stated that the 
 belief was gaining ground that wages in Ger- 
 many were not only approaching those paid in 
 the United Kingdom for the same class of work, 
 but in some cases even exceeded them. That 
 the German workman to-day lives better than 
 he used to there can be little doubt. The stand- 
 ard of life has been raised all round ; the low- 
 est aspect and standard of years gone by no 
 longer exists. Food has improved, clothes have 
 improved, Germany has become a rich country 
 without the lowest grades of poverty which 
 exist elsewhere. Wages have been increased in 
 keeping with the higher level. Yet I do not 
 think that, generally speaking, the German 
 workman lives as well as the British work- 
 man.” 
 
 After giving a table relating to savings 
 bank deposits the report says that while during 
 1900-5 the number of deposit books increased 
 by 22.7 percent, and the total deposits by 44 
 per cent., during 1905-7 they increased by only 
 7.95 and 10 per cent, respectively. This is con- 
 sidered to be attributable to the increased cost 
 of living, and also to the fact that “with in- 
 creasing wealth people are apt to become less 
 thrifty.” 
 
 France, Germany, and England: Work- 
 men’s Living Expenses compared, 1909 . — 
 
 A British Board of Trade report on the condi- 
 tions of industrial life in France, published in 
 May, 1909, summarizes as follows, in a prefa- 
 tory note, the conclusions drawn from the mass 
 of facts collected, as to the comparative cost of 
 living to workmen in France, Germany, and 
 England: “As regards rents, it appears that 
 the French workman pays somewhat less than 
 the English workman for a corresponding 
 amount of housing accommodation, and there- 
 fore much less than the German workman ; but 
 against this must be set the fact that his hous- 
 ing accommodation is, as a rule, decidedly in- 
 ferior in quality. The difference between the 
 rent-levels of the capital and of the rest of the 
 country is quite as marked in France as in Eng 
 land or Germany. 
 
 “The range of town price-levels is not very 
 wide in any one of the three countries investi- 
 gated, and in France, as in the other two, the 
 differences between one town and another in 
 the cost of living (so far as it relates to expend- 
 iture on food) are, as a rule, by no means 
 great. When the relative levels of food -prices 
 
 in the three countries are compared, so far as 
 the data permit, it appears that the general 
 ratio of French prices to English prices for cor- 
 responding commodities is the same as that of 
 German prices. 
 
 “ On the assumption which has been adopted 
 for the purposes of these international compari- 
 sons it follows that an English workman, w'itli 
 an average family, who should go to France 
 and endeavour to maintain there his accustomed 
 mode of living, would find his expenditure on 
 rent, food, and fuel substantially increased — 
 though not to so large an extent as if he had 
 gone to Germany. On the other hand, he W'ould 
 find his wages to be lower than in the latter 
 country and much below the English level, in 
 spite of longer hours. 
 
 “ The results of the comparison are some- 
 what modified if we take as its basis the for- 
 eign rather than the English mode of living. A 
 French workman living in England according 
 to his French standard would find a certain 
 reduction in the cost of food, but a rise in the 
 cost of housing accommodation. On the whole 
 his expenses of living would be somewhat de- 
 creased, but in a proportion by no means so 
 great as that by which the English workman 
 would find his expenses increased on migration 
 to France. ” 
 
 United States: 1905-6 compared with 1890 . 
 — Gains to Labor. — Bulletin No. 71 of the 
 United States Bureau of Labor, published in 
 July, 1907, is devoted mainly to an elaborate re- 
 port on Wages and Hours of Labor in Manufac- 
 turing Industries, 1890 to 1906, exhibiting “the 
 average wages per hour, the average hours of 
 labor per week, and the number of employees in 
 both 1905 and 1906, in the leading wage-working 
 occupations of 4,034 establishments in the prin- 
 cipal manufacturing and mechanical industries 
 of the United States.” The report does not cover 
 salaried employees in any industries. With it, in 
 a separate article, the retail prices of food in dif- 
 ferent parts of the country, 1890-1906, are tabu- 
 lated. A summary of deductions from the fig- 
 ures detailed is submitted by way of preface to 
 the tables and from this the following is taken : 
 
 “In the year 1906 the average wages per hour 
 in the principal manufacturing and mechanical 
 industries of the country were 4.5 per cent 
 higher than in 1905, the regular hours of labor 
 per week were 0.5 per cent lower than in 1905, 
 and the number of employees in the establish- 
 ments investigated was 7 per cent greater than 
 in 1905. The average full-time weekly earnings 
 per employee in 1906 were 3.9 per cent greater 
 than in 1905. 
 
 “The variation in the purchasing power of 
 wages may be measured by using the retail 
 prices of food, the expenditures for which con- 
 stitute nearly half of the expenditures for all 
 purposes in a workingman’s family. Accord- 
 ing to that article [on prices] the retail prices of 
 food, weighted according to consumption in re- 
 presentative workingmen’s families, were 2.9 
 per cent higher in 1906 than in 1905. As the ad- 
 vance in wages per hour from 1905 to 1906 was 
 greater than the advance in the retail prices of 
 food, the purchasing power of an hour’s wages, 
 as measured by food, was greater in 1906 than 
 in 1905. In 1906 the purchasing power of an 
 hour’s wages as expended for food was 1.4 per 
 cent greater than in 1905, and the purchasing 
 
 409 
 
LABOR REMUNERATION 
 
 LANSDOWNE 
 
 power of a full week’s wages was 1 per cent 
 greater in 1906 than in 1905, or, expressed in 
 other words, an hour’s wages in 1906 in the 
 manufacturing and mechanical industries in the 
 United States would purchase 1.4 per cent more 
 food than an hour's wages in 1905, and a full 
 week’s wages in 1906 would purchase 1 per cent 
 more food than a full week’s wages in 1905. 
 
 “ As compared in each case with the average 
 for the years from 1890 to 1899, the average 
 wages per hour in 1906 were 24.2 per cent 
 higher, the number of employees in the estab- 
 lishments investigated was 42.9 per cent 
 greater, and the average hours of labor per 
 week were 4.6 per cent lower. The average 
 earnings per employee per full week in 1906 
 were 18.5 per cent higher than the average earn- 
 ings per full week during the ten years from 
 1890 to 1899. 
 
 “The retail price of the principal articles of 
 food, weighted according to family consumption 
 of the various articles, was 15.7 per cent higher 
 in 1906 than the average price for the ten years 
 from 1890 to 1899. Compared with the average 
 for the same ten-year period, the purchasing 
 power of an hour’s wages in 1906 was 7.3 per 
 cent greater, and of a full week’s wages 2.4 per 
 cent greater, the increase in the purchasing 
 power of the full week’s wages being less than 
 the increase in the purchasing power of hourly 
 wages, because of the reduction in the hours of 
 labor.” 
 
 In 40 of the 41 industries covered by this re- 
 port the greatest increase of wages “was in the 
 manufacture of cotton goods, where the average 
 wages per hour in 1906 were 11.2 per cent 
 higher than the average wages per hour in 1905. 
 In the manufacture of electrical apparatus and 
 supplies there was an increase in wages per hour 
 of 10.1 per cent. In street and sewer work done 
 by contract the increase in wages per hour was 
 
 8.7 per cent; in iron and steel, Bessemer con- 
 verting, 8.5 per cent, and in the manufacture of 
 cigars, 8.4 per cent. In the manufacture of bar 
 iron the increase in wages per hour was 6.9 per 
 cent, and in the building trades 6.1 per cent. 
 Briefly stated, two industries show an increase 
 in hourly wages of more than 10 per cent, 7 in- 
 dustries an increase of 5 per cent but less than 
 10 per cent, and 31 industries an increase of less 
 than 5 per cent. In one industry, paper and wood 
 pulp, there was a decrease of wages of 1.1 per 
 cent. In the industries as a whole, weighted 
 according to importance, the increase in wages 
 was 4.5 per cent. . . . 
 
 “The per cent of change in hours of labor 
 in 1906, as compared with 1905, was not so great 
 as the per cent of change in wages per hour. In 
 5 industries there was a decrease of hours of 1 
 per cent or more, while in 25 industries there 
 w T as a decrease of less than 1 per cent. In 5 in- 
 dustries there was an increase in hours of labor 
 per week ; in no instance, however, was the in- 
 crease more than 0.3 per cent. Five industries 
 show no change in hours of labor. The hours of 
 labor were not reported for slaughtering and 
 meat packing, for the reason set forth in foot- 
 note on page 58. The decrease in hours of labor 
 in the industries taken as a whole was 0.5 per 
 cent. 
 
 “ In 1906 there was an increase in the retail 
 price of food, weighted according to family con- 
 sumption of 2.9 per cent as compared with 1905, 
 an increase of 3.6 per cent as compared with 
 1904, an increase of 4.9 per cent as compared 
 with 1903. an increase of 4.3 per cent as com- 
 pared with 1902, and an increase of 10 per cent 
 as compared with 1901. The retail price of food 
 was 21.2 per cent higher in 1906 than in 1896, 
 the year of lowest prices, and 15.7 per cent 
 higher than the average price for the ten years, 
 1890 to 1899.” 
 
 LABOR TRAINING: Technical and In- 
 dustrial Education. See Education. 
 
 LADRONES. See (in this vol.) Philippine 
 Islands : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 LAFAYETTE, Marquis de : Represent- 
 atives of the Family invited Guests of the 
 United States. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1902 (May). 
 
 LA FOLLETTE, Robert Marion. See (in 
 this vol.) Wisconsin : A. D. 1900-1909 ; also, 
 Public Utilities, Regulation of. 
 
 LAGERLOF, Selma. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 LAKES -TO-THE-GULF DEEP 
 WATERWAY. See (in this vol.) Conser- 
 vation of Natural Resources : United 
 
 States. 
 
 LALLA R’KIA. See (in this vol.) Mo- 
 rocco : A. D. 1903. 
 
 LAMA, The Dalai. See (in this vol.) Tibet. 
 
 LAMSDORFF, Count: Russian Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 LAND: In the United States: Reclama- 
 tion of Arid Lands. — Wasteful Culture. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Conservation of Natural Re- 
 sources. 
 
 The Small Holdings Act in Great Britain. 
 
 See England: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 T axation proposed in the British Budget of 
 1909 . SeeENGLAND’ A. D. 1909 (Apiiil-Dec.). 
 
 LAND LAWS, Irish : The working of the 
 Successive Laws. — The Act of 1903. See 
 (in this vol.) Ireland : A. D. 1870-1903, 1905. 
 
 Russian: The Agrarian Law. See Rus- 
 sia: A. D. 1909 (April). 
 
 LAND OFFICE FRAUDS. See (in this 
 vol.) United States: A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 LAND PURCHASE ACT, of 1909, Irish. 
 See (in this vol.) Ireland : A. D. 1909. 
 
 LAND QUESTION, in Australia. See 
 (in this vol.) Immigration and Emigration : 
 Australia. 
 
 LAND, RUSSIAN CROWN: Sale to 
 Peasants opened. See (in this vol.) Russia: 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 LAND SYSTEM, of New Zealand. See 
 (in this vol.) New Zealand: A. D. 1905. 
 
 LANDIS, Judge K. M. : Judgment against 
 the Standard Oil Company, imposing a Fine 
 of $29,000,000. See (in this vol.) Combina- 
 tions, Industrial, &c.: United States: 
 A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 LANDLORDISM : Overthrown Politi- 
 
 cally in Denmark. See (in this vol.) Den- 
 mark : A. D. 1901. 
 
 LANGLEY, Samuel P. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent: Aero- 
 nautics. 
 
 LANSDOWNE, Henry Charles, Mar- 
 quess of: Secretary for Foreign Affairs. — 
 Despatch explanatory of Agreements be- 
 
LANSDOWNE 
 
 LAW AND ITS COUNTS 
 
 tween England and France, April, 1904 . 
 
 See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 On each of the Two Defensive Agreements 
 with Japan. See Japan : A. D. 1902, and 1905 
 (Aug.). 
 
 On the Budget of 1909 . See England : A. 
 D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 LARRINAGA, Tulio: Delegate to Third 
 International Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 LATHAM, Hubert. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence and Invention ; Recent : Aeronautics. 
 
 LATIN BIBLE, Revised Translation of. 
 See (in this vol.) Papacy : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 LAURIER, Sir Wilfred, Premier of Can- 
 ada: At Colonial Conference in London, 
 1902. See British Empire. 
 
 At the Imperial Conference of 1907 . See 
 British Empire: A. D. 1907. 
 
 LAURIER MINISTRY: Supported ill 
 the Canadian Elections, 1904 . See Canada: 
 A. D. 1904. 
 
 LAVERAN, Charles L. A. See (in this 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 LAW AND ITS COURTS: England: 
 Institution of a Court of Criminal Appeal. — 
 
 An important innovation in the administration 
 of criminal law was introduced in Great Britain 
 by an Act of Parliament “ to Establish a Court 
 of Criminal Appeal,” approved August 28, 1907. 
 In part, the enactment was as follows : 
 
 “ 1 . — (1) There shall be a Court of Criminal 
 Appeal, and the Lord Chief Justice of England 
 and eight judges of the King’s Bench Division 
 of the High Court, appointed for the purpose 
 by the Lord Chief Justice with the consent of 
 the Lord Chancellor for such period as he thinks 
 desirable in each case, shall be judges of that 
 court. 
 
 “ (2) For the purpose of hearing and determin- 
 ing appeals under this Act, and for the purpose 
 of any other proceedings under this Act, the 
 Court of Criminal Appeal shall be summoned in 
 accordance with directions given by the Lord 
 Chief Justice of England with the consent of 
 the Lord Chancellor, and the court shall be duly 
 constituted if it consists of not less than three 
 judges and of an uneven number of judges. 
 
 “If the Lord Chief Justice so directs, the 
 court may sit in two or more divisions. The 
 court shall sit in London except in cases where 
 the Lord Chief Justice gives special directions 
 that it shall sit at some other place. . . . 
 
 “ 3 . A person convicted on indictment may 
 appeal under this Act to the Court of Criminal 
 Appeal — (a) against his conviction on any 
 ground of appeal which involves a question of 
 law alone ; and (5) with the leave of the Court 
 of Criminal Appeal or upon the certificate of the 
 Judge who tried him that it is a fit case for 
 appeal against his conviction on any ground of 
 appeal which involves a question of fact alone 
 or a question of mixed law and fact, or any other 
 ground which appears to the court to be a suffi- 
 cient ground of appeal ; and (c) with the leave 
 of the Court of Criminal Appeal against the sen- 
 tence passed on his conviction, unless the sen- 
 tence is one fixed by law. 
 
 “ 4 . — (1) The Court of Criminal Appeal on 
 any such appeal against conviction shall allow 
 the appeal if they think that the verdict of the 
 jury should be set aside on the ground that it 
 is unreasonable or cannot be supported having 
 
 regard to the evidence, or that the judgment of 
 the court before whom the appellant was con- 
 victed should be set aside on the ground of a 
 wrong decision of any question of law or that on 
 any ground there was a miscarriage of j ustice, 
 and in any other case shall dismiss the appeal : 
 Provided that the court may, notwithstanding 
 that they are of opinion that the point raised in 
 the appeal might be decided in favour of the ap- 
 pellant, dismiss the appeal if they consider that 
 no substantial miscarriage of justice has actu- 
 ally occurred. 
 
 “(2) Subject to the special provisions of this 
 Act, the Court of Criminal Appeal shall, if they 
 allow an appeal against conviction, quash the 
 conviction and direct a judgment and verdict 
 of acquittal to be entered. 
 
 “ (3) On an appeal against sentence the Court 
 of Criminal Appeal shall, if they think that a 
 different sentence should have been passed, 
 quash the sentence passed at the trial, and pass 
 such other sentence warranted in law by the 
 verdict (whether more or less severe) in substi- 
 tution therefor as they think ought to have been 
 passed, and in any other case shall dismiss the 
 appeal. 
 
 “ 5 . — (1) If it appears to the Court of Crim- 
 inal Appeal that an appellant, though not pro- 
 perly convicted on some count or part of the in- 
 dictment, has been properly convicted on some 
 other count or part of the indictment, the court 
 may either affirm the sentence passed on the 
 appellant at the trial, or pass such sentence in 
 substitution therefor as they think proper, and 
 as may be warranted in law by the verdict on 
 the count or part of the indictment on which 
 the court consider that the appellant has been 
 properly convicted. 
 
 “(2) Where an appellant has been convicted 
 of an offence and the jury could on the indict- 
 ment have found him guilty of some other of- 
 fence, and on the finding of the jury it appears 
 to the Court of Criminal Appeal that the jury 
 must have been satisfied of facts which proved 
 him guilty of that other offence, the court may, 
 instead of allowing or dismissing the appeal, 
 substitute for the verdict found by the jury a 
 verdict of guilty of that other offence, and pass 
 such sentence in substitution for the sentence 
 passed at the trial as may be warranted in law 
 for that other offence, not being a sentence of 
 greater severity. 
 
 “ (3) Where on the conviction of the appellant 
 the jury have found a special verdict, and the 
 Court of Criminal Appeal consider that a wrong 
 conclusion has been arrived at by the court before 
 which the appellant has been convicted on the 
 effect of that verdict, the Court of Criminal Ap- 
 peal may, instead of allowing the appeal, order 
 such conclusion to be recorded as appears to the 
 court to be in law required by the verdict, and 
 pass such sentence in substitution for the sen- 
 tence passed at the trial as may be warranted in 
 law. 
 
 “ (4) If on any appeal it appears to the Court 
 of Criminal Appeal that, although the appellant 
 was guilty of the act or omission charged against 
 him, he was insane at the time the act was done 
 or omission made so as not to be responsible ac- 
 cording to law for his actions, the court may 
 quash the sentence passed at the trial and order 
 the appellant to be kept in custody as a criminal 
 lunatic.” 
 
 411 
 
LAW AND ITS COURTS 
 
 LAW AND ITS COURTS 
 
 France: Reform of Judicial Procedure in 
 Criminal Trials. — Criticism of French judi- 
 cial procedure in criminal trials, under the 
 system which puts the duties of a prosecuting 
 attorney on the judge, was much sharpened in 
 the autum of 1909 by the attention drawn to a 
 sensational murder trial at Paris — the Steinheil 
 case. The result was to impel the Government 
 to undertake measures of reform, beginning 
 with the appointment, November 20, of an 
 extra-Parliamentary commission to study the 
 whole question of reform. Within a month 
 after the appointment of the commission one of 
 its leading members, in an article in the Matin, 
 indicated the main points of the recommenda- 
 tions which the commission was already pre- 
 pared to make. It would recommend that the 
 authority of the President of the Assize Court 
 should remain intact, and that the Judge should 
 as heretofore continue to direct the jury and 
 preside over the whole process of the instruc- 
 tion or preliminary inquiry. In the view of the 
 Commission the Judge's moral authority cannot 
 but be augmented by the proposal to relieve him 
 of the duty of cross-examining a prisoner at the 
 bar. It would be recommended that in future 
 a summary statement of the case by the Public 
 Prosecutor, or in a civil suit by the plaintiff, 
 should be followed by a presentation of the 
 defendant’s case on the part of counsel for the 
 defence. The jury would thus be made ac- 
 quainted with the issue, and the witnesses would 
 then be called. Each witness would be liable to 
 cross-examination on behalf both of the defence 
 and of the prosecution, and the Judge, remain- 
 ing aloof from the discussion in his new rule as 
 arbitrator, could not but gain moral authority 
 in a degree which would materially promote the 
 ends of even-handed justice. 
 
 A Bill on these lines was introduced by the 
 Minister of Justice in the following month. 
 
 International: Naval Prize Court, and 
 proposed Judicial Arbitration Court. See (in 
 this vol.) War, The Revolt against : A. D. 
 1909 (Oct.). 
 
 United States : The Question of Injunc- 
 tions in Labor Disputes. - — - The question of the 
 issuance of writs of injunction by the courts in 
 connection with labor disputes came much into 
 discussion during the canvass preliminary to the 
 American presidential election of 1908, and was 
 a prominent subject of declaration in the plat- 
 forms of the political parties (see, in this vol., 
 United States : A. D. 1908, April-Nov.). 
 Subsequently, President Taft, in his first annual 
 message to Congress, cited the pronouncement 
 of the Republican party on this question, and 
 said: “I recommend that in compliance with 
 the promise thus made, appropriate legislation 
 be adopted. The ends of justice will best be met 
 and the chief cause of complaint against ill-con- 
 sidered injunctions without notice will be re- 
 moved by the enactment of a statute forbidding 
 hereafter the issuing of any injunction or re- 
 straining order, whether temporary or perma- 
 nent, by any Federal court, without previous 
 notice and a reasonable opportunity to be heard 
 on behalf of the parties to be enjoined ; unless 
 it shall appear to the satisfaction of the court 
 that the delay necessary to give such notice and 
 hearing would result in irreparable injury to the 
 complainant and unless also the court shall from 
 the evidence make a written finding, which shall 
 
 be spread upon the court minutes, that immedi- 
 ate and irreparable injury is likely to ensue to 
 the complainant, and shall define the injury, 
 state why it is irreparable, and shall also endorse 
 on the order issued the date and the hour of the 
 issuance of the order. Moreover, every such 
 injunction or restraining order issued without 
 previous notice and opportunity by the defend- 
 ant to be heard should by force of the statute 
 expire and be of no effect after seven days from 
 the issuance thereof, or within any time less 
 than that period which the court may fix, unless 
 within such seven days or such less period, the 
 injunction or order is extended or renewed after 
 previous notice and opportunity to be heard.” 
 National and State Legislation. — Need 
 of Uniformity.- — Movements to secure it. — 
 Speaking in 1906 at a dinner of the Pennsyl- 
 vania Society, the Hon. Elihu Root, then U. S. 
 Secretary of State, addressed, in a few words, a 
 very pregnant suggestion and admonition to the 
 lawmakers of the States in the American Union. 
 He spoke first of the strongly nationalized sen- 
 timent of patriotism that has had its rapid 
 growth of late in the country, saying: “Our 
 country as a whole, the noble and beloved land 
 of every citizen of every State, has become the 
 object of pride and devotion among all our 
 people. North and South, within the limits of 
 the proud old colonial commonwealths, through 
 out that vast region where Burr once dreamed 
 of a separate empire dominating the valley of 
 the Mississippi, and upon the far distant shores 
 of the Pacific : and by the side of this strong 
 and glowing loyalty to the nation, sentiment 
 for the separate States has become dim and 
 faint in comparison.” Then he added, warn 
 ingly : “There is but one way in which the 
 States of the Union can maintain their power 
 and authority under the conditions which are 
 now before us, and that way is by an awaken- 
 ing on the part of the States to a realization of 
 their own duties to the country at large. Un- 
 der the conditions which now exist, no State 
 can live unto itself alone and regulate its affairs 
 with sole reference to its own treasury, its own 
 convenience, its own special interests. Every 
 State is bound to frame its legislation and its 
 administration with reference not only to its 
 own social affairs but with reference to the effect 
 upon all its sister States.” 
 
 Quoting and affirming these remarks of the 
 thoughtful statesman, the National Civic Feder- 
 ation Review, of July, 1909, says: “The plain 
 truth is that the movement of people and of 
 merchandise goes on in our day without any re- 
 gard to State lines; and it is becoming increas- 
 ingly clear that unless the States will legislate 
 with substantial uniformity on a number of sub- 
 jects the tendency toward centralization and a 
 corresponding increase of Federal power cannot 
 permanently be resisted.” 
 
 In its preceding issue, of March, the Review 
 had made the following announcement: “The 
 National Civic Federation, through its experi- 
 ence in holding national conferences on such sub- 
 jects as the trusts, taxation, immigration and 
 election reform — conferences to which the Gov- 
 ernors of States sent official representatives — 
 has become impressed with the necessity for a 
 systematic national effort toward securing, 
 within reasonable limits, more uniform legisla- 
 tion in the States of the Union. 
 
 412 
 
LAW AND ITS COURTS 
 
 LAW AND ITS COURTS 
 
 “There are useful national organizations of 
 farmers, manufacturers, wage-earners, bankers, 
 merchants, lawyers, economists and other organ- 
 izations which hold national meetings for the 
 discussion of alfairs peculiar to their own pur- 
 suits and callings. The Civic Federation, how- 
 ever, provides a forum in its annual conference 
 for representatives of all these elements to dis- 
 cuss national problems in which they have a 
 common interest. Heretofore there has been no 
 effort to crystallize into State organizations this 
 representative membership for the accomplish- 
 ment of concrete aims. 
 
 “ A committee has been appointed to organize 
 a Council of one hundred representative men in 
 each State. Mr. John Hays Hammond has ac- 
 cepted the chairmanship of this committee, of 
 which the following are also members: Messrs. 
 Alton B. Parker, New York; Myron T. Herrick, 
 Ohio ; David R. Francis, Missouri ; Curtis Guild, 
 Jr., Massachusetts; Nahum J. Bachelder, New 
 Hampshire ; Edwin Warfield, Maryland ; Herman 
 Ridder, New York; C. F. Brooker, Connecticut; 
 Bruce Haldeman, Kentucky; Victor Rosewater, 
 Nebraska; Clark Howell, Georgia; P. I. Bone- 
 brake, Kansas; James Lynch, Indiana; Harry 
 Pratt Judson, Illinois; A. H. Revell, Illinois; 
 John B. Lennon, Illinois; John H. Holliday, 
 Indiana, and Benjamin Ide Wheeler, California. 
 
 “The continued existence for eighteen years of 
 the Annual Conference of Commissioners on 
 Uniform State Law's, created by the different 
 States at the instance of the American Bar As- 
 sociation, shows that the State Executives and 
 Legislatures are fully alive to the importance of 
 this subject. The last-named organization has 
 been instrumental in securing the passage in 
 thirty-five States of a uniform negotiable instru- 
 ments law, and is promoting other commercial 
 measures, including a uniform food law to con- 
 form to the national law. 
 
 “This necessity for uniform legislation is fur- 
 ther illustrated by the proceedings at the annual 
 meetings of the National Association of the 
 State Attorneys General and of the State Labor 
 Commissioners, Insurance Commissioners, etc., 
 etc.” 
 
 Discussing the subject in the July issue of the 
 Review, President Amasa M. Eaton of the Com- 
 missioners on Uniform State Laws, said: “The 
 subject of uniform legislation is in the air all 
 over the United States. At the instance of the 
 President, a National Conference to secure the 
 conservation of our national resources has been 
 held in Washington, and to carry into effect the 
 conclusions of this Conference there must follow 
 uniform State legislation. At the instance of 
 Governor Guild a conference of the Governors 
 of the New England States, with other dele- 
 gates, met in Boston last fall on the subject of 
 forestry, shell fisheries and automobiles, all sub- 
 jects calling for uniform legislation. A similar 
 conference of the Governors of New York and 
 the adjoining States has met in New York, at 
 the instance of Governor Hughes of New York, 
 to consider a uniform automobile law. A Na- 
 tional Divorce Congress, called by Governor 
 Pennypacker by virtue of an act of the Legis- 
 lature of Pennsylvania, has framed a uniform 
 divorce law which has been indorsed by the 
 Conference of Commissioners on Uniform State 
 Laws. In March a Conference on Uniform 
 Child Labor Laws in the Southern States was 
 
 4 
 
 held in New Orleans at the call of the Governor 
 of Louisiana, at which the Governors and Dele- 
 gates of those States were present. The result 
 was the formation of a permanent organization, 
 with the Governor of Louisiana as Chairman, 
 and the executive committee of that organization 
 is to draft a Uniform Child Labor Law and to 
 submit it to the legislatures of the several South- 
 ern States. 
 
 “All these are but expressions of the deep- 
 seated necessity for uniform legislation that has 
 existed ever since we acquired our independence 
 of Great Britain, intensified by the requirements 
 of a progressive civilization knitting us ever 
 more and more closely into union as a nation.” 
 
 The whole movement was planned to receive 
 effective organization at a National Conference 
 in Washington which the National Civic Fed- 
 eration, after consultation with other bodies, 
 announced, in the summer of 1909, its intention 
 to call, for January 5-7, 1910. The Conference 
 was held accordingly, in conjunction with a meet- 
 ing of the Governors of States, which gave at 
 tention to the same subject. 
 
 President Taft’s Recommendations for 
 Expediting Procedure. — The following is 
 from President Taft’s first annual Message to 
 Congress, December, 1909: “ The deplorable 
 delays in the administration of civil and crim- 
 inal law have received the attention of commit- 
 tees of the American Bar Association and of 
 many State Bar Associations, as well as the con- 
 sidered thought of judges and jurists. In my 
 judgment, a change in judicial procedure, with 
 a view to reducing its expense to private liti- 
 gants in civil cases and facilitating the dis- 
 patch of business and final decision in both civil 
 and criminal cases, constitutes the greatest need 
 in our American institutions. I do not doubt for 
 one moment that much of the lawless violence 
 and cruelty exhibited in lynchings is directly 
 due to the uncertainties and injustice growing 
 out of the delays in trials, judgments, and the 
 executions thereof by our courts. Of course, 
 these remarks apply quite as well to the admin- 
 istration of justice in State courts as to that in 
 Federal courts, and without making invidious 
 distinction, it is, perhaps, not too much to say 
 that, speaking generally, the defects are less in 
 the Federal courts than in the State courts. But 
 they are very great in the Federal courts. The 
 expedition with which business is disposed of 
 both on the civil and the criminal side of Eng- 
 lish courts, under modern rules of procedure, 
 makes the delays in our courts seem archaic and 
 barbarous. 
 
 “ The procedure in the Federal courts should 
 furnish an example for the State courts. I pre- 
 sume it is impossible, without an amendment to 
 the Constitution, to unite under one form of ac- 
 tion the proceedings at common law and pro- 
 ceedings in equity in the Federal courts, but it 
 is certainly not impossible by a statute to sim- 
 plify and make short and direct the procedure 
 both at law and in equity in those courts. It is 
 not impossible to cut down still more than it is 
 cut down the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court 
 so as to confine it almost wholly to statutory 
 and constitutional questions. Under the present 
 statutes, the equity and admiralty procedure in 
 the Federal courts is under the control of the 
 Supreme Court, but in the pressure of business 
 to which that court is subjected, it is impossible 
 
 3 
 
LAW AND ITS COURTS 
 
 LIBERIA, 1907-1909 
 
 to hope that a radical and proper reform of the 
 Federal equity procedure can be brought about. 
 I therefore recommend legislation providing for 
 the appointment by the President of a commis- 
 sion with authority to examine the law and 
 equity procedure of the Federal courts of first 
 instance, the law of appeals from those courts 
 to the courts of appeals and to the Supreme 
 Court, and the costs imposed in such procedure 
 upon the private litigants and upon the public 
 treasury, and make recommendation with a 
 view to simplifying and expediting the pro- 
 cedure as far as possible, and making it as in- 
 expensive as may be to the litigant of little 
 means.” 
 
 See, also, Crime and Criminology. 
 
 LEAGUE, All-India Moslem. See (in this 
 vol.) India: A. D. 1907 (Dec.). 
 
 LEAGUE OF LIBERATION. See (in 
 this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 LEAGUE OF UNION AND PRO- 
 GRESS. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1908 (July-Dec.), and after. 
 
 LECOT, Cardinal. See (in this vol.) 
 France: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 LEGARDA, Benito. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands : A. D. 1901. 
 
 LEGISLATION. See (in this vol.) Law 
 and its Courts. 
 
 LEGUIA, Augusto B. : President of Peru. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Peru: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 LENARD, Philippe. See (in this vol.) No- 
 bel Prizes. 
 
 LEO XIII.: Death. See (in this vol.) Pa- 
 pacy : A. D. 1903 (July-Aug.). 
 
 LEOPOLD II., King of Belgium: His 
 Administration of the Congo State. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Congo State. 
 
 His death. See (in this vol.) Belgium : 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). 
 
 LERROUX, Senor: Socialist-Republican 
 Leader in Spain. See (in this vol.) Spain: 
 A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 LESE MAJESTE : Prosecutions in Ger- 
 many. See (in this vol.) Germany : A. D. 1903 . 
 
 LETCHWORTH PARK. See (in this 
 vol.) New York State : A. D. 1907. 
 
 LEWIS, Thomas L. : President of the 
 United Mine Workers of America. See (in 
 this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 
 States : A. D. 1909. 
 
 LEWIS AND CLARK EXPOSITION. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Portland, Oregon. 
 
 LEWIS ESTATE, Evicted Tenants of 
 the. See (in this vol.) Ireland : A. D. 1907. 
 
 LHASA: A. D. 1904. — Reached by Brit- 
 ish Expedition under Colonel Younghus- 
 band. See (in this vol.) Tibet: A. D. 1902- 
 1904. 
 
 LIAO-TUNG PENINSULA. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb -July). 
 
 LIAO-YANG, Battle of. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). 
 
 LIAUTEY, General: Operations in Mo- 
 rocco. See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1907- 
 1909, and 1909. 
 
 LIBERAL -CONSERVATIVE SEPA- 
 RATIST PARTY. See (in this vol.) Aus- 
 tria-Hungary : A. D. 1904. 
 
 LIBERIA: A. D. 1904-1905. — Good Re- 
 lations between Colonists and Natives. — 
 Improved Prospects. — “ When it was de- 
 cided in the United States to found a home for 
 
 repatriated Africans, the prior experiment of 
 Sierra Leone turned attention toward the same 
 coast, and in 1821 and at subsequent dates 
 settlements were effected, firstly at Monrovia, 
 and later on at Roberts Port, Grand Basa, Sino, 
 and Harper (Cape Palmas). Usually those who 
 conducted the enterprise went through the form 
 of buying small plats of land from local head- 
 men or chiefs ; but, as a rule, the promoters of 
 this movement did not trouble overmuch about 
 the rights of the ‘ bush niggers,’ as the indige- 
 nous natives were termed. Consequently the 
 first fifty years of the history of Liberia were 
 marked by constant struggles between the 
 American-Liberian invaders and the Dative 
 blacks. During the last ten years, however, 
 there has been a marked advance in good rela- 
 tions between the American settlers and their 
 native subjects, as many of them may fairly be 
 called. The wise policy of President Barclay 
 has greatly promoted this good feeling since 
 1904. He has been able to assemble at different 
 times at the capital chiefs or their representa- 
 tives from almost all parts of Liberia, even from 
 the Mandingo districts just beyond the limits 
 of the coast belt. Therefore they have no subject 
 of disagreement. Curiously enough one exam- 
 ple of this mild rule of black by black is that the 
 white man in Liberia is everywhere received 
 with great friendliness, because he is not asso- 
 ciated in the minds of the natives with anything 
 like conquest or oppression. 
 
 “ How far the original experiment will suc- 
 ceed the next twenty years will, perhaps, indi- 
 cate. The negroes of American origin who have 
 settled in Liberia have not, as a general rule, 
 beeD able to stand the climate very much better 
 than Europeans, and, as a rule, they have not 
 been able to rear large families of children. Yet 
 it seems to me as though Liberians of the new 
 generation born in the country are beginning to 
 take hold, but this is partly due to the increasing 
 and I think very sensible practice of intermar- 
 riage with women of the fine, vigorous, indi- 
 genous races. Probably the future of Liberia 
 will be a negro state very like Sierra Leone in 
 its development, with English as its government 
 language, and such English or American institu- 
 tions as may prove to be suited to an African 
 country, a coast belt inhabited by negroes pro- 
 fessing Christianity and wearing clothes of Euro- 
 pean cut, and a hinterland of Mohammedans 
 dressed in the picturesque and wholly suitable 
 costume worn at the present day by the Mandin- 
 gos and by most Mohammedan negroes between 
 Senegal and the White Nile.” — Sir Harry John- 
 ston, Liberia ( Annual Report, Smithsonian In- 
 stitution, 1904-5, pp. 254—255). 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — English, French, and 
 American attention to Conditions in the 
 Republic. — “The policy of the Liberian Re- 
 public has caused anxiety for some time past 
 both to England and to France, the Powers 
 whose territory adjoins the Liberian boundary. 
 Some two years ago President Barclay came 
 to Europe to discuss the situation with the 
 British and French Governments. As a result 
 of this exchange of views, Liberia appointed 
 Europeans to her Customs Department, se- 
 cured a gunboat to patrol her coast-line, and 
 arranged for a frontier force. These measures 
 were approved by the British and French Gov- 
 ernments and also by the American Govem- 
 
 414 
 
LIBERIA, 1907-1909 
 
 LIBERIA, 1907-1909 
 
 ment, and their execution was facilitated by a 
 loan negotiated on behalf of Liberia by the 
 Liberian Development Company. The growth 
 of British interests in the Republic led the 
 Foreign Office to appoint a Consul-General at 
 Monrovia, the capital, in the person of Captain 
 Braithwaite Wallis, formerly acting district 
 commissioner in Sierra Leone. So far as the 
 first part of the reform programme was con- 
 cerned the consequences have been eminently 
 satisfactory. Liberia has been able to pay oil 
 some of her debts, and her revenue has in- 
 creased.” — Cor. London Times, April 22, 1909. 
 
 While these movements were in progress, in 
 June, 1908, three commissioners from Liberia 
 came to Washington asking for aid in main- 
 taining and administering its government. 
 Probably in course of this application, the 
 American Ambassador in London, Mr. Reid, 
 addressed a note to the British Secretary of 
 State for Foreign Affairs, on the 29th of June, 
 in which he wrote: “We should be glad to have 
 your views as to how the two Governments 
 could best co-operate at the present time to- 
 wards promoting the welfare of Liberia.” In 
 his reply to this Sir Edward Grey said: 
 
 “ As I had the honour to explain in March 
 last to the United States Charge d’Affaires, his 
 Majesty’s Government have in any measure they 
 may be called upon to take in Liberia no designs 
 whatever upon the independence or integrity 
 of the country, and they do not intend to under- 
 take any responsibility with regard to it. The 
 services of British officials have been lent to the 
 Liberians solely with a view to the better pre- 
 servation of order, more particularly in that part 
 of Liberia which marches with Sierra Leone, 
 and improved administration. 
 
 “The French Government also, as your Ex- 
 cellency is doubtless aware, takes a special in- 
 terest in the affairs of the Republic, and his 
 Majesty’s Government have already assured them 
 that they would have no objection to the ser- 
 vices of some French officials being lent for the 
 same objects as the British officials. It is doubt- 
 ful, therefore, whether there is at the present 
 time any scope for the co-operation of the United 
 States Government in the Customs or police, 
 and if they desire to render active assistance to 
 the Liberian Government they will perhaps pre- 
 fer to direct their attention to other branches of 
 the administration which are as urgently in need 
 of reform. 
 
 “That reforms are required in one other 
 branch at least his Majesty’s Government have 
 reason to know, for among the chief difficulties 
 which his Majesty’s Government experience in 
 regard to Liberia are the frequent complaints 
 received from British subjects as to the treat- 
 ment they receive in the Liberian Courts. If 
 therefore the United States could see their way 
 to introducing reforms into the judiciary, either 
 by lending the services of an official to act as 
 judicial advisor or in some other manner, much 
 good would in the opinion of his Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment be derived not only by the various 
 subjects of foreign nationalities resident in the 
 country but also by the Liberians themselves. 
 
 “ While calling attention more specially to this 
 one branch of the administration, which has 
 been a frequent source of trouble, I need hardly 
 add that his Majesty’s Government would wel- 
 come the co-operation of the Government of the 
 
 4] 
 
 United States with them in Liberia in any other 
 manner which may appear more suitable or more 
 desirable on a consideration of all the circum- 
 stances.” 
 
 This and other information obtained by the 
 State Department led President Roosevelt, on 
 the 18th of January, 1909, to ask Congress for 
 an appropriation of $20,000 to pay the expenses 
 of a commission to goto Liberia “to examine 
 into the situation, confer with the officers of the 
 Liberian government, and with the representa- 
 tives of other governments actually present in 
 Monrovia, and report recommendations as to 
 the specific action on the part of the United 
 States most apt to render effective relief to the 
 Republic of Liberia under the present critical 
 circumstances.” The conclusion reached by 
 the State Department was that it “is quite 
 clear that Liberia is very much in need of as- 
 sistance, that the United States can help her 
 substantially, and that it is our duty to help 
 her.” 
 
 The seriousness of the situation was set forth 
 by Secretary Root in a memorandum to the 
 President. Between forty and fifty thousand 
 civilized negroes, for the most part descendants 
 of the original colonists from the United States, 
 occupy a territory comprising 43,000 square 
 miles, in which there are also over a million 
 and a half members of uncivilized native tribes. 
 The civilized part of the population have been 
 to a great degree cut off from any intimate re- 
 lation with the rest of the civilized world for 
 two-thirds of a century. They began -with 
 little education, with no acquired skill in the 
 art of government, and they have had little op- 
 portunity to improve through intercourse with 
 other and more advanced communities. They 
 find it especially difficult to control the native 
 tribes, or to conduct their own government in 
 accordance with modern requirements. 
 
 The British colony of Sierra Leone to the 
 north and the French possessions closing in 
 their hinterland to the east are almost continu- 
 ously complaining of the failure of Liberia to 
 maintain order upon the border. “Notwith- 
 standing the very kindly disposition on the 
 part of Great Britain, and the similar disposi- 
 tion on the part of France, there is imminent 
 danger that the republic, unless it receives out 
 side assistance, will not be able to maintain 
 itself very long,” said Secretary Root. 
 
 The Commission to visit Liberia was ap- 
 pointed in the following April, and was con- 
 veyed soon afterward to Monrovia by a squad- 
 ron of three cruiser scouts. It was composed 
 of three members, Mr. W. Morgan Shuster, 
 who had been for a number of years in the 
 Philippine service of the United States, Dr. 
 George Sale, and Mr. Emmett J. Scott, private 
 Secretary of Dr. Booker Washington. These 
 Commissioners were accompanied by Captain 
 Sydney A. Cloman, as Military Attache, and 
 by Major Percy W. Ashburn, of the U. S. A. 
 Medical Department, who would study the 
 sanitary conditions in Liberia. 
 
 Early in October the Commission returned, 
 but its report to the State Department was not 
 transmitted to Congress until the 25th of March, 
 1910. It recommended an extension of prompt 
 and effective aid to the Liberian Government, 
 in the refunding of its debt, the reform of its 
 finances, the settlement of its boundary disputes, 
 
 5 
 
LICENSE LAWS 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 and the organizing of a competent constabulary 
 force. Also that the United States establish in 
 Liberia a naval coaling station and a research 
 station. 
 
 LICENSE LAWS. See Alcouol Prob- 
 lem. 
 
 LIFE INSURANCE. See Insurance. 
 
 LILIENTHAL, Otto. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention : Aeronautics. 
 
 LIMA, Wenceslao de. See (in this vol.) 
 Portugal •. A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 LINCOLN, Abraham. — February 12, 1909, 
 the 100 th anniversary of his birth, was made a 
 legal holiday by act of Congress. The same bill 
 appropriated §50,000 for making a highway 
 from Washington to Gettysburg, to be known 
 as the Lincoln Way. 
 
 LINDSEY, Judge Ben D. : His Juvenile 
 Court at Denver. See (in this vol.) Children, 
 under tiie Law ; As Offenders. 
 
 LINEVITCH, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (Sept. -March). 
 
 LIPPMAN, Gabriel. See (in this vol.) 
 
 JNJ ADUT Pptvfc 
 
 LIQUOR QUESTION. See (in this vol.) 
 
 Alcohol Problem. 
 
 LLOYD-GEORGE, David: President of 
 the Board of Trade. See (in this vol). Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 Address at the Imperial Conference of 
 1907 on Preferential Trade. See British Em- 
 pire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Success in arranging for the Pacific Set- 
 tlement of Labor Disputes in the English 
 Railway Service. See Labor Organization : 
 England : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer. See Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1908 (April). 
 
 On the Working of the Old Age Pensions 
 Act and its Disclosures of Poverty. See 
 Poverty, Problems of : Pensions. 
 
 On the Development of the Natural Re- 
 sources of Great Britain. See Conservation 
 of Natural Resources : Great Britain. 
 
 His Budget of 1909 . — His speech on it. 
 See England : A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 LOCAL OPTION : Progress in the United 
 States. See (in this vol.) Alcohol Problem: 
 United States. 
 
 LOCKOUTS. See Labor Organization. 
 
 LODGE, Sir Oliver. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 •ence, Recent-: Electrical^ 
 
 LODZ, Disturbances in. s See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 LOEB, William, Jr.: Collector of Cus- 
 toms at New York. — His unearthing of 
 Corruptions. See (in this vol.) United States: 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct. -N ov.). 
 
 LOISY, Abbe: Appointment to be Pro- 
 fessor of the History of Religions in the 
 College de France. See (in this vol.) France: 
 A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 LONDON, England: A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — 
 Control of the London County Council lost 
 by the Progressives. — Defeat in Borough 
 Councils Elections of 1909 . — The local party 
 of Progressives, so called, who had controlled 
 the London County Council since 1889, lost 
 their majority in the elections of the spring of 
 1907, and the Conservatives, or Moderates, or 
 Reformers, as they are variedly styled, were 
 brought into power, electing 120 members, 
 against 85. The Progressives, in their eighteen 
 
 years of ascendancy, had wrought immense 
 changes in the great city, widening congested 
 streets, such as the Strand, opening great new 
 thoroughfares and new parks, electrifying the 
 street railways, remodelling antiquated public 
 institutions, and the like. The cost of their 
 works had been heavy, and ratepayers had be- 
 come persuaded that there was extravagance in 
 the progressiveness of the party. It had antago- 
 nized many powerful interests in the city, more- 
 over, and the wonder seems to be that it had 
 been permitted to conduct the City Government 
 so long. 
 
 Again, in elections to the borough councils, 
 in 1909, the Progressives lost heavily, and the 
 Conservatives, who have taken the name of Mu 
 nicipal Reformers, are strongly entrenched in 
 most of the boroughs. Several women were 
 elected, 61 of their sex having been candidates. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Statistics of Elementary 
 Schools. See (in this vol.) Education: Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — International Naval 
 Conference. See (in this vol.) War, The Re- 
 volt against: A. D. 1907 (appended to account 
 of Second Peace Conference at The Hague). 
 
 LONG, John D. : Secretary of the Navy. 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1901- 
 1905. 
 
 LOPUKHIN, M. : His exposure of the 
 Police Spy, Azeff, to the Russian Revolu- 
 tionists. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1909 
 (Jan. -July). 
 
 LORDS, British House of : Decision in 
 case of the Free Church of Scotland. See (in 
 this vol.) Scotland : A. D. 1904. 
 
 Defeat of Education Bill, 1906 . See Edu- 
 cation: England: A. D. 1906. 
 
 Menaced Limitation of its Legislative 
 Powers by the House of Commons. — Its own 
 proposals of Constitutional Change. See 
 England: A. D. 1906 (April-Dec.); 1907-1908; 
 1909 (April-Dec.), and 1910. 
 
 Rejection of Licensing Bill. See Alco- 
 hol Problem : England : A. D. 1908. 
 
 Rejection of Budget of 1909 . See Eng- 
 land: A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 LORENTZ, Henrik Anton. See (in this 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 LOS ANGELES, Cal.: Recent Rapid 
 Growth of the City. — “The advance of this 
 city to the important position of metropolis of 
 Southern California falls into two quite distinct 
 periods, each, however, beginning with the ad- 
 vent of a transcontinental railroad. The first 
 period opened with the completion of the South- 
 ern Pacific Railroad as a through line from San 
 Francisco to the East, in 1881, and saw the 
 transformation of Los Angeles from a sleepy, 
 half-Spanish town of about 12,000 souls into 
 a bustling progressive city of 70,000 popula- 
 tion. The second period of advance began 
 with the entrance of the Atchison, Topeka and 
 Santa Fe Railroad in 1885. This improved com- 
 munication with the States east of the Rocky 
 Mountains gave an impetus to tourist travel, 
 especially in the winter season, and the fame of 
 the city and of near-by localities as places of 
 winter resort spread far and wide. The people 
 of Los Angeles were quick to recognize the 
 opportunity for gain and the whole community 
 joined in methods of advertising of the most 
 systematic character. By the aid of its local 
 
LOS ANGELES 
 
 LUBIN 
 
 press and through the agcucy of an energetic 
 Chamber of Commerce Los Angeles has become 
 one of the best known cities of North America. 
 
 *' Since 1900, railroad communication has been 
 further improved by the opening of an addi- 
 tional road to San Francisco by way of the ocean 
 shore and the Salinas and Santa Clara Valleys. 
 This line, known as the Southern Pacific ‘Coast 
 Line,’ avoids the heavy grades of the Tehachapi 
 Mountains and greatly shortens the running 
 time between Los Augeles and San Francisco. 
 The opening of the San Pedro, Los Augeles and 
 Salt Lake Railroad eastward of Los Angeles in 
 1903 gave the city direct connection with the 
 central Rocky Mountain region. 
 
 “ Two other important influences within the 
 past decade contributed to the city’s remarkable 
 advance in wealth and population. These are 
 the building of a vast system of suburban elec- 
 tric railways making a large region of fertile 
 attractive land, now densely populated, directly 
 tributary to Los Angeles, and secondly, the in- 
 troduction of cheap fuel through the discovery 
 of local supplies of oil. The net-work of sub- 
 urban electric railways of which Los Angeles is 
 the center is one of the most perfect in the 
 world. These lines reach out in every direction 
 through distances of from 10 to 50 miles, and 
 connect Los Angeles with the many rapidly 
 growing cities of Los Angeles County and its 
 neighbor, Orange County. 
 
 “Manufacturing in Los Angeles was for a 
 long time handicapped by the high cost of fuel. 
 This difficulty has been removed by the intro- 
 duction of crude oil as fuel, and the city now has 
 over 1500 manufacturing establishments, em- 
 ploying over 12,000 people, with an annual out- 
 put of over 840,000,000. These include rolling 
 mills, brass-works, paper-box factories, man- 
 ufactories of mining machinery, pumps, glass, 
 etc. Los Angeles is becoming a manufacturing 
 center for the mining and agricultural lands of 
 Utah, Southern Nevada, Arizona, New Mexico 
 and the Northern parts of Mexico, as well as 
 Southern California itself. 
 
 “The steady expansion of Los Angeles has 
 been maintained by a policy of annexation of 
 suburbs. The latest event in this line of growth 
 has elevated the city into the rank of a sea-port. 
 The city has long enjoyed abundant means of 
 ocean traffic by way of Santa Monica, Redondo 
 and San Pedro, but by the annexation of San 
 Pedro and Wilmington, in 1906, with a connect- 
 ing strip of territory 19 miles long by ^ mile in 
 width, Los Angeles itself becomes a sea-port 
 with the control of traffic on San Pedro Bay. 
 The city thus achieves an extreme length from 
 north to south of 33 miles.” — Frederick H. 
 Clark, Head of History Dept., Lowell High 
 School, San Francisco. 
 
 Experiments and Experiences in Muni- 
 cipal Government. See (in this vol.) Munici- 
 pal Government. , 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — Water Supply. —The 
 Owens River Aqueduct. — “ The present water 
 supply of the city of Los Angeles is taken from 
 the flow of the Los Angeles River, supplemented 
 by the underground flow of the San Fernando 
 Valley in which the river lies. The demand for 
 water within the city is supplemented by the 
 need for water for irrigation purposes in the 
 surrounding country. Some years ago it became 
 evident that an increased supply must be ob- 
 
 41 
 
 tained, or the further development of the city 
 and its environs be brought to a standstill. Ex- 
 tensive investigations resulted in the decision 
 that Owens River offered the best source of 
 supply. This river, the principal drainage of 
 the Owens Valley region, at the base of the 
 Sierra Nevada Mountains, has a large number 
 of tributaries, and empties into Owens Lake, 
 from which the waters escape by evaporation 
 only. The Los Angeles authorities adopted the 
 plan of an aqueduct to conduct the waters of 
 this river along the mountain slopes, over the 
 Mojave Desert, and, by tunnel, through the San 
 Fernando Mountains, to their city, — a total 
 distance of 217 1-2 miles. On the 7th of Septem- 
 ber, 1905, an election was held at which the 
 voters of Los Angeles, by a majority of about 
 fourteen to one, declared in favor of a bond 
 issue of $23,000,000 for the undertaking. Be- 
 sides the construction of the conduit, the pro- 
 ject includes the building of a large reservoir in 
 Long Valley, above the Owens Valley proper, 
 for the storage of flood waters ; also the con- 
 struction of a system of additional reservoirs 
 along the line of the aqueduct for the regula- 
 tion of flow as well as for storage ; and a ter- 
 minal reservoir from which the distributing 
 system proceeds. All of this work is well under 
 way at this date (1909), and according to the 
 last published report of the Aqueduct Bureau 
 the chief engineer confidently expects that this 
 great project will be brought to completion 
 within the estimated period of five years — and 
 within the estimated cost of $23,000,000. 
 
 “Outside of the above estimates, the City also 
 plans to build a great electric power plant 
 which will utilize the drop of 1500 feet where 
 the aqueduct emerges from the San Fernando 
 Mountains. This plant is estimated to cost from 
 $4,500,000 to $5,000,000, and through the sale 
 of electric power will become the source of 
 very considerable revenue to the City. Taken 
 altogether this Owens River Aqueduct is the 
 greatest municipal undertaking in California at 
 the present time, and one of the most important 
 engineering achievements of recent years.” — 
 Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Dept., 
 Lowell High School, San Francisco. 
 
 LOUBET, Emile : President of France. 
 See (in Vol. VI.) France: A. D. 1899 (Feb- 
 ruary-June). 
 
 Visit to the King of Italy. See (in this 
 vol.) France: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 Expiration of term as President of the 
 French Republic. See (in this vol.) France : 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 LOUISIANA: A. D. 1908. — Enactment 
 against Race-track Gambling. See (in this 
 vol.) Gambling. 
 
 LOUISIANA PURCHASE EXPOSI- 
 TION. See (in this vol.) St. Louis: A. D. 
 1904., 
 
 LOW, Seth: Mayor of New York. See 
 (in this vol.) New York City: A. D. 1901-1903. 
 
 LOWELL, Abbott Lawrence : President 
 of Harvard University. See (in this vol.) 
 Education : United States : A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 LOWTHER, James William: Elected 
 
 Speaker of the House of Commons. See (in 
 this vol.) England: A. D. 1905 (June). 
 
 LUBIN, David: Originator of Interna- 
 
 tional Institute of Agriculture. See (in this 
 vol.) Agriculture. 
 
 .7 
 
LUIZ FELIPE 
 
 MARRAKESH 
 
 LUIZ FELIPE, Crown Prince of Port- 
 ugal: His assasination. See Portugal: 
 A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 “LUSITANIA,” The Turbine Steam- 
 
 McADOO, William Gibbs. See (in this vol. ) 
 New York City : A. D. 1900-1909. 
 
 McANENY, George: President of the 
 
 Borough of Manhattan. See (in this vol.) 
 New York City : A. D. 1909. 
 
 McCALL, John A.: President of New York 
 Life Insurance Company. See (in this vol.) 
 Insurance, Life. 
 
 McCLELLAN, George B.: Mayor of New 
 York. See (in this vol.) New York City : 
 A. D. 1901-1903, and 1905. 
 
 McCURDY, Richard A.: President of Mu- 
 tual Life Insurance Company. See (in this 
 vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 MACDONALD COLLEGE, The Found- 
 ing of. See (in this vol.) Education : Canada : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 MACEDONIA: The recent use of the 
 
 Name. — As employed very commonly at the 
 present time, the name Macedonia simply signi- 
 fies that part of the small remainder of the Turk- 
 ish Empire in Europe which coincides nearly 
 with the original Macedonia of ancient history. 
 It is applied to the three Turkish vilayets or 
 provinces of Salonika, Monastir and Kossovo, 
 which have been the scene for years of condi- 
 tions of strife and misery that are worse, per- 
 haps, than can be found elsewhere in the world. 
 Whether the wretched inhabitants have suffered 
 more from their political masters, the Turks, 
 than from their Bulgarian and Greek neighbors, 
 who covet the ground they occupy, seems to be 
 much of a question. For some account of the 
 Macedonian troubles of late years, see Tur- 
 key. 
 
 MCKENNA, Reginald : First Lord of the 
 British Admiralty. — Speech on the Navy 
 Estimates, 1909. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Preparations for: Naval. 
 
 MACKENZIE BASIN, Report on the. 
 See (in this vol.) Canada : A. D. 1909. 
 
 MCKINLEY, William: President of the 
 United States. — His assassination. See (in 
 this vol.) Buffalo : A. D. 1901, and United 
 States: A. D. 1901 (Sept.). 
 
 Last public utterance. See (in this vol.) 
 Tariffs : United States. 
 
 MACLAURIN, Richard C. : President of 
 Massachusetts Institute of Technology. See 
 (in this vol.) Education : United States : 
 A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 MACLEAN, Kaid Sir Harry : Capture 
 by Raisuli and ransom. See (in this vol.) 
 Morocco: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 MACVEAGH, Franklin: Secretary of the 
 Treasury. See (in this vol.) United States: 
 A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 On the corruptions in the United States 
 Customs Service. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1909 (Oct. -Nov.). 
 
 MADAGASCAR: Agreement of England 
 and France concerning matters in. See (in 
 this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 MADRIZ, Dr. : President of Nicaragua. See 
 (in this vol.) Central America: A. I). 1909. 
 
 ship. See (in this vol.) Science and Inven- 
 tion, Recent : Turbine Engine. 
 
 LUZURIAGA, Jose. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1901. 
 
 MAGHRABI, Amina Hafiz. See (in this 
 vol.) Education: Egypt. 
 
 MAGHREB EL-AKSA. See Morocco. 
 MAGOON, Charles E. : Governor of the 
 Panama Canal Zone. See (in this vol.) Public 
 Health: Panama Canal. 
 
 Provisional Governor of Cuba. See Cuba: 
 A. D. 1906 (Aug.-Oct.), and 1906-1909. 
 
 MAHDI, The Moorish : Bu Hamara. See 
 (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 MAHDI, A New: His summary destruc- 
 tion. See (in this vol.) Africa: A. D. 1903 (Su- 
 dan). 
 
 MAHMUD SHEVKET PASHA: Com- 
 mander of the Turkish Constitutional Forces. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan.- 
 May). 
 
 MAHOMET and MAHOMETAN. See Mo- 
 hammed and Mohammedan. 
 
 MAKAROFF, Admiral. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb.- Aug.). 
 
 MALARIA. See (in this vol.) Public 
 Health: Malaria. 
 
 MALAY PENINSULA: A. D. 1909.— 
 Cession of Three States to Great Britain. 
 See (in this vol.) Siam : A. D. 1909. 
 
 MANCHURIA: A. D. 1901-1904. — Per- 
 sistent occupation by the Russians. — Re- 
 monstrances by the Japanese. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan : A. D. 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Treaty opening two new 
 Ports to Foreign Trade. See China: A. D. 
 1903 (May -Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1904. — The Russo-Japanese War. 
 See Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), and after. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Treaty between China and 
 Japan. See China : A. D. 1905 (Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — The question of Mu- 
 nicipalities on the line of the Chinese 
 Eastern Railway. — New Russo-Chinese 
 Agreement. See China: A. D. 1909 (May). 
 
 MANICKTOLLAH GARDEN, The. 
 See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 MANIKALAND. See (in this vol.) Africa. 
 MANILLA: A. D. 1900-1902. — The 
 Stamping Out of the Bubonic Plague. See 
 (in this vol.) Public Health. 
 
 MANITOBA: A. D. 1901-1902. — Cen- 
 sus. — Increased Representation in Parlia- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1901 - 
 1902 . 
 
 MANNESMANN CONCESSION, The. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. I). 1909. 
 
 MANUEL II.: King of Portugal. See 
 (in this vol.) Portugal, 
 
 MARCONI, Guglielmo. See (in this vol.) 
 Science, Recent : Electrical. See, also, 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 MARISCAL, Ignacio : Honorary Presi- 
 
 dent of Second International Conference of 
 American Republics. See (in this vol.) Ameri- 
 can Republics. 
 
 MARRAKESH (Morocco City), Events 
 
 at. See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1907 - 
 1909 . 
 
MARRIAGE 
 
 MEXICO, 1902 
 
 MARRIAGE WITH A DECEASED 
 WIFE’S SISTER : English Act to legal- 
 ize it. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 1907 
 (Aug.). 
 
 MARSEILLES: A. D. 1902. — Strikes of 
 Dock Laborers, Sailors, and Stokers. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: France: 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 MARTENS, Frederick de. See (in this 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 MARTINIQUE: Volcanic Explosion of 
 Mont Pelee. See (in this vol.) Volcanic 
 Eruptions: West Indies. 
 
 MARYLAND: A. D. 1909. — Defeat of 
 Disfranchising Amendment to the Constitu- 
 tion. See (in this vol.) Elective Franchise ; 
 United States. 
 
 MASCHINE, Colonel: Leader of the As- 
 sassins of King Alexander, at Belgrade. See 
 
 in this vol.) Balkan and Danubian States: 
 Servia. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1909.— 
 
 Seeking a Leader for an Educational Revo- 
 lution. See (in this vol.) Education: United 
 States: A. D. 1909. 
 
 MASSACRES: In Asia Minor. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 Of “Bloody Sunday” in St. Petersburg. 
 See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 Of Jews at Kishineff. See (in this vol.) Rus- 
 sia : A. D. 1903 (April). 
 
 MATOS, Manuel A. See (in this vol.) 
 Venezuela: A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 MATSUKATA, Count. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1903 (June). 
 
 MATTER, New Theory of. (See in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention, Recent: Phys- 
 ical. 
 
 MAURA, Senor: Prime Minister of Spain. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Spain: A. D. 1901-1904, and 
 1907-1909. 
 
 “MAURETANIA,” The Turbine Steam- 
 ship. See (in this vol.) Science and Inven- 
 tion, Recent : Turbine Engine. 
 
 MAURETANIE, French. See (in this vol.) 
 Morocco : A. D. 1909. 
 
 MAY LAWS, The. See (in this vol.) Ed- 
 ucation : Prussia: A. D. 1904.. 
 
 MECCA: Railway from Damascus. See 
 (in this vol.) Railways (Turkey, Asiatic: 
 A. D. 1908). 
 
 MEDJLISS or MEJLIS: The Persian 
 Parliament or National Assembly. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Constitution of Persia. Also 
 Persia : A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 MELILLA: Spanish hostilities with 
 Moors. See (in this vol.) Morocco : A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 MENDEL, Gregor, and his Law of Vari- 
 ation in Species. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention : Biological. 
 
 MENELEK: Emperor of Ethiopia. See 
 (in this vol.) Abyssinia: A. D. 1902. 
 
 MERRY DEL VAL, Cardinal. See (in this 
 vol.) France: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 MERSINA : Moslem attack on Armeni- 
 ans. See (in this vol.) Turkey : A. D. 1909 
 (Jan. -May). 
 
 MESSINA : Its destruction by Earth- 
 quake. See (in this vol.) Earthquakes: 
 Italy. 
 
 METCALF, Victor H. : Secretary of 
 Commerce and Labor, and Secretary of the 
 
 41 
 
 Navy. See (in this vol.) United States : 
 A. 1). 1901-1905, and 1905-1909. 
 
 METCHNIKOFF, Professor Elie. See 
 (in this vol.) Science and Invention, Recent: 
 Opsonins. See, also, Nobel Prizes. 
 
 MEXICO: A. D. 1901 -1902. — Invitation 
 and entertainment of Second International 
 Conference of American Republics. See (in 
 this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (May). — Arbitration of the Pious 
 Fund Question, between the United States 
 and Mexico. — From 1868 until 1902 a claim of 
 the United States against Mexico had been in 
 dispute. It related to the right of the Catholic 
 missions in that part of old California which 
 now forms the American State of California to 
 a portion of the income from a certain fund 
 which pious people of Spain and Mexico, more 
 than two centuries ago, had established for the 
 support of Catholic missions among the Cali- 
 fornia Indians. In 1767 the Jesuits who held 
 the fund were driven from the country and the 
 Spanish Government assumed the trust, which 
 in turn devolved on Mexico when that colony 
 acquired independence. When upper California 
 was ceded to this country Mexico ceased to pay 
 to the missions there the portion of the income 
 due them. Their claim was finally taken up by 
 the American Government, to be pressed against, 
 the Mexican, and, after years of diplomatic con- 
 troversy, was referred, May 22d, 1902, to the 
 Hague Tribunal for arbitration. This has the 
 distinction of being the first controversy sub- 
 mitted to that permanent tribunal. The de- 
 cision of the Tribunal was rendered on the 14th 
 of October, 1902, in favor of the California 
 claim, requiring Mexico to pay $1,420,682 (Mexi- 
 can currency) of past dues, and $43,051 annually 
 thereafter. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — New Legislative Palace, and 
 other Government Buildings. — “The cities 
 and towns of Mexico are improving at a surpris- 
 ing rate, and the capital city especially is just 
 now in the midst of the greatest building boom 
 that has ever, perhaps, been known in any Latin- 
 American city except Buenos Ayres. The in- 
 teresting monthly publication entitled Modern 
 Mexico informs us that the federal government 
 alone is entering upon an investment approxi- 
 mating $50,000,000 in new buildings in the City 
 of Mexico. 
 
 “The greatest of these buildings is the so- 
 called Legislative Palace, corresponding to our 
 Capitol building at Washington. The founda- 
 tions of this building are now being laid, and 
 it will cost, perhaps, $20,000,000. The City of 
 Mexico has adopted the wise European plan of 
 carefully regulating the height of new buildings, 
 and preventing the construction of anything that 
 would be inartistic or out of keeping with the 
 harmony of the city’s architecture. Next to the 
 Legislative Palace, perhaps the most imposing 
 of the new Mexican buildings will be the Na- 
 tional Pantheon, which is to cost more than 
 $5,000,000, and is to be at once a memorial to 
 Mexico’s eminent men and a place for their en- 
 tombment. Several of the executive depart- 
 ments are to be housed in the buildings now 
 approaching completion .” — American Review of 
 Reviews, Oct., 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Agreement for Settlement of 
 Claims against Venezuela. See (in this vol.) 
 Venezuela : A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 9 
 
MEXICO, 1904-1905 
 
 MEXICO, 1906 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — Arbitration Treaty 
 with the United States. — Reelection of 
 President Diaz for a Seventh Term. — Ex- 
 tension of the Term. — Currency Reform.— 
 End of the Free Zone. — “Mexico was one of 
 the countries with which the United States gov- 
 ernment negotiated an arbitration treaty early 
 in the year [1905], a treaty which was dropped, 
 like its fellows, by the Washington administra- 
 tion, because of the Senate amendments. . . . 
 Though the tentative arbitration treaty between 
 the United States and Mexico . . . fell through, 
 another very practical and useful arbitration 
 convention was concluded between the two 
 nations during the year. This was the conven- 
 tion agreed to in principle during the Pan- 
 American Conference in the city of Mexico in 
 the winter of 1901-02, which provides for the 
 settlement by arbitration of all international 
 questions growing out of pecuniary claims. 
 The representatives of several of the nations 
 taking part in that conference affixed their sig- 
 natures to this preliminary compact, and it has 
 since become operative among a number of 
 them. It was ratified by the Mexican Senate 
 during its spring sessions. As pecuniary 
 claims have in point of fact been one of the 
 most fruitful sources of difficulty between the 
 United States and the other nations of the west- 
 ern hemisphere, the conclusion of an agreement, 
 in a binding form, to dispose by arbitration of 
 any such cases as may arise in the future, is a 
 distinct gain for the cause of the rational ad- 
 justment of international controversies, and is a 
 guarantee, not indeed absolute, but most sub- 
 stantial, of lasting peace among the nations of 
 this continent. . . . 
 
 “ There were no striking developments in 
 the political situation in Mexico. On December 
 1 of the previous year (1904) President Diaz 
 had entered on his sixth consecutive term and 
 his seventh term in all. By a constitutional 
 amendment, a regular vice-president of the re- 
 public, for the first time since the early days of 
 Mexico’s history, took the oath of office at the 
 same time as the president, on December 1, 
 1904. The gentleman previously elected, and 
 now occupying the position of vice-president, is 
 the Honorable Ramon Corral, formerly gov- 
 ernor of the state of Sonora. By virtue of an- 
 other constitutional amendment, the present 
 and future presidential terms will be six years, 
 instead of four as formerly. . . . 
 
 “ A measure of vital importance to the eco- 
 nomic well-being of the nation was promul- 
 gated on March 25, 1905. This was the decree 
 for the reform of the currency, issued by the 
 Executive under an enabling Act of Congress, 
 approved on December 9, 1904. The new mon- 
 etary system, due to the initiative of the very 
 able finance minister Senor Jose Yves Liman- 
 tour, went into effect on the first of May, but 
 the free coinage of silver ceased on April 16. 
 Broadly speaking, the new system gives Mex- 
 ico a fifty-cent dollar. It declares that the the- 
 oretical unit of the monetary system of the 
 United Mexican States is represented by seventy- 
 five centigrams of pure gold, and is denomi- 
 nated a peso. . . . 
 
 “On July 1 that time-honored institution 
 known as the Free Zone ceased to exist.” — 
 F. R. Guernsey, The Year in Mexico ( Atlantic 
 Monthly, Feb., 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Celebration of the Centenary 
 of Benito Juarez. — His relation to the Secu- 
 larizing Movement a generation ago. — Pre- 
 sent Pacific Relations between Church and 
 State. — “ Though Juarez is generally cred- 
 ited with the paternity of the laws generically 
 known as the Reform Laws, and although he 
 undoubtedly was the life and soul of the sec- 
 ularizing movement of his day, it is worthy of 
 note that he had no formal participation in the 
 chief measures framed against the Church. . . . 
 He was not a signatory of the Constitution of 
 1857, which first attacked the existence of the 
 religious orders ; the law for the confiscation of 
 church property was framed by Miguel Lerdo 
 de Tejada, the Finance Minister of PresidentCo- 
 moufort (1856); and the constitutional amend- 
 ments which definitely established the sepa- 
 ration of Church and State, instituted civil 
 marriage, placed monastic communities outside 
 the pale of the law, and forbade open-air reli- 
 gious services, were not enacted until 1873 and 
 1874, after the death of Juarez, and during the 
 presidency of Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada. 
 
 “March 21, 1906, was, by a decree of Con- 
 gress, observed as a general holiday in Mexico. 
 Pilgrimages to the tomb of Juarez took place in 
 the morning ; commemorative tablets were un- 
 veiled in the afternoon, and at night General 
 Diaz, surrounded by his cabinet, presided in the 
 Arbeu Theatre at an apotheosis of Juarez, dur- 
 ing which the career and character of the re- 
 forming president were extolled in an eloquent 
 oration by Hon. Justo Sierra, Minister of Public 
 Instruction. On the stage with the President 
 during these exercises were the son and other 
 surviving descendants of Juarez, who are nu- 
 merous. 
 
 “ Curiously enough, a question involving the 
 interpretation of the Reform Laws arose soon 
 after the celebration of the Juarez centenary. 
 The ministers of all denominations in Mexico 
 had been accustomed to conduct a service at the 
 graveside in connection with the burial of the 
 dead. It was generally held that this prac- 
 tice did not conflict with Article 5 of the Law of 
 December 14, 1874, forbidding all forms of re- 
 ligious service other than those held inside the 
 churches. But in May, 1906, the Interior Depart- 
 ment issued a circular declaring open-air burial 
 services conducted in the cemeteries to be illegal. 
 This rule has led to the erection of mortuary 
 chapels in the cemeteries which previously were 
 unprovided with them, and the burial services 
 are held inside these chapels. 
 
 “ While this episode shows that there is no in- 
 tention on the part of the governmental author- 
 ities of Mexico to relax one iota of the laws 
 which curtailed the power of the Church, it is 
 worthy of note that there is no serious religious 
 conflict in Mexico at the present time ; and, 
 under laws which are probably as restrictive as 
 those recently enacted in France, which have so 
 agitated that country, Church and State in the 
 Mexican Republic move smoothly in their sepa- 
 rate orbits, with conciliatory if not cordial sen- 
 timents toward each other.” — F. R. Guernsey, 
 The Year in Mexico ( Atlantic Monthly, March, 
 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Joint Action with the United 
 States in Central American Mediation. See 
 (in this vol.) Central America. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Participation in Third In- 
 
 420 
 
MEXICO, 1909 
 
 MILWAUKEE 
 
 ternational Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Nationalizing the Railway 
 System. See Railways: Mexico. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Extended Governmental 
 Control of Railways. See Railways: Mexico. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Last Year of the Sixth 
 Consecutive Term of Porfirio Diaz in the 
 Presidency. — His long practical Autocracy, 
 and its effects on the Nation. — A Mexican 
 View. — Since Napoleon remodeled a French 
 republic into an empire there has been nothing 
 of its kind in political workmanship to equal 
 the masterpiece of practical autocracy which 
 Porfirio Diaz has erected in Mexico, on a basis 
 of nominal democracy, within the last 30 years. 
 He has not throned or crowned himself, as 
 Napoleon did, which saves his work from the 
 vulgarity that the Corsican could not resist; 
 but he has exercised more than the sovereignty 
 that imperial seats and trappings could invest 
 him with. 
 
 On the 1st of December, 1909, Diaz entered 
 the last year of his sixth consecutive term in 
 the presidency — his seventh term in all — the 
 previous term of four years having now been 
 lengthened to six. Since 1884 he has held the 
 reins of Government by what seems to have 
 become sheer mastery, whatever of free popu- 
 lar election there may have been at the outset 
 of his official career. If internal and external 
 peace, general good order, rapid progress on 
 all lines of material advancement, great gains 
 in public education and a general uplift of the 
 country in its standing before the world were 
 sufficient fruits of his government to test its 
 quality by, then Mexico might well be satisfied 
 with it and with him ; for the beneficence of his 
 autocracy on this side of its working appears 
 to be beyond dispute. But Mexico appears to 
 have begun to feel the cost in public character 
 and spirit which paternalized government must 
 always exact for the superficial benefits it be- 
 stows, and the country is said to be filled with 
 more than discontent. 
 
 A notable Mexican writer, Rafael de Zayes 
 Enriquez, who is described as a lifelong friend 
 and supporter of Diaz, has been bold enough to 
 give voice to the existing feeling in a recent 
 book. The long administration of the masterful 
 president is recounted and studied with honest 
 friendliness, for the open purpose of addressing 
 plain truths to the man whose life and work are 
 discussed. “ You have disarmed the judiciary 
 and the Legislature,” he is told, “ until they 
 are impotent, and in reality nothing more than 
 branches of the executive.” “Imitating the 
 high example, almost everyone in Mexico who 
 has any power abuses it, and the cowed public 
 submits.” “Everyone is permitted to despise 
 the public and to treat it tyrannically.” And 
 the honest friend who thus commands the at- 
 tention of Diaz to the evil workings of his dic- 
 tatorship, appeals for the ending of it — for the 
 restoration of a nullified constitution, for free 
 elections, for independent legislatures and 
 courts; for the averting of otherwise inevitable 
 storms of revolution, and for the saving of him- 
 self from a verdict of history, that “ he created 
 a nation, but destroyed a people.” 
 
 On the other hand there are foreign observers 
 in Mexico who believe that Diaz holds the peace 
 and prosperity of the country in his hand. A 
 
 Press correspondent wrote not long since : “ He, 
 Diaz, alone saved us from a disastrous panic last 
 fall, the effects of which would have reached 
 beyond our boundaries. The Government com- 
 pelled the Banco Nacional to advance ready 
 money to every institution that was in need and 
 intrinsically sound. The bank was likewise 
 compelled to sell exchange at a loss, so that the 
 failure to keep silver at a parity was less appar- 
 ent. The Government stood this loss. About 
 January first one of the largest mercantile 
 houses in Mexico, with many branches, was in 
 serious difficulty. Its chief went straight to 
 President Diaz, and said that he must have a 
 million dollars or fail. Recognizing that the 
 failure of this house would precipitate a panic, 
 the Government let him have the money. . . . 
 In my opinion, the most serious menace to the 
 prosperity of Mexico is the fear that President 
 Diaz is not as strong physically as is popularly 
 believed. . . . The least of the evils which 
 might come from his death, should it occur 
 soon, would be increase in business stagnation 
 and in popular unrest. Many politicians seem 
 ready to avail themselves of the present wide- 
 spread dislike of foreigners. The ferment of 
 anti-foreign leaven is working among the 
 masses.” 
 
 Whatever may be the kind and quality of the 
 domination he has exercised for twenty-five 
 years, Mexico must inevitably be put to a cru- 
 cial test when he drops the helm of state. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Meeting of President Diaz 
 with President T aft. See (in this vol. ) United 
 States : A. D. 1909 (Sept.-Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — Participation in a 
 North American Conference on the Conser- 
 vation of Natural Resources. See (in this vol.) 
 Conservation of Natural Resources: North 
 America. 
 
 MEYER, George von L. : Postmaster- 
 General. See (in this vol.) United States: 
 A. D. 1905-1909; Secretary of the Navy. See 
 the same: A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 MICHELSEN, Professor Albert A.: In- 
 ventor of the Interferometer. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention, Recent. See, 
 also, Nobel Prizes. 
 
 MICHELSEN, M. : Premier of Norway. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Norway : A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 MICHIGAN: A. D. 1909. — Legislation 
 giving Home Rule to Cities. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government : Michigan. 
 
 MIDHAT PASHA. See (in this vol.) Tur- 
 key : A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 MIGNOT, Bishop. See (in this vol.) France: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 MIGUEL, Dom: Pretender to the Crown 
 of Portugal. See (in this vol.) Portugal: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 MIGUELISTAS. See (in this vol.) Cuba : 
 A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 MILIOUKOV, Professor Paul. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 MILLERAND, M. : Minister of Public 
 Works, Posts, and Telegraphs in the Briand 
 Cabinet. See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1909 
 (July). 
 
 MILNER, Alfred, Lord: In South Africa. 
 
 See (in this vol.) South Africa : A. D. 1901- 
 1902, and after. 
 
 MILWAUKEE REFRIGERATOR 
 TRANSIT CASE. See (in this vol.) Combi- 
 
 421 
 
MISSIONS 
 
 MISSIONS 
 
 NATIONS, INDUSTRIAL: UNITED STATES: A. D. 
 1901-1906. 
 
 MIN, General: Assassination of. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1906. 
 
 MINDANAO, Conditions in. See (in this 
 vol.) Philippine Islands : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 MINE OWNERS’ ASSOCIATION, 
 
 Western. See (in this vol.) Labok Organiza- 
 tion : United States : A. D. 1899-1907. 
 
 MINERS AND MINING. See Labor. 
 
 MINING, Wasteful. See (in this vol.) 
 
 Conservation of Natural Resources. 
 
 MINNESOTA: A. D. 1908 . — Organiza- 
 tion of Cooperative Stores. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Remuneration : Cooperative Organi- 
 zation. 
 
 MINTO, Gilbert John Murray K. Elliott, 
 Earl of : Governor-General of Canada. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Canada : A. D. 1904. 
 
 Viceroy of India. — His initiation of the 
 Reform in Indian Government by the Indian 
 Councils Bill. See India : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 MIRSKY, Prince Svyatopolk-. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 MISSIONS, Christian : At Large: Notable 
 Movements of 1910 . — “The year 1910 will be 
 notable in the annals of foreign missions. The 
 Laymen’s Missionary Movement, now holding 
 meetings in this city, plans an educative cam- 
 paign covering over seventy centres and cul- 
 minating next May in a national congress in 
 Chicago. The Student Volunteer Movement, 
 which enrols in its mission study classes over 
 25,000 collegians, and which has sent over 4,000 
 workers to the foreign field, has just closed a 
 conference at Rochester, where were assembled 
 nearly 3,000 college men and women. In this 
 month also is the gathering of medical mission- 
 aries at Battle Creek, Mich. Next June the im- 
 portant World Missionary Conference takes 
 place in Edinburgh. In October the country’s 
 oldest foreign missionary organization, the 
 American Board, celebrates its centennial in con- 
 nection with the National Congregational Coun- 
 cil at Boston.” — If. Y. Evening Post, Jan. 10, 
 1910. 
 
 China : A. D. 1906 - 1907 . — “ In view of the 
 recent remarkable awakening in China, and the 
 strong desire on the part of the Chinese for a 
 knowledge of Western civilisation and science, 
 an influential Committee, ‘ The China Missions 
 Emergency Committee,’ was appointed last 
 year, including in its membership an equal num- 
 ber of prominent representatives of the Angli- 
 can Church as well as of the Free Churches of 
 Great Britain, to consider in what ways it 
 might assist the missionary societies and their 
 representatives in China in adjusting and ex- 
 tending their existing operations, so that the 
 momentous demands now made upon them by 
 the surprising changes of thought and policy 
 that have so suddenly emerged, may be ade- 
 quately met. . . . 
 
 “It appointed as its representatives the Rev. 
 Lord William and Lady Florence Gascoyne- 
 Cecil, of Hatfield ; Sir Alexander R. Simpson, 
 of Edinburgh ; Professor Alexander Macalister, 
 of Cambridge ; and Mr. Francis William Fox, 
 of London, to attend the Missionary Conference 
 held at Shanghai from April 26th to May 7th 
 last, and also to pay a series of visits to mis- 
 sionaries and mission stations, for the purpose 
 of learning from the most experienced mission- 
 
 aries what measures should be adopted to meet 
 the new demands that had arisen.” 
 
 “We found everywhere throughout the Chi- 
 nese Empire that greater religious liberty is en- 
 joyed than is the case in many other parts of 
 the world, and that, so long as the laws of the 
 country are observed, there is, theoretically, no 
 interference with the conscientious opinions of 
 individuals, with, however, the exceptions that 
 Chinese officials are required occasionally to per- 
 form certain ceremonies of an idolatrous charac- 
 ter. . . i 
 
 “ In the year 1906, as before stated, there were 
 approximately 3,750 Foreign Protestant Mis- 
 sionaries residing in China. Of these, 1,950 were 
 British, 1,457 American, and some 343 Conti- 
 nental and Independent Workers. The number 
 of Bible Women: — In 1876, 90 ; in 1889, 180; in 
 1906, 894. Number of Boys’ and Girls’ Day 
 Schools : — In 1878, 289 ; in 1906, 385. Number 
 of Scholars in Day Schools: — In 1876, 4,909; in 
 1889, 16,836; in 1906, 42,546. Number of Inter- 
 mediate, High Schools and Colleges: — In 1906, 
 389. Number of Students in Colleges, etc. (male 
 and female) : — In 1906, 15,137. Total number 
 of Scholars and Students :- — In 1906, 57,683. 
 
 “By the commencement of 1908 it is esti- 
 mated that the total number of Foreign Protest- 
 ant Missionaries in China will be at least 4,000. 
 The number of Mission Stations (including the 
 sub or smaller ones) is about 5,750. The ordained 
 Chinese Pastors and other Chinese Preachers are 
 now about 6,000. The number of recognized 
 Protestant Church (full) Members and Catechu- 
 mens is estimated as 250,000, which, with the 
 addition of children and others not regarded as 
 in full connection, represents a total of about 
 1 , 000,000 persons who are more or less closely 
 connected with the Protestant Christian Churches 
 of China.” — F. W. Fox, A. Macalister, and A. R. 
 Simpson, Christian Missions in China ( Contem- 
 porary Review, Feb., 1908). 
 
 See, also, Education: China. 
 
 India and Korea: American Mission 
 
 Schools. See (in this vol.) Education: India, 
 and Korea. 
 
 Japan. — "Viscount Aoki, a former Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs, is a Christian, and so is Vis- 
 count Okabe, Minister of Justice in the present 
 Cabinet. There are 10 Christian members of 
 the Imperial Diet, all men of high character and 
 enjoying the respect of their fellow-countrymen, 
 for there is no constituency in Japan which 
 would elect a Christian qua Christian. It is 
 perhaps among the commercial class that Chris- 
 tianity is gaining most ground, and at Osaka, 
 the great industrial city of Japan, there are 
 churches with Japanese ministers, supported en- 
 tirely by Japanese congregations, who have at 
 heart to remove the popular reproach that Chris- 
 tianity is a foreign creed which cannot live 
 without foreign subsidies. Missionary activity 
 has always had a free field in Japan, and its phi- 
 lanthropic aspects have never received wider 
 recognition than of recent years. The Emperor 
 himself has frequently marked by handsome 
 contributions his personal interest in orphan- 
 ages and hospitals conducted under missionary 
 auspices. But if Christianity should ever be- 
 come the national faith of Japan it will prob- 
 ably be in some new national form impressed 
 upon it by Japanese teachers rather than in any 
 sectarian form borrowed from the West. What 
 
 422 
 
MISSIONS 
 
 MONROE DOCTRINE 
 
 is meanwhile unquestionably increasing very 
 steadily is the influence of Christian ethics. . . . 
 To quote a missionary : ‘ If there are less than 
 200,000 professing Christians in Japan, there 
 are more than a million educated Japanese who 
 think in terms of Christian ethics, and who try 
 to live up to them more truly than many mil- 
 lions of professing Christians in the West.’” — 
 Cor. of The Times, London. 
 
 In April, 1907, a great international mission 
 conference was assembled at Tokyo, Japan, of 
 which The Outlook gave the following account 
 the next month: “ Over six hundred delegates, 
 representing organizations in twenty-five coun- 
 tries, assembled last month in Tokyo. They con- 
 stituted the seventh Conference of the World’s 
 Student Christian Federation. The body repre- 
 sented is a federation of various national associ- 
 ations of Christian students. Some of them 
 are Young Men’s Christian Associations, organ- 
 ized in the colleges; some of them are student 
 organizations, not affiliated with the Young 
 Men’s Christian Association. The delegates re- 
 ceived many messages of greeting from offi- 
 cials of high station ; among these were messages 
 from Viscount Hayashi, the Japanese Minister 
 of Foreign Affairs ; Marquis Ito, who sent a 
 letter from Korea accompanied with a gift of 
 five thousand dollars ; Count Okuma, Elder 
 Statesman ; the President of the United States, 
 the King of England, and the King of Norway. 
 
 “The meetings were thronged by ten thou- 
 sand students, mainly Japanese and Chinese. 
 The Conference was of course distinctively 
 Christian in character; it had a definite pur- 
 pose of proclaiming a Christian message: it 
 advocated ethical and intellectual progress by 
 means of the Christian religion ; it assembled in 
 a non-Christian land ; yet its existence, so far 
 from arousing resentment or opposition, evoked 
 rather the warmest expression of appreciation 
 and even gratitude. That it stimulated emula- 
 tion is not surprising. A Buddhist Conference, 
 for example, was summoned in the same city at 
 the same time ; but at that Conference resolutions 
 expressing its ‘ profound respect ’ to the gather- 
 ing of Christians were passed, and a deputation 
 to convey these resolutions was chosen. Simi- 
 larly, a Conference of Shinto priests sent a letter 
 to the Christian Conference expressing their 
 sense of the honor which the Federation had 
 shown to Japan by convening in Tokyo, and, 
 in lieu of a reception which could not be ar- 
 ranged for lack of time, presented material 
 ‘mementoes and tokens of esteem,’ in order, 
 to use their own words, ‘to express our deep 
 appreciation of your coming, and to commem- 
 orate this bright event in Japan’s history.’ 
 The press of Japan was emphatic in its expres- 
 sion of good will.” 
 
 Turkey and the Near East : American 
 Mission Schools. See (in this vol.) Educa- 
 tion : Turkey. 
 
 MISSOURI: A. D. 1906-1909. — Success- 
 ful Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce and 
 Standard Oil Companies. See (in this vol.) 
 Combinations, Industrial: United States: 
 A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 MISSOURI RIVER RATE CASE. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 
 1908-1909. 
 
 MISTRAL, Frederic. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 MITCHELL, John: President of the 
 
 United Mine Workers of America. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization: United States: 
 A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 Resignation on account of ill health. See 
 
 (as above) A. D. 1909. 
 
 Chairman of Trades Agreements Depart- 
 ment of National Civic Federation. See Labor 
 Organization: United States: A. D. 1908. 
 
 Sentence for alleged Violation of an In- 
 junction. See Labor Organization : United 
 States: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 MITCHELL, John H.: United States Sen- 
 ator, involved in Land Frauds. See (in this 
 vol.) United States: A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 MODERATE-REPUBLICANS. See (in 
 this vol.) France.- A. D. 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 MODERNISM, Papal Encyclical against. 
 See (in this vol.) Papacy : A. D. 1907. Also, 
 Tyrrel, Father George. 
 
 MODUS VIVENDI: On American Fish- 
 ing in Newfoundland waters. See (in this 
 vol.) Newfoundland: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 MOHAMMED ALI: Lately deposed Shah 
 of Persia. See (in this vol.) Persia : A. D. 
 
 1907 (Jan.-Sept.). 
 
 MOHAMMEDAN CONFERENCE. See 
 
 (in this vol.) India : A. D. 1907 (Dec.). 
 
 MOHAMMEDANS OF INDIA: Their 
 present Feeling. See (in this vol.) India: 
 A. D. 1907-1909, and 1908-1909. 
 
 MOHAMID EL AMIN, a new Mahdi. 
 See (in this vol.) Africa : A. D. 1903 (Sudan). 
 
 MOHAMMID RESCHAD EFFENDI : 
 Made Sultan of Turkey as Mohammid V. 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan.- 
 May). 
 
 MOHONK (LAKE) PEACE CONFER- 
 ENCE. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against : A. D. 1909. 
 
 MOISSAN, H. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 MOLTKE, Count Kuno von: His Libel 
 Suit against Maximilien Harden. See (in 
 this vol.) Germany: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 MOMMSEN, Theodor. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 MONASTIR : Beginnings of the Turkish 
 Revolution. See (in this vol.) Turkey : A. D. 
 
 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 MONETA, Ernesto T. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 MONEY. See (in this vol.) Finance and 
 
 MONO-RAIL SYSTEM. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention : Railways. 
 
 MONOPOLIES. See (in this vol.) Combi- 
 nations, Industrial. 
 
 MONROE DOCTRINE: Interpreted re- 
 latively to German Claims and Complaints 
 against Venezuela. — Its Recognition by 
 Germany. See (in this vol.) Venezuela: A. D. 
 1901, and United States : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 Impliedly recognized by the Hague Tribu- 
 nal. See (in this vol.) Venezuela : A. D. 
 1902-1904. 
 
 In the case of San Domingo. See (in this 
 vol.) San Domingo : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 Stated as an All-America Doctrine by 
 Secretary Root, at the Third International 
 Conference of American Republics, at Rio de 
 Janeiro, in 1906. See (in this vol.) American 
 Republics. 
 
 423 
 
MONROE PALACE 
 
 MOROCCO, 1896-1906 
 
 MONROE PALACE, The. See (in this 
 
 vol.) American Republics: Third Interna- 
 tional Conference. 
 
 MONTAGUE, A. J. : Delegate to Third 
 International Conference of American Re- 
 publics. See (in this vol.) American Repub- 
 lics. 
 
 MONTENEGRO. See Balkan and Danu- 
 bian States. 
 
 MONTES, I. : President of Bolivia. See 
 (in this vol.) Acre Disputes. 
 
 MONT PEL&E, Volcanic explosion of. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Volcanic Eruptions : West 
 Indies. 
 
 MONTT, Pedro: President of Chile. See 
 (in this vol.) Chile: A. D. 1906. 
 
 MOODY, William H. : Secretary of the 
 Navy, Attorney-General and Justice of the 
 Supreme Court. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909. 
 
 MOOR, F. R. : Premier of Natal. — At the 
 Imperial Conference of 1907 . See (in this 
 vol.) British Empire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 MORALES, President Carlos F. See (in 
 this vol. San Domingo : A. D. 1904-1907. 
 
 MORENGA, Chief of Hereros. See (in 
 this vol.) Africa : German Colonies. 
 
 MORET Y PRENDERGAST: Premier 
 of Spain. See (in this vol.) Spain : A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 MORGAN, J. Pierpont : His Intervention 
 in the Anthracite Coal Strike of 1902 . See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 His organization of the International Mer- 
 cantile Marine Company. See Combina- 
 tions, Industrial : International. 
 
 Enlarged Control of Banking Interests. 
 See Finance and Trade: United States: 
 A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 MORLEY, John, Viscount: Secretary of 
 State for India. See (in this vol.) England: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 On the Indian Councils Bill. See India: 
 A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 MOROCCO (Maghreb el-Aksa): The 
 
 Name. — Maroc or Morocco, the name given by 
 Europeans to the empire of the Moorish Sultan 
 as a whole, is not so applied by the natives of 
 the country. According to them, the Maroc or 
 country of Marrakech, the Marruecos of the 
 Spaniards, is only one of three States submis- 
 sive to the authority of the Sultan-Shereef. At 
 the north the kingdom of Fez, at the southwest 
 the oasis of Tafilet, make up his real empire. 
 Beyond these, vast territories occupied by nu- 
 merous independent tribes, stretch over the 
 space that is marked on our maps with the 
 name Morocco. Its inhabitants have no com- 
 mon name for it as a whole. Their country, in- 
 dicated in a general manner, with no precise 
 delimitation, is the Maghreb el-Aksa, — that is 
 to say, “ The Extreme West.” — fllisee Reclus, 
 Nouvelle Geographic Universelle, vol. 11, p. 653. 
 
 A. D. 1896 - 1906 . — The Creeping of the 
 French Algerian Boundary into Moroccan 
 T erritory. — A Justification of the Encroach- 
 ment. — “Something has happened during the 
 two weeks preceding the Conference at Al- 
 geciras [see Europe : A. D. 1904-1906], which 
 may or may not be brought to the attention of 
 the international diplomats. France from the 
 start has refused to submit her doings along the 
 
 Algerian frontier to the discussion of the con- 
 ference. That concerns herself and Morocco 
 alone. What has been happening would in any 
 case put the conference in face of an accom- 
 plished fact. Some time ago M. Jonnart, Gov- 
 ernor-General of Algiers, was informed that 
 emissaries from Fez were notifying the fron- 
 tier tribes, whose submission to France dates 
 only from the last few years, that Germany 
 would help the Sultan very shortly to force the 
 French to evacuate their tribal territories. . . . 
 M. Jonnart at once set out on a long and cere- 
 monious visit to the tribes along the extreme 
 southern frontier. He was accompanied by 
 Gen. Lyautey, the ‘ pacificating ’ general, who 
 has been M. JaurtSs’ bugbear in this Moroccan 
 affair. The Governor-General returned to Al- 
 giers Friday last, just in time to have his news 
 ready for the conference. He has reason to be 
 satisfied. Except for a vague idea that the Mo- 
 roccan territory along the Algerian frontier is a 
 ‘ bled-es-siba ’ — a country where the Sultan has 
 difficulty in collecting his taxes — the foreign 
 press has not kept pace with what has been going 
 on for the last ten years. In one word, during 
 that time France has brought under her dom- 
 ination a stretch of territory of some thousands 
 of square miles. It is true that this territory is 
 sparsely settled by wilfully independent tribes, 
 who so far alternately aided in the Algerian 
 harvests and raided the French outposts. This 
 situation quite justifies the action of the French 
 troops, which has consisted in throwing for- 
 ward the unbroken line of outposts that enclose 
 and keep in order the French dominion, and not 
 in any military conquest of volatile tribes. M. 
 Jaurtis always fell foul of the latter policy, 
 which he ascribed to the military; but it would 
 be as useless as it is absurd. What Gen. Ly- 
 autey has been doing all these years, without 
 Germany or any other friend of the Sultan 
 giving sign of life, is not only reasonable : it 
 is better — it has proved effective. And M. 
 Jonnart’s tour has secured the formal submis- 
 sion of these tribes whose territory geographers 
 have all along made a part of Tafilalt — the 
 soutlieasternmost of the four ancient kingdoms 
 which, together, make up the empire of Mo- 
 rocco. The boundary between Morocco and 
 French territory in Algiers has never been set- 
 tled since the original treaty of 1845. That 
 drew a line from the coast southward about a 
 hundred miles to Teniet-es-Sassi, four degrees 
 of longitude west from Paris, and then stopped. 
 Whatever was to the south — then a No Man’s 
 Land, so far as France was concerned — was to 
 be divided amicably along as natural a line as 
 possible, leaving the east to France as a sphere 
 of influence (the word had not yet been in- 
 vented). During these sixty years the frontier 
 line has remained about the same on the maps. 
 But France has steadily prolonged her settled 
 domination southward, gaining over a Moham- 
 medan population by serving their material in- 
 terests without offence to their religion. The 
 railway now reaches Beni Otinif, only a short 
 distance from Fighig, whose Amcl is among 
 those notified that Morocco with German help 
 will soon send the French over the desert and 
 far away. At Beni Ounif, besides the Grand 
 Hotel for tourists, there are extensive counting 
 houses for the trade of all the Hinterland, with 
 an appropriate banking system, and everything 
 
 424 
 
MOROCCO, 1903 
 
 MOROCCO, 1903 
 
 to draw the Moroccan tribes. There is no doubt 
 that this territory has always been nominally a 
 part of Morocco. . . . And now M. Jonnart has 
 visited olllcially the great Zaouia, or religious 
 centre of Kenadsa, still farther to the west.” — ■ 
 Paris Special Correspondence N. Y. Eve. Post, 
 Feb. 3, 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — State of Affairs in the Moor- 
 ish Sultanate. — Abd el Aziz, the young 
 Sultan. — His expensive tastes. — His enjoy- 
 ment of the Playthings of Civilization and 
 Science. — “Regarded as a Moorish ruler and 
 leader, the late Sultan, Mulai Hassan, was a 
 strong man, almost, perhaps, a great man. The 
 loss of Morocco is that apparently she cannot 
 produce his like in the present generation. She 
 was richer a few years ago ; and that is part of 
 her decadence. Mulai Hassan had a companion 
 of his right hand : Ba Hamed, the Grand Wa- 
 zeer. In them Morocco could boast the posses- 
 sion of two strong men ; crude, narrow of vision, 
 even brutal and merciless, if judged by Euro- 
 pean standards, yet genuinely strong men. The 
 greater of them died, and his subordinate suc- 
 cessfully hid the fact (though the Court was 
 journeying at the time) from all Morocco, 
 masquerading as one in close attendance upon 
 a Sultan whose corpse, as a fact, was tied in its 
 litter, until city walls were reached, prepara- 
 tions made, and the succession of the youth 
 Abd el Aziz assured. Be it remembered that Ba 
 Hamed, the survivor, was a strong man in his 
 own right. Young Abd el Aziz [who succeeded 
 his father in 1894] was docile perforce, and Ba 
 Hamed ruled, without pity, with greed, and 
 quite unhampered by what Europe calls honour 
 or justice. . . . 
 
 “Rather more than two years ago [1901], 
 when already the country was perturbed by 
 news of the French advance upon and occu- 
 pation of Igli, the Moorish town which was 
 regarded as the depot and junction via which 
 the caravan traffic of the desert filtered through 
 Morocco to the coast ; at this critical juncture, 
 in the thick of conflicting intrigues, poisonings, 
 and official treachery, Ba Hamed, the greatly 
 feared, greatly hated, and rigidly obeyed Wa- 
 zeer, died at Marrakish, leaving many schem- 
 ing heirs-presumptive to his office, but no single 
 successor to the mantle of his authority, the in- 
 herent masterfulness of his personality. 
 
 “Still youthful Abd el Aziz IY. stretched 
 forth both hands and personally took up the 
 fallen reins of government with a great flourish 
 of trumpets and display of energy. . . . Opti- 
 mistic Europeans, naturally gratified by the ac- 
 tive good sense with which Abd el Aziz checked 
 his Filali tribesmen’s turbulent resentment of 
 contact with the French in Igli and its oasis, 
 freely predicted a new lease of life for the 
 Moorish Empire. They credited the new broom 
 with powers which, in view of its origin and 
 environment, had been little short of miracu- 
 lous. And they omitted reflection regarding 
 the hand which moved the new broom. This 
 was a power behind the Parasol, a latent intelli- 
 gence, not wholly Moorish, capricious, feminine, 
 subtle, unstable, and somewhat vitiated from 
 long repression in an unwholesome atmosphere. 
 The late Mulai Hassan’s Circassian wife, young 
 Abd el Aziz’s mother, Lalla R’kia, had also 
 found a dangerous emancipation in the death of 
 Ba Hamed. . . . 
 
 “Casually observant Nazarenes saw rich, 
 cruel officials swept from their high estate by 
 wholesale, and predicted the birth of probity 
 at Court. Notorious gainers by oppression were 
 loaded with chains in Kasbah dungeons; the 
 young Sultan’s brother, the One-Eyed, whom 
 cautious Ba Hamed had kept secure in Tetuan 
 prison, was established on parole at Mcquinez, 
 and ‘ Here ’s positive purity of administration ! ’ 
 cried the surface-reading hopeful in Christian- 
 ridden Tangier. 
 
 “Of a sudden, all movement ceased. The 
 young Sultan was lost sight of — behind the 
 curtain. ... It is not given to us to know 
 anything of pale Lalla lt’kia’s attitude during 
 this breathing space. . . . (Lalla R’kia died 
 last year.) 
 
 “Speaking metaphorically, his Shareefian 
 Majesty Abd el Aziz reappeared on the arm of 
 a commercial agent, a French Israelite, with a 
 genius for the ‘placing’ of imported commodi- 
 ties. Allah’s Chosen had been initiated into 
 the select manias of Europe, and become ad- 
 dicted to golfing, the use of the camera, the 
 bicycle, and other less pretty pastimes from the 
 West. . . . 
 
 “ Commercial agents continued to press upon 
 the young Sultan the latest and most expensive 
 of electrical and other toys, and those far-seeing 
 gentlemen, the newspaper correspondents, bade 
 Europe take note of the remarkable enlighten- 
 ment and progressive wisdom of the ruler of 
 Morocco, as evidenced by his interest in motor 
 cars and Broadwood pianos. And the friends 
 of these optimistic gentry criticised the present 
 writer as a croaker and a bird of ill-omen when 
 he published in The Fortnightly Review for 
 July, 1901, the following extract from a letter 
 sent him by a Moorish friend: 
 
 “‘To sum all up, my friend, I grieve be- 
 cause I find the affairs of my native land in 
 parlous order, demanding as never before in the 
 history of Morocco the guidance of a strong, 
 clear mind, a veritable Sultan. That my coun- 
 try’s affairs most urgently need. They have 
 a governing power composed of half a dozen 
 corrupt creatures, of a corrupt, short-sighted, 
 cruel, and desperately greedy Wazeer, whose 
 rightful Lord is occupied exclusively in — Bah ! 
 We have spoken of those whose graves will be 
 defiled, and of the trumpery gauds from Paris 
 bazaars. And this, while the turbulent Sus is 
 aflame, the far south-east a mine charged by 
 French aggression, waiting only the match of 
 knowledge of our Lord’s indifference; the coun- 
 try between Tafilalt and Fas is openly given 
 over to brigandage and anarchy, and even A1 
 Ksar, Arzila, and the Gharb, Tangiers out- 
 skirts, are full of unrest and disorder, crimes 
 and indifference to crimes.’” — A. J. Dawson, 
 Morocco, the Moors, and the Powers {Fortnightly 
 Review, Feb., 1903). 
 
 “ I have not seen the Sultan face to face, but 
 I have conversed with nearly all the leading 
 Europeans who have been with him either at 
 Marrakesh or Fez, and from what they have 
 told me I have been forced to conclude that 
 Mulai Abd -el -Aziz is a charming, kindly, 
 headstrong man, suffering badly from youth, 
 who delights in reforms for the sake of their 
 novelty and lacks the brain power that distin- 
 guished his father, Mulai el Hassan, and his 
 grandfather, Mulai Mohammed. While he 
 
 425 
 
MOROCCO, 1903-1904 
 
 MOROCCO, 1907-1909 
 
 stayed in his southern capital he was compara- 
 tively free from the attacks of commercial at- 
 taches and other rogues, whose designs upon 
 his treasury should have been obvious, though 
 he was guilty of many extravagances, includ- 
 ing displays of fireworks that made his envoy 
 to England speak slightingly of the special 
 display arranged in his honour at the Crystal 
 Palace. In Fez the agents surrounded him 
 like summer flies. He has twelve motor cars 
 and no roads to ride them over; he paid be- 
 tween three and four thousand pounds for a 
 yacht, sixty feet long, that was to be used on 
 the Sebu river, which is no more than thirty 
 feet wide; in spite of the Koran’s prohibition, 
 he has purchased a crown at a price I am afraid 
 to name. He has put some of his soldiers into 
 European uniforms and boots, only to find that 
 they run away from Bu Hamara as readily as 
 they did when dressed in native garments. He 
 has developed an enthusiasm for photography 
 
 — I have seen some of his work — and in addi- 
 tion to cameras with cases of pure gold, he has 
 one apartment of his palace loaded from floor to 
 ceiling with dark plates, and he was persuaded 
 to order ten thousand francs’ worth of printing 
 paper. He has a menagerie in the grounds of 
 the palace at Fez, and on a day when it was 
 reported that the lion sent from England had 
 quarrelled with and killed the lion sent from 
 Berlin, one of the European visitors to the 
 court suggested to him that a contest between 
 the victorious lion and the Bengal tiger would 
 afford good sport. ‘ No,’ said Abd-el-Aziz, 
 
 ‘ the lion cost me three thousand pounds ! ’ All 
 Europe knows that the Sultan is poor.” — S. L. 
 Bensusan, Britain, France, and the Moorish 
 Empire (Contemporary Review, Nov., 1903). 
 
 A. D. 1903 - 1904 . — Appearance of the 
 Mahdi, Bu Hamara, as a leader of Insurrec- 
 tion. — In 1903 there appeared in Morocco one 
 of the prophetic pretenders called Mahdis, of 
 whom so many have arisen in the Moslem world, 
 to take advantage of occasions of religious ex- 
 citement, and to lead a rising of wild tribes. 
 This Moorish Mahdi, known as Bu Hamara, was 
 helped to a leadership of insurrection by an in- 
 cident which greatly stirred the religious tem- 
 per of tribes wherever known. An English 
 missionary was killed at Fez, and the murderer, 
 flying to a sanctuary of special sanctity, was 
 pursued thereto by the Sultan’s guards, and 
 slain within the sacred bounds. Against this 
 sacrilege, committed to satisfy hated Christians, 
 Bu Hamara roused the country, preaching exter- 
 mination of all Christians within it. The inse- 
 cure throne of Abd el Aziz was made more inse- 
 cure, English influence in Morocco was shaken, 
 the French frontiers east and south were endan- 
 gered, and Bu Hamara’s revolt appears to have 
 had much to do with the producing of all that 
 followed, — in the Anglo-French Agreement of 
 1904, the Algeciras Conference, the dethrone- 
 ment of Abd el Aziz, etc. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Declarations of England and 
 France concerning Morocco in the Agree- 
 ments of the Entente of 1904 . — Explanatory 
 Despatch. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 
 1904 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — Exploits of El Raisuli. 
 
 — The Kidnapping and Ransoming of Messrs. 
 Perdicaris and Varley. — The Capture and 
 Ransom of Kaid Sir Harry MacLean. — Pre- 
 
 sent Respectability of Raisuli as a Moroccan 
 Governor. — One of the chiefs in that moun- 
 tainous strip of northern Morocco, nearly paral- 
 lel to the Mediterranean, which is called “The 
 Riff,” has played a startlingly troublesome part 
 in recent Moroccan history. His name is Mulai 
 Ahmed ben Mohammed, but he is commonly 
 designated in all news-mentions of his doings 
 by the title he bears, — El Raisuli, chieftain of 
 a clan. The first exploit which made this title 
 familiar to all the world was in May, 1904, when 
 he kidnapped, from their residence near Tangier, 
 a naturalized American and an Englishman, Mr. 
 Ion Perdicaris and his stepson, Mr. Varley, car- 
 rying them into the mountains and holding them 
 captive until he had extorted a ransom of $70,- 
 000, despite the utmost efforts of France, Great 
 Britain, and the United States, with the aid of 
 the Sultan, to obtain their release on less humil- 
 iating terms. This success failed, however, to 
 satisfy the audacious brigand, and in July, 1907, 
 he laid hands on another important hostage, this 
 time a British officer, Sir Harry MacLean, who 
 had been long in the service of the Sultan of 
 Morocco, as military adviser, with the title 
 of Kaid. Kaid MacLean ventured to visit the 
 brigand in his mountain retreat for some nego- 
 tiation, and was detained in pawn. Raisuli held 
 this notable captive until the following Febru- 
 ary, and released him then on receipt of $25,000, 
 cash down, with a pledge of $75,000 more at the 
 end of three years, if he gave no fresh trouble 
 within that time. Meanwhile, he and twenty- 
 eight of his family were to be under British pro- 
 tection. Before this transaction was closed a 
 new Sultan had won the Moroccan throne (as 
 will be explained below) and he thought it wiser 
 to employ the energies of Raisuli officially than 
 to try to maintain a contest of authority with so 
 unmanageable a subject. Accordingly, in Feb- 
 ruary, 1909, Raisuli was appointed governor of 
 twelve tribes in Northern Morocco, and is now 
 one of the most respectable representatives of 
 government in the last of the Barbary States. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . —German hostility to the 
 Anglo-French Agreement. — The Kaiser’s 
 speech at Tangier. — The International Con- 
 ference at Algeciras. — The resulting Act. — 
 See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — Mob-murder of Dr. 
 Mauchamp at Morocco City. — Conflict with 
 Tribesmen at Casablanca. — Bombardment 
 by French and Spanish Ships. — Campaign 
 against the Tribes. — Dethronement of Sul- 
 tan Abd el Aziz by his brother Mulai Hafid. 
 — Fresh friction between France and Ger- 
 many. - — Its Pacific Settlement by Arbitra- 
 tion at The Hague. — Organization of police 
 forces for the service which France and Spain 
 were commissioned by the Powers at the Al- 
 geciras Conference to perform in Morocco was 
 retarded, necessarily, by the prevailing anarchy 
 in the Empire, and fresh causes of disorder oc- 
 curred before the means for prompt treatment 
 of them were prepared. In the spring of 1907 
 a French citizen, Dr. Mauchamp, at Marrakesh 
 (Morocco City), undertook to install at his 
 house the apparatus for wireless telegraphy. 
 His Moorish neighbors suspected some diabol- 
 ical intention, when he raised the necessary 
 mast on his house, and proceeded with fanatic 
 enterprise to kill the man of too much science 
 and to demolish the house. The French Gov- 
 
MOROCCO, 1907-1909 
 
 MOROCCO, 1907-1909 
 
 eminent demanded punishment of the outrage, 
 with indemnity to the family of the victim, and 
 put a force in motion, under General Liautey, 
 which occupied the city of Ujda, not far from 
 the Algerian frontier, to hold it until the de- 
 mands of justice were complied with. None of 
 the Powers signatory to the Algeciras Confer- 
 ence raised objections to this proceeding. 
 
 A more serious intervention was occasioned 
 in July, 1907, when the French took control of 
 the collection of customs at the ports, as di- 
 rected by the Algeciras agreement. At Casa- 
 blanca, on the Atlantic coast, the tribesmen at- 
 tacked a number of European laborers, employed 
 there in quarries, and killed eight. All the for- 
 eign residents of the region were in danger, and 
 French and Spanish war-ships were hurried to 
 the scene. The local Moorish official confessed 
 his inability to protect the threatened foreign- 
 ers, who had taken refuge in the French, Span- 
 ish, and British consulates, with hostile tribes 
 swarming around the town, and he asked for 
 help. Marines were landed on the 4th of Au- 
 gust and were attacked. “ A sanguinary battle 
 followed between the Arabs and the European 
 soldiery, the French cruiser opening fire and 
 shelling the Moorish batteries. Scenes of great 
 disorder and violence followed upon the firing, 
 a raging mob of Moors attacking and pillaging 
 the entire city. The Jews particularly were 
 massacred by hundreds. Another French war- 
 ship soon appeared upon the scene, accompanied 
 by a Spanish cruiser, and troops were landed 
 to the number of 4000. General Drude, the 
 French commander, was chosen to head the al- 
 lied troops, Spanish and French, and reinforce- 
 ments were hurried from France.” A number 
 of encounters followed. “The most serious 
 were the attacks, on August 28, and September 
 2, upon Casablanca and its outskirts, both re- 
 sulting from a reconnaissance in force by the 
 French Algerian irregular cavalry and the fa- 
 mous Foreign Legion. Seven or eight thou- 
 sand Moors attacked the Europeans, sweeping 
 down from the hills with all the ferocity and 
 courage traditional in their race. By the aid of 
 machine guns and the batteries from their war- 
 ships the French succeeded in repelling the 
 tribesmen with considerable loss of life.” 
 
 Justification of the bombardment of Casa- 
 blanca was somewhat questioned at the time, 
 and with good reason if the following account of 
 the circumstances, by an eye-witness, a Scotch 
 missionary, are to be believed. His statement 
 was published in the Glasgow Herald , and is 
 given here as summarized in The Outlook, of 
 September 21, 1907. 
 
 “This missionary, Dr. Kerr, has lived many 
 years in the country, and he asserts that in many 
 ways the French residents and officials have con- 
 tinually irritated the Moors and provoked them 
 to anger. Dr. Kerr states that no further out- 
 breaks occurred after the massacre of French 
 and Spanish workmen on July 30, and that when 
 the bombardment began on August 1 there was 
 absolutely no immediate provocation for it. He 
 denounces it as contrary to the usages of civ- 
 ilized war and as ‘wicked and unjustifiable,’ 
 adding that the British merchants in Casablanca 
 will probably sue the French Government for 
 damages caused to their property by what they 
 consider an unnecessary bombardment. The 
 punishment of the Moors concerned in the mur- 
 
 der of the eight workmen, says Dr. Kerr, no one 
 could object to, but instead of this the punish- 
 ment took the form of an unprovoked massacre 
 of persons many of whom were entirely inno- 
 cent. The details of the affair as he gives them 
 are certainly deplorable, and if his assertion that 
 the lauding force of the French fired the first 
 shot is true, the succeeding episodes described 
 are unpardonable. One of these episodes may be 
 quoted here: 
 
 “ ‘ I saw two young women walking as 
 quickly as they could. . . . Suddenly a volley 
 was fired into them by the Spanish marines. 
 They fell, but picked themselves up, and took 
 refuge in a ledge of a wall. After waiting a few 
 minutes they made to return, when another vol- 
 ley was fired at them, and they fell again. . . . 
 One of these brave daughters of Ishmael refused 
 to flee without taking with her the “ khaik,” or 
 outer garment, which fell from her [thus leav- 
 ing her face uncovered, contrary to Moslem 
 law]. She turned back, picked up her garment, 
 and fled as fast as she could, bleeding all over.’ ” 
 
 In the fall of 1907 General Drude was suc- 
 ceeded in the command at Casablanca by Gen- 
 eral d’Amade, who prosecuted a more vigorous 
 campaign against the obstinately hostile tribes 
 of the region, and made but slow progress in re- 
 ducing them to submission. 
 
 Meantime a rising against Sultan Abd el Aziz, 
 in favor of one of his brothers, Mulai Hafid, 
 had been started and was making rapid head- 
 way. Mulai Hafid was proclaimed Sultan at 
 Marrakesh on the 25th of August, 1907, and on 
 the 4th of the following January his support- 
 ers had gained possession of Fez and proclaimed 
 him there. Abd el Aziz kept the field against his 
 rival until August, 1908, when he had practically 
 no following left, and the direction of Govern- 
 ment was assumed formally by Mulai Hafid. His 
 authority had soon become established so fully 
 that the German Government addressed a note 
 to the Powers proposing an immediate recogni- 
 tion of it. France and Spain objected, insisting 
 that Mulai Hafid must confirm existing trea- 
 ties, accept responsibility for the debts of the 
 previous regime, give pledges of indemnity for 
 the Casablanca outbreak, disavow the “Holy 
 War” which he had countenanced and which 
 had given him his success, and take effective 
 measures for securing the safety of foreigners 
 in the Empire. Their objection was approved 
 generally ; Germany assented to the requirements 
 proposed, and it was not until Mulai Hafid had 
 satisfied them that he obtained recognition as the 
 legitimate sovereign of Morocco. This was given 
 in the following note, handed to his representa- 
 tive on the 5tli of January, 1909, by the doyen of 
 the Diplomatic Body at Tangier : 
 
 “The signatory Governments of the Act of 
 Algeciras have received the letter which Mulai 
 Hafid sent to them through the agency of the 
 Diplomatic Body at Tangier in reply to their 
 communique of November 18. The Govern- 
 ments represented in Morocco received with sat- 
 isfaction this reply, in which they saw a proof 
 that the explanations which they formulated 
 in their Note of November 18, in the interest 
 of the relations of friendship and confidence 
 which they desire to maintain with the sovereign 
 authority of the Shereefian Empire, are in ac- 
 cordance with the views of Mulai Hafid. In 
 consequence the signatory Powers of the Act of 
 
 427 
 
MOROCCO, 1907-1909 
 
 MOROCCO, 1909 
 
 Algeciras have decided to recognize his Majesty 
 Mulai Hafid as legitimate Sultan of Morocco, 
 and have charged the doyen of the Diplomatic 
 Body at Tangier to notify their recognition of 
 him to the representatives of his Majesty in that 
 town.” 
 
 Before this settlement was reached an inci- 
 dent had occurred at Casablanca on the 15th 
 of September, 1908, which irritated the chronic 
 sensitiveness of feeling between Germany and 
 France. Five or six soldiers of the Foreign Le- 
 gion in French service at Casablanca, including 
 three Germans, deserted, and the German Con- 
 sulate attempted to protect the Germans when 
 their arrest was undertaken by French gen- 
 darmes. There was some struggle, but the ar- 
 rest was accomplished, and the demand of the 
 Consul for the release of the three Germans was 
 refused. Germany demanded satisfaction for 
 the treatment of her Consul. France maintained 
 that satisfaction was due to herself for the in- 
 terference of the Consul with her military 
 rights ; but offered to submit the affair to the 
 Hague Tribunal for arbitration. Germany was 
 willing to arbitrate the questions involved if 
 France would first express regret for the official 
 conduct on her side of the matter. France in 
 reply suggested expressions of regret by both 
 parties ; and on these terms, supposedly vindi- 
 cating national dignity on each side, the case 
 went to The Hague. The Court of Arbitration 
 held its first meeting on the 1st of May, 1909, 
 and announced its judgment on the 22 d of the 
 same month. As summarized in an English 
 despatch from The Hague, the opinion of the 
 Court was as follows : 
 
 “ The Court considered that in this case there 
 was a conflict of jurisdiction between the Con- 
 sular and the military authority of two foreign 
 Powers, the one Power exercising full Consular 
 authority over her subjects, who happened to 
 be soldiers in the Foreign Legion of the other 
 Power. The latter Power had effected the mil- 
 itary occupation of a certain territory, and in 
 consequence exercised full authority over that 
 territory. As it was impossible to decide this 
 conflict by any absolute ruling, which might 
 indicate in a general way the precedence of 
 either jurisdiction, the Court considered that 
 the question must be determined by the particu- 
 lar circumstances of any given case. 
 
 “In this case the jurisdiction of the occupy- 
 ing force had precedence because the persons in 
 question did not leave the territory occupied by 
 that force. The Court decided that the Secre- 
 tary of the German Consulate at Casablanca 
 wrongly and through a grave and manifest error 
 tried to embark in a German steamer deserters 
 of the French Foreign Legion, who were not of 
 German nationality. The German Consul and 
 the other officials of the Consulate were not re- 
 sponsible for that fact ; the Consul, however, 
 in signing the safe conduct, which was laid be- 
 fore him, committed an unintentional error. 
 
 “ The German Consulate in the circumstances 
 obtaining at that time was not entitled to grant 
 its protection even to deserters of German na- 
 tionality ; the legal error, however, which was 
 committed in this connexion by the officials of 
 the Consulate could not be reckoned either as 
 an intentional or as an unintentional error. 
 
 “ The French military authorities were wrong 
 in not respecting, as far as possible, the de facto 
 
 protection exercised over those deserters in the 
 name of the German Consulate. The circum- 
 stances did not justify either menace by re- 
 volver on the part of the French soldiers, or 
 the blows given to the Moroccan soldier of the 
 Consulate.” 
 
 This proved satisfactory to all concerned, and 
 the Casablanca incident was happily closed. 
 
 A more important adjustment of matters be- 
 tween Germany and France, aiming at a gen- 
 eral clearing of causes of friction in their rela- 
 tions, so far as concerned Morocco, had preceded 
 the Casablanca arbitration by nearly three 
 months. All Europe had been surprised and 
 delighted on the 9th of February, 1909, by the 
 announcement of a Franco-German Agreement, 
 just concluded, in the following words: 
 
 “The Government of the French Republic and 
 the German Imperial Government, actuated by 
 an equal desire to facilitate the execution of the 
 Act of Algeciras, have agreed to define the sig- 
 nificance which they attach to its clauses with a 
 view to avoiding any cause of misunderstanding 
 between them in the future. 
 
 “ Consequently, the Government of the 
 French Republic, wholly attached to the main- 
 tenance of the integrity and of the independ- 
 ence of the Shereefian Empire, decided to safe- 
 guard economic equality there, and accordingly 
 not to impede German commercial and indus- 
 trial interests, and the German Imperial Gov- 
 ernment, pursuing only economic interests in 
 Morocco, recognizing at the same time that the 
 special political interests of France are closely 
 bound up in that country with the consolidation 
 of order and of internal peace, and resolved not 
 to impede those interests, declare that they will 
 not prosecute or encourage any measure calcu- 
 lated to create in their favour or in favour of any 
 Power whatsoever an economic privilege, and 
 that they will endeavour to associate their na- 
 tionals in business for which these may be able 
 to obtain contracts (I’ent reprise).” 
 
 This most important agreement resulted from 
 negotiations that were said to have been opened 
 by a suggestion from the German Foreign Sec- 
 retary, Baron von Schon. Its importance to 
 Europe was hardly exaggerated by the Paris 
 Matin , when it said : “ It is a great and happy 
 event, the importance of which need not be em- 
 phasized. . . . This close of the Moroccan quar- 
 rel may, if such be the desire, mark a date of 
 capital importance in the history of Europe. In 
 fact, as Prince Billow has said and repeated, Mo- 
 rocco was only a pretext. If therefore it has 
 become an object of agreement, it is not merely 
 because it has been recognized that the local 
 problem was not insoluble, but also because the 
 general situation has changed or because the 
 ‘opportunity’ no longer exists." 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — A German Statement of the 
 Moroccan Policy of Germany. See (in this 
 vol.) Germany: A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Discontent with the new 
 Sultan. — His struggle with Pretenders. — 
 Spanish War with the Tribes of the Riff. — 
 Success of Mulai Hafid against his Rivals. — 
 French operations in and around the Moor- 
 ish Empire. — French Mauretanie. — French 
 Demands. — The Mannesmann Mining Con- 
 cession.- — France and Spain were now strength- 
 ened in the execution of their Algeciras com- 
 mission, by a harmonious backing in Europe, 
 
 428 
 
MOROCCO, 1909 
 
 MOROCCO, 1909 
 
 and the native Government in Morocco had ac- 
 quired, seemingly, a strong and capable man at 
 its head. Sultan Mulai Halid made that impres- 
 sion very positively on a correspondent of the 
 London Times, to whom he gave audience on 
 the 13th of February, and who wrote of him that 
 day: “It is quite evident that Mulai Halid is a 
 man of large and independent ideas, with a lean- 
 ing toward democracy. In appearance and man- 
 ner he is most attractive, and both his looks and 
 his conversation betoken a character at once 
 strong and of quick decision. Everything he 
 says is very much to the point, and his remarks 
 are often touched with humour and even cyni- 
 cism. His openmindedness and cordiality extend 
 almost to breaches of the rigorous Moorish eti- 
 quette.” 
 
 Five days later the same correspondent wrote 
 again : ‘ ‘ The Fez Moors had hoped at Mulai 
 Halid’s accession for material though indefinite 
 advantages, for they felt that the new Sultan, 
 who owed his throne not to inheritance but to 
 election, would be an instrument in their own 
 hands, and that they would be able to exert 
 their influence for their own purely selfish ends. 
 But they had counted without Mulai Hafid. 
 Once on the throne, he consolidated, at all events 
 locally, his power, and the Fez population, who 
 during the previous reign had undoubtedly held 
 and used considerable influence, found them- 
 selves in the hands of a firm, masterful man, 
 who did not hesitate to tax them to an extent 
 formerly unknown, and gave them clearly to un- 
 derstand that he would brook no interference in 
 matters of policy. The effect was instantaneous. 
 The Fezzis began openly to regret the slack 
 regime of Mulai Abdul Aziz, and Mulai Halid 
 became unpopular, as any monarch who really 
 governs in Morocco must always be. 
 
 “But if Mulai Hafid was unpopular, he in- 
 spired at the same time a wholesome fear. His 
 indifference to public opinion, his breaches of 
 the absurd prescriptions of Moorish etiquette, 
 his personal supervision of every detail, and the 
 publicity in which he lives show not only re- 
 markable courage, but also remarkable know- 
 ledge of the people whom he governs. . . . 
 Yet he has but a small army, and he is financially 
 hampered. He receives Europeans publicly, 
 and grants audiences in the presence of the whole 
 Court, often before the whole army. He invites 
 his guests to be seated, and chats in a natural 
 and sympathetic manner on all kinds of sub- 
 jects. But it is quite apparent that his entour- 
 age is in terror of him. Never have the viziers 
 had less freedom or fewer opportunities for 
 plunder. The Government is Mulai Hafid, and 
 Mulai Hafid alone, and yet Mulai Hafid is a 
 democrat. He desires to put down — and has 
 already largely done so — the fanatical and al- 
 ways mischievous influence of the great She- 
 reefian families. He works from morning till 
 night, and keeps every one else working. His 
 negotiations with the French Minister are pro- 
 gressing in a way that astonishes every one. 
 
 . . . Mulai Hafid obtained the throne by preach- 
 ing a holy war against Europeans. He will 
 maintain himself upon the throne by a policy 
 of reform which will win for him the assistance 
 of France against his own fanatical people.” 
 
 But subsequent events did not realize the con- 
 fident expectations of this w r riter. A month 
 later he reported: “ Shereef Sid Mohammed 
 
 Kittani, a descendant of a former dynasty and 
 chief of an important reactionary religious sect, 
 who was freely spoken of as possible Sultan be- 
 fore Mulai Halid’s proclamation, left Fez secretly 
 yesterday. Apparently he had previously suc- 
 ceeded in dispatching his family and movable 
 property from time to time to some spot in the 
 Berber tribelands without exciting suspicion. 
 His flight has caused what can only be described 
 as consternation. His influence is very great, 
 and he is known to lay claim to the Throne." 
 
 Within another month this pretender had de- 
 feated Mulai Hafid’s forces in a sharp engage- 
 ment and had an army encamped about eighteen 
 miles east of Fez. French officers were reported 
 to be doing notable work in organizing and 
 equipping the Sultan’s troops. On the 8th of 
 May there was alarming news that Mulai el 
 Kebir, another brother of Mulai Hafid and of 
 the ex-Sultan, Abd el Aziz, “who was accom- 
 panying the Southern Ivaids to Fez, had left 
 their camp secretly by night and had fled into 
 the Zimmour country,” and “many believe that 
 he will take advantage of the Sultan’s unpop- 
 ularity to raise a rebellion.” Two days later 
 “nothing is known of the whereabouts of Mulai 
 el Kebir,” and “the Sultan does not conceal his 
 anxiety. Mulai-el-Kebir was on the best terms 
 with his Majesty, but the Sultan’s severe treat- 
 ment of other members of his family no doubt 
 filled him with fear.” 
 
 From Paris, on the 26th of May, it was tele- 
 graphed that the Sultan’s Minister of Finance, 
 El Mokri, then visiting Paris on a financial mis- 
 sion, “observes that Mulai Hafid’s authority is 
 more solidly established at present than might 
 at first sight appear to be the case. At no time 
 has any Sultan been recognized over a much 
 wider area of Moroccan territory. In the Beled 
 el Makhzen his sway is uncontested. The kaids 
 of the Haouz and the southern Atlas have al- 
 ways been his partisans. El Mokri has no fear 
 of the pretenders.” 
 
 There were now two pretenders in the field : 
 for Mulai Kebir had been heard from, “beyond 
 Mekinez,” w'here he had raised the standard of 
 revolt. And Bu Hamara was on the stage of 
 civil war again, east of Fez, with an army 
 which “is camped at less than four hours dis- 
 tance from the capital,” and which is “actively 
 pillaging the only tribe that remains loyal to 
 Mulai Hafid in that region.” Troops sent 
 against him a few days later were said to have 
 been badly beaten. The Sultan was reported 
 to be in quarrel with his viziers; was ill, — in- 
 visible in the palace, — and the situation did not 
 seem to look well for him. 
 
 Then, suddenly, all news reports from Mo- 
 rocco became silent as to Mulai Hafid and his 
 rivals, and gave entire attention to a serious 
 outbreak of warfare in that northeastern corner 
 of the empire, known as the Riff, where Spain 
 has had a long recognized “ sphere of influence," 
 and w T here she had undertaken the working of 
 valuable iron mines near Melilla. Hostilities 
 were begun in July by an attack of tribesmen 
 on the miners, killing several, and the Spanish 
 troops sent to the scene met disaster, being in- 
 sufficient in force. In the end, so extensive a 
 rising of Moorish tribesmen had occurred that 
 Spain w r as obliged to put a large army into the 
 field against them and organize a costly cam- 
 paign. It was not until late in September that 
 
 429 
 
MOROCCO, 1909 
 
 MOROCCO, 1909 
 
 much success attended the Spanish arms, and 
 not until late in November that the campaign 
 was regarded as closed, the Spanish forces hav- 
 ing secured positions which, when fortified, 
 were expected to give them a firm footing in 
 the region, and having brought most of the 
 tribes to terms. 
 
 Meantime, the war had been bitterly unpop- 
 ular among large classes in Spain, and the feel- 
 ing had been manifested in destructive rioting 
 at Barcelona and elsewhere (see, in this vol., 
 Spain : A. D. 1907-1909). 
 
 What France had been doing meanwhile, in 
 and around Morocco, has been told by a writer 
 in The Atlantic Monthly : 
 
 “ During the year [May, 1908, to May, 1909] 
 the French army under General d’Amade, lias 
 continued occupying Casablanca, and the fertile 
 Chaoui'a (Shawia) region. It has forced peace, 
 law, and order, and open markets on the inhab- 
 itants, to their great advantage. Agriculture 
 has revived ; and German trade itself has run 
 up two million francs. Even so the ‘ economic 
 interests’ of Germany in Morocco are scant 
 indeed compared with those of France and 
 England ; they are perhaps less than those of 
 Spain — and yet they have long threatened the 
 peace of Europe. . . . Meanwhile the interior 
 of Morocco has been chiefly occupied in the 
 unmaking and making of Sultans. Toward the 
 German Emperor these fighting Moors have 
 now a feeling much like that of the Transvaal 
 Boers when the Kruger telegram failed to lead 
 to eventualities. . . . The real success of France 
 is along the entire land-frontier of Morocco. 
 For its whole length this is now also the fron- 
 tier of French territory, — Algiers to the east, 
 the Sahara with its line of French posts to the 
 south, and so on to the Atlantic Ocean through 
 the new French civil territory of ‘ Mauritanie.’ 
 Here foreign geography will still be incomplete 
 for some time ; but it is childish to dismiss these 
 territorial stretches as so many acres of sand. 
 The empire which France might have had in 
 Canada was, in like manner, denounced by Vol- 
 taire as acres of snow. 
 
 “France absolutely refused to allow any 
 question concerning this land-frontier to be 
 brought up at the Conference of Algeciras. It 
 is no business of Europe ; it concerns the two 
 neighbors, France and Morocco, only. 
 
 “ General Lyautey has had its more than 
 eight hundred miles well under control. ... Of 
 late years France has successfully occupied ter- 
 ritory farther and farther to the south, pushing 
 forward the railway, and throwing out a long 
 line of military posts through the Sahara. Peo- 
 ple who amuse themselves marking obscure 
 changes of conquest on the map, may safely 
 stick their pins one full degree farther west all 
 along this part of Algiers, beginning where 
 Spain at Melilla blocks the way along the Med- 
 iterranean coast.” — Stoddard Dewey, The Tear 
 in France ( Atlantic Monthly , Aug., 1909). 
 
 When newspaper attention reverted to Mulai 
 Hafid a great improvement was found in his 
 affairs. Seemingly, the pretenders to his throne 
 had disappeared, and Bu Hamara, the rebel, 
 now styled El Roghi, was decisively routed by 
 troops of the Sultan on the 16th of August, 
 captured a few days later, and taken to Fez in 
 an iron cage. On the 13th of September it was 
 announced that he had been executed the day 
 
 before. Later, this was contradicted, and there 
 seems to be no certainty as to his fate. 
 
 The Moroccan Government was now being 
 sharply pressed by France with demands over 
 which negotiation had proceeded hitherto very 
 slowly. M. Pichon, the French Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs, made a statement on the subject 
 to the Chamber of Deputies on the 23d of No- 
 vember, to the following effect: “ On August 
 14 the representatives of the Sultan received 
 a note summing up the conditions imposed 
 by the French Government. These conditions 
 were the evacuation of the Shawia region on 
 condition of the organization by the Maghzen 
 of a force ; the evacuation of Casablanca when 
 the French Government felt convinced that the 
 organization of the Shawia police had become 
 sufficiently effective ; the organization of the 
 police service on the Algero-Moroccan frontier; 
 the payment of the Maghzen’s debts and the 
 reimbursement of the costs of the French mili- 
 tary expeditions. The Maghzen owed at present 
 £3;200,000, more than £400,000 of which was 
 due to private creditors. The French Govern- 
 ment would allow the Moroccan Government to 
 raise a loan in France in order to facilitate the 
 payment of its debts. . . . The French condi- 
 tions had been acknowledged to be very mod- 
 erate by all who had had cognisance of them. 
 Germany had recently informed the Maghzen 
 that it was high time to contract a loan. M. 
 Pichon dwelt on the loyalty with which the 
 Franco-German Agreement had been observed 
 by the Berlin Government. Nevertheless the 
 adhesion of the Moroccan Government had not 
 yet been obtained. That Government had ad- 
 mitted the principle of the loan of 80,000,000f. 
 and that of the indemnity of 70,000,000f. for 
 the French military expedition, but there was 
 disagreement still in regard to the guarantees 
 required for the realization of that operation. 
 Midai Hafid, moreover, demanded the immediate 
 evacuation of the Shawia and of Casablanca. 
 On November 6 M. Pichon informed the Sul- 
 tan’s envoys that it was futile to continue the 
 'pourparlers if France did not obtain a satis- 
 factory reply. It would not be without danger 
 for the Moroccan Government to persevere in its 
 attitude.” 
 
 A little later it was made known that the Sul- 
 tan had yielded to the terms prescribed by the 
 French Government and was to obtain the loan 
 which would help toward the payment of his 
 debts. 
 
 By this time a new Morocco question had 
 sprung out of a sweeping mining concession 
 which certain German exploiters, the Brothers 
 Mannesmann, had obtained from Sultan Mulai 
 Hafid, in distinct violation of the agreements at 
 Algeciras which the Sultan had been a party to. 
 The Mannesmann mining rights under this con- 
 cession, if allowed, would swallow up all others, 
 and large interests, French, Spanish, German, 
 English, Italian, and Dutch, were arrayed against 
 their claims. The backing of the Mannesmanns 
 in Germany, however, by commercial and news- 
 paper influence, appears to have been very 
 powerful, and it has not been easy for the Gov- 
 ernment to resist being drawn into alliance with 
 it. But the attitude of the Imperial Government 
 appears to have been strictly loyal to the Alge- 
 ciras agreements, and it has gone no farther for 
 the Mannesmanns and their partisans than to 
 
MOIIOS 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 negotiate with the other Powers concerned for a 
 submission of the question of legality in the 
 Mannesmann concession to a Court of Arbitra- 
 tion. That will probably be the mode of set- 
 tling it. 
 
 MOROS, The. See (in this vol.) Philippine 
 Islands : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 MORRIS, Sir Edward: Premier of New- 
 foundland. See (in this vol.) Newfoundland: 
 A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 MORTON, Paul: Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 See (in this vol.) United States : A. D. 190 1— 
 1905. 
 
 President of Equitable Life Assurance So- 
 ciety. See Insuhanck, Life. 
 
 MOSCOW, Risings and Disturbances in. 
 See (in this vol.) Russia. 
 
 MOSLEM LEAGUE, All-India. See 
 (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1907 (Dec.); also, 
 1907-1909. 
 
 MOSQUITO TERRITORY, The. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Central America: A. D. 1905. 
 
 MOTIENLING. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). 
 
 MOVING PICTURE SHOWS. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Science and Invention. 
 
 MUIJTEHEDS : The higher Persian 
 
 Priests. See (in this vol.) Persia: A. D. 1905- 
 1907. 
 
 MUKDEN : A. D. 1903. — Opened to For- 
 eign Trade. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 
 1903 (May-Oct.). 
 
 Battle of. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 
 1904-1905 (Sept. -March). 
 
 MULAI AHMED BEN MOHAMMED, 
 El Raisuli. See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 
 1904-1909. 
 
 MULAI HAFID: Sultan of Morocco by 
 Dethronement of his Brother. See (in this 
 vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1907-1909, and 1909. 
 
 MULAI HASSAN, Late Sultan of Mo- 
 rocco. See (in this vol.) Morocco: A. D. 1903. 
 
 MULLAH, Abdulla Muhammed. See (in 
 this vol.) Africa : Somaliland. 
 
 MULLAS: The common Persian Priests. 
 See (in this vol.) Persia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 MUNICIPAL COMMITTEES IN IN- 
 DIA. See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 American Democracy’s most Serious Prob- 
 lem. — Present Interest in it. — Hopeful 
 Movements. — Americans have long been forced 
 to acknowledge that political democracy in the 
 United States makes its worst showing in the 
 government of municipalities ; and those who 
 give any searching thought to the matter have 
 little dispute over reasons for the fact. It con- 
 nects very plainly with another fact, namely, 
 that municipal politics, as a political interest 
 distinct and apart from the interests of govern- 
 ment in Nation and State, has had no growth in 
 the country as yet. Up to the time of the for- 
 mation of the national union, the few cities of 
 America had a quite positive political life of 
 their own, which might have carried them into 
 conditions very different from what they have 
 realized since, if it had not undergone the ab- 
 sorption that it did in the politics of a national 
 government. The national political parties 
 formed then on exciting issues, sectional, con- 
 stitutional, and economic, caught all political 
 feeling into their embrace, not instantly, but 
 gradually, and surely, and appropriated the 
 whole mechanism of political organization to 
 themselves. Cities are the natural centers of 
 such mechanism, and the great parties of Fed- 
 eral politics were able easily to impose on them 
 a domination which left no free working of pub- 
 lic opinion on the immediate concerns of the 
 cities themselves. All political action was 
 drawn into the mill which turns out Presidents, 
 Congresses, Tariffs, Bank Acts, etc., and the 
 mere by-product of Mayors, Aldermen, and City 
 Ordinances which it drops incidentally into the 
 cities, receives almost no stamp of quality or de- 
 sign from the local mind. 
 
 Until the wheels of local government are loos- 
 ened in some way from the clutch of the great 
 party machines, and can work independently, 
 under motive forces of their own, to produce 
 the satisfaction of local needs, interests, and 
 aims, there will be little success in undertakings 
 of municipal reform. How to accomplish that 
 
 political ungearing is one of the greatest, if not 
 the greatest, of the problems now occupying 
 the minds of the American people. Fortunately 
 it is occupying their minds. Within the last 
 few years they have given more thought to this 
 subject than it ever received from them before ; 
 and it has been bold thought, as well as pro- 
 foundly earnest. It has not been afraid of hos- 
 pitality to new ideas and new experiences, but 
 is giving them fair hearings and fair tests. The 
 present attitude of the whole country in this 
 matter is of the happiest hopefulness, and every 
 day brightens the prospect of a better future 
 for municipal government in America. 
 
 Boston: A. D. 1909. — A Plan of Govern- 
 ment chosen by popular vote. — In connection 
 with the election of November 2, 1909, the citi- 
 zens of Boston, Massachusetts, had two plans 
 of City Government submitted to their vote, 
 and the charter under which the City will be 
 ruled and its business conducted after the be- 
 ginning of February, 1910, was determined by 
 the choice between these plans which a ma- 
 jority expressed at the polls. One of the plans 
 emanated from an official body, called the Fi- 
 nance Commission, which had been appointed 
 to investigate bad conditions in the City Gov- 
 ernment, and whose investigations had given 
 rise to the demand for a radical reform. This 
 plan had the approval, moreover, of a citizens 
 Committee of One Hundred, which had given 
 much attention to the subject; but it was ex- 
 ceedingly unsatisfactory to the party politi- 
 cians, whose personal interests were flagrantly 
 disregarded in its scheme. These drafted a 
 form of charter which fitted their own pur- 
 poses, and the two plans were submitted to the 
 Legislature in the winter of 1909. That body 
 escaped the responsibility of a decision between 
 them by referring both to the voters of Boston. 
 The charter wanted by the party managers was 
 designated as “Plan No. 1”; that of the Fi- 
 nance Commission and the Committee of One 
 Hundred as “Plan No. 2.” A strenuous cam- 
 
 431 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 paign of education was fought for some weeks 
 before election day by the supporters of Plan 
 No. 2, who seem to have included practically 
 all single-minded seekers of good government, 
 and an equally active campaign of wire-pulling 
 was carried on by the champions of Plan No. 1. 
 The education was successful in convincing 
 39,175 voters that Plan 2 should he preferred, 
 while 35,306 were persuaded to the contrary, 
 and about 34,000 remained so indifferent or un- 
 decided that they gave the question no vote. 
 But public considerations prevailed over party 
 motives and influences by 3869 votes, which is 
 a highly important fact. 
 
 The charter thus adopted for Boston differs 
 in many features from what has acquired the 
 name of “the Des Moines plan,” but is funda- 
 mentally akin to it in principle 'and aim. Its 
 prime purpose is to divorce local politics from 
 national politics, freeing municipal elections 
 from the baneful control of parties which have 
 nothing rightly to do with the city’s affairs. 
 Its secondary object is to concentrate official 
 responsibility in a moderated way. It subjects 
 the mayor of Boston, at the middle of his term, 
 to a reconsideration of the vote which elected 
 him (in the nature of the Swiss “recall”), but 
 it does not introduce the initiative and referen- 
 dum. The operation of the new charter under 
 its provisions was outlined as follows by the Bos- 
 ton Herald on the day following its adoption: 
 
 “ By the acceptance of plan 2, party and all 
 other designations will be eliminated from the 
 ballots for the municipal elections, which will 
 be held on the first Tuesday after the second 
 Monday in January of each year. The coming 
 city election will be held on Jan. 11. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Candidates for mayor must be nominated 
 by petition of not less than 5000 registered 
 Boston voters. The candidate who receives the 
 highest vote at the city election will hold office 
 for four years, unless recalled at the end of 
 two years. The salary will be $10,000 a year. 
 
 “At the state election in the second year of 
 the mayor’s term the ballots will contain the 
 question : ‘ Shall there be an election for mayor 
 at the next municipal election?’ And this will 
 be answered by ‘Yes,’ or ‘ No.’ If a majority 
 of the registered voters vote ‘Yes’ an election 
 for mayor will be held at the following city 
 election. 
 
 “ Whether recalled or not, the mayor holding 
 office will have his name on the ballot at the 
 city election unless in writing he requests the 
 election commissioners not to place his name on 
 the ballot. The mayor then elected will hold 
 office for four years, subject to recall at the end 
 of his second year. 
 
 “The city council will consist of nine mem- 
 bers, all elected at large. The salary will be 
 $1500 each. In the election on Jan. 11 the 
 voters may vote for nine candidates, and the 
 nine receiving the highest votes will be de- 
 clared elected. The three highest will have 
 three-year terms, the three next highest will 
 serve for two years and the next three for 
 one year each. Each year thereafter three can- 
 didates-at-large will be elected, and the voters 
 may vote for three. All members of the city 
 council will be elected at large, and there will 
 be no ward members of the body. By the abo- 
 lition of party designations no primary elections 
 or caucuses for municipal offices will be held. 
 
 “All candidates for mayor, city council and 
 school board must be nominated by papers of 
 not less than 5000 registered voters. No voter 
 may sign more than one paper for mayor, not 
 more than nine for council for the first election 
 and for three candidates thereafter, and not 
 more than two papers for the school board 
 when there are two members to be elected. 
 
 “ If a candidate for any of the offices decides 
 to withdraw from the contest before the elec- 
 tion, vacancies in nominations for any cause 
 may be filled by a committee of not less than 
 five persons authorized in the nomination pa- 
 pers to fill such vacancies. 
 
 “Members of the street commission, formerly 
 elected at large, will be appointed by the mayor, 
 subject to approval by the civil service com- 
 mission, but without restriction as to their po- 
 litical affiliation. All department heads will be 
 appointed by the mayor, subject to approval by 
 the civil service commission. 
 
 “The new municipal year will begin on the 
 first Monday in February, when the mayor and 
 city council will be inducted into office.” 
 
 The election, held at the appointed time, Jan- 
 uary 11, 1910, was managed so badly as to di- 
 vide the vote of the reforming element between 
 three candidates, against one, the former Mayor, 
 Fitzgerald, whose scandalous administration 
 had afforded the prime incentive to the reform 
 movement, and thus giving opportunity for his 
 election by a small plurality. A committee of 
 the reform leaders had chosen for their candi- 
 date Mr. James J. Storrow, President of the 
 Boston Chamber of Commerce, and strove to 
 concentrate the opposition to Fitzgerald upon 
 him ; but the Mayor in office, who had secured 
 renomination, persisted in keeping the field, and 
 won the petty number of 1816 votes, which a 
 little more than sufficed to elect Fitzgerald. 
 The vote given the latter was 47,142, against 
 45,757 to Mr. Storrow, and 613 to the fourth 
 candidate, Taylor. A recount of the vote was 
 secured, but made no substantial change. 
 
 California : Charter-framing Power given 
 to Cities.- — -“All cities in California except 
 the very smallest are permitted to frame their 
 own charters, which become effective upon rati- 
 fication by the legislature. The cities are quick 
 to avail themselves of this privilege, with the 
 result that almost every possible experiment in 
 municipal organization may be found on trial 
 somewhere in California. That the cities are 
 progressive is shown by the fact that within the 
 past decade every city of any size in the State 
 lias remodeled its organization either by a new 
 charter or by far-reaching amendments. A high 
 standard of efficient city organization has been 
 set by the recent charter of the city of Berkeley 
 [adopted 1909], which furnishes a very perfect 
 example of the ‘commission’ plan. Elections 
 are freed from the influence of national parties, 
 and the possibility of a final choice in the direct 
 primary is sufficient to bring out the entire vote 
 of the city. 
 
 “The popular initiative, the referendum, and 
 the recall are now generally established in all 
 the larger cities of the State, but outside of San 
 Francisco and Los Angeles without sufficient 
 use to test their value for good government. In 
 San Francisco the popular initiative has been 
 used more frequently for bad measures than for 
 good. In Los Angeles the spectacular removal 
 
 432 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 of the mayor in 1909 will doubtless be regarded 
 as a justification of the method of recall.” — 
 Frederick II. Clark, Head of History Depart- 
 ment, Lowell High School, San Francisco, Cal. 
 
 Chicago: The Municipal Voters’ League. — 
 In 189(1 there was thought in Chicago of at- 
 tempting to organize a strictly Municipal Party 
 for action in municipal politics alone, and a con- 
 ference of citizens appointed a committee to deal 
 with the scheme. The committee decided this 
 project to be impracticable, but its deliberations 
 resulted in the creation of a Municipal Voters’ 
 League, acting through a non-partisan commit- 
 tee of nine, whose function was to scrutinize all 
 candidacies and nominations for the City Com- 
 mon Council, and afford information concerning 
 them to voters of all parties who desired the 
 election of honest and capable men. A perma- 
 nent office force was employed, and thorough in- 
 vestigations made as to the record and character 
 of every nominee for the Council. The results 
 of these investigations were published, with re- 
 commendations for or against the respective 
 candidates. The league brought pressure to 
 bear, in the first place, to prevent the nomina- 
 tion of objectionable candidates, and then exerted 
 its influence to defeat such candidates at the 
 polls. 
 
 This has been done with such effect in elec- 
 tion after election as to produce a remarkable 
 change in the character of the Council. Similar 
 agencies have been brought into action in a 
 number of cities within the few last years, 
 with equally good results. 
 
 Chicago’s Struggles fora Better Charter — 
 A body known as the “ Charter Convention,” 
 made up of delegates appointed by or repre- 
 senting the Governor of the State, the State 
 Assembly, and the several branches and depart- 
 ments of the City Government, was organized 
 in December, 1905, and labored at the framing 
 of a new City Charter until the early part of 
 1907, when the product of its labors was sub- 
 mitted to the Legislature of Illinois. Some of 
 the main features of the charter were these : 
 Consolidation in the municipal government of 
 Chicago of the power vested in the board of 
 education, township, park, and other local gov- 
 ernments within the city; submission of proposi- 
 tions to popular vote ; aldermen to be elected 
 once in four years ; the raising of adequate re- 
 venue by the issue of bonds and by other means; 
 the power to own, maintain, and operate all pub- 
 lic utilities in the city, including intramural, 
 railroads, subways and tunnels, and telephone, 
 telegraph, gas, electric lighting, heating, refri- 
 gerating and power plants ; the parks to be 
 under the management of a city department of 
 parks; the public-school system to be a depart- 
 ment of the city government and under the con- 
 trol of a board of education of fifteen members 
 appointed by the mayor for terms of three 
 years; the public library to be managed by a 
 board of nine directors appointed by the mayor 
 for terms of six years. 
 
 As it went to the Legislature this draft charter 
 represented much compromising of divergent 
 opinions, and, probably, was not really satisfac- 
 tory to anybody. The Legislature made it less 
 so by amendments, and when it went to the 
 people of Chicago, in September, 1907, for their 
 verdict on it at the polls, they rejected it by 
 121,935 votes against 59,786. 
 
 Early in 1908 the Charter Convention was re- 
 assembled and revised its former work, cutting 
 the requisite legislation up into seven distinct 
 bills, with a view to securing better chances of 
 success for some reforms, if the whole could not 
 be won ; but the entire lot was killed in the 
 Legislature. 
 
 The Galveston or Des Moines Plan. — Its 
 Features. — Extent of its Present Trial. — 
 
 Curiously enough, the present trend of opinion 
 on the question, ‘‘ What structure of municipal 
 government will lend itself best to the reforms 
 that it needs?” is in a direction that was given 
 to it by accident, about ten years ago. Perhaps 
 nothing short of a great catastrophe, like that 
 of hurricane and flood, which wrecked the city 
 of Galveston, on the 8th of September, 1900, 
 could have broken the conventional pattern on 
 which our cities were constructed so long. At 
 all events, it was that catastrophe which started 
 a crack in the antique pattern first. In improvis- 
 ing for the needs of a desperate emergency, the 
 wrecked community had sense and energy 
 enough to follow the plain instincts of business, 
 and put itself, as a municipal corporation, under 
 the kind of administration that any other corpo- 
 ration would construct. All the folly of local- 
 ized interests in this and that part of the town, 
 requiring to be “represented” by ward aider- 
 men, went out of their heads. Their common 
 calamity compelled them to understand that 
 particular interests within the narrow bounds 
 of a civic commonwealth are either included in 
 or superseded by the common interests of the 
 whole. They acted accordingly; dismissed their 
 locally representative aldermen, dropped their 
 old corps of administrative functionaries, and 
 put the undivided management of their affairs 
 into the hands of five commissioners, with a 
 “ mayor-president” at the head. 
 
 It would not seem to have needed much po- 
 litical wisdom to predict the success of this ex- 
 periment ; but the quick effect of its teaching 
 was more than there could be reason to expect. 
 Houston, the near neighbor-city, was prompt to 
 receive and apply the lesson, but bettering it 
 somewhat. For Houston employed the whole 
 time of its five business managers, paying them 
 fair salaries for the service; whereas Galves- 
 ton contented itself with less service and paid 
 less. 
 
 The two examples then presented, of a muni- 
 cipal corporation conducting its business in the 
 plain mode and by the plain methods of the 
 commercial corporations, drew increasing, atten- 
 tion, in all parts of the country, west and east. 
 Boston was soon discussing the Galveston ex- 
 periment with deep interest, and at a meeting 
 of the highly influential Economic Club of that 
 city, in January, 1907, President Eliot, of Har- 
 vard University, declared that he saw in it the 
 dawning of a brighter day. “We have got 
 down very low,” he said, “in regard to our 
 municipal governments, and we have got dark 
 days here now, but we can see a light breaking, 
 and one of the lights broke in Galveston. I 
 have personally been interested in the enormous 
 improvement in just one branch of municipal 
 business in our country within the last ten years 
 — that is, school boards and school administra- 
 tions. There has heen a real wave of reform 
 sweeping over the country, in the great cities 
 particularly, with regard to school boards, and 
 
 433 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 every bit of that experience goes the way I am 
 describing it. It is all in the direction of a few 
 men not paid, originally determining the general 
 policy of the schools of the city and trusting 
 entirely to experts for executive action. Our 
 whole experience in Massachusetts with the 
 commissions we have had, tends the same way. 
 If we ask what have been the best performances 
 of the governmental functions in Massachusetts 
 for the last twenty-five years, we have but one 
 answer to make, namely, the work of our com- 
 missions, water, sewage, railroads, gas and 
 electric lighting, public libraries where owned 
 by the city, hospitals where owned by the city. 
 You can think of numerous instances in Massa- 
 chusetts where admirable work has been done 
 by commissions acting on the principles which 
 I have described. I say the day is dawning. 
 What it needs, that the light may grow and get 
 to full noon, is that the people, the great body 
 of the people, should be convinced that munici- 
 pal government means nothing but good, intel- 
 ligent conduct of business.” 
 
 Meantime, in the West, action was already fol- 
 lowing study of the Galveston plan of city gov- 
 ernment, and the four states of Iowa, Kansas, 
 North Dakota, and South Dakota passed acts in 
 1907 to enable the adoption of it by any city so 
 desiring. One of the first to exercise the privi 
 lege was the city of Des Moines, Iowa, certain 
 of whose progressive young business men had 
 been studying the municipal problem of late, 
 and who had determined to bring some system 
 of local government into operation that would 
 make their city what it ought to be. On the 
 basis of the Galveston plan they worked out the 
 details of a charter which has become the model 
 of its species most widely accepted, so that more 
 has been heard latterly of “ the Des Moines Char- 
 ter” than of “the Galveston Plan.” What is 
 called the Des Moines charter, however, was no 
 special enactment for that city, but a legislative 
 frame of municipal government which any city 
 in Iowa having not less than 25,000 inhabitants 
 may fit itself into. 
 
 It confides the whole management of strictly 
 local affairs in the city to four couucilmen and 
 a mayor, all elected by the voters of the city at 
 large. It divides their administration into five 
 departments, namely : The department of Pub- 
 lic Affairs; The department of Accounts and Fi- 
 nances ; The department of Public Safety. The 
 department of Streets and Public Improve- 
 ments ; The department of Parks and Public 
 Property. The mayor, by virtue of his office, 
 is chairman of the council. He is also superin- 
 tendent of the department of public affairs, and 
 exercises a general supervision over the whole 
 of the city administration. 
 
 The council thus composed, with the mayor 
 at its head, is invested with all executive, legis- 
 lative and judicial authority, formerly exercised 
 by perhaps twelve different officers, and twelve 
 different boards. It appoints the city attorney, 
 the city treasurer, the city auditor, the city en- 
 gineer; and, in fact, every other appointive offi- 
 cial. It makes every appropriation, and conducts 
 the entire affairs of the city. “At the first 
 meeting of this council, immediately following 
 the election of its members, the work of the city 
 is assigned to its most appropriate department; 
 to one. of these five departments. Each of the 
 members of the council is also named as super- 
 
 intendent of a particular department ; the theory 
 of the law being that the man who is best quali- 
 fied, by reason of his experience and training, 
 will be placed at the head of that department 
 where his training and experience will be of 
 most value. As superintendent of this depart- 
 ment, he is held strictly accountable for all mat- 
 ters which come within his jurisdiction ; he is 
 also charged with responsibility for all that is 
 done or not done in his particular department.” 
 In the nomination and election of this impor- 
 tant council, no party names are permitted to be 
 connected with the candidates, in any manner 
 whatsoever. Each candidate for the office be- 
 comes so by the filing of a petition with the city 
 clerk, bearing the signatures of not less than 
 twenty-five citizens, who make affidavit to the 
 effect that the man is of good moral character, 
 of age, and qualified to fill the office. “ Ten days 
 before the election is held, the city clerk takes 
 the petitions which have been filed and prepares 
 the ballot. He does this by arranging the names 
 of candidates in alphabetical order. The candi 
 dates for mayor are arranged under the heading 
 ‘ Mayor ’ ; the candidates for councilmen are also 
 arranged in alphabetical order under the heading 
 ‘Councilmen.’ There is no party designation, 
 and because of this alphabetical arrangement 
 there can be no favorite position on the ballot. 
 The result is, that the candidate comes before 
 the whole people of the city on his own merit, 
 and on his own record.” 
 
 As a citizen of Des Moines has described the 
 proceeding, “after the primary has been held 
 the general election is called, and in order to se- 
 cure names for the ballot in the general election, 
 we take the two candidates who have received 
 the highest number of votes for mayor at the 
 primary, and place their names on the ballot. 
 In order to secure the councilmen, we take the 
 eight candidates for councilmen who have re- 
 ceived the highest number of votes at the pri- 
 mary and place their names on the regular elec- 
 tion ballot. This gives us two opportunities to 
 weed out undesirable men. In the first place, 
 we have the choice among all candidates at the 
 primary. At the election, we have the choice 
 of one of two men for mayor, and the choice of 
 four out of eight candidates for councilmen.” 
 
 A most important provision of this Iowa 
 charter for cities has to do with the civil ser- 
 vice. “ At the first meeting of the city council, 
 after the election of these five commissioners or 
 five councilmen — they are not commissioners 
 — they appoint a civil service board composed 
 of three members, and this civil service board, 
 in whose charge is placed the work of prepar 
 ing a civil service examination, is appointed for 
 a period of six years. Thus they are removed 
 from any influence that might be exerted by 
 the councilmen, who are only elected for two 
 years. This civil service commission prepares 
 once a year an examination for all employees of 
 the city, with the exception of unskilled labor 
 and the heads of the departments, such as city 
 attorney, city treasurer, city assessor, etc. (all 
 of whom are appointed by a majority vote of 
 the council). Having passed the examination 
 successfully, the applicant is placed in a posi- 
 tion, and so long as his work is satisfactory and 
 he remains competent, he cannot be removed. 
 He may be suspended, but he cannot be re- 
 moved, and he is entitled to a hearing before 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 the civil service board. This provision at once 
 takes away all chance of a machine being built 
 up through patronage." 
 
 This is a sufficient description of the official 
 frame of government that has been instituted at 
 I)es Moines and other cities of Iowa under a 
 general law of that State. The law goes far- 
 ther, and connects with this frame or system a 
 supplementary provision of methods for giving 
 the whole body of the people an immediate 
 agency in municipal legislation and a power to 
 recall their election of any elected official dur- 
 ing his term. By the use of the Swiss process 
 of “initiative,” a sufficient number of voters 
 (25 per cent, of the whole) can propose mea- 
 sures which the Council must either adopt or 
 else submit to the general vote, and can sus- 
 pend measures adopted by the council until the 
 general body of citizens has voted for or against 
 them. These features, of the initiative, the re- 
 ferendum and the recall, are no more essential 
 attachments to the Des Moines or Iowa form of 
 municipal organization than to any other. To 
 what extent the States and cities making trial 
 of the general features of the Galveston scheme 
 of municipal organization have followed Iowa 
 in making the Swiss additions to it, informa- 
 tion at present is wanting. Apparently the 
 Des Moines pattern is having wide acceptance. 
 
 In the fall of 1909 the towns in the United 
 States which had adopted the so-called Des 
 Moines plan of government were reported to 
 number 12 in Texas, 7 in Kansas, 6 in Iowa, 3 
 in Massachusetts, 3 in California, 2 in Colorado, 
 2 in Missouri, 2 in Tennessee, 1 in West Vir- 
 ginia, 1 in Mississippi, 1 in North Dakota, 1 in 
 South Dakota, being 42 in all. Movements 
 looking to the introduction of the same system 
 were on foot in other cities. At the November 
 election a draft of charter on the lines of the 
 Des Moines plan was submitted to popular vote 
 in the city of Buffalo, N. Y., and approved by 
 8848 electors, out of a total of 11,346 who ex- 
 pressed themselves on the subject. The total 
 vote, however, was only about one-sixth of 
 that cast for candidates at the election. On the 
 strength of the opinion expressed, the Legisla- 
 ture is now being asked to enact the charter. 
 Should it do so, the form of government will 
 have trial in the largest city that has yet intro- 
 duced it. 
 
 London, Eng. : Defeat of the Progressives 
 in the County and Borough Elections. See 
 
 (in this vol.) London : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 Los Angeles, Cal. : Experiments and Ex- 
 periences. — Since 1900, Los Angeles, Califor- 
 nia, has been goiDg through some interesting 
 experiences, due to a series of charter amend- 
 ments. The former charter of the city had been 
 of the common pattern, organizing the muni- 
 cipal government under a mayor and a board 
 of aldermen elected by wards. The amend- 
 ments of recent years have created a Board of 
 Public Works, with large powers in the man- 
 agement of municipal work ; have changed the 
 Board of Education from a body of nine mem- 
 bers elected by wards to a membership of seven 
 chosen from the city at large ; have provided an 
 elaborate system of municipal civil service regu- 
 lation ; and finally have provided for a complete 
 system of popular initiative and referendum in 
 municipal legislation, and for recall of elective 
 officers. Popular initiative in legislation is made 
 
 possible upon the demand by petition of 15 per 
 cent of the voters, estimated upon the total vote 
 for mayor at the preceding municipal election ; 
 referendum in ordinary legislation is required 
 upon a petition of 7 per cent of the voters ; a 
 recall election must be ordered upon the demand 
 of 25 per cent of the voters concerned in the fill- 
 ing of the office. The official whom the petition 
 seeks to remove is made a candidate for reflec- 
 tion without other nomination, unless in writing 
 he notifies the city clerk that he is not a candi- 
 date. 
 
 The recall methods, provided for in charter 
 amendments of 1903, have been put into actual 
 service ; first, in 1906, when a councilman was 
 replaced by vote of the Ward, and again in 
 February, 1909, when a recall election was or- 
 dered for the office of mayor. The proceedings 
 in this case attracted widespread attention and 
 interest throughout the country. They failed, 
 however, to afford a perfect test of recall meth- 
 ods for the reason that after the election had 
 been ordered but before the date had arrived the 
 mayor in office resigned, thus surrendering with- 
 out a struggle to the opponents who had sought 
 his removal. 
 
 Michigan: Home Rule for Cities. — The 
 
 lately revised Constitution of Michigan author- 
 izes cities and villages to frame, adopt and 
 amend their charters, and to pass law's and ordi- 
 nances in regard to their municipal concerns. 
 Under this improved Constitution, the Michi- 
 gan Legislature of 1909 adopted the necessary 
 legislation for the formulation of action and for 
 the limitation of taxes and debts. The follow- 
 ing, from the New York Evening Post, is a sum- 
 mary of the more important provisions of the 
 Act : “ Charters of new cities will be framed by 
 a commission of nine electors chosen by popu- 
 lar vote. Revised charters of existing cities will 
 be framed, after a vote of the electors in favor 
 of revision (submitted by a two-thirds vote of 
 the local legislative body or on an initiatory pe- 
 tition of twenty per cent, of the total vote cast 
 for Mayor), by an elected commission of one 
 member from each ward and three electors at 
 large. Candidates for charter commissioners 
 are to be placed on the ballot without party af- 
 filiations designated. Charter amendments may 
 be proposed by a two-thirds vote of the local 
 legislative body, or by an initiatory petition of 
 twenty per cent, of the vote for Mayor. 
 
 “Every charter and charter amendment, be- 
 fore submission to the electors, must be sub- 
 mitted to the Governor of the State, but if dis- 
 approved by him, and passed on reconsideration 
 by a two-thirds vote of the Charter Commission 
 or local legislative body, shall be submitted to 
 the electors. Copies of charters and charter 
 amendments approved by the electors of the 
 city shall be certified to the secretary of state, 
 and shall thereupon become a law. 
 
 “The law names certain things which each 
 city charter shall provide, and imposes certain 
 restrictions on the powers of cities. There must 
 be an elected Mayor and a body vested with leg- 
 islative power; the clerk, treasurer, and asses- 
 sors, and other officers may be elected or ap- 
 pointed. This permits the establishment of a 
 commission system, or of a Mayor and council 
 with distinct powers. Provision must be made 
 for the levy, collection, and return of State, 
 county, aDd school taxes, for annual appropria- 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 tions for municipal purposes, and for a system of 
 accounts. 
 
 “ Provision may be made for municipal taxes 
 and for borrowing money up to prescribed limits, 
 for the regulation of trades, occupations, and 
 amusements, for the purchase of franchises, for 
 a plan of streets within three miles beyond the 
 city limits, “fora system of civil service,” for 
 the referendum, and the following omnibus 
 clause: for the exercise of all municipal powers 
 in the management and control of municipal 
 property and in the administration of the mu- 
 nicipal government, whether such powers be 
 expressly enumerated or not; for any act to ad- 
 vance the interests of the city, the good govern- 
 ment and prosperity of the municipality and its 
 inhabitants, and through its regularly consti- 
 tuted authority, to pass all laws and ordinances 
 relating to its municipal concerns, subject to the 
 Constitution and general laws of the State. 
 
 “Limitations include the following: Existing 
 limits to the tax rate and borrowing powers to 
 remain until a change is authorized by vote of 
 the electors, with a maximum limit of 2 per cent, 
 of the assessed valuation for the tax rate and 8 
 per cent, for loans; but, as authorized by the 
 Constitution, bonds may be issued beyond this 
 limit for public utilities, when secured only 
 upon the property and revenues of the utility. 
 A sinking fund must be provided for bonds. A 
 charter or charter amendment may not be sub- 
 mitted oftener than once in two years. The sal- 
 ary of public officials may not be changed after 
 election or appointment. Certain municipal 
 property may only be sold or vacated when ap- 
 proved by three-fifths of the electors voting 
 thereon. 
 
 “A separate act was passed for villages. 
 This follows the main features of the law for 
 cities, but is briefer.” 
 
 New York City: A. D. 1901 - 1909 . — The 
 Municipal Elections of 1901 , 1903 , 1905 , and 
 1909 . See (in this vol.) New York City. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — The Working of the 
 Bureau of Municipal Research. — The Bureau 
 of Municipal Research, instituted in New York 
 City by an organization of citizens in 1905, has 
 proved to be as effective an agency as has ever 
 been employed for the straightening of crook- 
 edness and the correcting of negligence in the 
 conduct of municipal affairs. Its working is 
 described fully in an article which appeared in 
 the Atlantic Monthly of October, 1908, by the 
 head of the Bureau, Dr. William H. Allen, under 
 the title, “ A National Fund for Efficient Demo- 
 cracy.” What the writer aims to do, and does 
 most effectively, is, first, to show how ineffi- 
 cient our democracy is in its practical working, 
 how demoralizing that inefficiency is, how 
 feebly education and religion are struggling 
 against its demoralizations, so long as they do 
 not work to make government efficient; and 
 then he unfolds the remedy indicated in results 
 obtained already from the public enlightenment 
 — the citizen education — which the Bureau of 
 Municipal Research is developing in New York. 
 His final purpose is to plead for the great na- 
 tional fund that would establish a central found- 
 ation for the extending and organizing of sim- 
 ilar educational work throughout the country at 
 large. 
 
 The simple object of the New York Bureau 
 of Municipal Research has been to make and to 
 
 keep the public acquainted with the working of 
 things in its government; to make and keep it 
 attentive to the facts of efficiency or inefficiency 
 in that working, which proves to be the kind of 
 political education that bears the most practical 
 fruits. The aim of the bureau, says Dr. Allen, 
 has been “educative, not detective. Infinitely 
 more interested in pointing out what is needed 
 than what is wrong, it realizes that the great 
 problem of democracy is not the control of the 
 officer, but the education of the citizen. It be- 
 gan, not by laying down principles of govern- 
 ment or discussing men, but by studying the 
 needs of the community and its official acts. It 
 would educate democracy in facts about demo- 
 cracy’s acts and methods, democracy’s need, and 
 democracy’s opportunity.” Something of the 
 results achieved is set forth in the following 
 passage : 
 
 “Three years, S150,000, and scientific meth- 
 od, have accomplished results surpassing all 
 dreams of those who outlined its programme. 
 So convincing are these results that onlookers 
 who said three years ago, ‘ The tiger will 
 never change its stripes,’ are now saying, 
 ‘ You could hardly do this in cities where the 
 tiger marks are less obvious.’ Although many 
 phases of municipal administration have not 
 yet been studied, there is hardly an obstacle to 
 efficiency and honesty that has not been encoun- 
 tered and overcome by light. The real-estate 
 bureau that eluded all graft charges is being 
 reorganized to prevent either graft or one hun- 
 dred per cent, profits for land sold the city at 
 private sale. While its own staff, consisting 
 of three investigators in 1907 and 40 in the 
 summer of 1908, can of itself do no inconsid- 
 erable educational work, the bureau gauges 
 its effectiveness, not by what its own staff ac- 
 complishes, but by what the city’s staff of 
 70,000, and through them the city’s population 
 of 4,000,000, are enabled to accomplish because 
 of its educational effort. 
 
 “Methods that manufacture corruption and 
 inefficiency, and that for 50 years defied political 
 reform, are giving way to methods by which 
 70,000 employees must tell the truth about 
 what they do when they do it, about -what they 
 spend when they spend it, in clear, legible form. 
 
 . . . Tammany officials, when interested, make 
 excellent collaborators. The commissioners of 
 accounts, for 30 years, through reform and Tam- 
 many administrations alike, a whitewashing 
 body that condoned and glossed over wasteful 
 and corrupt acts, have become, as a direct result 
 of the bureau’s work, a great educational 
 agency.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Proposed New Charter, not 
 acted on in the Legislature. — A Commission 
 appointed for the purpose by Governor Hughes, 
 after long and careful study of the subject of a 
 new charter for Greater New York, reported in 
 March, 1909, submitting a recommended draft, 
 which was submitted to the Legislature then in 
 session, but obtained no action from that body 
 before its adjournment. The ruling principle in 
 the work of the Commission had been that of re- 
 ducing the number of elected administrative offi- 
 cers, of putting into separate hands the power 
 to appropriate and the power to spend money, 
 and of concentrating power and responsibility 
 in a few. As originally organized, the “Greater 
 New York” City is divided into five boroughs. 
 
 436 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 At the head of each borough is a Borough Presi- 
 dent, who lias charge of the streets and the pub- 
 lic buildings within the borough. There is also 
 a Board of Estimate and Apportionment, con- 
 sisting of the Mayor, Comptroller, the President 
 of the Board of Aldermen, and the Borough 
 Presidents. There is also a Board of Aldermen. 
 The Commissioners proposed that the Borough 
 Presidents shall cease to have administrative 
 functions and shall devote their attention exclu- 
 sively to the great financial work of the Board 
 of Estimate and Apportionment ; that the ad- 
 ministrative work be given to heads of depart- 
 ments responsible to the Mayor, and to bureaus, 
 some of them under the Board of Estimate and 
 Apportionment and some under the various de- 
 partments ; and that the Board of Aldermen be 
 supplanted by a Council of thirty-nine members 
 to serve without pay ; to have enlarged legisla- 
 tive powers, but none connected with the grant 
 franchises, which the Board of Estimate and 
 Apportionment should control. A new Depart- 
 ment of Street Control was proposed, to take 
 over all street work, abolishing the Street-Clean- 
 ing Department. 
 
 Phildadelphia : A. D. 1905 . — AT emporary 
 House Cleaning of the Municipality. — 
 Mayor Weaver’s Conversion. — “Philadel- 
 phia has reformed. It is the swiftest and most 
 thorough municipal revolution known in Ameri- 
 can civic annals. Without an election and with- 
 out primaries, without warning and without 
 preparation, the great deep of small household- 
 ers, — which is Philadelphia, — moved from be- 
 low. When the work was over, Mayor Weaver, 
 who led the revolution, had not only changed 
 the heads of the two executive departments, 
 with ten thousand employees, but he was in full 
 control of City Councils ; he was recognized as 
 the head of the city Republican party organiza- 
 tion ; he had forced the city Republican com- 
 mittee to withdraw the local ticket already nom- 
 inated and await the choice of another ticket 
 by the reform leaders ; he had begun criminal 
 prosecution, stopped work on contracts for filtra- 
 tion plants, boulevards, and highways amount- 
 ing to some twelve million dollars, beginning a 
 searching investigation by a board of expert 
 engineers, and had defeated two grabs, one a 
 contract for seventy-five years in gas and the 
 other a street-car grab of one hundred and ten 
 miles of streets, sought by the two local public- 
 service corporations, the United Gas Improve- 
 ment Company and the Philadelphia Rapid 
 Transit Company. Both had been successfully 
 passed before this revolution broke, and both 
 were recalled, on the demand of the mayor, by 
 the same councils that had passed them. 
 
 “The coherent homogeneous vote of the myr- 
 iads of small homes which make up Philadel- 
 phia has made this sweeping victory possible 
 against great odds. The party majority in 
 Pennsylvania and Philadelphia is the strongest 
 in the country. The city machine is as well or- 
 ganized as Tammany Hall. It holds city, State, 
 and federal patronage. For ten years it has 
 without challenge chosen the executive officers 
 at Harrisburg and Philadelphia and held the 
 Legislature and Councils. The city ring, in a 
 decade of unchecked rule, has issued §40,000,000 
 of city bonds; let on the filtration plant alone 
 $13,660,000 of contracts ; as much more on vari- 
 ous public improvements, and had pending 
 
 work authorized, but not let, costing about $30,- 
 000,000. The criminal investigation already 
 made indicates that on the filtration-plant con- 
 tracts alone the margin of loose profit is from 
 28 to 30 per cent. In this period the city gas 
 works have been leased for a term ending in 
 1927, on provisions which yield $2,000,000 a 
 year, twice the expected profit to the lessee, the 
 United Gas Improvement Company. The other 
 public-service corporation, the Philadelphia 
 Rapid Transit Company, has had a free gift of 
 a subway and over two hundred miles of street 
 without payment and without limitation. The 
 combination, under an antiquated law which 
 threw no safeguards about the ballot of a venal 
 vote controlled by machine office-holders of the 
 great corporations, railroad and public-service, 
 and of a corrupt combination of contractors and 
 politicians, seemed omnipotent. By the adroit 
 use of State and city appropriations for private 
 charities and educational institutions, the re- 
 spectable were placated. The leaders of this 
 organization were also wise enough to meet re- 
 forms non-political halfway. The last State 
 legislature passed excellent sanitary legislation, 
 reorganized on sound lines the city schools of 
 Philadelphia, passed efficient child-labor laws, 
 and at many points improved State legislation. 
 Carefully separating political management and 
 elected officers, the leaders of the machine chose- 
 judicial candidates usually unexceptionable, 
 and elected as governor of the State and mayor 
 of Philadelphia men honest, dull, highly re- 
 spected, without stain but pliant. 
 
 “ In April, so far as Philadelphia was con- 
 cerned, self-government seemed to have disap- 
 peared. Its charter was amended, in the teeth of 
 universal protest, so as to rob future mayors of 
 all powers. Senator Boies Penrose and Insurance 
 Commissioner Israel W. Durham made all nom- 
 inations, State and city. The former awaits 
 investigation. Durham has been shown to be a 
 silent and secret partner in a contracting firm 
 holding $13,660,000 of contracts, under city or- 
 dinances he passed, led by officers he chose, and 
 yielding some 30 per cent, profit. In Pennsyl- 
 vania and Philadelphia, the corporation pays the 
 machine and the machine aids the corporation. 
 It is like this in other States, but preeminently 
 in that founded by Penn. After a long series 
 of like gifts and franchises, councils voted the 
 Rapid Transit Company one hundred and ten 
 miles of streets, passed a costly boulevard sys- 
 tem, and in return for $25,000,000 intended for 
 more contracts proposed to lease the city gas 
 -works for seventy-five years, postponing reduc- 
 tion in the price of gas for three-quarters of a 
 century. 
 
 “This ran the pliant fingers of the machine 
 into the pockets of every householder who had 
 a gas bill to pay, some two hundred apd eighty 
 thousand in number. Suddenly this great mass 
 moved from within. The pulpit of small 
 churches knew it before the press, the little 
 division leaders before the ward managers, and 
 they before the chiefs of the organization. In a 
 week, the city seethed. Children of councilmen 
 came crying from the public schools. No one 
 would play with them. Callous, thick-skinned 
 politicians found their mail, their telephones, 
 and their daily tours one hot rain of protest from 
 their old neighbors. Division leaders reported 
 defection by the avalanche. The small house- 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 holder, the narrow burgher, comfortable, con- 
 tented, owning his house, careless over ideals, 
 education, corruption, and venal voter, was 
 aflame over a bigger gas bill. It is the old story 
 of ship money and stamp taxes. No vote was 
 necessary. No primary was needed. The leaders 
 of a political machine are ignorant of much, but 
 they know the voice of the voter in the land. 
 John Weaver, the mayor, chosen by the ma- 
 chine, and its lifelong friend and supporter, had 
 been a fair case lawyer and district attorney. 
 Honest, narrow, clean-lived, of a legal mind, 
 restive at the way he was treated as a mere fig- 
 urehead, he recognized the civic revolution be- 
 cause he was himself of the class that had risen. 
 He had, moreover, in his day won his division 
 and was a ward leader.” — American Review of 
 Reviews, July, 1905. ' 
 
 The Israel W. Durham referred to above, who 
 was the absolute “boss” of Philadelphia from 
 1896 to 1905, died on the 28th of June, 1909. 
 
 See, also, Pennsylvania : A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The old Evil Conditions re- 
 vived. — Defeat of Revolt against them. — The 
 old mastery of the City Government by an all- 
 powerful and shameless political “machine” 
 was recovered at the end of the term of Mayor 
 Weaver, and conditions were soon as rotten as 
 before the momentary and partial cleansing had 
 been performed. In 1909 a hopeful revolt against 
 them was undertaken, under the lead of D. 
 Clarence Gibboney a young lawyer who as sec- 
 retary of an active “Law and Order Society,” 
 had shown inspiring powers of leadership and 
 high qualities of sincerity and resolution. Gib- 
 boney had been put forward for District Attor- 
 ney in 1906 on Democratic and Independent 
 tickets, and had suffered defeat. Now he was 
 brought again to the front, for that office, from 
 which the plunderers of the city could be most 
 advantageously attacked. A William Penn Party 
 had been organized in the interest of reform, and 
 his nomination by this was endorsed by the 
 Democratic organization. A great effort was 
 made to rouse the conscience and the self-respect 
 of the city, to throw off the thraldom of blind 
 partisanship under which it submits to be cor- 
 rupted and robbed. But the effort failed. 
 Gibboney was rejected by a majority of about 
 40,000 voters. 
 
 Pittsburg : Achievements of a Reforming 
 Mayor. — George W. Guthrie became Mayor 
 of Pittsburg in 1906. “When Mayor Guthrie 
 went into office there was no merit system in 
 Pittsburg; but he soon established an effective 
 one of his own, and at the 1907 session of the 
 Pennsylvania Legislature effectively co-operated 
 with the Pennsylvania Civil Service Reform As- 
 sociation and similar bodies, with Mayor Dim- 
 mick, of Scranton, and the business bodies of 
 second-class cities, to secure a law which would 
 permanently establish the merit system in them. 
 He and his colleagues succeeded. A short time 
 ago some one asked the Mayor how many Dem- 
 ocrats he had appointed to office. His immedi- 
 ate reply was, * I have n’t the least idea. The 
 question of party has never entered into the 
 matter.’ . . . 
 
 “The tax levied in February, 1906, before 
 Mayor Guthrie assumed office, was 15 mills. 
 That levied in February, 1907, the first under 
 his administration, was 12| mills. This year, 
 had it not been for the annexation of Allegheny, 
 
 the city would have required only 10 or 10 £ 
 mills. The Mayor’s first estimate was 11 mills; 
 but the final figures, as made up by the Finance 
 Committee, showed that the lower figure would 
 have been sufficient. When the Mayor entered 
 office, there was a cash deficit of $400,000, 
 caused by the payment of bills left over from 
 the previous administration. He closed his first 
 year with a small surplus, and the second (1907) 
 with a large one. The total tax valuation of 
 the old city of Pittsburg is $599,852,923. Its 
 total bonded indebtedness is $24,956,001, and its 
 net indebtedness (arrived at by deducting bonds 
 in the saving fund) is $16,532,425, or ,02f per 
 cent of the valuation. This highly desirable 
 financial result, however, has not been reached 
 by any false economy. Inadequate salaries have 
 been raised. All the street repairing for 1907 
 was paid for out of the tax levy, and the work 
 on the filtration plant has been pushed unceas- 
 ingly. Enough of the filter beds are finished to 
 provide for present needs, and as soon as they 
 are ‘ripened’ and the pumping machinery re- 
 arranged the city will have filtered water. . . . 
 
 “For many years, under the old regime, Pitts- 
 burg had been free from many of the evils of 
 an open cit} r ; but a syndicate of Councilmen 
 and politicians had made immense sums out of 
 the business. They controlled the leases of the 
 houses, which they sublet at exorbitant sums. 
 They also controlled the supplies which were 
 furnished to them. The Mayor issued but one 
 order for the regulation of this district. He 
 made no attempt to solve the entire problem. 
 As the law was plain about the sale of liquor, 
 he declared that that must stop absolutely ; and 
 that no house could be run on streets on which 
 there were surface cars. This order proved to 
 be the death-blow of the combination that had 
 previously existed. The politicians, when they 
 heard the order, laughed. They had fooled 
 every other Mayor, and they thought they 
 could fool Guthrie. He would need Councils 
 and must necessarily ‘deal’ with them. But he 
 needed no one, and he ‘ dealt ’ with no one. He 
 waited six weeks for his warning to be taken, 
 and then he acted. One Saturday night the 
 police drew a net around the district, and over 
 one thousand arrests were made. Then came 
 the final blow that stopped political interfer- 
 ence. Under the old system police magistrates 
 had been in the habit of holding fines or delay- 
 ing sentences, which, under the pressure of po- 
 litical influence, were remitted or suspended. 
 Such money as was paid in was held for a 
 month before being turned over to the city trea- 
 sury. . . . Mr. Guthrie established the rule 
 that all fines and jail sentences, once imposed, 
 would have to stand unless revoked by the 
 county courts. Not only have the revenues 
 of the city largely increased by this policy, as 
 we have already seen, but one of the greatest 
 sources of political evil has been removed. 
 Since this policy was inaugurated there has 
 been no political or machine interference in the 
 administration of the law. Incidentally, I may 
 mention that one Councilman went to jail for 
 his complicity with the protection of the social 
 evil. 
 
 “The situation in Pittsburg is so changed and 
 improved that the Secretary of the Civic Voters' 
 League was able to say recently ; ‘While we 
 have forced Councils to be good, elected the best 
 
 438 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 Mayor in the country, put ill county offices 
 men of ability and honesty, forced the politi- 
 cians to give us a good civil service measure, I 
 am convinced that our most important victory 
 has been to convince the political leaders and 
 bosses that there is a new era in politics, and 
 that for the future none but the best men can be 
 elected to public office.’ ” — Clinton Rogers 
 Woodruff, A Mayor with an Ideal ( The Outlook, 
 April 25, 1908). 
 
 Defeat of the Reforming Mayor in 1909, 
 but no Discouragement of the Reforming 
 Activity of the Voters’ League. — Unparal- 
 leled Success in convicting Bribed Officials 
 and their Bribers. — Mayor Guthrie, nominated 
 for reflection iu 1909, was defeated by the nom- 
 inee of a corrupt party “machine ” ; but this put 
 no check on the efforts of the Voters’ League 
 behind him to hunt down the corrupting influ- 
 ences and agencies which had mastered the city 
 once more. A fortunate accident gave the 
 League a single clue to the hidden labyrinth of 
 rascality, and it sufficed for astounding reve- 
 lations. It tracked and caught, first, a single 
 ex-Councilman, who had handled large sums of 
 bribe-money, receiving and dividing it among 
 his fellow members of a gang known as the 
 “ Big Six.” This man, John P. Klein, when he 
 found himself helplessly in the toils, and likely 
 to be the scape-goat for all his confederates 
 and their corrupters, made confessions which 
 uncovered much, if not all, of the bribe-giving 
 and bribe-taking of several past years. Down 
 to the 23d of March, 1910, when the following 
 summary was published, the results coming 
 from this confession had been as follows : 
 
 In penitentiary — W. W. Ramsey, ex-president 
 of the German National Bank; William Brand, 
 ex-president of the Common Council; Joseph C. 
 Wasson, ex-Councilman, and H. M. Bolder. 
 
 Under sentence to the penitentiary - — John F. 
 Klein, ex-Councilman. 
 
 Awaiting disposition of their cases — E. H. 
 Jennings, president of the Columbia National 
 Bank, and F. A. Griffin, cashier, who pleaded 
 nolo contendere. 
 
 Under indictment — Forty-one Councilmen. 
 
 Confessors of bribe-sharing — Twenty Coun- 
 cilmen, former and present, Select and Common. 
 
 More confessors awaiting turn — Ten former 
 and present Councilmen. 
 
 As this goes to the printers, the bribe-givers, 
 including some of the multi-millionaires of 
 Pittsburg, are being dragged into court. 
 
 St. Louis : A. D. 1900-1940. — The Un- 
 earthing of Thievery amd Corruption by Cir- 
 cuit Attorney Folk. — Prosecutions, Confes- 
 sions, and Convictions. — One of the most 
 notable and effective cleansings of a corrupted 
 municipality that has occurred in the United 
 States was accomplished in St. Louis by Joseph 
 Wingate Folk, using the powers of the office of 
 Circuit Attorney of the City, to which he was 
 fortunately elected in the spring of 1900. That 
 bribery was active among the Aldermen and 
 Councilmen of the two chambers of the munici- 
 pal legislature, and that unscrupulous men of 
 business were habitually employing it to secure 
 iniquitous franchises and jobs, appears to have 
 been a matter of common belief ; but the belief 
 had not roused feeling enough to bring about 
 any change, until the opportunity to act was 
 given to Mr. Folk. 
 
 One notoriously suspicious transaction, which 
 consolidated the street railways of the city, was 
 outlawed for all but a single actor in it by the 
 Missouri statute of limitations, which bars crim- 
 inal proceedings after three years ; but the one 
 man had been absent from the State during so 
 large a part of those three years that he could 
 be reached by the law, and the Circuit Attorney 
 turned the search light of a grand jury investi- 
 gation on his case. This man, R. M. Snyder, of 
 Kansas City, was indicted, arrested, and held 
 for trial under bonds of $50,000. From that 
 beginning Mr. Folk went on to the probing of 
 a more recent franchise grant, and unearthed 
 the fact that two deposits of cash, for sums of 
 $60,000 and $75,000 were boxed in safety de- 
 posit vaults, each guarded by duplicate keys 
 held on one side by a corporation agent, and on 
 the other side by agents of the Council and the 
 Aldermanic body respectively, waiting for dis- 
 tribution among the officials who had sold the 
 public franchise for those sums. A rival corpo- 
 ration had, meantime, attacked the legality of 
 the grant, held it up by an in j unction, and so 
 kept these corruption funds in suspension be- 
 tween the bribers and the bribed. 
 
 By what resolute persistence, what shrewd- 
 ness, what bold ventures of surmise, Mr. Folk 
 uncovered the cunningly secreted facts, terrified 
 the “ boodlers ” and the bribers into betraying 
 one another, and fastened their crimes upon 
 them, cannot be told here. Two of the wealthy 
 buyers in the rascally trade, a Mr. Turner and a 
 Mr. Stock, became witnesses for the State against 
 the men whose crime they had bought. The 
 two agents for Aldermen and Councilmen, who 
 held the keys of the deposited bribe, J. K. Mur- 
 rell and Charles Kratz, fled to Mexico, forfeiting 
 their bail. Three others of the accused, Emil 
 Meysenberg, Julius Lehmann and Harry Faulk- 
 ner, were tried, convicted and sentenced to im- 
 prisonment for three and two years. The escape 
 of Murrell and Kratz beyond reach of extradition 
 embarassed the prosecution of the remaining 
 confederates, who seemed likely to go free for 
 lack of sufficient evidence ; but unexpectedly, 
 in September, 1902, Murrell reappeared in St. 
 Louis, saying that he could not endure exile any 
 longer and was ready to bear the penalty of his 
 wrongdoing. On his confessions eleven aider- 
 men were arrested, charged with bribery in two 
 cases and with perjury before the grand jury. 
 Seven others made successful flights. 
 
 In the course of the next year another of the 
 refugees from justice returned, supposing his 
 time of danger to have passed. This was Charles 
 F. Kelly, who had been Speaker of the St. Louis 
 House of Delegates and a ready tool of Edward 
 Butler, the St. Louis political “Boss” and legis- 
 lative broker. Butler had been involved in the 
 prosecutions, and Kelly had fled to avoid giv 
 ing testimony against him, being paid, as he 
 confessed finally, $50,000 for his retirement into 
 obscure foreign parts. What happened to him 
 later, and what confessions he made were the 
 subject of a brief story in The Outlook of No- 
 vember 5, 1904, in part as follows: 
 
 “ Returning when it was believed that his pa- 
 tron was secure through the operation of the 
 statute of limitations, Kelly was arrested and 
 sentenced to two years in the penitentiary for 
 perjury in his testimony in one of the boodle 
 cases. He appealed to the Supreme Court, and 
 
 439 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 meanwhile was rearrested on the charge of ac- 
 cepting a bribe in another deal. At, this junc- 
 ture he complained that Butler had deserted him 
 and had advised him to plead guilty. ‘ It did n’t 
 look right,’ he said in an interview, ‘that we 
 should take our medicine and that he should go 
 free.’ Therefore he determined to relate his 
 dealings with Butler in the bribery cases. In his 
 statement he says that he has reason to believe 
 that boodling had been in progress in the St. 
 Louis Municipal Assembly for the last twenty- 
 five years. The boodlers did not fear exposure, 
 because they ‘ knew that most of the politicians 
 and many of the large financiers of St. Louis’ 
 would be with them. One prosecutor who at- 
 tempted to bring them to justice was ‘bluffed 
 off.’ When Mr. Folk began his work, there 
 were threats of assassination, and finally a delib- 
 erate plot was arranged to ruin the prosecutor’s 
 influence by falsehoods. ‘ Prominent financiers ’ 
 as well as the boodlers were engaged in this 
 attempt, according to the confession. 
 
 “The general scheme of the boodle ‘combine’ 
 is already fairly well known, but Mr. Kelly adds 
 some interesting details. There were nineteen 
 members, and the combine was ‘ not along party 
 lines.’ ‘My experience,’ he remarks, ‘has been 
 that boodlers line up according to their interests, 
 and not under party standards.’ The members of 
 the combiue held regular meetings, and decided 
 by a majority vote on the prices to be charged 
 for various measures. There was a ‘ fixed sched- 
 ule of prices’ for bills in accordance with the 
 value of the privileges to be given. The combine 
 rarely sold out for less than a thousand dollars, 
 though once ‘ some of the boys took five dollars 
 each, but were so ashamed of it they would not 
 speak of it afterwards, because the price was so 
 small.’ The combine was in the habit of select- 
 ing one of its members to act as agent in the 
 deals, and only in one or two instances did the 
 representative prove untrustworthy. ‘ Among 
 ourselves,’ says this frank boodler, ‘we had a 
 high code of morals, and it was considered ex- 
 tremely dishonest for a member of the combine 
 to accept bribe money without dividing it among 
 his fellows.’ A particularly interesting feature 
 of the confession is the warning which it gives 
 to St. Louis of the danger of a relapse to the old 
 conditions when Mr. Folk’s term as Circuit At- 
 torney shall have expired. Kelly asserts that 
 Butler advised his indicted friends to get con- 
 tinuances until a new Circuit Attorney should be 
 elected, and that he promised them that the pro- 
 secutor should be ‘ his man.’ ‘ What,’ asks Kelly, 
 
 ‘ has been done in St. Louis? Nothing at all. The 
 prosecutor has, after three years’ fighting, 
 whipped us. But it seems to me, such is the con- 
 dition of public sentiment in St. Louis, that 
 when the new prosecutor, who of course will be 
 Ed Butler’s man, takes charge, boodlers will be 
 in clover again.’ In his opinion the great trouble 
 is that ‘ so many of the large corporations of the 
 city are mixed up in boodle one way or another ’ 
 that the town is willing to tolerate corruption.” 
 
 Here, as in all exposed cases, the power to 
 organize “boodle” or “graft” in municipal 
 government is found to have been derived from 
 the “machines” of the national political par- 
 ties. 
 
 The exhibit of character and ability made by 
 Mr. Folk in his extraordinary enforcement of 
 law in St. Louis, to the overthrow of the strong- 
 
 hold of municipal thieves and corruptionists, so 
 commended him to the people of Missouri that 
 they nominated and elected him Governor of the 
 State in 1904, despite the most desperate en- 
 deavor of the party organizations to defeat him. 
 In his higher office he continued his work of 
 reform. 
 
 San Francisco: A. D. 1901 - 1909 . — The 
 Struggle with Political Corruption. — “Before 
 the enactment of the charter of 1899 the mayor- 
 alty in San Francisco had little power, and suc- 
 cessive political bosses had ignored it. Instead of 
 this, they aimed to control the municipal Board 
 of Supervisors, which had the awarding of con- 
 tracts and franchises. The charter of 1899 
 changed all this, by concentrating vast powers 
 of appointment and removal in the mayoralty, 
 the office being filled by biennial election. The 
 office was ably and honestly administered for 
 the first two years by Hon. Jas. D. Phelan. 
 
 “During the latter portion of Phelan’s term 
 there occurred a long and bitter industrial strug- 
 gle, known as the ‘ Teamsters’ Strike,’ in 
 which the sympathy of other labor organizations 
 was deeply stirred. At the request of the em- 
 ployers Mayor Phelan consented to placing the 
 city police upon drays and wagons as guards 
 for non-union drivers. This action aroused vio- 
 lent denunciation on the part of the union labor 
 leaders. It also served as a political object les- 
 son. It was seen that to gain possession of the 
 mayoralty in the interest of union labor would 
 be a great political advantage, especially in a 
 recurrence of industrial strife. 
 
 “In the following election (1901) Eugene E. 
 Schmitz, orchestra leader at the Columbia the- 
 atre and head of the musicians’ union, the can- 
 didate of the union labor party, was elected 
 mayor by 21,776 votes as against 30,365 votes 
 somewhat evenly divided between the Republi- 
 can and the Democratic candidates. Two years 
 later (1903) Schmitz w r as reflected in the same 
 way, and in 1905 he was again successful, this 
 time securing a large majority over the fusion 
 candidate nominated by the Democratic and 
 Republican parties combined. Throughout the 
 whole period Schmitz's chief political manager 
 was Abraham Ruef, a native of San Francisco, 
 well educated, gifted and ambitious, an adroit 
 politician, previously affiliated with the Repub- 
 lican party. In 1904 he was a delegate at large 
 for California in the Republican national con- 
 vention at Chicago. 
 
 “ Almost from the beginning of the Schmitz 
 administration it became recognized throughout 
 the city that the most certain way of obtaining 
 favors from the mayor’s office was through the 
 law office of Abraham Ruef, who acted as the 
 legal and political adviser of Mayor Schmitz. 
 Ruef steered a different course from political 
 bosses generally. He kept his office open for 
 all comers, high and low. He was thoroughly 
 accessible. He welcomed all applicants and 
 dealt out encouraging assurances to every re- 
 quest. It soon became a matter of general be- 
 lief that under the guise of legal services Ruef 
 was selling licenses, securing special privileges 
 for favored clients and protecting illegal con- 
 cerns. Ruef’s income increased enormously 
 during the Schmitz regime, but to the end he 
 maintained this pretense of ‘attorney’s fees,’ 
 and only a few months before he was indicted 
 for extortion he stoutly maintained before a 
 
 440 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 public meeting that he • had never made a dol- 
 lar out of politics.’ 
 
 “In 1905 the grand jury made a thorough in- 
 vestigation of the municipal administration and 
 became convinced of the existence of a wide- 
 spread system of bribery and corruption. In 
 its report to the Superior Court, filed August 
 19, 1905, it stated : ‘ that wholesale and wide- 
 spread violation of law is open, notorious and 
 llagrant; that it meets with the acquiesence of 
 the mayor; that it receives the approval of the 
 police commission ; that it is aided, abetted and 
 protected by police officials. ... We find that 
 vice and crime have been organized so systemat- 
 ically, and fostered with such vigilant attention 
 to detail, that nothing which business acumen 
 or political expediency could suggest has been 
 neglected or omitted.’ For lack of legal evi- 
 dence, however, or the funds with which to 
 carry on an investigation for securing it, no in- 
 dictments in these matters were returned. 
 
 “The municipal election of 1905 gave toRuef 
 the control of the Board of Supervisors as well 
 as the administrative departments of the city. 
 The great upheaval in business conditions pro- 
 duced by the earthquake and fire of April, 1906, 
 brought new and wealthier clients to his office. 
 Evidence made public in the later prosecutions 
 goes to show that Ruef was paid to secure from 
 the Board of Supervisors for the United Rail- 
 roads permission to use an overhead trolley sys- 
 tem for operating its street cars instead of the 
 cable system in use before the fire ; that the 
 gas company had bribed the supervisors to 
 raise the price of gas from 75 to 85 cents per 
 thousand feet ; and that the telephone compa- 
 nies had used the same means to promote their 
 interests. 
 
 “The work of securing the evidence upon 
 which criminal indictments could be based was 
 performed by a few determined men. Rudolph 
 Spreckels, a young man of large fortune, came 
 forward with a pledge of §100,000 for the ex- 
 penses of a searching investigation. District 
 Attorney William H. Langdon, who had been 
 elected on the same ticket with Schmitz, an- 
 nounced that he would conduct the inquiry 
 without regard to party affiliations, and ap- 
 pointed Francis J. Heney, assistant district at- 
 torney. A man of courage and devotion to pub- 
 lic honesty, Heney had gained distinction by 
 the successful prosecution of land frauds before 
 the Federal courts in Oregon. Heney requested 
 and obtained the assistance of William J. 
 Burns, a detective in the United States Secret 
 Service. 
 
 “Ruef and Schmitz were soon indicted by the 
 grand jury, charged with extorting money 
 from restaurant proprietors. During the pro- 
 gress of his trial Ruef changed his plea from 
 ‘Not guilty’ to ‘Guilty.’ Judgment against 
 him was delayed, however, by the prosecution 
 for the purpose of gaining evidence against oth- 
 ers. Schmitz was tried on a similar charge and 
 with the aid of testimony given by Ruef was 
 convicted and [July, 1907] sentenced to impris- 
 onment for five years in the state penitentiary. 
 
 “Meanwhile, some of the weaker supervisors 
 having been caught in a trap set for them by 
 Burns, confessions of bribery were obtained by 
 the grand jury from fifteen out of eighteen 
 members of the Board. In return for these con- 
 fessions the district attorney entered into immu- 
 
 nity contracts with the supervisors, and became 
 temporarily the directing power iD the municipal 
 government. The office of mayor was declared 
 vacant, and Hon. Edward R. Taylor, a learned 
 and conscientious man, a professor in the Has- 
 tings College of Law in San Francisco, was 
 appointed to the position. Gradually the whole 
 Board of Supervisors was replaced by honest 
 and experienced men. 
 
 “ On the confessions of the discredited super- 
 visors there followed a large number of indict- 
 ments against Ruef, Schmitz and the various 
 officers and employees of the public service 
 corporations concerned in corrupting the city 
 government. By May 25, 1907, the number of 
 so-called ‘ graft ’ indictments was 137, against 
 19 persons. From collateral issues the number 
 of indictments later rose to 160. The indict- 
 ments against a few of the accused were subse- 
 quently dismissed. Five of the original 19 
 accused persons had been put on trial one or 
 more times previous to January, 1910, — the 
 expiration of the term of office of District At- 
 torney Langdon. These trials were carried on 
 with the utmost rancor on the part of opposing 
 counsel. The greatest difficulties were encoun- 
 tered in securing juries and in several cases 
 juries failed to agree. Throughout the com- 
 munity and in the public prints there developed 
 factional division and bitterness. This factional 
 hatred culminated in acts of violence and ter- 
 rorism. Two houses in Oakland, Alameda Co., 
 one occupied, the other owned by James L. Gal- 
 lagher, former supervisor and lieutenant of 
 Ruef, later a most important witness for the 
 prosecution, were dynamited and nearly de- 
 stroyed. For these crimes a culprit was dis- 
 covered and sent to the state prison for life by 
 the courts of Alameda County. On November 
 13, 1908, during the trial of Ruef on bribery 
 charges, Mr. Heney was shot from behind 
 while at his post in the court-room by a half- 
 demented sympathizer with the accused. A day 
 later the assassin took his own life while in 
 jail. By the merest chance Mr. Heney’s wound 
 proved not to be fatal, and after a few months 
 he returned to his duties. 
 
 “Even in the few cases in which convictions 
 were obtained judgment was arrested by ap- 
 peals to the higher courts, which uniformly 
 resolved all technical questions in favor of the 
 accused. To the end of 1909, the record of 
 these cases is as follows: 
 
 “Number of indictments 160. 
 
 “Contracts of immunity 19. 
 
 “Tried and acquitted twice: Tirey L. Ford, 
 attorney for the United Railroads. 
 
 “Trials in which the jury disagreed: Louis 
 Glass, manager for the Pacific States Telephone 
 Co. ; Tirey L. Ford ; Abraham Ruef ; Patrick 
 Calhoun, president of the United Railroads. 
 
 “Judgments reversed by higher court, Eugene 
 E. Schmitz and Louis Glass. 
 
 “Plea of guilty nullified by higher court: Ab- 
 raham Ruef. 
 
 “Convicted, but appeals to higher court in 
 progress: Abraham Ruef and M. W. Coffey, a 
 supervisor who broke his immunity contract. 
 
 “Thus it is evident that the prosecution has 
 so far failed to punish extortion and bribery by 
 criminal procedure. The real results of the pro- 
 secution are to be found in the prompt reform 
 of the municipal government of San Francisco 
 
 441 
 
MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 MYTILENE 
 
 in 1907, and, in a larger way, in an awakened 
 public conscience and a strengthened sense of 
 civic duty. These results are not limited to San 
 Francisco, but are a part of the great work of 
 political regeneration in which the whole coun- 
 try is concerned. 
 
 “The question of further efforts to secure 
 convictions in these ‘ graft ’ cases was made a 
 political issue in San Francisco by the candidacy 
 of Mr. Heney for the office of district attorney 
 in 1909. That a large number of voters consid- 
 ered such continued efforts useless or hopeless 
 was shown by his defeat by a decisive majority 
 of 10,000 votes against him.” 
 
 The new Mayor placed at the head of the 
 City Government by this election was the nomi- 
 nee of the same Union Labor Party which had 
 seated Schmitz and his manager, Ruef, and it 
 was made plain that he represented the opposi- 
 tion to all that had been done and attempted 
 toward municipal reform. 
 
 Spain: A. D. 1907-1909. — Municipal Re- 
 forms. See (in this vol.) Spain: A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 The Transvaal: A. D. 1909. — Introduc- 
 tion of Proportional Representation. See 
 
 Elective Franchise: Proportional Repre- 
 sentation. 
 
 United States : The “ Municipal Program,” 
 framed by the National Municipal League. — 
 
 “At the joint invitation of the City Club of New 
 York and the Municipal League of Philadelphia, 
 a Conference for Good City Government was 
 held in Philadelphia in January, 1894. Out of 
 this conference grew the National Municipal 
 League, formally organized in New York City 
 in May, 1894. The League includes in its 
 affiliated membership, the leading municipal 
 reform organizations of the country, and, in its 
 associated membership the leading students of 
 municipal government. At the annual meet- 
 ing of the League in 1897 held in Louisville, a 
 special committee was appointed ‘ to report on 
 the feasibility of a Municipal Program which 
 will embody the essential principles that must 
 underlie successful municipal government, and 
 which shall also set forth a working plan or 
 system, consistent with American industrial 
 and political conditions, for putting such prin- 
 ciples into practical operation ; and the Com- 
 mittee, if it finds such Municipal Program to 
 be feasible, is instructed to report the same 
 with its reasons therefor, to the League, for 
 consideration.’ 
 
 MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT. See, 
 also, Elective Franchise : United States, 
 and Social Betterment. 
 
 MURRELL, J. K. : Confessions. See (in 
 this vol.) Municipal Government : St. 
 
 Louis. 
 
 MURZSTEG PROGRAMME, The. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1903-1904, and 
 1905-1908. 
 
 MUSHIR-ED-DOWLEH. See (in this 
 vol.) Persia: A. D. 1907-1908 (Sept.-June). 
 
 “The Committee appointed under this resolu- 
 tion made a preliminary report at the annual 
 meeting of the League held in Indianapolis in 
 1898, and a final one at the annual meeting of 
 the League held in Columbus in 1899. The Com- 
 mittee did not claim that its report constituted 
 the final word upon the subject referred to it, 
 but its members were convinced, as a result of 
 their studies and investigations, that ‘ A Munici- 
 pal Program ’ which would embody the essential 
 principles that must underlie successful muni- 
 cipal government was entirely feasible, and they 
 recommended certain Constitutional Amend- 
 ments and a general Municipal Corporations Act, 
 as setting forth a working plan or system con- 
 sistent with American industrial and political 
 conditions, for putting such principles into prac- 
 tical operation. The Committee’s recommenda- 
 tions were unanimously adopted by the League 
 at its Columbus meeting.” — Horace E. Deming, 
 The Government of American Cities, p. 203 (G. 
 P. Putnam’s Sons, N. 7.). 
 
 As originally published, the “ Municipal Pro- 
 gram ” has gone out of print, but Mr. Deming, 
 under an arrangement with the League, has re- 
 produced it as an appendix to his book, with an 
 explanatory discussion of it. The main objects 
 sought in it are “ to clothe the city government 
 with such broad powers as will enable it to per- 
 form all the appropriate functions of a local 
 government without resort to the State Legisla- 
 ture for the grant of additional power” ; and to 
 “prevent the interference by the State Legisla- 
 ture with the free exercise by the city of the 
 governmental powers granted it.” Beyond this, 
 the designers of the “Program” have worked 
 out what seemed to them the most effective plan 
 of organization in municipal government for the 
 exercise of such full powers. 
 
 Wisconsin: Organization of a Municipal 
 Reference Bureau by the State University. 
 — Within the past year a Municipal Reference 
 Bureau has been organized in connection with 
 the Extension Department of the Wisconsin 
 State University, its purpose being to offer the 
 widest possible use of the material on questions 
 relative to municipal government which the 
 University has collected, by answering inquir- 
 ies. The Bureau is under the charge of Mr. Ford 
 H. MacGregor, and will work in cooperation 
 with the very useful Legislative Reference De- 
 partment of the Wisconsin Free Library Com- 
 mission, which was organized a few years ago 
 and is still conducted by Dr. Charles McCarthy. 
 
 MUSTAFA FAZIL PASHA. See (in this 
 vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 MUTINY IN THE RUSSIAN NAVY. 
 See (in this vol. )R ussia: A. D. 1905 (Feb. -Nov.). 
 
 MUTUAL LIFE INSURANCE COM- 
 PANY : Legislative Investigation. See (in 
 this vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 MUZZAFER-ED-DIN: Late Shah of 
 Persia. See Persia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 MYTILENE, International Occupation of. 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 442 
 
NABUCO 
 
 NATURALIZATION 
 
 N. 
 
 NABUCO, Dr. Joaquin : President of Third 
 International Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 N AC ION AL I ST AS. See (in this vol.) 
 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907. 
 
 NAGEL, Charles: Secretary of Com- 
 merce and Labor. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 NAKAMURA, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 NANSHAN, Battle of. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), A. D. 1904- 
 1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 NAPOLEON I. : Declining Worship of 
 his Memory in France. See (in this vol.) 
 War, The Revolt against : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 NASR-UL-MULK : Prime Minister of 
 Persia. — His exile. See (in this vol.) Per- 
 sia : A. D. 1907-1908 (Sept. -June), and 1908- 
 1909. 
 
 NATAL. See South Africa. 
 
 NATHAN, Ernesto : Mayor of Rome. See 
 (in this vol.) Italy : A. D. 1909. 
 
 NATIONAL CIVIC FEDERATION, 
 The. See (in this vol.) Social Betterment : 
 United States. 
 
 Its notable Conference on Industrial Dis- 
 putes. — Its great Committee for Intermedi- 
 ation and Conciliation. See Labor Organi- 
 zation : United States: A. D. 1902. 
 
 Its Intermediation in Coal Strike. See La- 
 bor Organization: United States: A. D. 
 1902-1903. 
 
 National Conference at Chicago, 1907, on 
 Trusts and Combinations. See Combina- 
 tions, Industrial, &c. : United States: A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 Its work in Promotion of Trades Agree- 
 ments. See Labor Organization : United 
 States : A. D. 1908. 
 
 Its work for Uniformity in State Legisla- 
 tion. See Law and its Courts : United 
 States. 
 
 NATIONAL CONSERVATION AS- 
 SOCIATION. See (in this vol.) Conserva- 
 tion of Natural Resources: United States, 
 
 NATIONAL FARMERS’ UNION. See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization: United 
 States : A. D. 1902-1909. 
 
 NATURAL RESOURCES, The Conser- 
 vation of. See (in this vol.) Conservation of 
 Natural Resources. 
 
 NATURALIZATION : Convention be- 
 
 tween American Republics. — The following 
 Convention was adopted and signed at the Sec- 
 ond Conference of the American Republics, at 
 Rio de Janeiro, 1906. See (in this vol.) Ameri- 
 can Republics. 
 
 “Art. I. If a citizen a native of any of the 
 countries signing the present Convention, and 
 naturalized in another, shall again take up his 
 residence in his native country without the in- 
 tention of returning to the country in which 
 he has been naturalized, he will be considered 
 as having resumed his original citizenship, and 
 as having renounced the citizenship acquired 
 by the said naturalization.” 
 
 “Art. II. The intention not to return will be 
 presumed to exist when the naturalized per- 
 
 son shall have resided in his native country for 
 more than two years. But this presumption 
 may be destroyed by evidence to the contrary.” 
 
 “Art. III. This Convention will become 
 effective in the countries that ratify it three 
 months from the dates upon which said ratifica- 
 tions shall be communicated to the Government 
 of the United States of Brazil ; and if it should 
 be denounced by any one of them, it shall con- 
 tinue in effect for one year more, to count from 
 the date of such denouncement.” 
 
 “Art. IV. The denouncement of this Con- 
 vention by any one of the signatory States shall 
 be made to the Government of the United 
 States of Brazil and shall take effect only with 
 regard to the country that may make it.” 
 
 In the British Empire: Proposed Uniform- 
 ity of Law. See (in this vol.) British Empire: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 In the United States: The Question of 
 Treatment of Expatriated Citizens who 
 visit their Native Country. — The Principle 
 asserted to Germany. — New Law of Ameri- 
 can Citizenship. — Consequent on an increas- 
 ing disposition in Germany to curtail the revis- 
 iting of their native country by Germans who 
 had become naturalized citizens of the United 
 States, the American Ambassador to Berlin dis- 
 cussed the subject with the German Foreign 
 Minister, on the 12th of August, 1902, and re- 
 ported the substance of the conversation to 
 Washington: “Statements were made on the 
 part of the embassy as follows : No sympathy 
 whatever is felt with the person who deliber- 
 ately emigrates and avails himself of the Ameri- 
 can naturalization laws for the mere purpose of 
 escaping military service in Germany, and there 
 is no wish on the part of the American author- 
 ities to enable such persons to make a conven- 
 ience of their American naturalization. The 
 embassy has also consistently declined to inter- 
 vene in behalf of persons whose wish was to 
 make their permanent residence in Germany. It 
 is thought, however, that where German emi- 
 grants have fulfilled the conditions necessary to 
 entitle them to ‘ be treated as American citi- 
 zens ’ they should actually be so treated, and 
 when they have emigrated in good faith they 
 should be permitted to sojourn in Germany, for 
 their business or pleasure, to visit at their former 
 homes, or to enjoy the benefits afforded by Ger- 
 man watering places, etc., in accordance with 
 the terms of the treaty with Prussia of 1828. 
 The sovereign right of Prussia to expel persons 
 whose presence is not considered desirable is 
 not contested, but it is thought that the Ameri- 
 can Government has the right to know why the 
 presence of any American citizen is so consid- 
 ered. 
 
 “ Dr. Von Miihlberg’s attention was called to 
 a number of cases now pending, where natural- 
 ized American citizens have received orders to 
 leave the country after a stay of a few weeks. 
 He said that he would take the matter up per- 
 sonally and would communicate with the Prus- 
 sian minister of the interior in regard to it at 
 once.” 
 
 In reply from the Department of State at 
 Washington, the action of Ambassador White 
 
 443 
 
NATURALIZATION 
 
 NETHERLANDS, 1905-1909 
 
 was approved, and it was said further: “You 
 should lose no suitable opportunity to press and 
 to emphasize the considerations which you ad- 
 vanced iu your interview with Dr. Von Miilil- 
 berg. The essence of the right of expulsion 
 which the German States claim is that it should 
 be reasonably and justly applied in cases obvi- 
 ously calling for so extreme a measure. Expul- 
 sion should not be invoked indiscriminately, so 
 as to operate as a deterrent to the exercise of 
 the rights of expatriation and acquisition of new 
 allegiance granted under the naturalization 
 treaties, or so as to neutralize, by indirection, 
 treatment stipulated thereafter regarding the 
 recognition of the new national character.” — 
 Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the 
 U. 8., 1902, p. 441. 
 
 The doctrine of citizenship stated by Ambas- 
 sador White on this occasion was embodied sub- 
 sequently in a new citizenship law, which came 
 into force on the 2d of March, 1907. The new 
 law was based on a report made by an official 
 commission, one of the members of which has 
 written of it as follows: 
 
 “When a future historian shall write an ac- 
 count of the achievements of this the most re- 
 markable administration of our government since 
 the Civil War, he will give prominent place to 
 the naturalization law of a year ago and the 
 citizenship law which was approved last March 
 and is now becoming effective ; for these two 
 measures are the culmination of a hundred years 
 of effort for reform, and affect the very founda- 
 tion of our political structure. . . . 
 
 “So far as the naturalization law is concerned, 
 the objections to it come chiefly from petty 
 courts throughout the country which are now 
 not permitted to naturalize, and which formerly 
 derived part of their prestige and their fees 
 from naturalization business. Dissatisfaction 
 with the new citizenship law flows from those 
 people who have been living abroad in fancied 
 security of their American citizenship, and who 
 now find themselves obliged to take positive 
 steps to preserve a status which they have 
 heretofore supposed attached to them indefi- 
 nitely, without the performance of any obliga- 
 tions on their part. Both of these laws originated 
 in the House of Representatives, but each re- 
 sulted from a report made by executive officers, 
 and the Senate can claim little agency in them. 
 The citizenship law was based upon a report 
 made to Secretary Root by a board of officers 
 of his Department, the members being James 
 Brown Scott, the Solicitor for the Department 
 of State, David Jayne Hill, our Minister at The 
 Hague, and the writer of this article, with 
 Samuel B. Crandall, Ph. D. , of the Department 
 as Secretary. . . . From this report sprang a 
 bill, introduced in the House by the Hon. James 
 Breck Perkins of New York, which became a 
 law on March 2nd. 
 
 “The law does not change or even modify 
 the American doctrine of citizenship. That was 
 already settled by the Constitution and the de- 
 cisions of the Supreme Court. Anybody born 
 in the United States, no matter what his race, 
 unless he is an Indian living with a tribe, or 
 however ineligible to our citizenship- lie may be 
 for any other reason, is a citizen of the United 
 States. . . . 
 
 “Broadly speaking, an individual becomes a 
 citizen of the United States by birtli or natural- 
 
 ization, and these facts have been well settled ; 
 but how does he lose American citizenship ? 
 This was the question to which the citizenship 
 board chiefly addressed itself, and which Con- 
 gress settled a few months ago by declaring that 
 an American shall be held to have expatriated 
 himself when he becomes naturalized as a citi- 
 zen of another country, or when he takes an 
 oath of allegiance to another state, or when he 
 lives permanently outside of the United States 
 without intent to return. . . . 
 
 “We have had a constantly increasing num- 
 ber of so-called American citizens living abroad 
 — men who have lived in the United States for 
 only five years and in many cases have fraudu- 
 lently secured naturalization papers after less- 
 than five years of residence ; who never were 
 really domiciled there ; who never have per- 
 formed any of the duties of American citizen- 
 ship and who never intended to do so. . . . 
 Until the new naturalization law went into 
 effect, it was not actually against the letter of 
 the law for a man to commit this fraud ; for, 
 when he applied for citizenship, he was required 
 merely to show that he had resided in the 
 United States for five years, and no inquiry was 
 made concerning his future intentions.” — Gail- 
 lard Hunt, The New Citizenship Law ( North 
 American Review, July. 1907). 
 
 NAVAL CONFERENCE, International, 
 at London, 1908-09. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against: A. D. 1907 (appended 
 to account of Second Peace Conference at The 
 Hague). 
 
 NAVIES. See War, The Preparations 
 for: Naval. 
 
 NAVIGATION LAWS : Proposed British 
 Imperial Policy. See (in this vol.) British 
 Empire : A. D. 1907. 
 
 NEERGAARD, M. : Premier of Denmark. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Denmark : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 NEGRO PROBLEMS, in the United 
 States. See (in this vol.) Race Prorlems: 
 United States. 
 
 NELIDOW, M.: President of the Second 
 Peace Conference. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1870-1905.— 
 Increase of Population compared with other 
 European Countries. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe : A. D. 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1902.' — Offer of mediation between 
 Great Britain and the Boers. See South 
 Africa : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Laws against Railway 
 Strikes. — Failure of General Labor Strike 
 to prevent their Enactment. See Labor Or- 
 ganization : Netherlands : A. D. 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Agreement for Settlement of 
 Claims against Venezuela. See Venezuela: 
 A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Military operations against 
 the Atchinese. — A Dutch military expedition 
 against the long-insurgent natives of the old 
 Sultanate of Atchin, in Sumatra, which was said 
 to have carried death to a thousand women and 
 children, gave rise to stormy scenes iu the Neth- 
 erlands when its session was opened in Septem- 
 ber. The excuse of the Government was that 
 the warriors used the women and children as 
 shields. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — Defeat and Fall of 
 the Calvinistic Party of the Rev. Dr. Kuy- 
 
 444 
 
NETHERLANDS, 1905-190!) 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND, 1902-1905 
 
 per. — The Suffrage and Education Ques- 
 tions. — The six principal Parties. — Suc- 
 cess of the groups of “the Right” in the 
 latest Elections. — Elections to the lower 
 chamber of the States-General, held in June, 
 overthrew the Conservative majority in that 
 body and gave the Liberals a small majority of 
 4 . An important issue between parties had 
 been on the question of universal suffrage, but 
 the support given to its advocates was not 
 strong enough to justify immediate attempts 
 on their part to carry any measure of law. A 
 royal Commission was appointed, however, to 
 investigate and report generally on the need or 
 expediency of a revision of the Constitution. 
 The defeated Ministry of Dr. Abraham Kuyper 
 represented an ultra-Calvinistic Church element 
 in politics, and its defeat appears to have been 
 due in the main to educational laws which it 
 had carried through. According to the Dutch 
 review, De Gids, from which the following has 
 been translated, the aim of the new laws and 
 the objection to them were much the same as in 
 the English controversy over the Education Act 
 of 1902, when church and clerical influences car- 
 ried the day against the supporters of secular 
 schools. “These educational laws,” said De 
 Gids, “were unanimously supported by, if they 
 did not wholly originate with, the clericals, or 
 the Anti-Revolutionary party, as they call them- 
 selves, of which Dr. Kuyper is the astute and 
 able leader and head. They had the undivided 
 support also of the Catholics, but were strenu- 
 ously opposed by the Liberals and all the anti- 
 clericals, including the Social Democrats. The 
 Anti-Revolutionists and Catholics on the one 
 hand, and the Liberals and their allies on the 
 other, form, respectively, the Right and Left in 
 the Chambers.” 
 
 Since 1905 there seems to have been little if 
 any change in the Dutch parties. On the ap- 
 proach of the quadrennial general elections of 
 June, 1909, a correspondent of the London 
 Times wrote of “ the complex grouping” of the 
 political parties contending in them: “There 
 are six which may fairly claim to be important. 
 The largest is probably the Catholic. It is esti- 
 mated that a third of the population is Catholic 
 by religion, and of the Catholics a very large 
 proportion belong to the Catholic political party, 
 and vote consistently in accordance with the 
 commands of its leaders. Next to the Catholics 
 come the strict Calvinists, who have been or- 
 ganized by Dr. Kuyper into a compact and 
 most formidable party, generally called the 
 Anti-Revolutionnaire party. It finds its chief 
 supporters among the rural population and the 
 petite bourgeoisie, and owes its name to the 
 doctrine, sedulously preached by Dr. Kuyper, 
 that the Radical and Liberal parties are foment- 
 ing an anti-religious revolution, and that it is 
 therefore necessary to choose between Christian- 
 ity and Heathenism. This doctrine is generally 
 known as ‘the antithesis,’ and, though its in- 
 fluence has waned somewhat in the towns, it 
 still has considerable influence in the country. 
 Closely allied to the Anti-Revolutionnaire party 
 is the Christlijk Historisch party, which is more 
 aristocratic, but less energetic, with many prin- 
 ciples but no very definite programme. It not 
 infrequently speaks against the Calvinist party, 
 but as a rule joins it when it comes to voting. 
 
 “These three parties, Catholic, Anti-Revolu- 
 
 tionnaire, and Christlijk Historisch, form the 
 Right. The Left is composed of the Old and 
 United Liberals, the Radicals or Vrijzinnige 
 Democraten, and the Socialists, representing all 
 shades of opinion from what in England might 
 be called Whiggism to extreme Socialism. The 
 questions which really divide these parties, as 
 distinguished from the party cries on which the 
 election is being fought, are Clericalism and So- 
 cialism, and a very large proportion of the elec- 
 tors are not quite sure which enemy they most 
 fear. There is no doubt that the Anti-Revolu- 
 tionnaire party and the Catholics represent two 
 forms of Clericalism, while the Socialists are 
 openly Collectivists. The other parties, with 
 the exception of the Vrijzinnige Democraten, 
 can be better described as opposed to the two 
 extremes than as presenting any clearly marked 
 characteristics of their own.” 
 
 The first balloting of this election took place 
 on the 11th of June and the second on the 23d. 
 The Anti-Revolutionnaires came out of it with 
 23, the Catholics with 25, the Christlijk His- 
 torisclis with 12, making GO for the groups of 
 “ the Right ” ; against a total of 40 in the groups 
 of “ the Left.” Of this minority only 7 were in 
 the ranks of the Social Democrats. Dr. Kuyper 
 was among the defeated candidates. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — At the Algeciras Confer- 
 ence on the Morocco Question. See (in this 
 vol.) Europe : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — The Second Peace Confer- 
 ence at The Hague convoked by the Queen. 
 See War, The Revolt against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty with Den- 
 mark, England, France, Germany, and Swe- 
 den, for maintenance of the Status Quo 
 on the North Sea. See Europe : A. D. 1907- 
 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Trouble with Castro of 
 Venezuela. See Venezuela : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 NEW BRUNSWICK : A. D. 1901 - 1902 .— 
 Census. — Reduced representation in Par- 
 liament. See (in this vol.) Canada : A. D. 
 1901-1902. 
 
 NEWCOMB, Professor Simon. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Science and Invention : Carnegie 
 Institution, and Aeronautics. 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND : A. D. 1902 . — Brit- 
 ish Colonial Conference at London. See (in 
 this vol.) British Empire. 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1905 . — Negotiation and Sen- 
 atorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond Re- 
 ciprocity Treaty with the United States. — 
 In November, 1902, a Treaty of Reciprocity 
 which would have settled the long-standing 
 disputes over American rights of fishing on the 
 Newfoundland coast, on terms of most equi- 
 table advantage to both countries, and espe- 
 cially favorable to the interests of the general 
 public in the United States, was concluded and 
 signed at Washington by Secretary Hay and the 
 British Ambassador, Sir Michael Herbert. The 
 Premier of Newfoundland, Sir Robert Bond, 
 had taken a principal part in the negotiation, 
 and the resulting document was known conse- 
 quently as the Hay-Bond Treaty. It secured to 
 the New England fishermen the coveted priv- 
 ilege of buying bait and other supplies and 
 hiring crews in Newfoundland ports; and it 
 admitted the greater part of American manufac- 
 tures into the island duty free. On the other 
 hand, it opened the markets of the United States 
 
 445 
 
NEWFOUNDLAND, 1905-1909 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND, 1905-1909 
 
 to the fish and fish products, the coal, oil, and 
 ores of Newfoundland, for the benefit of the 
 consumers of the country. The treaty was 
 hailed with satisfaction by the general public of 
 the United States, but opposed by a few inter- 
 ests whose gains might be lessened if any 
 breach in their monopoly of the sale of salted 
 fish and coal and oil should be permitted. The 
 majority which has seldom failed of late to be 
 retainable in the United States Senate for the 
 service of such private interests, against the 
 public good, was promptly organized by Sen- 
 ator Lodge, first for pocketing the Treaty 
 throughout more than two years, and finally for 
 amending it to death, in February, 1905. The 
 provisions that made it advantageous to New- 
 foundland were cut out, and it was reduced to 
 a state which made it insulting as an offer of 
 reciprocity. It suffered the fate which, in late 
 years, is quite certain to befall any project of 
 real statesmanship that has to go through the 
 hands of the United States Senate. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Convention between Eng- 
 land and France touching Fishery Rights. 
 See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — Renewed Disputes over 
 American Fishing Rights on the Treaty 
 Coast. — Arrangement of a Modus Vivendi. — 
 Agreement on Questions to be submitted to 
 a Tribunal of Arbitration at The Hague. — 
 Constitution of the Tribunal. — The endless 
 friction that has attended the exercise of treaty- 
 rights by American fishermen in the Newfound- 
 land fisheries was freshly roughened in the fall 
 of 1905, by a new enactment of the provincial 
 legislature, to prevent the sale of bait or outfits 
 and supplies of any nature to foreign fishermen, 
 and by orders from the Minister of Marine and 
 Fisheries forbidding vessels of American registry 
 to fish on the Treaty Coast. This reopened de- 
 bate between the State Department at Washing- 
 ton and the Foreign Office at London, over the 
 intentions and meanings of that first article in 
 the Treaty of 1818 which has been a source of 
 incessant dispute for ninety-one years. The 
 following is the language of the article : 
 
 “Article I. Whereas differences have 
 arisen respecting the liberty claimed by the 
 United States, for the inhabitants thereof, to take, 
 dry, and cure fish, on certain coasts, bays, har- 
 bours, and creeks of His Britannick Majesty’s 
 Dominions in America, it is agreed between the 
 High Contracting Parties that the inhabitants 
 of the said United States shall have, for ever, 
 in common with the subjects of His Britannick 
 Majesty, the liberty to take fish of every kind, 
 on that part of the southern coast of Newfound- 
 land, which extends from Cape Ray to the Ra- 
 meau Islands, on the western and northern coast 
 of Newfoundland, from the said Cape Ray to the 
 Quirpon Islands, on the shores of the Magdalen 
 Islands, and also on the coasts, bays, harbours, 
 and creeks, from Mount Joly, on the southern 
 coast of Labrador, to and through the Streights 
 of Belleisle, and thence northwardly indefinitely 
 along the coast, without prejudice, however, to 
 any of the exclusive rights of the Hudson’s Bay 
 Company. And that the American fishermen 
 shall also have liberty, for ever, to dry and cure 
 fish in any of the unsettled bays, harbours, and 
 creeks of the southern part of the coast of New- 
 foundland, here above described, and of the 
 coast of Labrador; but so soon as the same, or 
 
 any portion thereof, shall be settled, it shall not 
 be lawful for the saicf fishermen to dry or cure 
 fish at such portion so settled, without previous 
 agreement for such purpose, with the inhabit- 
 ants, proprietors, or possessors of the ground. 
 And the United States hereby renounced, for 
 ever, any liberty heretofore enjoyed or claimed 
 by the inhabitants thereof, to take, dry, or cure 
 fish on or within three marine miles of any of 
 the coasts, bays, creeks, or harbours of His 
 Britannick Majesty’s Dominions in America, 
 not included within the above-mentioned limits : 
 provided, however, that the American fisher- 
 men shall be admitted to enter such bays or 
 harbours, for the purpose of shelter, and of re- 
 pairing damages therein, of purchasing wood, 
 and of obtaining water, and for no other purpose 
 whatever. But they shall be under such restric- 
 tions as may he necessary to prevent their tak- 
 ing, drying, or curing fish therein, or in any 
 other manner whatever abusing the privileges 
 hereby reserved to them.” 
 
 With reference to the present obstruction to 
 American fishing in Newfoundland waters, the 
 contention of Secretary Root was set forth in the 
 following propositions: 
 
 “1. Any American vessel is entitled to go 
 into the waters of the Treaty Coast and take 
 fish of any kind. 
 
 “She derives this right from the Treaty (or 
 from the conditions existing prior to the Treaty 
 and recognized by it) and not from any permis- 
 sion or authority proceeding from the Govern- 
 ment of Newfoundland. 
 
 “ 2. An American vessel seeking to exercise 
 the Treaty right is not bound to obtain a licence 
 from the Government of Newfoundland, and, if 
 she does not purpose to trade as well as fish, 
 she is not bound to enter at any Newfoundland 
 custom-house. 
 
 “3. The only concern of the Government of 
 Newfoundland with such a vessel is to call for 
 proper evidence that she is an American vessel, 
 and, therefore, entitled to exercise the Treaty 
 right, and to have her refrain from violating any 
 laws of Newfoundland not inconsistent with the 
 Treaty. 
 
 “4. The proper evidence that a vessel is an 
 American vessel and entitled to exercise the 
 Treaty right is the production of the ship’s 
 papers of the kind generally recognized in the 
 maritime world as evidence of a vessel’s national 
 character. 
 
 “5. When a vessel has produced papers show- 
 ing that she is an American vessel, the officials of 
 Newfoundland have no concern with the char- 
 acter or extent of the privileges accorded to such 
 a vessel by the Goverment of the United States. 
 No question as between a registry and licence is 
 a proper subject for their consideration. They 
 are not charged with enforcing any laws or regu- 
 lations of the United States. As to them, if the 
 vessel is American she has the Treaty right, and 
 they are not at liberty to deny it. 
 
 “6. If any such matter were a proper subject 
 for the consideration of the officials of New 
 foundland, the statement of this Department 
 that vessels hearing an American registry are 
 entitled to exercise the Treaty right should be 
 taken by such officials as conclusive.” 
 
 On the British side, Sir Edward Grey raised 
 two principal objections to these propositions of 
 Mr. Root: First — that “the privilege of fishing 
 
 446 
 
NEWFOUNDLAND, 1905-1909 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND, 1905-1909 
 
 conceded by Article I of the Convention of 1818 
 is conceded, not to American vessels, but to in- 
 habitants of the United States and to American 
 fishermen;” second, that “inhabitants of the 
 United States would not now be entitled to fish 
 in British North American waters but for the 
 fact that they were entitled to do so when they 
 were British subjects. American fishermen 
 cannot therefore rightly claim to exercise their 
 right of fishery under the Convention of 1818 on 
 a footing of greater freedom than if they had 
 never ceased to be British subjects. Nor con- 
 sistently witli the terms of the Convention can 
 they claim to exercise it on a footing of greater 
 freedom than the British subjects ‘ in common 
 with’ whom they exercise it under the Conven- 
 tion. In other words, the American fishery 
 under the Convention is not a free but a regu- 
 lated fishery, and, in the opinion of His Majesty’s 
 Government, American fishermen are bound to 
 comply with all Colonial Laws and Regulations, 
 including any touching the conduct of the fish- 
 ery, so long as these are not in their nature un- 
 reasonable, and are applicable to all fishermen 
 alike.” 
 
 To the first of these objections Mr. Root re- 
 plied ; “We may agree that ships, strictly speak- 
 ing, can have no rights or duties, and that 
 whenever the Memorandum, or the letter upon 
 which it comments, speaks of a ship’s rights and 
 duties, it but uses a convenient and customary 
 form of describing the owner’s or master’s right 
 and duties in respect of the ship. . . . The lib- 
 erty assured to us by the Treaty plainly includes 
 the right to use all the means customary or ap- 
 propriate for fishing upon the sea, not only ships 
 and nets and boats, but crews to handle the 
 ships and the nets and the boats. ... I am not 
 able to discover that any suggestion has ever 
 been made of a right to scrutinize the nationality 
 of the crews.” As for the second objection, the 
 American Secretary appealed to history against 
 it. “The qualification,” he said, “that the lib- 
 erty assured to American fishermen by the 
 Treaty of 1818 they were to have ‘ in common 
 with the subjects of Great Britain ’ merely nega- 
 tives an exclusive right. Under the Treaties of 
 Utrecht, of 1763 and 1783, between Great Brit- 
 ain and France, the French had constantly main- 
 tained that they enjoyed an exclusive right of 
 fishery on that portion of the coast of New- 
 foundland between Cape St. John and Cape 
 Raye, passing around by the north of the island. 
 The British, on the other hand, had maintained 
 that British subjects had a right to fish along 
 with the French, so long as they did not inter- 
 rupt them. The dissension arising from these 
 conflicting views had been serious and annoying, 
 and the provision that the liberty of the inhab- 
 itants of the United States to take fish should 
 be in common with the liberty of the subjects 
 of His Britannic Majesty to take fish was pre- 
 cisely appropriate to exclude the French con- 
 struction and leave no doubt that the British 
 construction of such a general grant should 
 apply under the new Treaty. The words used 
 have no greater or other effect. The provision 
 is that the liberty to take fish shall be held in 
 common, not that the exercise of that liberty by 
 one people shall be the limit of the exercise of 
 that liberty by the other.” 
 
 As between these chief disputants in the mat- 
 ter, the first result of their exchange of argu- 
 
 ments was a ready disposition to arrange some 
 modus vivendi, under which peace might be kept 
 on the fishing grounds until fresh undertakings 
 could be planned for a lasting interpretation of 
 the old enigmas in Article 1 of 1818. But the 
 provincial Government of Newfoundland re- 
 sented bitterly the imperial interference with its 
 measures, charging that it was in violation of 
 a pledge “ given by the late Lord Salisbury in 
 the House of Lords in 1891, to the effect that 
 the colony had been given unlimited power with 
 respect to its internal affairs.” They were 
 promptly told, however, that what concerned 
 action under a British treaty went considerably 
 beyond the internal affairs of their colony. 
 
 Considerable correspondence on the terms of 
 the proposed modus vivendi brought an agree- 
 ment on the 6th of October, 1906, set forth in 
 the following communication from Ambassador 
 Whitelaw Reid to Sir Edward Grey. 
 
 “I am authorized by my government to ratify 
 a modus vivendi in regard to the Newfoundland 
 fishery question on the basis of the Foreign 
 Office Memorandum, dated the 25th ultimo, in 
 which you accept the arrangement set out in 
 my Memorandum of the 12th ultimo, and con- 
 sent accordingly to the use of purse seines by 
 American fishermen during the ensuing season, 
 subject, of course, to due regard being paid in 
 the use of such implements to other modes of 
 fishery, which, as you state, is only intended to 
 secure that there shall be the same spirit of give 
 and take and of respect for common rights be- 
 tween the users of purse seines and the users of 
 stationary nets as would be expected to exist if 
 both sets of fishermen employed the same gear. 
 
 ‘ ‘ My Government understand by this that the 
 use of purse seines by American fishermen is 
 not to be interfered with, and the shipment of 
 Newfoundlanders by American fishermen out- 
 side the 3-mile limit is not to be made the basis 
 of interference or to be penalized; at the same 
 time they are glad to assure His Majesty’s Gov- 
 ernment, should such shipments be found neces- 
 sary, that they will be made far enough from 
 the exact 3-mile limit to avoid any reasonable 
 doubt. 
 
 “ On the other hand, it is also understood that 
 our fishermen are to be advised by my Govern- 
 ment, and to agree, not to fish on Sunday. 
 
 “ It is further understood that His Majesty’s 
 Government will not bring into force the New- 
 foundland Foreign Fishing-Vessels Act of 1906, 
 which imposes on American fishing-vessels cer- 
 tain restrictions in addition to those imposed by 
 the Act of 1905, and also that the provisions of 
 the first part of section 1 of the Act of 1905, as 
 to boarding and bringing into port, and also the 
 whole of section 3 of the same Act, will not be 
 regarded as applying to American fishing-ves- 
 sels. 
 
 “ It also being understood that our fishermen 
 will gladly pay light dues if they are not de- 
 prived of their rights to fish, and that our fisher- 
 men are not unwilling to comply with the pro- 
 visions of the Colonial Customs Law as to 
 reporting at a custom-house when physically 
 possible to do so.” 
 
 To explain the stipulation relative to “ purse 
 seines ” it should be said that the New England 
 fishermen claimed to be driven to the use of 
 them, by the local regulations which hampered 
 their fishing otherwise. 
 
 447 
 
NEWFOUNDLAND, 1905-1909 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND, 1905-1909 
 
 As formulated in the note of Ambassador Reid 
 the modus viveudi was accepted by the British 
 Government and went into effect. In due time 
 thereafter the two Governments entered upon a 
 discussion of ways and means for accomplishing 
 a definite and final settlement of the whole ques- 
 tion of American rights in the Newfoundland 
 fisheries. The outcome was an agreement signed 
 at Washington on the 27tli of January, 1909, to 
 the effect that the following questions shall be 
 submitted for decision to a Tribunal of Arbi- 
 tration, constituted as subsequent articles pro- 
 vide: — 
 
 “Question 1. — To wliat extent are the fol- 
 lowing contentions or either of them justified ? 
 
 “ It is contended on the part of Great Britain 
 that the exercise of the liberty to take fish re- 
 ferred to in the said Article, which the inhab- 
 itants of the United States have for ever in 
 common with the subjects of his Britannic Ma- 
 jesty, is subject, without the consent of the 
 United States, to reasonable regulation by Great 
 Britain, Canada, or Newfoundland in the form 
 of municipal laws, ordinances, or rules, as, for 
 example, to regulations in respect of (1) the 
 hours, days, or seasons when fish may be taken 
 on the Treaty coasts; (2) the method, means, 
 and implements to be used in the taking of fish 
 or in the carrying on of fishing operations on 
 such coasts; (3) any other matters of a similar 
 character relating to fishing ; such regulations 
 being reasonable, as being, for instance — 
 
 “ (a) Appropriate or necessary for the protec- 
 tion and preservation of such fisheries and the 
 exercise of the rights of British subjects therein 
 and of the liberty which by the said Article 1 
 the inhabitants of the United States have therein 
 in common with British subjects ; 
 
 “ ( b ) Desirable on grounds of public order and 
 morals ; 
 
 “ (c) Equitable and fair as between local fish- 
 ermen and the inhabitants of the United States 
 exercising the said Treaty liberty and not so 
 framed as to give unfairly an advantage to the 
 former over the latter class. 
 
 “It is contended on the part of the United 
 States that the exercise of such liberty is not 
 subject to limitations or restraints by Great Brit- 
 ain, Canada, or Newfoundland in the form of 
 municipal laws, ordinances, or regulations in re- 
 spect of (1) the hours, days, or seasons when the 
 inhabitants of the United States may take fish 
 on the Treaty coasts, or (2) the method, means, 
 and implements used by them in taking fish or 
 in carrying on fishing operations on such coasts, 
 or (3) any other limitations or restraints of simi- 
 lar character — 
 
 “ (a) Unless they are appropriate and neces- 
 sary for the protection and preservation of the 
 common rights in such fisheries and the exercise 
 thereof ; and 
 
 “(b) Unless they are reasonable in themselves 
 and fair as between local fishermen and fisher- 
 men coming from the United States, and not so 
 framed as to give an advantage to the former 
 over the latter class ; and 
 
 “ ( c ) Unless their appropriateness, necessity, 
 reasonableness, and fairness be determined by 
 the United States and Great Britain by common 
 accord and the United States concurs in their 
 enforcement. 
 
 “Question 2. — Have the inhabitants of the 
 United States, while exercising the liberties re- 
 
 4 
 
 ferred to in said Article, a right to employ as 
 members of the fishing crews of their vessels 
 persons not inhabitants of the United States ? 
 
 “Question 3. — Can the exercise by the in- 
 habitants of the United States of the liberties 
 referred to in the said Article be subjected, 
 without the consent of the United States, to the 
 requirements of entry or report at custom- 
 houses or the payment of light or harbour or 
 other dues, or to any other similar requirement 
 or condition or exaction ? 
 
 “Question 4. — Under the provision of the 
 said Article that the American fishermen shall 
 be admitted to enter certain bays or harbours for 
 shelter, repairs, wood, or water, and for no other 
 purpose whatever, but that they shall be under 
 such restrictions as may be necessary to prevent 
 their taking, drying, or curing fish therein or in 
 any other manner whatever abusing the privi- 
 leges thereby reserved to them, is it permissible 
 to impose restrictions making the exercise of 
 such privileges conditional upon the payment 
 of light or harbour or other dues, or entering or 
 reporting at custom-houses or any similar con- 
 ditions ? 
 
 “Question 5. — From where must be mea- 
 sured the ‘ 3 marine miles of any of the coasts, 
 bays, creeks or harbours’ referred to in the said 
 Article ? 
 
 “Question 6. — Have the inhabitants of the 
 United States the liberty under the said Article 
 or otherwise to take fish in the bays, harbours, 
 and creeks on that part of the southern coast of 
 Newfoundland which extends from Cape Ray to 
 Rameau Islands, or on the western and northern 
 coasts of Newfoundland from Cape Ray toQuir- 
 pon Islands, or on the Magdalen Islands ? 
 
 “Question 7. — Are the inhabitants of the 
 United States whose vessels resort to the Treaty 
 coasts for the purpose of exercising the liberties 
 referred to in Article 1 of the Treaty of 1818 
 entitled to have for those vessels, when duly 
 authorized by the United States in that behalf, 
 the commercial privileges on the Treaty coasts 
 accorded by agreement or otherwise to United 
 States trading vessels generally ? ” 
 
 Of the remaining articles of the Agreement, 
 IV. and V. provide for the determination of fu- 
 ture questions that may arise, and for the com- 
 position of the Tribunal of Arbitration, which is 
 to be chosen from the members of the Perma- 
 nent Court at The Hague. 
 
 The agreement above was formulated at a con- 
 ference in Washington between Secretary Root, 
 Ambassador Bryce, Hon. A. B. Aylesworth, 
 Canadian Minister of Justice, and Attorney-Gen- 
 eral Kent of Newfoundland. In March the fol- 
 lowing were chosen from the general member- 
 ship of the Permanent Court at The Hague to 
 constitute the Tribunal for this arbitration, 
 namely : Dr. Luis Maria Drago, Argentina; 
 Jonkheer de Savornin Lolnnan, Netherlands ; 
 Judge George Gray, United States ; and Sir 
 Charles Fitzpatrick, Chief Justice of Canada, 
 with Dr. H. Lammaseli, of Vienna, to be um- 
 pire on points of disagreement. 
 
 The case for the United States was delivered 
 to the British Embassy at Washington, and that 
 for Great Britain to the American Embassy at 
 London, on the 4th of October. A little later it 
 was announced that the modus vivendi of 1908 
 had been renewed until the termination of the 
 arbitration proceedings. 
 
 :8 
 
NEWFOUNDLAND, 1908-1909 
 
 NEWFOUNDLAND, 1909 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Imperial Conference at Lon- 
 don. See (in this vol.) British Empire : A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (November-May). — Six 
 Months of Political Deadlock. — From No- 
 vember, 1908, until the following May an ex- 
 traordinary deadlock resulted from a tie 
 between rival parties in the House of Assembly. 
 The situation, as described by a correspondent 
 of the London Times, was as follows: “ Each 
 side has 18 seats. Neither, therefore, can elect 
 a Speaker, much less undertake the control of 
 public business, when Parliament meets. Sir 
 Robert Bond, who carried 32 seats against 4 in 
 1900 and 30 seats against 6 in 1904, returns 
 with only half the House — 18 men. In the 
 former contests Sir Edward Morris, who now 
 leads the Opposition against him, had been a 
 member of his Cabinet and bis ‘ right-hand 
 man,’ and the November results prove that 
 Morris’s withdrawal was a serious injury to 
 Bond. Morris went out a year or so previously 
 owing to a disagreement as to raising the rate 
 of wages on public works, and, being the lead- 
 ing Roman Catholic politician of the Island, 
 had 14 seats, of that creed, as a solid block in 
 Bond’s party during all this period. It was 
 therefore felt, when he resigned, that this 
 ‘ solid 14 ’ would be broken, and this conclusion 
 proved correct, because Morris carried half of 
 them in spite of the open and avowed hostility 
 of many of the priests in the diocese of St. 
 Johns.” 
 
 Sir Robert Bond retained the Prime Ministry 
 until the end of February, 1909, when, having 
 failed to obtain a dissolution of Parliament and 
 a new election from the Governor, Sir William 
 Macgregor, he resigned. Sir Edward Morris 
 then took office, and the continued deadlock 
 made it necessary, in a few weeks, to command 
 a dissolution and call a new election, which was 
 held on the 8th of May. It broke the tie of 
 parties effectually, Sir Edward Morris carrying 
 26 seats, against 10 filled by the partisans of Sir 
 Robert Bond. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — A Year of Misfortune and 
 Depression. — Scant earnings from the 
 Fisheries and from Whaling. — Attitude of 
 the people toward Confederation with Can- 
 ada. — “The Fisheries represent fully eighty 
 per cent, of the exports, and in order to under- 
 stand the financial stringency which has now 
 fairly settled down upon ‘ Our Cousin to the 
 East ’ it must be borne in mind that while the 
 catch of fish remains about the same from year 
 to year, the price has been steadily increasing 
 for the past ten years, until last year it was 
 double what it was a decade ago. But this year 
 the price has suddenly fallen to what it was at 
 the beginning of the decade. In other words, 
 the value of last season’s catch will be just 
 about half what it was the season before; and, 
 instead of the merchants receiving §7,800,000 
 for their fish, they will receive considerably 
 less than $4,000,000 ; and the individual fisher- 
 man who at the former price was barely able to 
 earn $350 will receive this year probably less 
 than $175, on which to support himself and 
 family for the year, and to provide himself 
 with an outfit for the next season’s work. Many 
 of course will not receive that much. . . . Al- 
 though other industries are springing up in 
 Newfoundland, the codfishery remains the great 
 
 staple and dependence of the population — the 
 vast majority of which are fishermen, born and 
 bred, who do not readily adapt themselves to 
 other methods of earning a living. The present 
 depression is widespread and far-reaching, and 
 every form of industry and trade, business and 
 commerce in the Colony is suffering seriously 
 thereby. The latest ill report comes from Bay 
 of Islands, to the effect that the winter herring 
 fishery on the west coast — the scene of the 
 present controversy with the United States — is 
 a failure. Last spring’s seal fishery was not up 
 to the average, and owing to many accidents to 
 the fleet, necessitating heavy outlay for repairs, 
 the promoters have realized much less than 
 they otherwise would have secured. The whale 
 fishery, also, which a few years ago had as- 
 sumed enormous proportions, and was yielding 
 handsome returns, has now almost reached the 
 vanishing point. To complete the sum of the 
 Colony’s misfortunes comes the partial sus- 
 pension of [iron] mining operations at Bell 
 Island, during the winter months, at the very 
 time when the men need employment most, 
 and when, as a result of the lack of it, they 
 will probably emigrate to other countries. 
 
 “ This combination of misfortune is not only 
 causing distress among all classes of citizens, 
 but the government will also keenly feel the loss 
 of revenue; for a conservative estimate of the 
 reduction in the customs revenue for the cur- 
 rent fiscal year puts the figures at $450,000; in 
 other words, that the revenue will not exceed 
 $ 2 , 000 , 000 . 
 
 “The great drawback in Newfoundland insti- 
 tutions is the disproportion between the big 
 machinery of government and the small popu- 
 lation to be governed. A local politician has 
 aptly described it as ‘ the trappings of an ele- 
 phant on the back of a rat.’ ” — Edwin Smith, 
 The Land of Baccalhos ( Canadian Magazine, 
 July, 1909). 
 
 Another writer in the same number of The 
 Canadian Magazine discusses the opposition in 
 Newfoundland to union with the Dominion of 
 Canada as follows: “The political leader who 
 should to-day appeal to the Newfoundland 
 electorate on the question of Confederation 
 would be disastrously defeated. But on the day 
 when the leader of a party in the Island Colony 
 makes up his mind to risk temporary defeat for 
 the purpose of accomplishing Confederation, 
 that day brings union between Newfoundland 
 and Canada within the horizon of the proximate 
 future. That leader must — unless the finan- 
 cial exigencies of the Island bring him extrane- 
 ous aid — face an arduous campaign of educa- 
 tion, but it will be a campaign crowned with 
 victory. 
 
 “ These are the impressions left on my mind 
 by a visit to St. John’s made with the object of 
 studying the political deadlock and the causes 
 which led up to it. . . . The residents of the 
 outports — all settlements except St. John’s are 
 known as outports — are opposed to Confedera- 
 tion because they have been told that it would 
 mean a heavy increase in their taxes ; that their 
 windows, all their domestic animals and all 
 their personal property would be taxed. If 
 this wrong impression were dispelled by a cam- 
 paign of education, and they understood that 
 instead of higher taxation Confederation would 
 mean the opening up of the country, bonuses 
 
NEWFOUNDLAND, 1909 
 
 NEW YORK CITY, 1900-1903 
 
 for the fishermen, and new markets for the fish 
 in Canada and abroad through the services of 
 Canadian Commercial agents, instead of oppo- 
 nents of union they would become its advo- 
 cates.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. (July-Aug.). — The Imperial 
 Defence Conference. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Preparations for : Military and Na- 
 val. 
 
 NEW HEBRIDES: Arrangement be- 
 tween England and France. See (in this 
 vol.) Europe : A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 NEW PROTECTION, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Remuneration : The New Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 NEW YORK CENTRAL RAILROAD 
 CO.: Fined for unlawful Rebates. See (in 
 this vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 NEW YORK CITY : A. D. 1897. — Lead- 
 ership in the Administrative Control of Tu- 
 berculosis. See (in this vol.) Public Health: 
 Tuberculosis. 
 
 A. D. 1900-1903. — Beginning of Tenement 
 House Reform. — By a steady process, acceler- 
 ated in the last ten years, the congested tene- 
 ment districts of New York have become one 
 great aggregation of sunless and airless rooms. 
 Immense buildings have gone up by the thou- 
 sands, five, six, and seven stories high, in which 
 practically no provision for ventilation has been 
 made; and in which the occupants are under- 
 going a slow process of asphyxiation. Nor are 
 these disadvantages confined to the submerged 
 proletariat. The New York tenement system is 
 pervasive. . . . Two-thirds of the total popula- 
 tion of New York, or 2,500,000 out of 3,500,000, 
 live in tenement houses, a proportion which is 
 increasing every day. . . . 
 
 “It was not until Governor Roosevelt’s ap- 
 pointment of the De Forest Tenement House 
 Commission in 1900 that the necessary remedial 
 legislation took practical shape. This act itself 
 was the result of many years’ struggle against 
 corrupt politicians, — Tammany Hall, the self- 
 appointed guardian of the poorer classes, has 
 been a bitter enemy of tenement reform, — and 
 against vested interests. Its long delay had 
 greatly exaggerated the problem; for mean- 
 while the conditions described had accumulated 
 in appalling volume. The commission, how- 
 ever, was of high civic character, and was com- 
 posed of men, several of whom had made an 
 exhaustive study of the tenement problem. 
 The law which was passed as a result of their 
 investigation was the first sweeping and effect- 
 ive tenement measure since the enactment in 
 1867 of the first tenement house act. The newly 
 elected Low administration found the enforce- 
 ment of this statute one of its most important 
 responsibilities. The law- created a new branch 
 of municipal service, — the tenement house de- 
 partment; and gave the tenement commission, 
 in the shape of an elaborate code of housing 
 laws, important supervision over the building 
 of new tenements and the maintenance of old.” 
 
 — B. J. Hendrick, A Great Municipal Reform 
 (. Atlantic Monthly , Nov., 1903). 
 
 A. D. 1900-1909. — Subways and Tunnels. 
 
 — It was not until 1900 that the building of 
 subways for city transit in New York was be- 
 gun. The first line, from the City Hall to 
 Kingsbridge and the Bronx Park, was opened 
 
 in 1904. During its construction plans for its 
 extension southerly and under East River into 
 Brooklyn were adopted, and contracts were let. 
 The original work was executed under an 
 arrangement with a company known as the 
 McDonald Syndicate, whereby the City gave its 
 credit to secure the requisite funds and would 
 acquire the ownership of the subway and road 
 at the end of fifty years. In 1902 the interests 
 of the McDonald Syndicate were transferred 
 to a new corporation, the Interborough Rapid 
 Transit Company, which ultimately acquired a 
 general control of the city railway service, and 
 ran a crooked career to results of disaster, so 
 far as the public was concerned. In 1905 the 
 Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners, then 
 exerdising authority in this region of municipal 
 affairs, under the New York State Rapid Transit 
 Act of 1891, approved plans for an extensive 
 additional system, comprehending as many as 
 nineteen routes, with various “spurs,” and the 
 Board of Estimate and Apportionment consented 
 to the execution of the plan. 
 
 The East River Tunnel to Brooklyn was fin- 
 ished early in 1908, and the first two tubes of 
 four Hudson Tunnels, connecting Manhattan 
 Island with New Jersey was opened in the last 
 week of February, the same year. This first 
 pair of the Hudson Tunnels realized a project 
 which had been undertaken as far back as 1878 
 and which had undergone two financial failures, 
 in 1882 and 1892. Iu 1902 its remains and its 
 charter were passed on to a third courageous 
 company, organized by Mr. William Gibbs 
 McAdoo, who became the master-spirit of bold 
 enterprise at New York in this engineering 
 field. In 1903 Mr. McAdoo organized another 
 company for the undertaking of a connection of 
 the Pennsylvania Railroad in Jersey City with 
 downtown New York, and also for connecting 
 the uptown and downtown tunnels by means of 
 a north and south line along the New Jersey 
 water-front, so as to connect the Lackawanna, 
 Erie, and Pennsylvania Railroads with the tun- 
 nel system, and thereby be able to give to their 
 passengers an uptow'n and downtown railway 
 delivery. 
 
 The second pair of Hudson River tubes (the 
 downtown link) forming this New York and 
 Jersey City Tunnel were opened on the 19th of 
 July, 1909. Writing of the event a few days 
 before its occurrence, the New York Evening 
 Post summed up the existing and prospective 
 conditions of entrance to and exit from the is- 
 land of Manhattan by under-river passages as 
 follows: “Since the city entered its rapid 
 
 transit boom and the practicability of sub-river 
 tunnels was demonstrated to the satisfaction of 
 the leading engineers of the world, fourteen such 
 tubes have been under construction here. Four 
 of them are in operation. The downtown link 
 of the Hudson Company’s system will add two 
 more, and the remaining eight are to be opened 
 in the course of the next two years, according 
 to present plans. 
 
 “After the opening of the downtown Hudson 
 tunnels, the travelling public will look forward 
 to the operation of the other eight tubes, as fol- 
 lows : Two Pennsylvania Railroad tunnels be- 
 neath the Hudson River and four under the 
 East River, meeting in Manhattan at the great 
 terminal station now nearing completion, be- 
 tween Thirty-first and Thirty-third Streets, 
 
 450 
 
NEW YORK CITY, 1900-1909 
 
 NEW YORK CITY, 1905 
 
 along Seventh Avenue ; the pair of Steinwhy- 
 Belmont tunnels, deriving their name from the 
 originator of the franchise and the present con- 
 trolling influence, running from Forty-second 
 Street to Long Island City and held practically 
 by the same men who control the operation of 
 the Manhattan-Bronx subway (the Interborough 
 Company). 
 
 “The Pennsylvania tubes under the North 
 (Hudson) River are practically completed, and 
 await only the finishing of the depot, while the 
 East River tubes, though a little behind hand 
 on account of difficulties met in the form of 
 treacherous rock ledges, are within possibly a 
 year of opening. The Stein way -Belmont tun- 
 nels are completed, and will be ready for oper- 
 ation as soon as the company makes a satis- 
 factory arrangement with the Public Service 
 Commission.” 
 
 An official party in a passenger car went 
 through the Pennsylvania Railroad’s tubes be- 
 tween New Jersey and Long Island on the 18th 
 of November. 
 
 Work on a Fourth Avenue Subway in Brook- 
 lyn was begun Nov. 13. 
 
 The Hudson Terminal at Cortlandt and 
 Church Streets is one of the most interesting 
 structures in the world. Below the street is the 
 terminal station, where all the trains “down- 
 town ” arrive and depart. This station is wholly 
 below tide level. It is surrounded by a coffer- 
 dam of reinforced concrete 8 ft. thick, 400 ft. 
 long, and 177 ft. wide, and is sunk 95 ft. deep to 
 solid rock. Forty feet below the street is the 
 track floor. Twenty feet below the street is the 
 great “Concourse,” where all traffic is collected 
 and distributed to the various train platforms 
 underneath. On the Concourse the Pennsylva- 
 nia, the Lehigh Valley, and the Erie Railroads 
 have ticket offices, where tickets to any part 
 of America may be bought. This Concourse, 
 which is about 1£ acres in extent, is one of the 
 show places of New York. Above the street 
 level are two great office buildings, each 22 
 stories in height, and containing approximately 
 27 acres of rentable area. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1903. — Municipal Elections. — 
 Tammany’s Loss and Recovery of the Gov- 
 ernment. — Tammany Hall suffered defeat in 
 the municipal election of 1901, the Hon. Seth 
 Low, formerly a notable Mayor of Brooklyn 
 and latterly President of Columbia University, 
 being carried into the Mayor’s office by a roused 
 movement of reform which fused the elements 
 of opposition to the corrupting Tammany 
 power. Unfortunately the Mayor’s term of of- 
 fice had been shortened to two years by the 
 charter amendment of the previous year, and 
 the term was too brief for much depth and 
 thoroughness of reform ; but the city was 
 greatly cleansed during those two years. When 
 the next election came, in 1903, Tammany had 
 rallied its hungry forces and secured a highly 
 respectable nominee for Mayor, in the person of 
 Hon. George B. McClellan, son of the famous 
 General of the Civil War. Mayor Low, renom- 
 inated by a second Fusion of opponents to 
 Tammany, experienced defeat. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (June). — The Burning of the 
 Steamer Slocum. — A catastrophe of such hor- 
 ror as to be historical attended the burning of 
 the excursion steamer General Slocum , at New 
 York, on the 15th of June, 1904. The boat 
 
 left a New York dock in the morning with a 
 Sunday-school picnic party aboard numbering 
 about eleven hundred, — nearly all women and 
 children. While passing through that part of 
 the East River known as Hell Gate, within the 
 New York City limits, fire was discovered in 
 the forward part of the vessel. It was then 
 flood tide, and the eddies and currents in those 
 waters are very strong. The captain decided 
 that it would be folly to attempt to laud on 
 either shore, or to beach his boat. He therefore 
 headed the Slocum for au island two miles up 
 stream. As the boat went forward at full 
 steam, the fore-and-aft draught thus created 
 fanned the flames and hastened her destruction. 
 On the discovery of the fire by the passengers, 
 the wildest panic ensued. It was found that 
 the life-preservers with which the Slocum was 
 equipped were worthless. No attempt was 
 made to lower boats or life-rafts. The crew 
 were engaged in trying to cope with the fire, 
 but their efforts were futile. Within twenty 
 minutes, the boat went to her doom, and of the 
 women and helpless children who had embarked 
 so gaily an hour before, more than nine hundred 
 were drowned or burned to death. Hundreds 
 were saved by the heroic efforts of policemen, 
 river men, and the nurses on North Brother Is- 
 land, the seat of New York’s hospital for con- 
 tagious diseases, where the Slocum was finally 
 beached. Most of those who met this awful 
 death had come from a single densely populated 
 district of New York’s great “East Side.” In 
 some cases, whole families were wiped out. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Institution of the Bureau of 
 Municipal Research. See (in this vol.) Mu- 
 nicipal Government : New York City. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — The Municipal Election. — 
 Especial excitements were given to the munici- 
 pal election of this year in New York by the ap- 
 pearance in it of William R. Hearst, proprietor 
 of several newspapers in the country which are 
 foremost representatives of the recklessly sensa- 
 tional journalism called “ yellow.” The methods 
 by which these papers won a great circulation 
 include much that can hardly be described other- 
 wise than as demagoguism, and many groups 
 and classes of people who are restlessly discon- 
 tented in life, whether reasonably or otherwise, 
 had learned to look on Mr. Hearst as a champion 
 of human rights. This prepared material from 
 which to organize a personal following that took 
 the character, for a time, of a formidable political 
 organization, incorporated under the name of 
 the Independence League ; and the great wealth 
 which Mr. Hearst had inherited, and which his 
 prosperous newspapers replenished, was spent 
 lavishly in exploiting, supporting, and control- 
 ling the organization. His political ambitions 
 aimed high, and the mayoralty of New York 
 City, for which his Independence League nom- 
 inated him in 1905, was by no means the con- 
 templated end. 
 
 The Tammany Democracy gave its nomination 
 to George B. McClellan, son of the famous Gen- 
 eral, while the Republican party named William 
 M. Ivins, a prominent lawyer of the city. The 
 canvas was a heated one, and as it progressed 
 the League of Mr. Hearst was seen to be dan- 
 gerously large. As a consequence. Republicans 
 who feared its control of the City government 
 even more than they feared that of Tammany, 
 threw their votes for McClellan, giving him a 
 
 451 
 
NEW YORK CITY, 1905 
 
 NEW YORK CITY, 1909 
 
 plurality of about 3500 over Hearst, and leav- 
 ing Mr. Ivins far behind. Frauds were claimed 
 and the election contested by Hearst and his 
 supporters, who secured, by order of a Justice of 
 the Supreme Court of the State, a recounting of 
 the ballots in four election districts, with the re- 
 sult of a gain of seventeen votes for Mr. Hearst. 
 Appeal was then taken to the Appellate Division 
 of the Supreme Court for an order directing not 
 only a recount but a recanvass of votes. Such 
 an order was granted, but set aside by the Court 
 of Appeals, to which the question went then ; 
 the court of last resort reversing, also, the order 
 under which the four boxes had been recounted. 
 The assertion of fraud was still maintained with 
 vehemence, and the legitimacy of Mayor McClel- 
 lan’s title to the office he tilled was denied for 
 more than a year. The Legislature then passed 
 an Act directing a recanvass and recount of the 
 entire ballots of the election, which had been 
 preserved under seal. This was a labor of 
 months, performed under the direction of Judge 
 Lambert, of the Supreme Court. It gave a gain 
 of 1094 votes to Hearst and a gain of 231 to 
 McClellan, leaving a net gain of 863 to Hearst, 
 and diminishing McClellan’s plurality in the total 
 vote to 2791. The validity of his election was 
 thereupon declared. 
 
 A more successful and far more notable inde- 
 pendent candidacy than that of Mr. Hearst, in 
 the New York City election of 1905, was con- 
 ducted for the purpose of retaining Mr. William 
 Travers Jerome in the office of District Attor- 
 ney for the county of New York. He had been 
 carried into the office on a fusion ticket, four 
 years before, and had performed its important 
 duties with a courage, a force, an independence 
 and a rectitude that were beyond praise. The 
 machines of the parties would not nominate 
 him for reflection; but an extraordinary rally 
 of the friends of good government in all parties 
 put him into the field, with an emergency organ- 
 ization that sufficed to carry him triumphantly 
 through. He was elected by a plurality of 
 about 16,000. So striking a proof of the politi- 
 cal popularity which a high quality of public 
 service can win has not often been given. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1909. — The Undertaking of 
 Works for a Water Supply from the Cats- 
 kill Mountains. — In 1905 the City of New 
 York procured authority from the Legislature 
 to construct the works necessary for an adequate 
 supply of water, additional to that which had 
 been drawn for many years from the Croton 
 River for old New York and from the Ridge- 
 wood system for Brooklyn. The source deter- 
 mined on was in the Catskill Mountains, includ- 
 ing several streams, called creeks, — namely 
 Esopus, Rondout, Schoharie, and Catskill, — 
 having a total water shed of 885 square miles, 
 and estimated to furnish about 770 millions of 
 gallons daily, even in dry years. The plan of 
 the project in its entirety contemplates the con- 
 struction of eight great reservoirs for storing 
 and controlling the waters derived from these 
 streams. The first to be built and the largest 
 of such reservoirs is named the Asliokan, on 
 Esopus Creek, about 14 miles west of the Hud- 
 son River at Kingston, near Brown’s station on 
 the Ulster and Delaware Railway. Work on 
 this was begun in 1907. It is being con- 
 structed in the form of two basins, having a 
 united length of about twelve and a half miles, 
 
 lying between hills which are connected by 
 numerous massive dams. The dams necessary 
 to complete the enclosure of the water have a 
 total length of more than five miles. 
 
 In a straight line the distance from the Asho- 
 kan Reservoir to New York is 86 miles; but the 
 windings of the course that will have to be 
 given to the great aqueduct from the reservoir 
 to the city will add six miles to its length. The 
 aqueduct is to pass from the western to the east- 
 ern side of the Hudson at Storm King Mountain, 
 through a tunnel in solid rock, far beneath the 
 river bed. From Breakneck on the western 
 shore it will cross a corner of the Croton water- 
 shed to a filter site, and to two final reservoirs, 
 the Kensico and the Hill View. In connection 
 with both Ashokan and Kensico reservoirs the 
 plan of the system contemplates an aeratiou of 
 the water, by flinging it to the air in thousands 
 of fountain jets. 
 
 In the parts of the great concrete aqueduct 
 that can be built in an open cut its dimensions 
 are seventeen feet of height and seventeen and a 
 half feet of width. Where it traverses tunnels 
 the width is reduced to thirteen feet. Its de- 
 livery of water to New York is calculated to add 
 500,000,000 of gallons daily to the water supply 
 of the city. The undertaking as a whole is 
 claimed to be the greatest that any city has yet 
 engaged in, while the engineering work involved 
 is said to be second only in magnitude to that 
 of the Panama Canal. — Alfred D. Flinn, The 
 World's Greatest Aqueduct ( The Century Maga- 
 zine, Sept., 1909). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April). — Great Peace Con- 
 gress. See (in this vol.) War : The Revolt 
 against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Unearthingof Corruptions in 
 the Custom House. See United States : 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct. -N ov.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — The Wall Street In- 
 vestigation, so-called. — Report on the Oper- 
 ations of the Stock Exchange and other Ex- 
 changes. See Finance and Trade: United 
 States : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Renewed Struggle against 
 Tammany, with Partial but Substantial Suc- 
 cess. — Although Tammany elected its candi- 
 date for Mayor in the municipal election of 1909, 
 its domination was practically overthrown by 
 the defeat of its nominees for all other offices 
 of importance in the City Government. A coal- 
 ition of the Republicans with anti-Tammany 
 Democrats and other organizations had presented 
 a fusion ticket headed by a prominent and 
 much-trusted business man, Mr. Otto T. Ban- 
 nard. William R. Hearst entered the field again, 
 as an independent nominee, and Tammany 
 named Judge William J. Gaynor, who had been 
 one of its opponents, as a Democrat, in the past. 
 Judge Gaynor was elected by a plurality of 
 73,016, the vote cast for mayor being : Gaynor 
 250,678; Bannard 177,662; Hearst 153,843. The 
 City Comptroller, four of the five borough presi- 
 dents, and the President of the Board of Aider- 
 men, were elected by the Fusionists. By the 
 election of Mr. McAneny to be President of the 
 Borough of Manhattan (the old New York City), 
 a very eminent political reformer and one of 
 great force, was brought into the City Govern- 
 ment. As president of the energetic City Club, 
 which became a power in reform politics under 
 his lead, and as secretary of the National Civil 
 
 452 
 
NEW YORK CITY, 1909 
 
 NEW YORK STATE, 1899-1909 
 
 Service Reform League, Mr. McAneny had given 
 abundant proof of his capacity and his earnest- 
 ness in work for good government. 
 
 By controlling twelve of the sixteen votes in 
 the important Board of Estimate, the opponents 
 of Tammany stripped that organization of all 
 power over public “ jobs.” As the fact was ex- 
 pressed exultingly in one of the journals of New 
 York on the day after election, “after January 1 
 Charles F. Murphy and his associates no longer 
 will say who shall have public franchises; they, 
 too, will no longer fix the budget, sell the city’s 
 bonds, and pay political debts with salary in- 
 creases. In other words, the Tiger has lost his 
 grip on the city’s purse-strings, and this fact, 
 perhaps, more than any other, has turned his 
 den into a cavern of gloom.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Proposed New Charter, not 
 acted on in the Legislature. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government: New York City. 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — The Shirtwaist Mak- 
 ers’ Strike. See Labor Organization: United 
 States : A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 NEW YORK LIFE INSURANCE 
 COMPANY: Legislative Investigation. See 
 (in this vol.) Insurance, Life. 
 
 NEW YORK, NEW HAVEN AND 
 HARTFORD R. R. CASE. See (in this 
 vol.) Combinations, Industrial: United 
 States : A. D. 1901-1906. 
 
 NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899-1909. 
 — The Barge Canal under Construction. — 
 On the 8th of March, 1899, Theodore Roosevelt, 
 then Governor of New York, appointed a com- 
 mittee of private citizens, for service without 
 pay, in studying and reporting on the policy to 
 be adopted by the State of New York in deal- 
 ing with its canals. The appointed chairman 
 of the committee was General Francis Vinton 
 Greene, and the following account of the re- 
 commendations made by the committee is taken 
 from a paper on the subject contributed by 
 General Greene to Volume XIII. of the Publi- 
 cations of the Buffalo Historical Society, pub 
 lished in December, 1909 : 
 
 “ The other members were Major Thomas 
 W. Symons of the Corps of Engineers, United 
 States Army, then stationed at Buffalo in charge 
 of river and harbor improvements, Hon. Frank 
 S. Witherbee of Port Henry in the Champlain 
 district, Hon. George E. Green, State Senator 
 from Binghamton in the southern tier of coun- 
 ties, Hon. John N. Scatcherd of Buffalo, and 
 the two state officials most intimately connected 
 with the administration of canals, viz., Hou. 
 Edward A. Bond, State Engineer, and Hon. 
 John N. Partridge, Superintendent of Public 
 Works. 
 
 “ The request of the Governor was simply 
 that we should study the canal problem and 
 advise him. . . . We devoted the greater part 
 of the year 1899 to a study of the subject, and 
 made our report to the Governor under date of 
 January 15, 1900. . . . The Governor promptly 
 transmitted the report to the Legislature, adopt- 
 ing the conclusions and recommendations which 
 it contained, and advising that legislation be 
 enacted to carry them into effect. This was 
 done in successive years . . . ; finally the pro- 
 ject was ratified and adopted by an overwhelm- 
 ing vote of the people in t he election of 1903. . . . 
 
 “ As to our conclusions and recommendations, 
 the first question to be decided was whether or 
 
 not the canals should be entirely abandoned. It 
 was claimed by many that canal transportation 
 was antiquated and altogether out of date; that 
 ‘ the railroads, with their large capital and sci- 
 entific management, their durable roadbeds, 
 powerful locomotives, larger cars, greater train 
 loads, greater speed, and more certainty of de- 
 livery, will be able now or in the early future 
 to reduce the cost of transportation below what 
 is possible on the canals.’ If it should seem prob- 
 able that the railroads could accomplish this, 
 then it would be manifestly unwise and im- 
 proper to expend any more public money upon 
 the canals. 
 
 “From a consideration of all [the] facts we 
 reached our first conclusion — which, like all 
 the other portions of our report, was unani- 
 mously adopted — to wit, ‘ That the canals con- 
 necting the Hudson river with Lakes Erie, On- 
 tario and Champlain should not be abandoned, 
 but should be maintained and enlarged.’ 
 
 “The next point to be considered was, to 
 what extent should they be enlarged, what size 
 of vessel they should be adapted to carry, and 
 what would be the estimated cost of construc- 
 tion. 
 
 “ As to the proper size of the enlarged canal, 
 widely different views were held by engineers 
 and by economists. Some contended that the 
 nine foot canal authorized in 1894 was suffi- 
 ciently large ; others brought forward the sup- 
 posed advantages of a ship canal large enough 
 to carry ocean-going steamers without breaking 
 bulk from Duluth to Liverpool, or any other 
 port ; others contended that a canal of interme- 
 diate size would be found to be the most econo- 
 mical, would cost the least amount of money for 
 the results produced, and would, in fact, pro- 
 duce a lower freight rate than either the small 
 canal on the one hand, or the ship canal on the 
 other. 
 
 “To these questions we gave the most care- 
 ful study. The ship canal had many glittering 
 attractions, and there was a large sentiment 
 along the lakes which had found expression in 
 Deep Waterways conventions, which had been 
 held in recent years and had advocated a water 
 route of either 21 or 28 feet depth from Lake 
 Erie to the Atlantic ocean. . . . But a careful 
 examination of the facts led us to the conclusion 
 that while a ship canal of 21 or 28 feet depth 
 would cost enormously more than a barge canal 
 of say, 12 feet depth, it would not produce as 
 low a freight rate. . . . 
 
 “ Having rejected the ship canal project, we 
 had then to consider what size of enlarged canal 
 we should recommend. In any event, we were 
 satisfied that the route of the canal should be 
 changed so as to use the waterways of the Sen- 
 eca and Oneida rivers, Oneida lake and the Mo- 
 hawk river in place of the present route ; but 
 the question was whether the depth of the canal 
 should be 9 feet, capable of carrying a boat 
 with cargo capacity of 450 tons, or a depth of 12 
 feet, carrying a boat with a cargo capacity of 
 about 1,000 tons. With such data as we could 
 obtain in the short time at our disposal, and 
 without adequate surveys, we estimated the cost 
 of the smaller project at a little more than 
 821,000,000, and of the larger project at a little 
 less than $59,000,000. 
 
 “Our conclusion was in these words : ‘ In our 
 judgment, arrived at after long consideration, 
 
 453 
 
NEW YORK STATE, 1899-1909 
 
 NEW YORK STATE, 1899-1909 
 
 and with some reluctance, the State should un- 
 dertake the larger project on the ground that 
 the smaller one is at best a temporary makeshift, 
 and that the larger project will permanently se- 
 cure the commercial supremacy of New York, 
 and that this can be assured by no other 
 means.’ . . . 
 
 “We made a fourth recommendation in the 
 following words: 
 
 “‘That the money for these improvements 
 should be raised by the issue of eighteen-year 
 bonds in the manner prescribed by the State Con- 
 stitution, and that the interest and principal of 
 these bonds should be paid out of taxes specifi- 
 cally levied, for benefits received, in the counties 
 bordering in whole or in part on the canals, the 
 Hudson river and Lake Champlain; such taxes 
 to be levied in proportion to the assessed val- 
 uation of the real and personal estate in such 
 counties. These taxes will amount to about 
 10 cents per $100 of assessed valuation annually 
 during the period of eighteen years.’ 
 
 “Our object in making this recommendation 
 was to disarm the opposition of the non-canal 
 counties. ... We also submitted statistics in 
 tabular and graphic form showing that the val- 
 uation of the river and canal counties was 90% 
 of the entire valuation of the State. In any 
 event, they would bear 90% of the expense, and 
 it was thought wise to suggest that they bear 
 the entire expense so as to remove every ground 
 of alleged injustice in taxing the counties 
 which claimed to derive no benefit. 
 
 “This recommendation was not adopted by 
 the Legislature, nor submitted to the people. . . . 
 
 “ At the election the non-canal counties voted 
 against the project by large majorities, St. 
 Lawrence county, for instance, being 12 to 1 
 against it, and Steuben county, 10 to 1 against 
 it ; but, on the other hand, the canal counties 
 voted in favor of it by almost equally large ma- 
 jorities, New York being 9 to 1 in favor of it; 
 Kings, 8 to 1 ; Queens, 5 to 1, and Erie, nearly 
 5 to 1. For some unexplained reason Monroe 
 county, in which Rochester is situated, and On- 
 ondaga county, in which Syracuse is situated, 
 voted against it. The overwhelming vote, how- 
 ever, in the counties at the two terminals, New 
 York and Buffalo, made a majority of 245,312 
 in the entire State in favor of the project, and a 
 total vote of 1,100,708. 
 
 “ Our fifth and final recommendation was as 
 follows : 
 
 “That the efficiency of the canals depends 
 upon their management quite as much as upon 
 their physical size, and that no money should 
 be spent for further enlargement unless accom- 
 panied by measures which will accomplish the 
 following results : 
 
 “ (a) The removal of all restrictions as to the 
 amount of capital of companies engaged in 
 transportation on the canals, and the encourage- 
 ment of large transportation lines for handling 
 canal business, in place of hampering them, as 
 has hitherto been the case. 
 
 • “(b) The use of mechanical means of traction, 
 either steam or electricity, in place of draft 
 animals ; and the use of mechanical power in 
 place of hand power for operating the gates and 
 valves, and moving boats in locks. 
 
 “(c) The organization of the force engaged 
 on the public works of the State on a more per- 
 manent basis, so as to afford an attractive career 
 
 to graduates of scientific institutions, with the 
 assurance that their entry into the service, their 
 tenure of office, and their promotion will depend 
 solely on their fitness, as determined by proper 
 and practical tests. 
 
 “(d) A revision of the laws in regard to the 
 letting of public contracts by the State, so as to 
 make impossible a repetition of the unfortunate 
 results of the $9,000,000 appropriation. 
 
 “Legislation has already been adopted to 
 carry into effect (a) and (c) ; the adopted plans 
 for the canal are in accordance with (b) ; and the 
 specific form of contract which we recommended 
 in connection with (d) was not adopted, but an- 
 other form of contract was adopted which will 
 practically accomplish the same result. 
 
 “ It only remains to speak of the cost of the 
 project. With such data as we had available 
 and with such surveys as were possible during 
 the year 1899, we estimated the cost of the pro- 
 ject we recommended at $58,894,668 for the Erie 
 Canal and $2,642,120 for the Oswego and Cham- 
 plain canals, making a total of $61,536,788. This 
 contemplated a canal with 12 feet depth and 
 suitable locks for carrying a barge of approxi- 
 mately 1,000 tons capacity from Buffalo to the 
 Hudson river, but as to the Oswego and Cham- 
 plain canals, it recommended only the comple- 
 tion of the work already undertaken to provide 
 for boats of six feet draft. . . . It was ultimately 
 determined to enlarge the Champlain and Os- 
 wego canals to the same size as the main canal 
 between Buffalo and the Hudson river, and also 
 to include the dredging of a 12 foot channel in 
 the Hudson river, which we had anticipated 
 would be done by the Federal Government, 
 This enlargement of the project very materially 
 increased the cost, and in the interval between 
 the time of our report and the completion of the 
 detailed report of the State Engineer, the prices 
 of labor and materials had very largely advanced. 
 In order to cover all possible contingencies, the 
 State Engineer carried his estimate to $101,000,- 
 000, and this was the amount appropriated by 
 the Legislature and ratified by the people at the 
 election of 1903.” — Francis Yinton Greene, The 
 Inception of the Barge Canal Project ( Buffalo 
 Historical Society Publications, v. 13). 
 
 The first six contracts for the construction of 
 the Barge Canal were let in April, 1905. The 
 state of the work at the end of the year 1909 was 
 announced by Governor Hughes in his Message to 
 the next Legislature as follows: “The contracts 
 in force for the Barge Canal improvement amount 
 in total price to $48,229,467, and the contract 
 value of the work performed to December 1, 
 1909, was $15,821,275. It is estimated by the 
 State engineer and surveyor that during 1910 
 work will be completed amounting to $16,000,- 
 000, and it is expected that the work for the 
 entire length of the Barge Canal system will be 
 under contract by April 1, 1910. At the present 
 rate of progress, it is said that it is not unreason- 
 able to expect that the Barge Canal system will 
 be completed by the end of the year 1914. It is 
 further stated that the work is being carried on 
 within the original estimates. This enterprise 
 should be pushed to completion as speedily, as 
 economically, and efficiently as possible.” 
 
 A. D. 1901-1909. — Legislation developing 
 the Parole System of dealing with Convicts. 
 See (in this vol.) Chime and Ckiminology: In- 
 
 DETEIIMINATE SENTENCES. 
 
 454 
 
NEW YORK STATE, 1906-1910 
 
 NEW YORK STATE, 1900-1910 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . — Legislative Investiga- 
 tion of Life Insurance Companies and the 
 State Superintendency of them. — Startling 
 Disclosures. — Remedial Legislation. See 
 
 Insurance, Life. 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1910 . — The Epoch of Governor 
 Hughes. — The Special Significance of his 
 Administration. — His Exemplary Fidelity 
 to Fundamental Political Principles. — His 
 Public Support against Hostile Party-Man- 
 agers. — The election of 1906 is likely to be 
 marked iu the political history of New York as 
 the introduction of an epoch, — the Epoch of 
 Governor Hughes. The State has had a number 
 of very notable Governors, in both early and late 
 times, — Governors who left a deep and lasting 
 impression of themselves on its history, and who 
 have been large contributors to its prestige and 
 influence as the Empire State of the American 
 Union; but Governor Hughes is of a type so 
 different from any of his predecessors, and his 
 conduct of the Governor’s high office has been 
 so distinctive in principle and method, that his 
 administration can hardly fail, in the retrospect, 
 to take on a special significance of its own. 
 
 As counsel to the Legislative Committee 
 which investigated the scandals of life-insurance 
 management in 1905-6 (see, in this volume, In- 
 surance, Life), the conduct of the investiga- 
 tion by Mr. Charles Evans Hughes drew public 
 attention, and made him known so favorably 
 that when in the autumn of 1906 the Repub- 
 lican Party of the State had special need of a 
 personally attractive candidate for Governor, 
 an unmistakable expression of popular opinion 
 directed the choice to him. The Independence 
 League which Mr. William R. Hearst had rallied 
 and organized, and which had served him the 
 previous year in his candidacy for the mayor- 
 alty of New York (see, above, New York City: 
 A. D. 1905), had been recruited so successfully 
 throughout the State, and had absorbed so much 
 of some elements of the Democratic Party, that 
 the latter made terms of combination with it, 
 and adopted Mr. Hearst as its gubernatorial 
 nominee. The combination was one which the 
 ordinary forces acting for the Republican Party 
 could hardly hope to overcome ; but the recent 
 prestige of Mr. Hughes might call out reinforce- 
 ments that would save the day. It was not will- 
 ingly that the professional managers of the party 
 consented to his nomination, and it was not 
 willingly that he accepted it. He was heartily 
 a Republican in politics, but never active in 
 its affairs, being devoted to his profession and 
 plainly reluctant to be turned aside at all from 
 the career it had just fairly opened before him. 
 But he yielded, as the party managers did, to a 
 call from the public of the party, and the result 
 of the election afforded proof of the reality and 
 sincerity of the call. Hughes alone on the State 
 ticket of the Republicans was elected ; Hearst 
 alone on the ticket of the Democratic-Independ- 
 ence-League combination was defeated. Gov- 
 ernor Hughes was thus placed, on the 1st of 
 January, 1907, at the head of an administration 
 in which every other elective office was filled 
 by his political opponents. 
 
 This political aloneness of Governor Hughes 
 in his office would have mattered very little, 
 however, if his own party-surroundings in it 
 had been friendly and sympathetic ; but very 
 quickly it was seen that he had conceptions of 
 
 official duty which those who controlled the 
 machine-like “organization” of the party, with 
 consequent powers of influence over its repre- 
 sentatives iu the legislature and in other official 
 places, could in no wise comprehend. With 
 a degree of precision and decision hardly 
 matched by another executive, this Governor 
 had studied, constitutionally and ethically, and 
 had defined to himself, the obligations and 
 limitations of his office, and had resolved them 
 into principles of action from which he never 
 swerved. In one particular, especially, this held 
 him to a course which some former governors 
 had adherred to in the main, but none, perhaps, 
 with a consistency as firm. In the use of two 
 powers confided to the Governor, that of the 
 veto in legislation and that of appointment to 
 many State offices, there had always been more 
 or less of giving and taking between the Exec- 
 utive, on one side, and the Legislature and the 
 controlling leaders of party organization on the 
 other. A Governor actuated by personal mo- 
 tives, of ambition or other self-interest, would 
 use these powers freely, in bargaining for or 
 enforcing his desires ; and a Governor who 
 cared for public interests alone would some- 
 times feel driven to secure measures needful to 
 that end at some price of concession in appoint- 
 ments and in the approval of bills, or some 
 coercive use of the veto whip. Governor 
 Hughes would do neither, and his attitude in 
 this matter stands out so conspicuously as to 
 mark in itself an epoch of great example in the 
 right exercise of executive power. 
 
 No Governor has ever interested himself more 
 earnestly iu the work of the Legislature, with 
 a watchful eye to the needs, interests, and 
 rights of the public and to the demands of good 
 government on every side. No Governor has 
 ever taken a more active and effective part in 
 the production of important legislation, and 
 none has ever put his stamp on more of such 
 legislation within the same time. But all that 
 he has done in that line of executive duty has 
 been strictly by recommendation and by argu- 
 ment, addressed first to the Legislature and 
 then to the public behind it; never by any 
 other means. Legislatures have been coerced 
 irresistibly into compliance with his recom- 
 mendations, by public opinion, wakened by the 
 Governor’s voice; never directly by him. 
 There has been no departure from the principle 
 of action which he stated once in these words: 
 “ I have not attempted, through the use of 
 political patronage or political machinery to 
 coerce anybody, and I don’t propose to do so. 
 But under the constitution, it is my privilege 
 and my duty to recommend legislation. If I 
 mean what I say wheii I recommend, I ought 
 to be able to tell why it is recommended, and 
 my constituency is not the Legislature, and not 
 any particular part of the people, but my con- 
 stituency is the people of the State, and I pro- 
 pose, therefore, whenever I make a recom- 
 mendation, and there is any question about it, 
 to tell as forcibly, as fully and as frankly as 
 possible why I stand for it. If it is wrong, you 
 will know it all the sooner ; if it is right, you 
 will give it the support it deserves. I call that 
 American government, and if we had a little 
 less trading, a little less wirepulling and bull- 
 dozing, we would prosper to a far greater 
 degree.” 
 
 455 
 
NEW YORK STATE, 1906-1910 
 
 NEW YORK STATE, 1907 
 
 The Legislature of New York has been hon- 
 ored by this liighmindcd and respectful treat- 
 ment of it, which the highmiuded among its 
 members have appreciated ; but these have 
 been at most times a minority. The majority, 
 obedient to resentful party “bosses,” have 
 acted sullenly with him when the lash of pub- 
 lic opinion has driven them to his side, and 
 defiantly against him when they dared. His 
 obstinate antagonists have found a reflection 
 hard to obtain. 
 
 The most signal showing of the attitude of 
 the public toward antagonists of Governor 
 Hughes in the Legislature occurred in connec- 
 tion with a bill, recommended by the Governor 
 in 1907, for the amendment of a disgraceful 
 existing law relative to race-track gambling. 
 The State Constitution, as revised in 1894, pro- 
 hibits all forms of gambling, and declares that 
 “the Legislature shall pass appropriate laws 
 to prevent offenses against any of the pro- 
 visions of this section.” In 1895 an Act (known 
 as the Percy-Gray Law) was got through the 
 Legislature, professedly in obedience to this 
 mandate of the Constitution, which verbally 
 prohibited betting on races, but penalized it 
 only by providing that the loser of a race-track 
 bet might sue the winner and recover twice the 
 amount of his bet, while betting and gambling 
 in other places were punished heavily by im- 
 prisonment and fine. This scandalous favor to 
 the race-track interests carried a bribe at the 
 same time to the farmers of the State, in Ihe 
 form of a cunning provision of the Act, which 
 appropriated five per cent, of the gross receipts 
 of racing associations to the benefit of agricul- 
 tural societies. Repeated attempts to correct so 
 contemptuous a violation of the Constitution 
 had failed; but Governor Hughes renewed the 
 attempt, with a feeling of reverence for Law 
 and for the honor of the State which could not 
 tolerate defeat. When the amending Bill that 
 he recommended was put in suspense by a tie 
 vote in the Senate, the Governor called a 
 special session of the Legislature, and brought 
 the question before the people in speeches 
 which made a mighty stir. The racing interests 
 in the State were so powerful that they almost 
 defied defeat, and all their influence came into 
 play. Meantime a special election to fill a va- 
 cancy in the Senate was pending in Western 
 New York, and the issue on the race-track 
 gambling bill was fought out there, with the 
 Governor in the field, contending for an honest 
 enforcement of the constitutional law of the 
 State. The result, of the election gave support 
 to that contention, and when, at the special 
 session, the Bill in question was again called up 
 in the Senate, as it could be, it was passed by a 
 majority of one. The Republican senators who 
 voted against it were most of them retired to 
 private life by their constituents at the sen- 
 atorial elections of the ensuing fall. 
 
 Almost everything of importance in New 
 York legislation since Governor Hughes entered 
 office has had its origin in his recommendations, 
 and has been carried by the weight of public 
 backing which belief in him calls out, against 
 resisting influences that would ordinarily have 
 prevailed. This was notably the fact in the 
 case of the Public Service Commissions Act of 
 1907 (see Public Utilities), which established 
 an effective supervision and regulation of cor- 
 
 porations engaged in public services, by plac- 
 ing over them two commissions, appointed by 
 the Governor, one with jurisdiction in New 
 York City, the other in the remainder of the 
 State, both armed with large powers. The ser- 
 vices covered are those of railways, gas and 
 electric light and power companies, and the au- 
 thority established over them extends not only 
 to their rates, but to their capitalization, their 
 issues of stock and bonds, their franchises, the 
 labor conditions under them, their equipment, 
 and the sufficiency and quality of the service 
 they render. The excellence of the Act has 
 been proved by its working, in the hands of the 
 commissions appointed by Governor Hughes. 
 
 In the checking of improper legislation by 
 his vetoes, especially against encroachments on 
 local rights of self-government, and against 
 special enactments that intrude on general laws, 
 Governor Hughes has been a teacher of political 
 principles, as importantly as in the legislative 
 advice which it is part of his constitutional 
 duty to render. He taught a great lesson to 
 every legislative body and every executive in 
 the Union, when he disapproved a highly popu- 
 lar bill which prescribed a fixed rate of railway 
 passenger fares at two cents per mile, on the 
 ground that it •was not a matter to be dealt 
 with summarily, — without careful investiga- 
 tion and determination of the facts involved. 
 So consistent, so forceful, so effective a teacher, 
 in fact, by precept and high example, of the 
 fundamentals of principle in political action, 
 has rarely appeared in any country. 
 
 That Governor Hughes was renominated and 
 reelected in 1908 for a second term was again 
 by reason of a public insistence which neither 
 he nor the hostile manipulators of caucus-work 
 in his party could resist. If the election had 
 not been coincident in time with a presidential 
 election the “bosses” of the party would have 
 refused the nomination to him at any cost. 
 They were able to secure a convention of dele- 
 gates that would eagerly have made that re- 
 fusal ; but when the Governor was persuaded 
 to say that he would accept renomination, they 
 dared not imperil the national interests of the 
 party by flouting demands which came from 
 every quarter of the land. He had become so 
 national a figure that interest in his reelection 
 was nation-wide. 
 
 On the powerful movement in New York to 
 break down the practical exclusion of the people 
 from the choosing of candidates for office, which 
 Governor Hughes inspired, see (in this vol.) 
 Elective Franchise: United States: Direct 
 Primary Nominations. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — Work of Reforestation. 
 See (in this vol.) Conservation of Natural 
 Resources : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1907. —The Gift of Letchworth Park. 
 — A noble gift to the State was made in Jan- 
 uary, 1907, by the Hon. William Pryor Lctch- 
 worth, a gentleman of distinction in benevolent 
 work, officially as president for many years of 
 the State Board of Charities, and privately, at 
 the same time, as a profound student of and 
 writer on, some of the gravest of the problems 
 of philanthropy, especially that of the treatment 
 of the insane. The home of Mr. Letchworth for 
 many years has been on a great estate which 
 embraces the finest and most famous scenery of 
 the Upper Genesee River, lying on both sides 
 
 456 
 
NEW YORK STATE, 1909 
 
 NEW ZEALAND, 1905 
 
 of the eafion down which the river plunges in 
 three successive falls. The thousand acres of 
 the estate enclose all three of the falls. This 
 magnificent domain, preserved in all its natural 
 beauty and improved with careful taste by half 
 a century of Mr. Letchwortli’s care, has been 
 conveyed in trust to the State, under the future 
 custody of The American Scenic and Historic 
 Preservation Society, to be forever, after the 
 death of Mr. Letchworth, a Public Park. A 
 generous citizen has thus saved from destruct- 
 ive uses a piece of scenery which has hardly its 
 equal for picturesque and varied beauty in an- 
 other part of the State. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Enactment of the Public 
 Utilities Law. See (in this vol.) Public Utili- 
 ties. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Creation of the Proba- 
 tion System. See Crime and Criminology: 
 Probation. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Gas Company’s Refund. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Public Utilities. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Historical Commemora- 
 tions. — The Champlain and the Hudson- 
 Fulton. — Three notable events of the far past 
 were notably commemorated in New York dur- 
 iug the summer and autumn of 1909 . The 
 tercentenary year of Champlain’s discovery, in 
 July, 1609 , of the Lake which bears his name, 
 was signalized by a week of historical pageants, 
 fetes, and gatherings for speech and ceremony, 
 on and around the lake, beginning on the 4 th of 
 July. France, England, Canada, and the United 
 States were represented in the addresses and 
 exercises of the occasion, by the British and 
 French Ambassadors, the Postmaster-General of 
 the Dominion, President Taft and ex-Secretary 
 Root, Governor Hughes of New Y T ork and Gov- 
 ernor Prouty of Vermont. A large number of 
 Indians took part in the pageants, occupying a 
 floating island constructed for the occasion on 
 the lake, and representing scenes of Indian life 
 and warfare, the story of Hiawatha, and other 
 reminders of the time when men of their race 
 were the lords of the region of Lake Cham- 
 plain. The occasion was made one of great 
 interest. 
 
 Still more of interest was given to the double 
 commemoration, in September, of Hendrick 
 Hudson’s exploration of Hudson River and of 
 Robert Fulton’s first practically successful un- 
 dertaking of steamboating, on that river. The 
 celebration of the event first named was timed 
 appropriately on its third centennial anniver- 
 sary. That of the second was belated by two 
 years ; but the two were most fitly connected. 
 The people of Holland joined heartily in the 
 Hudson commemoration, building and sending 
 over to New York an exact replica of Hudson’s 
 little ship, the Halve Maen, or Half Moon , in 
 which his voyage was made. Fulton’s steam- 
 boat, the Clermont, was also reproduced for the 
 occasion, and the two small, quaint vessels, 
 strikingly in contrast with the monster battle 
 ships and ocean liners that surrounded them, 
 lent a singular interest to the affair. Great 
 Britain, France, Germany, Italy, the Nether- 
 lands, Mexico, Cuba, and the Argentine Repub- 
 lic accepted invitations to take part in the naval 
 parades which formed a grand feature of the 
 celebration, and an imposing assembly of great 
 ships of war was shown. Eight days, from 
 Saturday, September 25 th, until the following 
 
 Saturday, were filled with church services, 
 school exercises, historical exhibitions and pro- 
 cessions, military and naval parades, aquatic 
 sports, carnival doings, aeroplane flights, ban- 
 quets to foreign guests, etc., at New York City, 
 after which the Half Moon and the Clermont 
 proceeded up the river and the celebration was 
 continued in various towns. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Defeat of the Direct Pri- 
 mary Bill. See (in this vol.) Elective Fran- 
 chise : United States : Direct Primary 
 Nomination. 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — Munificent Gifts of 
 Land on the Hudson for Park Purposes 
 offered. — In his annual Message to the Legisla- 
 ture, January 5 , 1910 , Governor Hughes an- 
 nounced the details of a munificent project of 
 gifts proffered to the State for the purpose of 
 creating a noble State Park on and near the 
 Hudson River. Mrs. Mary W. Harriman, widow 
 of the late E. II. Harriman, offered to convey to 
 the State a tract of about ten thousand acres of 
 land in Orange and Rockland counties, to be 
 held in perpetuity as a State park ; offering fur- 
 ther to give the State § 1 , 000,000 in trust, to be 
 used for the purchase of land lying between the 
 tract mentioned and the Hudson River, so that 
 the park may have the advantage of a river 
 frontage. Other gifts for similar purposes 
 amounting to § 1 , 625,000 were announced as a 
 result of the activity of the Palisades Park 
 Commission, from residents of New York, New 
 Jersey, and Philadelphia. John D. Rockefeller 
 and J. Pierpont Morgan each subscribed $ 500 ,- 
 000 ; Margaret Olivia Sage, William K. Vander- 
 bilt, George F. Baker, James Stillman, John D. 
 Archbold, Frank A. Munsey, Henry Phipps, 
 E. T. Stotesbury, E. II. Gary, and George W. 
 Perkins gave $ 50,000 each : Helen M. Gould 
 and V. Everit Macy contributed $ 25,000 each, 
 and Ellen F. James and Arthur C. James jointly 
 gave a similar amount. These subscriptions 
 were secured upon conditions stipulating, 
 among other things, that New York State shall 
 appropriate $ 2 , 500,000 for the acquiring of land 
 and the building of roads and general park pur- 
 poses; that the State of New Jersey shall con- 
 tribute a fair share, and that the State discon- 
 tinue work on the new State prison at Great 
 Bear Mountain in Rockland County, where pre- 
 liminary work on the site for a new $2,000,000 
 structure has been under way for several 
 months. 
 
 NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1886-1893.— 
 Extension of the Suffrage to Women. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Elective Franchise: Woman 
 Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1896-1908. — Twelve Years of Local 
 Option. — The working of the Law. — Warn- 
 ing to the Liquor Trade. — The Vote of 
 Women. See Alcohol Problem: New 
 
 Zealand. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Colonial Conference at Lon- 
 don. See British Empire. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — The Maori King a Colonial 
 Minister. — The old fierce conflict of the Mao- 
 ris with the English colonists in New Zealand 
 would seem to have been effectually ended, 
 since the Maori King accepted a seat in the co- 
 lonial Cabinet, as a responsible Minister, in 1903 . 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Government Ownership and 
 Long-leasing of Land. — Its working. — 
 Government Loans to Farmers. — The land 
 
 457 
 
NEW ZEALAND, 1905 
 
 NEW ZEALAND, 1906-1909 
 
 system of New Zealand, as it was in 1895, is 
 described in Vol. VI. of this work (see New 
 Zealand). It lias since been carried farther on 
 social-paternalistic lines, by extensive expropri- 
 ations or compulsory sales of large estates to 
 the Government, and by the institution of pub- 
 lic loans of capital to farmers at a moderate 
 rate of interest. The operation and result are 
 thus described in a recent work: 
 
 “ So far the government has lent to the farm- 
 ers about $20,000,000, but it has saved them 
 $20,000,000 in interest, because as soon as it 
 came into the field with its cheap loans, interest 
 rates dropped everywhere. You see Shy lock 
 has fled from these shores and will not return. 
 The government has never lost a cent in these 
 loans. Reform proceeded next, with a land tax 
 graduated to an ascending scale, to discourage 
 land-grabbing, and land speculation ; so that the 
 more land a man owns the higher is the tax-rate 
 upon it. Thus for farms of ordinary size the 
 rate is two cents in every $5 of assessed valu- 
 ation ; but on estates of more than $25,000 the 
 rate increases in regular ratio to the maximum 
 of six cents for every $5, except for absentee 
 owners. They must pay fifty per cent, more 
 than residents. You can see that in New Zea- 
 land the chance for fine old families and landed 
 gentry is slim. No doubt the theory of these 
 things is extremely reprehensible, but the prac- 
 tice is excellent. What with seizing the big 
 estates, and what with the graduated land tax, 
 the size of holdings has been so reduced that of 
 115,713 landowners in 1905 only 22,778 came 
 under the operations of the augmented land tax. 
 The others, having small properties, paid the 
 smallest rate. Under the laud purchase act the 
 government has seized 691,594 acres, mostly 
 hunting fields and uncultivated family inherit- 
 ances. These have been partitioned into small 
 farms and are occupied by actual settlers. 
 Under the operation of all the new land laws 
 together, the produce of New Zealand has 
 trebled, and the New Zealand farmer has be- 
 come the most prosperous in the world.” — 
 Charles E. Russell, The Uprising of the Many , 
 ch. 29 ( copyright , 1907, by Doubleday, Page & 
 Co., N. P, 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1906.- — The Democratizing of Com- 
 petition. — Labor Group Cooperation. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Remuneration. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — The Liberal Party and 
 the Liberal Ministry. — Their years of Great 
 Power. — Their Strength shaken in the 
 latest Election. — Its Method and Result. — 
 The new Ministry of Sir Joseph Ward. — In 
 June, 1906, the Liberal Party in New Zealand 
 experienced a great loss, in the death of Mr. 
 Richard J. Seddon, its strong leader, and the 
 Prime Minister of Government for some time 
 past. His place was taken temporarily by Mr. 
 Ilall-Jones, until Sir Joseph Ward, then absent 
 from the country, returned and received the 
 chief ministerial seat. Since 1893 the Liberal 
 Party had derived large majorities in Parliament 
 from each triennial election. The Liberal Ad- 
 ministration had advanced accordingly, says a 
 recent letter to the London Times, “under the 
 banner of labour legislation, new land laws, 
 and State Socialism, and was strengthened in 
 its position by the general prosperity of the 
 country and the expenditure of large sums of 
 borrowed money upoD public works. At the 
 
 end of last Session, it was still at the head of 
 affairs with a majority (including the four 
 Maori members) of no fewer than 46. 
 
 “In the meantime, however, the guiding hand 
 of Mr. Seddon, the great apostle of New Zea- 
 land democracy, had been removed from the 
 scene, the harsh working of the Compulsory 
 Arbitration Act had begun to alienate the sym- 
 pathies of both employers and workers ; the 
 anti-freehold tendencies of the present Adminis- 
 tration were effecting a change of feeling in the 
 country constituencies, and the drop in the 
 prices of some of our staple products, combined 
 with the stringency in the local money market, 
 began to act as a check on our commercial pros- 
 perity. Finally, the Government made some 
 tactical blunders.” Hence the Opposition, at 
 the Parliamentary election of November, 1908, 
 was greatly strengthened, though the ascend- 
 ancy of the Liberals was still maintained. The 
 conduct of the election and its result are de- 
 scribed by the correspondent already quoted, as 
 follows: “An election in New Zealand is con- 
 ducted in a most orderly manner. The distri- 
 bution of literature, the wearing of badges, and 
 any touting for votes from electors on their way 
 to the polls or in front of the polling booths are 
 strictly prohibited by law. A half-holiday has 
 to be observed in shops and offices, and fac- 
 tory owners must allow their employes time off 
 to vote. The publichouses remain closed from 
 noon until the polls are closed, the closing hour 
 being in the country 6 p. m., and in the cities 
 7 p. M. Time was, in the very early days, when 
 the polling booths were in some cases located 
 between two drinking saloons that did a roaring 
 trade, and the result was much loud disputa- 
 tion, bad language, and fighting. Nowadays all 
 that is changed, and women can walk into the 
 polling booths with complete unconcern. For 
 the 76 seats 213 candidates had been nominated. 
 Of these 114 claimed to be Ministerialists and 
 52 Oppositionists, while 46 were Independents, 
 among whom were a few Socialists and Inde- 
 pendent Labourites. The result of the first ballot 
 was that 34 Government supporters, 16 Opposi- 
 tion candidates, and three Independents were 
 elected by absolute majorities. In 23 constitu- 
 encies the candidates at the head of the poll 
 failed to secure absolute majorities of the total 
 votes polled, and it became necessary to hold 
 second ballots, the number of these being practi- 
 cally double what was estimated by the Prime 
 Minister. . . . Twenty-two of these were held 
 a week later, and resulted in a further strength- 
 ening of the Opposition party. One — in a 
 widely scattered country constituency — 1ms yet 
 to be held. The Government secured 12 of the 
 seats, the Opposition nine, and Independent La- 
 bour one. . . . 
 
 “The result of the elections, as a whole, is 
 greatly to strengthen the Opposition, and corre- 
 spondingly to weaken the Government. The 
 next most noticeable feature about it is the unus- 
 ual change it has made in the personnel of the 
 House of Representatives. While not a single 
 Opposition member of the last Parliament who 
 stood has lost his seat, no fewer than 17 follow- 
 ers of the Ministry have been relegated to pri- 
 vate life; while the new Parliament will contain 
 27 new members out of 76. The position of 
 parties, with one second ballot yet to be decided, 
 is — Government, 45; Opposition, 25; Independ- 
 
 458 
 
NEW ZEALAND, 1906-1909 
 
 NOBEL PRIZES 
 
 ent, 4 ; Independent Labour, 1. At the end of 
 last Session (excluding Maori members) the Gov- 
 ernment were 59 strong, while the Opposition, 
 including one Independent, numbered only 17. 
 Thus, whereas in the last Parliament the Gov- 
 ernment could reckon on a majority of 42, they 
 cannot now be absolutely sure of a majority of 
 more than 15 of the European members on cer- 
 tain issues. There are four Maori members still 
 to be elected, and as these generally vote with 
 the party in power the assured Ministerial ma- 
 jority will be 19. This should be amply suffi- 
 cient to enable Sir Joseph Ward to continue in 
 power for the full term of the Parliament — 
 three years.” 
 
 Early in January, 1909, the Ministry was re- 
 constructed, the Premier, Sir Joseph Ward, bur- 
 dening himself with the portfolios of Finance, 
 Defence, Lands, Agriculture, and the Post Office. 
 This was said to be made necessary by the inex- 
 perience in office of the new T Ministers whom he 
 called to his side. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April-May). — Imperial Confer- 
 ence at London. See (in this vol.) Bkitish 
 Empire: A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Working of the Com- 
 pulsory Arbitration Law. See Labor Or- 
 ganization: New Zealand. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Population. — The population 
 of the Dominion of New Zealand on December 
 31, 1908, was estimated as follows: Europeans 
 9G0,000; Maoris, 49,000; Cook Islanders, 12,000. 
 There was an increase of Europeans during the 
 year of 31,000, being at the rate of 3.36 percent. 
 The excess of immigration over departures was 
 14,000 — a record ; while the natural increase 
 was 17,000. The death-rate was 9.57 per thou- 
 sand, as compared with 10.95 in 1907; and the 
 birth-rate was 27.45 per thousand, as compared 
 with 27.30. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Labor Strike caused 
 by Legislation making “ Miners’ Disease ” 
 a ground of Compensation from Employers. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Protection: Em- 
 ployers’ Liability. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Announcement of Railway- 
 Building Policy. See Railways : New Zea- 
 land. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Act establishing compulsory 
 Military Training. See War, The Prepara- 
 tions for: Military: New Zealand. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Prime Minister’s tes- 
 timony to the good working of Woman Suf- 
 frage. See Elective Franchise: Woman 
 Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July-Aug.). — Imperial De- 
 fence Conference. — Offer of a “Dread- 
 nought ” to the Imperial Navy. See (in this 
 vol.) War, The Preparations for: Military 
 and Naval. 
 
 NIAGARA FALLS: Preservation of their 
 “Scenic Grandeur.” — An Act of Congress, 
 designed “to preserve the scenic grandeur” of 
 Niagara Falls, approved in June, 1906, author- 
 ized the Secretary of War to grant permits for 
 the diversion of water for the creation of power 
 to an aggregate amount not exceeding 15,600 
 cubic feet a second, and to grant permits for the 
 transmission of power from Canada to an ag- 
 gregate quantity not exceeding 160,000 horse- 
 power. The then Secretary of War, Mr. Taft, 
 since elected President of the United States, 
 after careful investigations and hearings, 
 
 granted permits for the diversion of the maxi- 
 mum amount of water under the act and for the 
 admission of the maximum quantity of power. 
 In reporting his decision Mr. Taft explained 
 why he believed that the diversion authorized 
 could be made without harm to the Falls: “I 
 have reached,” he said, “the conclusion that 
 with the diversion of 15,600 cubic feet on the 
 American side and the transmission of 160,000 
 horse power from the Canadian side, the scenic 
 grandeur of the Falls will not be affected sub- 
 stantially or perceptibly to the eye. With re- 
 spect to the American falls this is an increase of 
 only 2,500 cubic feet a second over what is now 
 being diverted and has been diverted for many 
 years, and has not affected the Falls as a scenic 
 wonder. With respect to the Canadian side, 
 the water is drawn from the river in such a 
 way as not to affect the American falls at all, 
 because the point from which it is drawn is 
 considerably below the level of the water, at 
 the point where the waters separate above Goat 
 Island, and the Waterways Commission and 
 Dr. Clark agree that the taking of 13,000 cubic 
 feet from the Canadian side will not in any way 
 affect or reduce the water going over the Amer- 
 ican falls. The water going over the Falls on 
 the Canadian side of Goat Island is about five 
 times the volume of that which goes over the 
 American falls. ... If the amount withdrawn 
 on the Canada side for Canadian use w^ere 5,000 
 cubic feet a second, which it is not likely to be 
 during the three years’ life of these permits, the 
 total to be withdrawn would not exceed ten per 
 cent, of the volume of the stream, and, consid- 
 ering the immense quantity which goes over 
 the Horseshoe Falls, the diminution w’ould not 
 be perceptible to the eye.” 
 
 See, also, provisions of “ Waterways Treaty,” 
 in this vol., under Canada: A. D. 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 NIAGARA MOVEMENT, The. See (in 
 this vol.) Race Problems : United States. 
 
 NICARAGUA. See Central America. 
 
 NICHOLAS II., Tsar of Russia. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Russia. 
 
 NICHOLS, Ernest Fox : President of 
 
 Dartmouth University. See (in this vol.) Ed- 
 ucation : United States : A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 NICOLSON, Sir Arthur: British Ambas- 
 sador at St. Petersburg. — Convention with 
 Russia. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1907 
 (Aug.). 
 
 NIEL, M.: The head of the Confederation 
 Generate du Travail in France. See (in this 
 vol. ) Labor Organization : France : A. D. 
 1884-1909. 
 
 NIGERIA. See Africa: French Central. 
 
 NIGHT RIDERS, of the Tobacco Farm- 
 ers’ Union. See (in this vol.) Kentucky: A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 NILE BARRAGE. See (in this vol.) 
 Egypt : A. D. 1902 (Dec.). 
 
 NOBEL PRIZES. — By the will of Alfred 
 Bernard Nobel, the distinguished Swedish en- 
 gineer and chemist, pupil of John Ericsson and 
 inventor of dynamite and other explosives, five 
 great prizes, averaging nearly $40,000 each in 
 value, were instituted, for annual reward to per- 
 sons who shall severally have made the most 
 important discovery or invention in the domain 
 of physics, chemistry and physiology or med- 
 icine ; to the writer who has produced in litera- 
 ture the most distinguished work of an idealistic 
 
NOBEL PRIZES 
 
 NORD ALEXIS 
 
 tendency, and to the person who has most or 
 best promoted the fraternity of nations, the abo- 
 lition or reduction of standing armies and the 
 formation and increase of peace congresses. 
 The award of the two prizes first named to be 
 made by the Royal Academy of Science in 
 Stockholm ; the third by the Caroline Medical- 
 Gliirurgical Institute in Stockholm ; the fourth 
 by the Swedish Academy in the same city ; the 
 fifth by the Storthing or Parliament of Norway. 
 
 The presentation of prizes on the first award 
 was made with impressive ceremonies on the 
 10th of December, 1901, that being the fifth 
 anniversary of Mr. Nobel’s death. Each year 
 since, the awards have been made on that anni- 
 versary day . The recipients have been as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 Physics. 1901 —William Conrad Roentgen, 
 professor of physics at the University of Mu- 
 nich. 
 
 1902 — Divided equally between Henrik 
 Anton Lorentz, professor of physics at the Uni- 
 versity of Leyden, and Peter Zeeman, professor 
 of physics at the University of Amsterdam. 
 
 1903 — Half to Antoine Henri Becquerel, pro- 
 fessor of physics at the flcole Polytechnique 
 and at the Museum d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris, 
 France, member Institut Fran^aise, and half to 
 Pierre Curie, professor of physics at the Univer- 
 sity of Paris (Sorbonne) and teacher in physics 
 at the Paris Municipal School of Industrial 
 Physics and Chemistry, and his wife, Marie 
 Sklodovska Curie, preceptress at the Higher 
 Normal School for Young Girls at Sevres. 
 
 1904 — Lord Rayleigh, professor of natural 
 philosophy, Royal Institution of Great Britain, 
 London. 
 
 1905 — Philippe Lenard, professor of physics 
 at the physical Institute of Kiel. 
 
 1906 — J. J. Thomson, professor of experi- 
 mental physics at the University of Cambridge. 
 
 1907 — Albert A. Michelsen, professor of 
 physics at the University of Chicago. 
 
 i908 — Prof. Gabriel Lippman of the Univer- 
 sity of Paris. 
 
 1909 — G. Marconi, Italy, and Prof. Ferdinand 
 Braun of Strassburg. 
 
 Medicine. 1901 — Emil Adolf von Behring, 
 professor of hygiene and medical history at the 
 University of Marburg, Prussia. 
 
 1902 — Ronald Ross, professor of tropical 
 medicine at the University college of Liverpool. 
 
 1903 — -Niels Ryberg Finsen, professor of 
 medicine, Copenhagen, Denmark. 
 
 1904 — Ivan Petrovic Pawlow, professor of 
 physiology in the Military Academy of Medi- 
 cine, St. Petersburg. 
 
 1905 — Robert Koch, member of the Royal 
 Academy of Science, Berlin. 
 
 1906 — Profs. Ramon y Cajal and Camillo 
 Golgi of the Pavia university, Italy. 
 
 1907 — Charles L. A. Laveran of the Pasteur 
 Institute in Paris. 
 
 1908 — Dr. Paul Ehrlich of Berlin and Prof. 
 Elie Metchnikoff of the Pasteur Institute, Paris. 
 
 1909 — Prof. E. T. Kocher, Switzerland. 
 
 Chemistry. 1901 — Jakob Hendrik van’t 
 
 Hoff, professor of chemistry in the University of 
 Berlin. 
 
 1902 — Emil Fischer, professor of chemistry 
 in the University of Berlin. 
 
 1903 — Svante August Arrhenius, professor at 
 the University of Stockholm. 
 
 1904 — Sir William Ramsay, professor of 
 chemistry in the University college, London. 
 
 1905 — Adolf von Baeyer, prolessor of chem- 
 istry at Munich. 
 
 1906 — H. Moissan, professor of chemistry at 
 the Sorbonne, Paris. 
 
 1907 — Eduard Buchner, professor of chem- 
 istry in the agricultural high school of Ber- 
 lin. 
 
 1908 — Prof. Ernest Rutherford of the Uni- 
 versity of Manchester, England. 
 
 1909 — Prof. W. Ostwald of Leipsic. 
 
 Literature. 1901 — Rene Francois Armand 
 
 Sully-Prudhomme, member of the French Acad- 
 emy. 
 
 1902 — Theodor Mommsen, professor of his- 
 tory at the University of Berlin. 
 
 1903 — Bjornstjerne Bjornson, author, Nor- 
 way. 
 
 1904 — Half to Frederic Mistral of France and 
 half to Jose Echegaray of Spain. 
 
 1905 — Henryk Sienkiewicz, the author of 
 “ Quo Vadis ?” 
 
 1906 — Prof. Giosue Carducci of Bologna, 
 Italy. 
 
 1907 — Rudyard Kipling of England. 
 
 1908 — Prof. Rudolf Euckenof the University 
 of Java. 
 
 1909 — Selma Lagerlof, Sweden. 
 
 Peace. 1901 — Divided equally between 
 Henri Dunant, founder of the International Red 
 Cross Society of Geneva, and Frederic Passay, 
 founder of the first French peace association, the 
 “ Societe Fran^aise pour 1’ Arbitrage Entre Na- 
 tions.” 
 
 1902 — Divided equally between Elie Ducom- 
 mum, secretary of the international peace bu- 
 reau at Bern, and Albert Gobat, chief of the 
 interparliamentary peace bureau at Bern. 
 
 1903 — William Randal Cremer, M. P., secre- 
 tary of the International Arbitration league, 
 London. 
 
 1904 — The Institute of International Right, a 
 scientific association founded in 1873 in Ghent, 
 Belgium. 
 
 1905 — Baroness Bertha von Suttner for her 
 literary work written in the interest of the 
 world’s peace movement. 
 
 1906 — Theodore Roosevelt, president of the 
 United States, for the part he took in bringing 
 the Russo-Japanese war to an end. Money set 
 apart by the president for the establishment of a 
 permanent industrial peace commission. 
 
 1907 — Divided equally between Ernesto T. 
 Moneta, president of the Lombardy Peace union, 
 and Louis Renault, professor of international 
 law at the University of Paris. 
 
 1908 — K. P. Arnoldsen of Sweden and M. F. 
 Bajer of Denmark. 
 
 1909 — Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, 
 Paris, and M. Beernaert, Holland, ex-Premier. 
 
 NODZU, General. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), and after. 
 
 NOGI, General. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), and 1904-1905 (May- 
 Jan.). 
 
 NOMINATIONS, Political: By Direct 
 Primary Vote. See (in this vol.) Elective 
 Franchise : United States. 
 
 NOMINAVIT NOVIS CONTROVERSY. 
 See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 NORD ALEXIS, General. See (in this 
 vol.) Haiti : A. D. 1902 and 1908. 
 
 460 
 
NORDENSKJOLD 
 
 NORWAY, 1902-1905 
 
 NORDENSKJOLD, Dr. Otto: Command- 
 ing Swedish Antarctic Expedition. See (in 
 this vol.) POLAR EXPLORATION. 
 
 NORDEZ, Bishop Le. See (in this vol.) 
 France : A. D. 1905-1900. 
 
 NORTHCOTE, Lord : On the Australian 
 Land and Immigration Questions. See (in 
 this vol.) Immigration and Emigbation : Aus- 
 tralia. 
 
 NORTHERN SECURITIES COMPANY 
 CASE, The. See (in this vol.) Railways : 
 United States : A. D. 1901-1905. 
 
 NORTH SEA AND BALTIC AGREE- 
 MENTS. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 
 1907-1908. 
 
 NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, Cana- 
 dian: A. D. 1896 - 1909 . — Their Rapid Settle- 
 ment. — The “American Invasion.” See (in 
 this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1896-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1902 . — Census. — Increased 
 Representation in Parliament. See (in this 
 vol.) Canada: 1901-1902. 
 
 NORWAY: A. D. 1902 - 1905 . — Result of 
 the Consular Question. — Secession from the 
 Union of Crowns with Sweden. — Accept- 
 ance by King Oscar of his virtual Deposi- 
 tion. — Election of Prince Charles of Den- 
 mark to the Throne. — The discontent of Nor- 
 way in its union with Sweden, especially because 
 it could have nodis'tinct national representation, 
 consular or diplomatic, in foreign countries, is 
 described in Volume VI. of this work (see Swe- 
 den and Norway, in that volume). In 1902 a 
 Swedisli-Norwegian Consular Commission was 
 appointed to investigate the practicability of 
 separate consuls for each of the united king- 
 doms, with joint diplomatic representation. The 
 Commission produced a report very favorable 
 to the proposition. Prolonged negotiations fol- 
 lowed, between representatives of the two gov- 
 ernments, and the outlines of a system under 
 which Norway should acquire a separate consu- 
 lar service were definitely settled and accepted 
 formally by the King, on the 21st of December, 
 1903. When it came, however, to the definite 
 framing of laws for carrying the plan into effect, 
 irreconcilable disagreements arose. Several de- 
 tails of the arrangement which Sweden insisted 
 on implied a precedence and superiority of stand- 
 ing for that kingdom in the union of crowns 
 which offended Norwegian pride. The Norwe- 
 gian Government objected to having its selection 
 of consuls made subject to the approval of the 
 Foreign Minister of the dual monarchy. It ob- 
 jected to having the King, in his commission to 
 them, entitled “ King of Sweden and Norway” ; 
 and it rejected the Swedish proposals on other 
 points. When the Government of Sweden re- 
 plied that, while it might be willing to consider 
 some modifications of its proposals, it must 
 maintain the important parts of them, the Nor- 
 wegian Government announced that it had no 
 further statements to make, indicating that ne- 
 gotiation in the matter was at an end. There- 
 upon, on the 7th of February, 1905, the King 
 made public the following statement : “ Under 
 the present circumstances I do not see that I 
 can resolve otherwise than to approve of what 
 the Foreign Minister has proposed; but I cannot 
 refrain from expressing to both my peoples my 
 hearty desire that the two kingdoms, which 
 have now been united for nearly a century, will 
 never let any difference of opinion be hurtful to 
 
 the Union itself. This Union is in truth the safest 
 guarantee for the independence, the security and 
 the happiness of both my peoples.” 
 
 Feeble health now compelled King Oscar to 
 yield the functions of royalty to his son, and the 
 Crown Prince visited Christiania, as Regent, to 
 confer personally with the leaders in Norwegian 
 affairs. The outcome of his visit was the resig- 
 nation of the Ministry of M. Hagerup on the 1st 
 of March, the formation of a new Cabinet, under 
 M. Michelsen, and the announcement by the 
 latter that the Government would steadfastly 
 maintain the sovereignty of Norway, as an in- 
 dependent kingdom, according to the words of 
 its constitution, the realization of which must 
 depend on the strength and will of the Norwe- 
 gian people. All attempts in the next three 
 months to overcome or much modify the atti- 
 tude of Norway were unsuccessful. In May, 
 the Storthing passed an independent Consular 
 Bill and laid it before King Oscar, who had re- 
 sumed his duties, and the King refused to sanc- 
 tion it, saying: “ The Crown Prince, as Regent, 
 in Joint Council of State of April 5, has already 
 shown the only way in which this important 
 question can be advanced and all difficulties 
 most likely removed, viz., through negotiation. 
 I entirely agree with this view, and do not for 
 the time being find it expedient to sanction this 
 law, which means an alteration of the existing 
 joint consular service which cannot be severed 
 except by mutual arrangement. . . . When I 
 now refuse to sanction this law I do so in 
 accordance with the right conferred upon the 
 King [see Section 30, Title 3, of the Constitu- 
 tion of Norway, in Volume I. of this work]. 
 ... It is my equally great love to both na- 
 tions which makes it my duty to exercise this 
 right;” 
 
 On the 7th of June, M. Michelsen, the Prime 
 Minister, and his colleagues, gave their resigna- 
 tions to the Storthing, whereupon that body, 
 by unanimous vote, adopted the following reso- 
 lution: “As all the members of the Council of 
 State have resigned their offices; as his Majesty 
 the King has declared himself unable to give the 
 country a new Government; and as the con- 
 stitutional kingdom has thus ceased to func- 
 tion, the Storthing authorizes the members of 
 the Ministry, to-day resigned, to exercise in the 
 meantime, as the Government of Norway, the 
 authority vested in the King, in accordance 
 with Norway’s constitution and existing laws, 
 with the alterations necessitated by the fact that 
 the Union with Sweden under one King has 
 ceased on account of the king having ceased to 
 act as Norwegian King.” This action was pro- 
 claimed to the people on the same day. On the 
 9th the Union flag was lowered from Norwegian 
 forts and war ships and the Norwegian flag 
 raised in its place. On the 28th of July with 
 King Oscar’s consent, the Swedish Riksdag 
 adopted a resolution assenting to the severance 
 of the Union, on condition that it be approved 
 by a vote of the people of Norway. Accordingly 
 the question was submitted to the people on the 
 13th of August, and all but 184 out of 368,392 
 votes were given in favor of the separation. A 
 conference at Karlstadt in September arranged 
 the future relations of the two kingdoms with 
 success, and the dissolution was complete. It 
 was formally acknowledged by King Oscar on 
 October 26tli. As he made it known that he did 
 
 461 
 
NORWAY, 1902-1905 
 
 OPIUM PROBLEM 
 
 not wish any member of his family to accept the 
 crown of Norway if offered, the Storthing author- 
 ized the Government to open negotiations with 
 Prince Charles of Denmark, with a view to its 
 acceptance by him, if its proffer should be sanc- 
 tioned by a popular vote. Again a plebiscite 
 was polled and a large majority given in favor 
 of the proffer of the crown to Prince Charles. 
 The Prince accepted, with the permission of his 
 grandfather, the Danish King, and proposed to 
 take the name of Haakon VII. The name was 
 well chosen for its significance, Haakon VI. 
 having been the last of the old royal line of Nor- 
 way, which became extinct at his death in 1387. 
 The King-elect and his wife entered Christiania 
 on the 25th of November and took the oath of 
 fidelity to the Norwegian Constitution on the 
 27th. In the following June King Haakon 
 was anointed and crowned with solemn cere- 
 monies, in the ancient cathedral of Trondhjem, 
 the capital of the first King who reigned over 
 the whole Norse realm. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Agreement for Settlement of 
 Claims against Venezuela. See (in this vol.) 
 Venezuela : A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Treaty with Great Britain, 
 France, Germany, and Russia guaranteeing 
 the Integrity of the Kingdom. See Europe : 
 A. D. 1907-1908, and 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Parliamentary Suffrage ex- 
 tended to Women. See Elective Franchise: 
 Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Arbitration of the 
 Frontier Dispute with Sweden. — The mari- 
 time frontier dispute between Norway and 
 Sweden, consequent on their separation, was re- 
 ferred to The Hague Tribunal, and decided in 
 October, more favorably to Sweden than to Nor- 
 way, but the decision was loyally accepted by 
 
 flip In ttpr 
 
 NOVA SCOTIA : A. D. 1901 - 1902 . — Cen- 
 sus. — Reduced Representation in Parlia- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) Canada : A. D. 1901- 
 1902. 
 
 0 . 
 
 OBOLENSKI, Prince John. See (in this 
 vol.) Finland: A. D. 1905. 
 
 O’CONOR, Sir N. : British Ambassador to 
 Turkey. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1903-1904, and 1905-1908. 
 
 OCTOBRISTS. See (in this vol.) Russia: 
 A. D. 1904-1905. and 1907. 
 
 ODESSA, Disturbances in. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 OGDEN, Robert C.: Promoter of the An- 
 nual Conference for Education in the South. 
 See (in this vol.) Education : United States: 
 A. D. 1898-1909. 
 
 OIL, PETROLEUM : The Supply and the 
 Waste in the United States. See (in this vol.) 
 Conservation of Natural Resources. 
 
 OKLAHOMA: A. D. 1904 . — Marvelous 
 Growth of Fifteen Years. — “ Oklahoma is the 
 Minerva of the States. With her there was no 
 period of slow settlement. On the day that her 
 borders were opened to the settler she sprang 
 full-fledged, a vigorous young commonwealth, 
 into the Union. And on the day that Congress 
 admits her to Statehood she will take rank with 
 the foremost of the Western States. Her popu- 
 lation of a million and three hundred thousand 
 — which is the combined population of Okla- 
 homa and Indian Territory, according to the an- 
 nual report of Governor Ferguson for the year 
 ending June 30, 1904, it is probably somewhat 
 more than that now [1905] — will place her in 
 advance of at least twenty-one of her sister 
 States, several of them among the original thir- 
 teen. Not counting Texas, only two States west 
 of the Missouri will be her equal in number of 
 people — Kansas and California. In old New 
 England, three States — New Hampshire, Ver- 
 mont, and Rhode Island — could be combined 
 and still not contain as great a population as 
 this new commonwealth in the West will have 
 on the first day of its Statehood. 
 
 “ No other State ever had such a remarkable 
 growth and prosperity as Oklahoma. Sixteen 
 years ago last March the prairie winds blew over 
 wide expanses of plains with no signs of human 
 habitation on them for miles at a stretch. A 
 month later, on April 22, 1889, upward of one 
 
 hundred thousand persons engaged in the most 
 spectacular race in history — a race for homes 
 [see, in Vol. V. of this work, United States: 
 A. D. 1889-1890]. That was the day when the 
 first Oklahoma counties were opened for settle- 
 ment. ... At nightfall of that first day of its 
 history Oklahoma had a larger population than 
 the State of Nevada. Towns were surveyed, and 
 sprung up in a night, and in a week a new 
 empire had been created in the Southwest. A 
 year later the Iowa, Pottawatomie, and Sac and 
 Fox reservations were opened for settlement.” 
 
 — Clarence H. Matson, Oklahoma (American Re- 
 view of Reviews , Sept. , 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1907 . — Joined in Statehood 
 with Indian Territory and admitted to the 
 Union. See (in this vol.) United States: 
 A. D. 1906. See, also, Constitution of Okla- 
 homa. 
 
 OKU, General. See (in this vol.) Japan : 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), and after. 
 
 OLD AGE HOMES, in Vienna. See (in 
 this vol.) Poverty, TnE Puoblems of. 
 
 OLD AGE PENSIONS. See Poverty, 
 The Problems of. 
 
 “ OLD BELIEVERS,” Russian. Sec (in 
 this vol.) Russia : A. D. 1905 (ArRiL-Auo.). 
 
 OLDENBURG: A. D. 1906 . — Committed 
 to Universal Suffrage. See (in this vol.) 
 Elective Franchise : Germany : A. D. 1906. 
 
 OMAR JAN. See (in this vol.) Afghanis- 
 tan: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 ONTARIO : A. D. 1901 - 1902 . — Census. — 
 Reduced Representation in Parliament. See 
 (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1907 . — Political Experiments. 
 
 — The Salaried Leader of Opposition, etc. 
 See Canada : A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 “ OPEN DOOR,” The Coming of the 
 Epoch of the. See (in this vol.) World Move- 
 ments. 
 
 OPIUM PROBLEM: China : A. D. 1900 - 
 1906 . — Progressive Tariff and Internal Tax- 
 ation measures to check the Consumption of 
 the Drug. — The following is from a report on 
 opium production and taxation in China pre- 
 pared by Mr. Williams, Chinese secretary of the 
 
 462 
 
OPIUM PROBLEM 
 
 OPIUM PROBLEM 
 
 United States Legation at Peking, and sent to 
 the State Department at Washington, in Septem- 
 ber, 1906 : 
 
 “ Previous to 1900 native opium passing 
 through the maritime customs at Ichang had 
 been paying a total charge of taels,* 60 per picul* 
 exclusive of taxes at the place of production. 
 In July, 1900, the viceroy, Chang Chih-tung, 
 with a view to cheeking the consumption of 
 opium in the territory under his jurisdiction, 
 increased this charge to taels 72 per picul, and 
 near the close of 1901 increased it again, making 
 it taels 80 per picid. This, with the likin charged 
 in Szeclmen, made a total on the product com- 
 ing from that province of taels 84.76. Opium 
 designed for local consumption was still more 
 heavily taxed, being required to pay taels 90 
 besides the likin of Szeclmen, or a total of 94.76 
 taels per picul. The immediate result of this ac- 
 tion was to greatly increase smuggling and to 
 drive legitimate traffic to the use of native junks 
 or roundabout land routes controlled by the na- 
 tive customs or likin offices, and thus to reduce 
 the receipts of the maritime customs. Another 
 significant result was the importation of a small 
 amount of foreign opium to a district where it 
 had been unknown for many years. In view of 
 these facts, in 1903 the authorities reduced the 
 tax to a total of 76.75 taels per picul, including 
 the Szechuen likin. 
 
 “ In February, 1904, the same tax was imposed 
 in the province of Hunan, also in the jurisdiction 
 of the Viceroy Chang Chih-tung, and in the 
 summer of the same year an agreement was 
 made with the provincial authorities of the pro- 
 vinces of Kiangse and Anhui that one consoli- 
 dated tax, to include both likin and customs 
 duties, should be levied at a uniform rate in the 
 four provinces, and to prevent discrimination by 
 the native customs as against the maritime ser- 
 vice it was agreed that the collection of this con- 
 solidated tax should be intrusted to the imperial 
 maritime customs at Ichang and to branch of- 
 fices under its control. The port of Ichang was 
 chosen because it is at the head of steam navi- 
 gation on the Yangtze, for which reason most of 
 the opium from Yunnan and Szechuen was sent 
 thither for distribution. In 1905 this arrange- 
 ment was extended to four other provinces, Ki- 
 angse, Fukien, Kuangtung, and Kuangsi, and 
 the tax increased to taels 134.79 per picul for 
 opium destined to the four inner provinces and 
 taels 104 for that going to those on the seaboard. 
 Previous to this latter arrangement, however, 
 after the experience of 1902, it was seen that un- 
 less the tax on foreign opium should also be in- 
 creased the effort to stamp out the vice by heavy 
 taxation would fail, and therefore in 1903 repre- 
 sentations were made to the British Government 
 by the Chinese minister in London looking 
 toward the increase of the duty upon Indian 
 opium. The reply of the British Government, as 
 quoted in the Peking Gazette, was that the tax 
 on the native drug ought to be increased by the 
 same amount as any addition made to the duty 
 on the foreign article. Upon this a memorial 
 was submitted to the Imperial Chinese Govern- 
 ment, asking that the customs duty and likin 
 on foreign and native opium be increased by an 
 equal amount, and the matter was referred to 
 the proper boards for consideration and report. 
 
 * The tael was said to be worth 73 cents in gold in 
 1905. The weight of the picul is 133J pounds. 
 
 No further report has as yet appeared relating 
 to the negotiations respecting foreign opium. 
 As to the native drug, the steps to increase the 
 taxes upon it in eight of the provinces have been 
 related above. The success of this arrange- 
 ment has been so pronounced that on the 7th of 
 May this year (1906) an imperial edict appeared 
 directing that the system adopted in the eight 
 provinces mentioned above should be at once 
 extended to all the provinces of China proper 
 and at a later date, to be hereafter determined, 
 to Turkestan and Manchuria.” 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Imperial Edict against the 
 use of Opium. — Undertaking to suppress it 
 in Ten Years. — By a formal edict from the 
 throne, published in September, 1906, the im- 
 perial Government of China undertook to erad- 
 icate the use of opium in that empire, and to 
 do so by heroic measures within ten years. A 
 register was ordered to be made of every con- 
 sumer of the drug (estimated at 40 per cent, of 
 the vast population of the empire) and of the 
 quantity that he consumes. Those who are 
 under 60 years of age must thereafter diminish 
 their consumption by not less than twenty per 
 cent, each year, till they are free of the habit 
 and the use is stopped. Meantime there would 
 be a public provision of medicines to assist the 
 cure. To those beyond 60 years in age, and to 
 the princes, nobles, and magnates of the empire, 
 a certain relaxation of these rules would be 
 allowed. But all minor officials under 60 years 
 must drop opium entirely, at once, and there 
 would be no toleration of an acquirement of the 
 opium habit thereafter. No further cultivation 
 of the poppy would be allowed, and, of course, 
 the importation would be controlled. 
 
 Tang Shao Yi, the special Chinese envoy 
 who visited the United States and England 
 early in 1909, had much to do with this mea- 
 sure on the part of his Government, and, in 
 addressing a deputation which called on him in 
 London, had this to say of the circumstances 
 connected with it: “He had always taken a 
 deep interest in the anti-opium movement ever 
 since he was a student in America in the early 
 seventies. He had never realized, however, that 
 they could attempt to make such a movement 
 in China till he was sent by his Government to 
 India in 1905 in connexion with the Lhasa Con- 
 vention. While there he had opportunities of 
 studying the opium question, and he wrns for- 
 tunate enough to make the acquaintance of the 
 finance secretary, Dir. Baker. From him he 
 learnt that the Government of India could dis- 
 pense with the revenue derived from opium. 
 Nothing was more surprising to him and no- 
 thing gave him greater joy than to hear that. 
 In that year the question was brought up in 
 England, and when he returned to China in 
 the winter of 1905 he informed his Government 
 that the British public was very ‘anti-opium’ 
 and also that the Indian Government was not 
 at all anxious for the revenue derived from 
 opium. Therefore, he told his Government that 
 it was for the Chinese themselves to put a stop 
 to the opium trade, and that they must not rely 
 upon others. He had already got regulations 
 in his head and the Government asked him to 
 draw up certain rules to put a stop to the 
 opium curse. In order not to be too radical, he 
 suggested that three years should be allowed 
 for putting an end to it, but the Cabinet said 
 
 463 
 
OPIUM PROBLEM 
 
 OPIUM PROBLEM 
 
 that was too radical, and, although he sug- 
 gested six years, the final decision of the Gov- 
 ernment was to make it ten years. He said that 
 unless they put a stop to it in two or three 
 years they might as well let this generation die 
 out. They fully appreciated the co-operation of 
 gentlemen in England, and he begged that they 
 would keep up the agitation not only for their 
 own sakes but for the sake of the Chinese peo- 
 ple. The Chinese people wanted to be reminded 
 that they were opium smokers and that they 
 must give up the practice. Some scepticism 
 had been expressed as to the genuineness of the 
 movement in China, but he was sure that the 
 people there were in earnest, and he trusted 
 that his Government and people would not dis- 
 appoint Great Britain.’' 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Progress in the Opium Re- 
 form. — An official report on the progress of 
 the opium reform in China, by Mr. Max Muller, 
 Councillor of the British Legation at Peking, was 
 published as a Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 4967), 
 early in January, 1910. In communicating the 
 report to the Foreign Office, Sir N. Jordan wrote : 
 ‘ ‘ This report shows that considerable progress 
 continues to be made in the task which the Chi- 
 nese Government undertook three years ago. 
 There has undoubtedly been a very sensible dim- 
 inution in the consumption and cultivation of 
 opium, and a public opinion has been formed 
 which will greatly strengthen the hands of the 
 Government and the provincial authorities in 
 the drastic measures which they contemplate 
 taking in the near future. . . . That the end, 
 however, is so near as many of the official pro- 
 nouncements would seem to indicate is, I ven- 
 ture to think, very doubtful. We have full and 
 reliable information about only two of the pro- 
 vinces — Shansi and Yunnan — and the annexes 
 to Mr. Max Muller’s report furnish eloquent tes- 
 timony of the good work that has been done in 
 both. At the opposite extreme stand Shensi, 
 Kansu, Hupei, and Szechuan, in all of which 
 comparatively little has been accomplished to 
 check either the consumption or cultivation of 
 the drug. The last-named province, which is 
 by far the largest producing area in the Em- 
 pire, will furnish the supreme test of the success 
 or failure of the programme of total prohibi- 
 tion, and as the order has gone forth that no 
 poppy is to be sown this autumn the issue on 
 which so much depends is doubtless being 
 fought out as this report is being written.” 
 International Opium Commission, in Ses- 
 sion at Shanghai, February, 1909 . — On the 
 suggestion of Bishop Brent, of the Philippines, 
 the Government of the United States took the 
 initiative in bringing about the appointment 
 of an International Commission to investigate 
 matters connected with the use of and traffic 
 in opium. The Commission, composed of dele- 
 gates from China, Japan, Great Britain, France, 
 Germany, Holland, Turkey, and the United 
 States, met at Shanghai on the 1st of February, 
 1909, and was in session until the 26th of that 
 month, under the presidency of Bishop Brent. 
 Its study of the subject appears to have been 
 made difficult and definite conclusions prevented 
 by the lack of trustworthy Chinese statistics of 
 the production of opium in the Empire itself, 
 and of other important facts. The results of 
 four weeks of investigation and discussion were 
 embodied in nine resolutions, the first of which 
 
 recognized the sincerity of the endeavor of the 
 Chinese Government to eradicate the great evil 
 from its dominion, in these words: “The Com 
 mission recognizes the unswerving sincerity of 
 the Government of China in its efforts to eradi- 
 cate the production and consumption of opium 
 throughout the Empire, the increasing body of 
 public opinion among the Chinese by whom 
 these efforts are supported, and the real, though 
 unequal, progress already made in a task of 
 the greatest magnitude.” 
 
 Of the further resolutions, one urged upon all 
 governments the importance of drastic measures 
 to control the manufacture, sale, and distribu- 
 tion of morphia and other noxious derivatives 
 of opium ; another recommended scientific in- 
 vestigation of so-called opium remedies ; a third 
 said all countries should adopt reasonable mea- 
 sures to prevent the shipment of opium or its 
 derivatives to any country which prohibits their 
 entry. By the terms of the remaining reso- 
 lutions the delegates were urged to influence 
 as far as possible their own governments to 
 take steps for the gradual suppression of opium 
 smoking in their own territories respectively; 
 to further examine into their systems for the 
 regulation of the traffic, in the light of the ex- 
 perience of other countries ; to enter into ne- 
 gotiations with China to insure the adoption 
 of effective and prompt measures to prohibit 
 opium traffic in those concessions and settle- 
 ments. Finally, the conference recommended 
 that each government apply its pharmacy laws 
 to its subjects in consular districts, concessions, 
 and settlements in China. 
 
 In some quarters the outcome of the meeting 
 was sharply criticised as being empty of any 
 practical fruit, and England was accused of 
 having rendered it so, under the influence of the 
 Indian opium trade. But the State Department 
 at Washington gave expression to a very differ- 
 ent view. There it was pointed out that the 
 Commission had been one of inquiry, only ; that 
 its instructions had been “ to study the opium 
 problem and report as to the best and most fea- 
 sible means of solving it,” and that this pro- 
 gramme was executed “to the entire satisfac- 
 tion of the Governments concerned.” Bishop 
 Brent, who presided over the Shanghai meeting, 
 declared in his inaugural address : “ It de- 
 
 volves upon me to pronounce with emphasis 
 that this is a commission, and as those who are 
 informed — as all of you must be in matters 
 that pertain to international affairs of this kind 
 — a commission is not a conference. The idea of 
 a conference was suggested, but it seemed wise 
 to choose this particular form of action rather 
 than a conference, because, for the present at 
 any rate, we are not sufficiently well informed 
 and sufficiently unanimous in our attitude to 
 have a conference with any great hope of im- 
 mediate success.” 
 
 As between China and Great Britain there is 
 an opium problem which does not affect other 
 parties. An important part of British Indian 
 revenue is derived from the opium trade, and 
 the Government of India can hardly be ex- 
 pected to throw it carelessly away, not knowing 
 with certainty that it will not be picked up as 
 gain for somebody else. In 1906, when China 
 opened her campaign against opium, she en- 
 tered into an agreement with England that her 
 own production of opium should be reduced to 
 
 464 
 
 
OPIUM PROBLEM 
 
 PANAMA 
 
 extinction within ten years, and that the impor- 
 tation from India (under former commercial 
 treaties), then amounting to 51,000 chests annu- 
 ally, should be reduced at the rate of 5100 chests 
 per year. It seems to have been the lack of 
 definite evidence as to the effective fulfilment of 
 this agreement which made the British attitude 
 at Shanghai a halting one. 
 
 The United States Government has not suf- 
 fered the movement against opium to rest where 
 it was left by the Shanghai Commission, but 
 has asked the governments represented in that 
 Commission to send delegates to a formal Inter- 
 national Conference at The Hague. 
 
 The Philippine Islands, taking Instruc- 
 tion from the Japanese in Formosa. — A 
 committee appointed by the Philippine Com- 
 mission, to investigate methods of dealing with 
 the sale and use of opium, included an Ameri- 
 can army officer, Major Carter, a Filipino phy- 
 sician, Dr. Albert, and the missionary bishop of 
 the Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Brent. 
 The following is from a summary of the com- 
 mittee’s report, published in The Outlook of 
 March 4, 1905 : 
 
 “ Although the Committee visited and studied 
 Java, Cochin China, the Straits Settlements, 
 and various places in China, including Hong- 
 kong, it really found the solution of the ques- 
 tion in the Japanese administration of For- 
 mosa. . . . 
 
 “ It is not surprising that the Committee re- 
 commend what is practically an adaptation of 
 the Formosan system for the Philippines. For 
 the maintenance of this system it is indispensable 
 that the ‘ opium and the traffic therein be made 
 a strict Government monopoly immediately.’ 
 That is the first provision. ‘ Second, prohibition, 
 except for medicinal purposes, after three years. 
 Third, only licensees, who shall be males and 
 over twenty-one years of age, shall be allowed 
 to use opium until prohibition goes into effect. 
 Fourth, all venders or dispensers of opium, ex- 
 cept for medical purposes, shall be salaried 
 officials of the Government. Fifth, every effort 
 shall be made (a) to deter the young from con- 
 tracting the habit by pointing out its evil effects 
 and by legislation, (b) to aid in caring for and 
 curing those who manifest a desire to give up 
 the habit, and (c) to punish and, if necessary, 
 to remove from the islands incorrigible offend- 
 ers.’ ” 
 
 United States: A. D. 1909. — Act to Pro- 
 hibit the Importation and Smoking of Opium. 
 
 — A stringent Act prohibitory of the importa- 
 tion and use of opium for any other than medi- 
 
 cinal purposes passed the Senate of the United 
 States on the 2d of February, 1909, having al- 
 ready been adopted by the other House. Smok- 
 ing opium is positively forbidden ; no one can 
 bring it into the country without facing a fine 
 of from fifty to five thousand dollars and im- 
 prisonment for two years ; the mere possession 
 of opium, a preparation of, or derivative there- 
 from, is to be deemed sufficient evidence to 
 authorize conviction. For medicinal purposes, 
 opium may be brought in under regulations 
 prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury. 
 
 OPSONINS. See (in this vol.) Science and 
 Invention, Recent: Opsonins. 
 
 ORANGE FREE STATE: End of the 
 Republic. See (in this vol.) South Africa : 
 A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 ORDER OF RAILWAY CONDUC- 
 TORS. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion : United States. 
 
 ORGANIC STATUTES, The. See (in this 
 vol.) France: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 ORMANIAN : Armenian Patriarch. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 OSAKA, The Burning of. — A large part of 
 the city of Osaka, in Japan, was destroyed by 
 fire in August, 1909. “Had it not been for the 
 canals the region of destruction would have been 
 even more extensive. Citizens by the thousand 
 fled into the surrounding country, leaving the 
 city to its fate. By the time the flames had 
 spent their force more than 12,000 houses had 
 gone up in smoke, leaving more than 100,000 
 people homeless. Most of the municipal, gov- 
 ernment, and other important buildings of the 
 city were destroyed. Great numbers of people 
 are ruined, as the Japanese carry no insurance, 
 as a rule. The amount of insurance involved, 
 however, is about 5,000,000 yen. Fortunately, 
 the number of casualties was not great. About 
 a dozen were killed by falling timbers, and sev- 
 eral were more or less injured.” 
 
 OSCAR II., King of Sweden and Nor- 
 way: Surrender of the Crown of Norway. 
 See (in this vol.) Norway: A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 OSMENA, Sergio: President of the Phil- 
 ippine Assembly. See (in this vol.) Philip- 
 pine Islands : A. D. 1907. 
 
 OSTWALD, W. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Priz rs 
 
 OXFORD UNIVERSITY: Rhodes 
 
 Scholarships. See (in this vol.) Education : 
 Rhodes Scholarships. 
 
 Tutorial Classes organized for Working 
 People. See (in this vol.) Education: Eng- 
 land : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 P. 
 
 PACKING-HOUSE INVESTIGATION. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Public Health: Pure Food 
 Laws: United States. 
 
 PALMA, Tomas Estrada: President of 
 Cuba. See (in this vol.) Cuba: A. D. 1901-1902 
 and 1902. 
 
 Resignation of the Presidency of Cuba. 
 
 See Cuba : A. D. 1906 (Aug. -Oct.). 
 
 PAN-AMERICAN SCIENTIFIC CON- 
 GRESS. See (in this vol.) Science and In- 
 vention : International Congresses. 
 
 PAN-ANGLICAN CONGRESS, 1909. See 
 (in this vol.) Socialism: England: A. D. 1909. 
 
 PANAMA, Republic of: A. D. 1903. Se- 
 cession from Colombia. — Recognized Inde- 
 pendence. — Treaty with the United States 
 for the Building of the Panama Canal. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Panama Canal. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Constitution of the Republic. 
 — First Election. — The Constitution of the 
 new Republic was promulgated on the 16th of 
 February, 1904, and the election of President 
 and three Vice-Presidents took place, resulting 
 in the choice of the following : President, Dr. 
 Manuel Amador ; first vice-president, Dr. Pablo 
 Arosemena ; second vice-president, Don Domin- 
 
PANAMA 
 
 PANAMA CANAL, 1901-1902 
 
 go de Obaldia ; third vice-president, Dr. Carlos 
 Mendoza. 
 
 The third article of the Constitution declares: 
 “ The territory of the Republic is composed of 
 all the territory from which the State of Pan- 
 ama was formed by the amendment to the Gran- 
 ada constitution of 1853, on February 27, 1855, 
 and which was transformed in 1886 into the De- 
 partment of Panama, together with its islands, 
 and of the continental and insular territory, 
 which was adjudged to the Republic of Colom- 
 bia in the award made by the President of the 
 French Republic on September 11, 1900. The 
 territory of the Republic remains subject to the 
 jurisdictional limitations stipulated or which 
 may be stipulated in public treaties concluded 
 with the United States of North America for the 
 construction, maintenance, or sanitation of any 
 means of interoceanic transit. 
 
 “ The boundaries with the Republic of Colom- 
 bia shall be determined by public treaties.” 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Visit of President Roose- 
 velt. — “For the first time in the history of the 
 United States,” said President Roosevelt, when 
 he landed at Colon, November 14, 1906, prelim- 
 inary to a visit and inspection of the Panama 
 Canal, “it has become advisable for a President 
 of the United States to step on territory not 
 beneath the flag of the United States.” He re- 
 ceived a most hospitable welcome and enter- 
 tainment in the young republic. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Participation in Third In- 
 ternational Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Pending Tripartite Treaty 
 with Colombia and the United States. See 
 (in this vol.) Colombia : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 PANAMA CANAL: A. D. 1901 - 1902 . — 
 The Second Hay-Pauncefote Treaty be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain. 
 — Its Ratification. — After the rejection by 
 the British Government of the Amendments 
 made by the Senate of the United States to the 
 Interoceanic Canal Treaty negotiated in Febru- 
 ary, 1900, by Mr. John Hay, United States Sec- 
 retary of State, with the British Ambassador at 
 Washington, Lord Pauncefote (see, in Volume 
 VI. of this work, Canal, Interoceanic : A. D. 
 1900 — December), negotiations on the subject 
 were renewed, with results of success in remov- 
 ing objections on both sides. The new Treaty 
 was signed by Mr. Hay and Lord Pauncefote 
 at Washington on the 18th of November, 1901, 
 and ratifications were exchanged on the 21 st of 
 February, 1902. In the preamble of the Treaty 
 its purpose is declared to be “to facilitate the 
 construction of a ship-canal to connect the At- 
 lantic and Pacific Oceans, by whatever route 
 may be considered expedient, and to that end 
 to remove any objection which may arise out of 
 the Convention of the 19th April, 1850, com- 
 monly called the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, to the 
 construction of such canal under the auspices 
 of the Government of the United States, with- 
 out impairing the ‘ general principle ’ of neu- 
 tralization established in Article VIII of that 
 Convention.” The agreements and stipulations 
 to this end are as follows: 
 
 “ Article I. The High Contracting Parties 
 agree that the present Treaty shall supersede the 
 afore mentioned Convention of the 19th April, 
 1850. 
 
 “Article II. It is agreed that the canal 
 
 may be constructed under the auspices of the 
 Government of the United States, either directly 
 at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to 
 individuals or Corporations, or through subscrip- 
 tion to or purchase of stock or shares, and that, 
 subject to the provisions of the present Treaty, 
 the said Government shall have and enjoy all 
 the rights incident to such construction, as well 
 as the exclusive right of providing for the regu- 
 lation and management of the canal. 
 
 “ Article III. The United States adopts, as 
 the basis of the neutralization of such ship 
 canal, the following Rules, substantially as em- 
 bodied in the Convention of Constantinople, 
 signed the 28th October, 1888, for the free navi- 
 gation of the Suez Canal, that is to say: 
 
 “1. The canal shall be free and open to the 
 vessels of commerce and of war of all nations 
 observing these Rules, on terms of entire equal- 
 ity, so that there shall be no discrimination 
 against any such nation, or its citizens or sub- 
 jects, in respect of the conditions or charges 
 of traffic, or otherwise. Such conditions and 
 charges of traffic shall be just and equitable. 
 
 “ 2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor 
 shall any right of war be exercised nor any act 
 of hostility be committed within it. The United 
 States, however, shall be at liberty to maintain 
 such military police along the canal as may be 
 necessary to protect it against lawlessness and 
 disorder. 
 
 “3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not 
 revictual nor take any stores in the canal ex- 
 cept so far as may be strictly necessary ; and 
 the transit of such vessels through the canal 
 shall be effected with the least possible delay in 
 accordance with the Regulations in force, and 
 with only such intermission as may result from 
 the necessities of the service. Prizes shall be 
 in all respects subject to the same Rules as ves- 
 sels of war of the belligerents. 
 
 “ 4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark 
 troops, munitions of war, or warlike materials 
 in the canal, except in case of accidental hin- 
 drance of the transit, and in such case the tran- 
 sit shall be resumed with all possible dispatch. 
 
 “ 5. The provisions of this Article shall apply 
 to waters adjacent to the canal, within 3 marine 
 miles of either end. Vessels of war of a belli- 
 gerent shall not remain in such waters longer 
 than twenty -four hours at any one time, except 
 in case of distress, and in such case shall depart 
 as soon as possible ; but a vessel of war of one 
 belligerent shall not depart within twenty -four 
 hours from the departure of a vessel of war of 
 the other belligerent. 
 
 “ 6 . The plant, establishments, buildings, and 
 all works necessary to the construction, main- 
 tenance, and operation of the canal shall be 
 deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes of 
 this Treaty, and in time of war, as in time of 
 peace, shall enjoy complete immunity from 
 attack or injury by belligerents, and from acts 
 calculated to impair their usefulness as part of 
 the canal. 
 
 “ Article IV. It is agreed that no change of 
 territorial sovereignty or of the international re- 
 lations of the country or countries traversed by 
 the before mentioned canal shall affect the gen- 
 eral princple of neutralization or the obligation 
 of the High Contracting Parties under the pre- 
 sent Treaty. 
 
 “Article V. The present Treaty shall be 
 
 46G 
 
PANAMA CANAL, 1903 
 
 PANAMA CANAL, 1903 
 
 ratified by the President of the United States, 
 hy and with the advice and consent of the Sen- 
 ate thereof, and hy His Britannic Majesty : and 
 t he ratifications shall he exchanged at Wash- 
 ington or at London at the earliest possible time 
 within six mouths from the date hereof.” — 
 Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the 
 United States, transmitted to Congress, Dec., 
 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Undertaking of the United 
 States endorsed by the Second Conference of 
 American Republics. See (in this vol.) Amer- 
 ican Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Purchase of the Franchises 
 and Property of the Bankrupt French Com- 
 pany. — T reaty with Colombia for the Build- 
 ing of the Canal rejected by the Colombian 
 Senate. — Secession of Panama. — Recog- 
 nition of the Independence of Panama. — - 
 Treaty with the new Republic for the 
 Building and Control of the Canal. — Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt’s narrative of events. — The 
 transactions that were preliminary to the under- 
 taking of the construction of an interoceanic 
 canal through the Isthmus of Panama, by the 
 Government of the United States, are narrated 
 down to March, 1901, in Volume VI. of this 
 work (see Canal, Interoceanic). At that time 
 the proposed Nicaragua route was principally 
 contemplated, for the reason that the rights in 
 Panama held by the bankrupt French Company 
 of Lesseps (see, in Volume IV., Panama Canal) 
 seemed unobtainable, on any terms which the 
 American Government could accept. A com- 
 mission appointed by President McKinley to in- 
 vestigate the situation had reported to that effect 
 in November, 1900, and had recommended the 
 building of a canal on the Nicaragua route. The 
 effect of this report, and of the manifest dispo- 
 sition of the American Congress to authorize the 
 building of a Nicaragua ship canal, xvas to draw 
 from the French company an offer of its Panama 
 franchises and entire property for the sum of 
 $40,000,000. After long debate this offer was 
 accepted, and negotiations were opened with the 
 Republic of Colombia for the necessary treaty 
 rights. Meantime the Hav-Pauncefote treaty 
 witL Great Britain, which the American Senate 
 had amended in a manner objectionable to the 
 British Government, was modified to the satis- 
 faction of the latter, and the enterprise was 
 cleared of questions except those between Co- 
 lombia and the United States. The next ensuing 
 events can be told in the words of President 
 Roosevelt’s report of them to Congress, in his 
 Message at the opening of the session convened 
 on the 7th of December, 1903: 
 
 ‘‘By the act of June 28, 1902,” wrote the 
 President, “the Congress authorized the Presi- 
 dent to enter into treaty with Colombia for the 
 building of the canal across the Isthmus of Pan- 
 ama ; it being provided that in the event of fail- 
 ure to secure such treaty, after the lapse of a 
 reasonable time, recourse should be had to the 
 building of a canal through Nicaragua. It has 
 not been necessary to consider this alternative, 
 as I am enabled to lay before the Senate a treaty 
 providing for the building of the canal across 
 the Isthmus of Panama. This was the route 
 which commended itself to the deliberate judg- 
 ment of the Congress, and we can now acquire 
 by Treaty the right to construct the canal over 
 this route. The question now, therefore, is not 
 
 by which route the isthmian canal shall be 
 built, for that question has been definitely and 
 irrevocably decided. The question is simply 
 whether or not we shall have an isthmian canal. 
 
 “When the Congress directed that we should 
 take the Panama route under treaty with Co- 
 lombia, the essence of the condition, of course, 
 referred not to the Government which controlled 
 that route, but to the route itself ; to the terri- 
 tory across which the route lay, not to the name 
 which for the moment the territory bore on the 
 map. The purpose of the law was to authorize 
 the President to make a treaty with the power 
 in actual control of the Isthmus of Panama. 
 This purpose has been fulfilled. 
 
 “In the year 1846 this Government entered 
 into a treaty with New Granada, the predecessor 
 upon the Isthmus of the Republic of Colom- 
 bia and of the present Republic of Panama, by 
 which treaty it was provided that the Govern- 
 ment and citizens of the United States should 
 always have free and open right of way or 
 transit across the Isthmus of Panama by any 
 modes of communication that might be con- 
 structed, while in return our Government guar- 
 anteed the perfect neutrality of the above-men- 
 tioned Isthmus with the view that the free 
 transit from the one to the other sea might not 
 be interrupted or embarrassed. The treaty 
 vested in the United States a substantial pro- 
 perty right carved out of the rights of sover- 
 eignty and property which New Granada then 
 had and possessed over the said territory. The 
 name of New Granada has passed away and its 
 territory has been divided. Its successor, the 
 Government of Colombia, has ceased to own 
 any property in the Isthmus. A new Republic, 
 that of Panama, which was at one time a sover- 
 • eign state, and at another time a mere depart- 
 ment of the successive confederations known as 
 New Granada and Colombia, has now succeeded 
 to the rights which first one and then the other 
 formerly exercised over the Isthmus. But as 
 long as the Isthmus endures, the mere geogra- 
 phical fact of its existence, and the peculiar in- 
 terest therein which is required by our position, 
 perpetuate the solemn contract which binds the 
 holders of the territory to respect our right to 
 freedom of transit across it, and binds 11 s in 
 return to safeguard for the Isthmus and the 
 world the exercise of that inestimable privilege. 
 The true interpretation of the obligations upon 
 which the United States entered in this treaty 
 of 1846 has been given repeatedly in the utter- 
 ances of Presidents and Secretaries of State. . . . 
 
 “ Attorney- General Speed, under date of 
 November 7, 1865, advised Secretary Seward as 
 follows : ‘ From this treaty it can not be sup- 
 posed that New Granada invited the United 
 States to become a party to the intestine troubles 
 of that Government, nor did the United States 
 become bound to take sides in the domestic 
 broils of New Granada. The United States did 
 guarantee New Granada in the sovereignty and 
 property over the territory. This was as 
 against other and foreign governments.’ 
 
 “For four hundred years, ever since shortly 
 after the discovery of this hemisphere, the 
 canal across the Isthmus has been planned. For 
 two score years it has been worked at. When 
 made it is to last for the ages. It is to alter the 
 geography of a continent and the trade routes 
 of the world. We have shown by every treaty 
 
 467 
 
PANAMA CANAL, 1903 
 
 PANAMA CANAL, 1903 
 
 we have negotiated or attempted to negotiate 
 with the peoples in control of the Isthmus and 
 with foreign nations in reference thereto our 
 consistent good faith in observing our obliga- 
 tions ; on the one hand to the peoples of the 
 Isthmus, and on the other hand to the civilized 
 world whose commercial rights we are safe- 
 guarding and guaranteeing by our action. We 
 have done our duty to others in letter and in 
 spirit, and we have shown the utmost forbear- 
 ance in exacting our own rights. 
 
 “ Last spring, under the act above referred to, 
 a treaty concluded between the representatives 
 of the Republic of Colombia and of our Govern- 
 ment was ratified by the Senate. This treaty 
 was entered into at the urgent solicitation of the 
 people of Colombia and after a body of experts 
 appointed by our Government especially to go 
 into the matter of the routes across the Isthmus 
 had pronounced unanimously in favor of the 
 Panama route. In drawing up this treaty every 
 concession was made to the people and to the 
 Government of Colombia. We were more than 
 just in dealing with them. Our generosity was 
 such as to make it a serious question whether 
 we had not gone too far in their interest at the 
 expense of our own ; for in our scrupulous de- 
 sire to pay all possible heed, not merely to the 
 real but even to the fancied rights of our weaker 
 neighbor, who already owed so much to our pro- 
 tection and forbearance, we yielded in all possi- 
 ble ways to her desires in drawing up the treaty. 
 Nevertheless the Government of Colombia not 
 merely repudiated the treaty, but repudiated it 
 in such a manner as to make it evident by the 
 time the Colombian Congress adjourned that 
 not the scantiest hope remained of ever getting 
 a satisfactory treaty from them. The Govern- 
 ment of Colombia made the treaty, and yet 
 when the Colombian Congress was called to rat- 
 ify it the vote against ratification was unani- 
 mous. It does not appear that the Government 
 made any real effort to secure ratification. 
 
 “Immediately after the adjournment of the 
 Congress a revolution broke out in Panama. The 
 people of Panama had long been discontented 
 with the Republic of Colombia, and they had 
 been kept 'quiet only by the prospect of the con- 
 clusion of the treaty, which was to them a mat- 
 ter of vital concern. When it became evident 
 that the treaty was hopelessly lost, the people 
 of Panama rose literally as one man. Not a shot 
 was fired by a single man on the Isthmus in the 
 interest of the Colombian Government. Not a 
 life was lost in the accomplishment of the revolu- 
 tion. The Colombian troops stationed on the 
 Isthmus, who had long been unpaid, made com- 
 mon cause with the people of Panama, and with 
 astonishing unanimity the new Republic was 
 started. The duty of the United States in the 
 premises was clear. In strict accordance with 
 the principles laid down by Secretaries Cass and 
 Seward . . . the United States gave notice that 
 it would permit the landing of no expeditionary 
 force, the arrival of which would mean chaos 
 and destruction along the line of the railroad 
 and of the proposed canal, and an interruption 
 of transit as an inevitable consequence. The de 
 facto Government of Panama was recognized 
 in the following telegram to Mr. Ehrman : 
 
 “ ‘The people of Panama have, by apparently 
 unanimous movement, dissolved their political 
 connection with the Republic of Colombia and 
 
 resumed their independence. When you are sat- 
 isfied that a de facto government, republican in 
 form and without substantial opposition from its 
 own people, has been established in the State 
 of Panama, you will enter into relations with it 
 as the responsible government of the territory 
 and look to it for all due action to protect the 
 persons and property of citizens of the United 
 States and to keep open the isthmian transit, in 
 accordance with the obligations of existing 
 treaties governing the relations of the United 
 States to that territory.’ 
 
 “ The Government of Colombia was notified 
 of our action by the following telegram to Mr. 
 Beaupre: 
 
 “ ‘ The people of Panama having, by an appar- 
 ently unanimous movement, dissolved their po- 
 litical connection with the Republic of Colombia 
 and resumed their independence, and having 
 adopted a Government of their own, republican 
 in form, with which the Government of the 
 United States of America has entered into rela- 
 tions, the President of the United States, in 
 accordance with the ties of friendship which 
 have so long and so happily existed between the 
 respective nations, most earnestly commends to 
 the Governments of Colombia and of Panama the 
 peaceful and equitable settlement of all ques- 
 tions at issue between them. He holds that he is 
 bound not merely by treaty obligations, but by 
 the interests of civilization, to see that the peace- 
 ful traffic of the world across the Isthmus of 
 Panama shall not longer be disturbed by a con- 
 stant succession of unnecessary and wasteful 
 civil wars.’ 
 
 “When these events happened, fifty-seven 
 years had elapsed since the United States had 
 entered into its treaty with New Granada. Dur- 
 ing that time the Governments of New Granada 
 and of its successor, Colombia, have been in a 
 constant state of flux. 
 
 [The President then gives a list, by date, of 
 53 more or less serious disturbances of the pub- 
 lic peace on the Isthmus which United States 
 consuls had reported to the Government at 
 Washington between May, 1850, and July, 
 1902. From this he proceeds :] 
 
 “The above is only a partial list of the revo- 
 lutions, rebellions, insurrections, riots, and 
 other outbreaks that have occurred during the 
 period in question ; yet they number 53 for the 
 57 years. It will be noted that one of them 
 lasted for nearly three years before it was 
 quelled ; another for nearly a year. In short, 
 the experience of over half a century has shown 
 Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping 
 order on the Isthmus. Only the active interfer- 
 ence of the United States has enabled her to pre- 
 serve so much as a semblance of sovereignty. 
 Had it not been for the exercise by the United 
 States of the police power in her interest, her 
 connection with the Isthmus would have been 
 sundered long ago. In 1856, in 1860, in 1873, 
 in 1885, in 1901, and again in 1902, sailors and 
 marines from United States war-ships were 
 forced to land in order to patrol the Isthmus, to 
 protect life and property, and to see that the 
 transit across the Isthmus was kept open. In 
 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900, the Colom- 
 bian Government asked that the United States 
 Government would land troops to protect its 
 interests and maintain order on the Isthmus. . . . 
 
 “The control, in the interest of the commerce 
 
 468 
 
PANAMA CANAL, 1903 
 
 PANAMA CANAL, 1903 
 
 and traffic of the whole civilized world, of the 
 means of undisturbed transit across the Isthmus 
 of Panama has become of transcendent impor- 
 tance to the United States. We have repeatedly 
 exercised this control by intervening in the 
 course of domestic dissension, and by protecting 
 the territory from foreign invasion. In 1853 
 Mr. Everett assured the Peruvian minister that 
 we should not hesitate to maintain the neutrality 
 of the Isthmus in the case of war between Peru 
 and Colombia. In 1864 Colombia, which has 
 always been vigilant to avail itself of its privi- 
 leges conferred by the treaty, expressed its ex- 
 pectation that in the event of war between Peru 
 and Spain the United States would carry into 
 effect the guaranty of neutrality. There have 
 been few administrations of the State Depart- 
 ment in which this treaty has not, either by the 
 one side or the other, been used as a basis of 
 more or less important demands. It was said 
 by Mr. Fish in 1871 that the Department of 
 State had reason to believe that an attack upon 
 Colombian sovereignty on the Isthmus had, on 
 several occasions, been averted by warning from 
 this Government. In 1886, when Colombia was 
 under the menace of hostilities from Italy in 
 the Cerruti case, Mr. Bayard expressed the se- 
 rious concern that the United States could not 
 but feel, that a European power should resort 
 to force against a sister republic of this hemi- 
 sphere, as to the sovereign and uninterrupted 
 use of a part of whose territory we are guaran- 
 tors under the solemn faith of a treaty. 
 
 “The above recital of facts establishes be- 
 yond question : First, that the United States has 
 for over half a century patiently and in good 
 faith carried out its obligations under the treaty 
 of 1846 ; second, that when for the first time it 
 became possible for Colombia to do anything in 
 requital of the services thus repeatedly rendered 
 to it for fifty-seven years by the United States, 
 the Colombian Government peremptorily and 
 offensively refused thus to do its part, even 
 though to do so would have been to its advan- 
 tage and immeasurably to the advantage of the 
 State of Panama, at that time under its jurisdic- 
 tion; third, that throughout this period revolu- 
 tions, riots, and factional disturbances of every 
 kind have occurred one after the other in almost 
 uninterrupted succession, some of them lasting 
 for months and even for years, while the central 
 government was unable to put them down or to 
 make peace with the rebels ; fourth, that these 
 disturbances instead of showing any sign of 
 abating have tended to grow more numerous 
 and more serious in the immediate past; fifth, 
 that the control of Colombia over the Isthmus 
 of Panama could not be maintained without the 
 armed intervention and assistance of the United 
 States. In other words, the Government of Co- 
 lombia, though wholly unable to maintain order 
 on the Isthmus, has nevertheless declined to 
 ratify a treaty the conclusion of which opened 
 the only chance to secure its own stability and 
 to guarantee permanent peace on, and the con- 
 struction of a canal across, the Isthmus. 
 
 “Under such circumstances the Government 
 of the United States would have been guilty of 
 folly and weakness, amounting in their sum to a 
 crime against the Nation, had it acted otherwise 
 than it did when the revolution of November 3 
 last took place in Panama. This great enter- 
 prise of building the interoceanic canal can not 
 
 be held up to gratify the whims, or out of re- 
 spect to the governmental impotence, or to the 
 even more siuister and evil political peculiari- 
 ties, of people who, though they dwell afar off, 
 yet, against the wish of the actual dwellers on 
 the Isthmus, assert an unreal supremacy over 
 the territory. The possession of a territory 
 fraught with such peculiar capacities as the 
 Isthmus in question carries with it obligations 
 to maukind. The course of events has shown 
 that this canal can not be built by private enter- 
 prise, or by any other nation than our own ; 
 therefore it must be built by the United States. 
 
 “ Every effort has been made by the Govern- 
 ment of the United States to persuade Colombia 
 to follow a course which was essentially not 
 only to our interests and to the interests of the 
 world, but to the interests of Colombia itself. 
 These efforts have failed ; and Colombia, by her 
 persistence in repulsing the advances that have 
 been made, has forced us, for the sake of our 
 own honor, and of the interest and well-being, 
 not merely of our own people, but of the peo- 
 ple of the Isthmus of Panama and the people 
 of the civilized countries of the world, to take 
 decisive steps to bring to an end a condition 
 of affairs which had become intolerable. The 
 new Republic of Panama immediately offered 
 to negotiate a treaty with us. This treaty I 
 herewith submit. By it our interests are better 
 safeguarded than in the treaty with Colombia 
 which was ratified by the Senate at its last ses- 
 sion. It is better in its terms than the treaties 
 offered to us by the Republics of Nicaragua and 
 Costa Rica. At last the right to begin this great 
 undertaking is made available. Panama has 
 done her part. All that remains is for the 
 American Congress to do its part and forth- 
 with this Republic will enter upon the execution 
 of a project colossal in its size and of well-nigh 
 incalculable possibilities for the good of this 
 country and the nations of mankind. 
 
 “By the provisions of the treaty the United 
 States guarantees and will maintain the inde- 
 pendence of the Republic of Panama. There 
 is granted to the United States in perpetuity 
 the use, occupation, and control of a strip ten 
 miles wide and extending three nautical miles 
 into the sea at either terminal, with all lands 
 lying outside of the zone necessary for the con- 
 struction of the canal or for its auxiliary works, 
 and with the islands in the Bay of Panama. 
 The cities of Panama and Colon are not em- 
 braced in the canal zone, but the United States 
 assumes their sanitation and, in case of need, 
 the maintenance of order therein ; the United 
 States enjoys within the granted limits all the 
 rights, power, and authority which it would 
 possess were it the sovereign of the territory to 
 the exclusion of the exercise of sovereign rights 
 by the Republic. All railway and canal pro- 
 perty rights belonging to Panama and needed 
 for the canal pass to the United States, includ- 
 ing any property of the respective companies in 
 the cities of Panama and Colon ; the works, pro- 
 perty, and personnel of the canal and railways 
 are exempted from taxation as well in the cities 
 of Panama and Colon as in the canal zone and 
 its dependencies. Free immigration of the per- 
 sonnel and importation of supplies for the con- 
 struction and operation of the canal are granted. 
 Provision is made for the use of military force 
 and the building of fortifications by the United 
 
PANAMA CANAL, 1903 
 
 PANAMA CANAL, 1905-1909 
 
 States for the protection of the transit. In 
 other details, particularly as to the acquisition 
 of the interests of the New Panama Canal Com- 
 pany and the Panama Railway by the United 
 States and the condemnation of private pro- 
 perty for the uses of the canal, the stipulations 
 of the Hay-Herran treaty are closely followed, 
 while the compensation to be given for these 
 enlarged grants remains the same, being ten 
 millions of dollars payable on exchange of rati- 
 fications; and, beginning nine years from that 
 date, an annual payment of $250,000 during the 
 life of the convention.” — President's Message, 
 Dec. 7, 1903. 
 
 The text of the Treaty with Panama may be 
 found in the volume of “ Papers relating to the 
 Foreign Relations of the United States” for 
 1904, pp. 543-551. 
 
 In the view of a good many critics who are not 
 of a captious disposition, the conduct of the 
 Government of the United States in these trans- 
 actions was not as unquestionable as it appeared 
 to President Roosevelt. Professor Coolidge, of 
 Harvard University, in his candid and broadly 
 studied work on “The United States as a World 
 Power” (prepared originally in the form of 
 lectures delivered at the Sorbonne, in Paris), re- 
 marks that “ to forbid the landing of Colombian 
 troops was to stretch the meaning of the old 
 American right to maintain order along the line 
 of the railway to an extent hardly justifiable in 
 dealing with a friendly nation, and the haste 
 with which the administration at Washington 
 recognized the independence of the new repub- 
 lic aud concluded a treaty with it appeared to 
 many people indecent. The truth w'as the 
 Americans did not feel that they were dealing 
 with a friendly nation.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — Beginning and Organi- 
 zation of the Work of Construction. — “ The 
 treaty between the United States and the Re- 
 public of Panama, under which the construc- 
 tion of the Panama Canal was made possible, 
 went into effect with its ratification by the 
 United States Senate on February 23, 1904. The 
 canal properties of the French Canal Company 
 were transferred to the United States on April 
 23, 1904, on payment of $40,000,000 to that 
 company. On April 1, 1905, the Commission 
 was reorganized, and it now consists of Theo- 
 dore P. Shonts, chairman, Charles E. Magoon, 
 Benjamin M. Harrod, Rear-Admiral Mordecai 
 T. Endicott, Brig. Gen. Peter C. Ilains, and 
 Col. Oswald H. Ernst. John F. Stevens was 
 appointed chief engineer on July 1 last. Active 
 work in canal construction, mainly preparatory, 
 has been in progress for less than a year and a 
 half. During that period two points about the 
 canal have ceased to be open to debate. First, 
 the question of route; the canal will be built on 
 the Isthmus of Panama. Second, the question 
 of feasibility ; there are no physical obstacles on 
 this route that American engineering skill will 
 not be able to overcome without serious diffi- 
 culty, or that will prevent the completion of the 
 canal within a reasonable time and at a reason- 
 able cost. This is virtually the unanimous testi- 
 mony of the engineers who have investigated 
 the matter for the Government. The point 
 which remains unsettled is the question of type, 
 whether the canal shall be one of several locks 
 above sea level, or at sea level with a single 
 tide lock. On this point I hope to lay before 
 
 the Congress at an early day the findings of the 
 Advisory Board of American and European 
 Engineers, that at my invitation have been con- 
 sidering the subject, together with the report of 
 the Commission thereon ; and such comments 
 thereon or recommendations in reference thereto 
 as may seem necessary. 
 
 “ The American people is pledged to the 
 speediest possible construction of a canal, ade- 
 quate to meet the demands which the commerce 
 of the world will make upon it, and I appeal 
 most earnestly to the Congress to aid in the ful- 
 fillment of the pledge. Gratifying progress has 
 been made during the past year and especially 
 during the past four months. The greater part 
 of the necessary preliminary work has been 
 done. Actual work of excavation could be be- 
 gun only on a limited scale till the Canal Zone 
 was made a healthful place to live in and to 
 work in. The isthmus had to be sanitated 
 first [see Public Health : Panama Canal], 
 This task has been so thoroughly accomplished 
 that yellow fever has been virtually extirpated 
 from the Isthmus and general health conditions 
 vastly improved. The same methods which 
 converted the island of Cuba from a pest hole, 
 which menaced the health of the world, into a 
 healthful place of abode, have been applied on 
 the Isthmus with satisfactory results. There is 
 no reason to doubt that when the plans for 
 water supply, paving, and sewerage of Panama 
 and Colon and the large labor camps have been 
 fully carried out, the Isthmus will be, for the 
 Tropics, an unusually healthy place of abode. 
 The work is so far advanced now that the 
 health of all those employed in canal work is as 
 well guarded as it is on similar work in this 
 country and elsewhere. 
 
 “ In addition to sanitating the Isthmus, satis- 
 factory quarters are being provided for em- 
 ployees and an adequate system of supplying 
 them with wholesome food at reasonable prices 
 has been created. Hospitals have been estab- 
 lished and equipped that are without superiors 
 of their kind anywhere. The country has thus 
 been made fit to work in, and provision has 
 been made for the welfare and comfort of those 
 who are to do the work. During the past year 
 a large portion of the plant with which the 
 work is to be done has beeu ordered. It is con- 
 fidently believed that by the middle of the 
 approaching year a sufficient proportion of this 
 plant will have been installed to enable us to 
 resume the work of excavation on a large scale.” 
 — President's Message to Congress, Dec. 5, 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — Prosecution and pro- 
 gress of the work. — Mr. John L. Stevens wa9 
 in charge of the work on the Canal, as Chief 
 Engineer, until April 1, 1907. when he resigned, 
 and it was then determined by the Government 
 to place it under the direction of an army engi- 
 neer. The officer chosen for the service was 
 Lieut. -Colonel George W. Goethals, of the Engi- 
 neer Corps, with Major Gaillard and Major Sie- 
 bert as assistant engineers, and this arrangement 
 has been justified amply by results. At the 
 same time a final determination was arrived at, 
 against the placing of any part of the work uuder 
 contract; and this, too, has been approved by 
 experience in the undertaking since. Shortly 
 before the occurrence of these changes Mr. 
 Shonts had resigned the chairmanship of the 
 Canal Commission, to take the presidency of 
 
 470 
 
PANAMA CANAL, 1905-1909 
 
 PAN-LUN-SIIAN REDOUBT 
 
 the Interborougli Co. of New York, and Colonel 
 Goethals became Chairman of the Commission 
 as well as Chief Engineer. 
 
 In June, 1900, the original design of asea-levcl 
 canal throughout, with no locks, was dropped, 
 after much consideration and under weighty en- 
 gineering advice. As described very tersely and 
 clearly by an English writer on the subject, the 
 new plan for locks is worked out as follows: 
 “ Beginning at deep water in Limou Bay, on the 
 Caribbean coast, there will be a tide-water chan- 
 nel 500ft. wide and 6.70 miles long to Gatun. 
 At Gatun there will be the vast dam, the ascent 
 of which will be effected by means of two flights 
 of locks. In each flight there will be three 
 locks, each 1,000 ft. long, 110ft. wide, and 41.3ft. 
 dGep on the sills. These will give access to a 
 lake formed by the impounded waters of the 
 Chagres river, with a surface level 85ft. above 
 mean tide level. Through this lake will extend 
 a channel from 500ft. to 1,000ft. wide for 23.59 
 miles to Bas Obispo, the entrance to the Cule- 
 bra cut. Thence through that cut there will be 
 a channel 300ft. wide for 8.11 miles to Pedro 
 Miguel, the surface level being the same as 
 that of the lake. At Pedro Miguel there will 
 be a dam with twin locks, side by side, by 
 which descent of 30ft. will be made to a smaller 
 lake 55ft. above tide-water. This lake, only 
 0.97 of a mile long, will be traversed by a chan- 
 nel 500ft. wide to Miraflores, where there will 
 be another dam, with twin flights of locks, two 
 locks in each flight, bringing the canal down to 
 tide level ; and from Miraflores a channel 500ft. 
 wide will extend 8.31 miles to deep water in 
 the Bay of Panama. The channel will nowhere, 
 save on the lock sills, be less than 45ft. deep, 
 and the locks at Pedro Miguel and Miraflores 
 will be of the same dimensions as those at 
 Gatun.” 
 
 This altered plan received much persistent 
 criticism, — so persistent that, in January, 1909, 
 after the election of Mr. Taft to the Presidency 
 of the United States, but before his assumption 
 of the office, the President-elect, who, as Sec- 
 retary of War, had been the responsible admin- 
 istrator of the undertaking, went to the Isth- 
 mus with a selected committee of engineers, 
 who were asked to examine and report on the 
 plans and methods of the work. Their reports, 
 made in February, endorsed both. In com- 
 municating them to Congress the President 
 characterized them as showing that “the only 
 criticism that can be made of the work on the 
 isthmus is that there has sometimes been almost 
 an excess of caution in providing against pos- 
 sible trouble. As to the Gatun dam itself, they 
 show that not only is the dam safe, but on the 
 whole the plan already adopted would make it 
 needlessly high and strong, and accordingly 
 they recommend that the height be reduced by 
 twenty feet, which change in the plans I have 
 accordingly directed.” Of the engineers who 
 made the report he remarked that they “are 
 of all the men in their profession, within or 
 without the United States, the men who are on 
 the whole best qualified to pass on these very 
 questions which they examined.” The mem- 
 bership of the committee or board was as fol- 
 lows : Frederic P. Stearns, James D. Schuyler, 
 Arthur P. Davis, Isham Randolph, Henry D. 
 Allen, John R. Freeman, and Allen Hazen. 
 
 The engineers reported that “as the Gatun 
 
 earth dam was the central point of discussion, 
 they gave it under instructions from Mr. Taft 
 first consideration in the light of all new evi- 
 dences,” and they added “ that the type of dam 
 under consideration is one which meets with 
 our unanimous approval.” Dams and locks, 
 lock gates and all other engineering structures 
 involved in the lock-canal project, are “feasible 
 and safe,” according to the engineers, “and can 
 be depended upon to perform with certainty 
 their respective functions.” 
 
 Considering the cost and time of construction 
 of a sea-level canal as compared with the lock 
 type, they held that “most of the factors which 
 have operated to increase the cost of the lock 
 canal would operate with similar effect to in- 
 crease the cost of the sea-level canal, and at the 
 present time there are additional factors of even 
 greater importance to be considered as affecting 
 the time of completion and cost of a sea-level 
 canal.” One of these they found in the Gamboa 
 dam. If work on this were to be started as 
 soon as possible, they asserted it “ could not be 
 completed until after the time required for the 
 completion of the lock-canal.” Further than 
 this, they said that “ a change in the type 
 would result in abandoning work which repre- 
 sents large expenditure.” They claimed that 
 by the change the river Chagres and the rivers 
 on the Isthmus tributary thereto, “instead of 
 being allies, would be enemies of the canal, and 
 floods in them would greatly interfere with the 
 work. ” 
 
 Replying to the criticism that “ the canal re- 
 gion is liable to earthquake shocks, and that a 
 sea-level canal would be less subject to injury 
 by earthquakes than a lock canal,” they asserted 
 that “dams and locks are structures of great 
 stability and little subject to damage by earth- 
 quake shocks,” but that even if they could 
 regard earthquakes as a source of serious dam- 
 age to any type of canal on the Isthmus, “ their 
 effect upon the dams, locks and regulating 
 works proposed for the sea-leval canal would be 
 much the same as upon similar structures of the 
 lock canal.” 
 
 Finally, they said : “ We see no reason why 
 the canal should not be completed, as estimated 
 by the chief engineer, by January 1, 1915; in 
 fact, it seems that a somewhat earlier date is 
 probable, if all goes well.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Prohibition in the Canal 
 Zone. See (in this vol.) Alcohol Problem : 
 Casual Occurrences of Saloon Suppression. 
 
 PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION. See 
 (in this vol.) Buffalo : A. D. 1901. 
 
 PAN-AMERICAN RAILWAY: Resolu- 
 tion of Third International Conference of 
 American Republics. See (in this vol.) Amer- 
 ican Republics. 
 
 PANICS, Monetary, of 1903 and 1907. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Finance and Trade : A. D. 1901- 
 1909. 
 
 PAN ISLAMISM. See (in this vol.) Se- 
 nussia ; also Egypt: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 PANKHURST, Mrs. Emeline. See (in 
 this vol.) Elective Franchise: Woman Suf- 
 frage. 
 
 PANLUNG, The Capture of. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 PAN-LUN-SHAN REDOUBT, Capture 
 of. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 
 
 (May-Jan.). 
 
 471 
 
PAPACY, 1903 
 
 PAPACY, 1906 
 
 PAPACY : A. D. 1902. — Secession of the 
 Independent Filipino Church. See (in this 
 vol.) Philippine Islands: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (July-Aug.). ■ — • Death of Pope 
 Leo XIII. — Election of Pius X. — The 
 
 Papal seat became vacant by the death of Pope 
 Leo XIII. on the 20th of July, 1903. The Con- 
 clave of Cardinals for the election of his succes- 
 sor assembled on the 31st of the mouth, and its 
 choice of Cardinal Sarto, Patriarch of Venice, 
 was made known on August 3d. The new Pope 
 assumed the name of Pius X. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Papal Prohibition of Civil 
 Interference with the Election of the Ro- 
 man Pontiff. — The Civil Veto, in all forms, 
 denounced. — In the first year of his pontifi- 
 cate, on the 20th of January, 1904, Pope Pius X. 
 pronounced the following denunciation and pro- 
 hibition of every kind of intrusion of civil au- 
 thority or influence in the election of a Roman 
 pontiff: “When first, all unworthy as we are, 
 we ascended this chair of Peter, we deemed it a 
 most urgent duty of our apostolic office to pro- 
 vide that the life of the Church should manifest 
 itself with absolute freedom, by the removal 
 of all extraneous interference, as her divine 
 Founder willed that it should manifest itself, 
 and as her lofty mission imperatively requires. 
 
 “Now if there is one function above all others 
 in the life of the Church which demands this 
 liberty it is certainly that which is concerned 
 with the election of the Roman pontiff ; for when 
 the head is in question, the health not of one 
 member alone but of the whole body is involved 
 (Greg. XV. Constit. Aeterni Patris in proem). 
 
 “To this full liberty in the election of the Su- 
 preme Pastor is opposed first of all that civil 
 Veto which has been more than once brought 
 forward by the rulers of some states, and by 
 which it is sought to exclude somebody from 
 the supreme pontificate. If this has happened 
 sometimes, it has never been approved by the 
 apostolic see. On the contrary the Roman pon- 
 tiffs, in their enactments on the conclave, have 
 been in nothing perhaps more emphatic or 
 more earnest than in their efforts to exclude 
 the interference of all extraneous powers from 
 the sacred senate of the Cardinals summoned to 
 elect the pontiff. . . . 
 
 “ But, and experience has shown it, the mea- 
 sures hitherto taken for preventing the civil 
 Veto, or Exclusive, have not served their pur- 
 pose, and on account of the changed circum- 
 stances of the times the intrusion of the civil 
 power in our day is more clearly than ever 
 before destitute of all foundation in reason or 
 equity, therefore we, by virtue of the apostolic 
 charge entrusted to us, and following in the 
 footsteps of our predecessors, after having ma- 
 turely deliberated, with certain knowledge and 
 by our own motion, do absolutely condemn the 
 civil Veto, or Exclusive as it is also called, even 
 when expressed under the form of a mere desire, 
 and all interventions and intercessions whatso- 
 ever, decreeing that it is not lawful for anybody, 
 not even the supreme rulers of states, under any 
 pretext, to interpose or interfere in the grave 
 matter of the election of the Roman pontiff. 
 
 “Wherefore, in virtue of holy obedience, 
 under threat of divine judgment and pain of 
 excommunication la,tae sententiae reserved in a 
 special manner to the future pontiff, we prohibit 
 all and single the Cardinals of holy Roman 
 
 Church, and likewise the secretary of the Sacred 
 College of Cardinals and all others who take 
 part in the conclave to receive, even under the 
 form of a simple desire, the office of proposing 
 the Veto or Exclusive, or to make known this 
 Veto in whatever manner it may have come to 
 their knowledge, to the Sacred College of Cardi- 
 nals either taken as a whole or to the individual 
 fathers Cardinals, either by writing, by word 
 of mouth, whether directly and proximately, 
 or indirectly and through others. And it is 
 our will that this prohibition be extended to all 
 the interventions above mentioned, and to all 
 other intercessions whatsoever, by which the lay 
 powers, of whatsoever grade and order, en- 
 deavor to intrude themselves in the election of 
 the pontiff. 
 
 “Finally we vehemently exhort, in the same 
 words as those used by our predecessors, that 
 in the election of the pontiff, they pay no atten- 
 tion whatever to the appeals of secular princes or 
 other worldly considerations . . . but solely with 
 the glory of God and the good of the Church 
 before their eyes, give their votes to him whom 
 they judge in the Lord better fitted than the 
 others to rule the Universal Church fruitfully 
 and usefully. It is our will also that these our 
 letters, together with the other constitutions of 
 the same kind, be read in the presence of all in 
 the first of the congregations wont to be held 
 after the death of the pontiff; again after en- 
 trance into the conclave; also when anybody 
 is raised to the dignity of the purple, with the 
 addition of an oath binding to the religious 
 observance of what is decreed in the present 
 constitution.” 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Amenities between the Vati- 
 can and the Quirinal. See (in this vol.) Italy: 
 A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Increased Participation of 
 Catholics in the Italian Elections. See (in this 
 vol.) Italy: A. D. 1904 (Oct.-Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Relaxation of the With- 
 drawal of Italian Catholics from Political 
 Action. See (in this vol.) Italy: A. D. 1905 - 
 1906 . 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — The Separation of 
 Church and State in France. See (in this vol.) 
 France: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Anti-Clerical Movement in 
 Spain. — Proposed Associations Law. See 
 (in this vol.) Spain: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Feb.). — Encyclical “ Vehemen- 
 ter Nos,” to the Prelates, Clergy, and People 
 of France, concerning the Separation Law. — 
 The following are passages from the Encycli- 
 cal known, from its opening words in the Latin 
 text as “ Vehemeuter Nos,” which Pope Pius X. 
 addressed to the French nation on the 19th of 
 February, 1906, after the adoption of the Law 
 separating the Church from the State : 
 
 “ To the Archbishops, Bishops, Clergy and 
 People of France. . . . Venerable Brethren, 
 Well-Beloved Sons, Health and Apostolic Bene- 
 diction. 
 
 “ Our soul is full of sorrowful solicitude and 
 our heart overflows with grief when our thoughts 
 dwell upon you. How, indeed, could it be 
 otherwise, immediately after the promulgation 
 of that law which, by sundering violently the 
 old ties that linked your nation with the Apos- 
 tolic See, creates for the Catholic Church in 
 France a situation unworthy of her and ever to 
 
 472 
 
PAPACY, 1906 
 
 PAPACY, 1906 
 
 be lamented ? That is, beyond question, an 
 event of the gravest import, and one that must 
 be deplored by all right-minded men, for it is as 
 disastrous to society as it is to religion ; but it 
 is an event which can have surprised nobody 
 who has paid any attention to -the religious pol- 
 icy followed in France of late years. For you, 
 Venerable Brethren, it will certainly have been 
 nothing new or strange, witnesses as you have 
 been of the many dreadful blows aimed from 
 time to time at religion by the public authority. 
 You have seen the sanctity and inviolability of 
 Christian marriage outraged by legislative acts 
 in formal contradiction with them; the schools 
 and hospitals laicised ; clerics torn from their 
 studies and from ecclesiastical discipline to be 
 subjected to military service ; the religious con- 
 gregations dispersed and despoiled, and their 
 members for the most part reduced to the last 
 stage of destitution. Other legal measures which 
 you all know have followed — the law ordaining 
 public prayers at the beginning of each Parlia- 
 mentary session and of the assizes has been abol- 
 ished ; the signs of mourning traditionally 
 observed on board the ships on Good Friday 
 suppressed ; the religious character effaced from 
 the judicial oath ; all actions and emblems serv- 
 ing in any way to recall the idea of religion ban- 
 ished from the courts, the schools, the army, the 
 navy, and, iu a word, from all public establish- 
 ments. These measures and others still which, 
 one after another, really separated the Church 
 from the State, were but so many steps design- 
 edly made to arrive at complete and official sep- 
 aration, as the authors of them have publicly 
 and frequently admitted. 
 
 “ On the other hand, the Holy See has spared 
 absolutely no means to avert this great calamity. 
 While it was untiring in warning those who 
 were at the head of affairs in France, and in con- 
 juring them over and over again to weigh well 
 the immensity of the evils that would infallibly 
 result from their separatist policy, it at the same 
 time lavished upon France the most striking 
 proofs of indulgent affection. It had then reason 
 to hope that gratitude would have stayed those 
 politicians on their downward path, and brought 
 them at last to relinquish their designs. But all 
 has been in vain — the attentions, good offices 
 and efforts of our predecessor and ourself. The 
 enemies of religion have succeeded at last in ef- 
 fecting by violence what they have long desired, 
 in defiance of your rights as a Catholic nation 
 and of the wishes of all who think rightly. . . . 
 
 "That the State must be separated from the 
 Church is a thesis absolutely false, a most perni- 
 cious error. Based, as it is, on the principle that 
 the State must not recognize any religious cult, 
 it is in the first place guilty of a great injus- 
 tice to God ; for the Creator of man is also the 
 founder of human societies, and preserves their 
 existence as He preserves our own. We owe 
 Him, therefore, not only a private cult, but a 
 public and social worship to honor Him. Be- 
 sides, it is an obvious negation of the supernat- 
 ural order. It limits the action of the State to 
 the pursuit of public prosperity during this 
 life only, which is but the proximate object of 
 political societies; and it occupies itself in no 
 fashion (on the plea that this is foreign to it) 
 with their ultimate object, which is man’s eter- 
 nal happiness after this short life shall have run 
 its course. . . . 
 
 " When the State broke the bonds of the Con- 
 cordat and separated itself from the Church it 
 ought, as a natural consequence, to have left 
 her her independence and allowed her to enjoy 
 peacefully that liberty granted by the common 
 law which it pretended to assign to her. Nothing 
 of the kind has been done. We recognize in the 
 law many exceptional and odiously restrictive 
 provisions, the effect of which is to place the 
 Church under the domination of the civil 
 power. . . . 
 
 “ With the existence of the association of wor- 
 ship, the Law of Separation hinders the pastors 
 from exercising the plenitude of their authority 
 and of their office over the faithful, when it at- 
 tributes to the Council of State supreme juris- 
 diction over these associations and submits them 
 to a whole series of prescriptions not contained 
 in common law, rendering their formation diffi- 
 cult and their continued existence more diffi- 
 cult still; when, after proclaiming the liberty of 
 public worship, it proceeds to restrict its exer- 
 cise by numerous exceptions ; when it despoils 
 the Church of the internal regulation of the 
 churches in order to invest the State with this 
 function; when it thwarts the preaching of 
 Catholic faith and morals and sets up a severe 
 and exceptional penal code for clerics — when 
 it sanctions all these provisions and many others 
 of the same kind in which wide scope is left to 
 arbitrary ruling, does it not place the Church in 
 a position of humiliating subjection and, under 
 the pretext of protecting public order, deprive 
 peaceable citizens, who still constitute the vast 
 majority in France, of the sacred right of prac- 
 tising their religion ? . . . 
 
 “In addition to the wrongs and injuries to 
 which we have so far referred, the Law of Sepa- 
 ration also violates and tramples under foot the 
 rights of property of the Church. In defiance 
 of all justice, it despoils the Church of a great 
 portion of a patrimony which belongs to her by 
 titles as numerous as they are sacred ; it sup- 
 presses and annuls all the pious foundations 
 consecrated, with perfect legality, to divine 
 worship and to suffrages for the dead. The re- 
 sources furnished by Catholic liberality for the 
 maintenance of Catholic schools, and the work- 
 ing of various charitable associations connected 
 with religion, have been transferred to lay asso- 
 ciations in which it would be idle to seel^ for a 
 vestige of religion. In this it violates not only 
 the rights of the Church, but the formal and ex- 
 plicit purpose of the donors and testators. It is 
 also a subject of keen grief to us that the law, 
 in contempt of all right, proclaims as property 
 of the State, departments or communes, the 
 ecclesiastical edifices dating from before the 
 Concordat. True, the law concedes the gratui- 
 tous use of them for an indefinite period, to the 
 associations of worship, but it surrounds the 
 concession with so many and so serious reserves 
 that in reality it leaves to the public powers the 
 full disposition of them. Moreover, we enter- 
 tain the gravest fears for the sanctity of those 
 temples, the august refuges of the Divine Ma- 
 jesty and endeared by a thousand memories to 
 the piety of the French people. . . . 
 
 " Hence, mindful of our Apostolic charge and 
 conscious of the imperious duty incumbent 
 upon us of defending and preserving against all 
 assaults the full and absolute integrity of the 
 sacred and inviolable rights of the Church, we 
 
 473 
 
PAPACY, 1906 
 
 PAPACY, 1907 
 
 do, by virtue of the supreme authority which 
 God has confided to us, arid on the grounds 
 above set forth, reprove and condemn the law 
 voted in France for the separation of Church 
 and State as deeply unjust to God, whom it de- 
 nies, and as laying down the principle that the 
 Republic recognizes no cult. We reprove and 
 condemn it as violating the natural law, the law 
 of nations, and fidelity to treaties ; as contrary 
 to the Divine constitution of the Church, to her 
 essential rights and to her liberty; as destroy- 
 ing justice and trampling under foot the rights 
 of property which the Church has acquired by 
 many titles, and, in addition, by virtue of the 
 Concordat. We reprove and condemn it as 
 gravely offensive to the dignity of this Apos- 
 tolic See, to our own person, to the Episcopacy 
 and to the clergy and all the Catholics of France. 
 Therefore, we protest solemnly and with all our 
 strength against the introduction, the voting 
 and the promulgation of this law, declaring 
 that it can never be alleged against the impre- 
 scriptible rights of the Church.” — Pope PiusX., 
 Encyclical Letter ( American Catholic Quarterly 
 Review, April, 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Commands forbidding 
 French Catholics to conform to the Sepa- 
 ration Law or the Associations Law. See 
 (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Pacific Relations between 
 State and Church in Mexico. See (in this 
 vol.) Mexico : A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (March). — Declaration of the 
 new French Ministry on the Church Separa- 
 tion Law. See (in this vol.) France: A. D. 
 1906 (Jan.-Marcu). 
 
 A. D. 1906-1907. — The Separation of 
 Church and State in France. — Further 
 Measures and Proceedings. — The Encycli- 
 cal Gravissimo. See (in this vol.) France: 
 A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Effects of the Separation 
 Law in France. — The Catholics lose all 
 Legal Organization. See (in this vol.) 
 France: A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Sept.). — Mandates of the 
 Encyclical on Modernism. — The following 
 
 passages contain the essential mandates of the 
 Encyclical on Modernism, issued on the 8th of 
 September, 1907: “The office divinely com- 
 mitted to us of feeding the Lord’s flock has 
 especially this duty assigned to it by Christ, 
 namely, to guard with the greatest vigilance 
 the deposit of the faith delivered to the saints, 
 rejecting the profane novelties of words and 
 oppositions of knowledge falsely so called. 
 There lias never been a time when this watch- 
 fulness of the supreme pastor was not necessary 
 to the Catholic body ; for, owing to the efforts 
 of the enemy of the human race, there have 
 never been lacking ‘ men speaking perverse 
 things’ (Acts xx., 30), ‘vain talkers and se- 
 ducers’ (Tit. i., 10), ‘erring and driving into 
 error’ (II. Tim. iii. , 13). Still, it must be con- 
 fessed that the number of the enemies of the 
 cross of Christ has in these last days increased 
 exceedingly, who are striving, by arts entirely 
 new and full of subtlety, to destroy the vital 
 energy of the Church, and, if they can, to over- 
 throw utterly Christ’s kingdom itself. Where- 
 fore we may no longer be silent, lest we should 
 seem to fail in our most sacred duty, and lest 
 the kindness that, in the hope of wiser coun- 
 
 sels, we have hitherto shown them should be 
 attributed to forgetfulness of our office. 
 
 “ That we may make no delay in this matter 
 is rendered necessary especially by the fact that 
 the partisans of error are to be sought not only 
 among the Church’s open enemies; they lie 
 hid, a thing to be deeply deplored and feared, 
 in her very bosom and heart, and are the more 
 mischievous the less conspicuously they ap- 
 pear. We allude, venerable brethren, to many 
 who belong to the Catholic laity, nay, and this 
 is far more lamentable, to the ranks of the 
 priesthood itself, who, feigning a love for the 
 Church, lacking the firm protection of philo- 
 sophy and theology, nay, more, thoroughly im- 
 bued with the poisonous doctrines taught by 
 the enemies of the Church, and lost to all sense 
 of modesty, vaunt themselves as reformers, 
 
 . . . not sparing even the person of the Divine 
 Redeemer, whom, with sacrilegious daring, 
 they reduce to a simple, mere man. 
 
 “Though they express astonishment them- 
 selves, no one can justly be surprised that we 
 number such men among the enemies of the 
 Church, if, leaving out of consideration the in- 
 ternal disposition of soul, of which God alone is 
 the judge, he is acquainted with their tenets, 
 their manner of speech, their conduct. Nor, 
 indeed, will He err in accounting them the 
 most pernicious of all the adversaries of the 
 Church. For, as we have said, they put their 
 designs for her ruin into operation not from 
 without, but from within; hence the danger is 
 present almost in the very veins and heart of 
 the Church, whose injury is the more certain, 
 the more intimate is their knowledge of her. 
 Moreover, they lay the axe not to the branches 
 and shoots, but to the very root; that is, to the 
 faith and its deepest fibres. And having struck 
 at this root of immortality, they proceed to dis- 
 seminate poison through the whole tree, so that 
 there is no part of Catholic truth from which 
 they hold their hand, none that they do not 
 strive to corrupt. Further, none is more skil- 
 ful, none more astute than they in the em- 
 ployment of a thousand noxious arts; for they 
 double the parts of rationalist and Catholic, 
 and this so craftily that they easily lead the 
 unwary into error; and since audacity is their 
 chief characteristic, there is no conclusion of 
 any kind from which they shrink or which they 
 do not thrust forward with pertinacity and as- 
 surance. To this must be added the fact, which 
 indeed is well calculated to deceive souls, that 
 they lead a life of the greatest activity of as- 
 siduous and ardent application to every branch 
 of learning, and that they possess, as a rule, a 
 reputation for the strictest morality. Finally, 
 and this almost destroys all hope of cure, their 
 very doctrines have given such a bent to their 
 minds that they disdain all authority and brook 
 no restraint ; and, relying upon a false con- 
 science, they attempt to ascribe to a love of 
 truth that which is in reality the result of pride 
 and obstinacy. 
 
 “Once, indeed, we had hopes of recalling 
 them to a better sense, and to this end we first 
 of all showed them kindness as our children, 
 then we treated them with severity, and at last 
 we have had recourse, though with great reluc- 
 tance, to public reproof. But, you know, ven- 
 erable brethren, how fruitless has been our 
 action. They bowed their head for a moment, 
 
 474 
 
PAPACY, 1907 
 
 PAPACY, 1907 
 
 but it was soon uplifted more arrogantly than 
 ever. If it were a matter which concerned 
 them alone, we might perhaps have overlooked 
 it ; but the security of the Catholic name is 
 at stake. Wherefore, as to maintain it longer 
 would be a crime, we must now break silence, 
 in order to expose before the whole Church in 
 their true colors those men who have assumed 
 this bad disguise. 
 
 “ But since the modernists (as they are com- 
 monly and rightly called) employ a very clever 
 artifice, namely, to present their doctrines with- 
 out order and systematic arrangement into one 
 whole, scattered and disjointed one from an- 
 other, so as to appear to be in doubt and un- 
 certainty, while they are in reality firm and 
 steadfast, it will be of advantage, venerable 
 brethren, to bring their teachings together here 
 into one group, and to point out the connection 
 between them, and thus to pass to an examina- 
 tion of the sources of the errors and to prescribe 
 remedies for averting the evil. . . . 
 
 “Against this host of grave errors, and its 
 secret and open advance, our predecessor, Leo 
 XIII., of happy memory, worked strenuously, 
 especially as regards the Bible, both in his 
 words and his acts. But, as we have seen, the 
 modernists are not easily deterred by such 
 weapons; with an affectation of submission and 
 respect they proceeded to twist the words of the 
 Pontiff to their own sense, and his acts they 
 described as directed against others than them- 
 selves. And the evil has gone on increasing 
 from day to day. We therefore, venerable 
 brethren, have determined to adopt at once the 
 most efficacious measure in our power, and we 
 beg and conjure you to see to it that in this 
 most grave matter nobody will ever be able to 
 say that you have been in the slightest degree 
 wanting in vigilance, zeal or firmness. And 
 what we ask of you and expect of you we ask 
 and expect also of all other pastors of souls, 
 of all educators and professors of clerics, and in 
 a very special way of the superiors of religious 
 institutions. 
 
 “I. In the first place, with regard to studies, 
 we will and ordain that scholastic philosophy 
 be made the basis of the sacred sciences, it 
 goes without saying that if anything is met 
 with among the scholastic doctors which may 
 be regarded as an excess of subtlety, or which 
 is altogether destitute of probability, we have 
 no desire whatever to propose it for the imita- 
 tion of present generations (Leo XIII. Enc. 
 
 ‘ Aeterni Patris’). And let it be clearly under- 
 stood above all things that the scholastic philo- 
 sophy we prescribe is that which the Angelic 
 Doctor has bequeathed to us, and we, therefore, 
 declare that all the ordinances of our predeces- 
 sor on this subject continue fully in force, and, 
 as far as may be necessary, we do decree anew 
 and confirm and ordain that they be by all 
 strictly observed. In seminaries where they 
 may have been neglected let the Bishops impose 
 them and require their observance, and let this 
 apply also to the superiors of religious institu- 
 tions. Further, let professors remember that 
 they cannot set St. Thomas aside, especially in 
 metaphysical questions, without grave detri- 
 ment. 
 
 “On this philosophical foundation the theo- 
 logical edifice is to be solidly raised. Promote 
 the study of theology, venerable brethren, by 
 
 all means in your power, so that your clerics on 
 leaving the seminaries may admire and love it, 
 and always find their delight in it. For in the 
 vast and varied abundance of studies opening 
 before the mind desirous of truth everybody 
 knows how the old maxim describes theology 
 as so far in front of all others that every science 
 and art should serve it and be to it as hand- 
 maidens. . . . 
 
 “ With regard to profane studies, suffice it to 
 recall here what our predecessor has admirably 
 said : ‘ Apply yourselves energetically to the 
 study of natural sciences: the brilliant discov- 
 eries and the bold and useful applications of 
 them made in our times, which have won such 
 applause by our contemporaries, will be an ob- 
 ject of perpetual praise for those that come after 
 us’ (Leo XIII. Alloc., March 7, 1880). But this 
 do without interference with sacred studies, as 
 our predecessor in these most grave words pre- 
 scribed : ‘ If you carefully search for the cause 
 of these errors, you will find that it lies in the 
 fact that in these days, when the natural sci- 
 ences absorb so much study, the more severe 
 and lofty studies have been proportionately neg- 
 lected; some of them have almost passed into 
 oblivion, some of them are pursued in a half- 
 hearted or superficial way, and, sad to say, now 
 that they are fallen from their old estate, they 
 have been disfigured by perverse doctrines and 
 monstrous errors ( loco cit.). We ordain, there- 
 fore, that the study of natural science in the 
 seminaries be carried on under this law.’ 
 
 “II. All these prescriptions and those of our 
 predecessor are to be borne in mind whenever 
 there is question of choosing directors and pro- 
 fessors for seminaries and Catholic Universities. 
 Anybody who in any way is found to be im- 
 bued with modernism is to be excluded without 
 compunction from these offices, and those who 
 already occupy them are to be withdrawn. The 
 same policy is to be adopted towards those who 
 favor modernism, either by extolling the mod- 
 ernists, or excusing their culpable conduct, by 
 criticizing scholasticism, the Holy Father, or by 
 refusing obedience to ecclesiastical authority in 
 any of its depositories; and towards those who 
 show a love of novelty in history, archaeology, 
 Biblical exegesis, and finally towards those who 
 neglect the sacred sciences or appear to prefer 
 them to the profane. In all this question of 
 studies, venerable brethren, you cannot be too 
 watchful or too constant, but most of all in the 
 choice of professors, for as a rule the students 
 are modeled after the pattern of their masters. 
 Strong in the consciousness of your duty, act 
 always prudently, but vigorously. 
 
 “Equal diligence and severity are to be used 
 in examining and selecting candidates for holy 
 orders. Far, far from the clergy be the love of 
 novelty. God hates the proud and the obstinate. 
 For the future the doctorate of theology and 
 canon law must never be conferred on anybody 
 who has not made the regular course of scholas- 
 tic philosophy , if conferred, it shall be held as 
 null and void. The rules laid down in 1896 by 
 the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regu- 
 lars for the clerics, both secular and regular, of 
 Italy, concerning the frequenting of the univer- 
 sities, we now decree to be extended to all na- 
 tions. Clerics and priests inscribed in a Catho- 
 lic institute or university must not in the future 
 follow in civil universities those courses for 
 
 475 
 
PAPACY, 1907 
 
 PAPACY, 1908 
 
 ■which there are chairs in the Catholic institutes 
 to which they belong. If this has been per- 
 mitted anywhere in the past, we ordain that it 
 be not allowed for the future. Let the Bishops 
 who form the governing board of such Catholic 
 institutes or universities watch with all care 
 that these our commands be constantly observed. 
 
 “III. It is also the duty of the Bishops to 
 prevent writings infected with modernism or 
 favorable to it from being read when they have 
 been published, and to hinder their publication 
 when they have not. No book or paper or peri- 
 odical of this kind must ever be permitted to 
 seminarists or university students. The injury 
 to them would be equal to that caused by im- 
 moral reading — nay, it would be greater, for 
 such writings poison Christian life at its very 
 fount. The same decision is to be taken concern- 
 ing the writings of some Catholics, who, though 
 not badly disposed themselves, but ill instructed 
 in theological studies and imbued with modern 
 philosophy, strive to make this harmonize with 
 the faith, and, as they say, to turn it to the 
 account of the faith. The name and reputation 
 of these authors cause them to be read without 
 suspicion, and they are, therefore, all the more 
 dangerous in preparing the way for modernism. 
 
 “ To give you some more general directions, 
 venerable brethren, in a matter of such moment, 
 we bid you do everything in your power to 
 drive out of your dioceses, even by solemn 
 interdict, any pernicious books that may be in 
 circulation there. . . . 
 
 “ IV. But it is not enough to hinder the read- 
 ing and the sale of bad books: it is also necessary 
 to prevent them from being printed. Ilence, 
 let the Bishops use the utmost severity in grant- 
 ing permission to print. Under the rules of the 
 Constitution ‘ Officiorum,’ many publications 
 require the authorization of the ordinary, and in 
 some dioceses it has been made the custom to 
 have a suitable number of official censors for 
 the examination of writings. We have the high- 
 est praise for this institution, and we not only 
 exhort, but we order that it be extended to all 
 dioceses.” — Pope Pius X. , The Doctrines of the 
 Modernists ( American Catholic Quarterly Re- 
 view , Oct., 1907). See, also, Tyrrel, Father 
 George. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — Revision of St. 
 Jerome’s Latin Translation of the Bible, 
 known as “ the Vulgate.” — “In May, 1907, 
 an announcement was made of the Pope's in- 
 tention to revise the Latin Bible, and the work 
 has already made such progress that the time 
 has come to record not only the main lines upon 
 which the revision is being carried out but also 
 the actual completion of its preliminary pre- 
 parations. . . . Pius X. . . . offered the hon- 
 ourable though costly and arduous task to the 
 learned Order of the Benedictines, by whom it 
 was accepted. A commission of revision was 
 appointed, with Abbot Gasquet, the President 
 of the English Benedictines, as its head, and 
 the International College of the Order at San 
 Anselmo in Rome was chosen as the headquar- 
 ters of their work. It is here that Abbot Gas- 
 quet and his fellow-workers have already made 
 a good start upon the vast labour which their 
 Order has undertaken. 
 
 “The object of the Commission, according to 
 the Pope’s definite instructions, is to determine 
 and restore as far as possible the original text 
 
 of St. Jerome’s Latin translation made in the 
 fourth century. How far St. Jerome’s transla- 
 tion represents the Hebrew or Greek is another 
 question which may be the subject some day 
 for future criticism and another commission. 
 . . . Pius X. has made it clear to the Com- 
 mission that he desires their work of revision 
 to be conducted on the most modern and scien- 
 tific lines, and that neither money nor labour 
 should be spared to make it as thorough as 
 possible. An exhaustive search will be made 
 through all the libraries of Europe in the hope 
 of finding hitherto unrecognized manuscripts 
 of the Vulgate. Already there are 15 collabo- 
 rators at work in different centres, collating the 
 best-known and most important manuscripts 
 with the Clementine text, while another com- 
 mission, with its assistants, is making a 
 thorough examination of the libraries and ca- 
 thedral archives of Spain in search of fresh 
 material. . . . 
 
 “ The method of work is as follows. For the 
 purpose of collation copies of the Clementine 
 text have been printed; each page being left 
 blank for two-tliirds of its surface, the text 
 being printed on the remaining third with no 
 capital letters, no stops, no word divided, so as 
 to resemble manuscript as far as possible. 
 When a reviser wishes to collate any manu- 
 script he has only to correct this print like an 
 ordinary proof-sheet and so reproduce every 
 difference of the manuscript before him. 
 
 “The printing of these copies of the Vul- 
 gate, which are to form the basis of the colla- 
 tions, with the preparation of the texts and cor- 
 rection of proofs — no light matter — has been 
 the work of the first year. Three hundred and 
 sixty copies have been printed in all, one hun- 
 dred upon the best hand-made paper, two hun- 
 dred upon ordinary book paper, and sixty upon 
 thin paper for the purpose of postage abroad. 
 The Pope himself has defrayed the rather 
 heavy cost of this production. Besides the 
 printing of this Bible considerable progress has 
 been made during the past year with the pre- 
 paration of a hand list of all the Latin Biblical 
 MSS. in the libraries of Europe, which, when 
 completed, will be of great use to the revisers. 
 As the collators finish their work in the various 
 libraries or archives where Biblical manuscripts 
 are found, they send their annotated copies to 
 San Anselmo, where they are bound up and 
 added to a collection which, when complete, 
 will form a vast library of all the different ver- 
 sions of the Bible. Seven important collations 
 have already been made, and at the present rate 
 of work the number of these volumes will in- 
 crease very rapidly.” — Rome Correspondence of 
 the London Times, July 21, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — The new Apostolic Consti- 
 tution of the Curia. — A change of far-reach- 
 ing and great importance in the ecclesiastical 
 constitution of the Roman Church was decreed 
 by Pope Pius X. this year, by the promulga- 
 tion of a new Apostolic Constitution of the 
 Curia. It reorganized the numerous Congrega- 
 tions or departments of the Vatican Govern- 
 ment which had exercised the judicial functions 
 of the Curia for some generations past. The 
 Pope now restores these functions to an ancient 
 ecclesiastical court, the Rota, which had fallen 
 out of use. The Rota is constituted as an inter- 
 national court, before which questions between 
 
 476 
 
PAPACY, 1909 
 
 PARAGUAY, 1904 
 
 priest and bishop, bishop aud diocese, and the 
 like, will have their hearing, and from which 
 there is appeal to a tribunal of last resort, the 
 Segnatura, composed of Cardinals alone. 
 
 The reorganization of the Congregation of 
 the Propaganda by this new Constitution re- 
 moves from that body the ecclesiastical juris- 
 diction it has exercised heretofore over the 
 Church in Great Britain, Holland, the United 
 States, Canada, and some other countries, thus 
 taking them out of the Roman category of mis- 
 sionary lands. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — The situation of the Church 
 in France. — No Organization that can hold 
 Property. See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 
 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Increased Participation by 
 Catholics in the Italian Elections. — Their 
 Gain of Seats in Parliament. See Italy: 
 A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Church Movement of Agri- 
 cultural Labor Organization. See Labor 
 Organization: Italy. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Demonstration against the 
 Religious Orders in Portugal. See Portu- 
 gal : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — The Beatification of 
 Joan of Arc. — The ceremony of the Beatifica- 
 tion of Joan of Arc was performed at St. Peter’s, 
 in Rome, on the 18th of April, 1909. Proceed- 
 ings which began about ten years before were 
 brought by this ceremony to the end of their 
 first stage, beyond which they must still be 
 continued for possibly many years, before the 
 Canonization of “the Maid” as a Saint becomes 
 complete. The question of the Beatification 
 had been under consideration in the Congrega- 
 tion of Rites for several years. The grounds 
 on which that question is decided, iu every 
 case, were explained by The Catholic Union 
 and Times, in connection with its account of 
 the ceremony now referred to, as follows : The 
 Congregation of Rites “may decide that the 
 life of the person was a very worthy and very 
 holy one, but they require much more than 
 that. Tt must be proved to their satisfaction 
 that ‘miracles’ have been performed. The 
 Congregation of Rites requires evidence of not 
 fewer than three miracles. In the case of ‘mi- 
 raculous cures’ it must be shown that doctors 
 have pronounced the cases hopeless, or that dis- 
 eases have been cured which doctors call incur- 
 able. Usually the report contains particulars 
 of a number of ‘miracles,’ from which the Con- 
 gregation of Rites may make a selection. The 
 three chosen among those attributed to Joan of 
 Arc relate to the curing of nuns belonging to 
 different communities, who are said to have ob- 
 tained relief from their diseases by her interces- 
 sion. One of these nuns had suffered for years 
 from cancer and was on the point of death 
 when, it was claimed, she was instantly cured 
 by a prayer of Joan of Arc. When the Con- 
 gregation of Rites has been satisfied as to the 
 authenticity of three miracles they prepare their 
 report, which is submitted to the Pope, who 
 considers it. There is then a gathering at the 
 Vatican, to which the public is admitted. Car- 
 dinals and bishops are present, and a lawyer of 
 the papal court reads out the decision. After 
 this, the ceremony of beatification generally 
 takes place within a few months.” 
 
 In January, 1910, it was announced in Paris 
 
 that the ecclesiastical process for the Canoniza- 
 tion would begin on February 9. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Vote in British House 
 of Commons for removal of remaining Cath- 
 olic Disabilities. See (iu this vol.) England: 
 A. I). 1909 (May). 
 
 PAPER TRUST. See (in this vol.) Com- 
 binations, Industrial: United States: A. 
 D. 1901-1906, and 1909. 
 
 PARAGUAY: A. D. 1901 - 1906 . — Partici- 
 pation in Second and Third International 
 Conferences of American Republics. See (in 
 this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — A nearly bloodless Revolu- 
 tion. — Deposition of President Aceval. — 
 Elevation of the Vice-President. — The fol- 
 lowing, translated from the Montevideo (Uru- 
 guay) Dia, of January 10, 1902, appears in the 
 annual report of “Papers relating to the For- 
 eign Relations of the United States,” 1902, as 
 transmitted by the United States Minister to 
 Uruguay, and is probably an authentic account 
 of the revolution described : 
 
 “ Yesterday, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a 
 revolutionary movement occurred in Asuncion 
 del Paraguay, without bloodshed, without noise 
 of arms, which immediately resulted in the im- 
 prisonment of the President of the Republic, 
 Dr. Emilio Aceval, in the artillery barracks. A 
 strange case — the chief magistrate of Paraguay 
 has fallen, at least for the moment, on account of 
 a revolution, inspired and carried into practice 
 by two of his own ministers, Col. Juan Antonio 
 Escurra and Senor Fulgencio Moreno, who, al- 
 though belonging to the same Colorado party as 
 the President, differ in opinion at present, the 
 former considering that a radical policy should 
 be adopted against the liberals or civic accord - 
 ists, Dr. Aceval not sharing this opinion, but 
 being in favor of concilatory measures, although 
 this did not win for him the help of his tradi- 
 tional adversaries, who looked unfavorably on 
 him, as is usually the way with those belonging 
 to an opposite party.” 
 
 In his note transmitting Montevideo news- 
 paper reports, Minister Finch wrote of the oc- 
 currence: “ It was, as will be seen, a bloodless 
 affair; but out of it grew a discussion in the 
 Paraguay Congress which was followed by 
 shooting, one person being killed aud several 
 wounded.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Successful Revolution. — 
 
 The beginning of a successful revolution was re- 
 ported to Washington by the American Consul 
 at Asuncion, in a despatch dated August 11, 
 1904, as follows: “I beg to confirm my tele- 
 gram of to day, stating that a revolution has 
 broken out in this republic. . . . Revolutionary 
 forces ou the river and those of the Government 
 have fought. . . . The Government forces were 
 defeated, the Minister of the Interior, who led 
 the forces, being taken prisoner. The state of 
 siege as declared . . . places the entire country 
 under military laws, and the Government, is 
 amassing a large number of troops to suppress 
 the revolution. It is impossible at present to 
 say whether it will be of long or short duration. 
 The revolutionary forces are proceeding up the 
 river in boats, and the Government has placed 
 or erected defenses along the river near the cap- 
 ital. 
 
 “ Upon inquiries as to the cause of this revo- 
 lution I am informed that the opposition to the 
 
PARAGUAY, 1904 
 
 PARTIES 
 
 Government is that the party in power is endeav- 
 oring to exclude entirely the liberal element 
 from participation in the administration of af- 
 fairs, assigning that said party, which is in 
 power, which is denominated ‘ Colorados,’ have 
 not sufficient persons prepared for the adminis- 
 tration of the Government. On the other hand, 
 the ‘ Colorados ’ assign that the revolution is due 
 to ambitious persons who form an opposition 
 and are classed under the name ‘Azul,’ colora- 
 dos meaning ‘ reds’ and azul ‘ blues.’ ’’ 
 
 It was not until four months later that the 
 Consul could announce the return of peace, se- 
 cured by the triumph of the revolution. The 
 president, Colonel Ezcurra, was compelled to 
 resign, and Seiior Juan Gauna was elected in his 
 place ; the army was reorganized ; a general am- 
 nesty was proclaimed. 
 
 PARDO, President Jose. See (in this vol.) 
 Peru. 
 
 PARKER, Alton B.: Nominated for Pre- 
 sident of the U. S. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1904 (March-Nov.). 
 
 PARKER, Edward Wheeler: On the An- 
 thracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commis- 
 sion. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization: 
 United States : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 PAROLE SYSTEM. See (in this vol.) 
 Crime and Criminology. 
 
 PARSONS, Charles A. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent : Turbine 
 Engine. 
 
 PARTIES : Agrarian Socialists. See (in 
 this vol.) Finland : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 Anti-Revolutionnaire. See Netherlands: 
 A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 Azul. See Paraguay : A. D. 1904. 
 
 Blues (Conservatives). See Colombia: A. 
 D. 1898-1902. 
 
 Boshin Club. See Japan : A. D. 1909. 
 
 Cadets. See Russia : A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 Catholic Peoples’ Party. See Austria-Hun- 
 gary : A. D. 1904. 
 
 Center, or Centrum. See Germany: A. D. 
 1906-1907. 
 
 Centro Catolico. See Philippine Islands: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Christian Workmen. See Finland: A. D. 
 1908-1909. 
 
 Christlijk. See Netherlands: A. D. 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 Civilistas. See Peru. 
 
 Clerical. See France: A. D. 1903, and 1906; 
 Belgium: A. D. 1904; Germany: A. D. 1906, 
 and 1908-1909. 
 
 Colorados. See Paraguay : A. D. 1902, and 
 1904. 
 
 Confederates. See Turkey : A. D. 1909 
 (Jan. -May). 
 
 Conservatives. See Germany: A. D. 1906, 
 and 1908-1909. 
 
 Conservative-Unionist. See England: A. D. 
 1905-1906, 1909 (April-Dec.), and 1910. 
 
 Continental. See United States : A. D. 
 1904 (MAiicn-Nov.), and 1908 (Marcii-No v.). 
 
 Constitutional Democrats. See Russia: 
 A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 Daido Club. See Japan: A. D. 1909. 
 
 Democratas. See Peru. 
 
 Democratic. See United States ; A. D. 
 1904 (May-Nov.), and 1908 (April-Nov.). 
 
 Democristiana. See Labor Organization : 
 Italy. 
 
 Democratique and Gauche Democratique. 
 
 See France: A. D. 1906. 
 
 Doshi-shukai. See Japan : A. D. 1903 
 
 (June). 
 
 Fabian Society. See Socialism: England: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 Fedakiarans. See Turkey : A. D. 1909 
 
 (Jan -May). 
 
 Federal Party, Filipino. See Philippine 
 Islands : A. D. 1901, and 1907. 
 
 Free Traders. See Australia : A. D. 1905- 
 1906. 
 
 Independents. See Philippine Islands : A. 
 D. 1907. 
 
 Independent Labor. See England : A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 Independistas. See Philippine Islands : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Inmediatistas. See Philippine Islands : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Intransigentes. See Philippine Islands : 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Kossuth Party, or Independence Party. 
 
 See Austria Hungary: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 Labor Party. See Australia : A. D. 1903- 
 1904, and after; England: A. D. 1903, and 1905- 
 1906; also Socialism: England. 
 
 League of Liberation. See Russia : A. D. 
 1905-1907. 
 
 Liberal-Conservative Separatist. See Aus- 
 tria-Hungary : A. I). 1904. 
 
 Liberals. See Cuba : A. D. 1906, and after; 
 England: A. D. 1905-1906, 1909 (Apiiil-Dec.), 
 and 1910; and Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan.- 
 May). 
 
 Miguelistas. See Cuba: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 Moderates. See London: A. D. 1909 
 
 (March); Denmark: A. D. 1901, and Cuba: 
 A. D. 1906, and after. 
 
 Moderate Republicans. See France: A. D. 
 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 Nacionalistas. See Philippine Islands: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 National Liberty. See United States : A. 
 D. 1904 (March-Nov. ). 
 
 Nationalists. See France : A. D. 1906. 
 Octobrists. See Russia : A. I). 1904-1905. 
 Old Finns. See Finland : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 Peoples, or Populist. See United States : 
 A. D. 1904 (March-Nov.), and 1908 (Aprii.- 
 Nov.). 
 
 Progresistas. See Philippine Islands : 
 A. D. 1907, and Portugal: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 Progressists. See France : A. D. 1906. 
 Progressists. See Japan : A. D. 1909. 
 Progressives. See London: A. D. 1909 
 (March); SouTn Africa: A. I). 1902-1904. 
 
 Prohibition. See United States : A. D. 
 1904 (Marcii-Nov.), and 1908 (April-Nov.). 
 
 Protectionists. See Australia: A.D. 1903- 
 1904, and after. 
 
 Radicals and Radical Socialists. See 
 France : A. D. 1906. 
 
 Rallies. See Rallies. 
 
 Regeneradors. See Portugal : A. D. 1906— 
 1909. 
 
 Republican. See United States: A. D. 
 1904 (May-Nov.), and 1908 (April-Nov.). 
 
 Rikken Seiyu-kai, or Seiyu-kai. See 
 Japan: A. I). 1902 (Auo.) ; 1903 (June), and 
 1909; also, in Vol. VI., Japan: A. I). 1900. 
 
 Sinn Fein. See Ireland : A. D 1905. 
 
 Social Democrats. See Russia A. D. 1905— 
 
 478 
 
PARTIES 
 
 PAYNE 
 
 1907; Germany : A. D. 1903 ; Denmark : A. D. 
 1906; and Socialism: Germany, France, and 
 England. 
 
 Social Revolutionists. See (Russia: A. D. 
 1905-1907. 
 
 Socialist, and Socialist Labor. See United 
 States : A. D. 1904 (Marcii-Nov.), and 1908 
 (April-Nov.). 
 
 Socialists, Radical, — Socialists, Inde- 
 pendent, — Socialists Unified. See France : 
 A. IX 1906. 
 
 Sons of Liberal Ottomans. See Turkey: 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 Union Republicaine. See France: A. D. 
 1906. 
 
 Yellows (Liberals). See Colombia: A. D. 
 1898-1902. 
 
 Young Egypt. See Egypt: A. D. 1909 
 (Sept.). 
 
 Young Finns. See Finland: A. D. 1908- 
 1909. 
 
 Young Turks. See Turkey: A. D. 1908 
 (July-Dec.). 
 
 Yushin-kai. See Japan: A. D. 1909. 
 
 Zayistas. See Cuba: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 PARTY REFORMS, Political. See (in 
 this yoI.) Elective Franchise : United 
 
 States. 
 
 PASSAY, Frederic. See (in this vol.) No- 
 bel Prizes. 
 
 PASSIONISTS: Forbidden to Teach in 
 France. See (in this vol.) France: A. D. 1903. 
 
 “PASSIVE RESISTANCE,” of English 
 Nonconformists to the Education Act of 
 1902 . See (in this vol.) Education: England : 
 A. D. 1902, and 1909 (May). 
 
 PASTEUR, Louis: Pronounced by Popu- 
 lar Vote to be the Greatest Frenchman of the 
 Nineteenth Century. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 PATENTS OF INVENTION: Great 
 
 Britain: A. D. 1907 . — Patents and Designs 
 Act. — A requirement of the manufacture of 
 patented articles in the United Kingdom, intro- 
 duced in an Act of the British Parliament passed 
 and approved in August, 1907, which came into 
 force August 28, 1908, seriously changed the 
 operation of patents issued to foreigners. It is 
 contained in the following sections : 
 
 “ 27 . — (1) At any time not less than four 
 years after the date of a patent and not less than 
 one year after the passing of this Act, any person 
 may apply to the comptroller for the revocation 
 of the patent on the ground that the patented 
 article or process is manufactured or carried on 
 exclusively or mainly outside the United King- 
 dom. 
 
 “ (2) The comptroller shall consider the appli- 
 cation, and, if after enquiry he is satisfied that 
 the allegations contained therein are correct, 
 then, subject to the provisions of this section, 
 and unless the patentee proves that the patented 
 article or process is manufactured or carried on 
 to an adequate extent in the United Kingdom, 
 or gives satisfactory reasons why the article or 
 process is not so manufactured or carried on, the 
 comptroller may make an order revoking the 
 patent either — (a) forthwith ; or ( b ) after such 
 reasonable interval as may be specified in the 
 order, unless in the meantime it is shown to his 
 satisfaction that the patented article or process 
 is manufactured or carried on within the United 
 Kingdom to an adequate extent: Provided that 
 
 no such order shall be made which is at variance 
 with any treaty, convention, arrangement, or 
 engagement with any foreign country or British 
 possession. 
 
 “(3) If within the time limited in the order 
 the patented article or process is not manufac- 
 tured or carried on within the United Kingdom 
 to an adequate extent, but the patentee gives 
 satisfactory reasons why it is not so manufac- 
 tured or carried on, the comptroller may extend 
 the period mentioned in the previous order for 
 such period not exceeding twelve months as 
 may be specified in the subsequent order. 
 
 “ (4) Any decision of the comptroller under 
 this section shall be subject to appeal to the 
 court, and on any such appeal the law officer 
 or such other counsel as he may appoint shall 
 be entitled to appear and be heard.” 
 
 Twelve months after the Act became effect- 
 ive the London Times gave the following ac- 
 count of its working: “ During the year which 
 has elapsed since Section 27 came into force, 69 
 applications for revocation of foreign patents 
 have been made to the Comptroller-General. 
 In 10 cases only were patents revoked by that 
 official. In four of these cases the patentees 
 appealed to the High Court, and in two cases 
 relating to improvements in electric arc lamps, 
 the decision of the Comptroller-General was re- 
 versed, evidence having been adduced which 
 was not placed before the Comptroller-General, 
 the effect of which was to show that the pat- 
 ented process was being adequately carried on 
 in this country. The two other appeals to the 
 High Court were unsuccessful, so that the 
 number of patents finally revoked was eight. 
 Those revoked related to the following articles 
 or processes: —Artificial stone slabs and tiles 
 (two patents), sewing-machines, umbrellas, ad- 
 hesive stays or fastening straps used in box- 
 making, the lubrication of gig-mills, a steam 
 motor-car, and locks. In another case, that of a 
 patent connected with the manufacture of china 
 clay, the Comptroller-General made a condi- 
 tional order of revocation. 
 
 “It is too early, as yet, to say whether this 
 new power of revocation conferred by the Act 
 of 1907 is likely to have any appreciable effect 
 in reducing the number of foreign patents taken 
 out in this country. In the first seven months 
 of this year there were 17,869 such patents ap- 
 plied for — an increase of 1566 as compared with 
 the corresponding period of 1908, though only 
 an increase of 319 upon the larger figures for 
 the first seven months of 1907. Sixteen fewer 
 patents were taken out in 1909 by American 
 subjects than in 1908, and 331 fewer than in 
 1907. The decrease in German patents has been 
 consistent — 2000 in 1907, 1822 in 1908, and 
 1735 in 1909, and the same may be said of Aus- 
 trian patents — 253, 234, and 192 respectively. 
 French patents, which were 620 in 1907 and 670 
 in 1908, decreased to 560 in 1909. 
 
 PATENTS: Pan-American Convention. 
 See (in this vol.) American Republics 
 
 PAULHAN, M. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention, Recent : Aeronautics. 
 
 PAUPERISM. See Poverty. 
 
 PAWLOW, Ivan Petrovie. See (in this 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 PAYNE, Henry C.: Postmaster-General. 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1901— 
 1905. 
 
 479 
 
PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF 
 
 PEONAGE 
 
 PAYNE-ALDRICH TARIFF. See (in 
 
 thisvol.) Tariffs: United States. 
 
 PEACE. See War, The Revolt against. 
 
 PEACE, International : Awards for the 
 Promotion of. See (in this vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 PEACE CONFERENCE AT THE 
 HAGUE, The Second International. See (in 
 this vol.) War, The Revolt against: A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 PEACE TREATY, Boer-British. See (in 
 
 thisvol.) South Africa : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 PEACE TREATY OF PORTSMOUTH. 
 See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1905 (June- 
 Oct.). 
 
 PEARY, Robert E.: Exploration and Dis- 
 covery of the North Pole. See (in this vol.) 
 Polar Exploration : Arctic. 
 
 PEASANT INSURRECTION IN THE 
 BALTIC PROVINCES. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia: A. D. 1905 (Feb. -Nov.). 
 
 PEASANTRY, Condition of Russian. See 
 (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, 1902, 
 1904-1905, 1905, and 1906. 
 
 PECANHA, Nilo: President of Brazil. 
 See (in this vol.) Brazil : A. D. 1909 (June). 
 
 PEKING: A. D. 1902. — Return of the Im- 
 perial Court. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 PEKING-KALGAN RAILWAY. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Railways: China. 
 
 PELLAGRA. See (in this vol.) Public 
 Health : Pellagra. 
 
 PENNA, Dr. Alfonso Moreira : President 
 of Brazil. See (in this vol. ) Brazil: A. D. 1906. 
 
 Sudden death. See (in this vol.) Brazil: 
 A. D. 1909 (June). 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1906. — Reform 
 Legislation. — The popular revolt of 1905 in 
 Philadelphia against the intolerable rottenness 
 of municipal government under the dominant 
 party “ machine ” (see, in this vol., Municipal 
 Government) had prompt effects in the State. 
 
 “When the election, last November, and still 
 more the reports made by working politicians 
 in the best organized and informed machine in 
 the land, showed that these classes wanted a 
 change, the machine and its leaders changed 
 instantly. A pliant governor was as prompt to 
 call the Legislature in extra session as he had 
 been to find reasons for the vilest excess of the 
 political plunderers of the State. The same 
 Legislature as before met, and in a brief session 
 passed every measure for which reformers had 
 been asking in vain for twenty-five years, — 
 two of them in more drastic form than any one 
 had yet proposed. Save that the Corrupt Prac- 
 tices Act is more precise and severe than any 
 yet passed, except in Connecticut, and the sepa- 
 ration and protection of the civil service of Phil- 
 adelphia more complete than has yet been en- 
 acted for an American city, the new legislation 
 follows the general trend of such measures in 
 other States.’’ — Review of Reviews, April, 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1908. — Frauds in the Construc- 
 tion of the new State Capitol. — On the 4th of 
 October, 1906, the new State House at Harris- 
 burg was dedicated with imposing ceremonies, 
 honored by the President of the United States 
 as the principal speaker of the occasion. The 
 State of Pennsylvania was then indulging more 
 pride in the supposed honesty and economy 
 with which it had been built than in the 
 splendor it displayed ; for announcement was 
 
 made that the Commission charged with the 
 work had saved about 10 per cent of the §4,000,- 
 000 appropriated for it. Very quickly, however, 
 there came an humiliation of that honorable 
 pride. Complete accountings showed that, 
 while the naked structure of the building had 
 cost but §3,600,000, a monstrous expenditure 
 of more than §9,000,000 for alleged decoration 
 and furnishing had been added to that sum, by 
 the most audacious “ graft,” perhaps, that is 
 recorded, even in the national history which in- 
 cluded the exploits of the Tweed Ring. The 
 arts of sculpture and painting in the decoration 
 were dealt with most frugally ; but royal emol- 
 uments went to gas-fitters and cabinet makers 
 and their kind, — $2,000,000 for example, for 
 the equipment of the building with chandeliers. 
 For woodwork in one suite of rooms, which 
 cost the contractor §16,089 the State had paid 
 §94,208. For another, he had received $62,486, 
 on an expenditure by himself of but $6,145. 
 
 The investigation of these monstrous frauds, 
 in the fruits of which many people must have 
 shared, resulted in the arrest of fourteen men. 
 The arrests were made in September, 1907, and 
 the accused were released on bail. In the fol- 
 lowing March four were convicted of defraud- 
 ing the State, namely J. H. Sanderson, a con- 
 tractor, W. P. Snyder, former Auditor-General 
 of the State, W. L. Mathues, former State 
 Treasurer, and J. 31. Shumaker, former Superin- 
 tendent of Public Grounds and Buildings. The 
 execution of the sentence was suspended pend- 
 ing an appeal. 
 
 Sanderson and Mathues died (of nervous 
 breakdown, it was said), while the appeal was 
 pending. The conviction of Snyder and Shu- 
 maker was confirmed finally on the 7th of 
 March. 1910, and their sentence to two years of 
 imprisonment went into effect. At the same 
 time suits were instituted by the State against 
 all parties connected with the frauds, to re- 
 cover some $5,000,000, estimated to be the 
 amount of plunder taken. Meantime, seven in 
 all of the alleged participants in the conspiracy 
 of fraud had died. 
 
 PENOLOGY. See Crime. 
 
 PENSIONS, for Old Age and Infirmity. 
 See (in this vol.) Poverty, Problems of. 
 
 Military. See Germany : A. D. 1902. 
 
 United States: For Teachers. See Educa- 
 tion: United States : A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 For Railway Employees. See Labor Re- 
 muneration : Pensions. 
 
 PEONAGE: In the United States.— The 
 following extracts are from three reports of an 
 official investigation of practices of peonage, 
 conducted by the Assistant Attorney- General of 
 the United States, Mr. Charles W. Russell, in 
 1906-7: 
 
 “ Under the criminal law ns now in force the 
 offense of peonage may be defined as causing 
 compulsory service to be rendered by one man 
 to another on the pretext of having him work 
 out the amount of a debt, real or claimed. That 
 is Mexican peonage proper, as defined by our 
 highest court in the Clyatt case (197 U. S., p. 
 207). But, as fully explained in my report of 
 October, 1907, and January, 1908, where there 
 is no indebtedness either real or claimed, a con- 
 spiracy to cause compulsory service of citizens 
 of the United States is punishable ; and so, also, 
 according to the only court that has directly 
 
PEONAGE 
 
 PERSIA, 1905-1907 
 
 passed upon the question, is the carrying or en- 
 ticing any person from one place to another in 
 order that he may be held in compulsory ser- 
 vice. 
 
 “I use the words ‘compulsory service’ as 
 equivalent to the constitutional phrase ‘ invol- 
 untary servitude ’ because the Supreme Court 
 so treats them in the Clyatt case, and I say that 
 a mere claim of debt is sufficient because several 
 inferior courts have so decided, and because in 
 the Clyatt case the indictment, to which no ob- 
 jection seems to have been made, alleged a mere 
 claim of indebtedness.” 
 
 For an illustration of peonage, Mr. Russell 
 cites the following from evidence produced at 
 the trial of a case occurring in Alabama which 
 he took part in : 
 
 “It was proven that Harlan, the manager, 
 had headquarters at Lockhart, where the mill 
 was ; that in his back yard were kept what were 
 called bloodhounds — man-trailing dogs; that 
 the object of keeping these was to send after 
 escaping men ; that they were so used, and men 
 chased and brought back, one of them tied on 
 the hind part of a buggy ; that one of the men, 
 the Bulgarian Jordmans, was unmercifully' 
 kicked and beaten by Gallagher for wandering 
 off a few yards, his sore shins being exhibited 
 to the jury as part of the evidence; that by 
 means of telegraph, railroad, and telephone, a 
 justice of the peace, and a deputy sheriff, the 
 force of men were hemmed in so that escape was 
 almost impossible ; that the foremen constantly 
 carried pistols and often made threats; that a 
 rope was placed around the neck of one for- 
 eigner and thrown over a beam as an object- 
 lesson to others and to frighten him, and that 
 all this went on systematically'. . . . 
 
 “I have no doubt, from my investigations and 
 experiences, that the chief support of peonage 
 is the peculiar system of State laws prevailing 
 in the South, intended evidently to compel ser- 
 vice on the part of the workingman. 
 
 “ It is hoped that an enlightened self-interest 
 and the demand for labor made necessary by the 
 expansion of old industries and the introduction 
 of new will lead to the amendment or repeal 
 of the State laws which are the chief support of 
 peonage practices. 
 
 “ These State laws take various forms and are 
 
 used in various ways to uphold peonage and 
 other kinds of involuntary servitude. Some of 
 them are vagrancy laws, some contract labor or 
 employment laws, some fraudulent pretense or 
 false promise laws, and there are divers others. 
 Some few of those in question, such as abscond- 
 ing debtor laws, labor enticing, and board -bill 
 laws, were not originally passed to enslave work- 
 men ; but in view of the use to which they are 
 put, need amendment in order that they cannot 
 be so abused. 
 
 “ These laws are used to threaten workmen 
 who, having been defrauded into going to an 
 employer by' false reports as to the conditions of 
 employment and the surroundings, naturally be- 
 come dissatisfied as soon as they find how they' 
 have been defrauded. They are used before ju- 
 ries and the local public to hold the peons up 
 as law-breakers and dishonest persons seeking 
 to avoid their ‘ just obligations ’ and to convince 
 patriotic juries that the defendants accused of 
 peonage should not be convicted for enforcing, 
 still less for threatening to enforce, the laws of 
 their State. 
 
 “Until we began our work in October, 1906, 
 the chief supply of peons came from the slums 
 — i. e. , foreign quarters of New York, and from 
 Ellis Island, through the operations of licensed 
 labor agents of New York. These were reaping 
 a rich harvest from the price per head for labor- 
 ers supplied to employers at a distance, and the 
 temptations to fill all orders and outdo rival 
 agents by a total disregard of truth and honesty 
 in dealing with both laborer and employer was 
 too great for a number of these brokers.” 
 
 PEPPER, Charles M. : Delegate to Sec- 
 ond International Conference of American 
 Republics. See (in this vol.) American Re- 
 publics. 
 
 PERDICARIS, Ion : Ransomed from a 
 Moorish Brigand. See (in this vol.) Morocco: 
 A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 PEREIRA, Jose Hygino Duarte: Vice- 
 President of Second International Conference 
 of American Republics. See (in this vol.) 
 American Republics. 
 
 PERRY, Commodore Matthew Calbraith: 
 Monument in Japan to commemorate his Ad- 
 vent there in 1853 . See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1901 (July). 
 
 PERSIA. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1907 . — Beginnings of the Re- 
 volutionary Movement, in the Life of Shah 
 Muzaffer-ed-Din. — The Taking of “Bast,” 
 and its effect. — The Extortion of a Consti- 
 tution and Election of a Representative As- 
 sembly. — Death of the Shah. — The follow- 
 ing account of conditions and events which 
 opened, attended and followed the late constitu- 
 tional revolution in Persia have been derived, 
 partly from official correspondence of the pe- 
 riod, between the British Legation at Teheran 
 (or Tehran) and the Foreign Office at London, 
 as published in Blue Book Cd. 4581, 1909, and 
 partly from letters and despatches to the lead- 
 ing journals of London and New York. 
 
 The Shah, Muzaffer-ed-Din, who came to the 
 throne in 1896, on the assassination of his father, 
 Nasr-ed-Din (see, in Volume VI. of this work, 
 
 Persia), was credited with a desire to reform 
 the government of his kingdom, and made con- 
 siderable effort to that end in the early' years of 
 his reign ; but the adverse forces controlling 
 his court were too strong for him, and he seems 
 to have yielded to them completely at last. 
 He was surrounded by a corrupt ring which 
 lived on the spoils of government, and piled 
 debt upon debt. Under the last of the Grand 
 Viziers (Atabegs, or Atabeks) who ruled Persia 
 in his name before the outbreak of revolution, 
 “ governments were put up for sale, grain was 
 hoarded and sold at extortionate prices, the 
 Government domains were stolen or sold for the 
 benefit of the conspirators, rich men were sum- 
 moned to Teheran (or Tehran) and forced to 
 disgorge large sums of money, oppression of 
 every sort was countenanced for a considera- 
 
 481 
 
PERSIA, 1905-1907 
 
 PERSIA, 1905-1907 
 
 tion ; the property, and even the lives, of all 
 Persian subjects were at their mercy. Finally, 
 there was every reason to believe that a con- 
 spiracy was on foot to dethrone the foolish and 
 impotent Shah and to oust the Valiahd [heir to 
 the throne] . In their place was to be put the 
 Shooa-es-Sultaneh, the Shah’s younger son, who 
 was a by-word even in Persia for extortion and 
 injustice. The policy of the Atabeg and his 
 friends had thus aroused the opposition of all 
 classes in Persia : of the few more or less pa- 
 triotic statesmen, who knew to what a goal the 
 country was being led ; of the priests, who felt 
 that their old power and independence would 
 perish with that of their country ; and of the 
 great mass of the population and the mercantile 
 classes, who were the daily victims of the tyr- 
 anny of their oppressors. In December [1905] 
 the storm broke. The Governor of Tehran, 
 without any just cause, ordered an aged Seyed 
 to be cruelly beaten. A large number of the 
 prominent Mu j teheds took ‘ bast ’ [refuge] in 
 the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim, near the capi- 
 tal.” 
 
 The “taking of ‘bast,’” or refuge, in some 
 sanctuary or other place of protection, is an old 
 Persian mode of political protest or demonstra- 
 tion, to command attention to public discon- 
 tents. In 1848 the chief persons of the Empire 
 had taken refuge with the English and Russian 
 Legations in order to obtain the exile of a tyran- 
 nical Minister, Mirza Aghassi, and since then it 
 had been the custom of persons who had griev- 
 ances against their own Government to take 
 refuge under the shelter of a foreign Legation. 
 The “ Mujteheds ” mentioned in the above quo- 
 tation as having resorted to this expedient in 
 December, are the higher and more influential 
 of the Mohammedan priests in Persia, distin- 
 guished from the Mullahs or common priests, 
 whose ranks are open to any believer who can 
 read the Koran and who assumes to interpret its 
 laws. 
 
 The Government used vain endeavors of brib- 
 ery and intimidation to break up the “bast” 
 at the shrine of Shah Abdul Azim. The refu- 
 gees had stirred up the whole country by a pub- 
 lished statement of grievances, appealing to the 
 patriotism of the people, and the Shah surren- 
 dered to the effect produced. He made pro- 
 mises of a grant of popular representation, and of 
 administrative reforms. By the end of January 
 a promising state of affairs seemed to have been 
 brought about. “The refugees were brought 
 back to Tehran in the Shah’s own carriages, 
 escorted by an enthusiastic crowd.” But dissen- 
 sions between the popular leaders and the Muj- 
 teheds soon arose. “ No definite step was taken 
 to give effect to the Shah’s promises, except a 
 vague letter promising Courts of Justice and a 
 new Code, and the appointment of a Council to 
 consider the whole question of reforms. In this 
 Council it soon became evident that the Govern- 
 ment could control the leaders of the reform 
 movement, and that the sympathies of the great 
 Mujteheds were not heartily with the popular 
 movement. All was outwardly quiet in Tehran, 
 but in the provinces the people of Shiraz and 
 Resht had taken violent measures to prevent the 
 reappointment of the Shah’s sons as their Gov- 
 ernors, and the movement in both eases was 
 successful. In the capital itself the streets and 
 the bazaars were quiet, but every day sermons 
 
 were preached in the mosques, in which, as one 
 of the popular party said, ‘ What we hardly 
 dared to think a year ago was openly spoken.’ 
 The best-known preacher of Tehran, a Prince 
 of the Imperial house, preached every Friday 
 against the tyrannies and corruption of the Gov- 
 ernment. An order for his expulsion was issued. 
 The chief Mujteheds, incited by the people, 
 pressed the Government to withdraw the mea- 
 sure, and the Government had to yield.” 
 
 In the middle of May the Shah had a para- 
 lytic stroke and was removed to the country. 
 For some weeks there was a lull in the popular 
 agitation. Then, early in July, the principal 
 Mujteheds were roused by the conduct of the 
 Grand Vizier to a fresh preaching of revolt. 
 On the 11th the Vizier ordered the arrest of one 
 of the preachers ; a crowd of people attempted 
 to rescue him, and was fired on by the troops. 
 General rioting in the capital ensued, with vic- 
 tory, for a time, on the side of the people ; but 
 in the end the Government appeared to have 
 won the day. “The town was in the hands of 
 the troops. The popular leaders had fled. The 
 Shah was in the hands of their opponents. For 
 the popular party the outlook was a grave one.” 
 
 In these circumstances the leaders had re- 
 course again to the “bast,” and this time in a 
 Foreign Legation. 
 
 “ On the evening of the 9th fifty Mullahs and 
 merchants appeared at the Legation and took 
 up their quarters for the night. Their numbers 
 soon increased, and on the 2nd September 
 there were about 14,000 persons in the Lega- 
 tion garden. Their conduct was most orderly. 
 The crowd of refugees was organized by the 
 heads of the guilds, who took measures to pre- 
 vent any unauthorized person from entering the 
 Legation grounds. Tents were put up and 
 regular feeding places and times of feeding 
 were provided for. The expense was borne by 
 the principal merchants. No damage of a wil- 
 ful character was done to the garden, although, 
 of course, every semblance of a bed was trampled 
 out of existence, and the trees still bear pious 
 inscriptions cut in the bark. Colonel Douglas, 
 the Military Attache, kept w T atch over the Le- 
 gation buildings, but no watch was needed. 
 Discipline and order were maintained by the 
 refugees themselves. 
 
 “The Government sent answers to the popu- 
 lar demands, which they requested Mr. Grant 
 Duff to read to the people. The Government 
 communications were received with derision. 
 At last there appeared to be no other resource 
 than a personal appeal to the Shah. The peo- 
 ple stated firmly that unless their demands 
 were granted they would remain in the Lega- 
 tion, as it was their only place of safety, and 
 they maintained that until the Shah knew what 
 was the real situation their requests would 
 never receive due consideration. Mr. Grant 
 Duff obtained the consent of His Majesty’s 
 Government, and announced to the Minister for 
 Foreign Affairs that he demanded an audience. 
 An audience was fixed for the 30tli July. The 
 audience, however, never took place. The Com- 
 mander of several of the Tehran regiments, on 
 whom the Minister of the Court and the Grand 
 Vizier chiefly depended, made the fatal an- 
 nouncement that his troops would not serve 
 against the people, and that they were on the 
 point of themselves taking refuge in the British 
 
PERSIA, 1905-1907 
 
 PERSIA, 1907 
 
 Legation. The Court party yielded. The Sadr 
 Azam [Grand Vizier] resigned, and the Azad-ul- 
 Mulk, head of the Kajar tribe [the tribe of the 
 imperial dynasty], proceeded to Sum in order 
 to inform the refugee Mullahs that the Shah 
 had granted their demands for a National As- 
 sembly and for Courts of Justice. 
 
 “The chief difficulty which then confronted 
 Mr. Grant Dull was that the people had entirely 
 lost confidence in their own Government, and 
 declined to treat with them except through the 
 British Representative. When the Government 
 made the announcement of the projected re- 
 forms, the people answered that they would not 
 accept the promise of the Government unless it 
 was confirmed and guaranteed by the Govern- 
 ment of the King of England. This was natu- 
 rally impossible. Acting under instructions, 
 Mr. Grant Duff informed the refugees that he 
 could do no more for them, and entirely declined 
 to guarantee the execution of the Shah’s De- 
 crees. The Government then attempted to 
 come to an arrangement direct. It failed. The 
 popular leaders rejected the Shah’s Decrees as 
 vague or inadequate, and where posted up in 
 the city they were torn down and trampled on. 
 In this extremity the Government again ap- 
 pealed to Mr. Grant Duff and begged him for 
 his assistance. At his suggestion a meeting 
 took place at the residence of the new Grand 
 Vizier, the late Minister for Foreign Affairs, be- 
 tween the Government and the popular leaders. 
 After a long discussion, at which Mr. Grant 
 Duff took no part except when questioned, an 
 agreement was arrived at, and an amended Re- 
 script published which definitely promised a 
 National Representative assembly [in the Per- 
 sian language a Mejlis or Medjliss] with legis- 
 lative powers. The Rescript was read out in 
 the British Legation to the assembled refugees 
 and was received with enthusiasm. . . . On the 
 night of the 16th the Mujteheds returned amid 
 popular plaudits, and on the 18tli a grand meet- 
 ing was held in the Palace precincts as a sort 
 of earnest of the National Assembly.” 
 
 The Court party, however, had only suffered 
 an appearance of defeat. It spent the next 
 week “in gradually paring down all the Shah’s 
 promises, and in the production of a Rescript 
 in which the original project of the Constitu- 
 tion was hardly recognizable. The late Grand 
 Vizier, who had lingered in the neighborhood, 
 suddenly returned to his country seat near the 
 Shah’s residence, and the Shah absolutely re- 
 fused to sign the Regulations for the Assembly. 
 The popular excitement was intense. Notice 
 was served on Mr. Grant Duff that the people 
 would again take refuge in the Legation, if nec- 
 essary, by force. About twenty-five of the 
 leaders actually did take up their quarters there. 
 It seemed as if the disturbances were about to 
 break out anew.” But now the Russian Minis- 
 ter came into cooperation with Mr. Grant Duff, 
 in representations to the Shah that overcame the 
 evil influences by which he was swayed. Regu- 
 lations for the election of delegates to the As- 
 sembly were now signed ; but fresh difficulties 
 arose from the refusal of provincial governors 
 to carry them out. These in turn were over- 
 come and the elections were held. “Meanwhile 
 it had been decided, in order to avoid delay, 
 that the Tehran Members of the Council should 
 meet at once, without ■waiting for the provin- 
 
 cial Delegates, and the first session of the new 
 Assembly was opened [October 7, 1906] by the 
 Shah himself, in the presence of the priests, the 
 Court, and the foreign representatives. . . . 
 The provincial Members arrived one by one as 
 they were elected, and as yet there are many 
 vacant places, the provinces not showing much 
 alacrity in electing their Members. The As- 
 sembly soon showed its power. It refused 
 absolutely to consent to the Anglo-Russian ad- 
 vance [of a preferred loan] on the ground that 
 the public revenues ought not to be pledged to 
 foreigners. It announced its intention of insti- 
 tuting reforms, especially in the finances of the 
 country, and of providing itself the necessary 
 funds for carrying on the Government by found- 
 ing and endowing a National Bank. But, be- 
 fore taking any steps of this nature, it insisted 
 on having a signed Constitution. A Commit- 
 tee was nominated to consider the terms of 
 the Constitution, and, in consultation with a 
 Committee named by the Government, a Con- 
 stitution was drawn up and submitted to the 
 Chamber.” It did not satisfy the popular de- 
 mand and scenes of confusion followed ; but in 
 the end it was amended and approved, and, on 
 the 1st of January, 1907, the important instru- 
 ment, ratified by the Shah and by the Valialid — 
 the heir to the crown— was delivered to the As- 
 sembly and received with joy. One week later, 
 on the 8th of January, the Shah died. 
 
 The text of the Constitution, as translated for 
 communication to the British Government, is 
 given in this volume under the heading — Con- 
 stitution of Persia. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Jan. -Sept.). — The new Shah, 
 Mohammed Ali. — His evil surroundings. — 
 Hostility between him and the Assembly. — 
 Prime Ministry of Atabeg-i-Azam. — The 
 Government without money. — Inaction of the 
 Assembly. — Discouragement of the Atabeg. 
 — His assassination. — The new Shah, who 
 assumed the crown under the name or title of 
 Mohammed Ali Shah, professed acquiescence in 
 the constitutional change which the nation had 
 forced his father to accept ; but those who knew 
 him appear to have expected that he would act 
 a perfidious part. That improved conditions in 
 the country were far from settled became ap- 
 parent very soon. As early as the 30th of Janu- 
 ary, Sir C. Spring-Rice, who had succeeded Mr. 
 Grant Duff as the diplomatic representative of 
 Great Britain, wrote to his Government: “I re- 
 gret to state that the prospects of a good under- 
 standing between the Shah and the popular 
 party are still remote. The entourage of the 
 Shah, especially his father-in-law, the Naib-es- 
 Sultaneh, is personally interested in the continu- 
 ance of the existing abuses ; and their influence 
 has certainly made itself felt to a regrettable ex- 
 tent, and has led to increasing agitation against 
 the Shah himself. On the other hand the action 
 of the popular Assembly has not been such as 
 to lead to conciliation.” 
 
 The precariousness of the situation in the 
 country, the paralysis of government and the 
 prevalence of disorder during a number of 
 months following, may be indicated sufficiently 
 by a few passages from the despatches of Sir 
 C. Spring-Rice and Mr. Charles M. Marling, 
 Charge d’Affaires to the British Secretary for 
 Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward Grey : 
 
 February 27, 1907. — “It is clear that a na- 
 
 483 
 
PERSIA, 1907 
 
 PERSIA, 1907 
 
 tional movement of a semi-political and semi- 
 religious character does exist and is spreading. 
 The great Mujteheds of Kerbela are now enter- 
 ing on the scene, and delegates are being sent 
 out from the capital to the provinces to preach 
 the principles of liberty. Patriotism, of a distinc- 
 tive Persian type, has always been the charac- 
 teristic of the Shiite believers. The present Shah 
 of Persia has no religious status, and, in the 
 view of the religious leaders, no fundamental 
 right to the allegiance of the Persians, whose real 
 chief is no living King, but the twelfth Imam, 
 the coming Messiah, even now present on the 
 earth, though unseen. The patriotism of the 
 Shiite does not therefore centre in the person of 
 the Kaliph, but is, or can be, of a highly revolu- 
 tionary character.” • 
 
 May 23. — An “important question has arisen 
 in relation to an addition to the Constitution, 
 guaranteeing equal treatment for all Persian 
 subjects, irrespective of their creed. The mul- 
 lahs protested. Of the three great Mujteheds, 
 only one — Seyid Mohamed — declared in 
 favour of it. The others, supported by a large 
 body of the clergy, maintain that Mussulman 
 law must be enforced in a Mussulman country. 
 The clerical world is divided on the subject. A 
 large number of the priests, headed by Seyid 
 Mohamed and the popular preacher Sheikh 
 Jamal-ed-Din, declare openly that the law of 
 Mahommed is a law of liberty and equality, and 
 that those who say otherwise are traitors to their 
 country and unworthy of their religion. The 
 representative of the Parsees informs me that 
 he has great hopes that a decision will be taken 
 favourable to toleration ; but the matter is still 
 in suspense.” 
 
 “ The Atabeg-i-Azam [about whom something 
 wall be told below] arrived at Tehran the 26tli 
 April, and was formally appointed President 
 of the Council of Ministers and Minister of the 
 Interior on the 2nd May. He proceeded to the 
 National Assembly on the 4th May, accompanied 
 by his whole Cabinet, and made a statement of 
 policy.” 
 
 “ The tone of the local press is getting more 
 and more democratic, and new papers are con- 
 stantly appearing. There are at present nearly 
 thirty papers published in Tehran alone, includ 
 ing several dailies. Papers are also published 
 in nearly all the provinces, and a Persian paper 
 of a very anti-dynastic tone is published at 
 Baku and widely circulated in Persia. Anony- 
 mous pamphlets are also widely spread in Teh- 
 ran as before. A number of them are printed 
 at Baku, and are remarkable for their inflam- 
 matory character. The Tehran pamphlets are 
 chiefly directed against the Atabeg-i-Azam and 
 the Government.” 
 
 June 18. — “The financial condition of the 
 Government is, if possible, worse than ever. 
 The police of the capital are on strike ; it has 
 been found almost impossible to scrape together 
 money enough to induce the Tehran troops to 
 leave for the scene of the rebellion.” 
 
 “The Government would, if it dared, borrow 
 abroad to meet its present liabilities. But, in 
 view of the popular sentiment, it does not resort 
 to a foreign loan. It appeals to the Assembly 
 for help, in the form of subscriptions to the pro- 
 posed National Bank. The answer it receives 
 is that the people will subscribe as soon as the 
 rich nobles, who are known to have large sums 
 
 of money, show the way. This the rich refuse 
 to do. As to raising money by taxation, the 
 Assembly appears to be convinced that as soon 
 as the Government has any money in hand it 
 will use it for the destruction of the Medjliss. 
 Any effective control of expenditure is regarded 
 as quite out of the question. The exasperation 
 against the Shah is rapidly increasing.” 
 
 “There is a considerable difference between 
 the north and the south. In the south the popu- 
 lar movement has an almost farcical character; 
 it turns on personal or pecuniary questions. In 
 the north there appears to be a more or less 
 definite political aim and a keen sense of patriot- 
 ism. So far there is no sign of an anti-foreign 
 outbreak.” 
 
 July 19. — “The general condition of the 
 whole country is undoubtedly bad, and is prob- 
 ably slightly worse than last month. The dis- 
 turbances at Tehran have been chiefly brought 
 about by artificial means to serve the purposes 
 of the reactionaries. There seems, however, no 
 reason to regard it as dangerous, though the 
 Government has every appearance of being 
 bankrupt, and artificial demonstrations are of 
 daily occurrence. There is so far no reason to 
 fear an outbreak and consequent danger to for- 
 eign lives or property.” 
 
 August 15. — “The Assembly still continues 
 to sit, and it celebrated the anniversary of the 
 grant of the Constitution amid great scenes of 
 popular enthusiasm. But it has done, and is 
 doing, nothing of practical value. Its proceed- 
 ings are disorderly, and it comes to no deci- 
 sion. The covert opposition of the Shah and 
 his friends is conducted with considerable skill 
 through a section of the priestly party, who 
 are heavily subsidized. They have obtained 
 some measure of success, and the reactionary 
 forces show a considerable amount of vigour. 
 But the popular leaders are not seriously afraid 
 of these enemies, and confidently maintain that 
 the restoration of autocracy in Persia is now im- 
 possible. The chief enemies of the Assembly 
 are its own members.” 
 
 “ The Atabeg is in a state of great depression, 
 is afraid for his life, distrustful of the Shah, 
 and professes that he is anxious to resign. He 
 is useful as a man holding a middle position 
 between Shah and people, and possessing great 
 experience and knowledge of the country, but 
 he is quite incapable of organizing or adminis- 
 tering a Government or of carrying out any 
 thorough-going reform.” 
 
 September 13. — “ On the evening of the 30th 
 ultimo the Atabeg called on me and talked at 
 length on the political situation. The general 
 tenor of his observations was that the Shah 
 would withdraw his opposition, the Medjliss 
 would work with the Government, and that 
 very shortly the Government would be able to 
 put an eud’lo the disorder which reigned in the 
 country. I never saw him in better spirits. 
 
 “ The next day [August 31] the Atabeg and 
 the Ministers repaired to the Palace and re- 
 quested the Shah to accept their resignations 
 unless he would solemnly pledge himself to co 
 operate with the Government and the Medjliss, 
 They obtained the promise in writing, and re- 
 paired in a body to the Assembly. The pro- 
 ceedings of the Assembly on that day were on 
 the whole harmonious and satisfactory. The 
 Atabeg read the Shah’s statement, and explained 
 
PERSIA, 1907 
 
 PERSIA, 1907-1908 
 
 that the Government and the Assembly would 
 now be able to proceed to the serious work 
 of reform. There was some opposition, but it 
 was overruled. The majority of the Members 
 showed their sympathy with the Government. 
 
 “The Atabeg left the Assembly accompa- 
 nied by the principal Mujtehed, Seyed Abdul- 
 lah. They reached the outer door of the Palace 
 inclosure, and had just parted when the Atabeg 
 was shot and killed. One of his assailants was 
 captured, but wounded his captor and escaped; 
 another, finding himself surrounded, shot him- 
 self. . . . 
 
 “For some time lately rumours have been 
 spread abroad through the local press and by 
 word of mouth to the effect that the Atabeg was 
 in secret collusion with the Shah, for the over- 
 throw of the Assembly and the sale of the coun- 
 try to Russia. Statements to this effect reached 
 me from Members of the Assembly. There can 
 be no doubt as to the genuineness and intensity 
 of the feeling against the Atabeg. A French 
 doctor, who attended one of the assassins some 
 time before the murder, assured Mr. Churchill 
 that he and his friends were quiet and respect- 
 able persons of the middle class, imbued with 
 the strongest feeling of patriotism, and ready 
 to devote their lives to the service of their 
 country. The attacks on the Atabeg had lately 
 gained in virulence, and had attracted universal 
 attention. . . . Popular sentiment approved 
 the murder, and the assassins were regarded as 
 saviours of their country. The streets of Ta- 
 breez were illuminated. The result of the 
 Atabeg’s murder is for the time to disorganize 
 the whole system of government.” 
 
 In a recent book on Persia, by W. P. Cresson, 
 the writer, an American, who had visited the 
 country during the final Ministry of the Atabeg 
 Azam, and had talked with him, describes him 
 with admiration, having been especially im- 
 pressed with his liberality of views and his 
 knowledge of European and American affairs. 
 In his periods of exile from Persia (which oc- 
 curred several times in the course of his public 
 life) he had visited both Europe and America 
 and studied them well. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — • Convention between 
 Great Britain and Russia relative to Persia. 
 See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1907 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1907-1908 (Sept. -June). — A series of 
 Political Overturnings. — The Shah deserted. 
 
 — Temporary Supremacy of the Assembly. 
 
 — Nasr-ul-Mulk Premier. — Addition to the 
 Constitution. — The Shah’s attempted Coup 
 d’fetat and failure. — Attempted Assassina- 
 tion of^the Shah. — His successful second 
 Coupd’Etat. — The Assembly dispersed and 
 its dissolution proclaimed. — New Elections 
 promised. — The assassination of the Atabeg 
 Azam was followed soon by a strange series of 
 overturnings in the political situation, outlined, 
 and but slightly explained in the following ex- 
 cerpts from despatches of the British Legation 
 at Tehran : 
 
 September 13, 1907. — “A deputation recently 
 called on the Mushir-ed-Dowleh [former Grand 
 Vizier] and asked him to take office. He 
 refused unless he was provided with money. 
 He said that he would not take the dangerous 
 responsibility of accepting a foreign loan, and 
 that unless the Persian people supplied the 
 funds necessary to carry on the Government, or 
 
 consented to the Government finding funds else- 
 where, all government would be shortly im- 
 possible.” 
 
 October 2. — “Shah has been solemnly informed 
 by a Committee composed of Princes, high mil- 
 itary and civil officials, and great landlords, and 
 including all the reactionaries of prominence, 
 that, unless he ^maintains the Constitution and 
 works with the Medjliss their support will be 
 withdrawn from the throne. The usual reas- 
 suring answer was returned by His Majesty. 
 The Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose posi- 
 tion is very precarious owing to the strike in 
 his own Department, is opposed to them, but 
 the head of the new Government has promised 
 them support. The members of the Committee 
 yesterday took a solemn oath of fidelity to the 
 Constitution in the Assembly, where they had 
 repaired for the purpose. Excepting support 
 of the Minister for Foreign Affairs the Shah is 
 now practically isolated, though he is supposed 
 still to entertain reactionary views.” 
 
 October 3. — “ Saad-ed-Dowleh has been dis- 
 missed from post of Minister for Foreign Af- 
 fairs.” 
 
 October 10. — “The Mushir-ed-Dowleh died 
 very suddenly on the evening of the 13th Sep- 
 tember. 
 
 “On the 27th September the Princes and 
 civil and military officials of note, who had up 
 till then formed the reactionary party, pre- 
 sented an ultimatum to the Shah declaring their 
 adhesion to the Constitution and the National 
 Assembly, and threatening to sever all connec- 
 tion with the throne should His Majesty not co- 
 operate with the National party. . . . There 
 was little on the surface to indicate the sudden 
 volte-face of the reactionaries. The chief cause 
 must undoubtedly be reckoned to be fear. The 
 murder of the Atabeg . . . and the suspicion 
 that the sudden death of Mushir-ed-Dowleh 
 was not due to natural causes, had unquestion- 
 ably produced a very deep effect. . . . 
 
 “The result of the first year’s work of the 
 Assembly has been on the whole rather nega- 
 tive, but at least it has succeeded in asserting 
 its will against the influence of the Shah and 
 clergy, and has now a reasonable prospect of 
 being able to start on the path of reconstruc- 
 tion.” 
 
 October 25. — “New Ministry has been 
 formed under presidency of Nasr-ul-Mulk, re- 
 appointed Minister of Finance. Most impor- 
 tant members are Mushir-ed-Dowleh, son of the 
 late Mushir-ed-Dowleh, Foreign Affairs ; Sani- 
 ed-Dowleh, Interior ; Mukhber-es-Sultaneh, 
 Justice.” 
 
 November VI. — “I have the honor to trans- 
 mit to you herewith a full translation of the 
 text of the Constitutional Law as passed by the 
 National Assembly and signed by the Shah on 
 the 8th of October. [This addition of articles 
 to the Constitution signed by the Shah on the 
 30th of December, 1906, will be found, in this 
 volume, appended to that instrument, under 
 Constitution of Persia.] The Law reduces 
 the Sovereign to practical impotence, but by 
 far its most important part is that defining the 
 powers of the Tribunals. Articles 71 and the 
 succeeding Articles, though ambiguously word- 
 ed, intentionally so, will, if carried into execu- 
 tion, deal a deadly blow at the judicial powers 
 of the Mollahs.” 
 
 485 
 
PERSIA, 1907-1908 
 
 PERSIA, 1907-1908 
 
 December 15. — “ Disorders are threatening 
 here. Violent speeches, denouncing the Shah 
 and demanding the exile of the Shah’s Chief 
 Adviser and Agent, Saad-ed-Dowleh and Amir 
 Bahadur Jang, were made yesterday at a popu- 
 lar meeting at the principal mosque. The 
 Ministry has resigned, but the Shah refuses to 
 accept resignation. This morning an excited 
 crowd gathered outside the Assembly, but was 
 dispersed by armed men sent by the Shah.” 
 
 December 15. — “ Ala-ed-Dowleh, who was 
 sent to the Palace by the Assembly with a mes- 
 sage, and another brother of President of As- 
 sembly were arrested by the Shah at 3 o’clock 
 this afternoon. Shah sent for Prime Minister at 
 5 p. m., put chains on him, and threatened to 
 kill him five hours after sunset. I have sent to 
 demand assurances for Nasr-ul-Mulk’s safety 
 from the Palace, and am requesting co-operation 
 of Russian Minister.” 
 
 December 16. — “Nasr-ul-Mulk is exiled, and 
 leaves for Resht to-day. As he fears Shah will 
 attempt his life on the way, he begged me to 
 send a member of the Legation with him, as was 
 done when the late Atabeg was sent to Kum in 
 1897. This, I said, I was for the moment unable 
 to do. I am, however, sending two gholams. 
 On his arrest the Assembly dispersed, and the 
 Anjumans, on which its real power rested, re- 
 mained inactive. The other Ministers have all 
 resigned. They were summoned to the Palace 
 and were practically under arrest there till they 
 also left the Palace when Nasr-ul-Mulk was re- 
 leased by my demand on his behalf. . . . Armed 
 partisans of Shah have occupied principal 
 square since midday yesterday. For the pre- 
 sent his coup d’etat seems to be successful. The 
 Committees are collecting armed round the As- 
 sembly this morning. There is no sign of dan- 
 ger to Europeans, and there has been as yet no 
 fighting.” 
 
 December 17. — “More armed ruffians are being 
 brought into the town and are congregating in 
 Cannon Square, supported by troops and guns. 
 
 . . . Round the Medjliss building the Anjumans 
 [popular associations] are again assembling 
 armed.” 
 
 December 18. — “No Government has been 
 formed. The popular party is acting strictly on 
 the defensive, and the Committees are still 
 guarding the Assembly. The Shah last night 
 conceded the Assembly’s demands, which are 
 moderate.” 
 
 December 22. — “ Russian Minister and I have 
 just come back from the Palace. He laid the 
 situation before the Shah with the utmost 
 frankness, and the strongest assurances that 
 he would respect and uphold the Constitution 
 were given us by His Majesty. Steps are now 
 being taken by us to let the Constitutionalists 
 understand that it is incumbent upon the two 
 Legations to see that the Shah observes the 
 pledges he has given us.” 
 
 December 31. — “Meantime [after the inter- 
 view, above reported, with the Shah], the 
 general situation had become more threatening. 
 The Tabreez Anjuman [local assembly or Com- 
 mittee] had succeeded in circulating throughout 
 Persia the threat of deposing the Shah, and the 
 larger cities, where the idea of constitutional gov- 
 ernment has taken root, appeared to be greatly 
 excited. Telegrams promising armed support 
 against the Shah had been received from Shiraz, 
 
 Ispahan, Resht, Kazviu, Kerman, and Meshed, 
 and signs of sympathy had come in from other 
 quarters. In Tehran itself, despite unmistakable 
 signs that the Shah must yield, as he did late in 
 the afternoon, the excitement against His Ma- 
 jesty was, if anything, more marked.” 
 
 “ It has been difficult to find a method of con- 
 veying the Shah’s guarantee in a manner agree- 
 able to the susceptibilities of the Assembly. 
 However, on Friday Mushir-ed-Dowleh furnished 
 M. de Ilartwig with a rough draft of a declara- 
 tion which we might each communicate to the 
 President of the Assembly, and taking this as 
 the basis we prepared a letter in French.” 
 
 January 2, 1908. — “Although Tehran is now 
 relatively quiet, and the provinces have been 
 much less affected than might reasonably have 
 been apprehended by the knowledge of what 
 was happening at the capital, I fear that relief 
 is only temporary, and that Persia is drifting 
 nearer and nearer to complete anarchy. The 
 struggle between the Shah and his people has 
 resulted in a complete victory for the latter, but 
 I am not sanguine that the prospects of the es- 
 tablishment of constitutional government on a 
 durable basis have been much improved thereby. 
 For the moment, indeed, the Shah has been com- 
 pletely cowed, and is now retired into the Ande- 
 room’' 
 
 January 29. — “In the early days of the 
 month, though externally the town was quiet 
 enough, it seemed as though another crisis 
 might occur. The Shah, after a few days’ com- 
 parative inactivity, recommenced his campaign 
 against the Assembly.” 
 
 February 28. — “The Shah, who had not been 
 out of the Palace since he paid his state visit to 
 the National Assembly on the 12th November, 
 1907, was proceeding at 3 p. m. to his country 
 seat at Dochantapeh when a determined at- 
 tempt was made on his life. The procession 
 was formed of a motor-car in front and a car- 
 riage behind, with the usual escort of horsemen 
 and running footmen. A little way past the 
 house of the Manager of the Imperial Bank, 
 and before reaching that of the Zil-es-Sultan. a 
 fusillade was opened on the motor-car, in which 
 it was supposed the Shah rode, by some persons 
 from the adjoining roofs, who evidently could 
 not see into the vehicles from their elevated 
 position. Two bombs were then thrown at the 
 motor-car completely shattering it, and killing 
 two persons and wounding about seven others. 
 The Shah, who was seated ;in the carriage be- 
 hind the motor-car, immediately emerged and 
 took refuge in a neighboring house.” 
 
 April 24. — “ While . . . the general condition 
 of Persia has been more tranquil, at the capital 
 all the indications show but too clearly that the 
 struggle between the Shah and the Enjumens 
 [Committees or Associations] has lost none of its 
 bitterness. I say advisedly the Enjumens, for 
 in the last trial of strength, in which the Shah 
 was again worsted, the Assembly played a very 
 small part indeed.” 
 
 May 21. — “The condition of the country is 
 going from bad to worse, and the feeble Gov- 
 ernment is absolutely unable to do anything to 
 restore a decent degree of order, and even if 
 money were forthcoming, it is in the last degree 
 improbable that without foreign assistance any 
 serious measure of reform can be undertaken.” 
 
 June 8. — “On Saturday morning, the 6th 
 
PERSIA, 1907-1908 
 
 PERSIA, 1908-1909 
 
 Jane, an apparent reconciliation between the 
 Shah and the popular party took place, but the 
 next morning it was reported to His Majesty 
 that a telegram had been sent to Zil-es-Sultan 
 [one of the royal princes, and an aspirant to the 
 throne] at Shiraz by the Eujumens asking him 
 to come to Tehran and assume the Regency. 
 The same evening the Zil’s eldest son, also Ser- 
 dar Mansur, Ala-ed-Dowleh, and Azad-ul- 
 Mulk, the Head of the Kajar tribe [the imperial 
 tribe] who took part in the agitation last week, 
 were arrested by the Shah.” 
 
 June 23. — “About 6 o’clock this morning 
 twenty Cossacks were sent by the Shah to ar- 
 rest eight persons who were in the mosque 
 adjoining the Assembly House. The demand 
 for the surrender of these persons met with a 
 refusal, and a shot was tired from the mosque. 
 Fighting then started, and is still continuing. 
 The number of people killed is said to be large. 
 Guns are being used by the Shah’s troops.” 
 
 June 23. — “ The Assembly building and the 
 mosque have been cleared by the Shah’s forces, 
 and the meeting-place of the Azerbaijan Enju- 
 men has been destroyed. The Shah has ar- 
 rested the Chief Mujtehed, Seyyid Abdullah, 
 the Sheikh-ul-Reis, and some ten other alleged 
 leaders of popular party. The Cossack Brigade 
 has lost forty men. The loss on the other side 
 is said to be very small, but the exact number is 
 unknown. A state of siege has been proclaimed 
 and the Enjumens have dispersed. Some shops 
 and houses, including that of the Zil-es-Sultan, 
 and the Assembly building, have been pil- 
 laged.” 
 
 June 25. — “The first shot was undoubtedly 
 fired by the people in the mosque and As- 
 sembly, among whom some Deputies were in- 
 cluded. I believe that every preparation had 
 been made to clear the mosque by force if this 
 proved necessary. In any case, the Shah had 
 reasonable ground for taking strong measures, 
 as the attack was made by the popular party on 
 the troops. . . . 
 
 “Efforts are being made to catch Deputies, 
 and several, including the President of the As- 
 sembly, have already been arrested. The En- 
 jumens seem to be cowed ; their supporters are 
 falling away, and the Shah has complete mas- 
 tery. Yesterday morning two prisoners were 
 strangled at the Shah’s camp, and there are 
 about thirty persons, other than Deputies, 
 under arrest. There are now in the Legation 
 fifty refugees. 
 
 “ There has been fighting in Tabreez between 
 the popular party and the Shah’s partisans. 
 There is no sign from the other provinces, and 
 the Zil-es-Sultan is trying to dissociate himself 
 from the agitation.” 
 
 June 26. — “A Proclamation stating that the 
 present Assembly is dissolved has been issued 
 by the Shah. Proclamation announces that 
 new elections will be held in three months, and 
 a Senate will be formed.” 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Final Hostilities be- 
 tween the Shah and the Supporters of the 
 Constitution. — Tabriz the Center of a Re- 
 volutionary Movement. — Entrance of the 
 Bakhtiari into the Struggle. — -Siege of Ta- 
 briz and its Reliefby the Russians. — Capture 
 of Teheran by the Nationalists and Bakh- 
 tiari. — Deposition of the Shah. — A child 
 enthroned. — The occurrences of June, nar- 
 
 rated above, were at the beginning of the final 
 outbreak of hostilities between the partisans of 
 the Shah and the supporters of the Constitu- 
 tion, which soon ran into actual civil war. 
 
 When the Shah had established his authority 
 at Teheran, Tabriz became the center of popular 
 opinion on the side of the Constitutionalists, or 
 Nationalists, and the main seat of their strength. 
 Fighting began there on the 23d of June, si- 
 multaneously with the conflict at Teheran, 
 aud continued intermittently and indecisively 
 throughout July and August, at the end of 
 which time the Nationalists were said to be 
 10,000 strong. On the 24th of September the 
 Royalists began a bombardment of the town, 
 with five guns, to which the Nationalists re- 
 sponded vigorously with four. October 10th the 
 Nationalists assumed the offensive, attacking 
 the camp of the besiegers, routing their cavalry, 
 and securing possession of a desirable bridge. 
 
 On the 24th of September, under pressure 
 from the representatives of Great Britain and 
 Russia, the Shah decreed that a Mejlis (National 
 Assembly) “composed of religious and proper 
 persons, will, by the help of God and the favor 
 of the 12th Imam, be convoked by us for the 
 19tli Shavval ” — that is, November 14 — and 
 that a law of elections should be made known 
 by October 27. The latter date passed without 
 producing the promised election law and no 
 elections followed in November ; but on the 8th 
 of the latter month the Shah’s partisans organ- 
 ized a “demonstration” at Teheran against the 
 Constitution, on the strength of which the men- 
 dacious sovereign replied to British and Rus- 
 sian remonstrances against his faithlessness by 
 saying that “a large section of the population 
 regarded a constitutional regime as contrary to 
 their religion.” Presently, on the 22d of No- 
 vember, he issued a rescript proclaiming that 
 the Ulema had declared such an institution as 
 a Parliament to be contrary to Islam and there- 
 fore he would not convoke it. 
 
 Early in 1909 the revolt first organized at 
 Tabriz became rife in many parts of the nomi- 
 nal Empire of the Shah, both north and south. 
 On the 25th of January The Times of India, 
 published at Bombay, where commercial and 
 political interests in Persian affairs are equally 
 keen, described the situation then existing as 
 follows: The “news from Persia is extremely 
 grave, because it indicates the collapse of the 
 Shah’s authority from north to south. The 
 Anjumans [Enjumens — a term which seems 
 to be applied to local assemblies and to all politi- 
 cal associations alike] of Astrabad and Lahid- 
 jan have repudiated the present regime. This 
 means that the Caspian littoral is being lost to 
 the Shah. What is of even greater consequence 
 is that the spread of the revolt to Lahidjan may 
 mean the cutting off of the trade with Teheran 
 via Resht. which is now the principal route 
 open to traffic. Then in the far south, almost 
 on the Gulf littoral, the Nationalists of Laristan 
 have thrown off all semblance of the Shah’s 
 authority. Recently it was stated that the 
 Bakhtiaris had risen in revolt, and had looted 
 Isfahan. It was not to be expected that the 
 Lars, of which the Bakhtiaris are an offshoot 
 and who enjoy a modified independence, would 
 remain quiescent under these conditions. Reu- 
 ter is however in error in stating that these 
 tribal fights ‘ are interrupting ’ communications 
 
 487 
 
PERSIA, 1908-1909 
 
 PERSIA, 1908-1909 
 
 between Bushire and Shiraz. These have been 
 interrupted for many months, and as we stated 
 on Friday, the muleteers who usually ply be- 
 tween Bushire and Shiraz some time ago re- 
 moved their animals to the Resht-Teheran road. 
 The insecurity of this route is illustrated by the 
 fact that the Derya Begi, the fount of Persian 
 dignity at Bushire, was held up and robbed on 
 his way from Teheran to his charge on the 
 coast. All these straws point to the rapidity 
 with which anarchy is spreading.” 
 
 The Baklitiari referred to in this account of 
 affairs, and who now began to bear an important 
 part in the Persian revolutionary conflict, are a 
 semi-independent and nomadic tribe, occupying 
 the region of the mountains which bear the same 
 name, in western Persia, within the provinces of 
 Luristan and Kliuzistan. They claim, it is said, 
 by descent from the Bactrians of remote antiq- 
 uity, to represent the purest blood of ancient 
 Iran. In connection with recent disturbances, 
 they began to be mentioned in June, 1907. The 
 head of one faction among them, Semsam-es- 
 Sultaneli, had then been removed by the Persian 
 provincial governor from the post of Ilkhani (a 
 title surviving from the Mongol conquest of the 
 13th century, — see Persia : A. D. 1258-1393, in 
 Volume IV. of this work), and his supporters 
 were reported to be “out in every direction at- 
 tacking caravans.” The only mention of them 
 in the following months was as pestilent ban- 
 dits in the Ispahan quarter, holding the roads 
 and breaking up commerce and travel ; but 
 they came at last into Persian history as allies 
 of the Nationalists in the struggle for Consti- 
 tutional Government. 
 
 Press reports from Tabriz in February were 
 to the effect that the Shah’s forces, estimated 
 at 12,000 in number, had closely invested the 
 town ; that the besieged Nationalists were pro- 
 visioned for two months, and were making sor- 
 ties daily. Also that Resht was full of armed 
 Caucasian revolutionaries. At the middle of 
 March a correspondent of the London Times 
 made his way from Teheran to Resht, and found 
 that the revolutionary movement there was en- 
 tirely “exotic.” “If the Caucasian element 
 was removed,” he wrote, “nothing would re- 
 main. One can estimate fairly accurately that 
 there are about 600 men under arms in the town 
 and on the road. It is said that 5 per cent, of 
 these are Persians. This morning I watched the 
 departure of a contingent of men for the front. 
 Greeks, Kurds, Armenians, Tartars, Russians — 
 all the Caucasian peoples were represented, but 
 not a single man of the race for the advancement 
 of whose cause these men have taken arms.” 
 
 This correspondent was led to suspect, as 
 others have done, that the religious movement 
 in Persia known as “Babism” (see, in Volume 
 I. of this work, under Bab) had much to do, in 
 a secret way, with the existing revolutionary 
 undertaking. “ Those who are in a position to 
 judge.” he said, “estimate the present propor- 
 tion of Babis in the population of Persia at from 
 10 to 30 per cent. I have, indeed, heard the 
 Persians estimate it as high as 50 per cent.” 
 
 Before the end of March the Nationalists were 
 in control of the ports of Bender Abbas and Bu- 
 shire on the Persian Gulf. On the 30t,h of March 
 the following went to the London Times from 
 Teheran : “ In spite of numerous defections to 
 the Nationalist side during the last fortnight, the 
 
 situation at Teheran remains practically unal- 
 tered. The Cossack Brigade is still the premier 
 factor, and there seems no reason to doubt either 
 its allegiance to the Shah or its ability to deal 
 with any element of disturbance likely to arise 
 in the capital. The bazaars remain partially 
 closed, but the business of the town proceeds 
 without interruption. 
 
 “ From outside there is nothing to apprehend 
 for the present. The Bakhtiari have made no 
 sign, though their position has been rendered 
 materially more secure by the recent espousal of 
 Nationalism by the most notable family at Shi- 
 raz. From Resht the revolutionaries continue 
 to launch remonstrance, warning, and anathema 
 at the Shah, but they are too wise to march on 
 the capital without a lead from elsewhere. 
 
 “ To-day’s news from Tabriz indicates that 
 the situation of the town is extremely grave. A 
 section of the Nationalists advocate negotiating 
 with the besiegers, but Satar Khan has decided 
 to continue his resistance. The stores of food 
 are to be appropriated for the fighting men, and 
 when the stock remaining is exhausted the in- 
 habitants will have no alternative but to leave 
 the town and run the gauntlet of the Shah’s 
 lambs.” 
 
 The Cossack Brigade referred to in the de- 
 spatch above was a body of Persian Cossacks 
 which had been for some time past in the service 
 of the Shah, under the command of a Russian 
 officer, Colonel Liaklioff. In the House of Com- 
 mons, on the 24th of March, the British Secre- 
 tary for Foreign Affairs was sharply questioned 
 as to this employment of a Russian officer, and 
 the alleged emploj^ment of others, -in the Shah’s 
 service, and asked whether they were serving 
 the Shah or the Tsar. In reply he said: “It 
 may be that in the events of the summer — what 
 is called the coup d’Etat — Colonel Liakhoff, 
 the Russian officer in command of the Persian 
 Cossacks, who had been lent to the Shah for the 
 purpose, I understand, of disciplining that body 
 of Persian Cossacks, to provide a bodyguard for 
 the Shah, and in case of need to preserve order 
 in Teheran — it may be that he exceeded the 
 limit of those purposes. If he did so I am con- 
 vinced that it was not by the instructions, on 
 the authority, or with the approval of the Rus- 
 sian Government ; and since the coup d’Etat 
 there has been no question, according to reports 
 which we have received, that the Russian offi- 
 cers who remained in the service of the Shah 
 have kept within the limits of the purposes for 
 which they were lent to the service of the Shah, 
 and have not taken part in anything that could 
 be called political encounters in Persia. If Colo- 
 nel Liakhoff exceeded the limits in Teheran, he 
 acted directly under the Government of the Shah, 
 and the question whether the Russian Govern- 
 ment approve or disapprove his action is one be- 
 tween himself and them, and is not a matter on 
 which we are called upon to express an opin- 
 ion.” 
 
 On the 5th of April it was reported that the 
 sufferings of Tabriz “are increasing daily, and 
 it is undoubted that a great tragedy is approach- 
 ing. If Tabriz holds out, thousands must die 
 of starvation, while, if it falls, probably tens 
 of thousands will be massacred.” A fortnight 
 later, on the 20th. the Shah yielded to the insist- 
 ence of the British and Russian Legations that he 
 should allow an armistice at Tabriz of six days 
 
PERSIA, 1908-1909 
 
 PERSIA, 1908-1909 
 
 and the importation into the town of sufficient 
 food for that period. Meantime a detachment of 
 Russian Cossacks, under General Snarsky, had 
 crossed the frontier into Persia, and was march- 
 ing to Tabriz with supplies. This Russian re- 
 lief expedition, approved by the British Gov- 
 ernment, reached the beleaguered city without 
 resistance on the 30th, and its presence brought 
 the conflict at that point to an end. A corre- 
 spondent of The Times, who had been in Tabriz 
 throughout the siege, taking some leadership in 
 the defence (in company with a teacher attached 
 to the American Mission’s high school, Mr. Bas- 
 kerville, who met death in the fighting) and who 
 gave, two months later, a graphic narrative of 
 the experience, said in concluding it : “ Tabriz 
 was ultimately saved by the coming of the Rus- 
 sians. Their entry into the town was the direct 
 cause of the opening of the roads, the dispersal 
 of the disappointed armies of the Shah, the pro- 
 mulgation of the Constitution, and the appoint- 
 ment of a Constitutionalist Ministry. It saved 
 Tabriz from a surrender which could not other- 
 wise have been delayed for three days longer, 
 and thereby it averted the complete collapse of 
 the Constitutional movement.” 
 
 With victory at Tabriz snatched from him, 
 the Shah ostensibly threw up his hands. On 
 the 5th of May it was announced that he had 
 ‘‘signed an Imperial rescript acknowledging 
 that the disorderly condition of the country im- 
 posed the necessity of taking measures to reor- 
 ganize the administration. The rescript recog- 
 nizes that this can only be secured through the 
 constitutional principle, and his Majesty fixes 
 July 19 for the election of a representative As- 
 sembly, for the formation of which electoral 
 laws will soon be promulgated.” 
 
 This revival of promises failed, however, to 
 arrest the revolutionary movement. On the 
 7th of May the Nationalists expelled a royal 
 force from Kazvin — less than a hundred miles 
 from Teheran — and declared their intention to 
 march on Teheran. “ They are well-armed and 
 well-mounted,” said a correspondent who came 
 from Kazvin, “and possessed of plenty of 
 money. Their commander, a Sipahdar, and his 
 second in command, an Afghan, are now at 
 Kazvin, and everything points to the possibil- 
 ity of early action. The Bakhtiari, who have 
 assembled at Ispahan and number 3,000, also 
 declare their intention of marching on Tehe- 
 ran. ” 
 
 Of the Sipahdar, who now becomes the fight- 
 ing leader of the Nationalists, a writer in the 
 New York Evening Post relates that “when a 
 merchant in Tabriz, he offered the government 
 his services in wiping out the brigands who 
 scoured the provinces, and, selecting a picked 
 band, went out to fight fire with fire, by the 
 same methods of terrorizing that the robbers 
 had employed. As a result, he made the pro- 
 vinces safe, at least.” 
 
 Pressed by the Russian Legation to withdraw 
 from Kazvin, pending the fulfilment of the 
 Shah’s promises, the Sipahdar, commanding 
 there, declared that he could not control his 
 men. The situation was complicated by the 
 presence of the Russians at Tabriz. As The 
 Times correspondent wrote: “The perfectly 
 unambiguous declaration by Russia that her 
 troops will be withdrawn from Tabriz the mo- 
 ment order is restored and danger to Europeans 
 
 is past is valueless in the eyes of Persians while 
 the troops are there.” 
 
 The framing of a new electoral law, to the 
 satisfaction of an electoral committee of the Na- 
 tionalists, was finished on the 6th of June, and 
 the Shah’s signature to it was expected in a few 
 days. High hopes were placed on the coming 
 of Nasr-ul-Mulk, the exiled statesman at Paris, 
 who had been solicited to accept the Prime 
 Ministry, and who seemed slow to take the 
 proffered honor. But the wrecked structure of 
 constitutional government could not so easily 
 be set in motion. The revolutionaries at Kaz- 
 vin became threatening again, and were in mo- 
 tion toward Teheran before the end of June, 
 while the Bakhtiari began a simultaneous ad- 
 vance. On the 29th of J une the Russian Gov- 
 ernment issued orders “to assemble a consider- 
 able force at Baku, to be held in readiness in 
 case of a coup de main against the Persian capi- 
 tal.” Meantime the new electoral law had been 
 signed, but not promulgated, “owing to the 
 prevailing excitement,” it was said. 
 
 On the 3d of July the Russian Government 
 addressed a Circular Note on the situation in 
 Persia to the Governments of foreign Powers, 
 saying, in part: 
 
 “The Imperial Government, on consideration 
 of the position of affairs, has come to the con- 
 clusion that the principle of absolute non-inter- 
 ference in the internal affairs of Persia and in 
 the conflict between the Shah and the Persian 
 people must remain, now as formerly, the basis 
 of its policy in Persia. In this connexion we 
 could not leave out of sight the fact that in the 
 event of the Bakhtiari and revolutionaries en- 
 tering Teheran the Russian and other European 
 Legations and European institutions and sub- 
 jects, as well as our road from Enzeli (on the 
 Caspian Sea) to Teheran, might find themselves 
 in an extremely dangerous position, and the 
 more so because, according to information 
 which has reached us, the only Regular troops 
 at the Shah’s disposal consist of the Persian 
 Cossack Brigade, wffiich is at present so weak- 
 ened that it is scarcely in a condition to main- 
 tain order in Teheran. 
 
 “This circumstance imposes upon the Im- 
 perial Government the moral obligation to take 
 all measures in order that, in case of necessity, 
 it may be possible to render effective aid to the 
 above-mentioned (European) establishments and 
 subjects and to ensure unrestricted traffic be- 
 tween Teheran and Enzeli in all circumstances. 
 It has, therefore, been decided to send a force 
 from Baku to Enzeli consisting of one regiment 
 of Cossacks, one battalion of Russian infantry, 
 and one battery of artillery. The force will not 
 advance beyond Kazvin (86 miles from Tehe- 
 ran), and will ensure communication between 
 Kazvin and the Caspian Sea. 
 
 “The further advance of a portion of the 
 force depends upon the course of events. It 
 can only ensue upon the demand of the Im- 
 perial Legation in Teheran in the event of the 
 dangerous situation aforesaid arising.” 
 
 The Russian and British Legations attempted 
 mediation between the Sipahdar and the Shah, 
 to check the former’s advance, but his demands 
 made their intervention hopeless. The Shah’s 
 forces pushed out to intercept the on-coming 
 revolutionaries, encounted them on the 11th, 18 
 miles west of Teheran, and fighing went on at a 
 
 489 
 
PERSIA, 1908-1909 
 
 PERU, 1899-1908 
 
 distance from the city for two days ; but forces 
 which slipped between the defensive lines made 
 their way into the capital on the morning of July 
 13th, and there was fighting in the streets until 
 the Kith. The Shah then sought refuge at the 
 Russian Legation, and the Russian officers of 
 the Persian Cossacks, besieged in their barracks, 
 made terms with the Nationalist leaders. 
 
 Four days later the Persian situation was stated 
 to the British House of Commons by the Secre- 
 tary of State for Foreign Affairs, Sir Edward 
 Grey, as follows: “The Shah, after taking re- 
 fuge in the Russian legation, abdicated, and his 
 son, Sultan Ahmed Mirza [a young child] has 
 been proclaimed Shah by the Nationalist Com- 
 mittee under the regency of Azad-ul-Mulk, head 
 of the Kajar tribe, pending the convocation of 
 Parliament. The commanders of the Fedai and 
 Bakhtiari, as temporary chiefs of the Persian 
 Government, have accepted the services of the 
 Persian Cossack brigade under their Russian of- 
 ficers, on condition that the latter are completely 
 under the orders of the Minister of War. This 
 arrangement was ratified at a meeting between 
 the commanders and Colonel Liakhoff. Teheran 
 is quiet, and the Persian Cossacks are already 
 fraternizing with the Fedai. The Sipahdar has 
 been appointed Minister of War, and the Sirdar 
 Assad Minister of the Interior.” Being asked if 
 he would represent to the Russian Government 
 the undesirability of advancing Russian troops 
 to Teheran, Sir Edward added : “ In view of the 
 declarations already made by the Russian Gov- 
 ernment as to the circumstances under which 
 alone Russian troops would be sent to Teheran 
 and in view of the fact that no troops have been 
 sent to Teheran during the recent troubles, in 
 spite of the fact that at one time some apprehen- 
 sion, which happily proved to be unfounded, 
 was expressed for the safety 'of Russian sub- 
 jects, such representations would be most un- 
 called for.” 
 
 On the 17th the Provisional Government gave 
 notice to the Anglo-Russian legations of the se- 
 lection of the new Shah, and asked that he should 
 be delivered to their keeping ; whereupon, wrote 
 the Times correspondent, “ M. Sablin announced 
 the request to the Shah, who replied that he 
 thought his mother would not consent. The 
 Shah then took M. Sablin to his mother and an 
 affecting scene ensued. Both the mother and 
 father broke down at the thought of parting 
 with their favourite son and offered their second 
 son in his place. M. Sablin replied that the 
 selection had been made by the people and that 
 he had no voice in the matter. The boy wept 
 bitterly in sympathy with his parents and de- 
 clined to leave his mother. Finally their Majes- 
 ties were persuaded to agree. On receiving the 
 Shah’s assent, the necessary proclamation was 
 immediately promulgated and it was arranged 
 that the Regent and a Nationalist deputation 
 would receive the little Shah. 
 
 “ An interested crowd witnessed his depart- 
 ure this morning from the custody of his natural 
 guardiaus. During the morning Sultan Ahmed 
 wept bitterly at the prospect of becoming a 
 King, and it required a stern message to the 
 effect that crying was not allowed in the Russian 
 Legation before he dried his eyes. Then the 
 little man came out bravely, entered a large 
 carriage, and drove off alone, escorted by Cos- 
 sacks, Sowars, and Persian Cossacks and fol- 
 lowed by along string of carriages. At Sul- 
 tanatabad he was met by the Regent and the 
 deputation and ceremoniously notified of his 
 high position and of the hope entertained by the 
 nation that he would prove to be a good ruler. 
 
 ‘ Insliallah, I will,’ replied the lad. Arrange- 
 ments for the Coronation will be made here- 
 after. In the meanwhile the little Shah, who is 
 guarded by a Bakhtiari, remains with his tutors 
 at Sultanatabad, where his mother is free to visit 
 him.” 
 
 At Teheran, affairs settled quickly into quiet, 
 but disorders were prolonged in various parts 
 of the provinces, being especially serious at 
 Shiraz. The deposed Shah remained for weeks 
 at the Russian Legation, while negotiations 
 with him for a pension or allowance in return 
 for his surrender of jewels and money to the 
 State went on, and the unhappy child who oc- 
 cupied his palace had more sorrow than he. 
 
 Early in August Colonel Liakhoff returned to 
 Russia and was appointed to a regimental com- 
 mand. On the 1st of September a general am- 
 nesty, with a few exceptions, was proclaimed by 
 the new government at Teheran. On the 9th of 
 September the deposed Shah left the shelter 
 of the Russian Legation and journeyed, with 
 his queen, four younger children and several 
 friends, under Russian escort, to a residence in 
 Russia, at Odessa, which was his choice. Persia 
 was still waiting for the able and much trusted 
 constitutionalist statesman, Nasr-ul-Mulk, to re- 
 turn from his exile at Paris and accept the 
 offered premiership in the government ; but on 
 the 21st of September the report went out that 
 he had definitely declined the post. He returned 
 to Persia, however, in October. On the 11th 
 of October the Russian Government made known 
 that it had decided to withdraw the greater part 
 of the troops it had been keeping at Tabriz. A 
 new Mejliss, for which the Regent had ordered 
 elections, was assembled on the 15th of Novem- 
 ber. On the 7th of December the Mejliss unani- 
 mously approved the proposals of the Govern- 
 ment with regard to borrowing abroad and the 
 employment of Europeans in executive capaci- 
 ties for the reorganization of the Finance De- 
 partment. This, no doubt, will improve the 
 situation very greatly. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — Destructive Earth- 
 quake in Luristan. See (in this vol.) Earth- 
 quakes: Persia. 
 
 PERU: A. D. 1899-1908. — Outline of 
 History. — The leading events of Peruvian his- 
 tory are recorded in Volume VI. of this work 
 down to the election of President Eduardo de 
 Romana, in 1899. “Romaiia was a member of 
 a prominent family of Arequipa, and had been 
 educated in England, at Stonyhurst. He fur- 
 ther had studied for, and taken a degree as, an 
 engineer at King’s College, London ; and whilst 
 
 he had not acquired much experience in poli- 
 tics, he nevertheless successfully filled the 
 Presidential Chair throughout his term. He 
 was alive to the neccessity for the development 
 of the resources of the country, and, fortu 
 nately, his administration was not embarrassed 
 by disturbances other than some small political 
 intrigues such as inevitably take place in a 
 country which, as Peru, was evolving a regime 
 
 490 
 
PERU, 1899-1908 
 
 PERU, 1908-1909 
 
 of civil government. During this term there 
 was some intlux of North American capitalists, 
 who acquired important interests, in the copper 
 mines of Cerro de Pasco, and who commenced 
 the construction of a railway line thereto. . . . 
 The presidency of Senor Romaim uneventfully 
 expired at its natural time; elections were held, 
 and Senor Manuel Candamo, who had already 
 provisionally been head of the State, was cho- 
 sen as president in May, 1903. Candamo had 
 been successful in quieting political animosi- 
 ties after the revolt against Caceres and in con- 
 solidating the political situation. Peru now 
 showed real evidences of advancement. The 
 old turbulent element was passing away ; those 
 leaders who had placed purely personal ambi- 
 tion before the true interests of their country 
 bad given place to the natural talent and ability 
 of the best citizens, whom the times were call- 
 ing to the front. Candamo’s rule promised 
 well for the country. He was surrounded by 
 able men, among whom, as chief cabinet min- 
 ister, was Dr. Domingo Almenard, an upright 
 lawyer. The fiscal revenue was increased by 
 taxes, against which there were murmurings, 
 but which the country was able to bear, and 
 the tax on tobacco was set apart for the con- 
 struction of new railways. Unfortunately, 
 this able administrator, Senor Candamo, con- 
 tinued but a short time in office, for he was 
 overtaken by illness, and died at Arequipa in 
 May, 1904. This event left the country under 
 the temporary leadership of the second vice- 
 president, Senor Calderon, for the first vice- 
 president had died also. An election was at 
 once called according to law, the two candi- 
 dates which were put forward being Dr. Jose 
 Pardo, son of the former president of the same 
 name, and Senor Nicolas Pierola, who had 
 already been at the head of the Government on 
 two occasions. Rivalry between the partisans 
 of these two candidates became acute, and al- 
 though it was feared for a moment that some 
 disturbance might occur, good sense prevailed, 
 and the elections proceeded without interrup- 
 tion. Both contestants were good men — 
 Pierola representing the party known as the 
 Democratas, whilst Pardo headed the Civilistas. 
 There were not very radical differences of prin- 
 ciple underlying these distinctions of name; both 
 were for civil government and for national pro- 
 gress. Pierola had done good work during his 
 former term, whilst Pardo had the prestige of 
 the good name and administration of his father, 
 the former president of 1872-1876, and was also 
 held in esteem personally among the best ele- 
 ment of the country. The result of the election 
 
 — held, probably, more fairly than ever in Peru 
 before — fell to Dr. Pardo, who took the presi- 
 dential scarf and office in September, 1904, and 
 who still guides the affairs of his country in a 
 manner which has won the esteem of the nation, 
 in a general sense. 
 
 Dr. Pardo’s Cabinet was formed of some of 
 the most capable men in the country, prominent 
 among whom was the minister of Finance, Senor 
 Leguia, to whose work is largely due the im- 
 proved financial situation. At the present time 
 
 — 1908 — the best elements of Peru are in the 
 ascendant.” — G. Reginald Enock, Peru: Its 
 Former, and Present Civilization, History and 
 Existing Conditions, ch. 9 ( Scribner’s Sons, 
 N. Y.). 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Broad Treaty of Arbitration 
 with Bolivia. See (in this vol.) Akbitkation, 
 International : A. D. 1901 (Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1901-1906. — Participation in Second 
 and Third International Conferences of Amer- 
 ican Republics. See American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1909. — Boundary disputes in 
 the Acre region with Bolivia and Brazil. 
 See Acre Disputes. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Arbitration Treaties with 
 Colombia and Ecuador. — In a message to the 
 Peruvian Congress, July 28, 1906, President 
 Pardo communicated treaties of arbitration with 
 Colombia, one general in its nature, the other 
 special for the settlement of existing bound- 
 ary questions. Of the latter the message said : 
 “As in former treaties of the same character 
 which have been heretofore concluded with 
 that Republic, the controversy is submitted to 
 the decision, to be based upon considerations 
 of equity, of His Holiness Pope Pius X. But 
 as our question with Colombia is connected 
 with the one with Ecuador, it has been agreed 
 that the arbitration with Colombia shall only 
 take place after the termination of the one in 
 which we are now proceeding with Ecuador, 
 upon the adjudication by the royal Spanish 
 arbitrator to Peru of territories which are like- 
 wise claimed by Colombia.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Decree for the Encourage- 
 ment of Immigration. See (in this vol.) Im- 
 migration and Emigration : Peru. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Diplomatic Relations with 
 Chile reestablished. — The Tacna and Arica 
 questions remaining open. See Chile : A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Seating of President 
 Leguia. — Attempted Revolutions defeated. 
 
 — On the 27th of May, 1908, Augusto B. 
 Leguia became President, succeeding Dr. 
 Pardo. Senor Leguia had previously been Pre- 
 mier and Minister of Finance and Commerce ; 
 prior to which he had been managing director 
 of a great English sugar company in Peru. A 
 revolutionary movement had been attempted a 
 few weeks before, in which Dr. Augusto Du- 
 rand and Isaias Pierola were engaged, and 
 which suffered defeat. 
 
 A year later, on May 29, a similar attempt 
 was announced from Lima, and ascribed to the 
 same “agitators,” who, said the despatch, 
 “made an assault upon the palace and seized 
 President Leguia. The army, however, re- 
 mained loyal and came to his support. The 
 revolutionists were obliged to liberate the 
 President, who immediately took measures to 
 put down the movement. Within an hour, al- 
 though firing was still heard in the streets, 
 President Leguia seemed to be master of the 
 situation. Many shots were exchanged be- 
 tween the troops and the revolutionists and it is 
 believed that the casualties will be heavy.” 
 
 This was contradicted a week later, so far as 
 concerned Dr. Durand. “ It has been proved,” 
 said the later statement, “that the revolution- 
 ary outbreak of last week was engineered en- 
 tirely by the followers of the Pierola brothers. 
 A committee of the Liberal party to-day 
 visited President Leguia, and, declaring that 
 neither Dr. Durand nor Jose Oliva had taken 
 part in the movement, requested that these men 
 be set at liberty. The country is quiet.” 
 
 PETER I., King of Servia : His Election. 
 
 491 
 
PETIT 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1901 
 
 See (in this vol.) Balkan and Danubian 
 States : Servia. 
 
 PETIT, Archbishop Fulbert. See (in this 
 vol.) France: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 PETROLEUM: The Supply and the 
 Waste in the United States. See (in this 
 vol.) Conservation of Natural Resources. 
 
 PETROPALOVSK, Sinking of the. See 
 (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -Aug.). 
 
 PHAGOCYTES: Their dependence on 
 Opsonins. See (in this vol.) Science and In- 
 vention, Recent: Opsonins. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1905. — A Spasm 
 of Municipal Reform. — See (in this vol.) Mu- 
 nicipal Government. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Defeat of Reform. See (in 
 this vol.) Municipal Government. 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 
 
 Gains to Spain from their Loss. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Spain : A. D. 1898-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1900-1902. — The Stamping Out of 
 the Bubonic Plague. See Public Health. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Second Report of the Second 
 Philippine Commission. — Collapse of the In- 
 surrection.— Peace in all but five Provinces. 
 
 — Organization of Provincial Governments. 
 
 — Native Appointments. — Central Civil 
 Government. — Appointment of Governor 
 Taft. — Filipino Members added to Commis- 
 sion. — Down to the capture of Aguinaldo, 
 leader of the Filipino insurgents, on the 23d of 
 March, 1901, and his submission to “the sov- 
 ereignty of the United States throughout the 
 Philippine Archipelago,” as announced in an 
 address to liis countrymen on the 19th of April, 
 the history of American rule in those islands 
 is recorded in Volume VI. of this work. The 
 Second Philippine Commission, with the Hon. 
 William H. Taft at its head, had entered on the 
 performance of its extensive legislative duties 
 on the 1st of the previous September, while the 
 Military Governor continued to exercise admin- 
 istrative powers. The Commission had begun 
 the organization of provincial and municipal 
 governments, and the establishing of a system 
 of public schools, as related in the volume re- 
 ferred to. From its second report, covering 
 ten months and a half, ending on the 15th of 
 October, 1901, the following statements are 
 drawn, to continue the outline of principal 
 events and most important affairs down to that 
 date: 
 
 “The collapse of the insurrection came in 
 May, after many important surrenders and cap- 
 tures, including that of Aguinaldo. Cailles, in 
 Laguna, surrendered in June, and Belarmino, in 
 Albay, on July 4. 
 
 “ There are four important provinces in which 
 the insurrection still continues, Batangas, Sa- 
 mar, Cebu, and Bohol. Parts of Laguna and 
 Tayabas adjoining Batangas in the mountain 
 region are affected by the disturbances in Ba- 
 tangas. In Mindoro also, a thinly settled and 
 almost unexplored island, there are insurrectos. 
 
 . . . Outside of the five provinces named there 
 is peace in the remainder of the archipelago. . . . 
 
 “ The work of the commission since it began 
 to legislate in September, 1900, has been con- 
 stant. ... We have passed since our last report, 
 in addition to numerous appropriation bills, a 
 municipal code, a provincial law, a school law, 
 a law prescribing an accounting system, acts 
 organizing the various bureaus of the central 
 government, acts organizing the courts, an act 
 to incorporate the city of Manila, a code of 
 civil procedure for the islands, and a new tariff 
 act. . . . 
 
 “The general provincial law provides for a 
 provincial government of five officers — the gov- 
 ernor, the treasurer, the supervisor, the secre- 
 tary, and the fiscal, or prosecuting attorney. 
 The governing board is called the provincial 
 board, and includes as members the governor, 
 the treasurer, and the supervisor. The prosecut- 
 ing attorney is the legal adviser of the board and 
 the secretary of the province is its secretary. 
 The first function of the provincial government 
 is to collect, through the provincial treasurer, 
 all the taxes, with few exceptions, belonging to 
 the towns or the province. Its second and most 
 important function is the construction of high- 
 ways and bridges and public buildings. Its 
 third function is the supervision, through the 
 governor and the provincial treasurer, of the 
 municipal officers in the discharge of their 
 duties. Within certain limitations, the provin- 
 cial board fixes the rate of levy for provincial 
 taxation. 
 
 “The governor has the power to suspend any 
 municipal officer found failing in his duty, and 
 is obliged to visit the towns of the province 
 twice in a year, and hear complaints against the 
 municipal officers. . . . Under the act the offices 
 are all to be filled at first by appointment of the 
 commission. The governor holds his office until 
 February, 1902, when his successor is to be 
 elected in a mass convention of the municipal 
 councilors of the towns of the province. The 
 secretary, treasurer, and supervisor after Feb- 
 ruary next are brought under the civil-service 
 act, and all vacancies thereafter arising are to 
 be filled in accordance with the terms of that act. 
 The fiscal is appointed for an indeterminate 
 period, and is not subject to the civil-service 
 law. . . . 
 
 “The commission reached the conclusion that 
 it would aid in the pacification of the country ; 
 would make the members of that body very 
 much better acquainted with the country, with 
 the people, and with the local conditions, and 
 would help to educate the people in American 
 methods, if the commission went to the capital 
 of each province and there passed the special act 
 necessary to create the provincial government 
 and made the appointments at that time. Ac- 
 cordingly, the commission visited thirty -three 
 provinces. . . . 
 
 “The policy of the commission in its provin- 
 cial appointments has been, where possible, to 
 appoint Filipinos as governors and Americans 
 as treasurers and supervisors. The provincial 
 secretary and the provincial fiscal appointed 
 have uniformly been Filipinos. It will be ob- 
 served that this makes a majority of the pro- 
 vincial board American. The commission has, 
 in several instances, appointed to provincial of- 
 
 492 
 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1900-1902 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1901-1902 
 
 flees former insurgent generals who have been 
 of especial aid in bringing about peace, and in 
 so doing it has generally acted on the earnest 
 recommendation of the commanding officer of 
 the district or province. We believe the ap- 
 pointments made have had a good effect and 
 the appointees have been anxious to do their 
 duty. . . . 
 
 “The central government of the islands es- 
 tablished in September, 1900, under the instruc- 
 tions of the President, with a military governor 
 as chief executive and the commission as the 
 legislative body with certain executive func- 
 tions in addition, continued until the 4tli of 
 July, 1901. At that time Maj. Gen. Adna II. 
 Chaffee relieved Major-General MacArthur as 
 commanding general of this division and mili- 
 tary governor. By the order of June 21, previ- 
 ous, in all organized provinces the civil execu- 
 tive authority theretofore reposed in the military 
 governor and in the commission was transferred 
 on July 4 to a civil governor. The president of 
 the commission was designated as civil gov- 
 ernor. . . . 
 
 “By an order taking effect September 1, the 
 purport of which was announced the 4th day of 
 July, there were added to the commission, as 
 a legislative body, three Filipinos, Dr. T. H. 
 Pardo de Tavera, Senor Benito Legarda, and 
 Senor Jose Luzuriaga. These gentlemen, the 
 first two of them residents of Manila and the 
 last a resident of the island of Negros, had been 
 most earnest and efficient in bringing about 
 peace in the islands. Dr. Tavera was the first 
 president of the Federal party, had accompanied 
 the commission in its trips to the southern pro- 
 vinces, and was most useful in the effective 
 speeches which he delivered in favor of peace 
 and good order at every provincial meeting. 
 Senor Legarda had been valuable in the ex- 
 treme to General Otis and to all the American 
 authorities by the wisdom of his suggestions, 
 and the courage and earnestness with which he 
 upheld the American cause as the cause most 
 beneficial to his country. Senor Jose Luzuri- 
 aga was a member of the first government of 
 the island of Negros, organized while there was 
 insurrection rife throughout the islands, as an 
 independent government under the supervision 
 of a military governor, and was most active in 
 preventing the insurrection from gaining any 
 foothold in that important island. . . . 
 
 “The theory upon which the commission is 
 proceeding is that the only possible method of 
 instructing the Filipino people in methods of 
 free institutions and self-government is to make 
 a government partly of Americans and partly 
 of Filipinos, giving the Americans the ultimate 
 control for some time to come. In our last re- 
 port we pointed out that the great body of the 
 people were ignorant, superstitious, and at pre- 
 sent incapable of understanding any govern- 
 ment but that of absolutism. The intelligence 
 and education of the people may be largely 
 measured by knowledge of the Spanish lan- 
 guage. Less than 10 per cent of the people 
 speak Spanish. With Spaniards in control of 
 these islands for four hundred years and with 
 Spanish spoken in all official avenues, nothing 
 could be more significant of the lack of real in- 
 telligence among the people than this state- 
 ment. The common people are not a warlike 
 people, but are submissive and easily — indeed 
 
 much too easily — controlled by the educated 
 among them, and the power of an educated Fil- 
 ipino politically ambitious, willing to plot and 
 use all the arts of a demagogue in rousing the 
 people, is quite dangerous. The educated peo- 
 ple themselves, though full of phrases concern 
 ing liberty, have but a faiut conception of what 
 real civil liberty is and the mutual self-restraint 
 which is involved in its maintenance. They 
 find it hard to understand the division of 
 powers in a government, and the limitations 
 that are operative upon all officers, no matter 
 how high. In the municipalities, in the Span- 
 ish days, what the friar did not control the 
 presidente did, and the people knew and ex- 
 pected no limit to his exercise of authority. 
 This is the difficulty we now encounter in the 
 organization of the municipality. The presi- 
 dente fails to observe the limitations upon his 
 power, and the people are too submissive to 
 press them. In this condition of affairs we 
 have thought that we ought first to reduce the 
 electorate to those who could be considered in- 
 telligent, and so the qualifications for voting 
 fixed in the municipal code are that the voter 
 shall either speak, read, and write English or 
 Spanish, or that he shall have been formerly a 
 municipal officer, or that he should pay a tax 
 equal to $15 a year or own property of the 
 value of $250.’’ — Report of the U. S. Philippine 
 Commission, from Dec. 1, 1900, to Oct. 15, 1901, 
 pt. 1 ,pp. 7-20. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — Report of Governor 
 Taft. — Civil Government established in all 
 Christian Filipino Territory. — The Moros. 
 — Destruction of the Carabao. — Cholera. — 
 Ladrones. — The Native Constabulary. — 
 “ When our last report was submitted there was 
 insurrection in the province of Batangas, where 
 the insurgent forces were commanded by Gen- 
 eral Malvar, and in the adjacent provinces of 
 Tayabas and Laguna ; in the province of Samar, 
 where the insurgent forces were commanded by 
 General Lukban ; in Cebu, where the insurgent 
 forces were under the insurgent leaders Climaco 
 and Maxilom ; in Bohol, where the insurgent 
 forces were commanded by the insurgent leader 
 Samson ; and in the island of Mindoro. Vigor- 
 ous campaigns were begun in November and 
 December by General Bell, in Batangas, La- 
 guna, Tayabas, and Mindoro, by General Smith 
 in Samar, and by General Hughes in Cebu and 
 Bohol. In November and December the insur- 
 gents in Cebu and Bohol surrendered, and con- 
 ditions of peace were so completely established 
 that the Commission soon after received the 
 province of Cebu from the military authorities, 
 and by act numbered 322, passed December 20, 
 1901, restored the civil government in that pro- 
 vince to take effect January 1, 1902 ; in Bohol 
 the province was delivered over to the Commis- 
 sion early in 1902, and the commission, by act 
 of March 3, 1902, restored civil government 
 there to take effect April 1, 1902. General Luk- 
 ban, in Samar, was captured in February, 1902, 
 and the entire force of insurgents in that island 
 under General Guevara surrendered in April 
 following. 
 
 “ By an act passed June 17, 1902, No. 419, the 
 Commission organized the province of Samar, 
 and established civil government there. In April 
 of 1902, General Malvar surrendered with all his 
 forces in Batangas, and by act passed June 23, 
 
 493 
 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1901-1902 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1902 
 
 1902, the Commission restored civil government 
 to that province to take effect July 4, 1902. By 
 act No. 424, enacted July 1, 1902, the province 
 of Laguna was organized into a civil govern- 
 ment. This completed the organization of all 
 the provinces in which insurrection had been 
 rife during the latter part of 1901, except Min- 
 doro. There were, in addition, certain tracts of 
 territory occupied by Christian Filipinos that 
 had not received civil government, either be- 
 cause of the remoteness of the territory or the 
 scarcity of population.” The report then de- 
 tails the measures by which civil government 
 was given to these tracts of territory, and pro- 
 ceeds : 
 
 “The question what shall be done with re- 
 spect to Mindanao is one which has not been de- 
 finitely decided, first, because so much has had 
 to be done with respect to the northern and 
 Filipino provinces, and, second, because at pre- 
 sent there is an unsettled condition in the Lake 
 •Lanao country. The hostility to the Ameri- 
 cans does not reach beyond the Lake Lanao 
 Moros. The Moros of the Jolo group, of Zam- 
 boanga, and of the Rio Grande de Mindanao 
 Valley are all quiet, and all entirely willing to 
 submit to American supervision. It is very pos- 
 sible that an arrangement can be brought about 
 by which the Sultan of Jolo can be induced 
 to part with such rights as he claims to have in 
 the Jolo Archipelago, and in this way questions 
 which now present very perplexing difficulties 
 with respect to ownership of privileges, rights, 
 and lands may be obviated. ... I think it 
 wiser on the part of the Commission to postpone 
 the consideration of the Moro question until we 
 have passed legislation to meet needs that are 
 more pressing throughout the northern part of 
 these possessions of the United States. For a 
 great many years to come there will be no ques- 
 tion of popular government in the Moro coun- 
 try; the Moros do not understand popular gov- 
 ernment, do not desire it, and are entirely con- 
 tent with the control by their dattos. Possibly 
 far in the future the control by dattos will 
 cease. There is room for material and industrial 
 development among the Moros, and with their 
 material improvement may come a change in 
 their political views. For the present, however, 
 it is necessary only to provide a paternal, 
 strong, but sympathetic government for these 
 followers of Mohammed. 
 
 “The civil government has assumed respon- 
 sibility for the preservation of order and the 
 maintenance of law throughout the Christian 
 Filipino territory of this archipelago at a time 
 when the material conditions are most discourag- 
 ing and present every conceivable obstacle to the 
 successful administration of the affairs of 6 , 000 ,- 
 000 or 7,000,000 people. The war of six years 
 since 1896 has greatly interfered with the regu- 
 lar pursuit of agriculture, which is almost the 
 only source of wealth in the islands. Many 
 years ago there was sufficient rice raised in the 
 islands not only to feed the people but to ex- 
 port it to other countries. For a number of 
 years before the American occupancy rice had 
 been imported. The area of cultivation of the 
 rice has been much lessened during the war and 
 many fields which were formerly tilled are grown 
 now with the cogon grass because of neglect. 
 
 “ The greatest blow to agriculture has been 
 the loss of the carabao or water buffalo, upon 
 
 which the cultivation of rice, according to the 
 mode pursued in these islands, is wholly depend- 
 ent. The war in some degree, and the rinder- 
 pest in a much larger degree, have destroyed 
 about 90 per cent of the carabaos ; and the na- 
 tives — never very active in helping themselves 
 — have simply neglected the rice culture, so 
 that now the islands are compelled to spend 
 about $15,000,000 gold to buy food upon which 
 to live. The carabao is not so necessary in the 
 cultivation of the sugar crop or in the cultivation 
 of hemp. . . . 
 
 “ The cholera has swept over these islands 
 with fatal effect, so that the total loss will prob- 
 ably reach 100,000 deaths. Whole villages 
 have been depopulated and the necessary sani- 
 tary restrictions to avoid its spread have inter- 
 fered with agriculture, with intercommunica- 
 tion, and with all business. The ravages of war 
 have left many destitute, and a guerrilla life has 
 taken away from many all habits of industry. 
 With no means of carrying on agriculture, which 
 is the only occupation of these islands, the temp- 
 tation to the less responsible of the former in- 
 surgents after surrender to prey upon their 
 neighbors and live by robbery and rapine has 
 been very great. The bane of Philippine civili- 
 zation in the past was ladronism, and the present 
 conditions are most favorable for its growth and 
 maintenance. . . . Many who were proscribed 
 for political offences in the Spanish times had 
 no refuge but the mountains, and being in the 
 mountains conducted a free robber life, and 
 about them gathered legions not unlike those of 
 the Robin Hood days of England, so that they 
 attracted frequently the sympathy of the com- 
 mon people. In the Spanish days it was com- 
 mon for the large estate owners, including the 
 friars, to pay tribute to neighboring ladrones. 
 Every Tagalog province had its band of la- 
 drones, and frequently each town had its recog- 
 nized ladrone whom it protected and through 
 whom it negotiated for immunity. . . . 
 
 “ The insurrection is over. It is true that the 
 ladrones, though they live on nothing but cattle 
 and rice stealing, and never attack American 
 soldiers, and prey only upon their own people, 
 do masquerade as insurrectos; but they recog- 
 nize no authority and have no characteristics 
 other than those of banditti. They have stirred 
 up in some of the provinces the organization of 
 so-called secret societies for the purpose of se- 
 curing agencies with which successfully to con- 
 duct their robbery and to sell the fruits of it. . . . 
 The picture that I have given of the depressed 
 condition of agriculture, and the tendency to 
 ladronize in the Tagalog provinces and in some 
 of the Yisayan provinces, does not apply to 
 those provinces in which hemp is the chief pro- 
 duct. They are wealthy and prosperous.” — 
 Report of Governor W. IT. Taft (Report of the 
 Philippine Commission, 1902, pt. 1). 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Padre Aglipay’s Secession 
 from the Roman Catholic Church. — Organi- 
 zation of the Independent Filipino Catholic 
 Church. — “Gregorio Aglipay is an Ilocano, and 
 was an ordained priest of the Roman Catholic 
 Church in these islands before the insurrection. 
 During the insurrection he cont inued his priestly 
 functions at Mabolos and took such action as to 
 bring him into conflict with the hierarchy of the 
 Church. What the merits of this controversy 
 were I do not know. Subsequently he assumed 
 
 494 
 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1902 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1902-1903 
 
 the leadership of the insurrecto forces in Ilocos 
 Norte and carried on a very active campaign in 
 the mountains of that province. He was one 
 of the last of the leaders to surrender with his 
 forces in North Luzon. Since his surrender he 
 has been quite active in spreading propaganda 
 among the native priests against the so-called 
 Friar domination of the church in these islands. 
 The definite refusal of the Vatican to withdraw 
 the Spanish friars from the islands was made 
 the occasion for the formation of the Independ- 
 ent Filipino Catholic Church. Actively en- 
 gaged with Aglipay in this movement was 
 Isabelo de los Reyes, the former editor of an 
 insurrecto paper, published in Madrid, called 
 Filipinas ante Europa, and an agitator of irre- 
 sponsible and irrepressible character. . . . Padre 
 Aglipay has secured the active and open co- 
 operation of a number of native priests, 15 of 
 whom he has appointed bishops, himself having 
 the title of archbishop. He has held mass in 
 many different places in and about Manila ; his 
 services have attracted large gatherings of 
 people. . . . 
 
 “In order to prevent constant recurrence of 
 disturbances of the peace I have had to take a 
 firm stand with the leaders of the movement by 
 impressing upon them that forcible dispossession 
 of a priest of the Roman Catholic Church, for 
 years in peaceable possession of the church and 
 the rector’s house, is contrary to law, and would 
 be prevented by the whole police power. The 
 leaders of the movement assure me that they 
 have no desire to violate the law and wish to 
 keep within it, but that their followers at times 
 are hard to control. I have said to them that if 
 they claim title to the churches they may assert 
 it through the courts, and if successful will 
 secure not only the confirmation of their title 
 but actual possession. . . . 
 
 “ I have taken occasion to say, whenever an 
 opportunity occurred, that the insular govern- 
 ment desired to take no part whatever in the re- 
 ligious controversies thus arising ; that it would 
 protect Father Aglipay and his followers in 
 worshiping God as they chose just as it would 
 protect the Roman Catholic Church and its min- 
 isters and followers in the same rights. But 
 that, if the law was violated by either party, it 
 would become the duty of the government to 
 step in and restrain such lawlessness." — Gov- 
 ernor Wm. H. Taft, Report, 1902, pp. 39-40. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1903. — Governmental Purchase 
 of the Friars’ Lands. — “As early as 1898, 
 the Peace Commission, which negotiated the 
 treaty of Paris, became convinced that one of 
 the most important steps in tranquilizing the 
 islands and in reconciling the Filipinos to the 
 American Government would be the govern- 
 mental purchase of the so-called friars’ agri- 
 cultural lands in the Philippines, and the sale 
 of these lands to the tenants upon long, easy 
 payments. . . . The Secretary of War and the 
 President concurred in the recommendations of 
 the Commission. Accordingly in May, 1902, 
 the writer, as civil governor of the Philippine 
 Islands, was directed by the Secretary of War to 
 visit Rome and to confer with the Pope or such 
 agents as he might designate in respect to the 
 question of buying the friars’ agricultural lands 
 and other questions of a similar character which 
 were pending between the Roman Catholic 
 Church and the Government. The negotiations 
 
 which were had on this subject in Rome were 
 set forth in the correspondence published by 
 the Secretary of War in his report to Congress 
 for last year. In a word, the Pope approved 
 the purchase of the agricultural lands of the 
 three great religious orders that owned agricul- 
 tural lands in the islands and appointed an 
 apostolic delegate with as full powers as he 
 could be invested with to bring about this re- 
 sult. . . . 
 
 “ In order to determine the value of the 
 estates, the representatives of the various com- 
 panies and other interests were invited to attend 
 a hearing, when various witnesses were called 
 to testify. The apostolic delegate was also 
 present. . . . 
 
 “ In accordance with the agreement reached in 
 Rome, I sent to the apostolic delegate a request 
 for a statement of the exact interests retained 
 by the religious orders in the Philippines in 
 the lands which were the subject of negotia- 
 tion. No formal answer to this letter was ever 
 received, but informally it was stated to me by 
 the delegate that the authorities in the Philip- 
 pines had informed him that they had so dis- 
 posed of their interests that they were unable 
 to make a statement of what their interests 
 were, if any. The value of the lands, as esti- 
 mated according to the statements of the agents 
 of the companies, aggregated a sum between 
 thirteen and fourteen millions of dollars gold. 
 The estimate of Villegas, the surveyor em- 
 ployed by the Commission, showed the valua- 
 tion of the lands to be $6,043,000 gold, if his 
 value in Mexican should be reduced to gold at 
 the rate of two to one, which was the gold rate 
 about the time of his survey and classification, 
 though the Mexican dollar fell considerably 
 after that. Considering the bad conditions 
 which prevailed in agriculture, the loss of cat- 
 tle, the dispute concerning title, and the agra- 
 rian question that must always remain in the 
 management of these estates and embarrass the 
 owner, I considered — and I believe the Com- 
 mission generally agreed with me — that $6,043,- 
 000 gold was a full price for the lands. The 
 sum, however, was scouted by the persons 
 representing the owners, and there appeared to 
 be very little prospect of reaching an agree- 
 ment. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ Not discouraged, however, by circumstances 
 that seemed most discouraging, the apostolic 
 delegate bent his energies to bringing the par- 
 ties to a settlement. After some negotiation 
 the delegate first stated that he thought he 
 could arrange a sale for $10,500,000 gold. I 
 told him there was no hope of bringing about 
 a purchase at that figure. . . . Then followed a 
 long and protracted discussion between the par- 
 ties who were to be the venders as to how this 
 sum should be divided, and there was much 
 difficulty in arriving at a solution — so great 
 a difficulty, indeed, that I was informed that 
 unless $7,770,000 was paid there was no hope 
 of reaching an agreement. With the approval 
 of the Secretary of War and the Commission, I 
 replied that $7,543,000 was our ultimatum, and 
 that we would not give more than that, and 
 this was ultimately the basis upon which the 
 price was fixed.’’ — Report of the Civil Gov- 
 ernor of the Philippine Islands, William H. 
 Taft ( Fourth Report of the Philippine Commis- 
 sion). 
 
 495 
 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1906-1907 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1907 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — Report of Committee on 
 Methods of Dealing with the Sale and Use 
 of Opium. See (in this vol.) Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1907 . — Resignation of Gov- 
 ernor Ide. — Appointment and Inauguration 
 of Governor Smith. — Complete Tranquility 
 in the Islands. — Change in the Constitution 
 of Provincial Boards. — “On September 20, 
 1906, the resignation of the Hon. Henry Clay 
 Ide as governor-general became effective, and 
 on that date the Hon. James F. Smith was in- 
 augurated as governor- general of the Philip- 
 pine Islands. . . . Since April of this year 
 complete tranquility has prevailed in every part 
 of the archipelago, inclusive of the Moro pro- 
 vince. In 21 of the provinces peace has reigned 
 supreme during the entire year. In Bataan and 
 Batangas there was some disturbance of the 
 public order, caused in the case of the first- 
 named province by the escape of some pro- 
 vincial prisoners, and in the second by the 
 operations of six or seven brigands near the 
 boundary line of the provinces of La Laguna 
 and Tayabas. All of the escaped prisoners and 
 all of the bandits with the exception of two 
 in each party have been captured. . . . 
 
 “ The convention of provincial governors held 
 in Manila in October, 1906, recommended that 
 the then existing law providing that provincial 
 boards shall be composed of a provincial gov- 
 ernor elected by the municipal councilors and 
 vice-presidents of the various municipalities of 
 the province and a provincial treasurer and 
 a third member appointed by the executive 
 be so amended as to permit of the election of 
 the provincial governor and third member by 
 direct vote of the people. This recommendation 
 was submitted to the Secretary of War, and on 
 receiving his approval thereof the provincial 
 government act was amended accordingly. 
 This innovation in the constitution and selection 
 of provincial boards has been an advantage both 
 to the insular and to the local government. On 
 the one hand it has removed all cause for friction 
 between the provincial governor elected by the 
 people and the two members of the board named 
 by the executive. On the other it has imposed 
 upon the provincial governor and the third mem- 
 ber the responsibility for the well-being of the 
 province and has removed from the insular gov- 
 ernment much of the responsibility for condi- 
 tions purely of local concern.” — Report of the 
 Philippine Commission, Dec. 31, 1907 ( Abridg- 
 ment , Message and Documents, 1907, pp. 799-807). 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — The Philippine Election 
 Law. — Election of a Popular Assembly. — 
 Political Parties participating in it. — The 
 first meeting of the Assembly. — Presence 
 of Secretary Taft. — His account of the As- 
 sembly and of the Parties represented in it. 
 — “In January, 1907, the Philippine Commis- 
 sion passed the Philippine election law. In 
 framing this law the election codes of Massa- 
 chusetts, New York, the District of Columbia, 
 and California were consulted and features 
 adopted from each, modified in such a way as 
 to meet insular conditions and to avoid the mis- 
 takes and abuses that have arisen in some pro- 
 vincial and municipal elections in the islands. 
 The aim has been to provide a law sufficiently 
 explicit and not too complicated for easy com- 
 prehension. Every effort has been made to 
 afford the necessary safeguards and machinery 
 
 to insure purity, secrecy, certainty, and expedi- 
 tion, without causing too great a drain upon the 
 resources of municipal and provincial govern- 
 ments. The prominent features of this law as 
 amended are the division of those provinces not 
 inhabited by Moros or other non-Christian tribes 
 into 78 assembly districts, each province to con- 
 stitute at least one district and the more popu- 
 lous being divided into more districts, in the 
 ratio of 1 to every 90,000 of population and ma- 
 jor fraction thereof remaining. In accordance 
 with this apportionment there will be 80 dele- 
 gates, two of whom will represent the city of 
 Manila, which is considered as a province, within 
 the meaning of the act of Congress, and divided 
 into two districts.” — Report of the Chief of the 
 Bureau of Insular Affairs, Oct. 31, 1907 
 
 {Abridgment, Message and Documents, 1907, p. 
 781). 
 
 “ On the 28th of March, 1907, the Commission 
 by resolution, unanimously adopted, certified 
 to the President that for two years following 
 the publication of the census of the islands a 
 condition of general and complete peace had 
 prevailed and then existed in the territory of 
 the islands not inhabited by Moros or other non- 
 Christian tribes. . . . By virtue of this certifi- 
 cate and in accordance with the provisions of 
 the act of Congress of July 1, 1902, the Presi- 
 dent on March 28, issued a proclamation direct- 
 ing the Philippine Commission to call a general 
 election for the choice of delegates to a popular 
 assembly. Accordingly on the 30th of March, 
 1907, the Commission passed a resolution order- 
 ing that an election be held for delegates on 
 July 30 and directing the governor-general to 
 issue a proclamation announcing the election 
 for that date. The proclamation was issued on 
 April 1. By a strange coincidence the day of 
 the month fixed for holding the election was the 
 same as that on which the first legislative body 
 in America, the house of burgesses, met in the 
 year 1619. Under the general election law the 
 delegates to the assembly elected at the elections 
 held on July 30th, 1907, and seated by the Phil- 
 ippine assembly, will serve until January 1, 
 1910. Subsequent elections for delegates will 
 be held on the first Tuesday after the first Mon- 
 day in November, 1909, and on the first Tues- 
 day after the first Monday in November in each 
 odd-numbered year thereafter, delegates to take 
 office on the 1st day of January next following 
 their election and to hold office for two years, 
 or until their successors are elected and quali- 
 fied. 
 
 “The basis of representation in the Philip- 
 pine assembly is one delegate for every 90,000 
 of population and one additional delegate for a 
 major fraction thereof : Provided, however, that 
 each Christian province shall be entitled to at 
 least one delegate and that the total number of 
 delegates shall at no time exceed 100. Pro- 
 vinces entitled to more than one delegate are 
 divided into districts. The law declares Manila 
 to be a province within the meaning of the act 
 of Congress authorizing the assembly, and, it is 
 allowed the same representation as other pro- 
 vinces. Thirty -four provinces are represented 
 in the Philippine assembly, which is composed 
 of 80 members. 
 
 “ The act of Congress requires that delegates 
 to the assembly shall be qualified electors of the 
 election district in which they may be chosen, 
 
 496 
 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1907 
 
 PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1907 
 
 25 years of age, and owing allegiance to the 
 United States. The act of Congress prescribes 
 that the qualifications of electors shall be the 
 same as those prescribed for electors in munici- 
 pal elections under laws in force at the time of 
 the passage of the Congressional enactment. 
 As the municipal election laws in force at the 
 time of the passage of the act of Congress have 
 undergone some change in regard to the qualifi- 
 cations of electors, the strange anomaly is pre- 
 sented of having certain qualifications exacted 
 from municipal and provincial officials which 
 are not required for delegates to the assembly. 
 One of the results is that felons, victims of the 
 opium habit, and persons convicted in the court 
 of first instance for crimes involving moral 
 turpitude, but whose cases are pending on ap- 
 peal, are not eligible for election to any pro- 
 vincial or municipal office, but may become 
 delegates to the assembly. 
 
 “As announced by provincial governors the 
 elections for assemblymen held on the 30th of 
 July, 1907, resulted in the election of 32 Nacion- 
 alistas, 4 ' Independistas, 7 Inmediatistas, 16 
 Progresistas, 20 Independents, and 1 Centro Ca- 
 tolico. The total number of voters registered 
 for the assembly elections was 104,966. The 
 number of voters registered for the provincial 
 and municipal elections will be very much 
 larger than that for the assembly elections. The 
 difference in registration and votes cast at the 
 two elections seems to show with considerable 
 certainty that there was far more interest in the 
 elections for provincial and municipal officials 
 than there was in the election for assembly- 
 men. . . . 
 
 “The delegates to the Philippine assembly, 
 in accordance with the call of the governor-gen- 
 eral as prescribed by the act of Congress, met at 
 the Grand Opera House in the city of Manila on 
 the 16th day of October at 9 o’clock a. m.’’ — 
 Report of the Philippine Commission, Dec. 31, 
 1907 ( Abridgment , Message and Documents, 1907, 
 pp. 810-811). 
 
 The Hon. William H. Taft, United States 
 Secretary of War, former Governor-General of 
 the Philippine Islands, made the long journey 
 to the Islands on this occasion for the purpose 
 of opening the meeting of the Assembly and 
 personally inspecting the state of affairs. After 
 returning, in the following December, he made 
 an extended report to the President, in which he 
 discussed the character of the Assembly and of 
 the parties represented in it at considerable 
 length. Recurring to the formation of the first 
 political party that arose in the Islands after 
 they came under the control of the United 
 States, he said of it : 
 
 “It is a mistake to suppose that the war by 
 the Filipinos against the Americans had the 
 sympathy of all the Filipinos. On the contrary, 
 there were many intelligent and conservative 
 men who favored American control and who did 
 not believe in the capacity of their people imme- 
 diately to organize a government which would 
 be stable and satisfactory, but in the face of a 
 possible independence of the Islands, they were 
 still. Upon Mr. McKinley’s second election 
 many of these persons reached the conclusion 
 that it was time for them to act. Accordingly, 
 they formed the Federal Party, the chief plat- 
 form of which was peace under American sov- 
 ereignty and the acceptance of the American 
 
 promises to govern the Islands for the benefit 
 of the Filipinos and gradually to extend popular 
 self-government to the people. The Federal 
 Party received accessions by thousands in all 
 parts of the Islands and in every province, so 
 that the Commission was enabled during the 
 year 1901, and under the auspices, and with the 
 aid of, the Federal Part}’, to organize civil gov- 
 ernment in some 32 or 33 provinces, or in sub- 
 stantially all of them. . . . The main purpose 
 and principle of the party was peace under the 
 sovereignty of the United States. In drafting 
 a platform its leaders had formulated a plank 
 favoring the organization of the Islands into a 
 Territory of the United States, with a view to its 
 possibly becoming a State. From this plank it 
 took its name. In the first two or three years 
 after its successful effort to bring on peace, 
 many prominent Filipinos having political ambi- 
 tion became members, and in the gubernatorial 
 elections the great majority of governors elected 
 were Federals. And so substantially all who 
 filled prominent offices in the government by 
 appointment, including the judges, were of that 
 party. Then dissension arose among prominent 
 leaders and some withdrew from the party. The 
 natural opposition to a government party led 
 to the organization of other parties, especially 
 among those known as Intransigentes [Irrecon- 
 cilables]. The Federal Party had founded an 
 organ, the Democracia, early in its existence. 
 The opponents of the government looking to 
 immediate independence founded a paper called 
 the Renacimiento. The latter was edited with 
 especial ability and with a partisan spirit against 
 the American Government. 
 
 “For two years before the election of the As- 
 sembly the Filipinos who sympathized with the 
 Renacimiento were perfectingtheir organization 
 to secure a majority in the assembly. Many 
 groups were formed, but they all were known 
 as the Partido Nacionalista. There was some 
 difference as to whether to this title should be 
 added the word ‘ inmediatista,’ but the great 
 majority favored it. The party is generally 
 known as the Nacionalista Party. During 
 much of these same two years, the Federal 
 Party was dormant. . . . 
 
 “Some six months before the elections, there 
 sprung from the ashes of the Federal Party a 
 party which, rejecting the statehood idea, de- 
 clared itself in favor of making the Philippines 
 an independent nation by gradual and progres- 
 sive acquisition of governmental control until 
 the people should become fitted by education 
 and practice under American sovereignty to en- 
 joy and maintain their complete independence. 
 It was called the Partido Nacionalista Progres- 
 ista. It is generally known as the Progresista 
 Party. . . . 
 
 “The campaign in the last two or three 
 months was carried on with great vigor. The 
 Naeionalistas had the advantage of being under- 
 stood to be against the government. This, with 
 a people like the Filipino people, who had been 
 taught to regard the government as an entity 
 separate from the people, taxing them and 
 prosecuting them, was in itself a strong reason 
 for popular sympathy and support. The Pro- 
 gresistas were denounced as a party of office- 
 holders. The government was denounced as 
 extravagant and burdensome to the people. In 
 many districts the Nacionalista candidates pro- 
 
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, 1907 
 
 PINCHOT 
 
 miseil that if they were returned immediate in- 
 dependence would follow. There were quite a 
 number of candidates in country and remote 
 districts where the controversy was not heated 
 who did not declare themselves on the main 
 question, and maintained an independence of 
 any party. They were known as Independi- 
 entes. Then, there were other Independientes 
 who declared themselves independent of party, 
 but in favor of immediate independence. 
 
 “The total vote registered and cast did not 
 exceed 104,000, although in previous guber- 
 natorial elections the total vote had reached 
 nearly 150,000. The high vote at the latter 
 elections may be partly explained by the fact 
 that at the same elections town officers were 
 elected, and the personal interest of many can- 
 didates drew out a larger number of electors. 
 But the falling off was also in part due, doubt- 
 less, to the timidity of conservative voters, who, 
 because of the heat of the campaign, preferred 
 to avoid taking sides. This is not a permanent 
 condition, however, and I doubt not that the 
 meeting of the assembly and the evident impor- 
 tance of its functions when actually performed 
 will develop a much greater popular interest 
 in it, and the total vote will be largely increased 
 at the next election. 
 
 “ I opened the assembly in your name. The 
 roll of the members returned on the face of the 
 record was called. An appropriate oath was 
 administered to all the members and the assem- 
 bly organized by selecting Senor Sergio Osmena 
 as its speaker or presiding officer. Senor Os- 
 mena has been one of the most efficient fiscals, 
 or prosecuting attorneys, in the Islands, having 
 conducted the government prosecutions in the 
 largest province of the Islands, the province 
 and Island of Cebu. He was subsequently 
 elected governor, and by his own activity in 
 going into every part of the island, he succeeded 
 in enlisting the assistance of all the people in 
 suppressing ladronism, which had been rife in 
 the mountains of Cebu for thirty or forty years, 
 so that to-day there is absolute peace and tran- 
 quillity throughout the island. He is a young 
 man, not 30, but of great ability, shrewdness, 
 high ideals, and yet very practical in his meth- 
 ods of dealing with men and things. The as- 
 sembly could have done nothing which indicated 
 its good sense so strongly as the selection of 
 Senor Osmena as its presiding officer. . . . 
 
 “As a shibboleth — as a party cry — imme- 
 diate independence has much force, because it 
 excites the natural pride of the people ; but few 
 of their number have ever worked out its 
 consequences, and when they have done so they 
 have been willing to postpone that question 
 until some of the immediate needs of the peo- 
 ple have been met. I may be wrong, but my 
 judgment is that the transfer of real power, by 
 giving to the people part of the legislative 
 control of the Christian provinces, sobers their 
 leaders with the sense of responsibility and 
 teaches them some of the practical difficulties 
 of government I do not for a moment 
 
 guarantee that there will not at times be radical 
 action by the Assembly, which cannot meet the 
 approval of those who understand the legisla- 
 tive needs of the Islands, but all I wish to say is 
 that the organization and beginning of the life 
 of the Assembly have disappointed its would- 
 be critics and have given great encouragement 
 to those who were responsible for its extension 
 of political power.” — Special Report of William 
 II. Taft, Secretary of War, to the President on 
 the Philippines, Jan. 23, 1908 (60th Cong. 1st 
 Session, Senate Doc. No. 200). 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Change in the Governor- 
 General’s Office. — General James F. Smith 
 was succeeded as Governor-General by the Vice- 
 Governor-General, Mr. W. Cameron Forbes, in 
 November, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Philippine Tariff Act. — A 
 
 special Message, transmitting a Philippine 
 Tariff Bill recommended by the Secretary of 
 War, was sent to Congress, April 14, by Presi- 
 dent Taft. “This measure,” wrote the Pre- 
 sident, “revises the present Philippine tariff, 
 simplifies it and makes it conform as nearly as 
 possible to the regulations of the customs laws 
 of the United States, especially with respect to 
 packing and packages. The present Philippine 
 regulations have been cumbersome and difficult 
 for American merchants and exporters to com- 
 ply with. Its purpose is to meet the new con- 
 ditions that will arise under the section of the 
 pending United States tariff bill which provides, 
 with certain limitations, for free trade between 
 the United States and the islands. It is drawn 
 with a view to preserving to the islands as much 
 customs revenue as possible and to protect in a 
 reasonable measure those industries which now 
 exist in the islands. 
 
 “The bill now transmitted has been drawn 
 by a board of tariff experts, of which the insular 
 collector of customs, Col. George R. Colton, 
 was the president. The board held a great 
 many open meetings in Manila, and conferred 
 fully with representatives of all business inter- 
 ests in the Philippine Islands. It is of great 
 importance to the welfare of the islands that 
 the bill should be passed at the same time with 
 the pending Payne bill, with special reference 
 to the provisions of which it was prepared.” 
 
 The Bill was passed, but certain tobacco in- 
 terests secured an important amendment in 
 their favor. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Nov.).— Success of the Na- 
 tionalists in the Election. — “Practically 
 complete returns from the recent election indi- 
 cate that the Assembly will be composed of 
 sixty Nationalists, fifteen Progressists, and 
 five Independents. The Nationalists also 
 gained four provincial Governors over the 
 number elected by that party at the last elec- 
 tion. Similar gains in other offices have been 
 made by the Nationalists. Some of the returns 
 are still missing, but they are not likely to 
 make any material change in the figures 
 given.” — Press Report from Manila, Nov. 5, 
 1909. . 
 
 PICKETING: The Labor Strikers’ 
 
 Right. — Its limit. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Organization : England : A. D. 1906 (March). 
 
 PICQUART, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Franck: A. D. 1906. 
 
 PIEROLA, Nicolas. See (in this vol.) Peru. 
 
 PINCHOT, Gifford: Chief of the United 
 States Forest Service. See (in this vol.) Con- 
 servation of Naturae Resources. 
 
 On Threatened Water Power Trust. See 
 
 Combinations, Industrial, &c. : United 
 
 States : A. D. 1909. 
 
 498 
 
riOUS FUND QUESTION 
 
 PLURAL VOTING 
 
 PIOUS FUND QUESTION. —Its Deci- 
 sion by the Hague Tribunal. See (in this 
 vol.) Mexico: A. D. 1902 (May). 
 
 PITTSBURG: A. D. 1906-1908. — Under 
 a Reforming Mayor; See (in this vol.) Muni- 
 CIPAL Government. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Enlargement and Rededica- 
 tion of the Carnegie Institute. See Educa- 
 tion : United States : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1908. — The Pittsburg Survey. 
 — A remarkable Investigation of Living Con- 
 ditions. See Social Betterment : United 
 States. 
 
 PIUS X., Pope. See (in this vol.) Pa- 
 pacy. 
 
 PLAGUE, Bubonic. See Public Health. 
 
 “ PLAN OF CAMPAIGN,” The. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Ireland: A. D. 1907. 
 
 PLATT AMENDMENT. See (in this 
 vol.) Cuba: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 PLAYGROUND MOVEMENT, The.— 
 
 The first convention of the Playground Associa- 
 tion of America, held at Chicago in June, 1907, 
 was a very notable gathering, in the character 
 of the men and women assembled, —in the qual- 
 ity of the discussion they gave to the subject of 
 child-development by wholesome play, — in the 
 spirit imparted to it by the wonderful exhibit 
 that Chicago could make of achievement in this 
 new civic undertaking, and in the great impetus 
 it gave to the playground movement throughout 
 the country. The proceedings and incidents of 
 the convention were reported very fully in the 
 August number of Charities and Corrections that 
 year. 
 
 ‘‘From one article, ‘How They Played at 
 Chicago,’ by Mr. Graham Romeyn Taylor, we 
 learn that in connection with the convention 
 there was held a festival of sport and play, in 
 which from first to last ‘ the play spirit was as- 
 cendant.’ More than 5000 persons participated, 
 and among them were President Gulick, of the 
 national association, and Dr. Sargent, of Har- 
 vard. The play spirit, says he, captivated every 
 one. ‘ Play, according to students of it, means 
 not only a good time, but from the child’s point 
 of view it is serious business : moreover, it has 
 vital significance in educational development.’ 
 This meeting, he claims, marks the transition of 
 playground activity from a more or less sporadic 
 and disconnected series of efforts in our larger 
 cities to a firmly established and well organized 
 national movement. A better understanding of 
 the playground issue means better citizenship 
 and community-life. 
 
 “ President Roosevelt, honorary president, had 
 requested that delegations be sent to this con- 
 vention from many cities, ‘ to gain inspiration 
 from this meeting, and to see the magnificent 
 system that Chicago has erected in its South 
 Park section, — one of the most notable civic 
 achievements of any American city.’ They 
 came, and returned to their home cities with 
 photographs of the playgrounds and recreation 
 centers in Chicago. On these the city of Chi- 
 cago has expended during the last four years 
 §6,500,000, and has recently appropriated $3,000- 
 000 additional. Moreover, it has authorized 
 $1,500,000 for similar facilities for children on 
 the north and west sides as well. Each center 
 costs about $30,000 annually. These centers re- 
 cognize that human needs transcend all other 
 things, and tend to develop a social spirit 
 
 that one day must permeate our commingled 
 races .” — American Review of Reviews, Sept., 
 1907. 
 
 “According to the new Year Book [for 1910] 
 of the Playground Association of America, 336 
 municipalities in the United States are main- 
 taining supervised playgrounds. The actual 
 number of playgrounds operated in 267 of these 
 cities last year was 1,535. About 56 per cent, 
 are in the area of greatest density of population, 
 in the North Atlantic States. The number of 
 cities in those States maintaining playgrounds 
 is 149, and the number of playgrounds estab- 
 lished in 123 of them is 873. Massachusetts has 
 led in the movement. 
 
 “In about 49 per cent, of the cities operating 
 public playgrounds, the managing authority, 
 wholly or in part, is the city itself, which is 
 working through its board of education, its 
 park department, or other municipal bureau — 
 or by combining the activities of two or more 
 departments. In fifteen cities the Mayors have 
 appointed special commissions, organized, as 
 city departments for the administration of play- 
 grounds, which are no longer left to the phi- 
 lanthropist. 
 
 “ In fifty -five of the larger cities, local play- 
 ground associations have been established, and 
 many of the smaller towns have organized com- 
 mittees that will be converted into permanent 
 organizations. Churches, women’s clubs, Young 
 Men’s Christian Associations, Associated Chari- 
 ties, and public-spirited men and women have 
 contributed their help. 
 
 “ An index of the interest in the movement 
 is afforded by a survey of figures representing 
 the yearly expenditures for sites, equipment, 
 and the maintenance of playgrounds. In many 
 cases specific information on this point is not 
 available, but 184 cities have sent reports stating 
 definitely what it costs them to operate their 
 grounds. The total amount expended in the 
 year by these 184 cities is $1,353,114. In 18 per 
 cent, of the cities the amount of money set 
 apart for playgrounds was appropriated entirely 
 by the municipality, while in 23 per cent, the 
 cities combined with private organizations.” — 
 iV. T. Eve Post, Jan. 5, 1910. 
 
 In England, or in London, at least, the move- 
 ment has been set on foot by an “Evening Play 
 Centres Committee,” of which Mrs. Humphry 
 Ward is Chairman. The object of the Commit- 
 tee, as stated by Mrs. Ward, is “to open the 
 school buildings in winter for play, exercise, and 
 handwork, as an alternative to the streets, to 
 children after school hours ; and in summer to 
 organize the playgrounds, as is now so largely 
 done in America and Canada” ; but thus far its 
 success appears to have been mostly in the open- 
 ing of indoor play centres for evening entertain- 
 ment. 
 
 PLAZA, General Leonidas: President of 
 Ecuador. See (in this vol.) Ecuador. 
 
 PLEHVE, M. V. de : Defence of Russian 
 Measures in Finland. See (in this vol.) Fin- 
 land: A. D. 1901. 
 
 Russian Minister of the Interior. — His 
 atrocious administration. — His assassina- 
 tion. See Russia: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 PLURAL VOTING, Belgian. See (in this 
 vol.) Belgium : A. D. 1902 and 1904. Also in 
 Volume VI., Belgium : A. D. 1894-1895, and 
 in Volume I., Constitution of Belgium. 
 
 499 
 
POBIEDONOSTZEFF 
 
 POLAR EXPLORATION 
 
 POBIEDONOSTZEFF, Constantine: 
 On Russian Discontent. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1902. 
 
 Resignation. See Russia: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 Death, March 23, 1907. 
 
 POGROMS: Massacres. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1906. 
 
 POLAR EXPLORATION: Arctic: A. D. 
 1901 - 1910 . — Three Expeditions of Com- 
 mander Peary. — His Final Triumph. — The 
 astounding Imposture of Dr. Cook, Pretender 
 to an attainment of the Pole a Year in Ad- 
 vance of Peary. — Other Arctic Explorations 
 of the Decade. — When the record of Polar 
 Exploration was closed in Volume VI. of this 
 work, on its going to press in the spring of 1901, 
 Commander Robert E. Peary had been working 
 within the Arctic Circle for three years, with no 
 respite, and the Peary Arctic Club was sending 
 a vessel, the Erik, to make inquiries al^out him. 
 He was found to have proved that Greenland is 
 surrounded by water at the north, and tVhave 
 further undertakings in hand. He remained 
 another year, in the course of which he made/ 
 the nearest approach to the Pole that had yeU 
 been accomplished, going directly north from 
 Cape Hecla and reaching latitude 84° 17'. Re- 
 turning to the coast, he was met and brought 
 home, after an absence of four years. In July, 
 1905, he sailed northward again, equipped with 
 a vessel, the Roosevelt , built expressly for his use. 
 After wintering on the north coast of Grant 
 Land, he started once more with sledges and 
 dogs toward the Pole, and this time pressed his 
 way to 87° 6 ' of latitude, or within a little more 
 than 200 miles of the Arctic hub. Then he was 
 forced to turn back, with scant supplies, killing 
 his dogs for food. Once more, in July, 1908, 
 Commander Peary set his face Arcticward, on 
 the staunch Roosevelt , with two scientific compan- 
 ions, and equipped himself at Etah with Eski- 
 mos and dogs for another journey across the 
 ice-fields, from some point on the Grant Land 
 coast. 
 
 Two expeditions were fitted out in 1901 and 
 1903, by Mr. Ziegler, of New York, the former 
 under Evelyn B. Baldwin, the latter under An- 
 thony Fiala. The latter reached latitude 82° 
 13', remaining in the Arctic regions until the 
 summer of 1905. In June, 1903, Captain Roald 
 Amundsen, of Norway, sailed from Christiania 
 in the small sloop Gjoa, beginning a voyage 
 which carried him entirely through the North- 
 west Passage from Baffin Bay to Bering Strait 
 and which occupied three years. Much of that 
 time, however, was devoted to studies and 
 searches of great value in determining the loca- 
 tion of the Magnetic Pole. In 1905 the ranks 
 of the Arctic explorers were joined by the 
 Duke of Orleans, who sailed from Christiania 
 in May, in the Belgica, commanded by Lieut, 
 de Gerlache. In 1907, Mr. John R. Bradley, of 
 New York, supplied Dr. Frederick A. Cook 
 with equipments for an attempt to reach the 
 North Pole, and accompanied him in a schooner 
 yacht to Annatok, a little north of Etah, in 
 North Greenland, where the Doctor, with one 
 white man, Rudolph Francke, were landed, 
 with their supplies, to begin the undertaking. 
 Several attempts were made in successive years 
 by Mr. Walter Wellman to make the journey to 
 the Pole from Spitzbergen by a dirigible air- 
 ship. Each of them, down to 1909, was frus- 
 
 trated by misfortunes of circumstance or 
 weather. A tragically ended survey of the 
 northeast coast of Greenland was accomplished 
 in 1906-7 by Dr. Mylius Erichsen and Lieuten- 
 ant Hagen-Hagen, who perished while groping 
 their way southward in the growing darkness 
 of the approaching winter. These fill out the 
 important items of the record of Arctic explora- 
 tion, since April, 1901, down to the 1st of Sep- 
 tember, 1909. 
 
 On that day the whole world was startled and 
 excited by a message, flashed first to Lerwick, 
 in the Shetland Islands, from a passing Danish 
 steamer, the 1 Ians Egede, and thence to all cor- 
 ners of the earth, saying : “ We have on board 
 the American traveller, Dr. Cook, who reached 
 the North Pole April 21, 1908. Dr. Cook ar- 
 rived at Upernivik (the northernmost Danish 
 settlement in Greenland, on an island off the west 
 coast) in May of 1909 from Cape York (in the 
 northwest part of Greenland, on Baffin Bay). 
 The Eskimos of Cape York confirm Dr. Cook’s 
 story of his journey.” 
 
 The next day brought a cabled announcement 
 from Dr. Cook himself, to the New York Her- 
 ald, briefly telling of his triumph, “ after a pro- 
 longed fight against famine and frost,” and de- 
 scribing: , the emotions with which he had found 
 himself'at ,the goal which so many had striven 
 vainlf to attain. “What a cheerless spot,” he 
 moralized, “to have aroused the ambition of 
 man for so many ages! An endless field of 
 purple snows. No life. No land. No spot to 
 relieve the monotony of frost. We were the 
 only pulsating creatures in a dead world of ice.” 
 
 Two days later the hero wa$ landed at Copen- 
 hagen, and all the excited world devoured 
 graphic descriptions of his reception by the en 
 thusiastic Danes : by the Crown Prince, who 
 hastened to welcome him before he had stepped 
 from the ship ; by the crowds who cheered him ; 
 by the King, who dined him; by the University 
 of Cppenhagen which awarded him an honorary 
 degree, and whose faculty he made happy and 
 proud by the promise that it should be the first 
 to examine the record of his observations and 
 the proofs in general that he had reached the 
 Pole. 
 
 Two more days passed, and then the climax 
 of this world -spread excitement and astonish- 
 ment was marked by another radio-electric flash 
 of news out of the Arctic North, — this time 
 from the American North, — proclaiming an- 
 other conquest of the icy fortress of the Pole. It 
 spoke “to the Associated Press, New York,” 
 from “Indian Harbor, via Cape Ray, Nova 
 Scotia,” saying: “Stars and Stripes nailed to 
 North Pole. Peary.” It reached New York a 
 little after noon of September 6 tli, and before 
 night, everywhere, people in all languages were 
 asking each other: “ Is it possible that two men 
 have suddenly done what none have been able 
 to do before ? ” 
 
 Other messages from Commander Peary which 
 soon followed the first one fixed the date of his 
 attainment of the Pole as having been April 6 , 
 1909, — being fifteen days less than a year after 
 Dr. Cook claimed to have planted the American 
 flag at the same spot. They brought angry 
 denunciations, too, of Cook’s pretension, which 
 Peary had learned of from the Esquimaux in 
 the North. “Cook’s story,” he said in one de- 
 spatch, “ should not be taken too seriously. The 
 
POLAR EXPLORATION 
 
 POLAR EXPLORATION 
 
 two Esquimaux who accompanied him say lie 
 went no distance north and not outside of land. 
 Other members of the tribe confirm their story.” 
 In another lie declared: -‘Cook has sold the 
 public a gold brick.” Dr. Cook, meantime, gave 
 out expressions as to Peary’s achievement very 
 different in temper and tone. He had no doubt 
 that Commander Peary had reached the Pole; but 
 he, Cook, had been fortunately the first to enjoy 
 the favorable conditions which gave success to 
 them both. His magnanimity, his coolness, his 
 easy self-confidence, in contrast with Peary’s 
 words and bearing, won public admiration and 
 sympathy, and the majority in most communi- 
 ties incliued strongly, for a time, to the judg- 
 ment that both explorers had done what they 
 said they did, but that Cook, in character, was 
 the more estimable man. When he arrived in 
 New York, on the 21st of September, that city 
 gave him almost as wild a hero worship as Co- 
 penhagen had done. Commander Peary was 
 then just landing at Sydney, Nova Scotia, and 
 it was some weeks before he would proceed to 
 New York, or put himself at all in the way of 
 receiving any public demonstrations of honor. 
 
 But grounds of skepticism as to Dr. Cook 
 were acquiring a rapid multiplication. When 
 he published his story in detail, or told it in lec- 
 tures, it started questions which people having 
 critical knowledge insisted that he must answer 
 if he could ; but he made no attempt. He was 
 in no haste to produce the records which he had 
 insisted would prove his claims beyond a doubt. 
 He required weeks of time to prepare them for 
 examination, and they must go to the Uni- 
 versity of Copenhagen before any other tri- 
 bunal of science could see them. Meanwhile, 
 he was harvesting large gains from lectures and 
 newspaper publications, and seemed more inter- 
 ested in that pursuit than in the vindication of 
 his questioned honor. Hence, suspicion of him 
 grew, until it made itself heard and felt at last 
 with a force which drove the Doctor to put his 
 professed proofs in shape and send them by the 
 hand of his secretary, Mr. Lonsdale, to Copen- 
 hagen. Before they reached their destination 
 he, himself, disappeared mysteriously from pub- 
 lic view, nervously shattered, it was said, and 
 seeking some hidden place of refuge abroad. 
 Reports of him from various places in both Eu- 
 rope and South America have not been verified, 
 and his whereabouts are still (March, 1910) a 
 mystery. 
 
 On the 21st of December the report of the 
 scientific committee of Copenhagen University, 
 to which the records forwarded by Dr. Cook 
 were submitted, was made public by the Univer- 
 sity Council. “The report, which was sent in 
 by the committee on December 18, states that 
 the following papers were submitted to it for 
 investigation : — 
 
 “1. A type-written report by Mr. Lonsdale 
 on Dr. Cook’s Arctic voyage, consisting of 61 
 folios. 
 
 “2. A type written copy of 16 folios, made 
 by Mr. Lonsdale, comprising the note-books 
 brought back by Dr. Cook from his journey 
 and covering the period from March 18 to June 
 13, 1908, stated to have been written on the way 
 from Svartevaag to the Pole and back until a 
 place west of Heibergsland was reached. . . . 
 
 “ The committee points out as a result of its 
 investigations that the aforementioned report of 
 
 the journey is essentially identical with that 
 published some time ago in the New York Her- 
 ald, and that the copy of the note-books did not 
 contain astronomical records, but only results. 
 In fact, the committee remarks that there are 
 no elucidatory statements which might have ren- 
 dered it probable that astronomical observations 
 were really taken. Neither is the practical side 
 — namely, the sledge journey — illuminated by 
 details in such a way as to enable the committee 
 to form an opinion. The committee therefore 
 considers that from the material submitted no 
 proof can be adduced that Dr. Cook reached 
 the North Pole. 
 
 “The council of the University accordingly 
 declares as a result of the committee’s report 
 that the documents submitted to Copenhagen 
 University contain no observations or explana- 
 tions to prove that Dr. Cook on his last Polar 
 journey reached the North Pole.” 
 
 That Commander Peary had accomplished at 
 last the object of his indomitable striving was 
 never in doubt. His own testimony to the fact 
 had sufficed from the beginning, and the decision 
 rendered on the 3d of November by a commit- 
 tee of the National Geographic Society, which 
 examined the records of his march to the Pole, 
 added nothing to the public belief. But his 
 laurels had been lamentably blighted by the 
 atmosphere of scandal, wrangle, and disgust 
 with which Cook’s monstrous imposture had 
 vulgarized the whole feeling that attended the 
 exploit. 
 
 The incidents of the final Peary expedition, 
 from start to finish, were summarized by the 
 Commander in a message from Battle Harbor to 
 the London Times, Sept. 8, as follows : ‘ 1 The 
 Roosevelt left New York on July 6, 1908. She 
 left Sydney on July 17th; arrived at Cape York, 
 Greenland, on August 1st ; left Etah, Greenland, 
 on August 8th ; arrived at Cape Sheridan, Grant 
 Land, on September 1st, and wintered at Cape 
 Sheridan The sledge expedition left the Roose- 
 velt on February 15th, 1909, and started north 
 of Cape Columbia on March 1st. It passed the 
 British record on March 2d ; was delayed by 
 open water on March 2d and 3d; was held up 
 by open water from March 4th to March 11th ; 
 crossed the 84th parallel on March 11th and en- 
 countered an open lead on March 15th ; crossed 
 the 85th parallel on March 18th ; crossed the 
 86th parallel on March 22d and encountered an 
 open lead on March 33d; passed the Norwegian 
 record on March 23d ; passed the Italian record 
 on March 24th and encountered an open lead on 
 March 26th ; crossed the 87th parallel on March 
 27th ; passed the American record on March 
 28th and encountered a lead on March 28th; held 
 up by open water on March 29th ; crossed the 
 88th parallel on April 2d ; crossed the 89th par- 
 allel on April 4th, and reached the North Pole 
 on April 6th. 
 
 “On returning we left the pole on April 7th ; 
 reached Camp Columbia on April 23d, arriving 
 on board the Roosevelt on April 27th. The 
 Roosevelt left Cape Sheridan on July 18th, 
 passed Cape Sabine on August 8th, left Cape 
 York on August 26th and arrived at Indian 
 Harbor. 
 
 “ All the members of the expedition are re- 
 turning in good health except Professor Ross G. 
 Martin, who unfortunately drowned on April 
 10th, 45 miles north of Cape Columbia, while 
 
 501 
 
POLAR EXPLORATION 
 
 POLAR EXPLORATION 
 
 returning from 86 degrees north latitude in 
 command of a supporting party.” 
 
 Antarctic : English, German, Swedish, and 
 Scottish Expeditions. — The Successes of 
 Lieutenant Shackleton. — When the account 
 of Polar Exploration in Volume VI. of this 
 work was closed, in April, 1901, several expe- 
 ditions to the Antarctic region were reported as 
 being under preparation, in England, Germany, 
 and Sweden. The English expedition, for 
 which the ship Discovery was being fitted out, 
 sailed on the 6th of August, 1901, under the 
 command of Captain Robert F. Scott, with 
 Lieutenant Ernest H. Shackleton of the British 
 Navy as second in command. Its object was 
 a further exploration of the great mountainous 
 region named Victoria Land, which Captain 
 James Ross had discovered half a century be- 
 fore. This coast the Discovery reached in Janu- 
 ary, 1902, and followed it southward, to and 
 beyond the Erebus volcano, skirting the Great 
 Ice Barrier which stretches far eastward, seem- 
 ing to forbid a penetration of the frozen ter- 
 ritory it hems in. In this survey the British 
 explorers reached an unvisited section, which 
 they named King Edward Land. They win- 
 tered that year near Mount Erebus, pushing 
 sledge expeditions southward over the snow 
 fields, finding a more upheaved and broken sur- 
 face of land, less ice-capped, than is the com- 
 mon feature of the Arctic polar zone. In the 
 longest of these sledge-trips the latitude of 82° 
 17' S. was attained, — far beyond any previous 
 approach to the southern pole, but still more 
 than 500 miles from that goal. Through a sec- 
 ond winter the Discovery was held fast in the 
 ice, with considerable sickness among officers 
 and men, notwithstanding which important ad- 
 ditions to their survey of the region were made. 
 In January, 1904, they were reached by two 
 relief ships, and escaped from the ice in the 
 following month, arriving at New Zealand not 
 long after. 
 
 The German expedition commanded by Dr. 
 Drygalski, left Kiel August 11, 1901, borne by 
 the steamer Gauss , built specially for battling 
 with ice. In January, 1902, it took on stores at 
 Kerguelen Island, and proceeded thence to a 
 point in the Antarctic Circle far eastward of 
 that chosen by the British explorers, being 
 within the region of the discoveries made by 
 Captain Wilkes, about sixty years before, and 
 indefinitely named Wilkes Land. It was the 
 purpose of Dr. Drygalski to establish a station 
 on the section of this unexplored territory 
 known as Termination Land and from thence 
 make thorough surveys. He failed, however, 
 to find the supposed land in its expected place, 
 and was unfortunately frozen in for a year, 
 with sledge expeditions baffled by the violence 
 of winter storms. In geographical exploration 
 the Gauss party seem to have accomplished 
 little, but they made rich collections of scien- 
 tific data. As soon as they were freed from the 
 ice they received orders from Berlin to return 
 home. 
 
 The Swedish expedition, under Dr. Otto Nor- 
 denskjold, left Europe in October, 1901, in the 
 ship Antarctic , destined for Graham Land, 
 south of the South American continent. There, 
 on the east coast of that land, in Admiralty In- 
 let, Dr. Nordenskjold established winter quar 
 ters in February, 1902, and the Antarctic was 
 
 sent to South America, to return thence some 
 months later. 
 
 A Scottish expedition, under Dr. W. S. 
 Bruce, in the steamer Scotia, was sent out in 
 October, 1903, for special oceanographic inves- 
 tigations in Weddell Sea, — south of the Atlan- 
 tic Ocean. 
 
 All previous Antarctic explorations were 
 eclipsed, in 1908-9, by that of Lieutenant 
 Shackleton, commanding the barkentine Nim- 
 rod, a converted whaling vessel, much smaller 
 than the Discovery, on which Lieutenant S. had 
 accompanied Captain Scott to the same region 
 some years before. The Nimrod sailed from 
 England in July, 1907, and from New Zealand 
 on New Year Day, 1908, going to the same sec- 
 tion of the Arctic Circle that the Discovery had 
 sought. Winter quarters were established at a 
 point about twenty miles north of the spot 
 where Scott and Shackleton had wintered in 
 1902-3. One of the first achievements of the 
 party was the ascent of Mount Erebus by six 
 of the scientists of the expedition, who began 
 their difficult climb on the 5tli of March. 
 Caught in a blizzard on the second day of their 
 undertaking, they had to lie in their sleeping- 
 bags for thirty hours ; but they made their way 
 to the summit and looked down into the live 
 fire of the crater. The party making this ascent 
 were Lieutenant Adams, R. N. R. (geologist). 
 Sir Philip Brocklehurst (surveyor and map 
 maker), Professor David, of Sydney University, 
 Mr. A. Forbes Mackay, assistant surgeon, Mr. 
 Eric Marshall, surgeon and cartographer, and 
 Mr. Marson a scientist of Adelaide. Early in 
 the spring the sledging journeys were begun. 
 
 Speaking at a reception given to him by the 
 Royal Geographical Society, on his return to 
 England in June, 1909, Lieutenant Shackleton 
 gave a brief account of the most important of 
 these journeys, led by himself, with Lieut. 
 Adams, geologist, Surgeon Eric Marshall, and a 
 third companion named Wild. The march of the 
 party was directly toward the Pole: 
 
 ‘‘On December 3 they climbed a mountain 
 4,000 feet high, and from its summit saw what 
 they believed to be a royal road to the Pole — 
 an enormous glacier stretching southwards. 
 There was onty one pony left at this time, and, 
 taking this animal with them, they started the 
 ascent of the glacier, which proved to be seamed 
 with crevasses. Progress became very slow, 
 for disaster threatened at every step. On De- 
 cember 7 the remaining pony was lost down a 
 crevasse, very nearly taking Wild and a sledge 
 with it. Finally the party gained the inland 
 plateau, at an altitude of over 10,000 feet, and 
 started across the great white snow plain to- 
 wards the Pole. 
 
 “ They were short of food, and had cut down 
 their rations to an absolute minimum; the tem- 
 perature at the high altitude was extremely 
 low, and all their spare clothing had been de- 
 posited lower down the glacier in order to save 
 weight. On January 6, [1909], they reached 
 latitude 88' 8" south, after having taken the 
 risk of leaving a depot of stores on the plateau, 
 out of sight of all land. Then a blizzard swept 
 down upon them, and for two days they were 
 unable to leave their tent, while, owing to their 
 weakened condition and the intense cold, they 
 suffered from frostbite even in their sleeping 
 bags. When the blizzard moderated on Jan- 
 
 502 
 
POLAR EXPLORATION 
 
 PORTO RICO, 1901-1905 
 
 uary 9 they felt that they had reached their limit 
 of endurance, for their strength was greatly re- 
 duced and the food was almost done. They 
 therefore left the camp standing, and pushing 
 on for five hours, planted Queen Alexandra’s 
 flag iu 88 ' 23" south, took possession of the pla- 
 teau for the King, and turned their faces north 
 again. 
 
 “Mr. Shackleton described the difficulties of 
 the journey back to the coast, when the men were 
 desperately short of food and nearly worn ’out, 
 and attacks of dysentry added to their troubles. 
 . . . One day on the Barrier they were unable to 
 march at all, being prostrated with dysentery, 
 and they reached each depot with their food fin- 
 ished. On February 23, however, they reached 
 a depot prepared for them by a party from the 
 ship, and on March 1 Mr. Shackleton and Wild 
 reached the Nimrod. Mr. Shackleton at once led 
 a relief party back to get Adams and Marshall, 
 the latter having been unable to continue the 
 march owing to dysentery, and on March 4 all 
 the men were safe on board.” 
 
 “ Lieutenant Shackleton has essentially solved 
 the problem of the position of the South Pole,” 
 said the London Times in comments on the 
 expedition; “he may be said, indeed, to have 
 been actually within sight of it on a dreary 
 plateau some 10,000ft. above sea level. He has 
 been as successful in solving the problem of 
 the South Pole as Nansen was in solving that 
 of the character of the ocean which surrounds 
 the North Pole.” 
 
 An expedition to complete what Lieutenant 
 Shackleton came so near to accomplishing is 
 being prepared in Great Britain, with intention 
 to sail in July, 1910. It will be commanded by 
 Capt. Scott, of the expedition of 1901. The 
 British Government contributes $100,000 to the 
 cost. American and German expeditions are also 
 being prepared. 
 
 POLES, The: Germany: A. D. 1902 - 
 
 1908 . — Measures for Germanizing the Po- 
 lish Provinces of Prussia. See (in this vol.) 
 Germany : A. D. 1902 (March-May), 1906- 
 1907, and 1908. 
 
 Russia: A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — Revolutionary 
 Disturbances in. See (in this vol.) Russia : A. 
 D. 1904-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Th^ir Present Condition. — 
 
 “The Polish question. . . . resolves itself into 
 a struggle between the local Russian Govern- 
 ment, the Patriot, and the Socialists. The local 
 Government though harassed and worried by 
 the- Socialists, is secure from any great disaster 
 until the latter have won over all the troops, or 
 the Russian soldier forgets his hatred for the 
 Pole. The Socialists, well organised and ener- 
 getic, are carrying out their programme with a 
 tenacity which would be astonishing were it 
 not for the fact that the Jewish element pre- 
 dominates in their ranks. 
 
 ‘ ‘ The Polish Patriot seems to be in the worst 
 case of all ; for his hopes are centred on the 
 programme of a party which is without effi- 
 cient leaders and without the slightest chance 
 of obtaining its demands from the existing 
 Russian Government. The one ray of light 
 on his political horizon is the fact that liberal 
 Russia has expressed sympathy for his wrongs, 
 and promised to redress them as soon as circum- 
 stances will allow, but even the most sanguine 
 Patriot admits that his new ally has many bat- 
 
 tles to win before this promise can be fulfilled. 
 Meanwhile, he is engaged in an unequal strug- 
 gle with the Socialists and their allies, the 
 anarchists. ” — B. C. Baskerville, The Present 
 Condition of Poland ( Fortnightly lleview, Oct., 
 1906). 
 
 POLK, Van Leer: Delegate to Third In- 
 ternational Conference of American Repub- 
 lics. See (in this vol.) American Republics. 
 
 POLLARD PLAN, of Judicial Dealing 
 with Drunkards. See (in this vol.) Alcohol 
 Problem : International Congress. 
 
 POLTAVA PROVINCE, Peasant Doings 
 in. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, 
 and 1902. 
 
 POOLING, of Railway Rates. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 1890- 
 1902. 
 
 POOR LAWS, Working of the English. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Poverty. 
 
 POPES. See Papacy. 
 
 PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1904 - 1905 .— 
 Siege and Capture in the Russo-Japanese 
 War. See(in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. - 
 July) and (Feb. -Aug.); also A. D. 1904-1905 
 (May-Jan.). 
 
 PORTER, Horace : Commissioner Pleni- 
 potentiary to the Second Peace Conference. 
 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt against: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 Search for and Recovery, at Paris, of the 
 Remains of John Paul Jones. See (in this vol.) 
 United States: A. D. 1905 (Feb.-June). 
 
 PORTLAND, Oregon : A. D. 1905 . — The 
 Lewis and Clark Exposition. — “The Lewis 
 and Clark Centennial and American Pacific Ex- 
 position and Oriental Fair” (to give its full of 
 ficial title), conducted at Portland from the 
 beginning of June until the middle of October, 
 1905, in commemoration of the first exploration 
 of the American Continent from the Mississippi 
 to the Pacific, was one of the most interesting 
 and attractive of the undertakings of its kind in 
 the last decade. Specially as an exhibit of the 
 wonderful natural resources of the great North- 
 west, and of the more wonderful rapidity of 
 their exploitation, it seemed wholly satisfying 
 to all who visited it. The reclamation work of 
 the United States Government, shown elabo- 
 rately by models and otherwise in the Irrigation 
 Building of the extensive national exhibit, af- 
 forded a feature of uncommon attractiveness. 
 The associated Forestry Building, with its walls 
 of mighty logs and its grand pillars of firs and 
 cedars, six and seven feet in diameter, was a 
 piece of unique architecture that drew all eyes. 
 “ The Oregon Cathredral,” it came to be called. 
 In metals, minerals, fruits and grains, the wealth 
 of the Northwest was astonishingly displayed ; 
 and the Japanese from the farther side of the 
 Pacific made the most of the opportunity to 
 spread their artistic wares before American buy- 
 ers. 
 
 The scenic setting of the Exposition grounds, 
 on the border of a lake and with a background 
 of hill rising from Willamette River, was a 
 theme of praise in all reports of it. 
 
 PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 - 1905 . — 
 
 Change of Qualifications for the Elective 
 Franchise. — The fundamental provisions of 
 the Act of Congress, approved April 12, 1900, 
 under which the government of Porto Rico as a 
 dependency of the United States was organized, 
 
PORTO RICO, 1901-1905 
 
 PORTO RICO, 1906 
 
 will be found in Volume VI of this work, — see 
 Porto Rico •. A. D. 1900 (April). The Act has 
 received amendment since, making one impor- 
 tant organic change. The Executive Council 
 which it created was authorized to fix the quali- 
 fications of voters for the first election of a Leg- 
 islative Assembly. The suffrage in that elec- 
 tion, held in 1900, was conferred by the Council 
 on every male citizen of twenty -one years, resi- 
 dent in the island for one year and for six 
 months in his municipal district, “who is able 
 to read and write, or who, on September 1, 1900, 
 owned real estate in his own right and name, or 
 who on said date was a member of a firm or cor- 
 poration or partnership, or who on September 
 1, 1900, owned personal property in his own 
 right or name not less in value than twenty-five 
 dollars.” The results of the election held under 
 that rule, and a brief summary of the doings of 
 the Legislative Assembly at its first session, 
 which opened on the 3d of December, 1900, and 
 closed on the 31st of January, 1901, are giveu in 
 Volume VI. 
 
 “At its second session, in 1902, the Legisla- 
 tive Assembly availed itself of the power given 
 to it by the organic act and passed a law for the 
 government of future elections. This act fol- 
 lowed closely the provisions of the orders that 
 had been issued by the executive council. The 
 s\ r stem created is similar to that in the American 
 States which have adopted the Australian bal- 
 lot. As regards the franchise, the only change 
 made was that the provision which gave the 
 right to vote to persons owning personal pro- 
 perty to the value of twenty-five dollars was 
 dropped and in its place was substituted the 
 provision conferring the franchise upon those 
 persons meeting the conditions as regards age 
 and residence who on the day of registration are 
 able to produce to the board of registry tax re- 
 ceipts showing the payment of any kind of taxes 
 for the last six months of the year in which the 
 election is held. The law also provided that all 
 persons who were registered during the year 
 1900 would not be required to register anew or 
 have to meet the new requirements of the law. 
 This was the law under which the second elec- 
 tion in 1902 was held. In 1904 the law under- 
 went a very important alteration as regards the 
 qualifications for the enjoyment of the electoral 
 franchise. By this new law the three conditions 
 — ability to read and write, ownership of real 
 estate, or payment of taxes — any one of which 
 qualified a male citizen of Porto Rico who had 
 resided in the island one year and in the district 
 in which he offered to register for six months 
 immediately preceding, to vote, were until July 
 1, 1906, wiped out, leaving only the conditions 
 regarding sex, age and residence to be met in 
 order to qualify a voter. After that date the 
 additional qualification of being able to read and 
 write must be met. The result of this amend- 
 ment to the law is to provide for universal man- 
 hood suffrage until July 1, 1906, after which no 
 new name can be added to the registration list 
 unless its owner is able to read and write. 
 Those persons, however, who are properly re- 
 gistered before that date are not required to of- 
 fer themselves for registration, but continue to 
 enjoy the full rights of the franchise.” — W. F. 
 Willoughby, Territories and Dependencies of the 
 U. S. p. 95 {Century Co., N. T . , 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Extension of Local Govern- 
 
 ment asked for. — A convention of munici- 
 pal delegates, chosen by the elective municipal 
 councils of the island, assembled at San Juan 
 in July, 1905, formulated a request to the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States for a broadening 
 of the fundamental law of 1900, which “would 
 largely transfer the control of the local govern- 
 ment to their own people. The Governor 
 would remain a Presidential appointee, but the 
 appointments by the Governor would be sub- 
 ject in many cases to revision by a locally 
 elected Senate, except the courts, which would 
 remain as now, for the most part, under our 
 direct control. In other words, the legislative, 
 and largely the administrative functions, sub- 
 ject to the limitations of the Organic Act, 
 would be exercised by the Porto Ricans. The 
 courts, of our own choosing, would construe 
 limitations on these powers, and the Governor, 
 with his police and militia, would be solely re- 
 sponsible for order and the lawful execution 
 of lawful mandates.” 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Visited by President Roose- 
 velt. — His account of it. — “On November 
 twenty -first I visited the island of Porto Rico, 
 landing at Ponce, crossing by the old Spanish 
 road by Cayey to San Juan, and returning next 
 morning over the new American road from 
 Arecibo to Ponce; the scenery was wonderfully 
 beautiful, especially among the mountains of 
 the interior, which constitute a veritable tropic 
 Switzerland. I could not embark at San Juan 
 because the harbor has not been dredged out 
 and cannot receive an American battle ship. I 
 do not think this fact creditable to us as a na- 
 tion, and I earnestly hope that immediate pro- 
 vision will be made for dredging San Juan 
 Harbor. 
 
 “ I doubt whether our people as a whole real- 
 ize the beauty and fertility of Porto Rico and 
 the progress that has been made under its ad- 
 mirable government. . . . 
 
 “ I stopped at a dozen towns all told, and one 
 of the notable features in every town was the 
 gathering of the school children. The work 
 that has been done in Porto Rico for education 
 has been noteworthy. The main emphasis, as 
 is eminently wise and proper, has been put 
 upon primary education ; but in addition to this 
 there is a normal school, an agricultural school, 
 three industrial and three high schools. Every 
 effort is being made to secure not only the 
 benefits of elementary education to all the Porto 
 Ricans of the next generation, but also as far 
 as means will permit to train them so that the 
 industrial, agricultural and commercial oppor- 
 tunities of the island can be utilized to the 
 best possible advantage. It was evident, at a 
 glance, that the teachers, both Americans and 
 native Porto Ricans, were devoted to their 
 work, took the greatest pride in it, and were 
 endeavoring to train their pupils not only in 
 mind, but in what counts for far more than 
 mind in citizenship — that is, in character. 
 
 “I was very much struck by the excellent 
 character both of the insular police and of the 
 Porto Rican regiment. They are both of them 
 bodies that reflect credit upon the American 
 administration of the island. The insular 
 police are under the local Porto Rican govern- 
 ment. The Porto Rican regiment of troops 
 must be appropriated for by the Congress. I 
 earnestly hope that this body will be kept per- 
 
 504 
 
PORTO RICO, 1906 
 
 PORTUGAL, 1906-1909 
 
 manent. There should certainly be troops in 
 the island, and it is wise that these troops 
 should be themselves native Porto Ricans. It 
 would be from every standpoint a mistake not 
 to perpetuate this regiment. . . . 
 
 “ There is a matter to which I wish to call 
 your special attention, and that is the desira- 
 bility of conferring full American citizenship 
 upon the people of Porto Rico. I most ear- 
 nestly hope that this will be done. I cannot see 
 how any harm can possibly result from it, and 
 it seems to me a matter of right and justice to 
 the people of Porto Rico. They are loyal, they 
 are glad to be under our flag, they are making 
 rapid progress along the path of orderly lib- 
 erty. Surely we should now show our appre- 
 ciation of them, our pride in what they have 
 done, and our pleasure in extending recognition 
 for what has thus been done by granting them 
 full American citizenship. . . . 
 
 “ The Porto Ricans have complete and abso- 
 lute autonomy in all their municipal govern- 
 ments, the only power over them possessed by 
 the insular government being that of removing 
 corrupt or incompetent municipal officials. This 
 power has never been exercised save on the 
 clearest proof of corruption or of incompetence 
 such as to jeopardize the interests of the people 
 of the island ; and under such circumstances it 
 has been fearlessly used to the immense benefit 
 of the people. It is not a power with which 
 it would be safe, for the sake of the island it- 
 self, to dispense at present. The lower house is 
 absolutely elective, while the upper house is 
 appointive. This scheme is working well ; no 
 injustice of any kind results from it, and great 
 benefit to the island, and it should certainly not 
 be changed at this time. The machinery of the 
 elections is administered entirely by the Porto 
 Rican people themselves, the governor and 
 council keeping only such supervision as is nec- 
 essary in order to secure an orderly election. 
 Any protest as to electoral frauds is settled in 
 the courts.” — Theodore Roosevelt, Message to 
 Congress ( Congressional Record, Dec. 11, 1906). 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Ten Years of Progress.— 
 “ Ten years ago exports from Porto Rico to the 
 United States were valued at $2,414,356, while 
 in the fiscal year ending June 30, 1908, they 
 were $25,891,261. The new figures show a prob- 
 able further increase for 1909. In 1898, less 
 than $3,000,000 worth of sugar was exported, and 
 to-day shipments are more than $14,000,000. In 
 coffee, once the leading staple, increase is also 
 marked, although sugar now holds first place. 
 
 “Four hundred and thirty-five miles of mac- 
 adamized roads, in good repair, now make 
 communication easy between San Juan and 
 Ponce and cities on the west coast. Two-thirds 
 of the roads have been built since the occupa- 
 tion. The railroad around the island, projected 
 by the Spanish, but delayed year by year, is 
 now built, and harbor improvements have been 
 made in San Juan and Ponce. More than a 
 thousand public schools are educating the Porto 
 Rican children — and sometimes their parents. 
 The net public debt is now less than $3,000,000 
 or less than 21 per cent, of the assessed valua- 
 tion, and the bulk of this money has been spent 
 in public improvements ” — Porto Rico Cor. N. 
 T. Eve. Post, March 27, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Modification of the Funda- 
 mental Act. — In a special Message to Con- 
 
 gress, May 10, 1909, President Taft called atten- 
 tion to the failure of the Legislative Assembly 
 of Porto Rico to pass the usual appropriation 
 bills, leaving the government of the island with- 
 out support after the 30th of the next June. In 
 his opinion, the situation indicated that the 
 United States had proceeded too fast in extend- 
 ing political power to the Porto Ricans, and that 
 the full control of appropriations should be 
 withdrawn from those “who have shown them- 
 selves too irresponsible to enjoy it.” He sug- 
 gested, therefore, an amendment of the funda- 
 mental act, known as the Foraker Act, to provide 
 that when the legislative assembly shall adjourn 
 without making the appropriation necessary to 
 carry on the government, sums equal to the ap- 
 propriations made in the previous year for the 
 respective purposes shall be available from the 
 current revenues, and shall be drawn by the 
 warrant of the auditor on the treasurer and 
 countersigned by the Governor. Such a provi- 
 sion applies to the Legislatures of the Philip- 
 pines and Hawaii and “it has prevented in 
 those two countries any misuse of the power 
 of appropriation.” An amendatory Act was 
 passed in accordance with the President’s sug- 
 gestion. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Change in the Governorship. 
 
 — In September, 1909, Governor Regis H. Post 
 resigned his office, and was succeeded by Mr. 
 George R. Colton, who had had previous expe- 
 rience, both civil and military, in the Philippines 
 and in Santo Domingo. The Secretary of the 
 island underwent a change, also, Mr. Willough- 
 by being called to Washington to take the du- 
 ties of Assistant Director of the Census, and his 
 place in Porto Rico being filled by Mr. George 
 Cabot Ward. 
 
 PORTSMOUTH, Peace Treaty of : Cir- 
 cumstances and Text. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1905 (June-Oct.). 
 
 PORTUGAL: A. D. it>o6. — At the Alge- 
 ciras Conference on the Morocco question. 
 See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — A “rotative” system 
 of Party Government and its results. — King 
 Carlos assumes dictatorial authority. — His 
 Minister, Senhor Franco. — Murder of the 
 King and Crown Prince. — Succession of 
 King Manuel. — Recent Ministries. — For 
 many years prior to 1906 Portugal had been 
 governed by two political parties, calling them- 
 selves the Regeneradors and the Progressistas, 
 who, it has been said, “relieved one another in 
 office, and in the spoils of office, at decent in- 
 tervals, by a tacit arrangement between their 
 leaders.” This regular ministerial rotation led 
 to the popular nickname of Rotativos, applied 
 to both parties, and significant of the contempt 
 in which they were held. The rotative system 
 of party government, “while ensuring a com- 
 fortable livelihood to a class of professional 
 politicians, was of no conspicuous benefit to 
 the country, and it was with a view to ending 
 it that King Carlos summoned Senhor Joao 
 Franco, in May, 1906, to form a ministry. Senhor 
 Franco, who belonged to neither of the recog- 
 nized parties, set his hand zealously to the work 
 of reform, but his attempts to purge the Admin- 
 istration soon brought him into conflict with 
 powerful vested interests; and in May, 1907, 
 the politicians whose livelihoods he was reform- 
 ing away united against him in a policy of ob- 
 
 505 
 
PORTUGAL, 1906-1909 
 
 PORTUGAL, 1906-1909 
 
 struction which made Parliamentary government 
 impossible. He then dissolved the Cortes, and 
 with the approval of the King assumed the 
 position of dictator. His work of reform 
 thenceforth proceeded apace. Drastic decrees, 
 each aimed at some abuse, followed one another 
 with amazing rapidity. Strong in the support 
 of the King and of the best elements in the 
 country, execrated by the politicians whom he 
 had spoiled, and by the Press which he had 
 done nothing to conciliate, be continued on his 
 headlong course, and at the end of January, 
 1908, he signed a decree practically amounting 
 to a suspension of civil liberties.” — Lisbon Cor- 
 respondence, London Times. 
 
 A tragedy followed quickly. On the 1st day 
 of February, 1908, the King, Dom Carlos, and 
 the Crown Prince, Luiz Felipe, as they rode 
 through the streets of Lisbon, with the Queen 
 and a younger son in the same carriage, and at- 
 tended by an escort, were attacked by a throng 
 of assassins and killed. The youDger prince 
 was wounded ; the Queen escaped by a miracle, 
 one of the assassins having been shot at the 
 instant his pistol was aimed at her. The two 
 princes fought bravely, and the Queen threw 
 herself in front of her husband, attempting 
 vainly to shield him. 
 
 Prince Manuel, whose wound was not serious, 
 succeeded to the throne; but “the shots that 
 killed Dom Carlos and Dom Luiz on February 1 
 swept away the dictatorship of Senhor Franco 
 and the whole fabric which he had built up at 
 so much cost during 18 months. Within a few 
 hours of the murder Senhor Franco resigned, 
 under pressure, it is said, and left the country, 
 declaring that he had done with politics for ever. 
 From being the saviour of his country, the ad- 
 miration of all enlightened men, both at home 
 and abroad, he became a pariah. His supporters 
 became mute and his system vanished. From 
 that day to this his followers have had no more 
 than three or four seats in the Chamber, where 
 they have remained voiceless and without influ- 
 ence on the course of events. 
 
 “That a seemingly vulgar crime should have 
 so disproportionate an effect was strange, and 
 no less strange was the attitude of the country. 
 Whether owing to the widely entertained suspi- 
 cion that the murderers of the King were the 
 tools of more important personages whom it 
 would not be safe to discover, or to the fear of 
 a Republican rising felt by the moderate and 
 respectable members of the community, is still 
 a matter of opinion; the fact remains that 
 society lost its nerve. No burst of indignation, 
 no adequate expression of sympathy for the 
 Royal Family was heard ; no steps were taken 
 to trace the authors of the crime. . . . The dis- 
 appearance of Senhor Franco left the two old 
 ‘rotativist’ parties in presence, the Progressis- 
 tas under Senhor Luciano de Castro, and the 
 Regeneradores under Senhor Vilhena, the re- 
 cently elected successor of the veteran Hintze 
 Ribeiro. Compared to these, neither the Re- 
 publicans, whose strength was supposed to be 
 considerable in the country, nor the ‘ dissident ’ 
 Progressistas, under Senhor Alpoim, were of any 
 account as Parliamentary factors. A coalition 
 Government was formed on March 4, under Ad- 
 miral Ferreira do Amaral, consisting of two 
 Regeneradores, two Progressistas, and two so- 
 called Independents, personal adherents of the 
 
 Premier, who resembled him in having no 
 marked political ideals or convictions. The elec- 
 tions, which took place in April, returned 62 
 Regeneradores and 59 Progressistas, thus start- 
 ing the Government on its career with the 
 handsome following of 121 in a House of 155. 
 The matters with which the Government had 
 to deal were mainly three — namely, the re- 
 vision of the decrees issued by Senhor Franco 
 as Dictator, the question of the Civil List and 
 of the advances made by the nation to the Royal 
 Family, and electoral reform. The Civil List 
 was successfully settled, but little progress had 
 been made with the remainder of the pro- 
 gramme when the first serious defection oc- 
 curred. During the recess the Government 
 announced that the municipal elections, which 
 had been suspended by Senhor Franco in fa- 
 vour of nominated councils, would be held 
 again in November, a decision bitterly attacked 
 by Senhor Vilhena, who announced that the 
 Regeneradores could no longer support the Gov- 
 ernment. The elections were duly held, and, 
 owing to the deliberate abstention of the Mon- 
 archist parties, the Republicans captured un- 
 opposed every seat on the Lisbon council. 
 The unpopularity incurred by the Government 
 on account of this unnecessary gift to the com- 
 mon enemy brought about a Government crisis. 
 Admiral Amaral referred the matter to the 
 Council of State, who, to his great surprise and 
 annoyance, advised the resignation of the Gov- 
 ernment. The Premier and his two independ- 
 ents accordingly retired, and the Cabinet was 
 reconstituted under Senhor Campos Henriques, 
 who together with Senhor Wenceslao de Lima, 
 Minister of Foreign Affairs, continued to repre- 
 sent the Regenerador party. The late Premier’s 
 ‘ Independents ’ made way for the Progressistas, 
 who thus held five seats in the Cabinet to two 
 held by the Regeneradores. Senhor Vilhena, 
 who had brought about the fall of the late Gov- 
 ernment, was not offered a seat in the new 
 one, and he immediately resumed his oppo- 
 sition ; but on this occasion he only carried 
 two-thirds of his party with him, 22 members 
 deciding to support the Government. This 
 defection of the Regeneradores under Senhor 
 Vilhena, the first serious indication of a return 
 to the old system of ‘ rotativism,’ was shortly 
 followed by that of the late Premier and his 
 ‘ Independents,’ so that when the Cortes met on 
 March 1, [1909], the imposing Government ma- 
 jority of a year before had dwindled to 10 or 
 15.” 
 
 Then followed daily scenes of disorder and 
 obstruction in Parliament until Senhor Campos 
 Henriques surrendered, at the end of March. 
 As The Times correspondent expressed it, “as 
 soon as the Opposition in the Lower House ex- 
 pressed its impatience by a banging of desks, 
 while its leader in the House of Peers solemnly 
 affirmed the ‘incompatibility’ of his party with 
 the Government, Ministers determined to avoid 
 all further unpleasantness by resigning.” The 
 resignation was accepted by the King, and 
 three party leaders in succession made attempts 
 in the next month to conduct the Government, 
 without success. Senhor Sebastiiio Telles held 
 the reins for three weeks, and then passed them 
 to Senhor Wenceslao de Lima, who framed up 
 a nominally non-party Ministry on the 13th of 
 May. Senhor De Lima conducted the Govern- 
 
 50G 
 
PORTUGAL, 1909 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 ment until the following December, when, on 
 the 19tli, he resigned, and a “Progressist Min- 
 istry” was formed, under Senhor Beirao. — Lon- 
 don Times Correspondence of various Dates. 
 
 Writing from Lisbon on the 5t,h of January, 
 1910, the Times correspondent said : “It is the 
 Republicans who alone seem to be making pro- 
 gress. Their activities are unceasing, their 
 newspapers the best informed and most ably 
 conducted, their meetings, held all over the 
 laud, the most largely attended and most en- 
 thusiastic. At the same hour as that of the 
 Royal reception on New Year’s Day the Repub- 
 lican municipality of Lisbon held a like func- 
 tion, not only largely and most influentially at- 
 tended, but to the distinct diminution of the 
 attendance in the Royal Palace.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Demonstration against the 
 Religious Orders. — The following despatch 
 to the Press was sent from Lisbon August 3, 
 1909: “Freethinkers from all political parties 
 in Portugal, represented by a Liberal commit- 
 tee, to-day presented to the Cortes a petition for 
 the suppression of the religious orders in Por- 
 tugal and the abrogation of the existing laws 
 against freedom of conscience. This step was 
 an outcome of the meeting held in this city 
 yesterday. 
 
 “ The committee was accompanied to the 
 Houses of Parliament by an immense crowd, 
 and some wild scenes ensued. Among other 
 things the petitioners asked for the abrogation 
 of the recent law permitting religious associa- 
 tions to acquire landed property, a procedure 
 which up to the present time has been illegal. 
 Senhor Camacho moved the consideration of the 
 subject, and when the motion was voted down 
 the galleries broke out in protestation. There 
 
 was considerable violence on the floor of the 
 House. The Deputies engaged in a struggle in 
 which desks and chairs were overturned, and 
 the Chamber had to be cleared twice. The 
 tumult was continued in the streets, but with- 
 out serious results.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Offer of Dom Miguel to re- 
 nounce his Claim to the Throne. — Dom 
 
 Miguel, son of the Dom Miguel who, from 1828 
 to 1833 held the throne of Portugal in defiance 
 of the rights of Maria da Gloria, his elder 
 brother’s daughter (see, in Vol. IV., Por- 
 tugal : A. D. 1824-1889), had kept up his 
 father’s pretensions to the crown until the 
 spring of 1909, when he offered to renounce it, 
 if permitted to live in Portugal as a citizen. 
 The permission was refused, for the reason that 
 his return, \»ith that of a number of nobles of 
 his party, “.would be regarded as a challenge 
 to the rising tide of Liberalism.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — Earthquake in and 
 around Lisbo&. See (in this vol.) Earth- 
 quakes: Portugal. 
 
 PORTUGUESE AFRICA. .See Africa: 
 Portuguese. „ 
 
 POSTAGE, Beginning of International 
 Penny. — The postal treaty establishing two- 
 cent or penny postage on letters between Great 
 Britain and the United States went into effect 
 October 1, 1909. 
 
 POSTAL SERVICE, in China. See (in 
 
 this vol.) China: A. D. 1908. 
 
 POSTAL SERVICE STRIKE, in 
 France. See (in this vqL) v Labor Organiza- 
 tion : France : A. D. 1909,«£March-May). 
 
 POSTAL AND TELEGRAPHIC 
 STRIKE, in Russia. See (in.tliis vol.) Rus- 
 sia: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT: THEIR PROBLEMS. 
 
 Old Age Homes, in Vienna. — “In most 
 towns there is a tendency, in this our day, to 
 deal more generously with destitute children 
 than with destitute men and women. In Berlin 
 and New York, for instance, both money and 
 thought are lavished on the young whom the 
 community supports ; while as for the aged, 
 what is given to them is given only of necessity. 
 In Vienna it is otherwise ; there the arrange- 
 ments for the relief of the old people are better 
 — both more carefully considered and more lib- 
 eral — than those for the relief of children, a 
 fact that says more, perhaps, for the hearts than 
 for the heads of the authorities. 
 
 “If a man — ora woman — above 60 is with- 
 out money wherewith to provide for himself, or 
 the strength to earn the money, he applies to 
 the Guardian of his ward for help. Then, if he 
 has a home to live in, and someone to take care 
 of him, or is able to take care of himself, he 
 is granted out relief, a money allowance if he 
 can be trusted to spend it wisely, otherwise 
 relief in kind. Supposing, however, he is home- 
 less, feeble and ‘alone-standing,’ he is sent to a 
 Versorgungshaus, or old-age home, if there is a 
 vacant place there ; and, if not, to a small poor- 
 house until there is. 
 
 “ Versorgungshauser are the distinctive fea- 
 ture of the Austrian Poor Relief system so far 
 as the aged are concerned. Already in the days 
 
 of Joseph II. Vienna had two if not more of 
 these homes, and at the present time it has six. 
 One of them is reserved exclusively for Citizens; 
 another, that at Mauerbach, is reserved for per- 
 sons who, owing to their perverted notions as 
 to what is seemly, cannot be accorded the full 
 liberty the old people in the other homes enjoy. 
 In all the six together there is space for more 
 than 6.000 inmates. As the Versorgungshauser 
 are looked upon by classes and masses alike 
 as the homes of the aged poor, the place where 
 they have a right to be, no disgrace is attached 
 to going there. . . . 
 
 “Although in Vienna much is done for the 
 poor, the burden entailed by Poor Relief is by 
 no means overwhelming. In 1903 the full cost 
 of indoor relief, outdoor relief and sick relief, 
 together with the cost of administration, was 
 only £942,870, and of this £250,672 was obtained 
 from private sources. At that time the town 
 was providing 31,000 adults — old men and wo- 
 men for the most part — with allowances rang- 
 ing in amount from 30 kronen to 6 kronen a 
 month; it was maintaining 6,790 more in old- 
 age homes and other institutions ; and was de- 
 fraying the cost of the Asyl and workhouse. It 
 was supporting, or contributing to the support 
 of, 10,260 children who were either with their 
 own relatives or were boarded out ; and was 
 maintaining 3,246 in orphanages, etc. It de- 
 
 507 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 frayed the cost of the 27,000 babies who passed 
 through the Foundling Hospital, and of the 
 19,085 children who were temporarily in in- 
 stitutions. It also provided 77,000 boys and 
 girls with school books, and contributed gener- 
 ously to many private philanthropic societies. 
 Roughly speaking, the cost to the town of Poor 
 Relief in Vienna per head of the population is 
 8s. 4d.” — Edith Sellers, Poor Relief in Vienna 
 ( Contemporary Review , Dec., 1900). 
 
 Pensions, &c. : Denmark: A. D. 1907. — 
 Old Age Pensions. — Some interesting details 
 of the working of the Danish old-age pensions 
 system are contained in a British Consular re- 
 port issued in May, 1909. The latest available 
 statistics show that on March 31, 1907, 70,445 
 persons over 60 years of age were in receipt of 
 pensions, which amounted in the aggregate to 
 £451,000 [$2,255,000] for the financial year 
 1906-07. The number of pensioners on March 
 31, 1906, was 68,800, and the amount distributed 
 in the financial year 1905-06, £420,444. Both 
 the number of pensioners and the average 
 amount of the pensions are increasing. The 
 ages of the ‘ ‘ principal ” pensioners (i. e. , of the 
 actual recipients of pensions apart from wives 
 and children dependent on them) were, on 
 March 31st, 1906, as follows: — 60 to 65 years 
 of age — 3,173 men, 4,239 women; 65 to 70 years 
 — 5,831 men, 6,756 women; 70 years and over 
 — 13,974 men and 17,037 women. About a 
 quarter of the population over 60 years of age 
 is in receipt of pensions, the women especially 
 availing themselves of their benefits. The av- 
 erage amount distributed to each “principal” 
 recipient was £6 5s. in 1905-06 and £6 11s. in 
 1906-07. 
 
 England : A. D. 1908. — Old Age Pensions 
 Act. — The Working of the Law. — Its Piti- 
 ful and Appalling Disclosures. — The Act of 
 the British Parliament, “ to Provide for Old 
 Age Pensions” (August 1, 1908), declares in its 
 first section that “the receipt of an old age 
 pension under this Act shall not deprive the 
 pensioner of any franchise, right, or privilege, 
 or subject him to any disability.” The second 
 section defines the “statutory conditions for the 
 receipt of an old age pension by any person ” to 
 be: the person must have attained the age of 
 seventy ; must satisfy the pension authorities 
 that he has been a British subject and resident 
 in the United Kingdom for at least twenty 
 years ; that his yearly means, as calculated 
 under the stipulations of the Act, do not exceed 
 thirty-one pounds ten shillings. But, notwith- 
 standing the fulfilment of these statutory con- 
 ditions, a person is disqualified while he is in 
 receipt of any poor relief, other than medical or 
 surgical assistance on the recommendation of a 
 medical officer, or relief rendered by means of 
 the maintenance of a dependent in an asylum, 
 infirmary, or hospital, or any relief that by law 
 is expressly declared not to be a disqualification 
 for any franchise, right, or privilege. Further- 
 more, any person is disqualified for the receipt 
 of an old age pension “if, before he becomes 
 entitled to a pension, he has habitually failed to 
 work according to his ability, opportunity, and 
 need, for the maintenance or benefit of himself 
 and those legally dependent upon him : Pro- 
 vided that a person shall not be disqualified 
 under this paragraph if he has continuously for 
 ten years up to attaining the age of sixty, by 
 
 means of payments to friendly, provident, or 
 other societies, or trade unions, or other ap- 
 proved steps, made such provision against old 
 age, sickness, infirmity, or want or loss of em- 
 ployment as may be recognized as proper pro- 
 vision for the purpose by regulations under this 
 Act, and any such provision, when made by the 
 husband in the case of a married couple living 
 together, shall, as respects any right of the wife 
 to a pension, be treated as provision made by 
 the wife as well as by the husband.” 
 
 Disqualification exists, also, during detention 
 in a lunatic asylum; and not only during any 
 penal imprisonment that has been ordered 
 “without the option fine,” but for ten years 
 thereafter. 
 
 Specific rules are given in the Act for “calcu- 
 lating the means of a person” who seeks the 
 pension ; and the rate of weekly pension to be 
 paid is proportioned inversely to such ascer- 
 tained means, as follows: “Where the yearly 
 means of the pensioner as calculated under this 
 Act — Do not exceed 2 11., — 5*. 0 d. ; exceed 21 1. , 
 but do not exceed 232., 12s. 6(2. , — 4s. 0 d . ; exceed 
 232. 12s. 6d. , but do not exceed 262. 5s. , — 3s. 0(2. ; 
 exceed 262. 5s., but do not exceed 282. 17s. 6(2., 
 — 2s. 0c2. ; exceed 282. 17s. 6(2., but do not exceed 
 312. 10s., — Is. 0(2. ; exceed 312. 10s., no pension.” 
 
 The Act became operative on the 1st of Jan- 
 uary, 1909. At that time the persons recom- 
 mended for pensions, throughout the Kingdom, 
 numbered 490,028, with somewhat over 148,000 
 pending claims. The original estimate, on the 
 discussion of the measure, had been that the 
 eligible pensioners would not exceed 500,000, 
 and that the cost of the undertaking, to begin 
 with, would be about £6,000,000. It was evi- 
 dent, therefore, before pension payments began, 
 that these estimates were much too low. 
 
 From Ireland it was reported by the Press on 
 the opening day of pension payments that 
 “more than 4,000 persons will to-day receive 
 old-age pensions in the city of Dublin. Claims 
 continue to be received in large numbers, and 
 the pension authorities estimate that, inasmuch 
 as the last census of the city showed that there 
 were 6,800 persons over 70 years of age then 
 alive, at least 1,200 eligible persons have not yet 
 made application. Yesterday afternoon it was 
 stated that in all 5,600 claims had been lodged. 
 
 “Of the 209,000 claims lodged altogether in 
 Ireland, it is estimated that 50,000 will be disal- 
 lowed, and that £30,000 weekly will be required 
 to satisfy those which have been held to be good. 
 So far as Dublin is concerned, less than 90 per 
 cent, of the inhabitants who arc over 70 years of 
 age have claimed pensions, so that the rural dis- 
 tricts are responsible for the larger percentage 
 of claimants in Ireland as compared with Eng- 
 land and Scotland.” 
 
 From Scotland it was reported that “ in Glas- 
 gow, the number of persons of 70 years and over 
 is 13,160, and fully half of those made claims. 
 A rough estimate places the number of full pen- 
 sions granted at about 5,550. In addition, a num- 
 ber of allowances of the smaller amounts, ranging 
 from 4s. to Is., have been made.” 
 
 In London, on the 1st of January, 1908, there 
 had been 39,043 claims considered, of which 
 36,108 were allowed. Of these, 31,327 were for 
 5s., 1,701 for 4s., 1,827 for 3s., 797 for 2s., and 
 456 for Is. 
 
 Speaking in Parliament on the 1st of March, 
 
 508 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 with deep feeling, of the working of the Pension 
 Act and of the revelation of poverty it had made, 
 the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Lloyd- 
 George, said : “The pension officers, especially 
 in Ireland, had been appalled at the amount of 
 undisclosed poverty, and that was why he was 
 not disposed to criticize too harshly the admin- 
 istration of the Act in ttiat country, even if it 
 had resulted in addition of a considerable sum 
 to the estimate of the Government. The details 
 of poverty in Ireland were perfectly horrify- 
 ing. It was a disgrace to any civilized country 
 that reasonable human beings should be allowed 
 to live under such conditions. But the same 
 condition of things was found in Great Britain 
 also in many cases. He made a special point 
 of investigating the matter, and pension commit- 
 tees and pension officers all told the same story 
 of people facing poverty and privation for years 
 with resignation, fortitude, and uncomplaining 
 patience, and all asked the same question and 
 asked it in vain — How on earth could those 
 poor people have managed to keep body and 
 soul together on such slender resources ? They 
 had not understated their resources ; on the con- 
 trary, there were cases in which they had over- 
 stated them from a feeling of pride. 
 
 “What struck one in such cases was how the 
 people had fought against the horror of the 
 Poor Law. There were 270,000 people over 70 
 years of age in receipt of Poor Law relief. The 
 Old-Age Pensions Act had disclosed the pre- 
 sence in the community of over 600,000 people 
 the vast majority of whom were living in cir- 
 cumstances of great poverty, and yet disdained 
 the charity of the Poor Law.” 
 
 In the report of the Local Government Board 
 for 1908, the inspector of poor-law adminis- 
 tration in the eastern counties of England re- 
 ported a substantial decrease in pauperism 
 during the year, and attributed this mainly to 
 the passing of the Old-Age Pensions Act. Per- 
 sons verging on the age of 70 were doing every- 
 thing possible to preserve their qualifications for 
 pensions, and their sons and daughters, in the 
 hope that the old folk will be able to stand 
 alone, are maintaining them till the pensions are 
 due in order that they may not be forfeited by 
 parish relief. 
 
 France: A. D. 1909, — State Railway Ser- 
 vants Pensions. — In July, 1909, the Cham- 
 ber of Deputies adopted a Bill for pension- 
 ing the railway employees of the State which 
 had already passed the Senate. It applies to 
 some 308,000 persons, who will be pensioned in 
 several classes at ages ranging from 50 to 60 
 years, and the estimated annual cost will exceed 
 $5,000,000. The Minister of Public Works, M. 
 Barthou, described the measure as an acknow- 
 ledgment on the part of the country of a debt 
 which it owed to a deserving body of public 
 servants, who for the last 11 years had waited 
 patiently for the fulfilment of a promise and 
 upon various trying occasions during that period 
 had not abused the confidence which had been 
 reposed in their good sense and public spirit. 
 
 A. D. 1910. — General Old-Age Pension 
 Law. — A general measure for the pension- 
 ing of workmen in old age, which had been 
 pending in the French Parliament for nearly 
 three years, became law in April, 1910. Passed 
 in the first instance by the Chamber of Deputies 
 in 1907, it was held in the Senate, undergoing an 
 
 extensive remodeling, until the 12th of Febru- 
 ary, 1910, when that body gave it an unanimous 
 vote. In the Chamber of Deputies its exaction 
 of compulsory contributions from the wages of 
 workmen to the pension fund was opposed by 
 a section of the Socialists, but supported by the 
 Socialist leader Jaures, as well as by the Briand 
 Ministry, and carried by a decisive vote on 
 April 1st. “ Workingmen, domestic servants, 
 clerks, and farm laborers to the number of 
 nearly 12,000.000, whose annual earnings are 
 below 3,000 francs, are placed under a system of 
 compulsory insurance. For the farmer and 
 small proprietor whose income ranges between 
 
 3.000 and 5,000 francs, an optional form of in- 
 surance is provided. Of this class there are 
 nearly six million men and women in the coun- 
 try.” In all, about 18,000,000 of the population 
 of France are beneficiaries of the Act. 
 
 The German System of State-aided Pen- 
 sions, compared with other systems. — The 
 following is from the report of a lecture on 
 State-aided Pensions for the Poor, given in Lon- 
 don, on the 3d of February, 1909, by the Hon. 
 W. P. Reeves, Director of the London School 
 of Economics and Political Science. It is an 
 admirable summary of facts that exhibit the 
 working, down to the present time, of the Ger- 
 man system of working men’s insurance adopted 
 between 1883-1889 (see Social Movements: 
 A. D. 1883-1889, in Volume IV. of this work, and 
 Germany: A. D. 1897-1900, in Volume VI.): 
 
 “The subject, said the lecturer, fell into three 
 groups — contributory pensions, free State uni- 
 versal pensions, and free State limited pensions. 
 Germany, France, and Belgium afforded ex- 
 amples of the contributory pensions, and Den- 
 mark, Australia, New Zealand, and the United 
 Kingdom of the limited free pensions. The uni- 
 versal free pensions were likely to remain an 
 ideal. The Belgian superannuation for the 
 poor, provided by voluntary contributions on 
 the part of the insurer and by State bonuses, 
 had encouraged thrift, but it yielded an average 
 pension of only £3 a year. It could not, there- 
 fore, be pronounced to be a success, and the 
 State had recognized its failure by inaugurating 
 a system of free old-age pensions for the utterly 
 destitute. A similar superannuation scheme in 
 France, also maintained principally by volun- 
 tary contributions, had only attracted 8 per cent, 
 of the class for which it was intended, and 
 there, too, it had been found necessary to intro- 
 duce free old-age pensions. There was also a 
 voluntary system in Germany, but that was a 
 kind of side show to the great national system 
 of insurance by compulsory contributions. This 
 latter system was a gigantic experiment, and it 
 really did deserve the name of national. Pro- 
 fessor Ashley had shown that of the 10,700,000 
 men who were insurable under this scheme 
 
 8.857.000 actually were insured ; and of the 
 
 5.800.000 women who were qualified to pro- 
 vide for pensions 4,524,000 were actually paying 
 their contributions. The system had been in op- 
 eration for 26 years, and the amount paid out 
 in that time must have exceeded £300,000,000, 
 while 70 or 80 million persons had been benefited 
 by it from first to last. The number of persons 
 affected yearly by the system was 25,000,000; 
 and in 1907 nearly £30,000,000 was spent in the 
 three divisions of the triple system — old age, 
 sickness, and accidents. He had only to deal 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 with one division — old age and infirmity. The 
 accumulated funds in this division amounted to 
 about £70,000,000 ; and the amount paid out to 
 the insurers in 1906 was nearly £8,300,000, and 
 in 1907 £8,400,000. The population liable to 
 insure was about 14J millions, and the number 
 of pensions in force at the end of 1907 was 
 979,000. 
 
 “ Under this German scheme the class compul- 
 sorily insured consisted of men and single wo- 
 men earning less than £100 a year. The funds 
 were provided in equal contributions by em- 
 ployers and employed — the principle underly- 
 ing the system being that of deferred wages. It 
 was a question whether it was encouraging thrift 
 to withhold from such wage-earners 2 per cent, 
 of their wages. The State bore the cost of man- 
 agement, and added to every pension a bonus of 
 £2 10s. a year. For the working of the system 
 the wage-earners were divided into five grades : 
 (1) Those who earn up to £17 10s. a year ; (2) 
 those who earn any sum between £17 10s. and 
 £27 10s. ; (3) those who earn any sum between 
 £27 10s. and £42 10s. ; (4) those who earn any 
 sum between £42 10s. and £57; and (5) those 
 who earn any sum between £57 and £100. The 
 lowest wage-earners paid seven-eighths of a 
 penny per week for their old-age pension, and 
 the highest wage-earners about 2|-d. No spe- 
 cial consideration was shown for a married man. 
 The five grades of pensions were: (1) £5 10s. 
 a year ; (2) £7 ; (3) £8 10s. ; (4) £10 ; and (5) 
 £11 10s. If the labourer died after subscribing 
 for 200 weeks his wife and children were en- 
 titled to receive what he had subscribed, but 
 nothing more. 
 
 “ The lot of the widows and orphans was one 
 of the black features of the system. A married 
 woman could not qualify for an old-age pension. 
 The amount of the weekly contribution was 
 fixed for ten years. In 1906 the receipts ex- 
 ceeded the expenditure by £6,000,000; the cost 
 of administration was only £850,000. But that 
 was only the minor part of the provision made 
 for elderly people in Germany. The main pro- 
 vision was made under the head of infirmity or 
 invalidity occurring before the pension age — 
 70. If the insurers, after having subscribed for 
 not less than four years, broke down and were 
 unable to earn wages, they were entitled to 
 more generous treatment. If curable they were 
 cured in State sanatoriums and received tem- 
 porary sickness pensions. If incurable they re- 
 ceived a pension which was regulated by the 
 number of years they had subscribed, and va- 
 ried from a minimum of £5 16s. in the lowest 
 grade for four years’ subscriptions to £22 10s. 
 in the highest grade for 50 years’ subscriptions. 
 The insurer began to pay liis contributions at 
 the age of 17, and for an old-age pension he had 
 to subscribe 50 weeks a year for 24 years — 1,200 
 weeks in all. Though the system had not 
 checked Socialism or militant trade unionism, it 
 had attained its real purpose, for it had con- 
 ferred an enormous boon upon the poor.” 
 
 At the time when the remark quoted above, 
 touching the defective provision of the German 
 law for widows and orphans, was made, the Im- 
 perial Government was preparing to amend it. 
 The London Times of April 17, 1909, gave, in 
 its correspondence from Berlin, the account of a 
 draft Bill, just made public, which the Imperial 
 Ministry of the Interior had prepared for present- 
 
 ation to the Federal Council, the object being 
 to combine and coordinate “ the seven compul- 
 sory insurance laws of 1883 to 1899,” together 
 with certain amendments and additions. “It is 
 understood,” wrote the correspondent, “that the 
 Bill will not reach the Reichstag before the au- 
 tumn of this year. Whereas many authorities 
 . . . have favored a thorough unification of the 
 three systems of invalidity and old age, acci- 
 dent, and sick insurance, the immediate propo- 
 sals of the Government would leave the three 
 systems separate and distinct, while codifying 
 the law and the regulations which are common 
 to all branches of compulsory insurance, and 
 establishing a joint and threefold system of 
 higher administration.” The main purpose of 
 the bill was to rectify that lack of proper provi- 
 sion for widows and orphans which was noted 
 above. “ The need of solving this problem,” said 
 the correspondent, “is really the immediate oc- 
 casion of reform, and the proposed solution is 
 the most important feature of the reform scheme. 
 An essential feature of the tariff law of 1902 
 was the ear-marking — by the so-called Lex 
 Trimborn — for widows and orphans’ insurance 
 of the surplus revenue from the increased Cus- 
 toms duties on corn and cattle. The Lex Trim- 
 born takes effect on January 1, 1910, but the 
 surplus revenue is lacking. For the financial 
 year 1906 there was no surplus. For 1907 there 
 was a surplus of about £2,000,000. For the 
 financial year 1908 there will be no surplus, al- 
 though £2,650,000 was estimated for. In these 
 circumstances the Government — while appar- 
 ently still cherishing the hope that, upon the av- 
 erage of a long period of years, the revised tariff 
 will do what was expected of it — proposes to 
 provide for widows and orphans insurance by a 
 simple all-round extension of the system of in- 
 validity and old-age insurance. That is to say, 
 the ‘contributions’ of employers and employed 
 are to be raised, and an Imperial subsidy, of 
 fixed amount, without regard to the annuai rev- 
 enue from Customs, is to be added to the contri- 
 butions. 
 
 “It is at present proposed that the weekly 
 * contributions’ to invalidity and old-age insur- 
 ance shall, in order to provide funds for widows 
 and orphans’ pensions, be increased — upon the 
 mean average of the contributions of the five 
 classes of wage-earners — by one-fourth, and 
 that the Empire shall add a subsidy of £2 10s. a 
 year to each widow’s pension and a subsidy of 
 £1 5s. a year to each orphan’s pension.” 
 
 In February, 1909, a Parliamentary Com- 
 mittee of the British Trades Union Congress, 
 composed of men representing the Labor Party 
 in Parliament, reported the results of a visit to 
 Germany which the Committee had made in the 
 previous November, to examine conditipns in 
 that country, especially with reference to the 
 operation of the state system of insurance. In 
 their report they said : “ The State assistance 
 has acted as an incentive and encouragement to 
 workmen to make additional provision for them- 
 selves and families through their trade unions 
 and private sick clubs. This is especially the 
 case in invalidity and old age. It has always 
 been the workman’s complaint, as well as that 
 of the organizations, that the assistance obtain- 
 able under the workman’s insurance system is 
 quite out of proportion to the subscriptions paid, 
 and quite insufficient for the maintenance of the 
 
 510 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 pensioner. In this connexion, it is interesting 
 to note that in 1907 the ' Free ' or Socialist unions, 
 with a membership of 1,866,000, granted £174,- 
 000 in sick pay and £19,000 in invalidity pay; 
 the State subsidies to invalidity and old-age 
 pensions amounting in 1906 to £2,437,000. The 
 insurance pensions are continually increasing ; 
 and it is stated that the invalidity pensions will 
 eventually reach a maximum in the lowest 
 wages class of £9 5s., and in the highest one of 
 £22 10s. The funds accumulated in the hands 
 of the Invalidity Pension Offices amounted at 
 the end of 1907 to about 70 million pounds, and 
 the workmen maintain that the time has now 
 arrived when either the pensions paid should be 
 increased, or the contributions levied decreased, 
 as provided for by law.” 
 
 “ The members of the deputation were struck 
 by the absence of slums in the manufacturing 
 quarters of the towns visited. Nowhere did 
 they see any quarter that could be classified 
 under the heading ‘ slum.’ The cleanliness 
 prevailing throughout all the towns visited was 
 also remarkable. No beggars, feeble or ema- 
 ciated men in tatters and rags were encountered 
 in the streets. Hundreds upon hundreds of un- 
 employed were seen by the deputation, but they 
 seemed to lack that dejection and absolute 
 misery that is so frequently met with in the 
 streets of English towns. 
 
 “ Workmen throughout Germany do not com- 
 plain of any compulsory deductions made by 
 their employers from their wages for the pur- 
 pose of workmen’s insurances. Many of the 
 largest employers are favourably disposed to- 
 wards these laws, and pay willingly. On the 
 other hand, probably the majority do complain 
 of the cost, although not opposed to the laws in 
 principle.” 
 
 Poor Laws: England: A. D. 1896 - 1906 . — 
 Report of Royal Commission. — Increasing 
 Pauperism. — In December, 1905, a Royal 
 Commission, composed of nineteen men and 
 women of distinguished ability and of special 
 qualifications for the service, was appointed in 
 Great Britain, “ to inquire — (1) Into the work- 
 ing of the laws relating to the relief of poor 
 persons in the United Kingdom; (2) into the 
 various means which have been adopted out- 
 side of the Poor Laws for meeting distress aris- 
 ing from want of employment, particularly 
 during periods of severe industrial depression; 
 and to consider and report whether any, and, 
 if so, what modification of the Poor Laws or 
 changes in their administration or fresh legisla- 
 tion for dealing with distress are advisable.” 
 
 After three years of laborious investiga- 
 tion, making “more than 800 personal visits to 
 unions, meetings of boards of guardians, and 
 institutions in England, Scotland, and Ireland,” 
 as well as examining over 1300 witnesses, the 
 Commission submitted an elaborate report in 
 February, 1909. Its findings as to the present 
 working of the poor-laws and the relief-systems 
 of the United Kingdom, and its recommenda- 
 tions for reform, cannot be summarized with 
 any clearness in such space as can be given to 
 the subject here; but there is a startling signifi- 
 cance in what it shows of the increase of pau- 
 perism and of the public cost of poor relief in 
 late years. 
 
 It appears from the returns of the Local Gov- 
 ernment Board that the mean number of pau- 
 
 51 
 
 pers in 1906, 1907 and 1908, was at a higher level 
 than it had been for 31 previous years. Ex- 
 cluding, however, these three especially bad 
 years, it is found that throughout the period 
 1896-1906 there were 24,000 more paupers than 
 in the period 1888-1896, and 7000 more than in 
 the period 1880-1888. In discussing the report 
 the London Times remarks : “ Further examina- 
 tion even diminishes the meagre consolation 
 these figures afford as to the results of a gener- 
 ation of effort at reducing pauperism. Com- 
 paring the period 1896-1906 with 1871-80, there 
 has been a decrease of 3.9 per cent, in the total 
 number of paupers, but this decrease has been 
 accompanied by a large increase of male pau- 
 perism and is due entirely to the large decrease 
 in the number of children, whose numbers 
 have decreased by 18 per cent., and a small re- 
 duction in the number of women, whose num- 
 bers have increased by 2 per cent. The decrease 
 in these two classes so affects the total as en- 
 tirely to conceal an absolute increase of 18 per 
 cent, in the number of male paupers. Even in 
 regard to the children, at any rate during the 
 last 15 years, the decrease has been almost 
 wholly in rural unions, and in the children of 
 widows, and there has been a general increase 
 in the number of children of able-bodied men. 
 
 “Further, so far as figures are available, 
 they show a greater proportionate increase in 
 the number of paupers during the working 
 years of life than in the very young or the very 
 old. Taking only the able-bodied in health, 
 we find that in the period 1896-1906 in metro- 
 politan unions the indoor paupers have in- 
 creased by 38 per cent, and the outdoor by 137 
 per cent. ; in urban unions the indoor by 24 
 per cent, and the outdoor by 133 per cent. ; and 
 in the whole of England and Wales the indoor 
 by 21 per cent, and the outdoor by 49 per cent. 
 In London alone 15,800 more paupers are being 
 maintained than in the eighties, and the rate 
 per 1,000 of the population, which used to be 
 below that for England and Wales, has risen 
 above it.” 
 
 As for expenditure, it was some £8,000,000 in 
 the year 1871-2, and £14,000,000 in the year 
 1905-6. Summing up the general situation with 
 regard to this expenditure, the Commission says: 
 “We find that, whilst the expenditure per in- 
 habitant has increased from 7s. Ojd. to 8 s. 2£d. 
 since 1871-2, and is only 7£d. less than it was in 
 1834, the expenditure per pauper has increased 
 from £7 12s. Id. to £15 12s. 6 d. in the same pe- 
 riod. The country is maintaining a multitude 
 of paupers not far short of the numbers main- 
 tained in 1871-2, and is spending more than 
 double the amount upon each individual. The 
 increased expenditure has done little towards 
 diminishing the extent of pauperism. Such ad- 
 vance as the nation has made has been accom- 
 plished at an enormous cost, and absorbs an an- 
 nual amount which is now equivalent to nearly 
 one-half of the present expenditure upon the 
 Army. It may be urged that the rate of pau- 
 perism has diminished from 31.2 per 1,000 in 
 1871-9 to 22.2 per 1,000 in 1896-1905, and this 
 is certainly a matter for congratulation, but it 
 has been the result of the large increase in the 
 population rather than of any considerable re- 
 duction in the number of paupers.” 
 
 This discouraging result has occurred not- 
 withstanding the fact that the nation is spending 
 
 1 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 £20,000,000 more in education than in 1831, and 
 £13,000,000 more in sanitation and the preven- 
 tion of disease than in 1841 ; notwithstanding the 
 fact “ that money wages in the nineties were 10 
 per cent, above those of the eighties, and 30 per 
 cent, above those of the sixties,” and notwith- 
 standing the fact that ‘ ‘ there has been a con- 
 siderable flow of the working classes from the 
 lower paid occupations to the higher paid in- 
 dustries.” 
 
 The recommendations of the Commission in- 
 clude a scheme for a permanent system of 
 public assistance for the able-bodied, which 
 contemplates the establishment in every district 
 of four cooperating organizations: (a) An or- 
 ganization for insurance against unemployment, 
 to develop and secure (with contributions from 
 public funds) the greatest possible benefits 
 to the workmen from cooperative insurance 
 against unemployment; (b) a labor exchange 
 established and maintained by the Board of 
 Trade to provide efficient machinery for putting 
 those requiring work and those requiring work- 
 ers into prompt communication ; (c) a voluntary 
 aid committee to give advice and aid out of 
 voluntary funds especially to the better class of 
 workmen reduced to want through unemploy- 
 ment ; (d) a public assistance authority represent- 
 ing the county or county borough and acting 
 locally through a public assistance committee 
 to assist necessitous workmen under specified 
 conditions at the public expense. The report 
 adds that it must be a fundamental principle of 
 the system of public assistance that the respon- 
 sibility for the due and effective assistance of 
 all necessitous persons at the public expense 
 shall be in the hands of one, and only one, 
 authority in each county and county borough 
 — viz., the public assistance authority. 
 
 Small Holdings Act of Great Britain. See 
 (inthisvol.) England: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 Starvation Poverty in India. See (in this 
 vol.) India : A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 Underfed School Children : Provision for 
 Meals to them. — How it is done in Various 
 Cities. — In March, 1905, the British Foreign 
 Office undertook, at the request of the Board of 
 Education, to obtain information regarding the 
 methods adopted in the great Continental and 
 American cities for dealing with ill-fed school 
 children. The facts collected were tabulated 
 and published subsequently in a Parliamentary 
 Paper (Cd. 2926-1906) from which the following 
 statements are derived : 
 
 Generally, in the larger cities of Western Eu- 
 rope, some system was found to be in operation 
 for feeding ill-fed children in the schools. Com- 
 monly this is conducted unofficially, by private 
 charitable organizations, but sometimes in indi- 
 rect connection with the municipality, and fre- 
 quently with help from municipal funds. In 
 Berlin, however, the municipality takes on itself 
 the responsibility of not only feeding but cloth- 
 ing properly the necessitous children attending 
 its elementary schools. This made one of the 
 functions of a municipal department, the Stddt- 
 isrhe Schuldeputation, which is assisted by a 
 “ Society for Feeding Poor Children” in the 
 supplying of meals at the elementary school 
 buildings of the city. The committee which 
 conducts the work of that auxiliary society is 
 appointed by the Government. As a rule, 
 breakfasts only are given in Berlin, and only 
 
 during the winter months ; but four meals are 
 supplied to such children as are thought by the 
 head-masters of the schools to require them. 
 No steps are taken to collect from parents any 
 part of the cost of meals furnished in the schools. 
 
 In Paris the organization which installs and 
 conducts cantines scolaires in schools ^belong- 
 ing to the city, called the Caisse des E coles, is 
 privately constituted, but presided over by the 
 mayor. This connects it with the municipality, 
 and in 1905 it had been receiving a municipal 
 subvention of 1,000.000 francs yearly for three 
 years, but this was not to be depended on as 
 a permanent grant. It was necessary for the 
 Caisse desE coles to seek voluntary contributions. 
 The City, however, undertakes to supply the 
 necessary accommodations and all utensils for 
 the school canteens, which are in operation 
 throughout the year, every day of the week, but 
 generally for a noon meal only ; though soup is 
 distributed in some arrondissements at the open- 
 ing and closing of school. All children are en- 
 titled to feed at the canteen, but the meals are 
 supplied gratis only to the children of poor fam- 
 ilies. The others pay a small sum which does not 
 exceed 15 centimes (about 2 cents). In 1904 the 
 total cost of meals furnished at the school 
 canteens was 1,461,305 francs, of which 359,093 
 francs was paid by parents, who buy tickets for 
 the purpose. All meals are supplied on the pre- 
 sentation of tickets, and nothing shows whether 
 the tickets have been bought or received as 
 gifts. 
 
 In Vienna meals for poor school children are 
 provided by a central Association, indirectly 
 connected with the municipality, the Burgomas- 
 ter being its president, and financial assistance 
 being given to it from both imperial and mu- 
 nicipal funds. Dinners only are provided, on 
 every week day from November 16 to March 31, 
 partly in the school buildings, partly in certain 
 restaurants and kitchens. As in Paris, parents 
 can buy tickets for these meals, but it is said to 
 be rarely done. The total cost is about $23,000 
 per year. Once a year, in the autumn, the 
 Association makes an appeal for funds, and all 
 classes of people respond, the Emperor giving 
 4,000 crowns and the Town Council voting 
 8 , 000 . 
 
 Information on the subject was obtained by 
 the British Foreign Office from thirty-eight 
 cities, in all, of Austria, Belgium, Denmark, 
 France, Germany, Holland, Italy, Norway, 
 Sweden, Spain, Switzerland, and' the United 
 States. Some systematic provision, more or less 
 adequate, for securing proper food to the children 
 of the schools by private or public organization, 
 was reported from more than thirty. The reports 
 from New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago, in 
 the United States, showed less undertakings in 
 this direction than in any other cities of consid- 
 able size. 
 
 In England : Provision of Meals Act. — An 
 
 order from the English Local Government Board 
 on the subject of providing food for underfed 
 school children was published on the 29t.h of 
 April, 1905. It applied only to children under 
 sixteen who were neither blind, deaf or dumb, 
 and who were living with a father not in receipt 
 of relief. Application in each case must be made 
 by school managers, or by a teacher empowered 
 by the managers, or by an officer empowered by 
 the education authorities. The relief might 
 
 512 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 be grunted in the ordinary way or as a loan, the 
 father being allowed the opportunity of mak- 
 ing the needful provision himself. If he failed 
 to do so, the poor-law guardians were empow- 
 ered to make it and to recover the cost, as if it 
 were a loan. In no case could the relief be 
 given in money, or continued on a single appli- 
 cation for more than a month. Where possible, 
 arrangements should be made with local char- 
 itable organizations for the issue of tickets for 
 meals. 
 
 The above mentioned tentative order was fol- 
 lowed, in the next year, by the passage of an 
 Act which authorizes any “ local education au- 
 thority ” in England and Wales to “ take such 
 steps as they think fit for the provision of meals 
 for children” at any public elementary school, 
 and for that purpose to “associate with them- 
 selves any committee on which the authority are 
 represented, who will undertake to provide food 
 for those children.” Such education authority 
 may aid the committee by furnishing necessary 
 land, buildings, furniture and apparatus, and 
 necessary officers and servants; but, “save as 
 hereinafter provided, the authority shall not in- 
 cur any expense in respect of the purchase of 
 food to be supplied at such meals.” 
 
 Unemployment: Belgium: A. D. 1900 - 
 1904 . — Municipal Organizations of Insur- 
 ance against Unemployment. — The Ghent 
 System. — The following is abridged from a 
 report on “Agencies and Methods for Dealing 
 with the Unemployed in certain Foreign Coun- 
 tries,” made to the British Board of Trade, in 
 1904, by Mr. David F. Scliloss : 
 
 During the last few years the Public Authori- 
 ties of certain Belgian towns and Provinces have 
 organised a system, to which the name of Insur- 
 ance against Unemployment is given, and under 
 which the efforts of workmen to secure for 
 themselves the means of tiding over periods 
 of unemployment are assisted by the grant of 
 subsidies provided out of public moneys, which 
 form a supplement to the sums derived from 
 the contributions of these work-people. This 
 system is now in force at Ghent, Brussels, Ant- 
 werp, Bruges, Liege, Malines, and Louvain, 
 and in the Provinces of Liege and Antwerp. 
 In details it has been varied somewhat in dif- 
 erent places, but the general scheme is the same, 
 and it will be sufficient to give some account 
 of it as organized in Ghent, where it was first 
 worked out. 
 
 The Unemployed Fund at Ghent was initi- 
 ated as the result of the recommendations made 
 by a Special Commission on the question of un- 
 employment, which on April 10, 1900, presented 
 a Report, advising the creation of a Municipal 
 Unemployed Fund under the conditions specified 
 in a set of rules, which they submitted for con- 
 sideration. The annual subvention to the Fund 
 by the City was fixed, for three years, at §4000. 
 Expenses of the administration of the Fund to 
 be borne by the City. Administration of the 
 Fund to be entrusted to a committee of ten citi- 
 zens named by the municipal authority, but one 
 half of whom must be members of those organi- 
 zations of workmen which affiliate themselves 
 with the Fund. The Fund may be augmented 
 by subscriptions, donations, moneys collected 
 by ffites, etc. “ The intervention of the Special 
 Fund shall consist either ( a .) in providing a sup- 
 plement to sums paid to their members as unem- 
 
 ployed benefit by workmen’s organisations, or 
 (b.) in supplementing any provision made by in- 
 dividual thrift for the specific case of unemploy- 
 ment. The Special Fund will supplement the 
 unemployed benefits paid by workmen's organi- 
 sations by the payment of a subsidy, which may 
 be equal to, but shall not be greater than, the 
 amount of such benefits.” 
 
 “Strikes and lock-outs, or the results attend- 
 ant upon such disputes, sickness and physical 
 incapacity for labour shall in no case give rise 
 to the payment of an indemnity out of the 
 monies of the Unemployed Fund.” 
 
 “ All workmen’s organisations desiring that 
 their members shall participate in the subsidies 
 provided by the Fund will be required to send 
 in each month a return showing the number 
 and amount of all payments on account of bene- 
 fits made by them, and to furnish every year 
 their balance-sheet, also their rules and regu- 
 lations.” 
 
 “ Workmen not being members of any Trade 
 Union which enjoys participation in the Fund, 
 are at liberty to join a Thrift Fund specifically 
 constituted to meet the case of unemployment.” 
 By this rule, it will be seen, the scheme pro- 
 vides, under distinct branches, for Trade Union- 
 ists and non-Unionists. 
 
 England: A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — Unemployed 
 Workmen Act, and its operation. — In the 
 summer of 1905 a Bill brought into Parliament 
 by the President of the Local Government Board, 
 to provide for an organization to assist unem- 
 ployed workmen, was carried through both 
 houses with little opposition. It sought to 
 bring about a careful discrimination between 
 workmen who were accustomed to regular em- 
 ployment in ordinary circumstances, but tem- 
 porarily unemployed through circumstances 
 beyond their control, and the needy, on the 
 other hand, who were proper objects of ordi- 
 nary Poor Law relief. Its provisions were for 
 the former entirely, and their purpose was to 
 establish both local and central bodies, which 
 should organize and maintain labor exchanges 
 and employment bureaus, assist migration and 
 emigration, and acquire, equip, and maintain 
 farm colonies ; the latter to operate continuously, 
 for the training of persons to agricultural pur- 
 suits, preparing them for emigration or for 
 permanent transfer from city to country life. 
 The local bodies contemplated were not em- 
 powered to provide work at public expense. 
 That power was entrusted discretionally to the 
 central bodies, which could draw on the rates 
 for the purpose to a limited extent. Voluntary 
 contributions were to be looked to in part for 
 the necessary funds. The measure was decid- 
 edly conservative and tentative. 
 
 A report on the applications for relief and 
 the relief given in England and Wales under 
 this Act during the year ending March 81, 1909, 
 compared with the previous year, shows as 
 follows: The total number of applications 
 
 received was 196,757, of which 49,239 were 
 made to 29 committees in London, and 147,518 
 to 95 committees in other parts of the coun- 
 try. 
 
 The applicants belonging to the general or 
 casual labour class (64,773) formed as in pre- 
 vious years by far the largest section — 47.4 per 
 cent. — of the whole number. The building 
 trade ranked second with 23,047, or 16.9 per 
 
 513 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 cent, of the total. The engineering, shipbuild- 
 ing, and metal trades accounted for 17,028, or 
 12.5 per cent., as compared with only 8.6 per 
 cent, in the previous year. 
 
 A Bill known as the “Right to Work” Bill 
 came before the House of Commons in April, 
 1909, with the endorsement of the trade unions 
 and the Labor Party. It was opposed by John 
 Burns, the former labor leader, but now speak- 
 ing as President of the Local Government Board 
 and member of the Cabinet, who said: “For 
 three and a half years he had had intimate ex- 
 perience of relief works, and he could not exag- 
 gerate the degradation of the workmen, the de- 
 moralization of the honest labourer, the extent 
 to which money had been wasted and character 
 impaired by the relief works which he had had 
 in the name of Parliament to administer. Any 
 member had only to take up the report of any 
 one of the distress committees to see that what 
 the minority report said had happened would 
 increasingly happen so long as these means of 
 meeting unemployment were resorted to. The 
 amount of work would be disproportionate to 
 the wages paid, the wrong men would get the 
 right work, and the best men would be ex- 
 cluded, because modesty was a characteristic of 
 good workmanship and craftsmanship, and the 
 worst men were always in the front line when 
 relief works were set on foot.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Report of a Royal Commis- 
 sion.- — The Royal Commission on the working 
 of the English Poor Laws, whose general report 
 is referred to above, issued, in September, 1909, 
 a supplementary report on Unemployment. 
 The main ultimate conclusions of the Commis- 
 sion are the following : 
 
 “When we consider the remedies proposed 
 for unemployment we are convinced that they 
 do not lie on the lines proposed by the Unem- 
 ployed Workmen’s Act, which has done nothing 
 but systematize Relief Works. These, whether 
 national or municipal, appear to us merely to 
 intensify the evil as far as the ordinary work- 
 men are concerned. The great thing necessary, 
 we believe, is to obtain a general agreement as 
 to the need of regularizing labour. In this the 
 Government and municipalities ought to set a 
 good example. 
 
 ‘ ‘ It might be better, if any rate or State 
 funds are to be spent on the unemployed, that 
 such aid should take the form of supplementing 
 trade union funds and give thereby a bonus 
 on thrift. Any such supplementation of trade 
 union funds would involve a Local Govern- 
 ment Board audit, the control of the expenses of 
 management, and a separation of the war and 
 benefit funds. It is very doubtful whether it 
 would be wise for trade unions to accept State 
 aid if it involved loss of independence and an 
 interference with their efforts to improve wages. 
 There is little doubt, however, that grants of 
 this kind would enormously increase their mem- 
 bership. 
 
 “ In order to prevent the spread of the unem- 
 ployed as a class it is probable that drastic mea- 
 sures ought to be taken, such as those recom- 
 mended to check vagrancy. For the idle and 
 worthless who now form the noisy section of the 
 unemployed it might be necessary to establish 
 semi-penal colonies. . . . 
 
 “ The solution lies in a better organization of 
 the workers and more consideration from the 
 
 employers. Better organization of industry 
 might at once relieve the workers and render 
 trade crises less acute by steadying the supply 
 of labour. 
 
 “ Differentiation of the unemployable from 
 the willing workers and better classification of 
 paupers would enable us to understand the ex- 
 tent of the problem and how far reorganization 
 of labour must be carried. Raising the condition 
 of the whole working class by better housing 
 and better wages will help to keep decent but 
 unskilled workmen from sinking. 
 
 “Every effort must be made to cut off the 
 supply of unskilled and unintelligent labour by 
 training boys to enter regular and permanent 
 work.” 
 
 England: A. D. 1909. — The Labor Ex- 
 changes Act. — One of the most important of 
 the recent enactments of the British Parliament 
 is the Labor Exchanges Act, which encountered 
 no serious opposition in either House. On intro- 
 ducing the Bill in the House of Commons, May 
 19, 1909, and in subsequent debate, Mr. Win- 
 ston Churchill, President of the Board of Trade, 
 gave explanations of which the following is a 
 summary: It would divide the country into ten 
 districts, which would have among them be- 
 tween 30 and 40 first-class labour exchanges, 45 
 second-class, and about 150 third-class for the 
 smaller centres. The central control would be 
 exercised by the Board of Trade, but it is in- 
 tended that, following the German example, 
 t here shall be in each principal centre a local ad- 
 visory committee composed of representatives 
 of workmen and of employers in equal numbers, 
 with a permanent official as chairman. It is 
 hoped that, when permanent buildings are se- 
 cured, and the whole scheme is in working order, 
 the labour exchanges will become centres of in- 
 dustrial life, in which employers and employed 
 will learn to know one another better, and to 
 discuss in common questions now too much 
 regarded from different standpoints. These 
 exchanges cannot make work, they can only dis- 
 tribute what work is to be had. They can hardly 
 be expected to make head against the large fluc- 
 tuations of trade, which must be met by some 
 insurance scheme, which Mr. Churchill an- 
 nounced as being under contemplation. But 
 there are many irregularities of distribution 
 which labour exchanges can correct, and many 
 seasonal fluctuations producing much distress 
 which they can deal with to the great advan- 
 tage alike of employers and employed. 
 
 It was not contemplated that fees should be 
 charged to men applying to the labour bureaux, 
 which were to be national institutions. They 
 would strive to find men for jobs and jobs for 
 men, and attention would be paid to the inter- 
 ests of the men who had been waiting longest 
 for work. For the present domestic servants 
 would not be brought within the operation of 
 the Bill. No compulsion would be exercised to 
 induce applicants to give evidence as to charac- 
 ter, but of course a man would have a greater 
 chance of obtaining work if he could give refer- 
 ences and testimonials. In a strike the exchanges 
 would be absolutely neutral as between capital 
 and labour, and it would be clearly notified to 
 all working men that there was a dispute and 
 they would be left to act as they thought fit. 
 
 The Bill became law in September. A highly 
 favorable report of its operation was made si* 
 
 514 
 
POVERTY AND UNEMPLOYMENT 
 
 PRITCHETT 
 
 months later by the Consul-General of the 
 United States at London, who stated that ‘‘on 
 the opening day nearly eighty exchanges were 
 in operation and thousands of applications for 
 work were received. The applicants mainly 
 represented the better class of labor. On the 
 first day of the opening in Nottingham 557 
 workers and 120 employing firms registered. 
 These were followed on the second day by 580 
 workers and 87 firms. One of the employers 
 alone applied for sixty skilled hands, and 
 though most of the skilled hands were placed, 
 the registered firms were not able to fill all their 
 vacancies.” 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1909. — Experiments of 
 Insurance. — Representatives from the munici- 
 pal authorities of fifteen German cities held a 
 joint conference at Cologne in September, 1909, 
 to discuss the best methods of combating un- 
 employment. One or two speakers advocated 
 compulsory insurance against unemployment ; 
 but the divergencies of opinion were so wide 
 that no conclusion was reached. Annual con- 
 ferences oif the subject are to be held. A Press 
 correspondent who reported the meeting re- 
 marked that it confirms “ the German official 
 view that the problem of insurance against 
 unemployment is not ripe for systematic solu- 
 tion. Upon the strength of the experience, for 
 example, of Strassburg and of Frankfurt, where 
 the Ghent system of subsidies is in operation, 
 demands are frequently made for the inaugura- 
 tion of an Imperial system of insurance. Apart, 
 however, from the fact that other problems — 
 especially widows and orphans insurance — 
 have precedence, the Government maintains 
 that Imperial legislation is impossible because 
 no satisfactory scheme has been discovered.” 
 
 Some account of the Ghent system, here re- 
 ferred to, will be found above, under the sub- 
 heading Belgium. Besides the German cities 
 mentioned as having introduced that measure 
 of insurance against unemployment, Cologne 
 and Leipsic have been operating an organiza- 
 tion of similar insurance for some years. As 
 described in a report made in 1904 to the Brit- 
 ish Board of Trade by Mr. David F. Schloss, on 
 “Agencies and Methods for Dealing with the 
 Unemployed in certain Foreign Countries,” the 
 organization in Cologne is as follows: 
 
 “The ‘City of Cologne Office for Insurance 
 against Unemployment in Winter’ was estab- 
 lished in 1896. The object of the Office is to 
 provide, with the assistance of the Cologne La- 
 bour Registry, an insurance against Unemploy- 
 ment during the winter (December to March) 
 for the benefit of male workpeople in the Co- 
 
 logne district. In order to insure with the Of- 
 fice, a man must be at least 18 years of age, 
 must have lived for at least a year in Cologne, 
 and must not suffer from permanent incapacity 
 to work. He is required to pay a weekly pre- 
 mium, payment of which must commence as 
 from April 1, and must continue for 34 weeks. 
 The amount of the premium was originally 3d. 
 per week for both skilled and unskilled work- 
 men ; in 1901 the rate of premium was fixed at 
 3d. for unskilled and 4 \d. for skilled men ; in 
 1903 the rate was raised to 3 {d. per week for 
 unskilled and 4f d. per week for skilled work- 
 men. . . . 
 
 “In return for these payments the insured 
 workman, if and when out of work in the pe- 
 riod named above, receives, for not more than 
 eight weeks in all, a daily amount, which is 2s. 
 for each of the first 20 days (nothing being paid 
 for Sundays), and then Is. on each subsequent 
 day. These payments begin on the third week- 
 day after the date on which the man has re- 
 ported himself as out of work. . . . 
 
 “No money is paid in respect of unemploy- 
 ment caused by illness or infirmity, or by the 
 man’s own fault, or by a trade dispute.” 
 
 At Leipsic the institution of insurance against 
 unemployment is on much the same lines, but 
 differing in some details of its rules. “The 
 Leipsic Insurance Office was founded in April, 
 1903, with a guarantee fund of about £5000, 
 provided by benevolent persons, in addition to 
 which it proposed to receive annual subscriptions 
 from members of the public. The town author- 
 ities granted accommodation for the Office rent 
 free for three years. The system adopted was 
 as follows : The right to insure with this Office is 
 confined to men of 16 but not over 60 years of 
 age, who have lived at Leipsic for at least two 
 years ; the general meeting may, however, allow 
 residents in the suburbs of Leipsic to insure.” 
 
 Employers’ Labor Exchanges. — The Col- 
 lieries Union, of colliery owners, in the Rhenish 
 Westphalian coal district, was reported, in 
 October, 1909, to have “decided to institute for 
 the benefit of its members a system of central- 
 ized labour exchanges modelled upon the sys- 
 tem which has existed for many years in the 
 Hamburg iron industry. The principal objects 
 in view are to secure a steady supply of perma- 
 nent labour, to equalize a possible surplus of 
 labour in certain districts and a corresponding 
 deficit in others, and to prevent the habit on 
 the part of miners of applying for employment 
 at several collieries simultaneously. On the 
 other hand, it is hoped that miners will be 
 spared the frequently fruitless search for work.” 
 
 PRAIRIE OIL AND GAS COMPANY. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : United States : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 PREFERENTIAL TRADE: Discussed 
 at the Imperial Conferences of 1902 and 1907 
 in London. See (in this vol.) British Em- 
 pire : A. D. 1902 and 1907. 
 
 PRESS, The: Revived Censorship in 
 
 Russia. See (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 PRESS CONFERENCE, The British 
 Imperial. See (in this vol.) British Empire : 
 A. D. 1909 (June). 
 
 PRETORIA: Peace Negotiations. See (in 
 this vol.) South Africa : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION 
 ACT. See (in this vol.) Crime and Criminol- 
 ogy. 
 
 PREVENTION OF CRIMES ACT, Brit- 
 ish. See (in this vol.) Crime and Criminology. 
 
 PRIMARY, Direct. See Elective Fran- 
 chise: United States. 
 
 PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND: A. D. 
 1901-1902. — Census. — Reduced Represent- 
 ation in Parliament. See (in this vol.) Can- 
 ada: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 PRITCHETT, Henry S. : President of the 
 Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement 
 of Teaching. See (in this vol.) Education: 
 United States: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 515 
 
PRIZE COURT 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PRIZE COURT, Contemplated Interna- 
 tional. See (in this vol.) Waii, Tiie Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1907 (appended to account of 
 Second Peace Conference at The Hague). 
 
 PROBATION SYSTEM, The. See (in 
 this vol.) Chime and Criminology: Proba- 
 tion. 
 
 PROBLEMS OF THE TIME: Of Crime. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Crime and Criminology. 
 
 Of the Intoxicants. See Alcohol, and 
 Opium. 
 
 Of Labor and Capital. See Labor Organi- 
 zation, Labor Protection, and Labor Re- 
 numeration. 
 
 Of Municipal Government. See Municipal 
 
 Government. 
 
 Of Poverty and Unemployment. See Pov- 
 erty. 
 
 Of Race. See Race Problems. 
 
 Of Railway Regulation. See Railways. 
 
 Of the Trusts (so-called). See Combina- 
 tions, Industrial and Commercial. 
 
 Of War and Peace. See (in this vol.) War: 
 Preparations for, and Revolt against. 
 
 Of Wealth. See (in this vol.) Wealth. 
 
 PROFIT-SHARING. See Labor Remu- 
 neration. 
 
 PROGRESISTAS. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907; also Portu- 
 gal: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 PROGRESSIVES. See (in this vol.) 
 South Africa: A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 PROHIBITION. See (in this vol.) Alco- 
 hol Problem. 
 
 PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTA- 
 TION. See (in this vol.) Elective Fran- 
 chise. 
 
 PROTECTION, The New. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Remuneration : The New Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 PROTECTORATES, South African. See 
 
 (in this vol.) South Africa: A. D. 1909. 
 
 PRUSSIA: A. D. 1902. — Measures for 
 Germanizing the Polish Provinces. See (in 
 this vol.) Germany: A. D. 1902 (March-May), 
 and 1908 (Jan.). 
 
 A. D. 1904.- — Denominational Education 
 restored. See Education : Prussia : A. D. 
 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Creation of a Government 
 Bureau of Charities. See Social Better- 
 ment: Prussia. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Defiance of Popular De- 
 mands for Suffrage Reform. See Germany: 
 A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — A Comedy of Election Re- 
 form. See Elective Franchise : Germany: 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Statistics of Population. — 
 Birth Rate and Death Rate. See Germany: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Disappointing Statement by 
 Prince Biilow about Suffrage Reform. — 
 Socialist Successes. — A surprising word 
 from the King. — In January, Prince Billow, 
 as Minister-President of Prussia, made a state- 
 ment about suffrage reform which deeply dis- 
 appointed all friends of that movement. It was 
 therefore expected, when the Diet elections ap- 
 proached in June, that the Prussian people would 
 be awakened by a violent agitation in favor of 
 more liberal election laws, But nothing of the 
 kind happened. The Socialists, indeed, made 
 this their chief issue, and they carried a half- 
 dozen districts, thus securing for the first time 
 a foothold in the Diet ; and the Radicals, too, 
 gave out manhood suffrage as their watchword, 
 but pressed it so feebly as to awaken the sus- 
 picion that their demand was not seriously meant. 
 
 “ Nevertheless, the King’s speech from the 
 throne in October surprised the country by an- 
 nouncing that a reform of the election laws was 
 a fundamental necessity and would be under- 
 taken during the present session. This an- 
 nouncement affected the country-squire element 
 like tapping on a hornet’s nest. The Conserva- 
 tive party immediately gave it to be plainly 
 understood that it would brook no tampering 
 with the election laws, the stronghold of its 
 power.” — W. C. Dreher, The Tear in Germany 
 (Atlantic Monthly , Jan., 1909). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (jan.). — More vigorous Ger- 
 manizing of the Polish Provinces. See (in 
 this vol.) Germany : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1909-1910. — Rejection of proposed 
 Reforms of the Elective Franchise. — The 
 Offensive Bill of the following year. See 
 Elective Franchise : Prussia. 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH. 
 
 America: A. D. 1901-1902. — Proposals of 
 the Second International Conference of 
 American Republics. See (in this vol.) 
 American Republics. 
 
 Army Sanitation: By the Japanese. See 
 
 Japan: A. I). 1904-1905 — at the end. 
 
 Bubonic Plague: In India.- — The bubonic 
 plague, which began to terrorize the eastern 
 world, especially India, in the late years of the 
 last century (see Plague, in Volume VI.), 
 showed signs of abating in India in 1900, but 
 regained virulence in the following years, the 
 mortality from it in all India rising to about 
 560,000 in 1902, exceeding 842,000 in 1903, going 
 beyond a million in 1904, and rising to 1,125,652 
 in the year from October 1, 1904, to September 
 30, 1905. Its worst ravages were in the Presi- 
 dency of Bombay and in the Punjab. In the 
 Bombay Presidency the victims of 1903 num- 
 
 bered 343,904; in the Punjab they counted 
 210,493. See, also, below, under India. 
 
 In the Philippines : How it was stamped 
 out. — Full accounts of the successful cam- 
 paign against bubonic plague in the Philip- 
 pines, in 1900-1902, are given in the annual re- 
 ports of the Philippine Commission. From that 
 source the main facts were summarized in the 
 May number of the National Geographic Maga- 
 zine, 1903, as follows : 
 
 Bubonic plague was discovered at Manila on 
 December 26, 1899, and slowly but steadily in- 
 creased in its ravages up to December, i 901 . 
 “ The deaths in 1900 numbered 199, and in 1901 
 reached a total of 432. The disease was at its 
 worst each year during the hot, dry months of 
 March, April, and May, nearly or quite disap- 
 pearing during September, October, November, 
 and December. . . . 
 
 516 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 “On account of the important part which 
 house rats are known to play in the distribution 
 of bubonic plague, a systematic campaign was 
 inaugurated against these rodents in Manila. 
 Policemen, sanitary inspectors, and specially 
 appointed rat-catchers were furnished with 
 traps and poison, and both traps and poison 
 were distributed to private individuals under 
 proper restrictions. A bounty was paid for all 
 rats turned over to the health authorities, and 
 stations were established at convenient points 
 throughout the city where they could be re- 
 ceived. Each rat was tagged with the street 
 and number of the building or lot from which 
 it came, was dropped into a strong antiseptic 
 solution, and eventually sent to the Biological 
 Laboratory, where it was subjected to a bac- 
 teriological examination for plague. During 
 the first two weeks, 1.8 per cent, of the rats ex- 
 amined were found to be infected. This pro- 
 portion steadily increased, reaching the alarming 
 maximum of 2.3 per cent, in October. At this 
 time numerous rats were found dead of plague 
 in the infected districts, and, in view of the fact 
 that epidemics of plague among the rats of a 
 city in the past have been uniformly followed 
 by epidemics among human beings, the gravest 
 apprehension was felt, the rapid spread of the 
 disease among the rats after the weather had 
 become comparatively dry being a particularly 
 unfavorable symptom. 
 
 “ It was deemed necessary to prepare to deal 
 with a severe epidemic, and a permanent deten- 
 tion camp, capable of accommodating fifteen 
 hundred persons, was accordingly established on 
 the grounds of the San Lazaro Hospital. Hop- 
 ing against hope, the board of health redoubled 
 its efforts to combat the disease. The force of 
 sanitary inspectors was greatly increased, and 
 under the able supervision of Dr. Meacham their 
 •work was brought to a high degree of efficiency. 
 Frequent house-to-house inspections were made 
 in all parts of the city where the disease was 
 known to exist. The sick were removed to the 
 hospital if practicable ; otherwise they were 
 cared for where found and the spread of infec- 
 tion guarded against. 
 
 “ Plague houses were thoroughly disinfected, 
 and their owners were compelled, under the di- 
 rection of the assistant sanitary engineer, to 
 make necessary alterations. Cement ground- 
 floors were laid ; double walls and double ceil- 
 ings, affording a refuge for rats, were removed; 
 defects in plumbing were remedied ; whitewash 
 was liberally used, and, in general, nothing was 
 left undone that could render buildings where 
 plague had occurred safe for human occupancy. 
 Buildings incapable of thorough disinfection 
 and renovation were destroyed. Buildings in 
 which plague rats were taken were treated ex 
 actly as were those where the disease attacked 
 the human occupants. The bacteriological ex- 
 amination of rats enabled the board of health to 
 follow the pest into its most secret haunts and 
 fight it there, and was the most important factor 
 in the winning of the great success which was 
 ultimately achieved. 
 
 “With very few exceptions, there was no re- 
 currence of plague in buildings which had been 
 disinfected and renovated. As center after cen- 
 ter of infection was found and destroyed, the 
 percentage of diseased rats began to decrease, 
 and in January, 1902, when, judging from the 
 
 history of previous years, plague should have 
 again begun to spread among human beings, 
 there was not a single case. In February, one 
 case occurred. In March, there were two cases, 
 as against 63 in March of the preceding year, 
 and before April the disease had completely dis- 
 appeared. This result, brought about at a time 
 when the epidemic would, if unchecked, have 
 reached its height for the year, marked the end 
 of a fight begun by the board of health on the 
 day of its organization and prosecuted unre- 
 mittingly under adverse conditions for seven 
 months, with a degree of success which has not 
 been equaled under similar conditions in the his- 
 tory of bubonic plague. 
 
 “During 1901, plague appeared at several 
 points in the provinces near Manila. Agents 
 of the board of health were promptly dispatched 
 to the infected municipalities, and radical reme- 
 dial measures were adopted, including, in sev- 
 eral instances, the burning of infected build- 
 ings, the result being the complete disappearance 
 of plague in the provinces as well as in Ma- 
 nila.” 
 
 Cancer Research: Mr. Barnato’s Bequest. 
 
 — “ We are reminded to-day that the late Mr. 
 Harry Barnato bequeathed a sum of money 
 amounting to a quarter of a million sterling for 
 the establishment of a charity in memory of 
 his brother, Mr. Barney Barnato, and of his 
 nephew, Mr. Woolf Joel, both of whom died be- 
 fore him. We are now officially informed that 
 the trustees under Mr. Harry Barnato’s will 
 have determined to apply the bequest to the 
 building and endowment of an institution for 
 the reception of cancer patients, and to place its 
 management under the control of the authorities 
 of the Middlesex Hospital, where special wards 
 for cancer patients have long been in operation, 
 and where much has been done in devising 
 means for the alleviation of their sufferings.” — 
 London Times , Aug. 9, 1909. 
 
 Mr. George Crocker, of California, who died 
 in December, 1909, bequeathed a fund amount- 
 ing to about $1,500,000 to Columbia University 
 for the prosecution of researches into the cause, 
 prevention, and cure of cancer. Mr. Crocker, 
 his wife, and his father, Charles Crocker of Cal- 
 ifornia, all died of the disease. Mr. Crocker had 
 given $50,000 to Columbia for the same purpose 
 before his death. Mr. Crocker provided that, 
 should a cure for the disease be discovered, the 
 money should be devoted toother medical inves- 
 tigations, “with a view to preventing and cur- 
 ing diseases and alleviating human suffering.” 
 He stipulated further that no part of the fund 
 should be used for the erection of a building. 
 
 The Committee of One Hundred. — Move- 
 ment for a National Department or Bureau 
 of Health. — A convincing paper read by 
 Professor J. P. Norton, of Yale, before the eco- 
 nomic section of the American Association for the 
 Advancement of Science at its meeting in 1906, 
 on the economic advisability of a national reg- 
 ulation of public health, led to the formation in 
 1907 of the Committee of One Hundred, which 
 has labored since that time to bring about the 
 creation of a Department or a Bureau of Public 
 Health in the Federal administration of Gov- 
 ernment. Under the presidency of Mr. Irving 
 Fisher, and with Mr. Edward T. Devine for its 
 secretary, the Committee, which includes many 
 of the most eminent men and women in the 
 
 517 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 country, has awakened wide interest in the pro- 
 position, enlisting a public support which seems 
 certain to give it success. When the subject 
 came under discussion in the American Associa- 
 tion for the Advancement of Science at its meet- 
 ing of 1908, Professor William H. Welch, the 
 retiring President of the Association, described 
 the existing neglect of health as shameful, and 
 pointed out that, if existing hygienic knowledge 
 were fully applied, the death rate might be cut 
 in two. As examples of what a Federal Health 
 Bureau might do he cited the work of Pasteur 
 and Koch, whose best work was done for the 
 national governments of France and Germany, 
 though the benefits have been shared by all 
 nations. In America we lack even the statistics 
 of disease except in a limited area. 
 
 In his Message to Congress, December 6, 1909, 
 President Taft urged the institution of the pro- 
 posed National Bureau of Health very cogently, 
 in these words: “ For a very considerable period 
 a movement has been gathering strength, espe- 
 cially among the members of the medical profes- 
 sion, in favor of a concentration of the instru- 
 ments of the national government, which have 
 to do with the promotion of public health. In 
 the nature of things, the Medical Department 
 of the army and the Medical Department of the 
 navy must be kept separate. But there seems 
 to be no reason why all the other bureaus and 
 offices in the general government which have to 
 do with the public health or subjects akin thereto 
 should not be united in a bureau to be called 
 the ‘Bureau of Public Health.’ This would ne- 
 cessitate the transfer of the Marine Hospital Ser- 
 vice to such a bureau. I am aware that there 
 is a wide field in respect to the public health 
 committed to the States in which the Federal 
 government cannot exercise jurisdiction, but we 
 have seen in the Agricultural Department the 
 expansion into widest usefulness of a depart- 
 ment giving attention to agriculture when that 
 subject is plainly one over which the States 
 properly exercise direct jurisdiction. The op- 
 portunities offered for useful research and the 
 spread of useful information in regard to the 
 cultivation of the soil and the breeding of stock 
 and the solution of many of the intricate prob- 
 lems in progressive agriculture have demon- 
 strated the wisdom of establishing that depart- 
 ment. Similar reasons, of equal force, can be 
 given for the establishment of a bureau of health 
 that shall not only exercise the police jurisdiction 
 of the Federal government respecting quarantine, 
 but which shall also afford an opportunity for 
 investigation and research by competent experts 
 into questions of health affecting the whole 
 country, or important sections thereof, questions 
 which, in the absence of Federal governmental 
 work, are not likely to be promptly solved.” 
 
 The Hookworm Disease in the United 
 States. — “In the Old World, hookworm dis- 
 ease was probably known to the Egyptians 
 nearly three thousand five hundred years ago, 
 but its cause was not understood until about the 
 middle of the nineteenth century, when it was 
 shown to be due to an intestinal parasite, Agchy- 
 lostoma duodenale. Until 1893 no authentic cases 
 of this disease were recognized as such in the 
 United States, but between 1893 and 1902 about 
 35 cases were diagnosed. In 1902 it was shown 
 that a distinct hookworm, Urinaria americana, 
 infests man in this country, and this indicated 
 
 51 
 
 very strongly that the disease must be present 
 although not generally recognized. It is now 
 established that in addition to the few cases of 
 Old World hookworm disease imported into the 
 United States we have in the South an endemic 
 uncinariasis due to a distinct cause, Undnaria 
 americana. This disease has been known for 
 years in the South and can be traced in medical 
 writings as far back as 1808, but its nature was 
 not understood. Some cases have been con- 
 fused with malaria, others have been attributed 
 to dirt-eating. 
 
 ' ‘ The hookworms are about half an inch long. 
 They live in the small intestine, where they 
 suck blood, produce minute hemorrhages, and 
 in all probability also produce a substance which 
 acts as a poison. They lay eggs which cannot 
 develop to maturity in the intestine. These ova 
 escape with the feces and hatch in about twenty- 
 four hours ; the young worm sheds its skin twice 
 and then is ready to infect man. Infection takes 
 place through the mouth, either by the hands 
 soiled with larvae or by infected food. Infec- 
 tion through the drinking water may possibly 
 occur. Finally, the larvae may enter the body 
 through the skin and eventually reach the 
 small intestine. 
 
 “ Patients may be divided into light cases, in 
 which the symptoms are very obscure ; medium 
 cases, in which the anemia is more or less 
 marked, and severe cases, represented by the 
 dwarfed, edematous, anemic dirt-eater. Infec- 
 tion occurs chiefly in rural sand districts. . . . 
 Economically, uncinariasis is very important. 
 It keeps children from school, decreases capacity 
 for both physical and mental labor, and is one 
 of the most important factors in determining the 
 present condition of the poorer whites of the 
 sand and pine districts of the South. 
 
 “The disease is carried from the farms to the 
 cotton mills by the mill hands, but does not 
 spread much in the mills; nevertheless, it causes 
 a considerable amount of anemia among the 
 operatives.” — Ch. Wardell Stiles, Pli. D., Rep't 
 upon the Prevalence and Geographic Distribution 
 of Hookworm Disease ( Public Health and Ma- 
 rine Hospital Service of the U. S. : Hygienic Lab- 
 oratory , Bulletin No. 10). 
 
 In the autumn of 1909 Mr. John D. Rockefel- 
 ler placed a fund of $1,000,000 under the control 
 of a Commission, to be used for the eradication 
 of the hookworm disease in the United States. 
 The fund is allotted in annual instalments of 
 $200,000 each. 
 
 India: A. D. 1907-1908. — Mortality Sta- 
 tistics and Birth Rate. — According to sta- 
 tistics given in the “Statement Exhibiting the 
 Moral and Material Progress and Condition of 
 India during the year 1907-8,” in most pro- 
 vinces the birth-rates exceeded the death-rates, 
 but in the Punjab the death-rate exceeded the 
 birth-rate by no less than 21.3 per mille, mainly 
 as a result of the persistence of plague and the 
 unusual prevalence of other epidemics. The to- 
 tal number of deaths registered in the Depend- 
 ency was 8,399,623, compared with 7,852,330 
 in 1906. This constituted a rise of the rate from 
 34.73 per mille to 37.18. The mean mortality 
 per 1,000 for the quinquennium ending 1906 
 was 33.96. The rate in the Punjab was no less 
 than 62.1. 
 
 Throughout the country as a whole cholera 
 was responsible for 1.81 deaths per mille, small- 
 
 .8 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 pox for 0.46, fevers for 19.76, dysentery and 
 diarrhoea for 1.25, and plague for 5.16. In the 
 previous year (1906) there was a most welcome 
 decline in the plague death-rate, which fell from 
 4.17 in 1905 to 1.33. But in the year under re- 
 view this malignant disease (which first ap- 
 peared in Bombay in 1896) was responsible for 
 the record number of 1,315,892 deaths. Happily 
 in 1908 there was again a very rapid decline of 
 mortality, and the preliminary figures for the 
 year give a total of less than 150,000 deaths, this 
 being lower than in any year since 1900. The 
 report shows that plague has been curiously 
 partial in its distribution, many parts of the De- 
 pendency having almost entireiy escaped its rav- 
 ages. It is shown that the civil hospitals and 
 dispensaries in India (2,514 in number) treated 
 412,425 indoor and no fewer than 24,469,548 out- 
 door patients. 
 
 Japan: A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — Army Sanita- 
 tion in the War with Russia. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 — at the end. 
 
 Malaria: A Lesson in Practical Hygiene 
 from Italy. — Slowness in using the know- 
 ledge gained. — The following is from a letter 
 by Dr. William Osier to the London Times, 
 dated at Rome, March, 3, 1909: “We owe 
 much to the Italians for their contributions to 
 our knowledge of the cause of malaria. Lav- 
 eran’s great discovery was promptly fathered 
 by Marchiafava and Cell! and Golgi, and it was 
 through their writings that we obtained the 
 fullest details of the nature and structure of the 
 malarial parasite. As an old student of the dis- 
 ease and deeply interested in the practical prob- 
 lems of its prevention, one of my first visits in 
 Rome was to the Laboratories of Pathology and 
 of Hygiene to find out from the Directors, Mar- 
 chiafava and Celli, the progress of the battle. 
 It was not enough to know the cause ; we had to 
 know how it worked before effective measures 
 could be taken, and the demonstration by Ross 
 of the transmission of the disease by the mos- 
 quito at once put malaria on the list of easily 
 preventable infections. Just ten years ago the 
 Italian Society for the Study of Malaria was 
 founded, and I was able to get a full report of 
 the work. 
 
 “In Professor Celli’s lecture-room hangs the 
 mortality chart of Italy for the past 20 years. 
 In 1887 malaria ranked with tuberculosis, pneu- 
 monia, and the intestinal disorders of children 
 as one of the great infections, killing in that 
 year 21,033 persons. The chart shows a gradual 
 reduction in the death-rate, and in 1906 only 
 4,871 persons died of the disease, and in 1907 
 4,160. This remarkable result has been very 
 largely due to the sanitary measures introduced 
 by the society. It has long been known that 
 malaria disappears ‘spontaneously.’ The Fen 
 country is now healthy; parts of Canada, about 
 Lakes Ontario an'd Erie, which were formerly 
 hotbeds of the disease, are now free. This can- 
 not be attributed altogether to cultivation and 
 drainage. I know places on the shores of the 
 lakes just mentioned in which the conditions to- 
 day are identical with those which I remember 
 as a boy. The Desjardin Canal Marsh at the ex- 
 treme western end of Lake Ontario was a well- 
 known focus of the disease. The marsh remains, 
 the mosquitoes are there ; but a case of malaria 
 is almost as rare as in England. The disappear- 
 ance is largely due to the free use of quinine. 
 
 The settlers early recognized the important fact 
 that malaria was a disease liable to recur, and 
 it became a common practice to take Peruvian 
 bark every spring and autumn for a year or two 
 after an attack. This is a point in prophylaxis 
 which the work of the Italian Society has 
 brought into prominence. From the summary 
 of the decennial report just issued, the following 
 paragraphs are of interest: — 
 
 “ ‘The society has improved the prophylaxis 
 of malaria, and has introduced into practice the 
 new mechanical measures based on the defence 
 of the habitation and the individual from the 
 bites of mosquitoes. This being a relatively 
 expensive procedure, the society has occupied 
 itself chiefly with the improvement of the anti- 
 plasmodic prophylaxis — the administration of 
 quinine. For this purpose it has promoted and 
 defended legislation for the gratuitous distribu- 
 tion of quinine to the poor and to all workers in 
 malarial localities. . . . 
 
 “ ‘The results have been that since 1902, when 
 the law on State quinine was promulgated, while 
 the consumption of quinine has been yearly in- 
 creasing, the mortality from malaria has dimin- 
 ished from about 16,000 to about 4,000 yearly ; 
 and in the army, Custom House Offices, and in 
 some communes where the new laws have been 
 better applied, the morbidity from malaria has 
 greatly diminished.’ 
 
 “By these measures, and ‘ by means of the 
 agricultural and agrarian transformation of the 
 land and colonization, rather than by the de- 
 struction of mosquitoes (a thing impossible to 
 be done by us on a large scale),’ Italy may be 
 freed from the scourge.” 
 
 In a lecture at the Royal Institution, London, 
 in May, 1909, Major Ronald Ross, one of the 
 most notable workers in this field of sanitary 
 science, spoke discouragingly of the progress 
 made in applying the knowledge gained. He 
 said: 
 
 “The immediate success hoped for ten years 
 ago had not been attained. The battle still raged 
 along the whole line, but it was no longer a bat- 
 tle against malaria but against human stupidity. 
 Those who had taken part in it had reasoned and 
 been ridiculed ; had given the most stringent 
 experimental proofs and had been disbelieved ; 
 had protested and been called charlatans. . . . 
 The few persons who had fought the fight and 
 failed were scarcely able to continue it, and if 
 no stronger influences could be excited the fu- 
 ture of malaria prevention in British dominions 
 would certainly be as barren as the past had 
 been. ” 
 
 Panama Canal : The Sanitation of the 
 Canal Zone. — Extirpation of Malaria and 
 Yellow Fever. — Report of Secretary Taft. — 
 
 In the fall of 1905 Secretary Taft made a visit 
 of inspection to the Canal, and gave, on his re- 
 turn, an interesting account of the conditions he 
 found, in an address before the St. Louis Com- 
 mercial Club. On the work of Sanitation in 
 progress, under the direction of Dr. W. C. Gor- 
 gas, U. S. A., he gave the following description: 
 “When Judge Magoon [appointed Governor 
 of the Canal Zone] arrived upon the Isthmus, 
 he found Dr. Gorgas battling manfully against 
 the yellow fever, but the cases seemed to be in- 
 creasing. Judge Magoon conceived the idea 
 that the fumigation which had been confined to 
 two or three houses might well be extended to 
 
 519 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 all the houses in Panama, and at considerable 
 expense, and after procuring a large amount of 
 material, every house in Panama was fumigated 
 once every two weeks. To secure increased 
 vigilance and popular assistance he employed 
 all [the respectable Panamanian physicians of 
 Panama as inspectors of the districts of that 
 city, at annual salaries of $1,200 a year. He also 
 offered $50 reward for the discovery of any case 
 of yellow fever not reported. By methods of 
 this kind the native apathy, usually so great 
 an obstacle to successful sanitation in Spanish 
 countries, was neutralized. 
 
 “The plan of fumigation is as follows : Strips 
 of paper are placed across the windows, which 
 ordinarily have no glass or any netting in them, 
 and then by the fumes either of sulphur or py- 
 rethrum every nook and cranny of the house is 
 visited. These gases are fatal or paralyzing to 
 the mosquito. After sufficient time has passed 
 the house is opened, and then a corps of health 
 employees are set to work cleaning the house 
 and sweeping out the dead mosquitoes, which 
 are found in great numbers upon the floors. 
 The mosquitoes are burned to avoid further mis- 
 chief. By these methods, for which Dr. Gorgas 
 and Governor Magoon are both to be credited 
 with great praise, yellow fever has been reduced 
 to a point where during the last month only 
 three cases were reported, not one of these 
 among canal employees, and all originating 
 many miles from the canal line. The efforts to 
 subdue the fever, instead of being relaxed, are 
 being continued. Square miles of woven-wire 
 netting with interstices so small as to prevent 
 the entrance of mosquitoes are spread about the 
 piazzas of the houses of all Americans and for- 
 eigners who come to live under the auspices of 
 the Canal Commission in the Isthmus. The 
 windows inside are also screened, and then mos- 
 quito-bars on the beds are used as a third pre- 
 caution. Whenever a case of yellow fever is 
 discovered, the patient is at once either removed 
 to the hospital and put under a woven-wire 
 screen, or, if he prefers to remain at home, 
 the woven-wire screen is put over him and an 
 orderly placed in charge of him at his own 
 residence. In this way he is prevented from 
 furnishing a supply of the poison to the healthy 
 mosquitoes, who, in turn, by stinging, would 
 bring it back to man. In other words, the plan 
 is to kill all the mosquitoes, well or ill, keep 
 them as much as possible from stinging man, 
 and isolate every man with yellow fever, not 
 from his fellows, but from mosquitoes. . . . 
 Little by little, and facing discouragement after 
 discouragement, the two thousand employees of 
 the sanitary department are winning in this 
 fight against disease, upon which the whole suc- 
 cess of the canal work depends. As Mr. Stevens 
 said to me, when I crossed the Isthmus with him 
 this month, ‘ I take off my hat to the work 
 which the sanitation department has done in this 
 Canal Zone.’ ” 
 
 A report to the London Times, in June, 1909, 
 of conditions on the Canal and in the Canal 
 Zone, shows the effectiveness with which this 
 work of sanitation was done. More arduous 
 than the campaign against yellow fever, says 
 the writer, “was the campaign against malaria, 
 a disease from which 80 per cent, of the people 
 were suffering to some degree. This campaign 
 consisted in warfare against mosquitoes and in 
 
 the administration of quinine, and the efforts in 
 this respect have also been highly successful. 
 In 1906 the proportion of canal employes treated 
 for malaria was no less than 821 in the thou- 
 sand. In 1908 it had fallen to 282 in the thou- 
 sand. The general effect of sanitary measures 
 may best be judged from the death-rate among 
 the tens of thousands of canal employes. In 
 1906 it was 41.73 to the thousand, and in 1908 
 it was only 13.01 to the thousand, making the 
 canal one of the most healthy industrial estab- 
 lishments in the world.” 
 
 Pellagra : Lombroso’s Discovery of its 
 
 Source. — Its now recognized Seriousness. — 
 In 1872 Cesare Lombroso, the noted criminolo- 
 gist, “ incurred a great deal of odium for a dis- 
 covery which proved to be of much scientific 
 and economic importance. He noted the fact 
 that a large number of the inmates of asylums 
 were suffering from pellagra, a curious disease, 
 which first affected the skin and afterwards at- 
 tacked the brain and nervous system. Lombroso 
 discovered that the disorder was to be traced 
 to a poison contained in diseased maize, which 
 the Lombardian landowners were in the habit 
 of doling out to the poor peasantry. At a time 
 when toxins were unknown, Lombroso suc- 
 ceeded in extracting the poison from the maize 
 and infecting animals with it- — quite in the 
 manner of modern bacteriologists. His discovery 
 was received with much derision ; but a friend 
 of Lombroso, M. Alfred Maury, reported the 
 facts to Berthelot, the Parisian chemist, who an- 
 alysed the poison and established the fact that 
 the maize contained an injurious substance re- 
 sembling strychnine but differing from it in im- 
 portant particulars. The validity of Lombroso’s 
 discovery was thus triumphantly established. 
 He was not satisfied with this initial success, 
 but for several years fought on the platform 
 and in the Press for an improvement in the 
 economic conditions of the peasantry whereby 
 the ravages of the disease might be combated.” 
 In late years his work of agitation on the sub- 
 ject has been continued by many others. The 
 disease is of recognized seriousness in Italy, 
 France, and latterly in the United States. In 
 November, 1909, the American Government ap- 
 pointed an official commission to investigate it. 
 
 Pure Food Laws : International Con- 
 
 gresses. — The first International Congress for 
 discussion and action on the subject of Pure 
 Food was assembled at Geneva in i908, and at- 
 tended by about 600 persons. The second was 
 held at Paris in October, 1909, and much more 
 largely attended. 
 
 United States: A. D. 1906 . — Legislation 
 at the end of a long struggle. — Bulletin No. 
 104 of the Bureau of Chemistry, Department of 
 Agriculture, entitled “Food Legislation during 
 the year ended June 30, 1906,” introduces the 
 text of National and State laws enacted that 
 year with the following remarks: “ Food legis- 
 lation for the year ended July 1, 1906, is the 
 most important in the history of the United 
 States. A Federal pure-food bill in various forms 
 lias been before Congress continuously for more 
 than twenty years, and such a bill became a law 
 on June 30, 1906. On the same day, as part 
 of the appropriation bill of the United States 
 Department of Agriculture, in the sections pro- 
 viding for the Bureau of Animal Industry, im- 
 portant legislation was enacted with reference 
 
 520 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 to the inspection of meat and meat food pro- 
 ducts.” 
 
 The Federal Food and Drugs Act of June 30, 
 1906, enacts in its first section “ That it shall be 
 unlawful for any person to manufacture within 
 any Territory or the District of Columbia any 
 article of food or drug which is adulterated or 
 misbranded, within the meaning of this Act; 
 and any person who shall violate any of the pro- 
 visions of this section shall be guilty of misde- 
 meanor, and for each offense shall, upon convic- 
 tion thereof, be fined not to exceed five hundred 
 dollars or shall be sentenced to one year’s impris- 
 onment, or both such fine and imprisonment, in 
 the discretion of the court, and for each subse- 
 quent offense and conviction thereof shall be 
 fined not less than one thousand dollars or sen- 
 tenced to one year’s imprisonment, or both such 
 fine and imprisonment, in the discretion of the 
 court.” 
 
 The second section declares: ‘‘That the in- 
 troduction into any State or Territory or the 
 District of Columbia from any other State or 
 Territory or the District of Columbia, or from 
 any foreign country, or shipment to any foreign 
 country of any article of food or drugs which is 
 adulterated or misbranded within the meaning 
 of this Act, is hereby prohibited” ; and penalties 
 are prescribed for violations of the law, being a 
 fine not exceeding $200 for the first offense, and 
 for the second offense a fine not to exceed $300, 
 or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, 
 in the discretion of the court. 
 
 Section 3 reads as follows : ‘‘That the Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, the Secretary of Agricul- 
 ture, and the Secretary of Commerce and Labor 
 shall make uniform rules and regulations for 
 carrying out the provisions of this Act, includ- 
 ing the collection and examination of speci- 
 mens of foods and drugs manufactured or offered 
 for sale in the District of Columbia, or in any 
 Territory of the United States, or which shall be 
 offered for sale in unbroken packages in any 
 State other than that in which they shall have 
 been respectively manufactured or produced, or 
 which shall be received from any foreign coun- 
 try, or intended for shipment to any foreign 
 country, or which may be submitted for exami- 
 nation by the chief health, food, or drug officer 
 of any State, Territory, or the District of Colum- 
 bia, or at any domestic or foreign port through 
 which such product is offered for interstate 
 commerce, or for export or import between the 
 United States and any foreign port or country.” 
 
 Section 4 prescribes the examination of speci- 
 mens of food and drugs in the Bureau of Chem- 
 istry, and section 5 relates to prosecutions for 
 violation of the Act. Sections 6, 7, and 8 define 
 adulteration and misbranding, as follows : 
 
 “Sec. 6. That the term ‘drug,’ as used in 
 this Act, shall include all medicines and prepa- 
 rations recognized in the United States Phar- 
 macopoeia or National Formulary for internal 
 or external use, and any substance or mixture 
 of substances intended to be used for the cure, 
 mitigation, or prevention of disease of either 
 man or other animals. The term ‘ food,’ as used 
 herein, shall include all articles used for food, 
 drink, confectionery, or condiment by man or 
 other animals, whether simple, mixed, or com- 
 pound. 
 
 “Sec. 7. That for the purposes of this Act 
 an article shall be deemed to be adulterated : 
 
 “ In case of drugs : 
 
 “ First. If, when a drug is sold under or by 
 a name recognized in the United States Phar- 
 macopoeia or National Formulary, it differs 
 from the standard of strength, quality, or pur- 
 ity, as determined by the test laid down in the 
 United States Pharmacopoeia or National For- 
 mulary official at the time of investigation: 
 Provided , That no drug defined in the United 
 States Pharmacopoeia or National Formulary 
 shall be deemed to be adulterated under this 
 provision if the standard of strength, quality, 
 or purity be plainly stated upon the bottle, box, 
 or other container thereof although the standard 
 may differ from that determined by the test laid 
 down in the United States Pharmacopoeia or 
 National Formulary. 
 
 “ Second. If its strength or purity fall below 
 the professed standard or quality under which 
 it is sold. 
 
 “ In the case of confectionery : 
 
 “ If it contain terra alba, barytes, talc, chrome 
 yellow, or other mineral substance or poisonous 
 color or flavor, or other ingredient deleterious 
 or detrimental to health, or any vinous, malt or 
 spirituous liquor or compound or narcotic drug. 
 
 “In the case of food : 
 
 “ First. If any substance has been mixed and 
 packed with it so as to reduce or lower or in- 
 juriously affect its quality or streugth. 
 
 “Second. If any substance has been substi- 
 tuted wholly or in part for the article. 
 
 “Third. If any valuable constituent of the 
 article has been wholly or in part abstracted. 
 
 “Fourth. If it be mixed, colored, powdered, 
 coated, or stained in a manner whereby damage 
 or inferiority is concealed. 
 
 “ Fifth. If it contain any added poisonous or 
 other added deleterious ingredient which may 
 render such article injurious to health: Provided , 
 That when in the preparation of food products 
 for shipment they are preserved by any external 
 application applied in such manner that the pre- 
 servative is necessarily removed mechanically, 
 or by maceration in water, or otherwise, and 
 directions for the removal of said preservative 
 shall be printed on the covering of the package, 
 the provisions of this Act shall be construed as 
 applying only when said products are ready for 
 consumption. 
 
 “ Sixth. If it consists in whole or in part of a 
 filthy, decomposed, or putrid animal or vegeta- 
 ble substance, or any portion of an animal unfit 
 for food, whether manufactured or not, or if it is 
 the product of a diseased animal, or one that has 
 died otherwise than by slaughter. 
 
 “ Sec. 8. That the term ‘misbranded,’ as used 
 herein, shall apply to all drugs, or articles of 
 food, or articles whicli enter into the composi- 
 tion of food, the package or label of which shall 
 bear any statement, design, or device regarding 
 such article, or the ingredients or substances 
 contained therein which shall be false or mis- 
 leading in any particular, and to any food or 
 drug product which is falsely branded as to the 
 State, Territory, or country in which it is manu- 
 factured or produced. 
 
 “ That for the purposes of this Act an article 
 shall also be deemed to be misbranded : 
 
 “In case of drugs : 
 
 “ First. If it be an imitation of or offered for 
 sale under the name of another article. 
 
 “Second. If the contents of the package as 
 
 521 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 originally put up shall have been removed, in 
 whole or in part, and other contents shall have 
 been placed in such package, or if the package 
 fail to bear a statement on the label of the 
 quantity or proportion of any alcohol, mor- 
 phine, opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta 
 eucaine, chloroform, cannabis indica, chloral 
 hydrate, or acetanilide, or any derivative or 
 preparation of any of such substances contained 
 therein. 
 
 “In the case of food: 
 
 “ First. If it be an imitation of or offered for 
 sale under the distinctive name of another ar- 
 ticle. 
 
 “Second. If it be labeled or branded so as to 
 deceive or mislead the purchaser, or purport to 
 be a foreign product when not so, or if the con- 
 tents of the package as originally put up shall 
 have been removed in whole or in part and other 
 contents shall have been placed in such package, 
 or if it fail to bear a statement on the label of 
 the quantity or proportion of any morphine, 
 opium, cocaine, heroin, alpha or beta eucaine, 
 chloroform, cannabis indica, chloral hydrate, 
 or acetanilide, or any derivative or preparation 
 of any of such substances contained therein. 
 
 “Third. If in package form, and the contents 
 are stated in terms of weight or measure, they 
 are not plainly and correctly stated on the out- 
 side of the package. 
 
 “ Fourth. If the package containing it or its 
 label shall bear any statement, design, or device 
 regarding the ingredients or the substances 
 contained therein, which statement, design, or 
 device shall be false or misleading in any par- 
 ticular: Provided, That an article of food which 
 does not contain any added poisonous or delete- 
 rious ingredients shall not be deemed to be 
 adulterated or misbranded in the following 
 cases : 
 
 “ First. In the case of mixtures or compounds 
 which may be now or from time to time hereafter 
 known as articles of food, under their own dis- 
 tinctive names, and not an imitation of or offered 
 for sale under the distinctive name of another 
 article, if the name be accompanied on the same 
 label or brand with a statement of the place 
 where said article has been manufactured or 
 produced. 
 
 “Second. In the case of articles labeled, 
 branded, or tagged so as to plainly indicate that 
 they are compounds, imitations, or blends, and 
 the word ‘ compound,’ ‘ imitation,’ or ‘ blend,’ as 
 the case may be, is plainly stated on the pack- 
 age in which it is offered for sale : Provided, 
 That the term blend as used herein shall be 
 construed to mean a mixture of like substances, 
 not excluding harmless coloring or flavoring 
 ingredients used for the purpose of coloring 
 and flavoring only : And provided further. That 
 nothing iu this Act shall be construed as re- 
 quiring or compelling proprietors or manufac- 
 turers of proprietary foods which contain no 
 unwholesome added ingredient to disclose their 
 trade formulas, except in so far as the provi- 
 sions of this Act may require to secure free- 
 dom from adulteration or misbranding.” 
 
 There was never a harder fight in Congress 
 than that by which this victory was won, over 
 knaveries that, were not ashamed to insist on 
 their right to swindle and poison the public by 
 adulterations and frauds. Nothing but a thor- 
 oughly roused public feeling carried the mea 
 
 sure through. The same feeling impelled local 
 legislation to the same end in thirty-two States, 
 during 1906, and 1907, all of which is set forth 
 in the Bulletin cited above and in another of 
 the same series (No. 112), published in two 
 parts in the following year. 
 
 Writing in January, 1908, of what the Pure 
 Food Law had accomplished, the Chairman of 
 the Food Committee of the National Consumers 
 League, Alice Lakey, said: “One of the most 
 important results of the Pure Food Law is the 
 awakening of many consumers to their respon- 
 sibilities as buyers of food products. They are 
 studying labels and buying foods accordingly. 
 With an intelligent consuming public to pur- 
 chase goods, the Pure Food Law will in time 
 accomplish its full purpose. Perhaps no better 
 phrase will then be found to describe it than 
 the recent utterance of the manager of one of 
 the most important food firms in the country. 
 ‘The Pure Food Law,’ he said, ‘passed by this 
 Government, is the most important law ever 
 passed by any government.’” 
 
 United States: A. D. 1906. — The Pack- 
 ing-House Investigation. — One of the influ- 
 ences which forced the passage through Con- 
 gress of the pure food legislation of 1906 came 
 from the revelations in a report laid before 
 the President on the 4tli of June that year, by 
 two commissioners whom he had appointed to 
 investigate the conditions existing at the stock- 
 yards and packing-houses of Chicago. In com- 
 municating the report to Congress the President 
 characterized its disclosures as revolting, and 
 it is certain that the whole public was sickened 
 by the pictures it drew of reckless filthiness 
 prevailing in the establishments where meats 
 were prepared for sale in the markets of the 
 country and of the world. We shall not at- 
 tempt to reproduce them here. 
 
 The most important part of the report con- 
 cerned the existing methods of official inspec- 
 tion of meats. The commissioners found it 
 most rigorous where it is needed least, namely, 
 at the time of killing. It was while the meat 
 was being handled, and especially in its prepa- 
 ration for canning, that it underwent the most 
 pollution. The cans which received it finally 
 were allowed to bear labels stating that ‘ ‘ the 
 contents of this package have been inspected 
 according to the Act of Congress of March 3, 
 1891. Quality Guaranteed.” As a matter of 
 fact, all that had been inspected was the carcass 
 of the animal at the time of killing. 
 
 The further legislation, respecting inspec- 
 tions, which supplemented the law quoted from 
 above, was resisted with all their power by the 
 enormously rich meat-packing companies of the 
 country, who found strong supporters in Con- 
 gress, but they had to submit to defeat. 
 
 The Sleeping Sickness in Africa. — “The 
 most formidable enemy of both man and beast 
 in tropical Africa is the tsetse, species Olossina, 
 a genus of blood-sucking fly peculiar to that 
 land, which carries a minute parasite, the try- 
 panosome, from the infected to the healthy, re- 
 sulting in the production of sleeping sickness, 
 or trypanosomiasis. When it is known that iu 
 the region lying around Victoria Nyanza, Lake 
 Tanganyika, and the Victorian Nile over 400,- 
 000 human beings have succumbed to this fatal 
 malady since it appeared about ten years ago, 
 its appalling nature is apparent. Vast ternto- 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 lies of thickly populated, fertile country near 
 the shores of these lakes, until the advent of 
 this terrible plague the homes of a happy, con- 
 tented people, are now almost depopulated, and 
 thousands of little villages have been swept 
 away, their inhabitants victims of this deadly 
 pest. 
 
 ‘ ‘ In appearance the tsetse fly bears a remark- 
 able resemblance to the ordinary house-fly, but 
 is sliglitly larger, with longer wings, which ex- 
 tend beyond its body and lap each other when 
 at rest like the blades of a pair of scissors. It 
 is somber gray, nearly black in color, almost 
 like the honey-bee, and has a prominent pro- 
 boscis ensheathed in the palpi which project 
 horizontally in front of its head. The abdomen 
 is marked by four distinct yellowish bands, 
 with a pale spot over the upper segment. It is 
 wonderfully active, and evades every attempt 
 at capture except in the cool of the morning or 
 evening, when its movements are sluggish and 
 it can be caught in the hand. . . . 
 
 “ Sleeping sickness has been known in Sierra 
 Leone, in the Congo, and on the west coast 
 of Africa since the earliest history of those 
 lands. In 1870 a fossil tsetse fly ( Glossina mor- 
 sitans) was discovered in Colorado, and the 
 theory has been advanced that the absence of 
 wild horses on the American continent was due 
 to the ravages of the disease carried by these 
 flies. 
 
 “ The malady was described as early as 1803, 
 and later most accurately by Livingstone, the 
 great missionary explorer. He also advocated 
 arsenic in its treatment. This remedy, after 
 half a century of research and investigation, 
 still retains its place as the best one known for 
 prolonging life. . . . 
 
 “The period of the incubation of the disease 
 after the bite of the infected fly varies from a 
 month to several years, depending upon the re- 
 sisting power of the patient. In its earlier stages 
 the first noticeable symptoms are irregular fever. 
 
 . . . This stage may continue a year, or even 
 longer. 
 
 “In the following stage the symptoms are 
 due to the trypanosomes reaching the cerebro- 
 spinal fluid, giving rise to cerebral manifesta- 
 tions; drowsiness, stupor, dullness of hearing, 
 slowness in perception and of answering ques- 
 tions, with incapacity for mental exertion, and 
 somnolence, the patient sometimes sleeping the 
 entire day. This condition may continue sev- 
 eral years, during which time epileptiform con- 
 vulsions develop, with marked tremulousness 
 of the muscles of the face and tongue, the pa- 
 tient becoming maniacal and the whole symp- 
 tomatology resembling that of general paresis 
 of the insane. . . . 
 
 “ Previous to 1901 sleeping sickness was un- 
 known in Uganda. How the present epidemic 
 originated is not positively known. The most 
 generally accepted theory is that the soldiers of 
 Emin Pasha and their followers introduced it, 
 as some ten thousand of them settled in Busoga 
 after the Sudan campaign. . . . 
 
 “The duration of the sleeping sickness in 
 man is very variable. Occasionally cases linger 
 six or even eight years, and until the expiration 
 of this period they are constant foci of infec- 
 tion. 
 
 “ Recognizing the fatal nature of the disease, 
 the various nations whose territories are most 
 
 seriously affected, notably England, Germany, 
 Portugal, Prance, and Belgium, appointed com- 
 missioners, with competent assistants, to ascer- 
 tain methods for its control. The enormous 
 amount of investigation and research accom- 
 plished by these self-sacrificing men, among 
 whom may be mentioned Bruce, Koch, Hodges, 
 Broden, Tullock, Kopke, Martin, Hardy, and 
 Kleine, two of whom forfeited their lives in the 
 work, entitles their names to be enrolled among 
 the benefactors of mankind.” — Louis L. Sea- 
 man, The Sleeping Sickness ( The Outlook, Jan. 
 15, 1909). 
 
 Tuberculosis: The Organized Warfare for 
 its Eradication. — After the discovery of the 
 all important fact that the most destroying of 
 the diseases of the human race, tuberculosis (the 
 dread “consumption” of the older-fashioned 
 nomenclature of pathology), is in its nature one 
 so propagated from victim to victim that the 
 propagation is needless, and may absolutely be 
 ended by right precautions universally applied, 
 there were ardent workers soon engaged in 
 eager efforts to bring such measures into use. 
 The beginning of a hopefully inspired warfare 
 against the disease dates, therefore, from the 
 identification of the bacillus of tuberculosis by 
 Dr. Robert Koch, in 1882; but, for nearly two 
 decades after that inspiration it was little more 
 than a guerrilla undertaking, by scientifically 
 benevolent individuals and groups, here and 
 there in the world. It was not until the latest 
 years of the nineteenth century and the earliest 
 of the twentieth that more public risings ap- 
 peared in the movement, and it began to ac- 
 quire the momentum of a crusade. 
 
 Germany appears to have been earliest in 
 the fundamental organization of measures to 
 instruct its people in the nature of the disease, 
 and in the means by which it may be stamped 
 out ; as well as in the provision of special sana- 
 toria and hospitals for the new open-air treat- 
 ment of those attacked. But the Health De- 
 partment of the City of New York has the 
 credit of being the first official body to bring 
 the disease under efficient administrative control. 
 On this subject Dr. Hermann M. Biggs, in 
 an address delivered, February 16, 1904, under 
 the auspices of the Henry Phipps Institute and 
 published in the first annual report of the In- 
 stitute, said; 
 
 “Notwithstanding all that has been said and 
 written, notwithstanding the popular education 
 and agitation, notwithstanding the formation 
 of antituberculosis societies and anti tuberculosis 
 leagues, notwithstanding the organization of 
 many associations for the erection of sanitoria, 
 and the foundation of institutions for the study 
 of tuberculosis, notwithstanding the measures 
 adopted for the prevention of the disease in ani- 
 mals, still only a very small percentage of the 
 governmental, municipal and state sanitary 
 authorities of this country, Great Britain and 
 the Continent have adopted provisions which 
 can be regarded as in anyway comprehensive, 
 or effective in dealing with this disease. 
 
 “If we seek for an adequate explanation for 
 this attitude, it is not, after all, difficult to find. 
 In speaking of this matter several years ago, 
 Koch said in substance to the writer : ‘ The 
 adoption in Germany of such measures as are 
 already in force in New York City will not be 
 possible until the generation of medical men 
 
 523 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 now in control have passed away. Not until a 
 younger generation has appeared, which has 
 had a different scientific training, and holds 
 views more in harmony with the known facts 
 regarding the etiology of tuberculosis, will it be 
 possible in my opinion to bring about an intelli- 
 gent supervision of this disease. . . . Notifica- 
 tion is a necessary preliminary to any plan of 
 supervision, and yet only five years ago a special 
 commission of the Academy of Medicine of Paris 
 reported against a proposition to place tuber- 
 culosis in the class of notifiable diseases. . . . 
 Sir Richard Thorne, the Medical Officer to the 
 Local Government Board of Great Britain, in 
 the Harben lecture in 1898 on ‘ The Administra- 
 tive Control of Tuberculosis,’ after a careful 
 consideration of the various problems presented 
 under the English law relating to infectious 
 diseases, pronounced definitely against this pro- 
 position, on the ground that the hardship to the 
 individual, which would follow notification and 
 the enforcement of proper regulations, would 
 be so great as to render this measure unjustifi- 
 able. . . . The compulsory notification and 
 registration of all cases is essential. The funda- 
 mental importance of this measure is so evident 
 that its consideration seems hardly necessary. 
 It must of course appear at once that unless 
 there is a system of compulsory notification, and 
 registration, the enforcement of any uniform 
 measures for prevention is impossible. Practical 
 experience with this procedure has made it per- 
 fectly clear that the objections which have been 
 urged against it are without force or founda- 
 tion. 
 
 “In New York City in 1893 a system of par- 
 tially voluntary and partially compulsory noti- 
 fication was adopted. Public institutions were 
 required to report cases coming under their 
 supervision ; private physicians were requested 
 to do this. Under this provision the Department 
 of Health carried on this work for three and a 
 half years, and then adopted in 1897 regulations 
 requiring the notification of all cases. . . . The 
 mere fact of notification and registration has in 
 itself a very powerful educational influence. 
 During the year 1902 more than sixteen thou- 
 sand cases were reported to the Depart ment of 
 Health in New York City, of which forty-two 
 hundred were duplicates, and in 1903 more than 
 seventeen thousand cases were reported. 
 
 “ To facilitate the early and definite diagnosis 
 of all cases of pulmonary tuberculosis, the sani- 
 tary authorities should afford facilities for the 
 free bacteriological examination of the sputum 
 in all instances of suspected disease. . . . The 
 Department of Health of New York City pro- 
 vided facilities for such examinations in 1894, 
 early in the history of its attempt to exercise 
 control over the disease, and this procedure has 
 proved of very great value to the medical pro- 
 fession, to the sick, and to the authorities. Fol- 
 lowing the example of New York City, other 
 sanitary authorities have adopted similar mea- 
 sures.” — H. M. Biggs, The Administrative Con- 
 trol of Tuberculosis (First Annual Report, Henry 
 Phipps Institute, 1905). 
 
 In 1895 a Central Committee was organized 
 in Germany to establish special hospitals for the 
 disease. 
 
 In 1898 the first National Congress for discus- 
 sion and better organization of action relative 
 to tuberculosis was held at Paris, with some 
 
 attendance from outside of France. The second 
 National Congress was at Berlin in the follow- 
 ing year, with similar attendance from other 
 countries, and the third at Naples in 1900. At 
 the Naples Congress a “Central International 
 Committee for the Prevention of Tuberculosis” 
 was organized, and it held its first Conference 
 in Berlin, under the auspices of the Central 
 German Committee, in 1902. The succeeding 
 meetings of the Central International Commit- 
 tee were at Paris, 1903, at Copenhagen, 1904, at 
 Paris again, 1904, and there, at that time, the 
 First International Congress on Tuberculosis 
 was held. 
 
 In 1901 the first National Congress in Great 
 Britain for the discussion of Tuberculosis and 
 for organizing preventive undertakings was 
 held at London. There were said to be then 
 fifty sanitaria for its treatment in Germany ; in 
 France a dozen private and two public institu- 
 tions for the purpose; in France and Belgium a 
 number of public dispensaries specially pro- 
 vided for the disease. In that year the State of 
 New York made its first appropriation for a 
 Tuberculosis Hospital in the Adirondacks, and 
 a National Sanitarium Association at Toronto, 
 Canada, secured the site for a hospital. 
 
 In 1902, at the annual meeting of the Canada 
 Association for the Prevention of Tuberculosis, 
 held at Ottawa, Dr. A. S. Knopf, of New York, 
 speaking of the progress of the anti-tuberculo- 
 sis movement, said of the United States: “We 
 have but a few small societies striving to do the 
 same work you are doing. They are the Penn- 
 sylvania, the Colorado, the Ohio, the Maine, 
 the Minnesota and the Illinois.” Besides these 
 State Associations the speaker mentioned a few 
 cities, — Baltimore, Buffalo and Erie County, 
 Cleveland, and St. Louis, — as having some or- 
 ganization for the work. No national organi- 
 zation had yet been formed. In this year, how- 
 ever, some advances of importance within the 
 United States were begun. Henry Phipps, of 
 New York, pledged the means for supporting 
 a free Clinic for Tuberculosis at Philadelphia, 
 which expanded within a year into the Henry 
 Phipps Institute, founded on the 1st of Feb- 
 ruary and incorporated September 1st, 1903, the 
 purposes of which, as set forth in its charter, 
 are : ‘ ‘ The study of the cause, treatment, and 
 prevention of tuberculosis, and the dissemina- 
 tion of knowledge on these subjects ; the treat- 
 ment and the cure of consumptives” ; its ben- 
 efits to be “administered without regard to 
 race, creed or color.” In this year, too, an active 
 educational work, by weekly free lectures in 
 the Assembly Hall of the United Charities 
 Building, by distributing pamphlets, district 
 nursing, etc., was opened in the City of New 
 York and conducted by a Committee for the 
 Prevention of Tuberculosis. Massachusetts was 
 now appropriating money for its second sanato- 
 rium. In Great Britain, Sir Edward Cassell 
 placed £200,000 at the disposal of the King for 
 Tuberculosis hospitals and Sanatoria. 
 
 The year 1903 witnessed an important meet- 
 ing at Paris of the Central International Tuber- 
 culosis Committee, which was stirred by an 
 appeal from Casimir-Perier, ex-President of 
 France, for “a mobilization of all social forces” 
 against the devastating disease. The Govern- 
 ment of Sweden instituted a free distribution 
 of pamphlets on the subject of Tuberculosis 
 
 524 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 throughout the kingdom. In Great Britain a 
 national committee, representing all important 
 friendly societies and trade unions, was formed 
 to promote the establishing of sanatoria for 
 workers. In Belgium, Madame Rene Gauge 
 started the movement for Open Air Schools. 
 At Baltimore a Tuberculosis Exhibition which 
 awakened wide interest was arranged by a 
 Commission appointed by the Governor of 
 Maryland in the previous year, in cooperation 
 with the Maryland Public Health Association. 
 State and City organizations for dealing with 
 the disease and for educating the people to a 
 right understanding of the means by which it 
 might be stamped out were now multiplying 
 rapidly throughout the United States. 
 
 In 1904 the United States obtained their first 
 comprehensive organization for the work. The 
 National Association for Study and Prevention 
 of Tuberculosis was formed at a large meeting 
 at Atlantic City in June, with Dr. Edward Tru- 
 deau of Saranac, founder of the Saranac cot- 
 tage sanatoria and pioneer in America of the 
 open air treatment of the disease, for its Presi- 
 dent, and Drs. William Osier, of Baltimore, and 
 Hermann M. Biggs for Vice Presidents. In 
 Boston, that year, no less than eighty-one free 
 lectures on Tuberculosis were given in schools, 
 churches, social settlements, before trade 
 unions and clubs, under the auspices of the 
 Boston Association, and 70,000 instructive leaf- 
 lets were distributed. In France a special So- 
 ciety for the Protection of Children from Tu- 
 berculosis was formed. The Garment : makers 
 Union and the Typographical Union of New 
 York entered jointly into undertakings of edu- 
 cational work among their members, and the 
 Central Federated Union was soon enlisted 
 with them. A Directory of Institutions and 
 Societies dealing with Tuberculosis in the 
 United States, published in January, 1905, de- 
 scribed 125 then existing hospitals and sana- 
 toria in which consumptives may receive treat- 
 ment, and 32 special dispensaries; recounting, 
 also, special measures for the treatment of the 
 disease in penal institutions and hospitals for 
 the insane. 
 
 The most important campaign of 1905 in the 
 crusade, within the American field, w r as proba- 
 bly that connected with the great Tuberculosis 
 Exposition in New York City, prepared and 
 conducted by the National Association, in co- 
 operation with the Committee of the New York 
 Charity Organization Society. New York 
 City, in this year, appropriated $250,000 for a 
 Municipal Tuberculosis Hospital, located in the 
 Catskill Mountains. 
 
 In 1906 a duplication of the Tuberculosis 
 Exposition of the previous December in New 
 York was carried, as a travelling exhibit, to dif- 
 ferent parts of the city, with impressive effect; 
 and similar exhibits were given in eleven cities 
 of the United States. It was reported in this 
 year that about fifty local commissions and as- 
 sociations were actively in operation in the 
 United States; and that the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor, as well as the American Federa- 
 tion of Women’s Clubs, were enlisted with ear- 
 nestness in the work. The Fifth International 
 Conference was held this year at The Hague. 
 
 From this time the public awakening to re- 
 cognition of the measureless importance and the 
 inspiring hopefulness of the struggle to ex- 
 
 tinguish the deadly “white plague” spread 
 rapidly everywhere, and each year made in- 
 creasing records of gains in the work and its 
 effects. Fourteen of the American States were 
 reported in 1907 as having founded State hos- 
 pitals for the disease, supported from public 
 funds, while measures were in progress to that 
 end in a number of other States. 
 
 In 1908 a most powerful impulse to the cru- 
 sade in America was imparted by the meeting 
 at Washington, that year, of the International 
 Congress on Tuberculosis, with a large attend- 
 ance of the most distinguished captains of the 
 warfare from abroad. The local interest aroused 
 was beyond expectation. As one writer de- 
 scribed the meetings of the seven sections of the 
 Congress, from September 28 to October 3, 
 “ scientists of international reputation and doc- 
 tors from country villages, clubwomen, archi- 
 tects, social workers, manufacturers, teachers, 
 labor men, Socialists, literary men, lawyers and 
 lawmakers, society women, and the clergy, 
 were all there, not only to listen, but to take 
 part.” 
 
 The subjects which received the most dis- 
 cussion at the Congress were the compulsory 
 notification of pulmonary tuberculosis, the coop- 
 eration between official and non-official agen- 
 cies for the prevention of the disease, the rela- 
 tionship between dispensaries, sanatoria, and 
 hospitals for advanced cases, and the difference 
 between the human and the bovine types of the 
 bacillus. On this latter subject Dr. Koch, who 
 was present, maintained his belief that bovine 
 tuberculosis is not communicable to mankind, 
 but failed to convince the majority of the scien- 
 tists present. The British delegates to the Con- 
 gress in their subsequent report of it, published 
 in April, 1909, attached particular importance 
 to the discussions on the subject of the compul- 
 sory notification of cases of tuberculosis, and 
 pointed out that in New York the notifications 
 were shown to be four times as numerous as 
 the deaths, which indicated a more complete 
 system than any yet operative in Great Britain. 
 It appeared from their report, however, that, 
 since the Washington meeting, the system of 
 voluntary notification already practised in many 
 parts of England had been extended by order 
 of the Local Government Board, and rendered 
 compulsory in the case of all patients suffering 
 from pulmonary tuberculosis, who came under 
 the official care of a parochial medical officer. 
 
 Statistics quoted in the New York Evening 
 Post of May 8, 1909, from the Imperial Gazette, 
 show that in recent years there has been a steady 
 decrease in the number of deaths in Germany 
 from tuberculosis, and especially from tuber- 
 culosis of the lungs. The figures are based 
 upon the monthly reports of deaths in 350 of the 
 largest centres of population in the empire, and 
 upon annual reports as to the causes of deaths 
 from nearly all districts, as supplied to the Im- 
 perial Board of Health. The average of deaths 
 per 100,000 in 1905 was 226.6. In 1908 the av- 
 erage had fallen to 192.15. For the rural and 
 urban population combined statistics are forth- 
 coming for 97 per cent, of the total population, 
 divided into two classes — persons below the age 
 of fifteen, and persons between fifteen and sixty. 
 In the latter class the average number of deaths 
 annually between 1898 and 1902 from tubercu- 
 losis in all forms was 268.5, and from tubercu- 
 
 525 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 losis of the lungs, 255.7 per 100,000. During 
 the period 1903-1907 the annual averages de- 
 creased to 242.8 and 228.8 per 100,000, respect- 
 ively. The figures, however, for tuberculosis 
 of all kinds among children between the ages of 
 one year and fifteen show an average annual 
 increase in deaths per 100,000 from 77.9 during 
 the period 1898-1902 to 81.1 during the period 
 1903-1907. Yet during the latter period of five 
 years the actual number of deaths among chil- 
 dren has gradually decreased from 16,250 in 
 1905 to 14,283 in 1907. For the two classes to- 
 gether the annual average of deaths per 100,000 
 was as follows: From 1898-1902 — from tuber- 
 culosis in all forms, 214.1, and from tuberculosis 
 of the lungs 195.2; from 1903-1907 — from 
 tubercidosis in all forms 197.8, and from tuber- 
 culosis of the lungs 174.2. 
 
 According to a bulletin published in October, 
 1909, by Cressy L. Wilbur, Chief Statistician of 
 the division of Vital Statistics in the United 
 States Census Bureau, the warfare against 
 tuberculosis has begun to show general effects 
 in the Uuited States. The statistics given are 
 based on the annual returns of deaths from the 
 death-registration areas of the country, which 
 are far from comprehending the whole. The total 
 number of deaths from all forms of tuberculosis 
 returned in 1908 was 78,289, exceeding those of 
 any previous year of registration, but the death 
 rate per 100,000 for 1908 is considerably less 
 than that for 1907. In all registration States the 
 death from tuberculosis showed a decline, ex- 
 cept in Colorado, Rhode Island, and Vermont. 
 
 A Press despatch from Washington, August 9, 
 
 1909, announced that “ a plan for the organiza- 
 tion of negro anti-tuberculosis leagues in the 
 various States, proposed recently by the United 
 States Public Health and Marine Hospital Ser- 
 vice, has met with a quick response. Already 
 five State organizations have been formed, and 
 the movement has received the endorsement of 
 the last conference of the State and Territorial 
 boards of health. State leagues have been 
 formed in Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North 
 Carolina, and Virginia. One of the principal 
 features of the plan is the issuance of a large 
 certificate of membership to each supporter of 
 the movement. Branches of the State leagues 
 are to be established in the various negro 
 churches.” 
 
 In July, 1909, the Metropolitan Life Insurance 
 Company made application to the New York 
 State Insurance Department for permission to 
 purchase a tract of land, 3000 acres or more, and 
 erect thereon a sanatorium for the treatment of 
 its employees, and possibly of its policy-holders 
 who suffered from tuberculosis. The company 
 was said to have ascertained that among the 
 holders of its 9,000,000 policies there occurred, 
 on the average, a death every thirty-two minutes 
 from tuberculosis, and that, regarded wholly 
 from the economic standpoint, it would be more 
 than justified in applying its funds to such a 
 measure for saving or prolonging life in that 
 body of people. The Superintendent of Insur- 
 ance was unable, however, to find any warrant 
 in law for authorizing the undertaking, and felt 
 required to deny the application. The company 
 appealed from his decision to the courts, and the 
 Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of the 
 State handed down a decision early in January, 
 
 1910, declaring the plan to purchase real estate 
 
 to be used as a hospital for the care and treat- 
 ment of its employees who are afflicted with tu- 
 berculosis does not violate that provision of the 
 law which prohibits insurance companies from 
 acquiring real estate for any purpose other than 
 that of the transaction of their own business. 
 “ The court passes lightly over the question of 
 the possibility of the hospital being used, in case 
 vacancies exist in it, for the accommodation of 
 selected cases from among the policy-holders. 
 This possibility, it seems, had been indicated in 
 the original petition, but ‘ the briefs of counsel 
 upon either side,’ says the court, ‘have practi- 
 cally eliminated that question.’ In such a use 
 of the hospital there might be serious question 
 of a precedent that would be open to grave ob- 
 jection.” 
 
 Gifts to the amount of $700,000 for the estab- 
 lishment of a tuberculosis preventorium for 
 children were announced from New York, 
 through the Associated Press, Nov. 9, 1909. 
 The further statement was made that, “in con- 
 nection with the tuberculosis preventorium a 
 movement has been organized which purposes 
 to take from New York tenements children who 
 have been affected with tuberculosis and restore 
 them to normal health before it is too late. 
 The plan was formally organized at a meeting 
 this afternoon in the Fifth avenue residence of 
 Henry Phipps. A contribution to the work by 
 Nathan Straus includes a $500,000 cottage and 
 estate at Lakewood, N. J., occupied by the late 
 Grover Cleveland just before his death. There 
 the new institution will have its home. Miss 
 Dorothy Whitney contributed a $100,000 endow- 
 ment fund.” 
 
 Yellow Fever: Eradication in Cuba, at 
 Rio Janeiro, and in French Western Africa. 
 
 — “Three signal victories have been gained 
 over yellow fever during these later years — in 
 Cuba, in Brazil, and in Dakar, in West Africa. 
 The first is the most memorable of these events. 
 It is the purification of the endemic center at 
 Habana. This occurred in 1901, during the 
 United States occupation. The daily press in 
 countless articles has spread the details. We 
 know that Brig. Gen. Leonard Wood, governor 
 of Habana, decreed one fine day that the plague 
 should be wiped out and the mosquitoes de- 
 stroyed throughout the entire city of Habana 
 and its suburbs, and we know that it was 
 done. . . . 
 
 “The theory was that the mosquito is the 
 sole disseminator of the disease. This is pre- 
 cisely what the United States commission, ap- 
 pointed the year before, had just proven. It 
 had shown that all the other supposed cases of 
 contagion were imaginary. . . . 
 
 “The yellow fever Stegomya does not breed 
 in swamps. It has not the habits of the Ano- 
 phele of the marsh, the malaria mosquito. It 
 does not live like that one, in the open country, 
 but dwells in houses. It is a domestic insect. 
 It stays at home, is wary, and is sensitive to the 
 weather. Like many other mosquitoes, it never 
 goes more than 500 or 600 yards away from its 
 breeding place and journeys only when its home 
 
 — a vessel or a carriage — journeys. There is 
 no need to fear that the insect may be carried 
 far by the wind, for it dreads the wind. It 
 does not trust itself outdoors when there is the 
 slightest breeze. The problem is thus simpli- 
 fied. It is no longer a question of protecting 
 
 526 
 
PUBLIC HEALTH 
 
 PUBLIC UTILITIES 
 
 immense areas. It is enough to protect the 
 house and its immediate environs — the city and 
 a limited surrounding zone. Still it would be 
 useless to capture the insect on the wing or at 
 rest. It is permitted to complete its short life, 
 hut is not allowed to have offspring . The fe- 
 male is prevented from laying its eggs. This 
 is accomplished by draining stagnant water left 
 in so many gardens aud household utensils 
 where the mosquito seeks a breeding place. 
 Hence the efficacy of the measures which for- 
 bade the people of Ilabana from keeping water 
 in any other way than in covered receptacles or 
 with a coat of oil or petroleum on top. 
 
 “ The success of the measures taken by the 
 American physicians, Gorgas, Finlay, and Gui- 
 teras, in Habana, was complete. Yellow fever 
 has disappeared from there. On April 4, 1904, 
 the President of the Republic of Cuba, in his 
 message to the Congress, spoke thus: 
 
 “ ‘There has not been in Cuba since 1901 a 
 single case of yellow fever not imported. The 
 
 country should know of this excellent sanitary 
 condition, which is due to the perfection of 
 prophylactic measures aud the vigilance of the 
 health authorities.’ 
 
 “ Events happened in the same way in Brazil. 
 Dr. Oswald Cruz, in charge of the organization 
 of the campaign against yellow fever, with 
 equal success repeated at Rio de Janeiro what 
 had been done in Habana. The enforcement of 
 the measures began April 20, 1903. The mor- 
 tality which before had averaged 150 deaths a 
 month fell to 8 in the month of April and to 4 
 in June. In January, 1904, there were recorded 
 only 3 deaths. 
 
 “ France decided to follow these encouraging 
 examples. The governor-general of French 
 Western Africa, M. Roume, adopted an admin- 
 istration analogous to that of Habana and Rio 
 de Janeiro, and he knew how to profit by these 
 examples.” — A. Dastre, The Fight against Tel- 
 low Fever ( Annual Report, Smithsonian Institu- 
 tion, 1904-5, pp. 348-350). 
 
 PUBLIC UTILITIES, Regulation of: 
 The New York and Wisconsin Laws. —The 
 most comprehensive and well -prepared legisla- 
 tion yet directed in the United States to the 
 control and regulation of corporations which 
 render services to the public, of the nature de- 
 scribed by the term “public utilities,” is un- 
 doubtedly embodied in the New York and Wis- 
 consin laws, enacted in 1907. Both States, and 
 many others, had experimented previously with 
 measures for establishing a certain degree of 
 supervision and regulation over railway corpo- 
 rations, gas companies, and the like, dealing 
 separately with them; but, excepting perhaps, 
 in the case of Massachusetts, this had not been 
 satisfactorily effective. Governor Hughes, of 
 New York, was the real author of the Public 
 Utilities Law enacted in that State in 1907, and 
 his influence was the impelling force which car- 
 ried it through the Legislature (see New York 
 State : A. D. 1906-1910). Almost equally, ex- 
 Governor La Follette must be credited, not im- 
 mediately, but primarily, with the organization 
 of the forces which brought out the Wisconsin 
 Law. 
 
 The two enactments are compared by Profes- 
 sor John R. Commons in an article published in 
 the American Review of Reviews, of August, 1907, 
 from which the following passages are quoted : 
 
 “ The Wisconsin and New York laws are 
 alike in that both State utilities like railroads 
 and municipal utilities like gas are brought 
 under the regulation of the same commission. 
 They differ from the laws of Massachusetts, 
 which provide a separate commission for rail- 
 ways. These three States, however, are the 
 only ones that regulate municipal utilities 
 through a State commission. Many other States 
 have railroad commissions, but they leave 
 whatever regulation they have of local utilities 
 to the local governments. ... A significant 
 feature of the Wisconsin legislation is its disre- 
 gard of stocks and bonds and its reliance on the 
 physical valuation of the property as the first 
 step in regulation. The New York law and 
 the Street-Railway law of Massachusetts attack 
 the problem of regulation through the control 
 of future capitalization. The New York com- 
 missions have power to prohibit the issue and 
 transfer of stocks, bonds, and other evidence 
 
 of indebtedness, and to prevent the transfer of 
 shares to holding companies. The Wisconsin 
 law begins at the other end of the problem and, 
 for the purpose both of regulation and of pub- 
 licity, inquires into the present structural value 
 of the property. This does not mean that the 
 commission shall disregard other elements of 
 valuation, — in fact, it is required by the law to 
 take all elements into account, as indeed the 
 courts would require if it did not. But the 
 physical valuation is necessary in order that the 
 public and the courts may know exactly how 
 much is allowed for the other elements. The 
 commission is required to value all of the pro- 
 perties in the State and to publish both the ac- 
 tual value ascertained when all elements are 
 taken into account and the physical value as- 
 certained by its engineers. . . . 
 
 “The [Wisconsin] law as finally adopted con- 
 sists really of three laws: First, an amendment 
 to the Railway law of 1905, placing telegraph 
 companies and street railways under the same 
 provisions as steam railways and interurban 
 electric lines ; second, the Public-Utilities law 
 proper, regulating heat, light, water, power, 
 and telephone companies ; third, a Street-Rail- 
 way law providing for indeterminate permits 
 similar to those of the Public-Utilities law. A 
 fourth bill, requiring physical connection and 
 prohibiting duplication of telephone exchanges, 
 was defeated by a vote of the Assembly.” 
 
 The New York Law created two Public Util- 
 ities Commissions of five members each, one 
 having jurisdiction in a district comprising New 
 York City alone, the district of the other (known 
 as the Up-State Commission) comprehending 
 the remainder of the State. The five-year terms 
 of the Commissioners expire in successive years. 
 Appointed by the Governor, they are intended 
 to be men of the highest character and qualifica- 
 tions, and receive salaries of §15,000 each. The 
 appointments by Governor Hughes for the New 
 York City Commission were of ex-Postmaster 
 William R. Wilcox, William McCarroll, Ed- 
 ward M. Bassett, MiloR. Maltbie, John E. Eus- 
 tis. For the Up-State Commission he named 
 originally Hon. Frank W. Stevens, of James- 
 town, Charles H. Keep, of Buffalo, Thomas M. 
 Osborne, of Auburn, James E. Sague and Mar- 
 tin S. Decker. Mr. Keep resigned subsequently 
 
 527 
 
PUBLIC UTILITIES 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 to accept the presidency of an important New 
 York City bank, and John B. Olmsted, of Buf- 
 falo, was appointed in his place. 
 
 New York City Gas Company. — In 1906 
 the New York Legislature passed a bill reduc- 
 ing the price of gas in New York City to 80 
 cents per thousand feet. The gas companies 
 claimed that this rate was confiscatory. Pend- 
 ing final decision of the matter the citizens 
 were compelled to pay the old rate of $1.00 per 
 thousand. Ultimately the law was sustained, 
 and the gas companies refunded over eight mil- 
 
 lions of dollars in 1909 to the consumers of the 
 past three years. 
 
 See, also (in this vol.), Railways. 
 
 PUNJAB: The Plague. See (in this vol.) 
 Public Health: Bubonic Plague. 
 
 Terrific Earthquake. See Earthquakes: 
 India : A. D. 1905. 
 
 PURE FOOD LEGISLATION. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Public Health. 
 
 PU-YI (Hsuan-Tung): Child Emperor of 
 China. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1908 
 (Nov.). 
 
 Q. 
 
 QUEBEC, City of: A. D. 1908. — Ter- Province of: A. D. 1901. — Census. See 
 centenary Celebration of its Founding. See (in this vol.) Canada : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1908 (July). 
 
 E. 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS. 
 
 In Australia: Between Europeans and 
 Asiatics. — “Australia occupies a unique posi- 
 tion among the nations. It is an island, lying 
 far from the populated centres of the Old 
 World and in close proximity to Java and the 
 teeming millions of Southern and Eastern Asia, 
 who at any time may bear down in flood upon 
 the scanty forces of the defenders. These pent- 
 up myriads are at present in a state of unrest, 
 and there are evidences of a distinct inclination 
 on their part to break bounds and descend upon 
 the coasts of the great southern laud. On the 
 north-eastern shores of the continent they have 
 already broken through the thin red line of the 
 British, and have firmly established themselves 
 in the country beyond. Thursday Island, which 
 stands at the northern entrance of the passage 
 between the Great Barrier Reef and the shores 
 of Queensland, has been styled the Gibraltar of 
 Australia, and large sums of money have been 
 spent by the Imperial and Australian Govern- 
 ments in fortifying it. Since it became open to 
 the Eastern nations, the Japanese have dis- 
 covered twenty different channels through the 
 reef, by any one of which they could avoid the 
 forts and gain an entrance to the sea within 
 the barrier. A few years ago there were 2000 
 Europeans on Thursday Island, engaged in the 
 pearl-shelling industry; but they were gradu- 
 ally elbowed out until to-day they number less 
 than 100. 
 
 “ The late Professor C. H. Pearson, at one 
 time Minister for Education in Victoria, and one 
 of the most intellectual statesmen who ever re- 
 sided in Australia, iu his National Life and 
 Character , admirably summarised the dangers 
 to which his adopted country was exposed by 
 reason of its situation, and the motives which 
 actuated the various colonial Governments in 
 passing enactments designed to place some re- 
 striction on the wholesale flooding of their terri- 
 tories. 
 
 “ ‘The fear of Chinese immigration which the 
 Australian democracy cherishes, and which Eng- 
 lishmen at home find it hard to understand, is, 
 in fact, the instinct of self-preservation, quick- 
 ened by experience. We know that coloured and 
 white labour cannot exist side by side ; we are 
 
 well aware that China can swamp us with a sin- 
 gle year’s surplus of population ; and we know 
 that if national existence is sacrificed to the 
 working of a few mines and sugar plantations, 
 it is not the Englishmen in Australia alone, but 
 the whole civilised world that will be the losers. 
 Transform the northern half of our continent 
 into a Natal, with thirteen out of fourteen be- 
 longing to an inferior race, and the southern 
 half will speedily approximate to the condition 
 of Cape Colony, where the whites are indeed a 
 masterful minority, but still only as one in four. 
 We are guarding the last part of the world iu 
 which the higher races can live and increase 
 freely for the higher civilisation. It is idle to 
 say that if all this should come to pass our 
 pride of place will not be humiliated. We are 
 struggling among ourselves for supremacy in a 
 world which we thought as destined to belong 
 to the Aryan race and to the Christian faith, to 
 the letters and arts and charm of social manners 
 which we have inherited from the best times 
 of the past. We shall wake to find ourselves 
 elbowed and hustled, perhaps even thrust aside 
 by peoples whom we looked down upon as 
 servile and thought of as bound always to min- 
 ister to our needs.’ . . . 
 
 “ The Greater Britain that is to be may be the 
 best security for the Mother Land in years to 
 come, and her natural ally and friend. Austra- 
 lian statesmen claim that they are not only safe- 
 guarding British interests, but also legislating 
 for posterity and looking forward to the time — 
 perhaps a century hence — when the population 
 of the Commonwealth may be one hundred mil- 
 lions or even more. 
 
 “ At the present the Australian race is in a 
 plastic condition, and whether it will become, 
 as Marcus Clarke predicted, ‘ a fierce and tur- 
 bulent democracy, sweeping contemporary civ- 
 ilisation before it,’ or, as seems more probable, 
 a practical and enlightened people, troubles it 
 little. Leaders and followers of every politi- 
 cal cast, Conservatives, Liberals, and Radicals, 
 have now but one national ideal — Purity of 
 Race. They recognise that hybrids cannot 
 make a great nation; that an infusion of Chi- 
 nese, Japanese, or Indo-Chinese blood must re- 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 suit in race deterioration ; and that, if they are 
 to live happily and prosperously, it must be 
 with no strangers within their gates other than 
 those of Caucasian descent who are able to con- 
 form to the conditions and customs of civilised 
 communities.’’ — 0. P. Law, W. T. Gill, A 
 White Australia ( Nineteenth Century, Jan., 
 1904). 
 
 “ The great Australian Commonwealth has 
 indeed gone very far in many directions in its 
 war against workers of other races than the 
 white. Thus, no contract can be made for the 
 carrying of Australian mails with any steam- 
 ship line which allows a colored man to work 
 on any of its ships. This is a new measure, 
 and it has been of late the subject of a lively 
 controversy between the Australian govern- 
 ment and the two Chamberlains in London, — 
 namely, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, the colonial 
 secretary, and his son, Mr. Austin Chamberlain, 
 who is now serving as British postmaster- 
 general. 
 
 “The fact is that mail-carrying steamship 
 companies which have hitherto performed the 
 service of carrying mails back and forth be- 
 tween Great Britain and the Australian ports 
 have been largely manned by dark-skinned 
 British subjects who are natives of India, and 
 the British Government is under a special obli- 
 gation not to discriminate against these Indians 
 in view of certain clauses in what is known as 
 the Mutiny Act in India. These same ships, it 
 is to be remembered, will carry, also, the Indian 
 mails, and it would be manifestly impossible 
 for Lord Curzon’s government of India to join 
 in mail contracts containing clauses excluding 
 dark-skinned men from employment.” — Am. 
 Review of Reviews, Sept., 1903. 
 
 See, also (in this vol.), Austrai.ia : A. D. 
 1905-1906, and 1909. 
 
 In Canada: Hostility to Asiatic Labor. — 
 Restriction of Chinese Immigration. — Riot- 
 ous attacks on Japanese, Chinese, and Hindu 
 Laborers in British Columbia. — The opposi- 
 tion of organized labor to Asiatic immigration, 
 on the Canadian Pacific Coast, directed first 
 against an influx of Chinese, brought about, in 
 1904, the imposition of a head-tax of §500 on 
 every person of Chinese origin entering Canada 
 thereafter, with the following exceptions : 
 
 “(a) The members of the diplomatic corps, 
 or other government representatives, their suites 
 and their servants, and consuls and consular 
 agents ; 
 
 "(b) The children born in Canada of parents 
 of Chinese origin and who have left Canada for 
 educational or other purposes, on substantiating 
 their identity to the satisfaction of the controller 
 at the port or place where they seek to enter on 
 their return ; 
 
 “ (c) Merchants, their wives and children, the 
 wives and children of clergymen, tourists, men 
 of science and students, who shall substantiate 
 their status to the satisfaction of the controller, 
 subject to the approval of the Minister, or who 
 are bearers of certificates of identity, or other 
 similar documents issued by the government or 
 by a recognized official or representative of the 
 government whose subjects they are, specifying 
 their occupation and their object in coming into 
 Canada.” 
 
 This was an effective restriction ; but left the 
 door open to other “coolie” laborers, so-called, 
 
 from Japan and India, whence large numbers 
 were soon coming into British Columbia, and 
 the labor agitation was directed against them, on 
 the Canadian as well as the United States side 
 of the line in the farther Northwest. It came to 
 its climax of violence in the fall of 1907, when 
 serious riots broke out at Vancouver, British 
 Columbia, and at Bellingham, in the State of 
 Washington. Many hundreds of Japanese, 
 Chinese, and Hindus had been employed in the 
 lumber mills and canneries of the Washington 
 and British Columbia coast towns, displacing 
 white labor. “In each case a mob of white men 
 raided the mills where the foreigners were em- 
 ployed, battered down the doors of their lodging 
 houses, dragged the Hindus from their beds, 
 and drove them with violence from the town. 
 The Hindus of Bellingham fled northward to 
 the protection of the British flag. At Van- 
 couver the rioters also attacked Chinese and 
 Japanese merchants and laborers, breaking into 
 their shops and pillaging and destroying §20,000 
 worth of property. Two thousand Chinese and 
 Japanese were driven from their homes. Later, 
 a number of Japanese immigrants, just landed 
 from a steamer, were attacked and in the riot 
 that followed Baron Ishii, chief of the Japanese 
 Bureau of Foreign Commerce, was severely in- 
 jured. The Orientals, under the leadership of 
 the Japanese, immediately organized for defense, 
 and, having secured firearms and other weapons, 
 the situation took on a very serious aspect.” 
 
 The situation was made especially embarrass- 
 ing to the British and Canadian Governments 
 by the relations of alliance existing between 
 Great Britain and Japan, and by the fact that 
 the Hindus attacked are British subjects, having 
 their established rights as such. But skilful and 
 careful handling of the matter was successful in 
 quieting the trouble, possibly in a lasting way. 
 The Japanese Government, on its own part, has 
 undertaken to restrict the emigration of its la- 
 boring classes to Canada as well as to the United 
 States. 
 
 Important changes in the regulations govern- 
 ing the immigration of Chinese were announced 
 in a despatch from Ottawa, July 11, 1909: 
 “While the poll-tax of £100 on coolies is re- 
 tained, the restrictions applicable to students and 
 the sons of Chinese merchants are considerably 
 modified. Students who already possess a liberal 
 education, but desire to pursue a higher course 
 of study in any Canadian University or college, 
 are exempt from the tax. Students who intend 
 to pursue their studies in the Dominion but are 
 unable to produce proof of their status on entry 
 are required to deposit the amount of the tax, 
 but the money will be refunded on produc- 
 tion of a certificate that they have passed two 
 scholastic years at some seat of learning. The 
 present law permits all Chinese visiting China 
 to return to Canada within a year without a 
 second payment. This has been a hardship to 
 Chinese who have been ill. The new regulation, 
 therefore, extends the time of exemption in such 
 cases to 18 months, provided that satisfactory 
 proof be furnished.” 
 
 In Jamaica: Between White and Black: 
 The Problem Non-existent. — Solved by 
 Good Sense, Right Feeling, and Just Law. — 
 
 In the International Journal of Ethics for May, 
 1906, Professor Royce reports of several visits to 
 Jamaica, — where 14,000 or 15,000 white inhabit- 
 
 529 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 ants are living with about 650,000 black and 
 mulatto people, — that he had found no race 
 problem existing — no racial autagonism — no 
 public discussion of race equality or superiority. 
 He accounts for this untroubled relation between 
 colored and uncolored fellow citizens and neigh- 
 bors as follows : 
 
 “ When once the sad period of emancipation 
 and of subsequent occasional disorder was 
 passed, the Englishman did in Jamaica what he 
 has so often and so well done elsewhere. He 
 organized his colony ; he established good 
 local courts, which gained by square treatment 
 the confidence of the blacks. The judges of 
 such courts were Englishmen. The English 
 ruler also provided a good country constabu- 
 lary, in which native blacks also found service, 
 and in which they could exercise authority over 
 other blacks. Black men, in other words, were 
 trained, — under English management, of course, 
 — to police black men. A sound civil service 
 was also organized; and in that educated ne- 
 groes found in due time their place, while the 
 chiefs of each branch of the service were and 
 are, in the main, Englishmen. The excise and 
 the health services, both of which are very 
 highly developed, have brought the law near to 
 the life of the humblest negro, in ways which 
 he sometimes finds, of course, restraining, but 
 which he also frequently finds beneficent. Hence, 
 he is accustomed to the law ; he sees its minis- 
 ters often, and often, too, as men of his own 
 race ; and in the main he is fond of order, and 
 respectful toward the established ways of soci- 
 ety. The Jamaica negro is described by those 
 who know him as especially fond of bringing 
 his petty quarrels and personal grievances into 
 court. He is litigious just as he is vivacious. 
 But this confidence in the law is just what the 
 courts have encouraged. That is one way, in 
 fact, to deal with the too forward and strident 
 negro. Encourage him to air his grievances in 
 court, listen to him patiently, and fine him when 
 he deserves fines. That is a truly English type 
 of social pedagogy. It works in the direction 
 of making the negro a conscious helper toward 
 good social order. 
 
 “Administration, I say, has done the larger 
 half of the work of solving Jamaica’s race prob- 
 lem. Administration has filled the Island with 
 good roads, has reduced to a minimum the trop- 
 ical diseases by means of an excellent health 
 service, has taught the population loyalty and 
 order, has led them some steps already on the 
 long road ‘ up from slavery,’ has given them, 
 in many cases, the true self-respect of those who 
 themselves officially cooperate in the work of 
 the law, and it has done this without any such 
 result as our Southern friends nowadays con- 
 ceive when they think of what is called ‘ negro 
 domination.’ Administration has allayed an- 
 cient irritations. It has gone far to offset the 
 serious economic and tropical troubles from 
 which Jamaica meanwhile suffers. 
 
 “ Yes, the work has been done by administra- 
 tion, — and by reticence. For the Englishman, 
 in his official and governmental dealings with 
 backward peoples, has a great way of being su- 
 perior without very often publicly saying that 
 he is superior. You well know that in dealing, 
 as an individual, with other individuals trouble 
 is seldom made by the fact that you are actually 
 the superior of another man in any respect. 
 
 The trouble comes when you tell the other man 
 too stridently that you are his superior. Be my 
 superior, quietly, simply showing your superi- 
 ority in your deeds, and very likely I shall love 
 you for the very fact of your superiority. For 
 we all love our leaders. But tell me that I am 
 your inferior, and then perhaps I may grow 
 boyish, and may throw stones. Well, it is so 
 with races. Grant, then, that yours is the supe- 
 rior race. Then you can afford to say little 
 about that subject in your public dealings with 
 the backward race. Superiority is best shown 
 by good deeds and by few boasts.” 
 
 In South Africa : Between White and 
 
 Black. — “The native population of Africa 
 south of the Zambesi is ten millions. The white 
 population is under one million. To-day the 
 majority of the natives are in a semi-savage 
 condition. But the day may come when they 
 shall have emerged from that condition, and 
 have attained the degree of civilisation which 
 prevails amongst the negroes, tlieir kindred, in 
 the United States. The process of evolution has 
 begun. When it is completed, the relative po- 
 sition of the black and white populations in 
 South Africa will be — what ? Look to the 
 United States and you shall find some hint of 
 the answer. 
 
 “The native population of Cape Colony, in- 
 cluding the territories, is, in round numbers, 
 1,200,000, and the white population 377,000. 
 Day by day the power of the native grows. 
 The gate of the political arena stands wide open 
 to him, and he is not slow to enter. With the 
 exception of natives occupying lands under tri- 
 bal tenure (an important exception, but one that 
 is constantly diminishing), every male person, 
 irrespective of colour, race, and creed, and 
 above the age of twenty-one years, and born 
 or naturalised a British subject, is entitled to 
 the full franchise after one year’s residence in 
 the Colony, provided he occupies property of 
 the value of 75 1. or is in receipt of wages of not 
 less than 50?. annually, and is able to sign his 
 name and state in writing his address and occu- 
 pation. Such a franchise would horrify the 
 average American in the South, and unquestion- 
 ably it will have to be radically amended unless 
 the colonists are prepared to endure political 
 annihilation. At present neither Bondsman nor 
 Progressive will face the situation. Neither 
 wishes to alienate the substantial aid which his 
 party gets from the natives. . . . 
 
 “Bitter as the feud between Englishman and 
 Dutchman is to-day, it will pass when both real- 
 ise, as they are bound sooner or later to realise, 
 that only by presenting a solid front to the on- 
 coming hordes of superficially civilised blacks 
 can they escape complete annihilation. For 
 generations, if not for all time, the natives in 
 South Africa must enormously outnumber the 
 whites. In the olden days, tribal wars and wars 
 with the white man, to say nothing of famines, 
 and pestilence, served to counterbalance the 
 prolificness of the native. These checks are no 
 more.” — Roderick Jones, The Black Peril in 
 South Africa ( Nineteenth Century, May, 1904). 
 
 On the suffrage question for natives, con- 
 nected with the Union of South African States, 
 see (in this vol.) South Africa : A. D. 1908- 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1903 - 1908 . — Between Boers and 
 British Indians. — The British Government 
 
 530 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 has many troublesome problems to deal with, 
 as the consequence of its having drawn the 
 reins of its sovereignty over the necks of a mot- 
 ley multitude of races; but none among them, 
 perhaps, has been more delicately difficult than 
 one which arose between its native subjects in 
 India, who pressed with eagerness into South 
 African fields of trade, and its Boer subjects in 
 South Africa, who have been stubbornly op- 
 posed to their doing so. Great Britain has had 
 the most pressing reasons for avoiding offence 
 to either of these peoples, and no controversy 
 could have arisen more unfortunately in its cir- 
 cumstances and time. 
 
 Before the Boer-British War, there had been 
 Indian complaints of ill-treatment in the Trans- 
 vaal, which added something to the controver- 
 sies of Great Britain with the South African 
 Republic. After the war, when British author- 
 ity had become supreme at Pretoria, it found a 
 legacy of existing law which was embarrassing 
 at once. The situation was described in a de- 
 spatch of May 11, 1903, from Viscount Milner, 
 the British High Commissioner, to the Colonial 
 Secretary at London, Mr. Chamberlain, in which 
 he attempted to exhibit, as he said, “the diffi- 
 culty which besets any kind of action on this 
 thorny question.” The Government, he wrote, 
 is “between two fires. On the one hand, it is 
 accused of not enforcing the present law with 
 sufficient strictness and is called upon to legis- 
 late in the direction of a complete exclusion of 
 Asiatics, except as indentured labourers. Even 
 in that capacity, their introduction meets with 
 strenuous opposition. On the other hand, the 
 Asiatics, of whom British Indians form by far 
 the most numerous section, not only protest 
 against any fresh legislation but demand the 
 repeal of the existing law. 
 
 “The position which the Government of the 
 Transvaal have taken up in the matter is one of 
 which I entirely approve. They are unwilling, 
 without the previous approval of His Majesty’s 
 Government, to embark on any legislation on 
 this subject, to the difficulties of which they 
 are fully alive, and have accordingly decided 
 that, pending fresh legislation, they have no 
 option but to carry out the existing law. They 
 are anxious, however, to do so in the manner 
 most considerate to the Indians already settled 
 in the country, and with the greatest respect 
 for vested interests, even where these have been 
 allowed to spring up contrary to law. This is 
 in accordance with the principle on which they 
 have proceeded throughout, namely, that the 
 laws of the late Republic, imperfect as they are 
 in many respects, and contrary, very often, to 
 British ideas, must, nevertheless, be enforced 
 until they can be replaced by more satisfactory 
 legislation.” 
 
 The desired new legislation on this “thorny 
 question” does not seem to have been at- 
 tempted during the period in which local self- 
 government in the Transvaal was entirely sus- 
 pended ; but in 1906, after the first step toward 
 its restoration had been taken, the semi-autono- 
 mous authority then organized there adopted 
 an ordinance on the subject of Asiatic residence 
 in the Colony which Lord Elgin, who had suc- 
 ceeded Mr. Chamberlain in the Colonial Office, 
 disapproved. In the next year, however, when 
 the full measure of colonial autonomy had been 
 conferred by the Imperial Government (see, in 
 
 thisvol., South Africa: A. D. 1905-1907), es- 
 sentially the same provisions were embodied in 
 an enactment by the new Transvaal Legislature, 
 entitled “The Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 
 1907,” and Lord Elgin could not venture to dis- 
 approve them again, for the reasons which he 
 stated thus to the Colonial Governor: 
 
 “The Act which is now submitted has be- 
 hind it a very different weight of authority. It 
 has been introduced by the first responsible 
 Ministry of the Colony, and has been passed 
 unanimously by both Houses of the new Legis- 
 lature. I consider it my duty to place it on 
 record that His Majesty’s Government do not 
 consider the position of Asiatics lawfully resi- 
 dent in the Transvaal, as settled by this Act, to 
 be satisfactory; that they adhere to the opin- 
 ions which have been expressed by successive 
 Secretaries of State as to the desirability of 
 relaxing the restrictions to which Asiatics are at 
 present subject ; and that they commend this 
 view to the Transvaal Government in the hope 
 that it may be carefully considered how far prac- 
 tical effect can be given to it. But they feel that 
 they would not be justified in offering resist- 
 ance to the general will of the Colony clearly 
 expressed by its first elected representatives; 
 and I have accordingly to inform you that His 
 Majesty will not be advised to exercise his 
 power of disallowance with respect to the Act.” 
 This measure was followed presently by an 
 “Immigrants’ Restriction Act, 1907,” which 
 accentuated still further the inhospitality of 
 Transvaal legislation, and made more serious 
 trouble for the British Government, not only 
 with its Indian subjects, but with the Chinese. 
 On the effect of the two acts upon British In- 
 dians Lord Elgin wrote to Mr. Morley, Secre- 
 tary of State for India (Oct. 10, 1907): 
 
 “ The practical effect of Section 2 (4) will be 
 to prevent the further immigration into the 
 Transvaal of British Indians or other Asiatics. 
 As Mr. Morley is aware, throughout the corre- 
 spondence which has passed on this subject, His 
 Majesty’s Government have practically limited 
 themselves to endeavouring to secure more fa- 
 vourable treatment for those Asiatics who have 
 already acquired a right to reside in the Colony, 
 and the competence of the Colonial Legislature 
 and Government to restrict further immigration 
 by means of legislation similar to that already 
 adopted in other self-governing Colonies has not 
 been disputed. . . . Moreover, in the interests 
 of British Indians themselves, it is probably de- 
 sirable, in view of the state of Colonial feeling, 
 that further immigration should be restricted. 
 Lord Elgin does not, therefore, propose to raise 
 any objection to this provision. 
 
 “ Section 6 (c) must be considered in connec- 
 tion with the recent Asiatic Law Amendment 
 Act. Under that Act, Asiatics failing to regis- 
 ter may be ordered to leave the Colony ; and 
 failure to comply with such an order is pun- 
 ishable by imprisonment. The object of this 
 section, as explained by the Attorney-General 
 in his report is to enable the Government to 
 deport, in lieu of imprisoning, Asiatics who fail 
 to register under the Asiatic Law Amendment 
 Act. While Lord Elgin feels that the free exer- 
 cise of so drastic a power would be greatly to 
 be deprecated, he doubts whether His Majesty’s 
 Government can consistently object to a provi- 
 sion the object of which is to enable the Colonial 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 Government to enforce the observance of the 
 Asiatic Law Amendment Act, which His Ma- 
 jesty’s Government have allowed to become 
 law, and to which the British Indian community 
 appears at present to be disposed to offer an 
 organised resistance. He therefore proposes, 
 subject to any representation which Mr. Morley 
 may wish to make, to accept this provision 
 also.” 
 
 The India Office could only say in reply : 
 
 “ Since the Asiatic Law Amendment Act, 1907, 
 has received His Majesty’s sanction, Mr. Mor- 
 ley recognizes that it would be inconsistent 
 to object to a clause framed merely in order to 
 ensure the efficient administration of that Act so 
 far as it affects persons already in the Transvaal. 
 ... It is true that under the Asiatic Law 
 Amendment Act of 1907, the Colonial Govern- 
 ment may grant temporary permits. Mr. Mor- 
 ley presumes that this power will, if the occasion 
 arise, be used to prevent such a gross scandal as 
 the exclusion from the Colony of ruling chiefs, 
 Indians of distinguished position, and high offi- 
 cials of Asiatic descent on the ground that they 
 are ‘ undesirable immigrants.’ But he thinks 
 that it would be satisfactory to obtain a definite 
 assurance that in framing the present Bill the 
 Colonial Government had no intention of refus- 
 ing access to Asiatics of this type, and he trusts 
 that such an assurance will be obtained and 
 placed on record before the Royal Assent is 
 given to the measure. 
 
 “ It is unnecessary to point out to Lord Elgin 
 the unfortunate effect upon public opinion in 
 India which must be produced by the present 
 Bill. The very peculiar circumstances of the 
 Transvaal have been held to justify, during the 
 period of administrative reconstruction, excep- 
 tional measures for dealing with the influx of 
 immigrants ; but Mr. Morley did not under- 
 stand, when the provisions of the Asiatic Law 
 Amendment Act were under discussion, that the 
 forthcoming Immigration Restriction Bill would 
 be so framed as to perpetuate the exclusion 
 from the Colony of all future Asiatic immigrants 
 without distinction. 
 
 “ For these reasons I am to say that Mr. 
 Morley trusts that Lord Elgin will find it pos- 
 sible to impress upon the Government of the 
 Transvaal the very strong objections, from an 
 Imperial point of view, which stand in the way 
 of the acceptance of Section 2 (4) of the Bill.” 
 
 The most obnoxious features of the two offen- 
 sive acts were an educational qualification, which 
 required applications for admission to the col- 
 ony and for trading licenses in it, and other 
 connected documents, to be written by the ap- 
 plicants in a European language, Yiddish be- 
 ing recognized as European, and a prescribed 
 registration which required finger-prints as a 
 means of identification. Both of these pro- 
 visions of law were felt to be insulting and 
 degrading by the Hindus of the better class, 
 who organized a refusal of submission to them, 
 and tested them without avail in the courts. 
 Their language was treated contemptuously in 
 the educational qualification, while, personally, 
 they were classed with criminals by the finger- 
 print identification. The agitators of disaffec- 
 tion in India made much of these indignities, and 
 the matter was extremely embarrassing to the 
 British administration there. For months there 
 seemed no prospect of a solution of the diffi- 
 
 culty; but patient persuasion and tactful pres 
 sure brought, at last, what appeared to be a 
 successful compromise, announced to the rejoic- 
 ing Colonial Office at London by the following 
 telegram from the Governor, January 30, 1908: 
 “ Gandhi and other leaders of Indian and Chi- 
 nese communities have offered voluntary regis- 
 tration in a body within three months, provided 
 signatures only are taken of educated, proper- 
 tied, or well-known Asiatics, and finger-prints 
 of the rest, and that no question against which 
 Asiatics have religious objection be pressed. 
 Government have accepted this offer and under- 
 taken pending registration not to enforce the 
 penalties under Act against all those who regis- 
 ter. Sentences of all Asiatics in prison will be 
 remitted to-morrow. This course agreed to by 
 both political parties.” 
 
 Fresh discontents arose subsequently, when 
 amendatory legislation was brought out, which 
 did not open the colony to any fresh immigration 
 of Asiatics, even if they could pass an educa- 
 tional test in a European language ; but this has 
 not appeared to have any of the seriousness of 
 the former agitation, so far as India is con- 
 cerned. 
 
 Of the intensity of feeling in India, a news- 
 paper correspondent, writing from Bombay, 
 Dec. 29, 1909, said: “ There is no mistaking the 
 depth of feeling regarding the protest agaiust 
 the treatment of Indians in the Transvaal. 
 Every Indian, no matter what may be his 
 politics, feels that his self-respect is insulted, 
 and demands retaliation by refusing indentured 
 labour to Natal. Extraordinary scenes followed 
 Mr. Surendranath Banerjee’s appeal for funds 
 for the Transvaal sufferers; jewels and money 
 were thrown at his feet and rupees were poured 
 into his hat. A thousand pounds was collected. 
 The question is creating profound feeling among 
 all classes.” 
 
 The Labor Question as a Race Question. 
 
 — At a meeting of the Native Labor Associa- 
 tion at Johannesburg, in April, 1909, the Presi- 
 dent of the Association stated that the present 
 labor supply was entirely adequate, and that 
 the mines were not likely to be faced with seri- 
 ous difficulty in this respect in the immediate 
 future. In the course of 1908 the number of 
 Chinese laborers had decreased in the natural 
 course by repatriation by 23,303. On the other 
 hand, the native complement had increased in 
 the same period by 47,766, giving a net gain of 
 24,373, which had been further increased dur- 
 ing the first three mouths of the present year. 
 In explanation of the sudden expansion of the 
 native labor supply, Mr. Perry pointed, first, to 
 the collapse of the diamond market; secondly, 
 to the emigration of Kaffirs from the Cape 
 owing to failure of employment there. The 
 De Beers Mines, as he was able to show, were 
 actually employing 50,000 fewer hands than be- 
 fore, which, allowing for the difference in the 
 periods of contract, probably meant a gain to 
 the Rand of at least 25,000. Similarly, the 
 native statistics published by the Cape Gov- 
 ernment indicated an enormous diversion of 
 labourers to the Rand. 
 
 In January, 1909, the London Times, report- 
 ing the output of gold from the Transvaal in 
 1908 as having been £29,957,610, — an increase 
 of £2,553,872 over 1907, gave the following 
 statement of labor conditions at that time : 
 
 532 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 “ The increase has been gradual and quite reg- 
 ular, and may be expected to continue. The 
 expansion in the gold production has resulted 
 in the employment of nearly 1,800 more whites 
 than were at work in January, but coloured 
 labourers are some 4,000 less. The increase in 
 the number of natives employed in gold mines 
 has been 24,000, while the complement of Chi- 
 nese coolies has been depleted by 20,000. At the 
 beginning of the year some 17,500 whites, 133, - 
 500 coloured, and 33,800 Chinese were employed 
 by gold mines; for October the figures read: — 
 Whites 18,300, coloured 157,500, and Chinese 
 14,300. Native labour is perhaps the one seri- 
 ous problem which will place limitations on 
 further expansion. Few of the Chinese will be 
 left by the end of next year, and they will all 
 have left before the expiry of 1910. Natives, 
 however, are showing more tendency to work 
 regularly, and the habit doubtless will grow. 
 It is due to the Chinese to recognize that they 
 have been useful workmen, for the improved 
 efficiency of the coloured workman all round is 
 largely due to the example which they set the 
 native.” 
 
 In March, 1909, Colonel Seely, Under Secre- 
 tary for the Colonies, in reply to questions in 
 the British House of Commons, gave the follow- 
 ing figures : January, 1907, Chinese employed, 
 53,856 ; whites employed on gold mines, 17,874 ; 
 December, 1908, Chinese employed, 12,275 ; 
 whites employed on gold mines, 19,605. For 
 'Witwatersrand, taking natives and Chinese to- 
 gether the numbers were: — January, 1907, 
 148,077 ; December, 1908, 166,405. The corre- 
 sponding figures for whites are: — January, 
 1907, 17,198 ; December, 1908, 18,687. 
 
 A Johannesburg letter of July 26 to the Lon- 
 don Times reported a change in the situation, 
 saying: “For the half-year upon which we 
 have just entered it requires no prophet to fore- 
 tell a more rapid rate of progress, which, how- 
 ever, may to some extent be limited by a scar- 
 city of native labour, signs of which have begun 
 to loom on the horizon. After 18 months or 
 more of steady increase in the number of na- 
 tive labourers available for work in mines, an 
 increase which more than counterbalanced the 
 outflow of Chinese labour through repatriation, 
 the pendulum has begun to swing the other 
 way, and already the pinch is beginning to 
 make itself felt in certain mines. During the 
 last two months the excess of time-expired na- 
 tives and wastage over the number recruited 
 has been more than 8000, and repatriated Chi- 
 nese brings the total up to 10,000. Considering 
 that the total coloured labour force employed 
 on the Witwatersrand was over 180,000 in April, 
 this comparatively small decline under normal 
 conditions should hardly make itself felt at all. 
 But the conditions are not normal. An era of 
 expansion set in some 18 months ago which has 
 been steadily growing, and which has called for 
 an ever-increasing labour force and in the near 
 future must require still more and more. How 
 that demand is to be met is by no means clear.” 
 
 In the United States: Between its White 
 and Black Citizens: Booker T. Washing- 
 ton’s solution in progress at Tuskegee. See 
 (in this vol.) Education: United States: 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 The “Niagara Movement.” — A National 
 Committee for the Advancement of the Negro 
 
 Race. — In July, 1905, a conference of colored 
 men from North and South, among whom Pro- 
 fessor W. E. Burghardt Du Bois, of Atlanta, 
 appeared to be the leading spirit, was held at 
 Buffalo, N. Y. Its outcome was an organization 
 which has taken the name of “The Niagara 
 Movement,” and which has had some growth. 
 At the latest annual meeting of the organization, 
 in Sea Isle City, New Jersey, in August, 1909, 
 ten States were reported to be represented, and 
 the total membership of the “Movement” was 
 said to be three hundred, distributed in forty 
 States. Its objects are indicated in the follow- 
 ing passages from an Address which this meet- 
 ing adopted : 
 
 “ For four years the Niagara Movement has 
 struggled to make ten million Americans of 
 negro descent cease from mere apology and 
 weak surrender to aggression, and take a firm, 
 unfaltering stand for justice, manhood, and self- 
 assertion. We are accumulating property at 
 a constantly accelerating rate ; we are rapidly 
 lowering our rate of illiteracy ; but property 
 and intelligence are of little use unless guided 
 by the great ideals of freedom, justice, and 
 human brotherhood. 
 
 “Asa partial result of our effort we are glad 
 to note among us increasing spiritual unrest, 
 sterner impatience with cowardice, and deeper 
 determination to be men at any cost. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ That black men are inherently inferior to 
 whites is a wide-spread lie which science flatly 
 contradicts, and the attempt to submerge the 
 colored races is one with world-old efforts of the 
 wily to exploit the weak. We must, therefore, 
 make common cause with the oppressed and 
 down-trodden of all races and peoples; with our 
 kindred of South Africa and the West Indies, 
 with our fellows in Mexico, India, and Russia, 
 and with the cause of the working classes every- 
 where. 
 
 “On us rests to no little degree the burden of 
 the cause of individual freedom, human brother- 
 hood, and universal peace in a day when Amer- 
 ica is forgetting her promise and destiny. Let 
 us work on and never despair because pigmy 
 voices are loudly praising ill-gotten wealth, big 
 guns, and human degradation. They but repre- 
 sent back eddies in the tide of time.” 
 
 Programme of future work adopted included 
 the publication of a series of small tracts and an 
 almanac, the founding of a monthly publication, 
 and the purchase of a permanent place of meet- 
 ing where an annual Chautauqua will be held. 
 
 A Conference of people of both races who are 
 desirous of organizing more effective endeavors 
 to better the status of the negro citizens of the 
 United States was held in New York in May, 
 1909. It adopted a resolution providing for the 
 “incorporation of a national committee to be 
 known as a committee for the advancement of 
 the negro race, to bring that race from slavery 
 to full citizenship with all the rights and privi- 
 leges appertaining thereto,” and another resolu- 
 tion for a Committee of Forty charged with the 
 organization of the national committee, with 
 power to call the convention in 1910. 
 
 Among other resolutions discussed and 
 adopted were the following: 
 
 ‘ ‘ As first and immediate steps toward rem- 
 edying . . . national wrongs, so full of perils for 
 the whites as well as the blacks of all sections, 
 we demand of Congress and the Executive: 
 
 533 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 “(1.) That the Constitution be strictly en- 
 forced and the civil rights guaranteed under 
 the Fourteenth Amendment be secured impar- 
 tially to all. 
 
 “(2.) That there be equal educational op- 
 portunities for all and in all the States, and 
 that public school expenditure be the same for 
 the negro and white child. 
 
 “(3.) That in accordance with the Fifteenth 
 Amendment the right of the negro to the bal- 
 lot on the same terms as other citizens be recog- 
 nized in every part of the country.” 
 
 Anti-Negro Riot at Atlanta. — “On the 
 22d and 23d of September [1906] anti-negro 
 riots broke out in Atlanta, resulting in the 
 death of twelve or more negroes and the injury 
 of a great many. There had been an unusual 
 number of reports of attacks upon white women 
 and girls by brutal and criminal negroes in the 
 vicinity of Atlanta during the previous days 
 and weeks. Every report of this kind had been 
 flaunted with great headlines in a sensational 
 afternoon newspaper of Atlanta, as if to arouse 
 the less orderly and thoughtful element of the 
 white population not merely to the lynching of 
 offenders but to an attack upon innocent and 
 law-abiding colored people. For a time the riot 
 was furious and negroes were indiscriminately 
 assailed. It would seem that most of those who 
 were killed were absolutely innocent of any of- 
 fense whatsoever. Their crime consisted merely 
 in belonging to the negro race. It would be 
 the height of silliness for criticism to take on a 
 geographical character. White people in the 
 North are no more considerate of people against 
 whom they may have a grievance or a prejudice 
 than are white people in the South. The prob- 
 lem of adjusting the relations of two races so 
 totally different as the white race and the negro 
 race where they have to live together in the 
 same communities is difficult under any circum- 
 stances, and it becomes increasingly so where 
 the inferior race is present in large numbers and 
 where many of its members are ill-disciplined, 
 idle, and of criminal instincts.” — American lie- 
 view of Reviews, Nov., 1906. 
 
 “Wherever a colored man was seen he was 
 attacked. The mobs closed in upon the trolley- 
 cars and dragged the colored passengers, unpre- 
 pared for the onslaught, from their seats. A 
 riotous crowd broke into a shop where there 
 were two negro barbers, beat them to death and 
 mangled their bodies. One negro was killed in 
 the shadow of a monument ; another was 
 stabbed to death on the post-office steps. The 
 Governor mobilized the militia, but the mobs, 
 taking it for granted that the militiamen were 
 in sympathy with them, showed little fear of 
 the soldiers. The Mayor of the city remon- 
 strated with the rioters, but with little result. 
 He called out the fire department, which cleared 
 the streets by turning the hose on the mobs. 
 But this only resulted in diverting the riot from 
 one place in the city to another. Only a rain on 
 Sunday dampened the ardor of the rioters. Or- 
 der was outwardly restored by Sunday evening, 
 but even thereafter negroes were killed. Even 
 though the riot differed from the Russian va- 
 riety in that it was not instigated and abetted 
 by the Government and the military, it brings 
 nothing but shame to this Nation.” — The Out- 
 look, Sept. 29, 1906. 
 
 The Georgia Railroad Strike. — One of the 
 
 meanest of recent exhibitions of race animos- 
 ity was presented in May and June, 1909, on 
 the occasion of a strike of white men employed 
 as firemen on the Georgia Railroad against the 
 employment of blacks in the same capacity. 
 Generally, the southern railroads have employed, 
 for years, both white and black firemen. On 
 the Georgia Railroad there were about sixty of 
 the former and forty of the latter. The white 
 firemen were eligible to promotion to be engi- 
 neers ; the blacks were not. By an unwritten 
 law they were excluded from the higher and 
 better paid service ; but as firemen the best 
 among them had gradually won promotion to 
 the better trains and better “ runs” on the road. 
 It was this fact which caused the strike of their 
 white associates. As a labor strike it would 
 have caused little trouble ; as a race and color 
 question it inflamed the State and the South, 
 and disturbed the country at large for several 
 weeks. The conflict of the railroad company 
 was not with its own employees but with mobs 
 along its line, always ready to be maddened by 
 the thought of a negro in any place which a 
 white man wanted. 
 
 A mediation in the matter undertaken, at the 
 instance of President Taft, by the United States 
 Commissioner of Labor, Dr. Charles P. Neill, 
 and the Chairman of the Interstate Commerce 
 Commission, Mr. Martin A. Knapp, succeeded, 
 with much difficulty, in arranging a reference 
 of the dispute to arbitration. The chosen arbi- 
 trators were Hilary A. Herbert, named by the 
 railroad company, T. W. Hardwick, named by 
 the employees, and Chancellor David C. Bar- 
 row, of the University of Georgia, selected by 
 these two. This board of arbitration gave hear- 
 ings to both parties and rendered its award on 
 the 27th of June. The main proposition sub- 
 mitted to it by the employees was in these 
 words: “That the Georgia Railroad Company 
 and its terminals at Atlanta will not use negroes 
 as locomotive firemen on the road or in the 
 yards, nor as hostlers nor assistant hostlers.” 
 
 On this its decision was as follows: “The 
 Georgia Railroad, when using negroes as loco- 
 motive firemen on the road or in the yards, or 
 as hostlers, or as hostlers’ helpers, shall pay 
 them the same wages as white men in similar 
 positions.” But the representative of the em- 
 ployees dissented from this decision in part, ex- 
 plaining his view, as follows : “ In so far as the 
 above finding permits the continued employ- 
 ment of negro firemen by the Georgia Railroacl, 
 
 I dissent therefrom, because I believe from the 
 evidence that such employment is a menace to 
 the safety of the travelling public. In so far as 
 such finding requires that when negroes are so 
 employed they shall receive wages equal to 
 those paid white men, I concur therein, be- 
 lieving that such requirement, by removing the 
 principal incentive for their employment, will 
 result in the speedy elimination of this cheaper 
 labor, and a consequent improvement of the ser- 
 vice.” 
 
 On most of the minor points in controversy 
 the arbitrators were agreed in their conclusions, 
 and the settlement of the whole matter was 
 complete. 
 
 Oriental Labor in Competition with West- 
 ern Labor. — The Force of the Economic 
 Objection to it in a Country under the Pro- 
 tective System. — “Behind the economic an- 
 
 534 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 tipatliy to Oriental laborers there is a justifiable 
 feeling. Where there is established a system of 
 protection, it is only just that it benefit not only 
 the capitalist but also the laborer. If the Amer- 
 can laborer must contend as best he can with 
 the laborer whose standard of life is lower, then 
 the American manufacturer, in fairness, ought 
 to be let alone in his contest with the foreign 
 manufacturer who does not pay so much for his 
 labor. The Outlook believes that a condition of 
 such open competition as has prevailed between 
 the States of the Union would be wholesome be- 
 tween the nations of the world. But at present 
 the protective system prevails and apparently 
 is firmly established in America. So long, there- 
 fore, as American capital is protected, it is a 
 benefit for the whole country to have Ameri- 
 ican labor protected. And certainly if there is 
 any body of laborers against which the working 
 people of America need protection, it is the coo- 
 lie labor of Asia. The fact that the Japanese and 
 Chinese laborers enter industries in which there 
 is a scarcity of whites does not affect the case, 
 for it is not the direct loss of jobs, but the low- 
 ering — or at least the changing — of the stand- 
 ards of living that brings injury to the mass.” 
 — The Outlook , Sept. 21, 1907. 
 
 Existing Treaties between the United 
 States and China concerning the Admission 
 of Chinamen. — Enactments of Law on the 
 Subject. — Correspondence of Wu Ting-fang 
 with Secretary Hay. — For a proper under- 
 standing of the questions of national honor and 
 official civility that are involved in the existing 
 laws and regulations of the United States which 
 govern the admission of Chinamen to the coun- 
 try, either as visitors or immigrants, some at- 
 tention must be given to a series of engagements 
 by solemn treaty between the Governments of 
 China and the United States, respecting the hos- 
 pitality which each has pledged itself to give to 
 the citizens of the other. Three of those treaties 
 remain partly or wholly in force. The abroga- 
 tion of the fourth one has a significance of its 
 own. 
 
 The earliest of these treaties, negotiated in 
 1858, superseding one of 1844, provided very 
 carefully for the good treatment of American 
 citizens in China, but contains nothing on the 
 subject of Chinamen in America, probably for 
 the reason that few of that people had yet trav- 
 elled so far abroad. The rights it stipulated for 
 the American who visited or sought residence in 
 the Celestial Empire were as follows: 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article XI. All citizens of the United States 
 of America in China, peaceably attending to 
 their affairs, being placed on a common footing 
 of amity and good will with the subjects of 
 China, shall receive and enjoy for themselves 
 and everything appertaining to them the pro- 
 tection of the local authorities of government, 
 who shall defend them from all insult or injury 
 of any sort. If their dwellings or property be 
 threatened or attacked by mobs, incendiaries, or 
 other violent or lawless persons, the local offi- 
 cers, on requisition of the consul, shall immedi- 
 ately despatch a military force to disperse the 
 rioters, apprehend the guilty individuals and 
 punish them with the utmost rigor of the law. 
 Subjects of China guilty of any criminal act 
 towards citizens of the United States shall be 
 punished by the Chinese authorities according to 
 the laws of China. And citizens of the United 
 
 States, either on shore or in any merchant ves- 
 sel, who may insult, trouble or wound the 
 persons or injure the property of Chinese or 
 commit any other improper act in China, shall 
 be punished only by the Consul or other public 
 functionary thereto authorized according to the 
 laws of the United States. Arrests in order to 
 trial may be made by either the Chinese or the 
 United States authorities.” — Treaty of Peace, 
 Amity, and Commerce, 1858 ( Compilation of 
 Treaties in Force, 58 th Congress, 2d Session, Sen- 
 ate Document No. 318, p. 138). 
 
 Ten years later, in 1868, another treaty was 
 negotiated, not to supersede that of 1858, but to 
 supplement it; and in this agreement the recip- 
 rocation of hospitalities is pledged in the fol- 
 lowing distinct and cordial terms : 
 
 “ Article Y. The United States of America 
 and the Emperor of China cordially recognize 
 the inherent and inalienable right of man to 
 change his home and allegiance, and also the 
 mutual advantage of the free migration and 
 emigration of their citizens and subjects, re- 
 spectively, from the one country to the other, 
 for purposes of curiosity, of trade, or as perma- 
 nent residents. The high contracting parties, 
 therefore, join in reprobating any other than an 
 entirely voluntary emigration for these pur- 
 poses. They consequently agree to pass laws 
 making it a penal offence for a citizen of the 
 United States or Chinese subjects to take Chi- 
 nese subjects either to the United States or to 
 any other foreign country, or for a Chinese sub- 
 ject or citizen of the United States to take citi- 
 zens of the United States to China or to any 
 other foreign country, without their free and 
 voluntary consent, respectively. 
 
 “Article VI. Citizens of the United States 
 visiting or residing in China shall enjoy the 
 same privileges, immunities or exemptions in 
 respect to travel or residence as may there be 
 enjoyed by the citizens or subjects of the most 
 favored nation. And, reciprocally, Chinese sub- 
 jects visiting or residing in the United States 
 shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, 
 and exemptions in respect to travel or resi- 
 dence, as may there be enjoyed by the citizens 
 or subjects of the most favored nation. But 
 nothing herein contained shall be held to con- 
 fer naturalization upon citizens of the United 
 States in China, nor upon the subjects of China 
 in the United States. 
 
 “ Article YII. Citizens of the United States 
 shall enjoy all the privileges of the public edu- 
 cational institutions under the control of the 
 Government of China, and, reciprocally, Chi- 
 nese subjects shall enjoy all the privileges of 
 the public educational institutions under the 
 control of the Government of the United States, 
 which are enjoyed in the respective countries 
 by the citizens or subjects of the most favored 
 nation. The citizens of the United States may 
 freely establish and maintain schools within the 
 Empire of China at those places where foreign- 
 ers are by treaty permitted to reside, and 
 reciprocally, Chinese subjects may enjoy the 
 same privileges and immunities in the United 
 States.” — Treaty of Trade, Consuls, and Emi- 
 gration, 1868 (58tA Congress, 2d Session, Senate 
 Document No. 318, pp. 157-158). 
 
 That this treaty, as well as that of 1858, is 
 still obligatory in its hospitable spirit and in- 
 tent, is a fact certified by the language of the 
 
 535 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 preamble of the treaty negotiated next, by 
 President Angell, of Michigan University, and 
 other Commissioners, in 1880. The recital in 
 that preamble of the purpose of the new agree- 
 ment was this : “ Whereas, in the eighth year of 
 Hsien Feng, Anno Domini 1858, a treaty of 
 peace and friendship was concluded between 
 the United States of America and China, and to 
 which were added, in the seventh year of Tung 
 Chih, Anno Domini 1868, certain supplement- 
 ary articles to the advantage of both parties, 
 which supplementary articles were to be perpetu- 
 ally observed and obeyed : and Whereas the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States, because of the 
 constantly increasing immigration of Chinese 
 laborers to the territory of the United States, 
 and the embarrassments consequent upon such 
 immigration, now desires to negotiate a modifi- 
 cation of the existing Treaties which shall not be 
 in direct contravention of their spirit: Now, 
 therefore,” &c. The following are the four 
 articles of the treaty thus explained: 
 
 ‘‘Article I. Whenever in the opinion of 
 the Government of the United States the com- 
 ing of Chinese laborers to the United States, or 
 their residence therein, affects or threatens to 
 affect the interests of that country, or to en- 
 danger the good order of the said country or 
 of any locality within the territory thereof, the 
 Government of China agrees that the Govern- 
 ment of the United States may regulate, limit, 
 or suspend such coming or residence, but may 
 not absolutely prohibit it. The limitation or sus- 
 pension shall be reasonable, and shall apply only 
 to Chinese who may go to the United States as 
 laborers , other classes not being included in the 
 limitations. Legislation taken in regard to 
 Chinese laborers will be of such a character 
 only as is necessary to enforce the regulation, 
 limitation, or suspension of immigration, and 
 immigrants shall not be subject to personal 
 maltreatment or abuse. 
 
 ‘‘Article II. Chinese subjects, whether 
 proceeding to the United States as teachers, 
 students, merchants or from curiosity, together 
 with their body and household servants, and 
 Chinese laborers who are now in the United 
 States shall be allowed to go and come of their 
 own free will and accord, and shall be accorded 
 all the rights, privileges, immunities, and exemp- 
 tions ichich are accorded to the citizens and sub- 
 jects of the most favored nation. 
 
 “Article III. If Chinese laborers, or Chi- 
 nese of any other class, now either permanently 
 or temporarily residing in the territory of the 
 United States, meet with illtreatment at the 
 hands of any other persons, the Government of 
 the United States will exert all its power to de- 
 vise measures for their protection and to secure 
 to them the same rights, privileges, immunities, 
 and exemptions as may be enjoyed by the citi- 
 zens or subjects of the most favored nation, and 
 to which they are entitled by treaty. 
 
 “Article IV. The high contracting powers 
 having agreed upon the foregoing articles, 
 whenever the Government of the United States 
 shall adopt legislative measures in accordance 
 therewith, such measures will be communicated 
 to the Government of China. If the measures 
 as enacted are found to work hardship upon 
 the subjects of China, the Chinese minister at 
 Washington may bring the matter to the notice 
 of the Secretary of State of the United States, 
 
 who will consider the subject with him; and 
 the Chinese Foreign Office may also bring the 
 matter to the notice of the United States minis- 
 ter at Peking and consider the subject with 
 him, to the end that mutual and unqualified 
 benefit may result. 
 
 This is the latest of the still obligatory en- 
 gagements by treaty that bear on the admission 
 of visitors or immigrants from China to the 
 United States. A fourth treaty, pressed on the 
 Chinese Government in 1894, permitted the 
 United States, during a period of ten years, to 
 prohibit entirely the coming of Chinese labor- 
 ers within its territory ; but the concluding ar- 
 ticle of that treaty was as follows: “This Con- 
 vention shall remain in force for a period of ten 
 years beginning with the date of the exchange 
 of ratifications, and, if six months before the 
 expiration of said period of ten years, neither 
 Government shall have formally given notice 
 of its final termination to the other, it shall re- 
 main in full force for another like period of ten 
 years.” The Chinese Government did give the 
 formal notice of termination within the stipu- 
 lated time, and the treaty became void on the 
 7th of December, 1904. 
 
 Hence the Government of the United States 
 is now under the engagements which it made 
 with the Government of China in 1880, which 
 included an engagement to be faithful to the 
 hospitable spirit of the compact of 1868. When 
 one has looked over those engagements of na- 
 tional honor, it seems hard to harmonize them 
 in spirit, or even in letter, with some of the en- 
 actments which are regulating, at the present 
 day, the treatment of people from China who 
 venture to approach the entry ports of the 
 United States. Such, for example, as the fol- 
 lowing, from “the Act of May 6, 1882, as 
 amended and added to by the Act of July 5, 
 1884,” which, according to a recent official pub- 
 lication of “Laws and Regulations governing 
 the Admission of Chinese,” was “continued in 
 force for an additional period of ten years from 
 May 5, 1892, by the act of May 5, 1892, and 
 was, with all laws on this subject in force on 
 April 29, 1902, rebnacted, extended, and contin- 
 ued without modification, limitation, or condi- 
 tion by the act of April 29, 1902, as amended 
 by the act of April 27, 1904 ” : 
 
 “Be it enacted by the Senate and House of 
 Representatives of the United States of America 
 in Congress assembled, That from and after the 
 passage of this act, and until the expiration of 
 ten years next after the passage of this act, the 
 coming of Chinese laborers to the United States 
 be, and the same is hereby suspended, and dur- 
 ing such suspension it shall not be lawful for 
 any Chinese laborer to come from any foreign 
 port or place, or having so come to remain 
 within the United States.” 
 
 “Sec. 2. That the master of any vessel who 
 shall knowingly bring within the United States 
 on such vessel, and land, or attempt to land, or 
 permit to be landed any Chinese laborer, from 
 any foreign port or place, shall be deemed 
 guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction 
 thereof, shall be punished by a fine of not more 
 than five hundred dollars for each and every 
 such Chinese laborer so brought, and may also 
 be imprisoned for a term not exceeding one 
 year.” . . . 
 
 “Sec. 6. That in order to the faithful cxecu- 
 
 536 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 tion of the provisions of this act, every Chinese 
 person, other thau a laborer, who may be en- 
 titled by said treaty or this act to come within 
 the United States, and who shall be about to 
 come to the United States, shall obtain the per- 
 mission of and be identified as so entitled by the 
 Chinese Government, or of such other foreign 
 government of which at the time such Chinese 
 person shall be a subject, in each case to be evi- 
 denced by a certificate issued by such Govern- 
 ment, which certificate shall be in the English 
 language, and shall show such permission, with 
 the name of the permitted person in his or her 
 proper signature, and which certificate shall 
 state the individual, family, and tribal name 
 in full, title or official rank, if any, the age, 
 height, and all physical peculiarities, former and 
 present occupation or profession, when and 
 where and how long pursued, and place of resi- 
 dence of the person to whom the certificate is 
 issued, and that such person is entitled by this 
 act to come within the United States. 
 
 “ If the person so applying for a certificate 
 shall be a merchant, said certificate shall in ad- 
 dition to above requirements, state the nature, 
 character, and estimated value of the business 
 carried on by him prior to and at the time of 
 his application as aforesaid: Provided , That 
 nothing in this act nor in said treaty shall be 
 construed as embracing within the meaning of 
 the word ‘merchant,’ hucksters, peddlers, or 
 those engaged in taking, drying, or otherwise 
 preserving shell or other fish for home consump- 
 tion or exportation. 
 
 “ If the certificate be sought for the purpose 
 of travel for curiosity, it shall also state whether 
 the applicant intends to pass through or travel 
 within the United States, together with his 
 financial standing in the country from which 
 such certificate is desired. 
 
 “ The certificate provided for in this act, and 
 the identity of the person named therein shall, 
 before such person goes on board any vessel to 
 proceed to the United States, be vised by the 
 indorsement of the diplomatic representatives 
 of the United States in the foreign country from 
 which such certificate issues, or of the consular 
 representative of the United States at the port 
 or place from which the person named in the 
 certificate is about to depart; and such diplo- 
 matic representative or consular representative 
 whose indorsement is so required is hereby em- 
 powered, and it shall be his duty, before indors- 
 ing such certificate as aforesaid, to examine into 
 the truth of the statements set forth in said cer- 
 tificate, and if he shall find upon examination 
 that said or any of the statements therein con- 
 tained are untrue it shall be his duty to refuse to 
 indorse the same. 
 
 “Such certificate vised as aforesaid shall be 
 prima facie evidence of the facts set forth 
 therein, and shall be produced to the Chinese 
 inspector in charge of the port in the district in 
 the United States at which the person named 
 therein shall arrive, and afterward produced 
 to the proper authorities of the United States 
 whenever lawfully demanded, and shall be the 
 sole evidence permissible on the part of the per- 
 son so producing the same to establish a right 
 of entry into the United States ; but said certifi- 
 cate may be controverted and the facts therein 
 stated disproved by the United States authori- 
 ties.” 
 
 It will be observed that Article IV. of the 
 Treaty of 1880 provides that, if measures en- 
 acted in the United States “are found to work 
 hardship upon the subjects of China, the Chi- 
 nese minister at Washington may bring the 
 matter to the notice of the Secretary of State 
 of the United States, who will consider the sub- 
 ject with him.” One who consults the an- 
 nual reports that are published, of “Papers 
 relating to the Foreign Relations of the United 
 States,” will find that the Chinese Minister at 
 Washington has had occasion very often to 
 bring cases of the kind thus referred to in the 
 Treaty to the notice of the Secretary of State, 
 and discovered, when he did so, almost invari- 
 ably, that under the enactments complained of 
 the Secretary of State had no power even to 
 “consider the subject” of complaint with him. 
 The highly intelligent and keenly logical Mr. 
 Wu Ting-fang, who represented China at Wash- 
 ington in 1900-2, had much correspondence on 
 such matters with Secretary Hay, whose sym- 
 pathetic friendliness to China was well proved ; 
 but Mr. Hay could never do more than refer 
 Mr. Wu’s representations to the Treasury De- 
 partment and its officials, who held all authority 
 in the matter, and politely return to the Chinese 
 Minister such responses as they put into his 
 hands. The following is one example of Mr. 
 Wu Ting-fang’s communications. It is dated 
 at Washington, December 26, 1900 : 
 
 “I have received from the imperial consul- 
 general and from reputable Chinese merchants 
 in San Francisco such urgent complaints that I 
 feel it my regrettable duty to again address you 
 on the subject of the manner in which the im- 
 migration laws of Congress are being enforced 
 against Chinese subjects. They represent what 
 I set forth in my note of the 30th ultimo, that 
 under the rulings of the authorities of the port 
 of San Francisco Chinese students holding cer- 
 tificates in conformity to the treaty and law of 
 Congress are virtually debarred from entering 
 the United States, it being held by the said au- 
 thorities that such students must come here 
 with a knowledge of the English language and 
 with an education that will permit them to 
 forthwith enter a college or take up an advanced 
 professional course of study. They further repre- 
 sent that under the act of November 3, 1893, the 
 Government of the United States issued certi- 
 ficates of residence to a large number of Chinese 
 persons, not laborers — merchants and others — 
 and that the rights acquired under these certi- 
 ficates are being entirely ignored. Holders of 
 such certificates desiring to make a temporary 
 visit to China are denied the privilege, and per- 
 sons who have departed holding such certificates 
 are denied the privilege of reentering the United 
 States. They state that merchants returning to 
 San Francisco after a temporary visit to China 
 are often imprisoned in the detention dock for 
 weeks and months pending their landing. 
 Their Caucasian witnesses are put to all sorts of 
 inconveniences and annoyances and treated with 
 suspicion and discourtesy. When present to 
 sign identification papers they are compelled to 
 await the pleasure of the Chinese bureau for ex- 
 amination, and are plied with all sorts of imma- 
 terial questions from an inspector, who assumes 
 the character of an inquisitor. The result of 
 this is that it is now very difficult for Chinese 
 desiring to visit their native land to obtain the 
 
 537 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 necessary signatures for their identification pa- 
 pers, thus causing them untold mental and 
 financial suffering. They report that it has been 
 heretofore the custom in San Francisco for years 
 to allow the attorney for the persons desiring 
 to enter the United States to be present at the 
 Chinese bureau pending the taking of evidence 
 on their behalf, thus affording a protection to 
 the Chinese applicants and operating as a re- 
 straint upon overzealous subordinate officials. 
 It has just been ordered by the port authori- 
 ties that henceforth no attorneys shall be allowed 
 to be present at the taking of such testimony, or 
 of any testimony on behalf of Chinese desiring 
 to enter that port. They assert that this action 
 makes the immigration inspector, whose avowed 
 policy is to cause the return to China of every 
 Chinese he possibly can, the master of the situa- 
 tion and throws all Chinese applicants at his 
 feet.” — Minister Wu to Secretary Hay, Dec. 26, 
 1900 ( Foreign Relations, 1901, p. 64). 
 
 In a previous communication the Chinese 
 Minister had expressed the opinion that the mat- 
 ter demanded the attention of the President ; 
 to which Secretary Hay replied that “ in the 
 Department’s view the immigration acts do 
 not confer upon the President any power to in- 
 terpose in the matter. The act of August 18, 
 1894, provides that ‘ in every case where an alien 
 is excluded from admission into the United 
 States under any law or treaty now existing or 
 hereafter made, the decision of the appropriate 
 immigration or customs officers, if adverse to 
 the admission of such alien, shall be final, unless 
 reversed on appeal to the Secretary of the Trea- 
 sury.” On this statement Mr. Wu now re- 
 marked : 
 
 “I beg to say that I was aware of the law 
 which is quoted in your note of the 5th instant, 
 when I suggested the interposition of the Presi- 
 dent of the United States, but I am advised that 
 it can hardly be interpreted as a prohibition 
 against the exercise by that supreme official 
 of the nation of his influence with one of his 
 own Secretaries, if he was convinced, upon 
 examination of the facts, that a solemn treaty 
 guaranty was being violated and a great wrong 
 being done to subjects of a friendly Govern- 
 ment. I am further advised that it was not the 
 intent of Congress, by the act cited, to take 
 from the President the duty, which I have un- 
 derstood was imposed on him by your great and 
 wise Constitution, to ‘ take care that the laws 
 be faithfully executed,’ and by the same instru- 
 ment the treaties with foreign nations are de- 
 clared to be ‘ the supreme law of the land.’ I 
 feel persuaded that if you will lay the questions 
 presented in the present note and that of the 
 30th ultimo before the President, he will be in- 
 spired by his high sense of justice to induce 
 the honorable Secretary of the Treasury to re- 
 vise the decisions which have been made bv the 
 official of his Department, or that he will at 
 least submit the question to the Attorney-Gen- 
 eral for a construction of the treaty and the laws 
 depending thereon .” — Foreign Relations, 1901, 
 p. 65. 
 
 Any fair-minded reader of the correspondence 
 between Chinese and American officials, relative 
 to the treatment of Chinamen in the United 
 States, is likely to find himself quite generally 
 in sympathy with the former, and compelled to 
 doubt whether the subjects of China would lose 
 
 anything if all the treaty engagements supposed 
 to be in force, between their Government and 
 the Government of the United States, were can- 
 celled to-morrow. 
 
 Anti-Japanese Agitation in California. — 
 Segregation of Orientals in San Francisco 
 Schools. — Japanese Resentment. — The 
 Labor Question at the Bottom. — State 
 Rights and Treaty Rights. — “The events 
 noted in this article belong mostly to San 
 Francisco, but to a very considerable extent 
 the agitation is one of state and national im- 
 portance. 
 
 “ In November, 1904, the American Federa- 
 tion of Labor held its annual meeting in San 
 Francisco. It adopted a resolution demanding 
 that the terms of the Chinese Exclusion Act 
 should be so extended ‘as to permanently ex- 
 clude from the United States and its insular ter- 
 ritory all classes of Japanese and Coreans other 
 than those exempted by the present terms of the 
 act.’ ” 
 
 “ In February, 1905, the San Francisco Chron- 
 icle, a daily newspaper of state-wide reputation, 
 began to publish a series of articles having the 
 general object of representing the immigration 
 of Japanese, particularly of Japanese laborers, 
 as a menace to the interests of the people of 
 California and of the nation as well. On the 
 date ,of the first publication, February 23, 1905, 
 the purpose of the series was thus announced 
 editorially : 
 
 “ ‘ With this issue we summon the attention of 
 the public to a matter of grave import, a matter 
 that no longer admits of delay if we are to pre- 
 serve the integrity of our social life not only in 
 California but throughout the Union. The Jap- 
 anese invasion with which we are confronted is 
 fraught with a peril none the less momentous 
 because it is so silent, none the less attended 
 with danger to American character and to Amer- 
 ican institutions because it is so peaceful. . . . 
 It will be well for us to choose now the line of 
 least resistance, to determine now and forever 
 whether this State and this country are to be 
 American or whether they are to be Asiatic, 
 whether they are to continue under the sway of 
 American thought and aspiration or whether 
 they are to become a seminary, an abiding place, 
 and an inheritance for the Oriental peoples. . . . 
 This is a matter first for California and for the 
 Pacific Coast and secondly for the whole Nation. 
 California stands to-day as an open door for 
 Japan and for Asia aind when these portals have 
 been passed the road to the Atlantic is un- 
 barred.’ 
 
 “ The series of articles printed conspicuously 
 on the front page at intervals of two or three 
 days sought to establish as fact a rapidly increas- 
 ing inflow of Japanese laborers, ready to work 
 at wages far below the white standard, and 
 sending native-born white men into the ranks of 
 the unemployed. 
 
 “By a unanimous vote in each House, and 
 with only few absentees, the California Legis- 
 lature on March 1 and 2, 1905, placed itself on 
 record with respect to Japanese immigration in 
 the adoption of a concurrent resolution. After 
 a lengthy preamble, the Legislature — 
 
 “ ‘ Resolved , that in view of the facts and rea- 
 sons aforesaid, and of many others that might 
 be stated, we, as representatives of the people of 
 the State of California, do earnestly and stren- 
 
 538 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 uously ask and request, and in so far as it 
 may be proper, demand for the protection of the 
 people of this State and for the proper safe- 
 guarding of their interests, that action be taken 
 without delay, by treaty, or otherwise, as may 
 be most expeditious and advantageous, tending 
 to limit within reasonable bounds and diminish 
 in a marked degree the further immigration of 
 Japanese laborers into the United States. 
 
 “ ‘ That our Senators and Representatives be, 
 and they are hereby, requested and directed to 
 bring the matters aforesaid to the attention of 
 the President and the Department of State.’ — 
 California Statutes, 1905, Concurrent & Joint 
 lies. ch. xxiv. 
 
 “ On Sunday May 7, 1905, there was held in 
 Lyric Hall, San Francisco, a sort of convention 
 of representatives of various Labor organiza- 
 tions and Improvement Clubs of San Francisco 
 and near-by cities, — such as the Building 
 Trades Council, District Council of Painters, 
 Carpenters’ Union No. 22, Federation of Mission 
 Improvement Clubs, et al. After much speech- 
 making of a demagogic character, committees 
 were appointed and an adjournment taken to 
 the following Sunday. On that day, May 14, 
 organization was perfected by the election of 
 the usual officers. All of these were men active 
 in the promotion of labor organization. 
 
 “On May 6, 1905, the San Francisco Board 
 of Education adopted a resolution expressing its 
 determination ‘ to effect the establishment of 
 separate schools for Chinese and Japanese pu- 
 pils . . . for the higher end that our children 
 should not be placed in any position where their 
 youthful impressions may be affected by asso- 
 ciation with pupils of the Mongolian Race.’ 
 But finding itself without sufficient funds for 
 equipment of a separate school, the Board did 
 not pursue the matter at this time. Its zeal in 
 the matter was not abated by the vast amount 
 of labor required to reestablish the schools after 
 the great fire of April, 1906, and on October 11, 
 1906, it adopted and put into effect the follow- 
 ing resolution: 
 
 “ ‘ Resolved, That in accordance with Article 
 X, Section 1662, of the School Law of Califor- 
 nia, principals are hereby directed to send all 
 Chinese Japanese or Corean children to the Ori- 
 ental public school, situated on the south side of 
 Clay street, between Powell and Mason streets, 
 on and after Monday, October 15, 1906.’ 
 
 “The Consul of Japan in San Francisco at 
 once addressed protests to the Board of Educa- 
 tion, urging that the requirement would work 
 great hardship upon Japanese children, by rea- 
 son of distance and the difficulties of travel, 
 street-car transportation at the time being very 
 uncertain on account of the derangements pro- 
 duced by the great conflagration of April, 1906. 
 Protests and appeals were alike turned aside in 
 California, but they received instant attention 
 in Washington by President Roosevelt, who 
 sent Hon. V. H. Metcalf, the Secretary of Com- 
 merce and Labor, to San Francisco to investigate 
 on the ground. 
 
 " There seemed to be a possible solution of 
 the school question by securing a judicial deter- 
 mination of the matter as a violation of treaty 
 rights. Upon these points Secretary Metcalf 
 reported to the President substantially as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 “1st. There is no ‘favored nation’ clause in 
 
 any treaty between the United States and Japan 
 which clearly guarantees the right of education. 
 The action of the San Francisco School Board 
 is therefore not the denial of a treaty right. 
 
 “2nd. Two points remain upon which the 
 validity of the resolution of the School Board 
 might be questioned, as follows : 
 
 “ a. May the sovereign State of California del- 
 egate legislative rights to district school boards 
 or other municipal or local bodies ? 
 
 “b. Are the Japanese Mongolians, and as 
 such covered by the state statute governing the 
 establishment of schools ? 
 
 “ Suit upon these points is inadvisable for the 
 reason that in case of a favorable decision, the 
 next legislature would hasten to enact legislation 
 especially singling out the Japanese for discrim- 
 ination. 
 
 “In December, 1906, however, the United 
 States District Attorney was summoned from 
 San Francisco to Washington for conference with 
 the President and Attorney-General, and upon 
 his return to San Francisco two suits were com- 
 menced. One was a petition for a writ of man- 
 date in the Supreme Court of California, the 
 other was a suit in equity in the United States 
 Circuit Court for the Northern District of Cali- 
 fornia. Neither suit was prosecuted, and both 
 actions were subsequently dismissed. 
 
 “ The influence of the Japanese Consul and of 
 the leaders among the Japanese resident in San 
 Francisco was strongly exerted toward allaying 
 excitement and preventing any acts that might 
 give ground for complaint. However, it was 
 impossible to conceal the fact that the effort of 
 the School Board toward segregation was a 
 stinging blow to Japanese national pride. 
 
 “ The San Francisco school question was sud- 
 denly lifted into national prominence by Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt, who included pointed criticism 
 of the San Francisco authorities in his annual 
 message to Congress, as follows: 
 
 “ ‘Not only must we treat all nations fairly, 
 but we must treat with justice and good will 
 all immigrants who come here under the law. 
 
 . . . Especially do we need to remember our 
 duty to the stranger within our gates. ... I 
 am prompted to say this by the attitude of hos- 
 tility here and there assumed toward the Japan- 
 ese in this country. ... It is most discredit- 
 able to us as a people and it may be fraught 
 with the gravest consequences to the nation. 
 
 . . . Here and there a most unworthy feeling 
 has manifested itself toward the Japanese — a 
 feeling that has shown itself in shutting them 
 out from the common schools in San Francisco, 
 and in mutterings against them in one or two 
 other places, because of their efficiency as work- 
 ers. To shut them out from the public schools 
 is a wicked absurdity, when there are no first- 
 class colleges in the land, including the uni- 
 versities and colleges of California, which do 
 not welcome Japanese students and on which 
 Japanese students do not reflect credit.’ The 
 president then specifically recommended to Con- 
 gress the enactment of legislation for the natu- 
 ralization of Japanese and for the enlargement 
 of the powers of the federal government for 
 the better protection of resident aliens against 
 infringement of treaty rights. 
 
 “ The effect of the president’s utterances was 
 to raise new questions and to bring new and 
 powerful influences to the support of the San 
 
 539 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 Francisco authorities. In California the San 
 Francisco School Board received at once the 
 credit of heroic defense of the principle of state 
 sovereignty. Expression of the same sentiment 
 in Congress was immediate and direct. 
 
 “Early in 1907, President Roosevelt invited 
 the San Francisco Board of Education to come 
 to Washington. This invitation was accepted, 
 and the Board, accompanied by the Mayor of 
 San Francisco, journeyed across the continent. 
 Several conferences were held, and after their 
 return to San Francisco, public statements of 
 results were made both by the Board of Educa- 
 tion and by the Mayor. On March 13, 1907, 
 the offending resolution of the previous October 
 was repealed. 
 
 “ The action of the San Francisco authorities 
 aroused very general comment throughout the 
 country. The actual facts in regard to the 
 Japanese in the schools were not inquired into 
 by the San Francisco press, nor in fact were 
 they accurately known at the time even to the 
 school authorities of the city. The exact facts 
 were published by The Outlook on June 1, 1907, 
 from accurate investigation on the ground. 
 The Superintendent of Schools had given as 
 the main reason for segregation, that 95 per 
 cent, of the Japanese pupils were young men 
 and ‘ we object to an adult Japanese sitting be- 
 side a twelve year old girl.’ The facts were 
 that on December 8, 1906, in all schools of pri- 
 mary and grammar grade there was an enroll- 
 ment of 28,736 pupils. Of these there were 93 
 Japanese, nearly one-third of whom were born 
 in the United States. There were 28 girls and 
 65 boys. Of the 65 boys 34 were under 15 
 years of age, and of the remaining 31 only 2 
 were 20 years. 25 of the boys over 15 years 
 were in the grammar grades, leaving but 6 to 
 justify the objection of adults ‘sitting beside 
 children of tender years.’ The conclusion of 
 the Outlook inquiry was that there was nothing 
 in the situation that could not have been met 
 by simpler remedies than the attempted segre- 
 gation, and that the underlying motive in the 
 whole matter was a desire to win the political 
 support of the labor unions. 
 
 “The great fire in San Francisco in 1906 
 drove the Japanese from their established quar- 
 ters. Their attempts to gain new locations in 
 districts previously occupied wholly by white 
 residents tended to draw attention to them. 
 For a time the policing of the city was inade- 
 quate, and cases of bodily violence toward 
 Japanese were not infrequent. Anything like 
 organized action took the form of boycotts di- 
 rected against Japanese restaurants that sought 
 white patronage and subsequently against the 
 Japanese laundries. 
 
 “The biennial sessions of the legislature 
 since 1905 have regularly furnished a large 
 supply of anti-Japanese resolutions and bills, 
 introduced for effect and without sufficient sup- 
 port for enactment. However, in 1909 legisla- 
 tion was attempted looking toward prohibiting 
 Japanese from becoming owners of real pro- 
 perty. It was only the strenuous protests of 
 President Roosevelt actively supported by the 
 governor of the state that prevented for this 
 session the enactment of some such measure. 
 The legislature finally contented itself with 
 making an appropriation for a state census of 
 Japanese. 
 
 “ This census was intrusted to the state com- 
 missioner of labor, and is now (July, 1909) in 
 progress. It may be regarded as a step toward 
 an authoritative inquiry as to facts upon which 
 later action may be based, if deemed necessary. 
 
 “The Japanese on the Pacific Coast uni- 
 formly exercise a most commendable self-re- 
 straint, and their officials take advantage of 
 every opportunity to display a spirit of friend- 
 liness. This is illustrated by liberal contribu- 
 tions to the city’s fund for the entertainment of 
 the sailors of the Atlantic Fleet during its visit 
 to San Francisco in May, 1908, and by an invi- 
 tation extended by the Chambers of Commerce 
 of the large cities of Japan in July, 1908, to 
 similar bodies in the Pacific Coast states to visit 
 Japan as guests of the country. This invita- 
 tion was accepted by numerous commercial 
 representatives of the cities from Los Angeles 
 northward to Seattle.” — Frederick H. Clark, 
 Head of History Dept., Lowell High School, 
 San Francisco. 
 
 The treaty -right and State-right questions in- 
 volved in the controversy were most perfectly 
 clarified by Secretary of State Root, in an ad- 
 dress before the first annual meeting of the 
 American Society of International Law, at Wash- 
 ington, in April, 1907. It had been assumed, 
 he said, “ that in making and asserting the valid- 
 ity of the treaty of 1894 the United States was 
 asserting the right to compel the State of Cali- 
 fornia to admit Japanese children to its schools. 
 No such question was involved. That treaty 
 did not by any possible construction assert the 
 authority of the United States to compel any 
 State to maintain public schools or to extend 
 the privileges of its public schools to Japanese 
 children or to the children of any alien residents. 
 The treaty did assert the right of the United 
 States, by treaty, to assure to the citizens of a 
 foreign nation residing in American territory 
 equality of treatment with the citizens of other 
 foreign nations. So that, if any State chooses 
 to extend privileges to alien residents as well as 
 to citizen residents the State will be forbidden 
 by the application of the treaty to discriminate 
 against the resident citizens of the particular 
 country with which the treaty is made and will 
 be forbidden to deny to them the privileges 
 which it grants to the citizens of other foreign 
 countries. The effect of such a treaty, in re- 
 spect to education, is not positive and compul- 
 sory ; it is negative and prohibitory. It is not 
 a requirement that the State shall furnish educa- 
 tion ; it is a prohibition against discrimination 
 when the State does choose to furnish education. 
 It leaves every State free to have public schools 
 or not, as it chooses, but it says to every State: 
 
 “ 1 If you provide a system of education which 
 includes alien children you must not exclude 
 these particular alien children.’” 
 
 Inasmuch as the Constitution and the laws of 
 the United States made in pursuance thereof, 
 and all treaties made under the authority of the 
 United States, are declared to be the supreme 
 law of the land, and that the judges in every 
 State shall be bound thereby, anything in the 
 constitution or laws of any State to the contrary 
 notwithstanding, this prohibitory power was 
 shown to be incontestible. 
 
 The common-sense ground of opinion and 
 feeling on the whole subject in America could 
 not be set forth more indisputably than it was 
 
 540 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 by Mr. Roosevelt, after he had ceased to be 
 President, when he wrote as a private citizen, 
 in his editorial connection with The Outlook, 
 on the 8tli of May, 1909, this: “The Japanese 
 are a highly civilized people of extraordinary 
 military, artistic, and industrial development.; 
 they are proud, warlike, and sensitive. I be- 
 lieve that our people have, what I personally 
 certainly have, a profound and hearty admira- 
 tion for them; an admiration for their great 
 deeds and great qualities, an ungrudging re- 
 spect for their national character. But this ad- 
 miration and respect is accompanied by the firm 
 conviction that it is not for the advantage of 
 either people that emigrants from either country 
 should settle in mass in the other country. The 
 understanding between the two countries on 
 this point should be on a basis of entire mutu- 
 ality, and therefore on a basis which will pre- 
 serve unimpaired the self-respect of each coun- 
 try, and permit each to continue to feel friendly 
 good will for the other. Japan would certainly 
 object to the incoming of masses of American 
 farmers, laborers, and small traders ; indeed, 
 the Japanese would object to this at least as 
 strongly as the men of the Pacific Coast and 
 Rocky 'Mountain States object to the incoming 
 in mass of Japanese workmen, agricultural la- 
 borers, and men engaged in small trades. The 
 Japanese certainly object to Americans acquir- 
 ing land in Japan at least as much as the Ameri- 
 cans of the far Western States object to the 
 Japanese acquiring land on our soil. The 
 Americans who go to Japan and the Japanese 
 who come to America should be of the same 
 general class — that is, they should be travelers, 
 students, teachers, scientific investigators, men 
 engaged in international business, men sojourn- 
 ing in the land for pleasure or study. As long 
 as the emigration from each side is limited to 
 classes such as these, there will be no settlement 
 in mass, and therefore no difficulty.” 
 
 That the emigration from Japan has been thus 
 closely limited was shown in September, 1909, 
 by the issue of a statistical circular from the 
 office of the Japanese Consul-General at San 
 Francisco, dealing in tabulated form with the 
 arrivals and departures from Japan for the year 
 1908 and for the first six months of the year 
 1909. It shows that the number of the excess 
 arrivals in Japan over the departures for 1908 
 was 1807, and for the first six months of the pre- 
 sent year 737, making a total excess of arrivals 
 in Japan over departures for the 18 months of 
 2544. The circular states that “ no new labour- 
 ers are now leaving Japan for American terri- 
 tory,” and this may be taken as the official 
 Japanese reply to the continued assertions of the 
 California labour unions that large numbers of 
 coolies are still reaching the country by way of 
 the Canadian and Mexican frontiers. 
 
 Exclusion of Chinese. — The Law and its 
 Administration. — The Chinese Resentment 
 expressed in a Boycott. — President Roose- 
 velt’s Vain Appeal to Congress. — Opinion 
 of Secretary Straus. — Resentful feeling 
 aroused in China by the immigration and exclu- 
 sion laws of the United States, in their special 
 application to incoming Chinese and in the harsh- 
 ness of their administration, began to have ex- 
 pression at Shanghai in May, 1905, when resolu- 
 tions were adopted at a meeting of the merchant 
 guilds of that city which initiated an extensive 
 
 boycotting of American goods and of everything 
 connected with America. A report of the meet- 
 ing and of its recommendations was sent to all 
 parts of the Empire and elicited a quick and 
 general response. The undertaking of the move- 
 ment was to stop the buying of American goods; 
 to socially ostracise tradesmen who continue to 
 haudle them, and to render no service to Ameri- 
 cans in China, except for higher pay than is de- 
 manded from others. This boycotting attitude 
 of large numbers in China was persisted in 
 throughout the year, and not only made itself 
 felt seriously in commercial circles, but im- 
 pressed the American public with a proper sense 
 of the indignities they were allowing to be im- 
 posed on a people who deserve their respect. 
 The President, in his Message to Congress at the 
 opening of the session in December, dealt justly 
 with the subject, as follows : 
 
 “The conditions in China are such that the 
 entire Chinese coolie class, that is, the class of 
 Chinese laborers, skilled and unskilled, legiti- 
 mately come under the head of undesirable im- 
 migrants to this country, because of their num- 
 bers, the low wages for which they work, and 
 their low standard of living. Not only is it to 
 the interest of this country to keep them out, 
 but the Chinese authorities do not desire that 
 they should be admitted. At present their en- 
 trance is prohibited by laws amply adequate to 
 accomplish this purpose. These laws have 
 been, are being, and will be, thoroughly en- 
 forced. . . . But in the effort to carry out the 
 policy of excluding Chinese laborers, Chinese 
 coolies, grave injustice and wrong have been 
 done by this Nation to the people of China, and 
 therefore ultimately to this Nation itself. Chi- 
 nese students, business and professional men of 
 all kinds — not only merchants, but bankers, 
 doctors, manufacturers, professors, travelers, 
 and the like — should be encouraged to come 
 here and treated on precisely the same footing 
 that we treat students, business men, travelers, 
 and the like of other nations. Our law's and 
 treaties should be framed, not so as to put these 
 people in the excepted classes, but to state that 
 we will admit all Chinese, except Chinese of 
 the coolie class, Chinese skilled or unskilled la- 
 borers. There would not be the least danger 
 that any such provision would result in any re- 
 laxation of the law about laborers. These will, 
 under all conditions, be kept out absolutely. 
 But it will be more easy to see that both jus- 
 tice and courtesy are shown, as they ought to 
 be shown, to other Chinese, if the law or 
 treaty is framed as above suggested. Exami- 
 nations should be completed at the port of de- 
 parture from China. For this purpose there 
 should be provided a more adequate consular 
 service in China than we now have. The ap- 
 propriations, both for the offices of the consuls 
 and for the office forces in the consulates, should 
 be increased. 
 
 “As a people we have talked much of the 
 open door in China, and we expect, and quite 
 rightly intend to insist upon, justice being 
 shown us by the Chinese. But we can not ex- 
 pect to receive equity unless we do equity. We 
 can not ask the Chinese to do to us what we are 
 unwilling to do to them. They would have a 
 perfect right to exclude our laboring men if our 
 laboring men threatened to come into their 
 country in such numbers as to jeopardize the 
 
 541 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 well being of the Chinese population ; and as, 
 mutatis mutandis, these were the conditions 
 with which Chinese immigration actually 
 brought this people face to face, we had and 
 have a perfect right, which the Chinese Gov- 
 ernment in no way contests, to act as we have 
 acted in the matter of restricting coolie immi- 
 gration. That this right exists for each country 
 was explicitly acknowledged in the last treaty 
 between the two countries. But we must treat 
 the Chinese student, traveler, and business man 
 in a spirit of the broadest justice and courtesy 
 if we expect similar treatment to be accorded 
 to our own people of similar rank who go to 
 China.” — President' s Message to Congress, Dec. 
 5, 1905. 
 
 No effective impression on the moral sense or 
 the rationality of Congress was made by the 
 President’s appeal, and the laws which are con- 
 temptuous of national treaties and indifferent to 
 the national honor remain on the statute books 
 unchanged. That others than the President in 
 the Federal Administration felt the wrong and 
 the shame of the law which it had to adminis- 
 ter, was shown by an article from the pen of 
 the Secretary of Commerce and Labor, pub- 
 lished in the spring of 1908. The following 
 are some passages from the article : 
 
 “ It is not the policy of the Government with 
 reference to Chinese immigration, but the man- 
 ner in which it is, of necessity, carried out, by 
 reason of the way in which the laws are framed, 
 that causes constant friction and dissatisfaction. 
 
 . . . The attitude of the Chinese Government 
 may be inferred from the fact that in 1904, 
 after the convention of 1894 had been in force 
 ten years, China availed herself of her reserved 
 right and formally denounced the treaty, refus- 
 ing longer to be a party to an arrangement 
 which, as carried into effect, was offensive to 
 her national pride. . . . 
 
 “ For proof of the feeling of the Chinese 
 people it is only necessary to refer to the boycott 
 of American goods, inaugurated by various 
 trade guilds and business and commercial asso- 
 ciations of the Empire during the summer of 
 1905. At that time China held first rank among 
 Oriental countries as a consumer of American 
 products. In that year, her total commerce 
 amounted to $497,000,000, of which $329,000,- 
 000 were imports ; $57,000,000, or more than 
 seventeen per cent., being supplied by the 
 United States. The exports from the United 
 States to China had grown to these proportions 
 by rapid strides. They were less than $3,000,- 
 000 in the seventies. They only reached $7,500,- 
 000 in 1886, $12,000,000 in 1897, $15,000,000 in 
 1900, $24,000,000 in 1902, $57,000,000 in 1905. 
 It was reasonable to believe that American trade 
 would continue to progress in something like 
 the same ratio, and a larger and larger share of 
 the foreign trade of China accrue to the United 
 States. Instead of that, the exports of the 
 United States to China, according to our statis- 
 tics, fell to $44,000,000 in 1906, and to $26,000,- 
 000 in 1907. 
 
 “It is not necessary to attribute the decline 
 wholly to the boycott of 1905, but a drop in our 
 exportations to that country of fifty per cent, in 
 two years is sufficiently startling to challenge 
 attention. But on higher grounds than those of 
 mere commercial interest should the frame of the 
 laws be changed. . . . 
 
 "I would not suggest a change in the estab- 
 lished policy of rigidly excluding Chinese labor- 
 ers of every description, both skilled and un- 
 skilled. The policy has been and will continue 
 to be as effectively enforced as circumstances 
 will permit. But, at a time when this policy of 
 exclusion has been so thoroughly applied that 
 there remain in the United States only about 
 70,000 Chinese — less than one-tenth of one per 
 cent, of our population — little danger need be 
 apprehended from a full and fair reconsideration 
 of the subject and a recasting of the laws upon 
 a juster basis. . . . 
 
 “By making admission the rule, and exclu- 
 sion the exception, we could easily preserve the 
 present policy in all its integrity, and even 
 strengthen the real prohibitory features thereof, 
 at the same time entirely removing a material 
 cause of friction, dissatisfaction and unnecessary 
 humiliation to the people of a friendly nation.” 
 — Oscar S. Straus (Sec’y of Commerce and 
 Labor), The Spirit and Letter of Exclusion ( The 
 North American Review, April, 1908). 
 
 A much stronger expression was given to the 
 shamed feeling of honorable Americans on this 
 subject by the veteran diplomatist and former 
 Secretary of State, Hon. John W. Foster, in an 
 article written in 1906. The following is a pas- 
 sage from the article : 
 
 “I do not know how I can better illustrate 
 the kind of protection, or want of protection, 
 extended to the Chinese, as guaranteed by the 
 Constitution, the treaties, and the solemn pro- 
 mises of the government of the United States, 
 than by recalling a notorious case which oc- 
 curred, not on the sand lots of California, not 
 under the auspices of labor agitators, but in the 
 enlightened city of Boston and under the con- 
 duct of Federal officials. 
 
 “ The following narrative is condensed from 
 the newspapers of that city. At about half past 
 seven o’clock on the evening of Sunday, October 
 11, 1902, a number of United States officials of 
 Boston, New York, and other cities charged with 
 the administration of the Chinese exclusion 
 laws, assisted by a force of the local police, made 
 a sudden and unexpected descent upon the Chi- 
 nese quarter of Boston. The raid was timed 
 with a refinement of cruelty which did greater 
 credit to the shrewdness of the officials than to 
 their humanity. It was on the day and at the 
 hour when the Chinese of Boston and its vicin- 
 ity were accustomed to congregate iu the quar- 
 ter named for the purpose of meeting friends 
 and enjoying themselves after a week of steady 
 and honest toil. The police and immigration 
 officials fell upon their victims without giving 
 a word of warning. The clubs, restaurants, 
 other public places where Chinese congregated, 
 and private houses were surrounded. Every 
 avenue of escape was blocked. To those seized 
 no warrant for arrest or other paper was read or 
 shown. 
 
 “Every Chinese who did not at once produce 
 his certificate of residence was taken in charge, 
 and the unfortunate ones were rushed off to the 
 Federal Building without further ceremony. 
 There was no respect of persons with the offi- 
 cials ; they treated merchants and laborers alike. 
 In many cases no demand was made for certifi- 
 cates, the captives were dragged off to imprison- 
 ment, and in some instances the demand was not 
 made till late at night or the next morning, 
 
 542 
 
RACE PROBLEMS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 when the certificates were in the possession of 
 the victims at the time of their seizure. 
 
 “In the raid no mercy was shown by the gov- 
 ernment officials. The frightened Chinese who 
 had sought to escape were dragged from their 
 hiding-places, and stowed like cattle upon 
 wagons or other vehicles, to be conveyed to the 
 designated place of detention. On one of these 
 wagons or trucks from seventy to eighty persons 
 were thrown, and soon after it moved it was 
 overturned. A scene of indescribable confusion 
 followed, in which the shrieks of those attempt- 
 ing to escape mingled with the groans of those 
 who were injured. . . . 
 
 “ About two hundred and fifty Chinese were 
 thus arrested and carried off to the Federal 
 Building. Here they were crowded into two 
 small rooms where only standing space could 
 be had, from eight o’clock in the evening, all 
 through the night, aud many of them till late in 
 the afternoon of the next day. There was no 
 sleep for any of them that night, though some 
 of them were so exhausted that they sank to the 
 floor where they stood. Their captors seemed to 
 think that they had to do with animals, not hu- 
 man beings. Some of them were released during 
 the night, when relatives brought their certifi- 
 cates or merchants were identified. But the 
 greater part were kept till the next day, when 
 the publicity of the press brought friends, or 
 relief through legal proceedings. . . . 
 
 “ So strong was the indignation of the respect- 
 able citizens of Boston, that a large public meet- 
 ing was held in Faneuil Hall to denounce the 
 action of the immigration officials and the po- 
 lice. ... It was announced by the immigration 
 officials that their raid was organized under the 
 belief that there were a number of Chinese in 
 Boston and its vicinity unlawfully in the United 
 States, and this method was adopted for discov- 
 ering them. The official report of the chief 
 officer soon after the event showed that two 
 hundred and thirty-four Chinese were imprisoned, 
 that one hundred and twenty-one were released 
 without trial or requirement of bail, and that 
 only five had so far been deported, but that he 
 hoped that he might secure the conviction and 
 
 RACE-TRACK GAMBLING. See (in this 
 vol.) Gambling. 
 
 RADIO-TELEGRAPHY. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention : Electrical : 
 Telegraphy, Wireless. 
 
 RADIUM, and Radio-activity. See (in this 
 vol.) Science, Recent: Radium ; also Physical. 
 
 deportation of fifty ; as a matter of fact, how- 
 ever, the deportations fell much below that 
 number.” — J. W. Foster, The Chinese Boycott 
 ( Atlantic Monthly , Jan., 1906). 
 
 In the same article Mr. Foster recalled facts 
 connected with the negotiation of the Treaty 
 of 1880 which deepen the shame to the United 
 States of what followed : “In communicating 
 to the Secretary of State,” he said, “ the signa- 
 ture of the treaty of 1880, the American com- 
 missioners wrote : ‘ In conclusion, we deem it 
 our duty to say to you that during the whole 
 of this negotiation the representatives of the 
 Chinese Government have met us in the fairest 
 and most friendly spirit. They have been, in 
 their personal intercourse, most courteous, and 
 have given to all our communications, verbal 
 as well as written, the promptest aud most 
 respectful consideration. After a free and able 
 exposition of their own views, we are satisfied 
 that in yielding to the request of the United 
 States they have been actuated by a sincere 
 friendship and an honorable confidence that the 
 large powers recognized by them as belonging 
 to the United States, and bearing directly upon 
 the interests of their own people, will be exer- 
 cised by our government with a wise discretion, 
 in a spirit of reciprocal and sincere friendship, 
 and with entire justice.’ 
 
 “But even this treaty, which had been ob- 
 tained from China so reluctantly, yet with the 
 generous exhibition of friendship on her part 
 just described, did not prove satisfactory to the 
 increasing demands of the labor unions. Before 
 ten years were passed, under the spur and ex- 
 citement of the presidential campaign of 1888, 
 and upon the hesitation of the Chinese gov- 
 ernment to make a further treaty modification, 
 the Scott Act was passed by Congress, which 
 was a deliberate violation of the treaty of 1880, 
 and was so declared by the Supreme Court ; but 
 under our peculiar system it became the law of 
 the land. Our government had thus flagrantly 
 disregarded its solemn treaty obligations. Sen- 
 ator Sherman, then chairman of the Committee 
 on Foreign Relations, stated in the Senate that 
 we had furnished China a just cause for war.” 
 
 RADOLIN, Prince de : Arrangement with 
 France for the Algeciras Conference. See 
 (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 RAIGOSA, Don Genaro: President of 
 Second International Conference of Amer- 
 ican Republics. See (in this vol.) American 
 Republics, 
 
 RAILWAYS. 
 
 Abyssinia: French Projects. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Abyssinia: A. D. 1902. 
 
 Africa : A. D. 1909. — Progress of the Cape 
 to Cairo Line. — A telegram from Broken Hill, 
 Northern Rhodesia, Nov. 10, 1909, announced 
 that the Cape-to-Cairo Railroad had reached the 
 Congo frontier on the 16th. 
 
 Argentina-Chile: A. D. 1909. — The Trans- 
 andine Railway Tunnel. — The great work, of 
 boring a tunnel through the chain of the Andes 
 at an altitude of over 10,000 feet above sea level 
 for the trains of the Transandine Railway was 
 practically completed in the fall of 1909. ‘ ‘ Early 
 
 in April next the rails will be laid, and from 
 then onward the journey from Buenos Ayres, on 
 the eastern side of the South American conti- 
 nent, to Valparaiso, on the Pacific Coast, may 
 be undertaken in comfort in a railway carriage 
 all the year round. Up to the present time pas- 
 sengers from the east have had to leave the rail 
 at Las Cuevas and proceed by a zigzag road 
 over the mountains on mule-back or in coaches 
 to Caracoles, the rail head on the Chilian side — 
 a journey which occupies about two hours; but 
 this route is only open during the summer 
 months. In the winter, when the pass is closed 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 by snow, travellers have to go round by sea. 
 The route under the Andes will effect a saving 
 of about twelve days. The work of boring the 
 two-mile tunnel was begun four years ago and 
 has presented exceptional difficulties.” — E. Y. 
 Eve. Post. 
 
 Australia: Government Ownership. — Dif- 
 ference of Gauge. — Each State having its 
 own. — “Warfare against monopoly is easier 
 in Australia than in some other countries for 
 the reason that in Australia the close relation 
 between monopoly and transportation is gener- 
 ally understood and is not an issue. Some few 
 and for the most part small railroad projects, 
 including mining and timber lines, are still in 
 private hands. All the other railroads are pub- 
 licly owned and publicly operated. So far the 
 ownership is vested in the several states, each 
 having its own system. In the good old con- 
 servative days before the Labor demon raised 
 its head, there was much childish jealousy 
 among the different governments. In the con- 
 servative view the destiny of Australia was not 
 to be a nation but a handful of nice little colo- 
 nies vying with one another in expressing loy- 
 alty to the monarchical idea and the established 
 order. When these came to build railroads each 
 colony established its own gauge and stuck 
 thereto. A more preposterous notion never be- 
 witched the human mind, but the truth is that 
 a gauge of 4 feet 8 J inches in New South Wales 
 actually seemed a reason (to the conservative 
 intellect) for a gauge of 5 feet 3 inches in Vic- 
 toria and a gauge of 3 feet 6 inches in Western 
 Australia. The annoyance, delay, and expense 
 resulting to through traffic make the thing 
 seem like a section of Bedlam. Between Mel- 
 bourne and Sydney, for instance, a line with an 
 immense business and with otherwise excellent 
 accommodations, you must change cars on the 
 frontier and all the freight must be transferred. 
 Eventually the federal Government is to take 
 over and unify the systems of the different 
 states. Considering the multiplicities of systems 
 and gauges, the task that will then confront the 
 federal Government will not be for a holiday.” 
 — Charles E. Russell, The Uprising of the Many , 
 cli. 27 (Doubleday, Page & Co., N. T. , 1907). 
 
 Canada: A. D. 1903 - 1909 . — The Grand 
 Trunk Pacific Railway. See (in this vol.) 
 Canada: A. D. 1903-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Establishment of the Board 
 of Railway Commissioners with large Reg- 
 ulative Powers. — In Moody’s Magazine of Jan- 
 uary, 1906, the lion. Robert Bickerdike, M. P., 
 of Montreal, gave a favorable account of the op- 
 eration of the Canadian Act of two years before 
 which created a Board of Railway Commission- 
 ers, taking the place of the former Railway 
 Committee of the Privy Council, and exercising 
 large powers of control over rates, construction 
 of road, and speed of trains. “No toll” (that 
 is, freight rate), he said, “ may be charged 
 which unjustly discriminates between different 
 localities. The board shall not approve any 
 toll which for like goods or passengers, carried 
 under substantially similar conditions in the 
 same direction over the same line, is greater for 
 a shorter than a longer distance, unless the board 
 is satisfied that, owing to competition, it is ex- 
 pedient to do so. Where carriage is partly by 
 rail and partly by water, and the tolls in a 
 single sum. the board may require the company 
 
 to declare, or may determine, what portion is 
 charged in respect of carriage by rail, to prevent 
 discrimination. Freight tariffs are governed by 
 a classification which the board must approve, 
 and the object is to have this classification uni- 
 form. Railways shall, when directed by the 
 board, place any specified goods in any stated 
 class. Tariffs shall be in such form and give 
 such details as the board may prescribe. The 
 maximum mileage tariff shall be filed with the 
 board and be subject to its approval ; when ap- 
 proved, the company shall publish it in the 
 Canadian Gazette, the official publication. As 
 respects this act, the board is invested with the 
 rights, privileges, and powers of a superior 
 court. None, therefore, may oppose it.” 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Government Ownership and 
 Operation of a Railway Line. See Canada: 
 A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Projected Railway 
 from the Canadian Northwest to Hudson 
 Bay. — In a speech at Niagara Falls, in Sep- 
 tember, 1908, the Canadian premier, Sir Wilfrid 
 Laurier, announced positively that his govern- 
 ment had undertaken the construction of a rail- 
 way from the Canadian Northwest to Hudson 
 Bay ; that surveyors are in the field determining 
 the route, and that plans for the construction of 
 the road are being prepared. For a few weeks 
 in the year this will give another outlet to the 
 greatest wheat region of the continent for its 
 harvests ; and even a few weeks will afford im- 
 portant relief, no doubt, to the pressure of its 
 need. Unfortunately, the passage from Hudson 
 Bay to the ocean, through Hudson Strait, is 
 sealed up with ice during much the greater part 
 of the year. Quite recently there were reports 
 of the return of a vessel from the strait which 
 had found it blocked in July. 
 
 Notwithstanding the limit thus put on the 
 usefulness of the Hudson Bay route, the North- 
 west is counting on immediate advantages from 
 it. The Manitoba Free Press exclaims: “To 
 bring uncounted millions of acres of wheat in 
 Western Canada a thousand miles nearer to the 
 market in Europe, and make a saving of many 
 millions of dollars every year in transportation 
 charges, thereby ensuring higher prices to the 
 farmers of the Prairie Provinces — this is what 
 the opening up of the Hudson Bay outlet will 
 achieve. It will mean a revolution in traffic 
 routes and traffic rates. The immense amount 
 of territory within the cost-saving reach of Hud- 
 son Bay, the New-World Mediterranean, will 
 make this route one of the greatest trade arteries 
 of the world. It will place the grain-growers 
 of Western Canada in control of the markets of 
 the world by making possible a great reduc- 
 tion in the cost of transportation. This saving 
 will be brought about because the Hudson Bay 
 route is by a very considerable distance the 
 shortest route, and the saving is in the rail haul. 
 
 . . . The total cultivable area in Manitoba, 
 Saskatchewan and Alberta is some 175,000,000 
 acres. Even estimating the as yet uncultivated 
 area as being only one-half as productive as 
 that which has already come under the plow, a 
 tenfold increase of the present production is to 
 be counted upon.” 
 
 “Roughly speaking,” says a magazine ar- 
 ticle on the subject, “ Churcliill [one of the pro- 
 posed Hudson Bay terminals] is just 1000 miles 
 from the grain areas of Hill’s roads. New York 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 is 2000 miles. Churchill is 1500 miles from Ore- 
 gon. New York is nearly 3000. . . . The har- 
 bor itself could not have been better if it had 
 been made to order. It is a direct 550-mile 
 plain, open deep-water sailing from the west 
 end of the Straits, — no shoals, no reefs, deep 
 enough for the deepest-draft keel that ever 
 sailed the sea.” 
 
 Tentative surveys of two routes from Winni- 
 peg were undertaken in October, 1908, and a 
 report of them made in the following spring. 
 They were favorable to the project on either 
 line. That to Fort Churchill would have 465 
 miles of length and its cost was estimated at 
 $11,608,000. The alternative line, to Fort Nel- 
 son, at the mouth of Nelson River, would be 
 397 miles long, and have an estimated cost of 
 $8,677,000; but harbor construction at Fort Nel- 
 son would cost heavily. The report, however, 
 recommended the latter route. Moreover, 
 abundant water power is waiting development 
 along the Nelson River, which might result in 
 an economical electrification of the road. Fur- 
 thermore, the report suggested possibilities of a 
 canal along the river from Hudson Bay to Lake 
 Winnipeg, and from the latter to Winnipeg 
 city, through which ocean craft might ulti- 
 mately reach the Manitoba metropolis. 
 
 In connection with this projected opening of 
 a commercial route from America to Europe 
 through Hudson Bay, a Danish writer has lately 
 urged the Danish Government to bring Green- 
 land into touch with it. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Important Ruling by the 
 Railway Commission, affecting American 
 Railways. — In June, 1909, an important de- 
 cision of the Canadian Railway Commission 
 was announced, “in the case of the Dawson 
 Board of Trade against the Yukon and White 
 Pass Railway Company, an English Corpora- 
 tion, laying down that by the amendment of 
 the Railway Act passed last session all rail- 
 ways, whether originating in the United States 
 or not, are under the jurisdiction of the Cana- 
 dian board. The point involved is the question 
 of rates on the White Pass, as to which counsel 
 asserted that if ordinary rates were ordered to 
 prevail it would be impossible to pay divi- 
 dends. The board takes time to consider the 
 question of rates in view of the details in- 
 volved, but orders both the American and Cana- 
 dian sections of the line to file figures before 
 the board. It is probable that the rates of all 
 American railways crossing Canada will by this 
 decision come under the jurisdiction of the 
 board. This will affect the Vanderbilt lines, 
 which cross the Niagara peninsula, also the Hill 
 lines, which enter Canada from Washington, 
 Oregon, and other States. Railway men regard 
 the decision as the most important in the his- 
 tory of Canada, because it gives the Canadian 
 Commission power to regulate rates on Ameri- 
 can railways entering Canada.” 
 
 Central Africa: A. D. 1909 . — Lines to 
 Katanga. — In March, 1909, the Temps, of 
 Paris, published information according to which 
 the work of constructing the railway from the 
 Upper Congo to the great Central African lakes 
 was making such progress that communication 
 with the Katanga mine fields would probably 
 be established by the end of 1910. The Brit- 
 ish South Africa lines, also, are being pushed 
 toward Katanga. 
 
 Chile-Bolivia : A. D. 1909 . — The Arica- 
 La Paz Railway. — According to a Press de- 
 spatch from Santiago de Chile, April 5, 1909, a 
 contract for the great railway to be made across 
 the Andes from Arica, in Chile, to La Paz, in 
 Bolivia, attaining an elevation of upwards of 
 12,000 ft. and having a length of a little over 
 300 miles, had just been given to an English 
 firm. The actual money voted for the scheme 
 was said to be £3,000,000. 
 
 China: Extent of Railway Travel. — Un- 
 used Concessions. See (in this vol.) China: 
 A. D. 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — The Hankau-Sze-chuan 
 Railway Loan. — American participation. 
 See China : A. D. 1904^1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The Fa-ku-menn Railway 
 and the Antung-Mukden Railway questions 
 between China and Japan. See China: A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The Chinese Eastern Rail- 
 way. — New Russo-Chinese Agreement. — 
 Municipalities on the Line. See China: A. D. 
 1909 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Opening of the Peking-Kal- 
 gan Line. — A purely Chinese undertaking. — 
 
 The opening, October 2d, 1909, with grand cere- 
 monies, of the Peking-Kalgan Railway, was an 
 event of especial pride and satisfaction to the 
 Chinese people. It has been, wrote a newspaper 
 correspondent, “a purely Chinese undertaking, 
 the chief engineer of which, Jeme Tienyow, a 
 member of the Institute of Civil Engineers, and 
 every employe are Chinese ; but the rails and 
 rolling stock are foreign. It has been paid for 
 from the earnings of the Northern Railways, 
 without foreign financial assistance. 
 
 “The line, the length of which is 122 miles, 
 joins Peking with the important trade mart of 
 Kalgan, piercing the Nankau Pass by four tun- 
 nels, the longest, under the Great Wall, being 
 3,580ft. It taps extensive coalfields and is well 
 and economically laid. Already the traffic is as- 
 tonishing and will add to the wealth of the pro- 
 vince and increase the earnings of the Northern 
 Railways. 
 
 “ The construction of the line has given train- 
 ing and experience to a body of young Chinese 
 engineers, who will find ready employment in 
 the future. The line will now be continued 
 westwards through populous country to Kwei- 
 hua-clieng and the Yellow River, a distance of 
 275 miles, the route for which was surveyed last 
 year. This line will also be paid for from the 
 earnings of the Northern Railways.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 - 1910 . — Proposal to neutralize 
 Manchurian Railways and to internationally 
 finance a Chinchow-Aigun Line. See (in this 
 vol.) China: A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 England : A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — Adopted 
 System in Great Britain for pacific Settle- 
 ment of Labor Disputes in the Railway Ser- 
 vice. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization: 
 England: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — No Passengers killed by 
 Train Accidents. — The British public had the 
 happiness of being informed that no passenger 
 was killed by a train accident on the railways of 
 Great Britain in 1908, and also that the number 
 of passengers injured — 283 — was not only 251 
 less than in 1907 and 345 less than in 1906, but, 
 like the number of killed, was less than any 
 previously recorded. 
 
 545 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 France : A. D. 1908. — Government pur- 
 chase of the Western Railway. — In June, 
 1908, the French Government secured legislat ion 
 authorizing it to purchase the Western Railway 
 of France, which adds 3100 miles to the pre- 
 vious 2500 miles of State-owned railways. The 
 purchase is said to have been made with the 
 expectation “that sufficient pressure will be 
 brought on the other railway companies to 
 make them adopt the methods of management 
 applied by the State to its railways.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Pensioning of State 
 Railway Employes. See (in this vol.) Pov- 
 erty and Unemployment: France. 
 
 Mexico: A. D. 1906. — Nationalizing of the 
 Mexican Railway System. — Opening of the 
 Tehuantepec Railway. — “ 1906 was a year 
 of railway consolidations in Mexico. In March 
 last, the National Railway of Mexico bought the 
 Hidalgo Railway, which starts from the capital, 
 passes through the important mining camp of 
 Pachuca, and will ultimately reach the port of 
 Tuxpam on the Gulf of Mexico. But by far 
 the most important operation of the year along 
 these lines was announced by Finance Minister 
 Limantour on December 14. The Minister, in 
 an address to Congress, informed that body that 
 the negotiations, which for some time past had 
 been in progress, for the reorganization of the 
 finances of the Mexican Central Railway, had 
 culminated in a plan for the consolidation of 
 that property with the Mexican National, and 
 the incorporation of a new company, with head- 
 quarters in the City of Mexico, to own and op- 
 erate the merged system. Moreover, the Min- 
 ister informed the legislature that the Mexican 
 government, which had owned a controlling 
 interest in the Mexican National, would hold an 
 absolute majority of the stock of the new cor- 
 poration. 
 
 “The transaction is an important one, as by 
 it the Mexican government gains unquestioned 
 control of the transportation system of the Re- 
 public.”— F. R. Guernsey, The Tear in Mexico 
 (Atlantic Monthly , March , 1907). 
 
 Early in November, 1906, President Diaz for- 
 mally opened the Tehuantepec Railway. The 
 event marks the completion of the plan first pro- 
 posed by Cortez four hundred years ago, when 
 he wrote to the king of Spain concerning the 
 feasibility of a canal from the Atlantic to the 
 Pacific by this route, though he little dreamt 
 of a railway. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Extended Governmental 
 Control of Railways. — “ The most important 
 step ever taken by the Mexican Government in 
 connexion with transportation was completed on 
 February 1, when the amalgamation of the Na- 
 tional lines and the Mexican Central Railway 
 became operative. With this achievement the 
 Government secured control of 7,012 miles of 
 railvray, thus possessing a majority of the stock 
 of the national lines and 70 per cent, of the 
 stock of the Mexican Central. The combination 
 includes, apart from the Mexican Central, the 
 National, International and Interoceanic lines. 
 The Government likewise controls the Vera Cruz 
 and Pacific Railroad, with 265 miles, and the 
 Tehuantepec National, with 206 miles.” — Cor. 
 London Times, July 16, 1909. 
 
 Mono-Rail System, The Brennan Gyros- 
 copic. See (in this vol.) Science and Inven- 
 tion : Railways. 
 
 Netherlands: Laws against Railway 
 
 Strikes. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion : Netherlands : A. D. 1903. 
 
 New York : A. D. 1907. — The Public Ser- 
 vice Commissions Act. See (in this vol.) 
 New York State: A. D. 1906-1910; and 
 Public Utilities. 
 
 New Zealand: A. D. 1909. — No more 
 
 building by the Government of Railways not 
 likely to pay Interest on Cost. — A despatch 
 from Wellington, New Zealand, to the English 
 Press, Oct. 18, 1909, reported that “the Premier 
 has made an important announcement regarding 
 his future railway construction policy. He said 
 that the Government would not undertake the 
 building of any more lines that were likely not 
 to pay. If the people wanted such lines they 
 would have to guarantee their earnings up to 3 
 per cent.” 
 
 Nigeria : A. D. 1909. — Rapid development 
 of the Railway System. — Early in 1909 Press 
 despatches to London announced that “a junc- 
 tion had been effected between the rails pro- 
 ceeding northwards from Lagos and the rails 
 proceeding southward from Jebba on the Niger 
 River. This places the Niger River, at a point 
 some 500 miles from its mouth, in direct com- 
 munication by rail with the town of Lagos, the 
 capital of Southern Nigeria, and fulfils the 
 wishes of the inhabitants of Lagos that ‘ the 
 iron horse should drink of the waters of the Ni- 
 ger.”’ 
 
 “The completion of the southern branch of 
 the Nigerian railway system,” said a correspond- 
 ent, “as far as Jebba on the Niger is an event 
 of considerable significance in the history of 
 British action in West Africa. The Anglo- 
 French Agreement of 1898 secured us in the 
 possession of what is undoubtedly the most in- 
 teresting portion of West Africa ; interesting 
 above all from the character of its varied in- 
 habitants — the agricultural Yoruba, the keen 
 Hausa trader and manufacturer, the Fulani, by 
 turn statesman and ruler or wandering herds- 
 man. To this region — to many parts of it at 
 least — Islam has brought its schools, its litera- 
 ture, and an effective system of administra- 
 tion.” 
 
 Rhodesia: Rapid Extension of Railways. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Riiodesia. 
 
 Switzerland: A. D. 1905.- — Completion of 
 the Tunnel under the Simplon Pass. — The 
 
 tunnel under the Simplon Pass, between 
 Brigue, Switzerland, and Iselle, Italy, was fin- 
 ished February 24th, 1905, after seven years 
 work and at a cost of $14,000,000. It is twelve 
 miles long, — two and three-quarters miles 
 longer than the St. Gothard tunnel. It opens 
 direct railway communication between Paris 
 and Milan. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Government Purchase of the 
 St. Gothard Railway. — The St. Gothard Tun- 
 nel and Railway were built under an agree- 
 ment (1879) with the Swiss Government under 
 which the latter reserved the right of buying 
 the St. Gothard within thirty years, and the 
 price arranged was twenty-five times the 
 amount of the net profits of the line during the 
 last ten years of working. The right was exer- 
 cised in the spring of 1909, and thus the last of 
 the principal Swiss lines passed into the posses- 
 sion of the Government. The St. Gothard 
 Company at first demanded 215,800,000 francs, 
 
 546 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 but eventually accepted 212,500,000 francs. 
 The Confederation took over the debt of the 
 company — 117,090,000 francs ($23,418,000) 
 with 3^ per cent, interest, and paid six million 
 francs for expenses of the issue of the com- 
 pany’s loans. 
 
 Turkey: A. D. 1899 - 1909 . — The Bagdad 
 Railway. — In January, 1902, the Turkish Sul- 
 tan signed a convention which provides a guar- 
 antee, to the extent of 12,000 francs per kilome- 
 tre for the undertaking of the Bagdad Railway, 
 to build which a concession had been obtained 
 by a German syndicate in 1899 (see, in Volume 
 VI. of this work, Turkey: A. D. 1899 — Novem- 
 ber). The new railway was to be an extension 
 of the existing Anatolian Railway, starting from 
 the terminus of the latter at Konieh and run- 
 ning, via Bagdad, to some point on the Persian 
 Gulf, the selection of which was left for future 
 arrangement. The line, with its branches, was to 
 have a length of 2,500 kilometres or about 1550 
 miles. 
 
 A further convention respecting this project 
 was signed in March, 1903, concerning which 
 the following statement was made in the British 
 Parliament on the 23d of that month by the Pre- 
 mier, Mr. Balfour: “ A copy of the convention, 
 concluded March 5, 1903, between the Turkish 
 Government and the Anatolian Railway Com- 
 pany is in our possession. It leaves the whole 
 scheme of railway development through Asia 
 Minor to the Persian Gulf entirely in the hands 
 of a company under German control. To such 
 a convention we have never been asked to as- 
 sent, and we could not in any case be a party 
 to it.” 
 
 Mr. David Fraser, a young traveller of expe- 
 rience, was commissioned by the Times of India 
 in 1907 to follow the proposed route of the Bag- 
 dad Railway and report on its prospects. He 
 started from Constantinople, and traversed the 
 completed portion of the line to where it breaks 
 off suddenly some ten kilometres east of Eregli, 
 “with its pair of rails,” he wrote, “gauntly 
 projecting from the permanent way and pointing 
 in dumb amazement where the Taurus shares 
 the horizon with the very skies.” “ They have 
 now,” said the London Times not long since, 
 “been pointing thus for nearly five years, to 
 the bewilderment of those who, not knowing 
 the country, imagined, in 1904, that with Ger- 
 many determined and Turkey desirous to push 
 ahead, the Bagdad line would go forward with 
 inevitable march towards its distant goal.” 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Damascus to Mecca. — The 
 Pilgrims’ Road. — “The Damascus to Mecca 
 Railway has many remarkable features which 
 distinguish it from other lines. Its principal 
 object is to provide a means for faithful Mos- 
 lems to perform their pilgrimage to the holy 
 places of Mecca and Medina with a greater de- 
 gree of comfort than formerly. Its inception 
 is due to the initiative of the present Sultan, 
 and the enthusiasm created by its first an- 
 nouncement brought in subscriptions from the 
 faithful in all parts of the Islamic world.” 
 
 The length of the line from Damascus to 
 Mecca is 1097 miles. 
 
 “ The gauge of the line is the somewhat curi- 
 ous one of 1.05 meter (3 feet 5| inches), which 
 was necessary, when the line was first com- 
 menced, to correspond with the gauge of the 
 Beirut-Damascus line, over which the rolling 
 
 stock had to be brought.” — Col. F. R. Maun- 
 sell, National Geographic Magazine, Feb., 1909. 
 
 The line was opened to Medina early in the 
 autumn of 1908. 
 
 United States of Am.: A. D. 1870-1908. — 
 Railway Rate Regulation. — Its slow De- 
 velopment. — “ Granger ” Legislation in the 
 Middle West. — State Commissions. — De- 
 fiant Rebating. — Tardy Federal Legisla- 
 tion. — The Interstate Commerce Act, 1887, 
 1906. — President Roosevelt on the subject. 
 — The creation of largely capitalized and there- 
 fore powerful corporations was first developed 
 in a rapid and extensive way by the modern 
 enterprise of railway building ; and the railways 
 became soon so essentially related to every kind 
 of interest, personal or general, that they natu- 
 rally gave rise to the earliest of the specially 
 modern problems of public policy concerning 
 corporations which required to be solved. For 
 a long period society had no call to defend itself 
 against monopolistic combinations among its 
 railway corporations ; because it was long before 
 seriously competitive lines of rail could be built. 
 Each served its own belt of country ; but each 
 company owning and managing a line held 
 therefore, in itself, a monopoly of the transpor- 
 tation agency it had created, and could, in an 
 unchecked management of that agency, either 
 wrong its whole clientele by excessive rates of 
 charge, or wrong one part of it by some favor- 
 itism of unequal rates. Those were the original 
 abuses of opportunity and power which pro- 
 voked defensive measures of law. Naturally 
 the earlier undertakings of defence in the 
 United States were by State legislation, since 
 nearly all charters of incorporation for business 
 purposes have been derived from the States. 
 Wherever the operations of business conducted 
 under such charters extend over more than a 
 single State, the constitutional power of Con- 
 gress to “regulate commerce . . . among the 
 several States” gives it an undoubted right to 
 take part in the regulation of them ; but it was 
 slow to exercise that right. The following 
 abridgment of an excellent sketch of the slow 
 development of railway-rate regulation gives 
 the essential facts. It is quoted from exten- 
 sively by kind permission of its authors and of 
 The Boston Evening Transcript for which it was 
 prepared : 
 
 “ Perhaps the most remarkable fact in the 
 whole history of interstate transportation is 
 that, despite flagrant abuses, Federal regulation 
 was held off until 1887. Within the States 
 themselves railroad rates had been often sub- 
 jected to severe regulation: yet even the public 
 excitement which accompanied the ‘ granger ’ 
 legislation between 1870 and 1880 did not result 
 in Federal legislation. In several States, no- 
 tably in the Middle West, during that epoch, 
 detailed statutes were passed fixing maximum 
 rates which by no present standard could be 
 said to be anything but outrageous. In those 
 times the Federal courts held that they would 
 not consider legislation as confiscatory if it left 
 to the railroad one cent of net profit above oper- 
 ating expenses. But even with this rule, now 
 almost incredible, it was found in the next dec- 
 ade that much of the rate-fixing under the State 
 statutes was unconstitutional. Nor was the 
 situation much ameliorated by the later estab- 
 lishment of State commissions, for many of 
 
 547 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 them, according to the present standards, fla- 
 grantly abused their powers. . . . After the first 
 outburst more conservative counsels generally 
 prevailed. The movement met much opposi- 
 tion in its progress throughout the country, 
 and although commissions were generally cre- 
 ated in the East, they were given no final pow- 
 ers over rates. Then a reaction set in, due in 
 part to the prostration of the Western roads. 
 . . . Much wise legislation dates from this 
 period, and many State commissions acted in a 
 moderate spirit. The history of railroad legis- 
 lation in these seventeen years illustrated, how- 
 ever, the slow process by which a popular 
 movement culminates in Federal legislation ; 
 and good law or bad, proper action or impro- 
 per action, the legislation of the States supplied 
 experience in view of which Congress could 
 act wisely when, in 1887, Federal legislation 
 became inevitable. That this legislation had 
 become inevitable was due very largely to the 
 continued abuse of their commercial power by 
 the railroad managers. For several years pub- 
 lic opinion as to railroad discrimination had be- 
 come so well settled as to work a real change in 
 the common law, yet the railroad officials per- 
 sistently defied it. Rebating, which, as late as 
 1875, was at common law merely a doubtful 
 practice, by 1885 had become generally ac- 
 cepted as an illegal business ; but this change 
 the railroads refused to recognize in any other 
 way than to make their practices more secret. 
 It was public indignation against long con- 
 tinued illegal discrimination and undue pre- 
 ference which brought down upon the rail- 
 ways the inter-State commerce legislation in 
 1887. The wonder is, in view of the railway 
 practices, that it did not come sooner. But 
 however well behaved the railways might have 
 been, Federal regulation would have come in- 
 evitably long before the end of the nineteenth 
 century, in accordance with the general current 
 of public opinion that public services could no 
 longer go without governmental regulation. 
 Still the act itself as finally passed was really 
 very conservative, when the nature of the crisis 
 is considered. . . . By the principal provisions 
 of the Interstate Commerce act the railways 
 were forbidden: (1) To charge unreasonable 
 rates ; (2) To discriminate between persons ; (8) 
 To give preference between localities; (4) To 
 charge less for a long haul than for a shorter 
 haul included within it ‘ under substantially 
 similar circumstances.’ These provisions were 
 undoubtedly intended by the majority of those 
 who framed the act as rather radical legislation, 
 which should materially affect the practice of 
 the railroads ; but the conservative force of 
 judical decision soon modified the intended 
 force of the act. From the outset the commis- 
 sion claimed that it not merely had power 
 under the act to forbid any unreasonable rate 
 upon complaint made, but that also, in giving 
 relief, it might indicate to the railroad what 
 should be the reasonable rate thenceforth. But 
 within ten years the Supreme Court decided 
 that the commission had no power to fix rates 
 at all. This was a famous victory for the rail- 
 road bar, for without an authoritative statement 
 by the commission of what rate it would regard 
 as reasonable, even a railroad which yielded 
 obedience to the decree of the commission with- 
 out appeal to the courts, could make a slight 
 
 reduction in the rate, and any dissatisfied ship- 
 per would be obliged to enter again into an ex- 
 pensive and dilatory litigation. In this way 
 the railroads tired out objecting shippers; but 
 in the process they stimulated a widespread de- 
 mand for a power in the commission to fix rates 
 similar to that given to many State commis- 
 sions and to the corresponding body in Great 
 Britain. The long and short haul clause pro- 
 vided that exceptions to it must be by special 
 dispensation from the commission. . . . But 
 tucked away in the section was the vague 
 phrase, ‘ under substantially similar circum- 
 stances,’ which proved its destruction. At first 
 the commission began to enforce the act accord- 
 ing to its obvious reading, and to grant dis- 
 pensations from its operation on petition of the 
 railroad in proper cases. But the whole effort 
 of the railway counsel was concentrated upon 
 the courts, and it was finally held that wher- 
 ever there was competition at the distant 
 points, the conditions were dissimilar with 
 those at the intervening points of any benefit 
 from the clause. Water competition was first 
 held an excuse for a lower rate for the longer 
 haul. Then rail competition was recognized. 
 Next potential competition over existing routes 
 was held enough. But finally the courts re- 
 fused to consider the mere possibility of new 
 routes. . . . Commercial cities and towns were 
 left at the mercy of the railways, as they had 
 been before the act, and the long and short-haul 
 clause became a dead letter. This was a 
 cause of most bitter complaint ; yet, singularly 
 enough, when the amendments of 1906 were 
 adopted, no attempt was made to amend this 
 clause. . . . Further action by the Federal 
 Government was foreshowed as before by a 
 very considerable body of legislation through- 
 out the United States, between 1900 and 1905. 
 In many States there was an unfortunate re- 
 crudescence of the ill-advised ‘granger’ legis- 
 lation, by the passing of statutes fixing maxi- 
 mum rates ; but this time it was passenger 
 rates which were chiefly attacked, while be- 
 fore it had been freight rates. The two-cent 
 fare was a popular programme in this period, 
 and it all but swept the country. Some legis- 
 latures, however, defied it, and some governors 
 stood out against the legislatures. . . . The 
 legislation of this period had, however, another 
 branch which was well-advised. It is the gen- 
 eral characteristic of this legislation that it con- 
 fers on the railroad commission the power, 
 while setting aside unreasonable rates, of fixing 
 a maximum rate. The giving of such power 
 to the interstate Commission was the principal 
 point in the programme for further Federal 
 legislation. One other general power that has 
 been given to State commissions in the legis- 
 lation since 1900 is the authority to compel 
 railroads to furnish proper facilities, together 
 with power of supervision of management in 
 other respects, which is adopted in the Federal 
 legislation of 1906 in an experimental way. 
 Those who would understand the Federal legis- 
 lation in its latest form should study the most 
 recent railroad regulation in Minnesota and 
 Wisconsin, Indiana and New York. ... As 
 finally adopted, the act of 1906 [known as the 
 Hepburn Act] is in form of a series of amend- 
 ments to the original act of 1887. . . . The 
 main object in most of the legislation was to 
 
 548 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 strengthen still further the power of the com- 
 mission over rates and rebates. In regard to 
 these, the amendments affected change chiefly 
 along these two lines. (1) Power is given to 
 the commission to fix maximum rates in cases 
 where, upon complaint, the rates fixed by the 
 railroad were found to be excessive. This in- 
 cludes the power to fix joint through rates. ( 2 ) 
 Rebating is forbidden under heavy penalties, 
 civil and criminal, both to the railroad and to 
 the shipper; and the cases in which a reduced 
 rate can be given arc enumerated.” — Joseph 
 II. Beale and Bruce Wyman, Two Tears of the 
 Railroad Rate Law ( Boston Evening Transcript, 
 Oct. 10, 1908). 
 
 It was through no fault of the President that 
 effective legislation to suppress secret rebates 
 and other practices of favoritism to large ship- 
 pers by the railways came so tardily from Con- 
 gress, as appears above. In his first Message, 
 of December, 1901, he began urging the needed 
 amendments to the Interstate Commerce Act of 
 1887, saying : “ That law was largely an exper- 
 iment. Experience has shown the wisdom of 
 its purposes, but has also shown, possibly, that 
 some of its requirements are wrong, certainly 
 that the means devised for the enforcement 
 of its provisions are defective. . . . The act 
 should be amended. The railway is a public 
 servant. Its rates should be just to and open 
 to all shippers alike. The Government should 
 see to it that within its jurisdiction this is so 
 and should provide a speedy, inexpensive, and 
 effective remedy to that end. At the same time 
 it must not be forgotten that our railways are 
 the arteries through which the commercial life- 
 blood of this Nation flows. Nothing could be 
 more foolish than the enactment of legislation 
 which would unnecessarily interfere with the 
 development and operation of these commercial 
 agencies. The subject is one of great impor- 
 tance and calls for the earnest attention of the 
 Congress.” 
 
 For five years after this reasonable and most 
 just recommendation was addressed to Con- 
 gress, the special interests opposed to public 
 interests in the matter were represented so con- 
 trollingly in that body that the impotences of 
 the law remained uncured. In the Presidential 
 Message of 1904 a more imperative language on 
 the subject was used. “It is necessary,” said 
 the Chief Magistrate, “to put a complete stop 
 to all rebates. Whether the shipper or the rail- 
 road is to blame makes no difference ; the rebate 
 must be stopped, the abuses of the private car 
 and private terminal-track and side-track sys- 
 tems must be stopped, and the legislation of the 
 Fifty-eighth Congress which declares it to be 
 unlawful for any person or corporation to offer, 
 grant, give, solicit, accept, or receive any re- 
 bate, concession, or discrimination in respect of 
 the transporation of any property in interstate or 
 foreign commerce whereby such property shall 
 by any device whatever be transported at a less 
 rate than that named in the tariffs published by 
 the earner must be enforced. . . . The Govern- 
 ment must in increasing degree supervise and 
 regulate the workings of the railways engaged 
 in interstate commerce ; and such increased su- 
 pervision is the only alternative to an increase 
 of the present evils on the one hand or a still 
 more radical policy on the other. In my judg- 
 ment the most important legislative act now 
 
 needed as regards the regulation of corporations 
 is this act to confer on the Interstate Commerce 
 Commission the power to revise rates and regu- 
 lations, the revised rate to at once go into effect, 
 and to stay in effect unless and until the court 
 of review reverses it." 
 
 Still Congress did nothing in response to this 
 demand, which was the demand of the Ameri- 
 can public, uttered by its chief and truest re- 
 presentative. Another year passed, and when 
 the next annual communication of counsel from 
 the national executive to the national legisla- 
 ture came forth, all other topics in it were over- 
 shadowed by this. The force of argument, 
 admonition, and pleading in the Message was 
 fairly overpowering, and it went to a newly 
 chosen Congress in which the people had repre- 
 sented themselves with somewhat better effect. 
 The result was the amending act of 1906. 
 
 In the energy of the President’s advocacy of 
 this legislation there was nothing of animosity 
 to the railway corporations. His most impres- 
 sive arguments, for example, were such as 
 these: “ I believe that on the whole our railroads 
 have done well and not ill ; but the railroad men 
 who wish to do well should not be exposed to 
 competition with those who have no such desire, 
 and the only way to secure this end is to give 
 to some government tribunal the power to see 
 that justice is done by the unwilling exactly as 
 it is gladly done by the willing. Moreover, if 
 some Government body is given increased 
 power the effect will be to furnish authoritative 
 answer on behalf of the railroad whenever ir- 
 rational clamor against it is raised, or whenever 
 charges made against it are disproved. I ask 
 this legislation not only in the interest of the 
 public but in the interest of the honest railroad 
 man and the honest shipper alike, for it is they 
 who are chiefly jeoparded by the practices of 
 their dishonest competitors.” 
 
 A. D. 1890 - 1902 . — Application of the 
 Sherman Anti-Trust Law of 1890 to Railway 
 Combinations and Poolings of Rates. — The 
 Trans-Missouri Freight Association Case. — 
 Decision of the Supreme Court. — Remarks 
 of the Industrial Commission. — In the period 
 between 1870 and 1880 the widening of combi- 
 nation and organization in all fields of heavily 
 capitalized industry began, especially in Amer- 
 ica, to attain proportions that could be danger- 
 ous to social interests in many ways, by its con- 
 centration of the power that money commands. 
 Alarming possibilities of monopoly, of oppres- 
 sion to labor, of political corruption, of com- 
 mercial tyranny exercised in many forms, were 
 all involved. At the same time the processes 
 working in this matter were wholly those of a 
 natural evolution, and were shaping human in- 
 dustry, very plainly and surely, to perfected 
 economic conditions and results. Serious prob- 
 lems in government were thus pressed on public 
 attention for the first time. How to realize the 
 economic benefits which industrial organization 
 on the large scale can produce, and which are 
 unattainable without it, and be at the same time 
 securely defended in all social and common in- 
 terests against selfishly hostile uses of the 
 power so engendered, became then a subject of 
 anxious debate, and the satisfying answer to it 
 has not yet been found. 
 
 Railway companies were now no longer alone, 
 as corporations that challenge the exercise of 
 
 549 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 public authority to control their performance of 
 the public service for which they were char- 
 tered. The growth of mammoth organisms of 
 business in other fields — such, for example, as 
 the Standard Oil Company — had reached start- 
 ling proportions, and the power of oppression 
 in them was being displayed. Economists, ju- 
 rists, and thoughtful legislators were giving 
 earnest study to the problems they raised. The 
 difficulty of the problem, in the United States 
 more than in other countries, because of the di- 
 vided jurisdictions in government under the 
 federal system, is made plain by Mr. E. Parma- 
 lee Prentice, in the seventh chapter of his 
 treatise on “The Federal Power over Carriers 
 and Corporations.” Before Congress attempted 
 legislation for a general control of commercial 
 combinations that were operative in the country 
 at large, there was much searching for an ade- 
 quate ground of constitutional power. In the 
 first instance it was sought for, not in the au- 
 thority to regulate commerce, but in the taxing 
 power, or the right of government to protect 
 itself from injury to the operation of its revenue 
 laws. When this was given up there were 
 efforts to frame an act “in restraint of competi- 
 tion in the production, manufacture or sale of 
 goods ‘ that in due course of trade shall be 
 transported from one State’ to another.” But, 
 says Mr. Prentice, “a statute of this nature 
 could be sustained only on the ground of an 
 anticipating and continuing jurisdiction over 
 every article which, at any period in its history 
 — from production commenced to consumption 
 completed — had ever crossed, or would cross, 
 State lines, and over every buyer and every 
 seller of such article.” This, too, was aban- 
 doned, as “an attempt to do the impossible.” 
 “ The clause relating to diversity of citizenship 
 was stricken out, and the bill once more rested 
 upon the narrow power to regulate commerce.” 
 As it finally passed the two houses of Congress 
 and was approved by the President, July 2d, 
 1890, this much discussed and much litigated 
 piece of legislation, known as the Sherman Act, 
 embodied its purpose in the first two sections, 
 which read as follows: 
 
 “Sec. 1. Every contract, combination in the 
 form of trust or otherwise, or conspiracy, in re- 
 straint of trade or commerce among the several 
 States, or with foreign nations, is hereby de- 
 clared to be illegal. Every person who shall 
 make any such contract or engage in any such 
 combination or conspiracy, shall be deemed 
 guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on conviction 
 thereof, shall be punished by fine not exceeding 
 five thousand dollars, or by imprisonment not 
 exceeding one year, or by both said punish- 
 ments, in the discretion of the court. 
 
 “Sec. 2. Every person who shall monopolize, 
 or attempt to monopolize, or combine or conspire 
 with any other person or persons, to monopdlize 
 any part of the trade or commerce among the 
 several States, or with foreign nations, shall he 
 deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on con- 
 viction thereof, shall be punished by fine not 
 exceeding five thousand dollars, or by impris- 
 onment not exceeding one year, or by both said 
 punishments, in the discretion of the court.” 
 
 “ In a number of early cases,” says the writer 
 already quoted, “the act was applied to com- 
 binations of laborers to interrupt the free pas- 
 sage from State to State, the defendants in 
 
 most instances being railroad employees. At 
 this point in the process of judicial construction 
 the case of the Freight Association [United 
 States v. Trans-Missouri Freight Association] 
 presented to the Supreme Court the question 
 whether the act applied to interstate carriers. 
 Of the intention of Congress there is probably 
 little doubt. Railroad transportation had been 
 covered in 1887 by the Interstate Commerce Act. 
 The Sherman Act of 1890 was intended to cover 
 not transportation, but trade.” 
 
 The suit of the United States against the 
 Trans-Missouri Freight Association, the Atchi- 
 son, Topeka and Santa Fe Railroad Co., and 
 others, was brought for the dissolution of an 
 association or combination alleged to be in 
 restraint of trade, and in violation therefore of 
 the Act of July 2, 1890, called the Sherman 
 Anti-Trust Law. It was tried originally in 
 November, 1892, before United States District 
 Judge Riner, of the Kansas District, who ruled 
 that the law did not apply, and dismissed the 
 case. On appeal it was tried again with the 
 same result the next year before Circuit Judge 
 Sanborn and District Judges Shirasand Thayer. 
 Judges Sanborn and Thayer affirmed the judg- 
 ment of the District Court, while Judge Shiras 
 dissented. The question then went for final 
 adjudication to the Supreme Court, where it 
 was argued on the 8th and 9tli of December, 
 1896, and decided on the 22d of March, 1897. 
 The opinion of the Court, delivered by Justice 
 Peckham, reversed the judgment of the courts 
 below, affirming that the Anti-Trust Act applies 
 to railroads, and that it renders illegal all agree- 
 ments which are in restraint of trade. The 
 case was accordingly remanded to the Circuit 
 Court “for further proceedings in conformity 
 with this opinion.” Justices White, Field, Gray, 
 and Shiras dissented from the opinion of the 
 majority. 
 
 “In the Final Report (transmitted to Congress 
 in February, 1902), of the Industrial Commission, 
 created by Act of Congress in 1898, this case of 
 the Trans- Missouri Freight Association, and the 
 general status at that time of questions involved 
 in it, are discussed at length, and partly as 
 follows : 
 
 “It is of peculiar interest to note that this 
 leading case was decided, not upon interpreta- 
 tion of the interstate commerce act itself, but 
 under the provisions of the Sherman anti-trust 
 law of 1890. . . . Two questions were plainly 
 before the court: First whether the Sherman 
 anti-trust law applied to and covered common 
 carriers by railroad ; and secondly, whether the 
 Trans-Missouri Freight Association violated any 
 provision of that act by being an unreasonable 
 restraint upon trade. The court itself acknow- 
 ledged that it was doubtful whether Congress 
 originally intended to include railroads under 
 the prohibitory provisions of the anti trust law. 
 Counsel for the carriers showed, it would seem 
 conclusively, that an amendment proposed by 
 Mr. Bland to include railroads in the prohibition 
 was rejected. The dissenting Supreme Court 
 justices maintained that in the absence of a 
 specific application of the anti-trust law to rail- 
 roads, inasmuch as the anti-trust law was a gen- 
 eral act, while the act to regulate commerce, 
 antedating it by three years, was specific, the 
 latter exempted the railroads, in any case, from 
 the drastic provisions of the Sherman Act 
 
 550 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 against combinations in restraint of trade. The 
 court refused to consider other than mere ques- 
 tions of law, holding that if pooling were ex- 
 cepted it was the province of Congress to take 
 appropriate action. . . . 
 
 “ It has very frequently been asserted that a 
 primary cause of the notable tendency toward 
 railroad consolidation since 1898 was the defini- 
 tive prohibition of all varieties of traffic contracts 
 or agreements by the Trans-Missouri Freight 
 Association decision of 1897. This decision, as 
 has already been indicated, was rendered upon 
 the basis of the Sherman anti-trust law, without 
 contemplation of the prohibitive provision of 
 the Act to regulate commerce of 1887. Accord- 
 ing to the opinion of many jurists, in fact, the 
 latter act could not reasonably have been con- 
 strued to prohibit many of the traffic agreements 
 which have been customary between carriers. 
 It has been urged with great force that cooper- 
 ation among the railroads having been finally 
 adjudged illegal, it became necessary to have 
 recourse to a more drastic remedy, namely, con- 
 solidation in some of its various forms. . . . The 
 first difference to be noted between pooling and 
 consolidation is that the latter is much more 
 comprehensive in its scope. . . . Agreements 
 for the division of traffic constitute but the mere 
 machinery by which a certain result is to be at- 
 tained. . . . Experience has abundantly shown 
 that it is possible for railroads to maintain a 
 large part of their identity, even reserving to 
 themselves the power to make rates independ- 
 ently, under a pool, in exceptional cases, with- 
 out thereby entirely nullifying the steadying 
 influences of such traffic agreements. Consoli- 
 dation, however, necessarily involves the unifi- 
 cation of all interests as between railroads. . . . 
 In brief, pooling may still permit competition 
 in respect to facilities. It may merely eliminate 
 the ruinous phases of competition in rates, leav- 
 ing still in force the healthful influences of rea- 
 sonable rivalry. Consolidation proceeds to the 
 uttermost to stifle competition of all kinds, 
 whether in respect of rates or of facilities. . . . 
 A second point to be kept in mind as between 
 the effects of consolidation and pooling lies in 
 the fact that consolidation can never hope to 
 accomplish the steadying influence upon rates 
 which is claimed for railroad pools, until such 
 time as every railroad within a given competi- 
 tive territory shall have been bought up and 
 absorbed. ... A division of territory into a 
 number of specific groups, each absolutely mo- 
 nopolized by one interest, seems to be the only 
 logical outcome of the consolidations which 
 have been already accomplished. . . . 
 
 “ Pools and pooling still exist : although out- 
 wardly called gentlemen’s agreement or dis- 
 guised in some other way, it is incontestable 
 that in every case where consolidation has not 
 proceeded to its uttermost limits, as in New 
 England, traffic agreements exist. Railroad 
 men are almost unanimous in the expression 
 of their desire to have the inhibition removed. 
 Representatives of commercial interests have, 
 in the main, acceded to this opinion. As has 
 been shown, the prohibition was not contem- 
 plated originally. It -was included in the act 
 only as a concession to certain opponents of 
 pooling in the House of Representatives. . . . 
 On the other hand, it is universally recognized 
 that certain dangers to the shipper are incident 
 
 to such action. Railroad pools may, and cer- 
 tainly have, in some instances, operated either 
 to raise rates, or to maintain them in face of a 
 tendency to decline. As a consequence, the ma- 
 jority of these appeals for remedial legislation 
 are accompanied by a demand that pooling, if 
 once more permitted by law, shall be subject to 
 governmental approval and supervision.” — 
 Final Report of the Industrial Commission, pp. 
 338-348. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1905. — The Northern Securi- 
 ties Case. — Another test of the Sherman 
 Act. — The question of the Legality of Com- 
 bination between Corporations through a 
 “ Holding Company.” — At about the time 
 when the Industrial Commission was producing 
 its final report, from which the above is taken, 
 the courts of the United States were called on 
 to give attention to another mode, distinctly 
 different from either “pooling” agreements or 
 corporate consolidation, by which an effective 
 combination of railway lines could be secured. 
 It came to the consideration of the courts in the 
 case of the Northern Securities Company, which 
 was famous in its day. Briefly related, the case 
 arose as follows: 
 
 Although the Great Northern Railway and 
 the Northern Pacific Railway traverse the same 
 Northwestern section of the United States, from 
 the Mississippi River and the western extremity 
 of the Great Lakes to the Pacific Coast, at no 
 great distance apart, there was not rivalry, but 
 a community of interest between them, in 1901, 
 when the corporations to which they belong 
 became joint purchasers of the Chicago, Bur- 
 lington and Quincy Railway system, in order to 
 secure for each of them a direct connection with 
 Chicago, under their joint control. This achieve- 
 ment of the powerful railway interests con- 
 trolled by James J. Hill was followed by what 
 is known in Wall Street as a “raid ” on the stock 
 of the Northern Pacific, by the Union Pacific 
 interests, headed by E. H. Harriman, with the 
 object of securing votes to elect the next board 
 of directors in that corporation, and thus control 
 the whole Northern transcontinental combina- 
 tion. The outcome of the fierce struggle was a 
 compromise, from which issued the famous 
 “holding company” known as the Northern Se- 
 curities Company, incorporated on the 12tli of 
 November, 1901, under the accommodating laws 
 of the State of New Jersey. The term “ holding 
 company” describes precisely the function 
 which this corporation was created to perform. 
 In the language of its charter, “the objects for 
 which the corporation is formed are : To acquire 
 by purchase, subscription or otherwise, and to 
 hold as investment, any bonds or other securi- 
 ties or evidences of indebtedness. ... To pur- 
 chase, hold, sell, assign, transfer, mortgage, 
 pledge, or otherwise dispose of, any bonds or 
 other securities or evidences of indebtedness 
 created or issued by any other corporation. . . . 
 To purchase, hold . . . etc., shares of capital 
 stock of any other corporation . . . and, while 
 owner of such stock, to exercise all the rights, 
 powers and privileges of ownership, including 
 the right to vote thereon.” 
 
 The specific plan of operation was set forth 
 in a circular issued by the Northern Securities 
 Company, on the 22d of November, 1901, to hold- 
 ers of the stock of the Great Northern Railway 
 Company, which said: “The Northern Securi- 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 ties Company, incorporated under the laws of the 
 State of New Jersey, with an authorized capital 
 stock of §400,000,000, and with power to invest 
 in and hold the securities of other companies, 
 has commenced business, and has acquired from 
 several large holders of stock of the Great 
 Northern Railway Company a considerable 
 amount of that stock. A uniform price has 
 been paid of $180 per share, in the fully paid 
 stock of this company, at par. This company 
 is ready to purchase additional shares of the 
 same stock at the same price, payable in the 
 same manner, and will accept offers made on that 
 basis if made within the next sixty days.” 
 
 “It seems,” says Professor Meyer, in his 
 “History of the Northern Securities Case,” 
 “that the capitalization of $400,000,000 was 
 fixed at that figure in order to cover approxi- 
 mately the combined capital stock of the 
 Northern Pacific and Great Northern at au 
 agreed price apparently based upon earning 
 capacity. The par value of the outstanding 
 capital stock of the Great Northern was $123,- 
 880,400, and that of the Northern Pacific 
 amounted to $155,000,000. The Northern Se- 
 curities Company purchased about seventy-six 
 per cent, of the former and ninety-six per cent, 
 of the latter, on the basis of $115 per share of 
 $100 of Northern Pacific and $180 per share of 
 $100 of the Great Northern.” 
 
 From the side of the railway interests con- 
 cerned, this holding together of the stocks of 
 the two corporations which owned between 
 them the connecting Burlington line to Chicago 
 was a necessary business transaction. Their 
 view of it was stated subsequently by Mr. Hill, 
 in testimony given during proceedings which 
 tested the legality of the holding company, 
 when he said: “With the Northern Pacific as a 
 half-owner in the shares of the Burlington and 
 responsibility for one-half of the purchase price 
 of these shares, the transfers of the shares of the 
 Northern Pacific or the control of the Northern 
 Pacific to an interest that was adverse or an 
 interest that had greater investments in other 
 directions, the control being in the hands of 
 companies whose interests would be injured 
 by the growth and development of this country 
 would, of course, put the Great Northern in a 
 position where it would be almost helpless, be- 
 cause we would be, as it were, fenced out of the 
 territory south which produces the tonnage we 
 want to take west and which consumes the ton- 
 nage we want to bring east, and the Great 
 Northern would be in a position where it would 
 have to make a hard fight — either survive or 
 perish, or else sell out to the other interests. 
 The latter would be the most business-like pro- 
 ceeding.” 
 
 On the other hand, from the standpoint of 
 public interests, the combination looked dan- 
 gerous to the Northwestern States, as being a 
 suppression of competition and a creation of 
 monopoly in railway transportation, and it was 
 quickly announced that the Governor of Minne- 
 sota had determined to invite the Governors of 
 States affected by the transaction to a confer- 
 ence, for the purpose of considering “the best 
 methods of fighting the Northern Securities 
 Company’s propositions in the courts and by 
 new legislation, if necessary.” The result of 
 the conference was a suit undertaken by the 
 State of Minnesota, at first in the Supreme 
 
 Court of the United States, where it was found 
 to be impracticable, but finally begun in the 
 United States Circuit Court. This State action 
 was soon followed by proceedings taken by the 
 Federal Government. Attorney-General Knox 
 was asked by the President for an opinion as to 
 the legality of the procedure involved in the 
 formation of the Northern Securities Com- 
 pany, and replied that, in his judgment it 
 violated the provisions of the Sherman Act 
 of 1890. The President then “directed that suit- 
 able action should be taken to have the ques- 
 tion judicially determined.” Suit was begun 
 accordingly on the 10th of March, 1902, by the 
 United States, in the United States Circuit 
 Court at St. Paul, against the three companies, 
 — Northern Securities, Great Northern, and 
 Northern Pacific. Testimony was taken in St. 
 Paul and New York, and the case was argued 
 in March, 1903, at St. Louis, before a special 
 trial court, composed of four circuit judges. 
 The decision rendered by this court, the four 
 judges concurring, declared the transaction ille- 
 gal, and enjoined the Northern Securities Com- 
 pany from performing the acts that it was 
 intended to perform. This decision was contra- 
 dicted, however, by one given at about the same 
 time in the suit of the State of Minnesota, which 
 had its trial in the United States Circuit Court 
 for the District of Minnesota. There the legal- 
 ity of the formation of the Northern Securities 
 Company was affirmed. 
 
 Appeals from both decisions were taken to 
 the Supreme Court, and that of the special trial 
 court, in the suit of the Federal Government, 
 which declared the procedure involved in the 
 formation of the Northern Securities Company 
 to be in violation of the Sherman Act of 1890, 
 was fully sustained by a majority of the Court, 
 in March, 1904. In the opinion of the majority 
 of the justices, “if Congress has not, by the 
 words used in the Act, described this and like 
 cases, it would, we apprehend, be impossible to 
 find words that would describe them” [see, 
 also, Combinations, Industrial : United 
 
 States: A. D. 1901-1906], The Court below 
 was authorized accordingly to execute its de- 
 cree against the Securities Company. A little 
 later the Supreme Court decided in the Minne- 
 sota State suit that it had no jurisdiction, and 
 sent the case back, to be remanded to the State 
 court from which it had been originally re- 
 moved. With this case nothing further was 
 done. 
 
 In connection with the undoing of the North- 
 ern Securities Company’s operations, to recon- 
 vey the property for which it had issued its 
 stock, fresh litigation arose, over questions that 
 touched the construction to be put on the court’s 
 decree. This, too, went up to the Supreme 
 Court of the United States, and was decided 
 there in March, 1905 ; but it has no important 
 bearing on the questions involved in the origi- 
 nal case. 
 
 In the final chapter of his history of the case, 
 Professor Meyer has this to say of it: “The 
 chief interest of the Northern Securities case 
 lies in the magnitude of the interests involved 
 and in the variety of the economic and legal 
 problems which were incidentally drawn into 
 the controversy. From the point of view of 
 railway organization the case presents little 
 of consequence, except that railway corporate 
 
 552 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 organization, in the process of metamorphosis 
 or evolution, must, avoid the technicality of the 
 particular type of holding company which the 
 Northern Securities Company represented. 
 From the point of view of railway regulation 
 and the relations between the general public 
 interests and private railway management, the 
 case has no significance whatsoever, in spite of 
 the fact that action against the Securities Com- 
 pany arose out of alleged injurious conse- 
 quences to the public. It was assumed that 
 competition had been stifled, without first ask- 
 ing the question whether competition had actu- 
 ally existed ; and whether, if competition could 
 be perpetuated, the public would profit by it.” 
 
 — Balthazer Henry Meyer, A History of the 
 Northern Securities Case ( Bulletin of the Univer- 
 sity of Wisconsin, No. 142). 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1909 . — The Harriman System. 
 
 — Its Creation. — Its Magnitude. — The 
 Rapid Rise of the late E. H. Harriman to Fi- 
 nancial Power. — On the death of the late 
 Edward H. Harriman, which occurred on the 
 9th of September, 1909, it was said that he was 
 the absolute dictator of 75,000 miles of railroad 
 in the United States — -about one-third of the 
 country’s total mileage of rail war's — besides 
 being a leading director in four ocean steamship 
 lines, two trust companies, and three banks. 
 Some time previously the Interstate Commerce 
 Commission, in the report of its investigation of 
 the Union Pacific Railroad management, said of 
 him: “Mr. Harriman may journey by steam- 
 ship from New York to New Orleans, thence 
 by rail to San Francisco, across the Pacific Ocean 
 to China, and, returning by another route to the 
 United States, may go to Ogden by anyone of 
 three rail lines, and thence to Kansas City or 
 Omaha, without leaving the deck or platform 
 of a carrier which he controls, and without du- 
 plicating any part of his journey.” 
 
 In the same report, referring to one of the 
 most questionable of Harriman’s financial op- 
 erations, the Commission remarked that it was 
 “rich in illustrations of various methods of in- 
 defensible financing,” but added that it was 
 no part of the Harriman policy to permit the 
 properties under the Union Pacific control to 
 degenerate. “ As railroads,” it was said, “ they 
 are better properties to-day, with lower grades, 
 straighter tracks, and more ample equipment 
 than they were when they came under that 
 control. Large sums have been generously ex- 
 pended in the carrying on of engineering works 
 and betterments which make for the improve- 
 ment of the service and the permanent value of 
 the property.” 
 
 On the occasion of Mr. Harriman’s death, the 
 New York Evening Post, reviewing his career, 
 said of him that “his worst enemies are forced 
 to admit that as a railroad executive he had no 
 peer. What he found on taking charge of the 
 Union Pacific was two dirt ballasted streaks of 
 rust. The stations along the mountain grades 
 were tumbled-down shacks, and most of the 
 equipment was fit only for the scrap pile. More- 
 over, there was no organization. From top to 
 bottom of the staff the men had lost heart. In 
 1898 the Union Pacific was suffering from bank- 
 ruptcy, brought on by years of political and 
 financial intrigue. But when Harriman got his 
 grip on the property he said to his associates: 
 ‘We will rebuild it and do it right away.’ 
 
 Harriman’s plans called for hundreds of millions 
 of dollars for new rails, lower grades, and mod- 
 ern cars, locomotives, and terminals. After a 
 struggle the Union Pacific directors came around 
 to his way of thinking.” 
 
 “ It is necessary to remember,” said the Post, 
 in another article, “in summing up the Wall 
 Street side of Mr. Harriman’s history, that fif- 
 teen years ago he was hardly known, even in 
 railway circles; that ten years ago, his name 
 would have conveyed no meaning or association 
 to the general public; that even at the inception 
 of the celebrated Northern Pacific fight of 1901 
 [see above, under date of 1901-1905], in which 
 he was actually a chief protagonist, Wall Street 
 mentioned his name only incidentally in con- 
 nection with it. The fight, as the Stock Ex- 
 change and the newspapers then saw it, was 
 waged between the ‘ Standard Oil interest,’ and 
 the ‘Morgan interest,’ and the Union Pacific’s 
 chairman cut little individual figure in the 
 public view.” 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Feb.). — Act of Congress to 
 Further Regulate Commerce with Foreign 
 Nations and among the States, known com- 
 monly as “the Elkins Law.’’ — The follow- 
 ing are the essential provisions of the Act, ap- 
 proved February 19, 1903, which is commonly 
 referred to as the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law : 
 
 “ The willful failure upon the part of any car- 
 rier subject to said Acts to file and publish the 
 tariffs or rates and charges as required by said 
 Acts or strictly to observe such tariffs until 
 changed according to law, shall be a misde- 
 meanor, and upon conviction thereof the cor- 
 poration offending shall be subject to a fine not 
 less than one thousand dollars nor more than 
 twenty thousand dollars for each offense ; and 
 it shall be unlawful for any person, persons, 
 or corporation to offer, grant, or give or to 
 solicit, accept, or receive any rebate, conces- 
 sion, or discrimination in respect of the trans- 
 portation of any property in interstate or for- 
 eign commerce by any common carrier subject 
 to said Act to regulate commerce and the Acts 
 amendatory thereto whereby any such property 
 shall by any device whatever be transported at 
 a less rate than that named in the tariffs pub- 
 lished and filed by such carrier, as is required 
 by said Act to regulate commerce and the Acts 
 amendatory thereto, or whereby any other ad- 
 vantage is given or discrimination is practiced. 
 Every person or corporation who shall offer, 
 grant, or give or solicit, accept or receive any 
 such rebates, concession, or discrimination shall 
 be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on 
 conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine 
 of not less than one thousand dollars nor more 
 than twenty thousand dollars. In all convic- 
 tions occurring after the passage of this Act 
 for offences under said Acts to regulate com- 
 merce, whether committed before or after the 
 passage of this Act, or for offenses under this 
 section, no penalty shall be imposed on the con 
 victed party other than the fine prescribed by 
 law, imprisonment wherever now prescribed as 
 part of the penalty being hereby abolished. 
 Every violation of this section shall be prose- 
 cuted in any court of the United States having 
 jurisdiction of crimes within the district in 
 which such violation was committed or through 
 which the transportation may have been con- 
 ducted ; and whenever the offense is begun in 
 
 553 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 one jurisdiction and completed in another it may 
 be dealt with, inquired of, tried, determined, 
 and punished in either jurisdiction in the same 
 manner as if the offense had been actually and 
 wholly committed therein. 
 
 “ In construing and enforcing the provisions 
 of this section the act, omission, or failure of 
 any officer, agent, or other person acting for or 
 employed by any common carrier acting within 
 the scope of his employment shall in every case 
 be also deemed to be the act, omission, or fail- 
 ure of such carrier as well as that of the person. 
 Whenever any carrier flies with the Interstate 
 Commerce Commission or publishes a particu- 
 lar rate under the provisions of the Act to reg- 
 ulate commerce or Acts amendatory thereto, or 
 participates in any rates so filed or published, 
 that rate as against such carrier, its officers or 
 agents in any prosecution begun under this Act 
 shall be conclusively deemed to be the legal 
 rate, and any departure from such rate, or any 
 offer to depart therefrom, shall be deemed to be 
 an offense under this section of this Act.” — 
 Statutes at Large of the United States, Fifty -sev- 
 enth Congress, Session IT, chapter 708. 
 
 In comment on the above Act, Professor Rip- 
 ley wrote, sometime after its passage: 
 
 “Two years ago, at the instance of the rail- 
 ways, which were desirous of stopping large 
 leakages of revenue due to rate cutting, Congress 
 enacted the so-called Elkins law. This was 
 distinctly a railway measure. Hence the ease 
 and quiet of its passage. It roused none of the 
 corporate watch dogs of the Senate, ostensibly 
 guardians of the public welfare. Nor was it a 
 compromise. There was no need of compromise. 
 Both railways and shippers were agreed in the 
 wish to eliminate rebates. Section 3 of this 
 law of 1903 recites ‘ that whenever the Inter- 
 state Commerce Commission shall have reason- 
 able ground for belief that any common carrier 
 is engaged in the carriage of passenger or freight 
 traffic between given points at less than the 
 published rates on file, or is committing any 
 discriminations forbidden by law ’ (our italics), 
 it may petition any circuit judge for the issu- 
 ance of an injunction summarily prohibiting 
 the practice. Such a remedy would seem to be 
 prompt, efficient, and adequate. It is the basis 
 of the universal railway testimony that no fur- 
 ther legislation on the subject is needed, but 
 that the Interstate Commerce Commission should 
 quit talking and get down to business. . . . 
 
 “ That the Elkins law adds nothing to the 
 original statute of 1887 is indisputable. It deals 
 with means, not ends. It provides motive 
 power, but not intelligent direction, for the 
 wheels of justice. The law remains absolutely 
 unchanged in its definition of rights and wrongs. ” 
 — W. Z. Ripley, President Roosevelt’s Railway 
 Policy ( Atlantic Monthly, Sept., 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — International Railway Con- 
 gress. — The International Railway Congress 
 had its meeting of 1905 at Washington, on the 
 invitation of the American Railroad Association. 
 Between three and four hundred American rail- 
 road men were in attendance during the Con- 
 gress, which lasted from May 4 to May 13. The 
 delegates from oversea numbered three hun- 
 dred and twenty, and included representatives 
 from every country in the world. Germany, for 
 the first time, was adequately represented in 
 the Congress; while at no previous Congress 
 
 were there so many delegates from Great Britain 
 and from British colonies. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — Reconstruction of the Inter- 
 state Commerce Commission. See (in this 
 vol.) Intekstate Commerce Commission. 
 
 A. D. 1906 - 1909 . — Decision of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States on the Constitu- 
 tionality of the “Commodities Clause” of 
 the Hepburn Act. — The Railroad Monopoly 
 of the Anthracite Coal Trade. — The Act of 
 1906 (known commonly as the Hepburn Act) 
 which amended the Interstate Commerce Act 
 of 1887 (see above, under date of 1870-1908), 
 contains an important provision which was 
 specially intended to dissolve the monopolistic 
 combination by which a group of railroads oper- 
 ating in 'Pennsylvania have established control 
 of the mining and marketing, as well as the 
 transportation of anthracite coal. This was 
 inserted in the Act on motion of Senator Elkins 
 and is sometimes referred to as the “Elkins 
 Clause,” sometimes as the “Commodities 
 Clause ” of the Railway Rebate Act. This 
 clause declared it to be unlawful “ for any rail- 
 road company to transport from any State to 
 any other State or to any foreign country any 
 article or commodity other than timber manu- 
 factured, mined, or produced by it, or under its 
 authority, or which it may own in whole or in 
 part, or in which it may have any interest, di- 
 rect or indirect, except such articles or commod- 
 ities as may be necessary and intended for its 
 use in the conduct of its business as a common 
 carrier.” 
 
 Since 1874 the Constitution of Pennsylvania 
 had declared that “no incorporated company 
 doing the business of a common carrier shall, 
 directly or indirectly, prosecute or engage iD 
 mining or manufacturing articles for transporta- 
 tion over its works; nor shall such company di- 
 rectly or indirectly engage in any other business 
 than that of common carrier, or hold or acquire 
 lands, freehold or leasehold, directly or indi- 
 rectly, except such as shall be necessary to carry 
 on its business.” But this constitutional pro- 
 hibition had not sufficed to restrain the owners 
 of the railways which tap the anthracite coal 
 district from acquiring practical ownership of 
 so large a part of its mines as to be able, by 
 combinations and understandings among their 
 managers, to monopolize the market of that 
 most important commodity. It was thought 
 that the power vested in the General Govern- 
 ment to regulate the commerce in coal between 
 Pennsylvania and other States might be brought 
 into exercise against this anthracite monopoly 
 with more effect. 
 
 On the 1st of May, 1908, the “commodities 
 clause ” of the Hepburn Act became operative, 
 and soon thereafter a suit was brought in the 
 United Slates Circuit Court for the Eastern Dis- 
 trict of Pennsylvania, to test its constitutional- 
 ity. In this trial of the question the Govern- 
 ment met defeat. Two of the three Judges of 
 the Court, namely Gray and Dallas, filed opinions 
 against the constitutionality of the enactment, 
 their colleague, Judge Buffington, dissenting. 
 The case went then on appeal to the Supreme 
 Court, and there, by a judgment so nearly unan- 
 imous that Judge Harlan alone dissented on a 
 single point, the decision of the Circuit Court 
 was reversed and the constitutionality of the law 
 upheld. The following summary of its opinion 
 
 554 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 was given out by the Supreme Court at the time 
 of the announcement, May 3, 1909: 
 
 “ (1.) The claim of the government that the 
 provision contained in the Hepburn act, ap- 
 proved June 29, 1906, commonly called the 
 Commodities Clause, prohibits a railway com- 
 pany from moving commodities in interstate 
 commerce because the company has manufac- 
 tured, mined, or produced them, or owned them 
 in whole or in part, or has had an interest direct 
 or indirect in them, wholly irrespective of the 
 relation or connection of the carrier with the 
 commodities at the time of transportation, is 
 decided to be untenable. It is also decided that 
 the provision of the commodities clause relating 
 to interest, direct or indirect, does not embrace 
 an interest which a carrier may have in a pro- 
 ducing corporation as the result of the owner- 
 ship by the carrier of stock in such corporation 
 irrespective of the amount of stock which the 
 carrier may own in such corporation, provided 
 the corporation has been organized in good faith. 
 
 “(2.) Rejecting the construction placed by 
 the government upon the commodities clause, 
 it is decided that that clause, when all its pro- 
 visions are harmoniously construed, has solely 
 for its object to prevent carriers engaged in 
 interstate commerce from being associated in 
 interest at the time of transportation with the 
 commodities transported, and therefore the com- 
 modities clause only prohibits railroad compa- 
 nies engaged in interstate commerce from trans- 
 porting in such commerce commodities under 
 the following circumstances and conditions: 
 
 “ (a) When the commodity has been manufac- 
 tured, mined, or produced by a railway com- 
 pany, or under its authority, and at the time 
 of transportation the railway company has not 
 in good faith before the act of transportation 
 parted with its interest in such commodity ; 
 
 “ (b) When the railway company owns the 
 commodity to be transported in whole or in 
 part ; 
 
 “(c) When the railway company at the time 
 of transportation has an interest direct or indi- 
 rect in a legal sense in the commodity, which 
 last prohibition does not apply to commodities 
 manufactured, mined, produced, owned, etc., 
 by a corporation because a railway company is 
 a stockholder in such corporation. 
 
 “Such ownership of stock in a producing 
 company by a railway company does not cause 
 it as the owner of the stock to have a legal in- 
 terest in the commodity manufactured, etc., by 
 the producing corporation. 
 
 “(3.) As thus construed the commodities 
 clause is a regulation of commerce within the 
 power of Congress to enact. The contentions 
 elaborately argued for the railroad companies 
 that the clause, if applied to preexisting rights, 
 will operate to take property of railroad com- 
 panies and therefore violate the due process 
 clause of the Fifth Amendment, were all based 
 upon the assumption that the clause prohibited 
 and restricted in accordance with the construc- 
 tion which the government gave that clause 
 and for the purpose of enforcing which prohi- 
 bitions these suits were brought. 
 
 “As the construction which the government 
 placed upon the act and seeks to enforce is now 
 held to be unsound, and as none of the conten- 
 tions relied upon are applicable to the act as 
 now construed, because under such construction 
 
 the act merely enforces a regulation of com- 
 merce by which carriers are compelled to disso- 
 ciate themselves from the products which they 
 carry and does not prohibit where the carrier 
 is not associated with the commodity carried, it 
 follows that the contentions on the subject of 
 the Fifth Amendment are without merit. 
 
 “(4.) The exemption as to timber, etc., con- 
 tained in the clause is not repugnant to the 
 Constitution. 
 
 “(5.) The provision as to penalties is sepa- 
 rable from the other provisions of the act. As 
 no recovery of penalties was prayed, no issue 
 concerning them is here presented. It will be 
 time enough to consider whether the right to 
 recover penalties exists when an attempt to col- 
 lect penalties is made. 
 
 “( 6 .) As the construction now given the act 
 differs so widely from the construction which 
 the government gave to the act. and which it 
 was the purpose of these suits to enforce, it is 
 held that it is not necessary, in reversing and 
 remanding, to direct the character of decrees 
 which shall be entered, but simply to reverse 
 and remand the case with instructions to en- 
 force and apply the statute as it is now con- 
 strued. 
 
 “ (7.) As the Delaware and Hudson Company 
 is engaged as a common carrier by rail in the 
 transportation of coal in the channels of inter- 
 state commerce, it is a railroad company within 
 the purview of the commodities clause, and is 
 subject to the provisions of that clause as they 
 are now construed.” 
 
 Six railway companies, namely, the Delaware 
 and Hudson, the Erie, the Central of New Jer- 
 sey, the Lackawanna, the Pennsylvania and the 
 Lehigh Valley, were involved in the test suit on 
 which this decision was given ; but the ruling 
 will affect all roads engaged in coal mining. Jus- 
 tice Harlan dissented from that part of the deci- 
 sion which relates to the ownership of stock in 
 a producing company; otherwise the opinion, 
 announced by Justice White, was the opinion of 
 the entire Bench. 
 
 By ruling that “ ownership of stock in a pro- 
 ducing company by a railway company does not 
 cause it as the owner of the stock to have a legal 
 interest in the commodity manufactured, etc., 
 by the producing company,” the court appears 
 to have made further legislation necessary, if the 
 companies are to be barred from controlling the 
 production and marketing of the coal through 
 subsidiary corporations. 
 
 See, also, in this vol., under Combinations, 
 Industrial, &c. : United States: A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Regulative Legislation in 
 the States. — “ Never in the history of railroad 
 legislation have our transportation systems run 
 counter to a campaign so comprehensive, wide- 
 spread, and disturbing as the general trend of 
 ‘ regulation ’ in almost every State Legislature 
 in session during 1907. It seems as if a legisla- 
 tive tempest against the railroads had been un- 
 loosed simultaneously in more than thirty States 
 upon a given signal. The welcome accorded it 
 by our lawmakers is inexplicable, unless we are 
 prepared to admit that our Government, as has 
 been charged frequently, is one of impulse. On 
 this hypothesis it is readily understood. 
 
 “ Thirty-five States, in all, attempted to enact 
 laws reducing freight or passenger rates, estab- 
 
 555 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 lisliing railroad commissions, increasing the 
 powers of existing commissions, regulating car 
 service, demurrage, safety appliances, block sig- 
 nals, free passes, capitalization, liability for ac- 
 cidents to employees, hours of labor, blacklist- 
 ing, strikes, etc. . . . Uniformity was sought 
 without discrimination or foresight. Railroads 
 in densely populated districts and those in 
 sparsely settled rural localities were given alike 
 a two-cent rate. Worse than this: roads of dif- 
 ferent earning power in the same State were 
 assigned a level rate. The prosperous and well- 
 established road and the struggling pioneer were 
 bracketed, — to sink or swim. 
 
 “But all of their work was not wasted. Real 
 constructive legislation was enacted in many 
 States in regard to corporate control, safety ap- 
 pliances, block signals, working hours, rights of 
 employees, railroad mergers, valuation, capital- 
 ization, publication of rate schedules, etc., while 
 in the States of South Carolina, South Dakota, 
 Tennessee, and Wisconsin the rate question was 
 given fair and temperate consideration. . . . 
 
 “ An analysis of the general results shows 
 that passenger fares were either actually reduced 
 or affected in twenty-one States : Alabama, 
 Arkansas, Georgia, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, Kan- 
 sas, Maryland, Michigan, Minnesota, Mississippi, 
 Missouri, Nebraska, North Carolina, North 
 Dakota, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, South Da- 
 kota, Virginia, West Virginia, and Wisconsin. 
 Two-cent rates now prevail in Arkansas, Indi- 
 ana, Illinois, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, 
 Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin ; and in Ohio, 
 since 1906 ; two-and-one-half-cent rates in Ala- 
 bama and North Dakota. North Carolina has 
 established a two-and one-quarter-cent rate ; 
 West Virginia, a two-cent rate for railroads over 
 fifty miles in length ; Iowa, a sliding scale of 
 from two to three cents per mile; Michigan, a 
 two, three, and> four cent rate; Kansas, Mary- 
 land, and Mississippi, two-cent rates for mileage 
 books ; the railroad commissions of Georgia and 
 South Dakota have been authorized to establish 
 a two-cent and a two-and-one-half-cent rate, 
 respectively ; and Oklahoma specifies in its new 
 constitution a maximum charge of two cents for 
 passenger fare. Virginia’s Corporation Com- 
 mission has adopted a two-cent rate for trunk 
 lines, a three-cent rate for minor roads and a 
 three-and-one-half-cent rate on one or two lines. 
 
 “ Freight charges were lowered in many 
 States. The Commodity Freight Rate law of 
 Minnesota is probably the most scientific and 
 equitable, and is being used by many Western 
 roads as a basis. Commissions in other States 
 have adopted it as a model. 
 
 “ Laws prohibiting free passes were enacted 
 in Alabama, Indiana, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, 
 Nebraska, Nevada, New Hampshire, New York, 
 Oklahoma, Oregon, South Dakota, and Texas. 
 
 “ Eleven States created railroad commissions : 
 Colorado, Indiana, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, 
 New Jersey, New York, Oklahoma, Oregon, 
 Pennsylvania, and Vermont. Sixteen others 
 gave increased power to existing commissions, 
 apart from rate regulation : Alabama, Arkansas, 
 Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Mis- 
 souri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, North Caro- 
 lina, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, 
 Washington, and Wisconsin.” — Robert Emmett 
 Ireton, The Legislatures and the Railways (Rev. 
 of Reviews, Aug., 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Limitation of Working 
 Hours for Trainmen. — An Act of Congress 
 passed in January, 1907, prohibits railways en- 
 gaged in interstate and foreign commerce from 
 requiring or permitting those of their employes 
 who have to do with the movement of trains 
 to work more than sixteen hours consecutively, 
 or more than an aggregate of sixteen in each 
 twenty-four hours, and requires that when an 
 employe shall have worked for sixteen hours 
 there shall follow a period of rest of not less 
 than ten hours before he shall resume his du- 
 ties. Certain exceptions are made to provide 
 for accidents, the failure of trains to make their 
 regular schedules, connections, etc. Violation 
 of the act is declared to be a misdemeanor 
 punishable by a fine of from §100 to §1,000, 
 and the Interstate Commerce Commission is 
 charged with the duty of enforcing the law. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Strike on roads west of Chi- 
 cago averted by Federal Intermediation. 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Organization: 
 United States: A. D. 1907 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1907-1908. — Limitation of State 
 Authority in matters of Interstate Com- 
 merce. — Serious collisions between Federal 
 and State authority which occurred in 1907, in 
 the States of Alabama, North Carolina, and 
 Minnesota, on questions relating to interstate 
 railways and their commerce, were cleared by 
 important decisions of the Supreme Court of 
 the United States, rendered in the spring of 
 1908. The States in question had enacted law’s 
 which had the effect of intimidating railway 
 companies and their agents from appealing to 
 Federal courts, by the severity of the penalties 
 they imposed. Suits undertaken in conse- 
 quence against the State officials acting under 
 these laws raised the question which was car- 
 ried to the Federal Supreme Court. The bear- 
 ing of the judgment rendered by that Court in 
 the Minnesota case, Justice Harlan alone dis- 
 senting, is indicated by two passages from it, 
 as follows: 
 
 “The provisions of the acts relating to the 
 enforcement of the rates, either for freight or 
 passengers, by imposing such enormous fines 
 and possible imprisonment as a result of an un- 
 successful effort to test the validity of the laws 
 themselves, are unconstitutional on their face, 
 without regard to the question of the insuffi- 
 ciency of those rates.’’ 
 
 “If the act which the State Attorney-General 
 seeks to enforce be a violation of the Federal 
 Constitution, the officer in proceeding under 
 such enactment comes into conflict with the 
 superior authority of that Constitution, and he 
 is in that case stripped of his official or re- 
 presentative character and is subjected in his 
 person to the consequences of his individual 
 conduct. The State has no power to impart to 
 him any immunity from responsibility to the 
 supreme authority of the United States.” 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Decision in Armour Pack- 
 ing Company Case. - — A decision by the 
 United States Supreme Court in the case of the 
 United States vs. the Armour Packing Com- 
 pany covered cases in which identical proceed- 
 ings were pending against three other packing 
 companies and the Chicago, Burlington and 
 Quincy Railroad Company. The packing com- 
 pany had contracted with the railway company 
 for a rate from the Mississippi to New York, to 
 
 556 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RAILWAYS 
 
 continue for seven months, soon after which the 
 railway company tiled, published, and posted a 
 much higher rate, continuing, however, to give 
 transportation to the packing company, on 
 through bills of lading to foreign ports for the 
 lower rate of the contract. The Supreme Court 
 sustained the Circuit Court in deciding this to 
 be in violation of the law against discrimination 
 in rates, since that law, being in force when the 
 contract was made, was necessarily “read into 
 the contract ’’and “ became part of it.” 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Passage of Act re- 
 lating to the Liability of Common Carriers 
 by Railroad to their Employes in Certain 
 Cases. See (in this vol.) Labor Protection: 
 Employers’ Liability. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Nov.). — Supreme Court Deci- 
 sion in Case of Virginia Railroads vs. the 
 State Corporation Commission of Vir- 
 ginia. — “Justice Holmes today [November 30, 
 1908] announced the decision of the Supreme 
 Court of the United States in the case of the Vir- 
 ginia railroads versus the state corporation com- 
 mission of Virginia, calling into question the 
 order of the commission fixing a uniform rate of 
 two cents a mile for carrying passengers in the 
 state. The decision reversed the decision of the 
 United States circuit court for the eastern divi- 
 sion of Virginia on the technical ground that 
 the railroads should have appealed from the 
 commission’s order to the supreme court of Vir- 
 ginia before seeking the intervention of the fed- 
 eral courts. In effect the court directs that the 
 railroad companies take their case to the state 
 court of last resort and that in order to prevent 
 injustices through the possible application of 
 the statute of limitations, the case be retained 
 on the docket of the United States circuit court, 
 by which it was originally decided favorably to 
 the roads.” — Washington Despatch to the Associ- 
 ated Press. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — The Missouri River 
 Rate Case. — Permanent Injunction against 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission. — By 
 
 an order made on the 24th of June, 1908, the 
 Interstate Commerce Commission forbade the 
 charging of a through rate on first class matter, 
 by the railroads, from the Atlantic seaboard to 
 the Missouri River ($1.47 per hundred pounds), 
 which equalled the rate charged from the Atlan- 
 tic to the Mississippi (87 cents) plus the rate 
 from the Mississippi to the Missouri (60 cents). 
 In other words, the Commission sought to im- 
 pose a through rate to the Missouri which would 
 be nme cents per hundred pounds less than the 
 sum of the rates charged on two parts of the 
 same distance. The western railway companies 
 affected by the order applied to the United 
 States Circuit Court, at Chicago, for a perma- 
 nent injunction to restrain its enforcement. 
 The injunction was granted on the 24th of Au- 
 gust, 1909, Judges Grosscup and Kohlsaat con- 
 curring in the decision, Judge Baker dissenting. 
 
 “The question raised,” said Judge Grosscup, 
 in rendering the opinion, “in its larger aspects 
 is not so much a question between the shippers 
 and the railroads as between the commercial and 
 manufacturing interests of Denver and of the 
 territory east of the Mississippi River on the 
 one side, and the commercial and manufacturing 
 interests of the Missouri River cities on the 
 other. . . . 
 
 “We are not prepared to say the commission 
 
 has not the power to enter upon a plan looking 
 toward a system of rates wherein the rates for 
 longer and shorter hauls will taper downward 
 according to distance, providing such tapering 
 is both comprehensively and symmetrically ap- 
 plied — applied with a design of carrying out 
 what may be the economic fact, that, on the 
 whole, it is worth something less per mile to 
 carry freight long distances than shorter dis- 
 tances. 
 
 “But it does not follow that power of that 
 character includes power, by the use of differ- 
 entials, to artificially divide the country into 
 trade zones tributary to given trade and manu- 
 facturing centres, the commission in such cases 
 having as a result to predetermine what the 
 trade and manufacturing centres shall be; for 
 such power, vaster than any one body of men 
 has heretofore exercised, though wisely exerted 
 in specific instances, would be putting into the 
 hands of the commission the general power of 
 life and death over every trade and manufactur- 
 ing centre in the United States.” 
 
 In the dissenting opinion of Judge Baker he 
 said: “The question is not whether a lawful 
 power or authority has been shown to have been 
 wrongly exercised, but whether there is any 
 law at all for the power or authority claimed 
 and exercised.” He found the necessary law, 
 and added: “ If Congress cannot constitutionally 
 make a general declaration that the rates shall 
 be reasonable and not unjustly discriminatory 
 and then trust an executive body to hear evidence 
 and decide questions of fact respecting reason- 
 ableness and just discrimination, the power of 
 Congress over rates would be worthless.” 
 
 In September it was announced that the Com- 
 mission would appeal from the injunction to the 
 Supreme Court. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The Seventh Transconti- 
 nental Line. — The seventh transcontinental 
 line of railway in America, the Chicago, Mil- 
 waukee and St. Paul system, was announced as 
 completed on the 1st of April, 1909. As its 
 name indicates, it is an extension of the Chi- 
 cago, Milwaukee and St. Paul system by a line 
 fourteen hundred miles long from Mobridge, 
 South Dakota, to Seattle and Tacoma, in the 
 State of Washington. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Fines imposed on the New 
 York Central Railroad Company. — Fines 
 aggregating $134,000, imposed on the New 
 York Central Railway Company by the United 
 States Circuit Court for the Southern District 
 of New Y^ork for rebates granted to the Ameri- 
 can Sugar Refining Company in violation of 
 law, were affirmed in February, 1909, by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, and were 
 paid on the 12th of May. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May-June). — The Georgia 
 Railroad Strike. See (in this vol.) Race 
 Problems; United States: A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1910 . — Special Message of President 
 Taft touching Interstate Commerce. — The 
 important Special Message addressed to Congress 
 by President Taft on the 7th of January, 1910, 
 recommendingamendatory legislation on the two 
 subjects of interstate commerce and the com- 
 binations called “ trusts,” opened with the fol- 
 lowing statement : 
 
 “ In the annual report of the Interstate Com- 
 merce Commission for the year 1908 attention 
 is called to the fact that between July 1, 1908, 
 
 557 
 
RAILWAYS 
 
 RATE REGULATION 
 
 and the close of that year sixteen suits had been 
 begun to set aside orders of the commission 
 (besides one commenced before that date), and 
 that few orders of much consequence had been 
 permitted to go without protest; that the ques- 
 tions presented by these various suits were fun- 
 damental, as the constitutionality of the act 
 itself was in issue, and the right of Congress to 
 delegate to any tribunal authority to establish an 
 interstate rate was denied ; but that perhaps the 
 most serious practical question raised concerned 
 the extent of the right of the courts to review 
 the orders of the commission ; and it was pointed 
 out that if the contention of the carriers in this 
 latter respect alone were sustained, but little 
 progress had been made in the Hepburn act to- 
 ward the effective regulation of interstate trans- 
 portation charges. In twelve of the cases re- 
 ferred to, it was stated, preliminary injunctions 
 were prayed for, being granted in six and re- 
 fused in six. 
 
 “ ‘ It has from the first been well understood,’ 
 says the commission, ‘ that the success of the 
 present act as a regulating measure depended 
 largely upon the facility with which temporary 
 injunctions could be obtained. If a railroad 
 company, by mere allegation in its bill of com- 
 plaint, supported by ex-parte affidavits, can 
 overturn the results of days of patient investiga- 
 tion, no very satisfactory result can be expected. 
 The railroad loses nothing by these proceedings, 
 since if they fail it can only be required to 
 establish the rate and to pay to shippers the 
 difference between the higher rate collected and 
 the rate which is finally held to be reasonable. 
 In point of fact it usually profits, because it can 
 seldom be required to return more than a frac- 
 tion of the excess charges collected.’ 
 
 “In its report for the year 1909 the commis- 
 sion shows that of the seventeen cases referred 
 to in its 1908 report, only one had been decided 
 in the Supreme Court of the United States, 
 although five other cases had been argued and 
 submitted to that tribunal in October, 1909. 
 
 “ Of course, every carrier affected by an order 
 of the commission has a constitutional right to 
 appeal to a Federal Court to protect it from the 
 enforcement of an order which it may show to 
 he prima facie confiscatory or unjustly discrim- 
 inatory in its effect; and as this application may 
 be made to a court in any district of the United 
 States, not only does delay result in the enforce- 
 ment of the order, but great uncertainty is 
 caused by contrariety of decision. The questions 
 presented by these applications are too often 
 technical in their character and require a know- 
 ledge of the business and the mastery of a great 
 volume of conflicting evidence which is tedious 
 to examine and troublesome to comprehend. It 
 would not be proper to attempt to deprive any 
 corporation of the right to review by a court 
 of any order or decree which, if undisturbed, 
 would rob it of a reasonable return upon its in- 
 vestment or would subject it to burdens which 
 would unjustly discriminate against it and in 
 favor of other carriers similarly situated. What 
 is, however, of supreme importance is that the 
 
 decision of such questions shall be as speedy as 
 the nature of the circumstances will admit, and 
 that a uniformity of decision be secured so as to 
 bring about an effective, systematic, and scien- 
 tific enforcement of the commerce law, rather 
 than conflicting decisions and uncertainty of 
 final result. 
 
 “For this purpose I recommend the establish- 
 ment of a court of the United States composed 
 of five judges designated for such purpose from 
 among the circuit judges of the United States, 
 to be known as the ‘ United States Court of 
 Commerce,’ which court shall be clothed with 
 exclusive original jurisdiction over the follow- 
 ing classes of cases : 
 
 “(1.) All cases forthe enforcement, otherwise 
 than by adjudication and collection of a forfeit- 
 ure or penalty, or by infliction of criminal pun- 
 ishment, of any order of the Interstate Commerce 
 Commission other than for the payment of 
 money. 
 
 “(2.) All cases brought to enjoin, set aside, 
 annul, or suspend any order or requirement of 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission. 
 
 “ (3.) All such cases as under section 3 of the 
 act of February 19, 1903, known as the ‘ Elkins 
 Act,’ are authorized to be maintained in a cir- 
 cuit court of the United States. 
 
 “ (4.) All such mandamus proceedings as 
 under the provisions of section 20 or section 23 
 of the Interstate Commerce law are authorized 
 to be maintained in a circuit court of the United 
 States. 
 
 “Reasons precisely analogous to those which 
 induced the Congress to create the Court of 
 Customs Appeals by the provisions in the tariff 
 act of August 5, 1909, may be urged in support 
 of the creation of the Commerce Court.” 
 
 Further recommendations of the Message are 
 summarized in the following: 
 
 Pooling arrangements as to rates to be allowed 
 under direct supervision of the commission. 
 
 The commission to be empowered to pass 
 upon freight classifications. 
 
 The commission to be empowered to hold up 
 new rates or classifications by railroads until an 
 inquiry can be made as to their reasonableness. 
 If found to be unreasonable, the commission 
 may forbid the increase. 
 
 Shippers to be given the choice of established 
 routes on through freight. 
 
 From and after the passage of the amend- 
 ments, it is provided that no railroad shall ac- 
 quire any stock or interest in a competing line, 
 except that where a road already owns 50 per 
 cent, or more of the stock of another road, it may 
 complete the purchase of all the stock. Also in 
 cases where one road is operating another under 
 a lease of more than twenty-five years’ dura- 
 tion, it shall have a right to acquire the demised 
 road. Allowing these acquisitions of stock does 
 not exempt any road from prosecution under 
 the Anti-Trust law. 
 
 Stocks must be issued at par value for money 
 paid in or for property or services, rates at full 
 value, under an inquiry by the Federal author- 
 ity, who shall supervise all stock and bond issues. 
 
 RAISULI, The Moorish Brigand. See 
 
 (in this voh) Morocco : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 RALLIES. — A political party in France 
 said to be made from fragments from the former 
 Bonapartists, Orleanists, and Boulangerists. 
 
 RAMSAY, Sir William. See (in this vol.) 
 Science, Recent: Radium; also, Nobed Prizes. 
 
 RATE REGULATION, Railway. See 
 (in this vol.) Railways : United States: A. D. 
 1870-1908. 
 
 558 
 
RAYLEIGH 
 
 REFERENDUM 
 
 RAYLEIGH, Lord. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 REBATE RESTRICTION, Railway. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Railways: United States: 
 A. D. 1870-1908, and 1903 (Feb.). 
 
 RECIPROCITY TREATY: United 
 States and Newfoundland: The Hay-Bond 
 Treaty. — Its Amendment to Death by the 
 United States Senate. See (in this vol.) 
 Newfoundland : A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 RECLAMATION OF ARID LANDS. 
 See (in this vol.) Conservation of Natural 
 Resources : United States. 
 
 RED CROSS SOCIETY, The American 
 National. — By an Act of Congress passed in 
 1904, the American National Red Cross was in- 
 corporated under the laws of the District of 
 Columbia and brought directly under Govern- 
 ment supervision. Its charter provided that 
 five members of its Board of Incorporators were 
 to be chosen from the Departments of State, 
 War, Navy, Treasury, and Justice. Its ac- 
 counts were to be audited by the disbursing 
 officer of the War Department. The entire sup- 
 port, however, aside from the income from a 
 small endowment, comes from the dues of indi- 
 vidual members and voluntary contributions. 
 The election of Mr. Taft, then Secretary of War, 
 as the first president of the reorganized Red 
 Cross, emphasized its new relationship to the 
 Federal Government and its new position as a 
 body of really National scope. At the annual 
 meeting of the Society in December, 1908, 
 Mr. Taft, then President-elect of the United 
 States, consented to be reelected to the presi- 
 dency of the Red Cross organization in the 
 United States. 
 
 Throughout all the many calamities of the 
 past decade, from earthquake, volcanic erup- 
 tion, fire, flood, war, famine, and pestilence, the 
 Red Cross Society has always been instant in 
 readiness for effective humaue service, from al- 
 most every civilized country of the world, and 
 for any call to any quarter of the globe. In the 
 United States it has lately undertaken a continu- 
 ous and permanent service in connection with 
 the anti-tuberculosis crusade. 
 
 In Japan, before and during the Russo-Jap- 
 anese War. — “The Red Cross Society of Japan 
 is by no means merely a copy of the Red Cross 
 societies of Europe, as its name would seem to 
 indicate ; for the idea of assisting the wounded 
 soldiers and allaying the suffering caused by 
 war arose spontaneously in Japan. . . . 
 
 “In 1867, two years before the Restoration, 
 when Japan was considered a savage country 
 by the West, and when she possessed neither 
 railways nor telegraphs, machinery, etc., Count 
 Sano, an enthusiastic humanitarian, was sent by 
 the Shogun to the Exhibition in Paris, where 
 he had the opportunity of studying the Red 
 Cross societies of various countries. Again, in 
 1873, when this gentleman was ambassador in 
 Vienna, he carefully observed the Red Cross 
 Society, and especially its activity during the 
 Franco-German War of 1870. When the Civil 
 War of 1877 broke out in Japan, Count Sano 
 was back in his native country, and he conceived 
 the idea of forming a society after the model of 
 the European Red Cross societies. The nobility 
 of Japan received his ideas most favourably, 
 and a society was founded which was called 
 Hakuaisha (Benevolent Society). . . . 
 
 “ The Mikado countenanced the objects of the 
 Society and assisted it in every way. From 
 1887 onward he gave it a yearly contribution 
 of 5,000 yen, to which in 1888 a gift of 100,000 
 yen was added. After the Chino-Japanese War, 
 the Mikado’s yearly contribution was increased 
 to 10,000 yen, in recognition of the progress 
 which the Society had made and of the great 
 assistance which it had given during that cam- 
 paign. Besides this sum he contributes yearly 
 5,000 yen io the Red Cross Society for the pa- 
 tients, and from time to time makes generous 
 gifts to the Society. The motto of the Japan- 
 ese Red Cross Society is ‘ Pay your debt to your 
 country by helping its soldiers ’ ; and this motto 
 has quickly made the Society immensely popu- 
 lar throughout the country. . . . 
 
 “The war with China of 1894-1895 demon- 
 strated the excellence of the Japanese Red Cross 
 Society, and proved at the same time its best 
 advertisement, for at the end of 1895 there were 
 more than 160,000 members. Since the Society 
 had proved its immense practical utility, the 
 number of its members rose by leaps and 
 bounds, and at the end of 1898 there were 570,- 
 000 members, and the yearly receipts had 
 reached 1,582,622 yen ; at present it must count 
 about 1,000,000 members, and must have an 
 income of at least 3,000,000 yen, or about £300,- 
 000 per annum, a truly enormous sum for a 
 country like Japan, where a yen goes about as far 
 as ten shillings go in Great Britain. The latest 
 available figures give the following record : 
 Number of members, 920,000; funds in hand, 
 £794,000 ; annual income, £231,000.” — O. Eltz- 
 bacher, The Red Gross Society of Japan ( Contem- 
 porary Review, September, 1904). 
 
 REDEMPTORISTS : Forbidden to teach 
 in France. See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 
 1903. 
 
 REFERENDUM, Initiative and Recall : 
 In Switzerland. — According to a report on 
 the subject made to the State Department at 
 Washington, in June, 1902, by the United States 
 Minister to Switzerland, the Hon. Arthur S. 
 Hardy, down to that time, “since the referen- 
 dum has been in force, 226 Federal laws and 
 resolutions have been enacted, of which 40 were 
 submitted to the people, 14 by the compulsory 
 and 26 by the optional referendum. The people 
 have exercised the initiative five times since its 
 adoption in 1891, rejecting the measures pro- 
 posed four out of five times.” 
 
 In the United States. — “ The first State to 
 adopt a constitutional amendment providing for 
 the initiative and referendum .was South Da- 
 kota in 1898. Next came Utah (1900) with an 
 amendment which is not self-executing, and the 
 Legislature has not so far passed the necessary 
 enabling act. Oregon followed in 1902, Mon- 
 tana in 1906, and Oklahoma in 1907. South 
 Dakota, Oregon, and Oklahoma have also ex- 
 tended the constitutional amendments so as to 
 provide for the initiative and referendum in 
 municipal corporations. Maine, Missouri, and 
 North Dakota are soon to vote upon constitu- 
 tional amendments embodying the initiative 
 and referendum for State matters ; and Maine 
 proposes to extend this right to municipal cor- 
 porations concerning their local affairs. In 1907 
 Iowa and South Dakota each enacted a general 
 law under which cities may, if they so choose, 
 have charters embodying the general features 
 
 559 
 
REFERENDUM 
 
 RHODESIA 
 
 of the ‘ commission plan of government,’ and 
 acquire with them the right to have the initia- 
 tive, the referendum, and the recall. In South 
 Dakota the Constitution specifically gives to 
 the people the right of the initiative and refer- 
 endum, but in Iowa no mention thereof is made 
 in the Constitution. The Supreme Court of 
 Iowa, however, has held that the statute con- 
 ferring the right upon cities of a certain class 
 to adopt a commission plan of government 
 which included the initiative, referendum, and 
 recall was constitutional, as the State Constitu- 
 tion did not specifically forbid the granting of 
 these rights. In Texas cities of a designated 
 size can be incorporated by special act, and 
 since Galveston obtained its new form of gov- 
 ernment several cities of Texas have been given 
 charters by special acts, some embodying the 
 initiative, referendum, and recall, others one or 
 two of these rights, and some none of them or 
 only in a modified form. The recall is the most 
 recent of the three new measures of relief. Los 
 Angeles in 1903 seems to have been the first 
 city to have made the recall a part of its city 
 charter. In 1905 San Diego, San Bernardino, 
 Pasadena, and Fresno, California, followed. In 
 1906 Seattle joined the list, and in 1907 there 
 were added Everett, in Washington, and six 
 other California cities- — Santa Monica, Ala- 
 meda, Long Beach, Vallejo, Riverside and San ( 
 Francisco. No State has a constitutional provi- 
 sion for the recall.” — The Outlook , Aug. 15, 1908. 
 
 On the 25th of May, 1908, the Initiative and 
 Referendum League of America addressed a 
 memorial to Congress, asking for the passage of 
 a Bill which had been introduced in the Senate 
 (Senate Bill No. 7208), “For a modern system 
 whereby the voters of the United States may 
 instruct their National Representatives,” and, 
 further, for the passage of Senate Joint Resolu- 
 tion No. 94,“ asking the States to establish the 
 machinery for taking a referendum vote on 
 national issues whenever Congress shall so 
 direct * * 
 
 REGENERADORES. See (in this vol.) 
 Portugal : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 REGGIO: Its Destruction by Earthquake. 
 See (in this vol.) Earthquakes: Italy. 
 
 REGIE, The San Domingo. See (in this 
 vol.) San Domingo: A. D. 1901-1905. 
 
 REGINA : Capital of the Province of Sas- 
 katchewan. See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 
 
 1905. 
 
 REID, George Houston : Premier of Aus- 
 tralia. See (in this vol.) Australia: A. D. 
 1903-1904. 
 
 REID, Sir Robert T. : Lord Chancellor of 
 England. See (in this vol.) England: A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 REINSCH, Paul S. : Delegate to Third 
 International Conference of American Re- 
 publics. See (in this vol.) American Repub- 
 lics. 
 
 RELIGIOUS FREEDOM: Its Limita- 
 tions in Russia. See (in this vol.) Russia.- 
 A. D. 1905 (April- Aug.), and 1909 (June). 
 
 RELIGIOUS TEACHING, in State Sup- 
 ported Schools : The Controversy. See (in 
 this vol.) France: A. D. 1903 ; Canada: A. D. 
 1905; Education: England: A. D. 1902 and 
 
 1906. 
 
 RENAULT, Louis. See (in this vol.) No- 
 bel Prizes. 
 
 RENNENKAMPF, General. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904H905 (Sept.-March). 
 
 REPATRIATION OF THE BOERS. 
 See (in this vol.) South Africa: A. D. 1902- 
 1903. 
 
 REPUBLIC, The Rescue of the Steam- 
 ship. See (in this vol.) Science and Inven- 
 tion : Electrical. 
 
 RESCHAD, Mohammed: Raised to the 
 Turkish Throne. See (in this vol.) Turkey: 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 RESEARCH, Original. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention: Carnegie Institu- 
 tion. 
 
 RESOURCES, Conservation of Natural. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Conservation of Natural 
 Resources, 
 
 REVAL, Disorders in. See (io- this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1905 (Feb. -Nov.). 
 
 REVOLUTION, Persia. See (in this vol.) 
 Persia. 
 
 Turkish. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1908 (July-Dec.), and after. 
 
 REYES, Rafael: President of Colombia. 
 See (in this vol.) Colombia: A. D. 1905-1906, 
 and 1906-1909. 
 
 RHODES, Cecil J.: His death. — His con- 
 tinued Influence in South Africa. — His Pol- 
 icy carried on by Dr. Jameson. See South 
 
 Africa: A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 His Will, endowing Scholarships at Ox- 
 ford for Students in the British Colonies and 
 the United States. See (in this vol.) Educa- 
 tion: Rhodes Scholarships. 
 
 RHODESIA: A. D. 1908.— Report of the 
 British South Africa Company. — The annual 
 report of the directors of the British South Af- 
 rica Company, presented at a meeting of share- 
 holders in London in February, 1909, contained 
 the following statements: 
 
 “During 1908 there has been a remarkable 
 improvement in the circumstances of Rhodesia. 
 This improvement has been evident in every de- 
 partment of trade and industry, and is reflected 
 in the returns of administrative receipts, rail- 
 ways, mines and land. It was pointed out last 
 year what an important effect even a slight in- 
 crease in general prosperity would exercise upon 
 the whole financial position, and the figures 
 now available show that this view was correct. 
 The administrative revenue of Southern Rho- 
 desia during the year 1908-9 will suffice to cover 
 administrative expenditure without any call 
 whatever upon the commercial income of the 
 company ; the shortages of the railway compa- 
 nies in respect of the same period will be less by 
 £100,000 than in 1907-8 ; during the year ending 
 31st March, 1910, large additional revenue will 
 be derived from the carriage from the port of 
 Beira of the materials and stores for the exten- 
 sion of the railway into the Congo territory. 
 
 . . . The negotiations for the extension north- 
 wards of the Rhodesian Railway system have 
 been brought to a successful conclusion. With 
 the cooperation of the Tanganyika Concessions 
 (Limited) a company has been formed called the 
 Rhodesia-Kantanga Junction Railway and Min- 
 eral Company (Limited), which will construct a 
 standard gauge line from the present terminus at 
 Broken Hill to a point on the frontier of the 
 Congo Free State; from the frontier to the Star 
 of the Congo Mine the line will be constructed 
 by the Compaguie du Chemin de Fer du Kan- 
 
 560 
 
RHODESIA 
 
 ROOSEVELT 
 
 tanga. . . . On the completion of the first section 
 to the frontier, Rhodesia will be traversed by a 
 trunk line from south to north. 
 
 “The European population shows a net in- 
 crease of over 1,100 since the intermediate cen- 
 sus, in September, 1907, when it numbered 
 14,018. An area of 1,169,305 acres of land has 
 been settled and occupied during the past year. 
 The output of gold has increased from £2,178,- 
 886 in 1907 to £2,526,037 in 1908. Imports have 
 increased by about £100,000 during the past 
 year.’’ 
 
 See, also, South Africa: A. D. 1904. 
 
 RIBEIRO, Hintze. See (in this vol.) Por- 
 tugal : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 RICHMOND, Virginia: A. D. 1907. — 
 Great Reunion of Confederate War Veter- 
 ans. — Unveiling of Monument to Jefferson 
 Davis. — A great gathering of the surviving 
 veterans of the Confederacy, to the number of 
 about 15,000, at Richmond, late in May and 
 early in June, was brought about in connection 
 with the unveiling of an impressive monument 
 to Jefferson Davis. An equestrian statue of 
 General J. E. B. Stuart was also unveiled on one 
 of the days of the reunion. 
 
 RIFF, The. See (in this vol.) Morocco : 
 A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 RIGA, Disorders in. See (in this vol.) Rus- 
 sia: A. D. 1905 (Feb.-Nov.). , 
 
 RIKKEN SEIYU-KAI. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1903 (June). 
 
 RIO DE JANEIRO: A. D. 1903-1905. 
 — Eradication of Yellow Fever. See (in this 
 vol.) Public Health : Yellow Fever. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Third International Confer- 
 ence of American Republics. See American 
 Republics. 
 
 RITCHIE, C. T.: Chancellor of the Ex- 
 chequer in the British Government. See (in 
 
 this vol.) England : A. D. 1902 (July). 
 
 ROBERT, Christopher R. : Benefactor of 
 Robert College. See (in this vol.) Education : 
 Turkey, &c. 
 
 ROBERT COLLEGE: Its Influence in 
 Turkey and the Balkan States. See (in this 
 vol.) Education : Turkey, &c. 
 
 ROBERTS, Sir Frederick Sleigh Roberts, 
 First Earl: On the British Territorial Force 
 and the need of Compulsory Military Train- 
 ing. See (in this vol.) War, The Preparations 
 for: Military. 
 
 ROCHAMBEAU MONUMENT: The un- 
 veiling at Washington. — Representatives 
 of the families of Rochambeau and Lafayette 
 invited Guests of the Nation. See (in this vol.) 
 United States : A. D. 1902 (May). 
 
 ROCKEFELLER, John D. : Stupendous 
 Endowment of the General Education Board. 
 See (in this vol.) Education: United States: 
 A. D. 1902-1909. 
 
 Gift for the eradication of the Hookworm 
 Disease. See (in this vol.) Public Health : 
 The Hookworm Disease. 
 
 ROCKEFELLER, John D., Jr. : Investing 
 in a Concession in the Congo State. See (in 
 this vol.) Congo State: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 ROCKHILL, W. W. : Minister to China. 
 See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1901-1908. 
 
 ROENTGEN. See Rontgen. 
 
 ROGHI, El. See (in this vol.) Morocco: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 ROJESVENSKY, or Rozhdestvensky, 
 
 Admiral. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904- 
 1905 (Oct.-May). 
 
 ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH. See 
 
 Papacy. 
 
 ROMANA, President Eduardo de. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Peru. 
 
 ROME: A. D. 1903. — General Strike of 
 Workmen. See (in this vol.) Labor Organi- 
 zation: Italy. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Election of Ernesto Nathan 
 to be Mayor. See (in this vol.) Italy: A. D. 
 1909.. 
 
 RONTGEN, Wilhelm Conrad : Recipient 
 of Nobel Prize. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 ROOSEVELT, Theodore: Becomes 
 President of the United States on the As- 
 sassination of President McKinley. See (in 
 this vol.) Buffalo: A. D. 1901. 
 
 On the Federal Control of Corporations 
 engaged in Interstate Trade. See Combina- 
 tions, Industrial, &c. : United States : 
 A. D. 1901-1903. 
 
 On Railway Rate Regulation. See Rail- 
 ways: United States: A. D. 1870-1908. 
 
 His intermediation in the Anthracite Coal 
 Strike of 1902. See Labor Organization: 
 United States: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 Message recounting the Circumstances of 
 the Secession from Colombia and recognized 
 Independence of Panama, and the Treaty 
 with Panama for the Building of the Isth- 
 mian Canal. See Panama Canal. 
 
 On the Wrong done to the Chinese. See 
 Race Problems: United States: A. D. 1905- 
 1908. 
 
 On the Strike of the Teamsters’ Union at 
 Chicago, See Labor Organization: United 
 States: A. D. 1905 (April-July). 
 
 Elected President of the United States. 
 See United States : A. D. 1904 (March-Nov. ). 
 
 Mediation between Russia and Japan. See 
 Japan: A. D. 1905 (June-Oct.). 
 
 Initial Invitation to the holding of the 
 Second Peace Conference. See War, the Re- 
 volt against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Account of Visit to Porto Rico. See Porto 
 Rico: A. D. 1906. 
 
 On the Rendering of Aid to San Domingo. 
 See San Domingo: A. D. 1904-1907. 
 
 On the Progressive Taxation of Fortunes. 
 See Wealth, The Problems of. 
 
 Defense of Japanese Treaty Rights. See 
 Race Problems : United States. 
 
 Recommends remission of part of Boxer 
 Indemnity to China. See China: A. D. 1901- 
 1908. 
 
 On the Conservation of Natural Re- 
 sources. See Conservation of Natural 
 Resources: United States. 
 
 Appointment of Country Life Commission, 
 and Message on its Report. See United 
 States: A. D. 1908-1909 (Aug. -Feb.). 
 
 On the Japanese Question in California. 
 See Race Problems: United States : A. D. 
 1904-1909. 
 
 Recipient of Nobel Prize for Promotion of 
 Peace. — Its devotion to the Creation of a 
 Foundation for the Promotion of Industrial 
 Peace. See Labor Organization: United 
 States: A. D. 1907. 
 
 Veto of the Census Bill. See Civil Ser- 
 vice Reform : United States. 
 
 561 
 
ROOSEVELT 
 
 ROSS 
 
 Renunciation of Third Term Candidacy. 
 
 See United States: A. D. 1904 (Nov.). 
 
 Progress of Civil Service Reform under 
 his Administration. See Civil Service Re- 
 form: United States. 
 
 After leaving the White House. — Shortly 
 before the ending, March 4, 1909, of his second 
 term in the Presidency of the United States, 
 Mr. Roosevelt became connected, as “ Con- 
 tributing Editor,” with The Outlook, and began 
 the discussion of current topics in signed arti- 
 cles, published in that weekly magazine. For 
 some time it had been known that Mr. Roose- 
 velt intended, when released from office, to 
 enjoy a long vacation in Central Africa, hunt- 
 ing wild game. His preparations were made 
 before he left the White House, and on the 
 20th of March, to correct misunderstandings as 
 to the recreation he contemplated, he published 
 the following announcement in The Outlook : 
 
 “ I am about to go to Africa as the head of 
 the Smithsonian expedition. It is a scientific 
 expedition. We shall collect birds and mam- 
 mals for the National Museum at Washington, 
 and nothing will be shot unless for food, or for 
 preservation as a specimen, or unless, of course, 
 the animal is of a noxious kind. There will 
 be no wanton destruction whatever. 
 
 “I very earnestly hope that no represent- 
 ative of any newspaper or magazine will try to 
 accompany me or to interview me during any 
 portion of my trip. Until I actually get to the 
 wilderness my trip will be precisely like any 
 other conventional trip on a steamboat or rail- 
 way. It will afford nothing to write about, 
 and will afford no excuse or warrant for any 
 one sending to any newspaper a line in refer- 
 ence thereto. After I reach the wilderness of 
 course no one outside of my own party will be 
 with me, and if any one pretends to be with 
 me or pretends to write as to what I do, his 
 statements should be accepted as on their face 
 not merely false but ludicrous. Any statement 
 purporting to have been made by me, or at- 
 tributed to me, which may be sent to newspa- 
 pers should be accepted as certainly false and 
 as calling for no denial from me. So far as 
 possible 1 shall avoid seeing any representative 
 of the press, and shall not knowingly have any 
 conversation on any subject whatever with any 
 representative of the press beyond exchanging 
 the ordinary civilities or courtesies. I am a pri- 
 vate citizen, and I am entitled to enjoy the 
 privacy that should be the private citizen’s 
 right. My trip will have no public bearing of 
 any kind or description. It is undertaken for 
 the National Museum at Washington, and is 
 simply a collecting trip for the Museum. It 
 will be extremely distasteful to me and of no 
 possible benefit to any human being to try to 
 report or exploit the trip, or to send any one 
 with me, or to have any one try to meet me or 
 see me with a view to such reporting or exploit- 
 ation. Let me repeat that while I am on 
 steamer or railway there will be nothing what- 
 ever to report ; that when I leave the railway 
 for the wilderness no persons will have any 
 knowledge which will enable them to report 
 anything, and that any report is to be accepted 
 as presumably false.” — Theodore Roosevelt. 
 
 The ex-President took steamer from New 
 York on the 30th of March, and one of the 
 journals which had been among the sharpest of 
 
 his critics and opponents for years, the New 
 York Times, had this to say of him that day: 
 
 “There is no need to tell him that he will 
 carry with him wherever he goes the abiding 
 affection of nearly 80,000,000 of people. They 
 who dislike Colonel Roosevelt, or think they 
 do, scarcely count in the Census. Wherever he 
 goes he will make friends among human be- 
 ings, and impress everybody with a reasonably 
 high yet easily appreciable ideal of the Ameri- 
 can citizen. Courage, energy, quick co-ordina- 
 tion of muscle and brain, persistent alertness, 
 boundless sympathy, and good fellowship are 
 characteristics of Colonel Roosevelt. Every- 
 body likes such a man.” 
 
 Returning from his African expedition in the 
 spring of 1910, the ex-President accepted invi- 
 tations in Europe which took him to Naples, 
 Rome, Vienna, Paris, Brussels, The Hague, 
 Christiania, Berlin, London, and was received 
 with extraordinary honors at every capital. 
 
 ROOT, Elihu : Secretary of War and Sec- 
 retary of State. See (in this vol.) United 
 States: A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909. 
 
 Correspondence relating to the establish- 
 ment of the Republic of Cuba. See Cuba: 
 A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 On the Alaska Boundary Commission. See 
 
 Alaska: A. D. 1903. 
 
 Correspondence on American Fishing 
 Rights on the Newfoundland Coast. See 
 Newfoundland: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 Visit to South American Republics, 1906. 
 — Address at the Third International Con- 
 ference of American Republics in Rio de 
 Janeiro. See American Republics. 
 
 Speech in 1906 summarizing recent Gov- 
 ernmental Action against Corporate Wrong- 
 doers. See Combinations, Industrial : 
 United States: A. D. 1901-1906. 
 
 Address to Central American Peace Con- 
 ference at Washington. See Central Amer- 
 ica: A. D. 1907. 
 
 At Peace Congress in New York. See 
 War : The Revolt against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 On the Japanese Question in California. 
 
 See Race Problems : United States : A. D. 
 1904-1909. 
 
 Exchange of Notes with Japan, embody- 
 ing a Declaration of Common Policy in the 
 East. See Japan : A. D. 1908 (Nov.). 
 
 On National Duty in State Legislation. 
 See Law and its Courts : United States. 
 
 ROSE, Uriah M.: Commissioner Plenipo- 
 tentiary to the Second Peace Conference. 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt against: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 ROSEBERY, Archibald F. Primrose, 
 Earl : Opposition to Home Rule for Ire- 
 land. See (in this vol.) England : A. D. 1 905 — 
 1906 . 
 
 On the State of Peace in Europe and the 
 Preparations for War. See War, TnE Pre- 
 parations FOR. 
 
 To the House of Lords on the Budget of 
 1909. See England: A. D. 1909 (April-Dec.). 
 
 ROSEN, Baron Roman : Russian Ambas- 
 sador at Washington and Plenipotentiary 
 for negotiating Treaty of Peace with Japan. 
 See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1905 (June- 
 July). 
 
 ROSS, Dr. Ronald. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 562 
 
ROTA 
 
 RUSSIA 
 
 ROTA, The. See (in this vol.) Papacy : 
 A. D. 1908. 
 
 ROTATIVOS. See (in this vol.) Portu- 
 gal : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 ROUMANIA: A. D. 1902 . — Oppression of 
 the Jews. — Remonstrance of the United 
 States. See (in this vol.) Balkan and Dan- 
 ubian States : Roumania. 
 
 ROUVIER, Maurice: Prime Minister of 
 France. See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 Agreement with Germany for the Con- 
 ference at Algeciras. See Europe : A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 Fall of his Ministry. See France : A. D. 
 1906. 
 
 ROWE, Dr. L. S. : Delegate to Third 
 International Conference of American Re- 
 publics. See (in this vol.) American Repub- 
 lics. 
 
 ROZHDESTVENSKY, or Rojesvensky, 
 Admiral. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 
 1904-1905 (Oct.-May). 
 
 RUEF, Abraham. See (in this vol.) Muni- 
 cipal Government : San Francisco. 
 
 RUNCIMAN, Mr. : President of the Eng- 
 lish Board of Education. — Statements. See 
 (in this vol.) Education: England: A. D. 1909. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 A. D. 1870 - 1905 . — Increase of Population 
 compared with other European Countries. 
 See (in this vol.) A. D. 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1901 (July). — Russianizing of the 
 Finnish Army. — Autocratic Violation of the 
 Constitution of Finland. See Finland: A. D. 
 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1904 . — Persistent Occupation 
 of Manchuria, despite Treaty with China. 
 
 — Japanese Complaints and Demands. See 
 Japan: A. D. 1901-1904, and China: A. D. 
 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1904 . — The Disaffection among 
 the Students of the Universities. — Famine in 
 Eastern Districts, and Industrial Depression 
 in the Cities. — Assassination of Sipiagin. 
 
 — Advent of Plehve to Power. — Atrocities 
 of his Administration. — Witte, Minister of 
 Finance. — Assassination of Plehve. In Vol- 
 ume VI. of this work, which went to press in 
 the spring of 1901, the record of events in Russia 
 was brought down to March and April of that 
 year. The revolutionary temper, then rapidly 
 rising in heat throughout the Empire, found its 
 most active manifestation among the students 
 of the universities, whose outbreaks of disaffec- 
 tion were punished mercilessly, by Siberian 
 exile, by draft into the army, or more summa- 
 rily by the Cossacks’ knout. The Tsar, however, 
 had seemed at last to recognize the special griev- 
 ances of the students and to wish to have rem- 
 edies found for them. To succeed M. Bogolie- 
 poff, the late Minister of Instruction, whom a 
 student had shot on the 27th of February, the 
 Tsar appointed to that office a General Vannov- 
 sky, who was credited with having a clear and 
 sympathetic understanding of the wrongs to 
 the student body which provoked their disor- 
 derly conduct. It was believed, too, that full 
 powers had been given to him for reforming the 
 government of the universities. But, whatever 
 may have been the excellence of disposition in 
 General Vannovsky and in the Tsar, the pro- 
 jected reforms were so obstructed, in some man- 
 ner, that the students became more and more 
 openly revolutionary in their action, and the 
 new minister resigned in the second year of his 
 endeavors. 
 
 A number of immediate causes of misery in 
 the Empire were now added to the many causes 
 which a despotic and corrupt government kept 
 always in operation. Harvests in large parts of 
 Eastern Russia had failed, bringing the horrors 
 of famine on some 24,000,000 people. Simul- 
 
 taneously with this, an industrial crisis came, 
 to close great numbers of factories and shops 
 and to create a vast army of the unemployed. 
 M. Witte, as Minister of Finance, had been 
 extraordinarily skilful and successful in develop- 
 ing new industries in Russia ; but had done so 
 by measures of unnatural stimulation which 
 had this unfortunate result. High tariffs for the 
 protection of home manufactures from foreign 
 competition, and the offer of attractive induce- 
 ments to foreign capital, had brought about 
 many investments which proved to be unprofit- 
 able, and the time had come, as happens always 
 and everywhere in such cases, when the un- 
 sound structure of productive enterprise must 
 collapse. Thus the country, having all of its in- 
 dustrial centers filled with suffering unemployed 
 workmen and many of its rural districts filled 
 with starving peasants, was a field most per- 
 fectly prepared for the seed of insurgent passion 
 which countless agents were now busied in sow- 
 ing. 
 
 Students and workmen became associated in 
 flagrant revolutionary demonstrations, flaunting 
 the red flag of rebellion and singing seditious 
 songs, at St. Petersburg, Moscow, Kieff, Khar- 
 koff, Odessa, and other cities, fighting vain bat- 
 tles with savage Cossacks and police. To excite 
 the peasantry to action, a forged ukase was cir- 
 culated among them, in the districts of Poltava 
 and Kharkoff, announcing that the land, 
 held wrongly by the nobles, had been restored 
 to them by the Tsar ; that they could take pos- 
 session of it, and, with it, the present contents 
 of granaries and barns. They proceeded accord- 
 ingly to strip many estates (see below, Russia: 
 A. D. 1902), and suffered piteously from the 
 soldiery that came in haste to stop their deluded 
 work. It was at this time that M. Witte set 
 on foot an extensive inquiry into agricultural 
 conditions, the important political outcome of 
 which will be spoken of later on. 
 
 On the 15th of April, 1902, the Minister of the 
 Interior, M. Sipiagin, was killed by a student 
 named Belmatcheff. This murderous exploit of 
 the revolutionary terrorists brought a man into 
 power who gave Russia an experience in the 
 next two years, of heartlessness and foulness in 
 despotism which surpassed all that it had known 
 before. 
 
 “Sipiagin, when Minister of the Interior, had 
 already brought matters so far by his reaction- 
 ary policy of violence that the news of his as- 
 sassination at the hands of Belmatcheff was re- 
 
 563 
 
RUSSIA 
 
 RUSSIA 
 
 ceived with unmixed joy in all classes of Russian 
 society. But the fullest proof of the irreconcila 
 bleness of autocracy with things like improve- 
 ment and progress was furnished by the successor 
 of Sipiagin, Von Plehve, who soon proved him- 
 self to be the complete personification of all evil, 
 heartlessness, and corruption. . . . The attention 
 of the highest circles was drawn to his person 
 when, after the assassination of Alexander II., 
 he conducted the prosecution at the arraign- 
 ment of the participators in the deed. Later, on 
 being appointed State Secretary, he was able, 
 by his persistent zeal in the service of the reac- 
 tion, to place himself on a good footing with 
 those in power, particularly with the Procurator 
 of the Holy Synod, Pobiedonostseff, who, when 
 the policy of destroying the Finnish constitution 
 was determined upon, found a good tool in Von 
 Plehve. In the anti-Finn coup d’etat he played 
 a considerable part, particularly as member of 
 the secret committee which drafted the plan for 
 the Russification of the Finnish Grand Duchy, 
 and drew up the manifesto; while, still later, 
 as Secretary for Finland, together with the then 
 Governor-General Bobrikoff, he conducted and 
 carried out the well-known policy of suppres- 
 sion. 
 
 “As Minister of the Interior, Von Plehve lost 
 no time in showing what policy he intended to 
 follow, as he declared the general dissatisfaction 
 in Russia to be solely the result of the conspir- 
 acy and machinations of a handful of evil dis- 
 posed persons, who could easily be rendered 
 incapable of harm if only the police were 
 sufficiently strengthened and received extensive 
 powers. . . . The Minister came into conflict, 
 shortly after his appointment, with a number 
 of his colleagues, especially with the Finance 
 Minister, De Witte, who had previously been 
 practically omnipotent, and with the Minister 
 of Justice, Muravieff. The difference with the 
 latter hinged on the question of the treatment 
 of * political criminals,’ the trials of whom Von 
 Plehve wished to allocate to a special court- 
 martial, the proceedings being conducted with 
 closed doors, whilst the Minister of Justice 
 required a public trial before the ordinary 
 courts. The Tsar, as usual, followed the most 
 reactionary counsel. ... Of deeper significance 
 and more far-reaching effects was the conflict 
 with the Finance Minister, who, indeed was 
 far more menacing to Von Plehve’s exalted 
 position. Without being imbued with really 
 liberal views, but being possessed of intelligence 
 and a clear view as regards all social phenom- 
 ena, De Witte, doubtless one of the most able 
 statesmen Russia has possessed in recent times, 
 recognized that, if matters in the Empire con- 
 tinued much longer in the same way, a catas- 
 trophe was unavoidable. . . . 
 
 “De Witte obtained the consent of the Tsar to 
 the formation of committees, in the different 
 parts of the country, consisting of representa- 
 tives of agriculture, and including both large 
 estate owners aud men of the people, to whom 
 was allotted the task of declaring their views as 
 to the cause of the decline of Russian agricul- 
 ture, and of indicating steps for the improvement 
 of agricultural conditions. De Witte himself 
 urged the committees to express themselves 
 freely and openly as to the causes of the prevail- 
 ing misery, and as to the means of remedying 
 it. But in all probability he hardly expected 
 
 that these utterances would go so far in their 
 openness as they really did. Quite a number 
 of committees were perspicacious enough to 
 deal not merely with the economical, but like- 
 wise with the general political position, though 
 recognising that the former was very closely 
 connected with the latter. In this way the ice 
 was broken. One committee after the other 
 criticised the existing system of government 
 with astonishing boldness, and required an un- 
 conditional and radical change therein. ... it 
 was the representatives of the zemtsvo assemblies 
 who played the chief part in the agricultural 
 committees, and consequently hopes began to 
 be cherished more or less everywhere that these 
 assemblies would now receive amplified rights, 
 and that in this way the basis would be laid for 
 the future and for the constitution dreamt of by 
 all. Such hopes were, however, not to the taste 
 of Von Plehve, the new Minister of the Interior. 
 
 . . . Finally they [the committees] were dis- 
 solved, without having achieved any other re- 
 sult than a number of reports which had been 
 drawn up by them, and which ended by being 
 pigeon-holed in one record office or the other. 
 Von Plehve had conquered the Finance Minis- 
 ter. But his successs was a Pyrrhic victory. 
 At one stroke he converted a large number of 
 liberal friends of reform into radical adherents 
 of the emancipation movement, while to all 
 others who had followed the proceedings of the 
 agricultural committees with interest and expec- 
 tancy he brought home a clear apprehension of 
 the fact that a regime, under which the will or 
 the whim of an irresponsible official could bring 
 to naught plans having for their object the 
 amendment of the conditions of life of many 
 millions of people, could never contribute to the 
 promotion of national development. Similar 
 fruits were borne by Von Plehve’s policy in 
 many other directions. . . . 
 
 “Never have the police been so numerous 
 or so powerful as under Von Plehve’s regime; 
 never were such trifling causes sufficient to de- 
 prive both sexes of citizens of their liberty, to 
 expose them to ill-treatment, and to send them 
 into exile. But never, on the other hand, have 
 such means proved to be more powerless. . . . 
 The so-called ‘ Organisation of the Struggle,’ the 
 same that had slain the previous Minister of the 
 Interior, Sipiagin, also sentenced to death the 
 Governor of Ulfa, Bogdanovitch. ... At last 
 Von Plehve, too, was overtaken by his fate. 
 On the 28th of July, 1904, a member of the 
 ‘ Organisation of the Struggle ’ threw a bomb 
 into the carriage of the Minister as he was driv- 
 ing towards the Warsaw railway station in St. 
 Petersburg, on his way to an audience with 
 the Tsar. He was killed instantaneously; while 
 the assassin, Sasonov, and a second terrorist, 
 Sickocki, who had lent him assistance, were 
 arrested and condemned to twenty and eleven 
 years respectively of penal servitude.” — Iv. 
 Zilliacus, The Russian Revolutionary Movement, 
 cli. 16 (N. Y., Dutton and Co.). 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — The Political Awakening of 
 the Common People. — Ideas of the Stund- 
 ists. — Peasants taking Possession of the 
 Granaries. — Floggings and Butcheries in 
 Progress. — “ The discontented crowds are un- 
 armed, their only weapons are, so far, shouts, 
 banners and martyrdom for Liberty, while the 
 auto-bureaucratic regime meets these with the 
 
RUSSIA, 1902 
 
 RUSSIA, 1903 
 
 infliction of wounds and death. Still there are 
 features in this uneven struggle which are of 
 very ill-omen for auto-bureaucracy. Such is, 
 in the first place, the hearty compact between 
 the factory workers and the masses of the towns 
 on the one hand, and the forward elements of 
 the classes, mainly represented by students of 
 the different higher educational institutions, on 
 the other. Secondly, there is the persistency 
 with which the cries ‘ Down with Autocracy ! ’ 
 ‘Long live Liberty,’ are now resounding 
 throughout the Empire of the Tzars. The 
 shooters are invariably beaten down, even shot 
 down, as we shall see later on ; but the cry is 
 raised again and again. Revolutions are, un- 
 fortunately, not accomplished by shouts alone; 
 but does not the Tzar’s Government take all 
 possible pains to teach the population this 
 simple truth ? . . . 
 
 “ Merciless wholesale flogging goes on in the 
 Poltava province. Rifles have also been used ; 
 and a number of women and children have been 
 wounded and several peasants shot dead. One 
 of the bodies had fourteen bullets in it. In the 
 Kharkov province ‘peace and order’ has been 
 enforced with a still greater ‘ respect to uni- 
 form and arms. ’ The soldiers themselves state 
 that the number of blows doled out with the 
 bundles of birch to the peasants amounted at 
 times to 250 per person. When fleeing from 
 the torture eight peasants hit on a patrol. The 
 commanding officer being drunk ordered ‘ fire!’ 
 and all the eight unarmed and helpless victims 
 fell dead ! 
 
 “But do these ‘ energetic measures ’ produce 
 the desired effect ? In the village of Kourlak, 
 Province of Voronezh, the same merciless flog- 
 ging was to be administered to all its inhab- 
 itants. When the thirty -seventh peasant re- 
 ceived his portion of the torture, the villagers, 
 after consultation, declared that they submitted. 
 But they collected carefully all the birch-bun- 
 dles which served for the execution. ‘ They 
 will be of use to us,’ said the peasants, ‘when 
 we shall flog you ! ’ All the official explanations 
 given them by the authorities on this occasion 
 led them to the conclusion that the administra- 
 tion acknowledged the righteousness of their 
 claims on the land, and flogged them only for 
 using wrong means for its recovery; — that 
 therefore they would soon have the upper hand 
 over the officials and landlords, and would then 
 flog them in their turn. 
 
 “Nor does the movement in the Poltava Pro- 
 vince (see above, Russia. A. D. 1901-1904) show 
 any sign of abatement. According to the 
 latest private information, which dates from the 
 last day of April, the peasant movement there 
 does not at all bear the character of devasta- 
 tion ; although the landlords are undoubtedly 
 ruined by the quiet doings of the villagers. 
 There is no pillaging. The peasants, headed 
 by their elective elders, open the granaries of 
 the landlords and distribute the grain among 
 themselves according to the needs of each fam- 
 ily (the well-to-do receiving nothing), while the 
 remaining grain, if any, is transferred to the 
 communal stores. Part of this appropriated 
 grain has already been used by the peasants for 
 sowing their own fields, as well as those they 
 have appropriated from the gentry. As soon as 
 the troops are marched into the rebellious lo- 
 cality, they take possession of the appropriated 
 
 grain still remaining in the communal granaries, 
 and return it to its former owners. But as soon 
 as the soldiery, after wholesale flogging of the 
 peasantry, leave the locality, the peasants again 
 take possession of the landlords’ grain. The 
 prison at Poltava is crammed with peasants and 
 students, and yet clandestine manifestoes are 
 published with the regularity of the local official 
 paper, and are distributed even among the 
 soldiery. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ The present peasant movement is not con- 
 fined to the three provinces already mentioned. 
 In these it originated simply on the ground 
 of starvation, and similar events are reported 
 from the provinces of Koursk, Ekaterinoslav 
 and Podolia ; also in those of Tomsk, Tobolsk, 
 etc., in distant Siberia, where governmental 
 grain stores suffered the fate of the landlords’ 
 granaries in Europe. But the tension of the 
 peasants’ spirit, their utter distrust of the present 
 Government, and their readiness to take justice 
 into their own hands may be said to be universal 
 throughout the Empire. 
 
 “ At the beginning of the Social Democratic 
 movement in Russia no hopes of the Russian 
 peasant were cherished by its leaders. But 
 powerful agrarian organisations have since 
 sprung up.” — Felix Yolkhovsky, The Russian 
 Awakening ( Contemporary Review, June, 1902). 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Russo-Chinese Treaty con- 
 cerning Tibet. See (in this vol.) Tibet: A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (April). — The Massacre of 
 Jews at Kishineff. — The British Vice-Consul 
 at Odessa, Mr. Bosanquet, visited Kishineff in 
 J uly, to learn the facts of the barbarous attack 
 on the Jewish population of that town, which 
 had been made by a mob in the previous April. 
 The following particulars are taken from his 
 official report, published soon afterward as a Par- 
 liamentary Paper: “Theriots began on Easter 
 Sunday (o. s.), (the 19th April, n. s.), in the 
 afternoon, in the eastern extremity of the town 
 . . . and on that day were confined to the or- 
 dinary acts of a turbulent crowd — e. g., the 
 smashing of windows and door-panels in Jewish 
 houses. The area of Sunday’s disturbance was 
 comparatively small.” Early the next morning 
 they began afresh in the same quarter, and 
 spread to other parts of the town. “ They were 
 directed entirely against the Jews.” “Monday 
 was the day when the worst crimes were com- 
 mitted, and these were perpetrated by bands of 
 rioters in different parts of the town. Many 
 people believe the riots to be the work of organ- 
 ized companies.” 
 
 “ Besides the murders committed, the interiors 
 of houses were utterly dismantled, pillows 
 ripped up, Jewish Scriptures torn, floors de- 
 stroyed, and furniture thrown into the street; 
 while at an early stage wine was broached, that 
 which was not drunk pouring into the street. 
 The local authorities took no effective step to 
 stop the riots, which continued unabated till 4 
 p. m., or later, the soldiers meanwhile being 
 passive, if not sympathetic, spectators, and the 
 police contenting themselves with the arrest of 
 minor criminals ; then the Governor, who had 
 remained at home giving orders by telephone, 
 which were disregarded, at length ventured to 
 sign the necessary order for the troops to be 
 employed. The only case I heard of in which 
 the latter used their weapons occurred shortly 
 
RUSSIA, 1903 
 
 RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 after the issue of the Governor’s order, when a 
 Christian boy, pursuing a Jew with a stone, and 
 refusing to desist, was knocked down and bayo- 
 neted by soldiers. An eye-witness of the scene 
 related the facts to me. This boy (with one 
 doubtful exception) was the only Christian killed 
 in the disturbances. If resolute action had been 
 taken by the authorities, it is believed that the 
 riots could have been checked at an early stage. 
 The more usual opinion seems to be that all the 
 murders occurred on Monday. It is certain that 
 none were perpetrated on Sunday, and very 
 doubtful whether any took place after the order 
 to employ the troops had come into effect. The 
 disorders did not entirely cease, as next day (21st 
 April) houses in the outskirts were pillaged ; 
 but, roughly speaking, the riots may be said to 
 have ended on Monday. Some students are said 
 to have taken part in the riots.” 
 
 “Apparently a feeling existed among the 
 lower classes that the Jews ought not to be in a 
 majority at Kishineff. The fact is that they 
 form about 50 per cent, of the population, 
 which amounts to some 115,000 inhabitants, 
 the other half consisting two-thirds of Molda- 
 vians, and after them of Russians, Greeks, Ar- 
 menians, Poles, Germans, &c.” 
 
 The victims of these melancholy occurrences 
 are officially estimated at 41 Jews killed, or who 
 died subsequently of wounds, 3 severely, and 
 300 slightly, wounded. Among the killed was 
 one child accidently suffocated by its mother. 
 The deaths are placed by another (Jewish) au- 
 thority at 43, including 2 young children, and 
 by some even as high as 47, but this figure 
 seems to include persons who died from shock, 
 and not directly from violence. The official 
 estimate of deaths is identical with the figure 
 communicated to me at the Jewish hospital. 
 
 “Three hundred and eight persons have al- 
 ready been convicted of thefts and other minor 
 offenses [in connection with the riots], and 
 have been sentenced to terms of imprisonment 
 ranging from one week to three months. . . . 
 The accused still awaiting trial number 360. 
 ... Of the above prisoners 260 are accused of 
 participation in the riots without actual violence 
 and are out on bail in sums ranging from 200 to 
 300 roubles. Those in this category who are 
 found guilty will be sentenced to imprisonment 
 without hard labour in the Maison Correction- 
 nelle, where the discipline is more severe than in 
 prison. The remaining 100 are charged with 
 murder in addition to other crimes, and those 
 found guilty will be transported to undergo 
 penal servitude in the Island of Sakhalin.” 
 
 A. D. 1903 (May-Oct.). — Intrigues against 
 Opening Ports in Manchuria to Foreign 
 Trade. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 1903 
 (May-Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. —Concert with Austria- 
 Hungary in submitting the Miirzsteg Pro- 
 gramme of Reform in Macedonia to Turkey. 
 See Turkey: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July). — Opening of the 
 War with Japan. — Battles at the Yalu. — 
 First operations in Manchuria. — First move- 
 ments against Port Arthur. See Japan: A. 
 D. 1904 (Feb.-July). 
 
 A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). — War with Japan: 
 Japanese Success in Manchuria. — The great 
 battle of Liao-Yang. See Japan: A. D. 1904 
 
 (July-Sept.). 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — Reforming attempts of 
 Prince Mirsky. — Meeting of Zemstvo presi- 
 dents. — The Revolutionary Workman. — 
 Father Gapon. — The Appeal to the T sar. — 
 The answering Massacre of “ Bloody Sun- 
 day.” — Assassination of Grand Duke Ser- 
 gius. — Witte’s practical premiership. — The 
 Call of the First Duma. — The General Strike 
 on the Railways. — The Great General Strike. 
 — The Ukase of October 30, called the Con- 
 stitution of Russia. — Beginning of Reaction. 
 — The Postal Strike. — F atal Rising at Mos- 
 cow. — The hated Plehve was succeeded by 
 Prince Svyatopolk Mirsky, a broad-minded 
 statesman, who began earnest efforts to set the 
 government on a different course. One of the 
 first measures of the prince was to win authority 
 from the Tsar for a meeting of the presidents 
 of the zemstvos, or provincial councils, which 
 are bodies of a considerably representative char- 
 acter, exercising a limited power in their rural 
 districts over matters of sanitation, public roads, 
 and common schools. Ostensibly, the meeting 
 was to concert measures of relief for the 
 wounded in the war with Japan; but every- 
 body knew that political questions could not 
 escape discussion if such a meeting was held. 
 
 All the interests that uphold autocracy, aris- 
 tocracy, and bureaucracy in Russia were quick to 
 scent danger, and had no difficulty in persuad- 
 ing the weak-willed sovereign to recall his con- 
 sent to the meeting. In his feeble, half-way 
 manner of doing things, he forbade it as a pub- 
 lic assembly, but allowed its members to meet 
 unofficially and privately, in November, with 
 no publication of their discussions or acts. They 
 adopted resolutions setting forth a bold demand 
 for a representation of the people in their gov- 
 ernment, and these were laid before the Tsar. 
 He gave a public reply to them on the 26th of 
 December, ignoring the demand for representa- 
 tive institutions, declaring that the government 
 must remain autocratic, but making vague 
 promises of reform in the laws, with especial 
 assurances of liberty to the press and in religion ; 
 but everything granted must flow by gracious 
 favor from the autocracy, through the channels 
 of the bureaucracy, where it could not by any 
 possibility run true and clear. The words of the 
 Tsar, vague as they were, produced some en- 
 couragement, and a feeling of trust in his good 
 intentions ; but the effect was soon destroyed. 
 
 It was at about this time that Prince Trubet- 
 skoi, in authority at Moscow, addressed a letter 
 to Prince Mirsky, from which the following was 
 published in translation soon after : 
 
 “ Through this letter I wish to explain myself 
 to you, and ask you not to refuse me the privi- 
 lege of representing to the Emperor, most 
 humbly, the motives which prompted me to 
 give the zemstvo permission to assert itself. 
 According to public opinion, in which I concur 
 unreservedly, Russia is, at present, facing an 
 epoch of anarchy and revolutionary movement. 
 What is going on is, by far, no mere agitation by 
 the youth. The youth stands forth only as a 
 reflection of the general state prevailing in 
 society. This state is most dangerous and ter- 
 rible for our entire country, as well as for all of 
 us, and particularly so for the holy person of 
 the Emperor. It is, therefore, the duty of every 
 truly loyal subject to ward off the disastrous ca- 
 lamity with any and all means at his disposal. 
 
RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 A short time ago, I had the good fortune to be 
 received by the Emperor, and to tell him, 
 straightforwardly and truly, to the best of my 
 effort and knowledge, about the present state of 
 society. I endeavored to explain to him that 
 what is going on is not a riot, but a revolution ; 
 that the Russian people is thus being drawn 
 into a revolution, which it does not desire, and 
 which can be forestalled by the Emperor. Yet 
 there is but one way out of it, just one, aud that 
 is by the Emperor placing confidence in the 
 strength of society and of the masses. In the 
 depths of my soul I am firmly convinced that if 
 the Emperor only wanted to confidently group 
 these powers around himself, Russia would free 
 itself from all the terrors of the impending dis- 
 turbance, aud would support its Czar, his will, 
 and his absolute sovereignty. In view of the 
 state of mind of all the people, who are filled 
 with fear and horror over the things referred to 
 above, it is really beyond human power to refuse 
 them to speak about that which is vexing and 
 tormenting everybody so fearfully.” 
 
 “The opening of the next year (1905) was 
 marked by the appearance of a new element in 
 revolution. Certainly, there had been strikes 
 and riots in the great cities before ; there had 
 been peasant risings and other forms of econo- 
 mic agitation in various parts. But as a whole 
 the revolutionary movement as such had been 
 inspired, directed, and even carried out by the 
 educated classes — the students, the journalists, 
 the doctors, barristers, and other professional 
 men. It had been almost limited to that great 
 division of society which in Russia is called 
 ‘The Intelligence.’ ... It was ‘the Intelli- 
 gence ’ who hitherto had fought for the re- 
 volution. ... At length the first-fruits of their 
 toilsome propaganda, continued through forty 
 years, were seen, and the revolutionary work- 
 man appeared. 
 
 “ He was ushered in by Father George 
 Gapon, at that time a rather simple-hearted 
 priest, with a rather childlike faith in God and 
 the Tsar, and a certain genius for organization. 
 His personal hold upon the working classes was 
 probably due to their astonishment that a priest 
 should take any interest in their affairs, outside 
 their fees. . . . Father Gapon, with his thin 
 line of genius for organization, had gathered 
 the workmen’s groups or trade unions of St. 
 Petersburg into a fairly compact body, called 
 ‘ The Russian Workmen’s Union,’ of which he 
 was President as well as founder. In the third 
 week in January the men at the Putiloff iron 
 works struck because two of their number had 
 been dismissed for belonging to their union. At 
 once the Neva iron and sliip-building works, the 
 Petroffsky cotton works, the Alexander engine 
 works, the Thornton cloth works, and other 
 great factories on the banks of the river or upon 
 the industrial islands joined in the strike, and in 
 two days some 100,000 work-people were ‘out.’ 
 
 “With his rather childlike faith in God and 
 the Tsar, Father Gapon organized a dutiful 
 appeal of the Russian w r orkmen to the tender- 
 hearted autocrat whose benevolence was only 
 thwarted by evil counsellors and his ignorance 
 of the truth. The petition ran, in part, as fol- 
 low's : — 
 
 “‘We workmen come to you for truth and 
 protection. We have reached the extreme lim- 
 its of endurance. We have been exploited, and 
 
 shall continue to be exploited under your bu- 
 reaucracy. The bureaucracy has brought the 
 country to the verge of ruin aud by a shameful 
 war is bringing it to its downfall. We have 
 no voice in the heavy burdens imposed on us. 
 We do not even know for whom or why this 
 money is wrung from the impoverished people, 
 and we do not know liow r it is expended. This 
 is contrary to the Divine laws, and renders life 
 impossible. It is better that we should all per- 
 ish, we workmen and all Russia. Then good 
 luck to the capitalists and exploiters of the 
 poor, the corrupt officials and robbers of the 
 Russian people ! 
 
 “‘Throw down the wall that separates you 
 from your people. Russia is too great and her 
 needs are too various for officials to rule. Na- 
 tional representation is essential, for the people 
 alone know' their owm needs. Direct that elec- 
 tions for a constituent assembly be held by 
 general secret ballot. That is our chief peti- 
 tion. Everything is contained in that. If you 
 do not reply to our prayer, we will die in this 
 square before your palace. We have nowffiere 
 else to go. Only two paths are open to us — 
 to liberty and happiness or to the grave. 
 Should our lives serve as the offering of suffer- 
 ing Russia, we shall not regret the sacrifice, but 
 endure it willingly.’ 
 
 “On the morning of Sunday, January 22, 
 1905, about 15,000 working men and women 
 formed into a procession to carry this petition 
 to the Tsar in his Winter Palace upon the great 
 square of government buildings. They w'ere 
 all in their Sunday clothes ; many peasants had 
 come up from the country in their best embroi- 
 deries ; they took their children with them. In 
 front marched Father Gapon and two other 
 priests wearing vestments. With them went 
 the ikons, or holy pictures of shining brass and 
 silver, and a portrait of the Tsar. As the pro- 
 cession moved along, they sang, ‘ God save our 
 people. God give our orthodox Tsar the vic- 
 tory.’ 
 
 “So the Russian workmen made their last ap- 
 peal to the autocrat whom they called their 
 father. They would lay their griefs before 
 him, they would see him face to face, they 
 would hear his comforting words. But the 
 father of his people had disappeared into space. 
 As the procession entered the square, the sol- 
 diers fired volley after volley upon them from 
 three sides. The estimate of the killed and 
 wounded was about 1500. That Sunday — 
 January 9th in Russian style — is known as 
 Bloody Sunday or Vladimir’s Day, after the 
 Grand Duke Vladimir w T ho was supposed to 
 have given the orders. Next morning Father 
 Gapon wrote to his Union : ‘ There is no Tsar 
 now. Innocent blood has flowed between him 
 and the people.’” — Henry W. Nevinson, The 
 Dawn in Russia, Introd. (Harper’s, N. Y). 
 
 If the atrocity of the 9th of January was in- 
 tended to terrorize and paralyze the opposition 
 to absolutism it failed. It maddened the more 
 violent revolutionists, and increasingly desper- 
 ate enterprises of assassination were provoked. 
 The provocation was made greater by the ap- 
 pointment of Trepoff, notorious for brutality of 
 temper, to a newly created office, of Governor- 
 General of St. Petersburg. On the 17th of Feb- 
 ruary the Grand Duke Sergius, uncle to the 
 Tsar, Governor-General of Moscow, and con- 
 
 567 
 
RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 spicuously heartless and foul in his exercise of 
 power, was assassinated as he drove through 
 the streets. Strikes and riotous outbreaks were 
 of constant occurrence in the industrial cities, 
 especially violent in Warsaw, Lodz, and other 
 Polish towns. 
 
 The Tsar issued a piteous manifesto on the 
 3d of March, appealing for a ‘ ‘ rally round the 
 throne” by all “who, true to Russia’s past, 
 honestly and conscientiously have a care for all 
 the affairs of the state such as we have our- 
 selves.” On the same day he published a re- 
 script in which he said : “I am resolved hence- 
 forth, with the help of God, to convene the 
 worthiest men, possessing the confidence of the 
 people and elected by them, to participate in 
 the elaboration and consideration of legislative 
 measures.” But, even if this expressed the per- 
 sonal disposition of the weak-willed sovereign, 
 it promised nothing to correspond to it in the 
 action of government ; as was shown by the 
 promotion of Trepoff to be Assistant-Minister 
 of the Interior and Chief of Police. Prince 
 Mirsky, baffled in his undertakings and hope- 
 less of good from his service, had resigned the 
 Ministry of the Interior, and his successor, M. 
 Buliguine, held the office but a short time. 
 M. Serguei Yulievitch Witte, former Minister 
 of Finance, and latterly President of the Im- 
 perial Ministers, now acquired a substantial 
 premiership in the administration, which does 
 not seem to have belonged to his office before. 
 Nothing of satisfaction came from the Decem- 
 ber promises of reformed law. Bureaucratic 
 commissions were understood to be working on 
 measures to make good the Tsar’s word, but 
 months passed with no result. There were fit- 
 ful relaxations of the censorship of the press, so 
 capricious that no editor could know what he 
 might and might not say. 
 
 In April, religious liberty was proclaimed, 
 with special rights and privileges reserved to 
 the Russian orthodox church. M. Witte had 
 advocated a separation of the church from the 
 state ; but that was beyond hope. There must, 
 however, have been an important weakening of 
 church influence in the government, since the 
 long despotic procurator-general of the Holy 
 Synod, M. Pobiedonostzeff, resigned before the 
 close of the year. 
 
 Early in the summer the heads of provincial 
 zemstvos held another meeting, and discussed 
 the popular demand for a constitutional and 
 representative government without restraint. 
 Then the Czar gave them a friendly audience, 
 and declared to them that “ the admission of 
 elected representatives to works of state will be 
 regularly accomplished ” ; but this was followed 
 speedily by an official explanation that his ma- 
 jesty’s remarks must not be understood as con- 
 taining “any indication of the possibility of 
 modifying the fundamental law of the empire.” 
 This was to check an eager leaping of the public 
 mind to high hopes. 
 
 On the 19th of August the long wavering im- 
 perial mind seemed brought to a definite inten- 
 tion at last, in a proclamation which summoned 
 a national assembly, or duma, to meet “not 
 later than the middle of January, 1906.” 
 
 “The Empire of Russia,” said the Tsar in his 
 preamble, “is formed and strengthened by the 
 indestructible solidarity of the Tsar with the peo- 
 ple and the people with the Tsar. The concord 
 
 and union of the people and the Tsar are a great 
 moral force, which has created Russia in th<^ 
 course of centuries by protecting her from all 
 misfortunes and all attacks, and has constituted 
 up to the present time a pledge of unity, inde- 
 pendence, integrity, material well-being, and in- 
 tellectual development. Autocratic Tsars, our 
 ancestors, constantly had that object in view, 
 and the time has come to follow out their good 
 intentions, and to summon elected representa- 
 tives from the whole of Russia to take a con- 
 stant and active part in the elaboration of laws, 
 attaching for this purpose to the higher state 
 institutions a special consultative body, en- 
 trusted with the preliminary elaboration and 
 discussion of measures, and with the examina- 
 tion of the state budget. It is for this reason 
 that, while preserving the fundamental law re- 
 garding autocratic power, we have deemed it 
 well to form a State Duma, and to approve 
 regulations for the elections to this Duma.” 
 
 By the terms of the call it will be seen, “the 
 fundamental law regarding autocratic power” 
 was preserved with care. And, said the pro- 
 clamation, “ we reserve to ourselves entirely the 
 care of perfecting the organization of the 
 duma.” It was to have no power to initiate 
 legislation, but only to discuss and pass judg- 
 ment upon measures brought before it by the 
 ministers of the Tsar, who thus held fast to 
 the substance of his autocratic power. 
 
 The Duma was to consist of 412 members, 
 representing 50 governments and the military 
 province of the Don, and only 28 members repre- 
 senting towns. It was to be elected for five 
 years, unless dissolved sooner by the Tsar. Its 
 meetings were to be secret, except as the presi- 
 dent, in his discretion, might admit the reporters 
 of the Press. 
 
 The limited functions proposed for the Duma, 
 and the indefinite prescription of procedure in 
 its election, left not much in the Tsar’s project 
 of a national assembly to satisfy the nation. In 
 September a large meeting of representatives of 
 the zemstvos, from all parts of the Empire, was 
 held privately at Moscow, and it was there 
 agreed that they should exert themselves to secure 
 as many seats in the coming Duma as possible, 
 with a view to making it instrumental in the 
 movement for something better. The ultimate 
 aim of present endeavor was defined in a pro- 
 gramme which included : a representative na- 
 tional legislature; a systematic budget system; 
 freedom of conscience, speech, press, meeting 
 and association ; inviolability of person and 
 home ; equal rights of all citizens ; equal respon- 
 sibility of all officials and citizens under the 
 law ; the abolition of passports. 
 
 In October, on the 21st, the workingmen or- 
 ganized their first great general strike, on the 
 railways, which paralyzed travel and traffic, ex- 
 cept as the government could operate some mili- 
 tary trains. The strikers made bold demands, 
 presented to Witte on the 24th: “The claims 
 
 of the working classes,” they said, “must be 
 settled by laws constituted by the will of the 
 people and sanctioned by all Russia. The only 
 solution is to announce political guarantees for 
 freedom and the convocation of a Constituent 
 Assembly, elected by direct, universal and se- 
 cret suffrage. Otherwise the country will be 
 forced into rebellion.” Witte replied: “ A Con- 
 stituent Assembly is for the present impossible. 
 
 568 
 
RUSSIA. 1904-1905 
 
 RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 Universal suffrage would, in fact, only give 
 preeminence to the richest classes, because they 
 could influence all the voting by their money. 
 Liberty of the press and of public meeting will 
 be granted very shortly. I am myself strongly 
 opposed to all persecution and bloodshed, and I 
 am willing to support the greatest amount of 
 liberty possible. . . . But there is not in the 
 entire world a single cultivated man who is in 
 favor of universal suffrage.” Two days after 
 receiving this reply the Council of Labor Dele- 
 gates, or “Strike Committee,” declared a gen- 
 eral strike of workmen throughout Russia, and 
 about a million workingmen are said to have 
 taken the risk of starvation by dropping work. 
 
 No doubt it was that evidence of determina- 
 tion in the revolutionary spirit of the country 
 which drew from the Tsar, on the 30 th of Octo- 
 ber, the famous ukase which was characterized 
 hastily at the time as “the Magna Cliarta of 
 Russia,” “the surrender of autocracy,” the 
 founding of constitutional government. In 
 reality, the document was no more than an in- 
 junction to the ministers of the autocrat to 
 carry out his ‘ ‘ absolute will ” in certain matters, 
 most of which were set forth with characteristic 
 vagueness of terms. The following is a trans- 
 lation of the entire manifesto, as communicated 
 to the Government of the United States from 
 its embassy at St. Petersburg : 
 
 By the grace of God we, Nicholas Second, 
 Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, Tsar 
 of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, etc. 
 
 The rioting and agitation in the capitals and 
 in many localities of our Empire has filled our 
 heart with great and deep affliction. The wel- 
 fare of the Russian Emperor is united with the 
 welfare of the people, and its troubles are his 
 troubles. The agitation which has broken out 
 may bring confusion among the people and 
 threaten the entirety and unity of our Empire. 
 
 The solemn vow of the imperial service com- 
 mands us, with all the strength of intelligence 
 and of our power, to endeavor to stop as quickly 
 as possible agitations so dangerous to the Em- 
 pire. In ordering the competent authorities to 
 take measures to avert the disorders, the trou- 
 bles, and violence, and to guard peaceful people 
 who are eager to fulfill quietly the duties placed 
 upon them, we have found it necessary, in 
 order to insure the proper execution of the gen- 
 eral measures marked out by us, to unify the 
 action of the supreme government. 
 
 We lay upon the government the fulfillment 
 of our absolute will : 
 
 1. To grant to the population the inviolable 
 basis of free citizenship, on the ground of actual 
 inviolable personality, freedom of conscience, 
 speech, meeting, and unions; 
 
 2. Without stopping the intended elections 
 for the State Duma, to include now in the par- 
 ticipation of the Duma as far as possible, in 
 view of the corresponding short term which 
 remains before the convocation of the Duma, 
 those classes of the population which up to now 
 were entirely deprived of the right to vote and 
 to allow in future the further development of 
 the element of a general right of election which 
 is to be established by new legislation ; and 
 
 3. To establish as an inviolable rule that no 
 law shall take effect without its confirmation by 
 the State Duma and that the persons elected 
 by the population should be guaranteed the 
 
 possibility of actual control over the legal 
 activity of the persons appointed by us. 
 
 We call on all the true sons of Russia to re- 
 member their duties toward their fatherland, to 
 assist in combating these unheard-of agitations, 
 and together with us to unite all their strength 
 in establishing quietness and peace in their 
 country. 
 
 Given in Peterhof on the 17th day of October 
 in the year of our Lord 1905 and the eleventh 
 year of our reign. 
 
 (Signed in his own hand.) 
 
 Nicholas. 
 
 At the same time, the ministers of the auto- 
 crat were enjoined to “abstain from any inter- 
 ference in the elections of the duma;” they 
 were to “ maintain the prestige of the duma 
 and confidence in its labors, and not resist its de- 
 cisions so long as they are not inconsistent with 
 the historic greatness of Russia.” In the ex- 
 ercise of executive power they should embody 
 “(1) straightforwardness and sincerity in the 
 confirmation of civil liberty;” “ (2), a tendency 
 toward the abolition of exclusive laws ; ” “ (3), 
 the coordination of the activity of all the organs 
 of government ; ” “ (4), the avoidance of repres- 
 sive measures in respect to proceedings which 
 do not openly menace society or the state.” 
 
 These orders and injunctions from the auto- 
 cracy to the bureaucracy were to be the consti- 
 tution of government for which Russia had 
 made demands. They did not satisfy the de- 
 mand — or satisfied only the small party who 
 were afterwards called “Octobrists,” because 
 they asked for no more than was granted in this 
 ukase of October 30, 1905. The general strike 
 was not called off, but demands for a Constitu- 
 ent Assembly were reiterated persistently. Agi- 
 tation was kept alive, and with it the murderous 
 warfare waged by revolutionists against high 
 officials and the police. At the same time, re- 
 actionary officials and army officers, enraged by 
 what the Tsar had done, stirred up mobs in 
 various parts of the country to attack the Jews, 
 and add to the state of public disorder, thus fur- 
 nishing arguments for a fresh resort to repres- 
 sive measures by the military arm. Presently 
 there were serious outbreaks of mutiny in army 
 and navy, at Odessa, Kronstadt, and Sevastopol, 
 and all the foundations of public order seemed 
 really, for a time, to be breaking up. 
 
 It is evident there was serious alarm in the 
 circles of the autocracy. Pobiedonostzeff, the 
 bigoted Procurator of the Holy Synod, and Tre- 
 poff, the savage head of the police, resigned. 
 On the 4th of November an amnesty to political 
 offenders was proclaimed, and the ancient liber- 
 ties of Finland were restored, by a decree which 
 abolished that of February, 1899 (see, in Vol. 
 VI., Finland), and that also annulled a later 
 military law, of 1901, by which the Finnish 
 army had been put on the Russian footing. 
 
 These signs of yielding to the claims "of the 
 nation soon gave place, however, to symptoms 
 on the reactionary side of revived courage and 
 obstinacy among the keepers and masters of the 
 Tsar’s mind and will. A manifesto on the 12th 
 of November declared that reforms would not 
 be possible till the country was quieted. An- 
 other on the 13th proclaimed martial law in 
 Poland; whereat the “strike committee” called 
 another strike in sympathy with Poland. On 
 the 14th Witte published an appeal to the 
 
 569 
 
RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 workmen, saying: “Brothers! Workmen! Go 
 back to your work and cease from disorder. 
 Have pity on your wives and children, and turn 
 a deaf ear to mischievous counsels. The Tsar 
 commands us to devote special attention to the 
 labor question, and to that end has appointed 
 a Ministry of Commerce and Industry, which 
 will establish just relations between masters 
 and men. Only give us time, and I will do all 
 that is possible for you. Pay attention to the 
 advice of a man who loves you and wishes you 
 well.” The renewed strike was not successful. 
 Not many of the workingmen would face the 
 suffering from non-employment which they had 
 gone through already. The attempt was ended 
 on the 20th ; but the Committee which called it, 
 in annulling the order, enjoined the workers of 
 the Empire to organize “ for the final encounter 
 between all Russia and the bloody monarchy 
 now dragging out its last days.” 
 
 Meantime, on the 17th, the Tsar sought to 
 conciliate the peasants by reducing for one year 
 the payments on land that were due under the 
 land distribution which went with emancipation 
 in 1861 (see Slavery, Medieval and Modern : 
 Russia, in Vol. IV.), and remitting them en- 
 tirely after January, 1907. On the 20th of No- 
 vember a Peasants’ Congress of 300 delegates 
 met in Moscow and formulated demands for the 
 nationalization of land and for a constituent 
 assembly. The delegates were arrested. An 
 alarming mutiny in the fleet and army at Se- 
 vastopol broke out on the 26th, but it was soon 
 suppressed. Two days later the whole body of 
 employees in the postal and telegraphic service 
 at Moscow began a most troublesome strike, 
 which spread from there and was continued for 
 some weeks. Mr. Nevinson, who was in Moscow 
 at the time, describes it in one of his chapters: 
 “In those happy weeks when freedom still was 
 young and living, two things ruled the country 
 — speech and the strike, the word and the blow. 
 The strike was everywhere felt. No letter or 
 telegram went or came. Each town in Russia 
 was isolated, and the whole Empire stood sev- 
 ered from the world. ... In Moscow the cooks 
 struck, and paraded the streets with songs never 
 heard in the drawing-room. The waiters struck, 
 and heavy proprietors lumbered about with 
 their own plates and dishes. The nursemaids 
 struck for Sundays out. The housemaids struck 
 for rooms with windows, instead of cupboards 
 under the stairs, or sections from the water 
 closets. Schoolboys struck for more democratic 
 masters and pleasanter lessons. Teachers struck 
 for higher pay. . . . But at the back of the 
 strikes and all the revolutionary movement lay 
 the motive force of speech. . . . After these 
 centuries of suppression, all Russia was revel- 
 ling in a spiritual debauch of words.” 
 
 On the 6th of December General Sakharoff, 
 formerly Minister of War and now Governor- 
 General of a district on the Volga, was shot by a 
 woman, to avenge the sufferings he had caused 
 to the peasants. On the 7th the Strike Commit- 
 tee called on the workpeople to withdraw their 
 money from the savings-banks; and, a little 
 later, a joint manifesto, issued by that committee 
 and committees of Peasants, Social Democrats, 
 and Social Revolutionists, appealed generally to 
 the people, not only to withdraw money from 
 the savings banks, but “ to refuse to pay taxes, 
 or to take bank-notes, or to subscribe to loans,” 
 
 as a means of crippling the government finan- 
 cially. All papers which published this mani- 
 festo were suppressed and their editors arrested. 
 
 Then, in the last twelve days of December, 
 came the fatal rising at Moscow, which the gov- 
 ernment, forewarned by its spies, precipitated, 
 while the revolutionists’ preparations were but 
 half made, and which it crushed mercilessly, 
 with ease. From a diary of the occurrences of 
 these tragical days at Moscow, given in the re- 
 port of the resident American Consul to Ambas- 
 sador Meyer, at St. Petersburg, the following 
 entries are taken : 
 
 “ December 24. — Barricades were continually 
 built during days and nights. The revolution- 
 ists were in hope that about 20,000 or 30,000 
 workmen from the factories in the suburbs 
 would enter the city and join them, but this was 
 not accomplished, as the military forces were 
 sufficient to prevent this. The revolutionists 
 spread a rumor amongst the workmen that the 
 soldiers were in sympathy with the strikers and 
 that they would not fire on the mob and would 
 join their ranks, but this rumor turned out to be 
 untrue, as the troops were loyal to the Govern- 
 ment. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ December 27. — At 6 o’clock p. m. the house 
 where the chief of the secret police, Mr. Voilo- 
 chenkoff, resides, was surrounded by a revolu- 
 tionary party and by their insistent demands 
 the front door was opened. Six men rushed 
 into his apartments and arrested the chief, and 
 read the death sentence of the revolutionary 
 party to him. His wife and three children 
 pleaded to the revolutionists for mercy, but the 
 revolutionists would not listen to their pleading, 
 and they gave Mr. Voilochenkoff a short time 
 to prepare for death and then took him out into 
 a side street where he was shot to death, and his 
 body left in the street. Disturbances and shoot- 
 ing were carried on in the different parts of the 
 city, and new barricades erected. 
 
 “ December 31. — The troops bombarded the 
 large Prochoroff spinning mills, where a large 
 number of revolutionists made their last stand. 
 Many houses in the vicinity of the mill were 
 either burnt down or wrecked by cannon balls. 
 Many of the revolutionists and strikers were 
 killed, wounded, or captured and the weapons 
 confiscated. The general strike has been called 
 off.” 
 
 This was practically the end of the abortive 
 rising. On the 5th of January, 1906, Ambassa- 
 dor Meyer wrote to the State Department at 
 Washington: 
 
 “ In my cable of December 25 I stated that al- 
 though fighting had been stubborn and gatling 
 guns had been used, I believed that the esti- 
 mates so far given out as to loss of life were 
 much exaggerated. It appears now that I was 
 correct in my surmise, for in a semi-official state- 
 ment given by one of the papers, from statistics 
 taken at all the hospitals and accident bureaus, 
 the deaths were given as about 750 and the 
 wounded as a little over a thousand. 
 
 ‘ ‘ I am glad to state that as yet I have heard 
 of no injuries occurring to American citizens in 
 Moscow; in fact in all these disturbances that 
 have taken place in the various cities the revo- 
 lutionists and strikers have refrained in all in- 
 stances from attacking foreign consulates, and 
 I believe this also applies to the property of 
 foreign individuals.” 
 
 570 
 
RUSSIA, 1904-1905 
 
 RUSSIA, 1905 
 
 On the 29th of January Ambassador Meyer 
 wrote to Washington : “The revolutionary party 
 seems to have spent its force for the time being. 
 Instead of aiding reforms, they have greatly 
 hampered them. By the attempted capture of 
 Moscow, by their riots and rebellions in other 
 parts of the country, followed by destruction of 
 life and property, they have forced the Govern- 
 ment into repression and reactionary methods 
 in order to restore law and order. All this has 
 necessarily caused a delay in the classification of 
 the newly enfranchised voters and has given an 
 excuse for a continued waste of precious time 
 due to bureaucratic formality. 
 
 “Some of the factions are finally waking up 
 to the necessity of giving attention to registra- 
 tion and a better comprehension of the coming 
 elections. The Constitutional-Democratic party 
 have decided by a large majority to take part 
 in the elections and the Douma. The Social 
 Democrats have also decided to participate. On 
 the other hand, the Russian Social-Revolution- 
 aries, at their first meeting in Finland, lately, 
 voted in favor of a boycott of the elections. 
 
 “At its last meeting, the Constitutional- 
 Democratic party, in view of obstacles to free 
 election campaigning which the local authorities 
 are using against all opposing parties, voted to 
 protest against the government policy, which in 
 any way impeded free elections to the Imperial 
 Douma, and further urged the most energetic 
 participation of its members in the approaching 
 elections. 
 
 “ At a meeting of the marshals of the nobility, 
 held at Moscow last week, the following resolu- 
 tions were adopted : 1. That the final settlement 
 of the agrarian question should be made the 
 first task of the Douma. 2. That in deciding 
 the agrarian question, it should be based on the 
 principle of inviolability of private property.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — War with Japan: 
 Siege and Surrender of Port Arthur. See (in 
 this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb. -Aug.) and 
 1904-1905 (May-Jan.) 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905 (Oct. -May). — War with 
 Japan: Voyage of the Baltic Fleet. — Its 
 Destruction in the Battle of Tsushima. See 
 Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (Oct. -May). 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905 (Sept. -March). — War 
 with Japan: Campaign in Manchuria. — 
 
 From the Battle of Liao-Yang to the end 
 of the Battle of Mukden. See Japan: A. D. 
 1904-1905 (Sept. -March). 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — General Consequences 
 in Europe of the Weakening of Russian 
 Prestige and Power by the Russo-Japanese 
 War. See Europe : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — Action with other Powers in 
 forcing Financial Reforms in Macedonia on 
 Turkey. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1905- 
 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Feb. -Nov.). — Naval Mutiny. 
 — Army Revolt. — Peasant Risings. — Con- 
 flict in the Caucasus. — The most serious of 
 the revolutionary outbreaks of the year was that 
 of mutiny in the navy. “ Already in February 
 the sailors of the Black Sea fleet, instigated 
 by the revolutionary propaganda, had burned 
 down the barracks at Sebastopol and assaulted 
 their officers, and on June 27 the crew of the 
 ‘ Kniaz Potemkin,’ the principal battle-ship of 
 the Black Sea fleet, mutinied at sea while the 
 squadron of which it formed part was manoeu- 
 
 vring, and killed nearly all its officers. The 
 mutineers were in league with the working 
 men at Odessa, who at the same time invaded 
 the harbor, and, accompanied by a riotous mob, 
 plundered and burnt in all directions. Pro- 
 perty of immense value was consumed, and some 
 of the troops refused to fire on the rioters. 
 Ultimately fresh troops were brought up, the 
 ‘ Kniaz Potemkin ’ sailed away to the Rouma- 
 nian port of Constanza, where it was surren 
 dered to the Roumanian authorities, who gave 
 up the ship to the Russians, and the crew was 
 landed and disarmed. The crew of another 
 battle-ship, the ‘ Georgei Pobiedonosets,’ took 
 part in the mutiny, but surrendered to the 
 Russian authorities at Odessa. Riots also took 
 place at the same time at the seaports of Reval, 
 Riga, Libau, and Kronstadt, where the dockers 
 were joined by the navy men and struck for 
 an increase of wages. . . . On July 10 Count 
 Schouvaloff, Prefect of Police at Moscow, was 
 assassinated, and a general strike was pro- 
 claimed at Minsk. ... In the Baltic provinces 
 the peasants, who are Letts, constantly attacked 
 the landed proprietors, who are German in race 
 and speech ; many of the latter were killed, the 
 municipal buildings at Reval, Riga and Mittau 
 were sacked. ... In September the conflict 
 which had been going on between the Tartars 
 and the Armenians in the Caucasus culminated 
 in a series of horrible massacres, accompanied 
 by much destruction of property. At Baku 
 most of the naphtha wells were destroyed by 
 incendiary fires, and very much of the oil in- 
 dustry was ruined. The Tartars, carrying green 
 banners, proclaimed a holy war against the 
 Armenians, many thousands of whom were 
 killed. ... On November 25 an organized re- 
 volt took place of the soldiers, sailors and 
 workmen of Sebastopol. There was no rioting, 
 but several officers were killed, and for some 
 days the town was in the hands of the rebels. 
 The revolt was only suppressed on November 
 30, when a regular battle took place between 
 the rebels and 20,000 troops that had been 
 brought up against them. Forts and loyal ships 
 fired on mutinous ships, and the barracks held 
 by the rebels had to be bombarded before they 
 were forced to surrender. . . . Other mutinies 
 of troops took place at the same time at War- 
 saw and in other places.” — The Annual Register 
 1905, pp. 313-323. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (April-Aug.). — The Tsar’s 
 Decree of Religious Liberty. — Minister 
 Witte’s enlightened Memorial. — The Emp- 
 tiness of Results. —Early in May, 1905, there 
 was announcement that the Tsar, on the morn- 
 ing of the Russian Easter Day, had published 
 a decree proclaiming absolute religious liberty 
 to all his subjects. Previous tolerance of all 
 religions in Russia had been subject to impor- 
 tant limitations. No member of the state 
 church could leave it to enter another without 
 losing all his civil rights, and no church other 
 than the Orthodox could proselyte. Further- 
 more, when members of the Russian Church 
 and those of any other church married, it was 
 necessary to have the ceremony performed by 
 an Orthodox priest, and the law insisted that 
 the children of such marriages be brought up 
 in the Orthodox faith. These restrictions 
 were particularly hard on the Old Believers, as 
 they are called, — a body which separated from 
 
 571 
 
RUSSIA, 1905 
 
 RUSSIA, 1900 
 
 
 the Orthodox Church two and a half centuries 
 ago and has suffered all kinds of persecution. 
 The new ukase recognized the various orders of 
 priesthood among the Old Believers, and gave 
 them the right to celebrate marriage. To all 
 the dissenting sects — Roman Catholics, Luther- 
 ans, Jews, and others — is accorded the right to 
 erect houses of worship without restriction. 
 
 The Tsar’s decree of entire religious freedom 
 was known soon to have been the fruit of a re- 
 markably broad minded memorial addressed to 
 him by M. Witte, the President of his Council 
 of Ministers, and a translation of that memorial 
 was published in the May issue of The Contem- 
 porary Review. It pictured a state of paraly- 
 sis in the Russian Church, consequent on its 
 bondage to the State. “ Both the ecclesiastical 
 and the secular press,” said the writer, “re- 
 mark with equal emphasis upon the prevailing 
 lukewarmness of the inner life of the Church, 
 — upon the alienation of the flock, particularly 
 of the educated classes of society, from its 
 spiritual guides; the absence in sermons of a 
 living word ; the lack of pastoral activity on 
 the part of the clergy, who in the majority of 
 instances confine themselves to the conduct of 
 divine service and the fulfillment of ritual ob- 
 servances ; the entire collapse of the ecclesiasti- 
 cal parish community, with its educational and 
 benevolent institutions; the red-tapism in the 
 conduct of diocesan or consistorial business, 
 and the narrowly bureaucratic character of the 
 institutions grouped about the Synod. It was 
 from Dostoyevski that we first heard that word 
 of evil omen, ‘The Russian Church is suffering 
 from paralysis.’ ” 
 
 This condition M. Witte attributes to the po- 
 sition in which the Church was placed by Peter 
 the Great. “ The chief aim of the ecclesiastical 
 reforms of Peter I. was to reduce the Church to 
 the level of a mere government institution pur- 
 suing purely political ends. And, as a matter 
 of fact, the government of the Church speedily 
 became merely one of the numerous wheels of 
 the complicated government machine. On the 
 soil of an ecclesiastical government robbed by 
 bureaucratism of all personal elements the dry 
 scholastic life-shunning school arose spontane- 
 ously. This policy of coercing the mind of the 
 Church, though it may have been attended for 
 the moment by a certain measure of political 
 gain, subsequently inflicted a terrible loss. 
 Hence that decline in ecclesiastical life with 
 which we now have to deal.” 
 
 The wise President of the Tsar’s Council 
 made so much impression on the mind of his 
 master as to draw from him the ukase of gen- 
 eral religious freedom ; but three months later, 
 in the August number of The American Review 
 of Reviews, Dr. E. J. Dillon, whose intimate 
 knowledge of Russian affairs is well known, de- 
 scribed how effectually the decree had been 
 smothered by the bureaucracy, which is stronger 
 than the Tsar. He wrote: “ The most welcome 
 of all the concessions emanating from the 
 throne was that which Nicholas II. bestowed 
 upon his subjects last Easter Sunday. Inspired 
 and drafted by M. Witte, it was at first spoken 
 of as liberty of conscience, but was soon af- 
 terward seen to amount to nothing more than 
 religious toleration. And since then the bu- 
 reaucracy has touched and killed it.” 
 
 A. D.' 1905 (June-Oct.). — Ending of the 
 
 War with Japan. — Mediation by the Pre- 
 sident cf the United States. — The Peace 
 Treaty of Portsmouth. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1905 (June-Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1907. — The Recent Russian 
 Political Parties. — As explained by Mr. 
 Maurice Baring in his interesting book entitled 
 A Year in Russia, the crystallization of political 
 parties in Russia began after the issue of the 
 Manifesto of October, 1905. The most impor- 
 tant was that of the Constitutional Democrats, 
 nicknamed the “Cadets,” a name formed from 
 the letters “ K. D.” Similarly the party called 
 Social Revolutionaries are nicknamed “ S. It’s.” 
 and the Social Democrats “ S. D’s.” The party 
 of the Constitutional Democrats was the pro- 
 duct of a combination of Zemstvo members who 
 had previously been united in a “League of 
 Liberation ” with the professional classes, whom 
 Professor Milioukov had brought together in 
 a “Union of Unions,” which represented the 
 great mass of educated Russia — the “ Intelli- 
 genzia.” This combination of the professional 
 class with the Zemstvoists, who had more polit- 
 ical experience than others could enjoy in Rus- 
 sia, was mainly the important work of Professor 
 Milioukov. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — The First Duma. — Election 
 of Representatives. — Its Conflict with the 
 Government and its Dissolution. — Rise of 
 M. Stolypin. — The Instigated Massacres 
 (Pogroms). — In January, 1906, when the Duma 
 promised by the Tsar on the 19th of the previ- 
 ous August should have met, the conditions in 
 the country were such that the Government 
 dared not permit the meeting to be held, and it 
 was postponed without date. After some weeks 
 a more submissive state of order was restored, 
 and the meeting was appointed for the 10th of 
 the following May. The elections were held in 
 March, and Ambassador Meyer described the 
 system on which they were conducted in an 
 extended despatch to the State Department at 
 Washington, from which the following is bor- 
 rowed : 
 
 “ The total number of members of the Duma, 
 when the elections shall have finally been com- 
 pleted, will be 501. The elections are, however, 
 not carried on the same day throughout the 
 country. Governors and vice-governors, pre- 
 fects of cities and their lieutenants cannot vote 
 in their departments, nor can members of the 
 army or navy who are on active service, or 
 persons doing police duty in governments or 
 cities when elections are taking place. 
 
 “ The voters are divided into classes, and that 
 it may be more clearly shown I have made the 
 following table ; 
 
 Peasants. 
 
 Clergy | 
 
 Cities not in special I 
 
 list 1 
 
 Volosts 
 
 Workmen I 
 
 Landed proprietors 
 and special cities. 
 
 Delegates. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 Electors. 
 
 Duma 
 
 members. 
 
 Duma 
 
 members. 
 
 “ From this it will be seen that the peasants 
 are in a class by themselves and, as a matter of 
 fact, in the present elections are not given an 
 opportunity of expression, as it is the volosts 
 (elected at the mir, in most instances, before 
 
 572 
 
RUSSIA, 1900 
 
 RUSSIA, 1900 
 
 the Duma was even granted) that choose the 
 delegates. The volosts, workmen, clergy (not 
 lauded proprietors), voters of cities (not in special 
 list), and class C of lauded proprietors, all choose 
 delegates. These delegates, in turn, select elect- 
 ors, as do also landed proprietors, and qualified 
 voters of cities on the special list. The electors 
 vote for Duma members in their appropriate 
 electoral college, and their choice is confined to a 
 member of their own body. Therefore in every 
 instance, in order to become a member of the 
 Duma, a candidate must be an elector and 
 previous to that a delegate, except in the 
 case of landed proprietors and voters of special 
 cities. . . . 
 
 “It is noticeable that the large cities in Eu- 
 ropean Russia are limited to one member of the 
 Duma, with the exception of Moscow and St. 
 Petersburg, the former having an allotment of 
 four and the latter of six. 
 
 “There is an exceptional provision with re- 
 gard to the procedure of the peasant electors. 
 
 . . . Elections to the Duma, with the exception 
 cited as to the privilege of peasant electors, are 
 finally effected in the governments and territo- 
 ries by the government electoral college, and in 
 the cities by the municipal electoral college.” 
 
 Mr. Meyer reported further that an imperial 
 manifesto had announced that the Council of 
 the Empire would in future “consist of an 
 equal number of elective members and mem- 
 bers nominated by the Emperor. It will be con- 
 voked annually by an imperial ukase at the 
 same time with the Duma. The two assemblies 
 will have equal legislative powers, and each 
 can exercise the same initiative in introduc- 
 ing bills or interrogations. Every bill must be 
 passed by both houses before being sent to the 
 Tsar for his signature and approval. The elected 
 members of the Council will be eligible for 
 nine years, a third being reelected every three 
 years.” Of the 98 elective members of the 
 Council (one half of the body), 18 were to be 
 chosen from the nobles, 50 from the zemstvo of 
 each government, 6 from the Orthodox Church, 
 6 from the universities, 12 from the representa- 
 tives of the Council of Commerce and Industry, 
 and 6 from representatives of the Polish landed 
 proprietors. 
 
 On the 7th of April Ambassador Meyer wrote 
 to Washington concerning the result of the 
 elections : ‘ ‘ The success of the Constitutional 
 
 Democrats has made a great impression on the 
 Government and created considerable nervous- 
 ness. Witte is really anxious to resign and go 
 out of the country for a much-needed rest. 
 But he assured a mutual friend that he would 
 stay and serve the Emperor as long as His Ma- 
 jesty desired. The elections so far have im- 
 pressed upon his mind the want of confidence 
 which exists among the people as to his admin- 
 istration. As he is without any supporters 
 among the elected members of the Duma, it is 
 difficult to believe that the Emperor will be 
 able or even desirous of having him continue to 
 serve as premier after the Duma is organized.” 
 
 This anticipation proved correct. M. Witte 
 had withdrawn from the ministerial premier- 
 ship when the Duma assembled on the 10th of 
 May, and M. Goremykin had taken his place. 
 
 There was conflict between the Duma and the 
 Government from the moment that the former 
 adopted its reply to the opening speech of the 
 
 Tsar. With unanimity it demanded general 
 amnesty for past political offenses, abolition of 
 the death penalty, suspension of martial law, 
 full civil liberty, universal suffrage, abolition 
 of the council of the empire, a review of the 
 fundamental law, responsibility of ministers and 
 right of interpellation, a forced expropriation of 
 land, and a guarantee of rights to trade unions. 
 
 M. Stolypin, Minister of the Interior, now 
 coming to the front of ministerial leadership, 
 made his first speech in the Duma on the 21st 
 of June, and was assailed with cries of “Mur- 
 derer” and “ Assassin ” when lie defended ille- 
 gal acts of police officials and provincial gov- 
 ernors, in the suppression of disorder, and 
 declared his determination to maintain order. 
 Among the replies to him was one by Prince 
 Urussoff, former Assistant Minister of the In- 
 terior, who made a powerful attack on the sinis- 
 ter methods of the Government — the “policy 
 of massacre,” as he named it — declaring that 
 massacres were always organized by secret 
 forces. “ Any investigation,” he said, “of the 
 so-called ‘pogroms’ (massacres) will bring the 
 investigator face to face with the following cer- 
 tain symptoms; they are identical in all cases ; 
 Firstly, a massacre is always preceded by re- 
 ports of its preparation, accompanied by the 
 circulation of appeals exciting the population 
 and of one constant kind in form and substance. 
 They are accompanied by a certain kind of 
 stormy petrels in the person of little known 
 representatives of the dregs of the population. 
 Then, too, the cause of the massacre as officially 
 announced is afterwards always without excep- 
 tion found to be false. Furthermore, in these 
 massacres there is always to be found a certain 
 similarity of plan which gives these actions the 
 character of chance. The murderers act on the 
 assumption of some kind of right, as though 
 conscious that they will not be punished, and 
 only continue to act as long as this confidence 
 remains unshaken — after which the massacre 
 stops extraordinarily quickly and easily.” 
 
 What Prince Urussoff had intimated, as to the 
 instigation of the massacres from high circles 
 was declared most distinctly and positively, 
 three years later, by Prince Kropotkin, in a 
 letter to the London Times of July 29, 1909. 
 He wrote : “ Something which never has hap- 
 pened anywhere in Western Europe happened 
 then in Russia, as M. Obninsky, a member of 
 the first Duma, says in a terrible book of statis- 
 tics he has published in 1906 at Moscow, under 
 the title, ‘ A Half-Year of the Russian Revolu 
 tion.’ In a hundred different cities men of the 
 so-called ‘Black Hundreds’ came together on 
 some public square, received there the benedic- 
 tion of the clergy, sent telegrams to the Palace 
 circles in St. Petersburg, received answers from 
 them, and then went on killing the Jews, the 
 Armenians, the Poles, the Russian members of 
 the Zemstvos, and Russian ‘Intellectuals’ alto- 
 gether, under the protection of the military, the 
 local police, and the local governors. 
 
 “For some time I could not believe that such 
 'pogroms could have been organized from St. 
 Petersburg by the authorities. Now the evi- 
 dence is overwhelming. We know that procla- 
 mations inciting to pogroms were printed by the 
 gendarmes in the Secret Police offices, we know 
 from the revelations of these gendarmes them- 
 selves that men and officers were sent to the 
 
 573 
 
RUSSIA, 1906 
 
 RUSSIA, 1906 
 
 provinces with proclamations and arms to or- 
 ganize the pogroms ; and we know how the lead- 
 ers of the Union of Russian Men were petted 
 and given money by the Tsar and how they or- 
 ganized murders, wholesale and retail, with the 
 aid of members of the Secret Police ; and here 
 is the net result which I have before me in a 
 long, very long, list compiled by the Law Re- 
 view Pravo. 
 
 “This list is simply horrifying. The Consti- 
 tution manifesto was signed on October 30. 
 The same day took place the pogrom at Tver ; 
 the Zemstvo house was burnt, and 24 persons 
 were wounded. At Moscow, November 2, 30 
 wounded ; Odessa, October 31-November 3, 
 more than 1,000 killed and 5,000 wounded; 
 Kietf, October 31, 150 killed, 100 wounded; 
 Tomsk, November 3, 150 killed and burned, 76 
 heavily wounded (all these, by the way, and 
 many others are Russian towns); Minsk, 100 
 killed, 400 wounded ; Tiflis, November 2, more 
 than 100 killed ; and so on, and so on. . . . The 
 result of similar campaigns in different parts of 
 Russia for twelve months only in 1905-1906 was 
 — killed, more than 14,000; executed, about 
 1,000 ; wounded and partly died from wounds, 
 about 20,000 ; arrested and imprisoned, mostly 
 without judgment, 75,000. This last figure 
 was given in the Duma by Professor Kovalev- 
 sky on May 2, 1906, in the presence of M. 
 Stolypin, who did not contest it.” 
 
 On the 22d of July the Duma was dissolved 
 by imperial command, and the following mani- 
 festo to the people was published by the Auto- 
 crat on the following day: 
 
 “ Persons selected by the people were called 
 to the legislature. Trusting in the goodness of 
 God, believing in the happy and grand future of 
 our people, we were expecting from their labors 
 the happiness and interest of the country. Great 
 reforms had been indicated by us in all that 
 concerns the life of the people, and our greatest 
 care, which is to substitute education for the 
 ignorance of the people and to lessen the diffi- 
 culties of its life by improving the conditions 
 under which it cultivates the ground, was fore- 
 most. A painful ordeal was reserved to our 
 hopes. The elected of the nation, instead of 
 turning their attention to legislative labors, have 
 entered a field that was closed to them, and have 
 begun to investigate the doings of authorities 
 established by us, to indicate to us the imper- 
 fections of fundamental laws that can only be 
 altered by our imperial will, and to commit 
 illegal acts, such as the appeal addressed to the 
 people of the Duma. 
 
 “ The peasants, dazed by these disorders, 
 without waiting for the legal improvement to 
 their position, gave themselves up, in a great 
 number of governments, to pillage and theft, re- 
 fusing to submit to the law or to legal authori- 
 ties. . . . 
 
 “ By dissolving the actual Duma of the Em- 
 pire we testify to our unalterable intention of 
 maintaining, in all their force, the laws concern- 
 ing the establishment of that institution, and, 
 consequently, we have fixed, by our ukase given 
 to the ruling Senate on the 8th July instant, the 
 convocation 'of the new Duma on the 20th of 
 February, 1907.” 
 
 About two hundred members of the dissolved 
 Duma went immediately from St. Petersburg 
 to Yiborg, in Finland, and held a meeting 
 
 there, from which they published an address to 
 the "Citizens of all the Russias,’’ signed by one 
 hundred and sixty of their number, protesting 
 against the opposition which the Duma had en- 
 countered from the Government in all its under- 
 takings, and practically refusing submission to 
 its dissolution. “In the place of the present 
 Duma,” they said, “the Government promises 
 to convoke a new one in seven months. . . . 
 For seven months the Government will act as it 
 likes, will wrestle with the movement of the 
 people in order to obtain a submissive and de- 
 sirable Duma, and if it succeeds in entirely 
 crushing the movement of the people it will 
 not convoke any Duma at all. Citizens, stand 
 firmly by the trampled rights of the represent- 
 atives of the people. Stand for the Duma of 
 the Empire. Russia must not remain one day 
 without representatives from the people. We 
 have the means of obtaining this. The Gov- 
 ernment has not the right without our consent 
 to collect taxes from the people, nor to call the 
 people to military service, and therefore, now, 
 when the Government has dissolved the Duma 
 of the Empire, it is your right to refuse to sup- 
 ply it with soldiers or money. If the Govern- 
 ment, in order to secure resources, makes loans, 
 such loans, made without consent of the repre- 
 sentatives of the people, will henceforth be 
 invalid, and the Russian people will not recog- 
 nize them and will not pay for them. Conse- 
 quently, until the representatives of the people 
 are convoked, do not pay a kopeck into the 
 treasury nor send a man to the army. Be firm 
 in your refusal ; stand for your rights, all as 
 one man. Against the united and absolute will 
 of the people no power whatever can resist. 
 Citizens, in this compulsory but inevitable 
 struggle your representatives will be with 
 you.” 
 
 This proved to be futile action. The Govern- 
 ment was prompt in arresting and imprisoning 
 most of the signers of the appeal to the people, 
 and none of them was allowed to be returned to 
 the Second Duma when the new elections were 
 held. Pending that election, some very sub- 
 stantial gifts of imperial favor were made to 
 the peasants, to win their good will, but no- 
 thing appears to have been remembered of the 
 October injunctions of the Tsar concerning the 
 “confirmation of civil liberty.” In August, 
 4,500,000 acres of crown lauds were trans- 
 ferred by an imperial ukase to the Peasants’ 
 Bank, for sale to the peasants on easy terms; 
 and on the 18th of October another ukase re- 
 leased them to a large extent from the re- 
 straints of the communal system, and decreed 
 the equality of all citizens before the law. The 
 following is part of the text of this important 
 decree, as communicated in translation to the 
 American government by Ambassador Meyer, 
 and published in the report of 1906 on Foreign 
 Relations. 
 
 “ The Czar orders, on the basis of the funda- 
 mental law of 1906, that the following reforms 
 be made : 
 
 “1. To accord all Russian subjects, without 
 distinction of origin, with exception of the abo- 
 rigines, equal rights with regard to the state 
 service with persons of noble blood, and at the 
 same time to abolish all special privileges of 
 dress due either to official position or to the ori- 
 gin of the wearer. 
 
 574 
 
RUSSIA, 1906 
 
 RUSSIA, 1907 
 
 “2. Peasants and members of other classes 
 formerly taxable are freed (a) from the presenta- 
 tion of discharge papers on entering an educa- 
 tional institution or the civil service; further, 
 from personal payment in kind and the perform- 
 ance of communal duties during the whole time 
 the persons in question may be either in the 
 educational institution or civil service; ( 6 ) from 
 the necessity of demanding for entry into holy 
 orders or a monastery the permission of the com- 
 mune. 
 
 “3. The compulsory exclusion of peasant and 
 other classes formally taxable from the follow- 
 ing ranks and careers is abolished ; (a) From en- 
 tering the civil service; ( b ) from receiving rank; 
 
 (c) from receiving orders and other distinctions; 
 
 ( d ) from attaining learned grades and honors; 
 
 ( e ) from completing educational courses and 
 particularly from winning higher class rights. 
 
 “ In all these cases the persons in question are 
 allowed to retain all the rights arising from their 
 connections with their commune, as well as the 
 responsibilities thereof, until they have freely 
 withdrawn from the commune or entered into 
 other corporations of standing. With regard to 
 the legal standing of the persons in question, 
 there shall serve as a basis the regulations of 
 the rank or profession which these persons have 
 won.” See, also, below, A. D. 1909 (April). 
 
 Meantime, extensive plans of insurrection, 
 with naval and military mutiny, in five cities, 
 had been formed and had miscarried. The out- 
 break was premature at Sveaborg, late in July, 
 and the sailors who started it were quicky over- 
 come. The same failure occurred at Kronstadt, 
 where the revolutionists and mutinous troops 
 took Fort Constantine and the arsenal, but 
 found no ammunition in the latter, and were 
 defenseless when surrounded by loyal forces. 
 At Libau, Odessa, and Sevastopol the intended 
 rising was given up. 
 
 On the 25th of August a desperate plot of 
 wholesale murder, intended to include M. Stoly- 
 pin among its victims, was carried out by the 
 explosion of a horribly destructive bomb at the 
 country house of that Minister, on Aptekarsky 
 Island. M. Stolypin was holding a reception, 
 and the rooms were crowded with officials and 
 others, when four conspirators, three of them 
 dressed as gendarmes, drove up boldly, and 
 were able, either to enter the house with a bomb 
 or to throw it through a window. The effect of 
 the explosion was so horribly destructive that 
 the house was torn to pieces and thirty people 
 were killed outright or injured mortally, besides 
 an equal number that received curable wounds. 
 Two of the Minister’s children were among the 
 latter, and he himself received slight injuries. 
 The Governor of Penza, M. Ivoshoff, who stood 
 near him, was instantly killed. Two of the 
 assassins were among the killed and f^ie other 
 two were wounded and captured. On the fol- 
 lowing day a young woman of the terrorist 
 organization slew General Min, at Peterhof rail- 
 way station, by shots from a revolver. He 
 had been active in suppressing the insurrection 
 at Moscow. 
 
 In October Ambassador Meyer, after a trip 
 into Poland and to Odessa, reported as the re- 
 sult of his observations: “On the whole, the 
 
 revolutionary movement, for the time being, 
 has lost its momentum. A year ago it was on 
 the crest of the wave. Then a strike could be 
 
 ordered and put in force without any difficulty, 
 but now the workmen refuse to be used for po- 
 litical purposes or respond to the whims of the 
 agitator. The present conditions are liable to 
 continue until the next Duma, March 5. Yes- 
 terday, which was the first anniversary of Oc- 
 tober 17 (Russian Style), it had to be given out 
 by some of the revolutionists that there would 
 be strikes, uprisings, and agitations throughout 
 the country. But the day passed off quietly. 
 Mr. Stolypin is facing with much courage and 
 resolution the stupendous task which confronts 
 him. He is endeavoring to deal fairly, while at 
 the same time it is necessary to reestablish law 
 and order.” 
 
 On the 21st of December Count Alexei Igna- 
 tieff was assassinated at Tver, while attending a 
 meeting of the provincial zemstvo, the assassin 
 stating that he had acted under orders of the 
 Socialist revolutionary committee. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April). — Invitation of the Na- 
 tions to a Second Peace Conference by the 
 Tsar. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against; A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April). — At the Algeciras 
 Conference on the Morocco Question. See 
 
 Europe A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Aug.). — Convention with 
 
 Great Britain containing Arrangements on 
 the subject of Persia, Afghanistan, and 
 Tibet. See Europe : A. D. 1907 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — The Second Duma and its 
 Early Dissolution. — Increase of Radicalism 
 among its Members. — The New Electoral 
 Law, under which a “Workable” Third 
 Duma was elected. — M. Stolypin’s Policy. 
 
 - — The promise that a second Duma would be 
 summoned to meet in March, 1907, was ful- 
 filled. Between the 21st- of January and the 
 end of February elections were held, with re- 
 sults that were exceedingly disappointing and 
 irritating to the imperial government. It strove 
 hard, by arbitrary measures and vigorous work- 
 ing of its police, to suppress the Constitutional 
 Democrats, — the party which it fears the most. 
 It pursued their leaders into exile or imprison- 
 ment, broke up their meetings, harassed them 
 so in the canvass and the election that the return 
 of deputies by the party was reduced from 185 
 in the First Duma to 108; but, on the other 
 hand, the Socialist representation in the Second 
 Duma was raised above that in the First from 
 17 to 77, and the Octobrists elected 31 deputies, 
 gaining 18 more seats than they had filled be- 
 fore. On the whole, as a consequence, the Sec- 
 ond Duma held more radicalism in its make-up, 
 with less intelligence, than the First. 
 
 Its meetings were opened on the 6 th of 
 March, and soon gave evidence that the antag- 
 onisms in the body were too extreme for any 
 influential political work. In June M. Stoly- 
 pin accused most of the Socialist members of 
 being parties to the revolutionary propaganda 
 in the army and navy, and demanded their sus- 
 pension by the Duma. It refused to suspend 
 them without an investigation of the truth of 
 the charge, and appointed a committee to re- 
 ceive such evidence as the government could 
 bring. Thereupon the Tsar, by a manifesto 
 published on the 16th of June, dissolved the 
 Second Duma as summarily as he had dissolved 
 the First, ordered new elections, to begin on the 
 14th of September, and summoned the Third 
 
 575 
 
RUSSIA, 1907 
 
 RUSSIA, 1907 
 
 Duma, then elected, to meet on November 
 
 14th. 
 
 At the same time a new electoral law was 
 proclaimed, in flagrant violation of the so-called 
 Constitution of October 30, 1905, which had de- 
 clared, as an “immutable rule,” established by 
 the “inflexible will ” of the Tsar, that “no law 
 can ever come into force without the approval 
 of the State Duma.” The new law was planned 
 carefully and skilfully to disfranchise great 
 numbers in the classes of people which auto- 
 cracy fears ; to add weight to the votes of the 
 classes on which it leans ; to diminish the repre- 
 sentation of industrial cities, as well as of non- 
 Russian districts, — Poland, Siberia, etc., — 
 and, generally, to make a farce of the pretended 
 concession of representative and constitutional 
 government which the autocratic court had 
 been playing for the amusement of the country 
 during the past two years. 
 
 The new electoral law accomplished its pur- 
 pose of securing a Duma that would keep 
 workable relations with M. Stolypin. A very 
 intelligent English publicist. Dr. Dillon, who 
 discusses Foreign Politics every month in the 
 Contemporary Review , whose views are broadly 
 liberal as a rule, and whose acquaintance with 
 Russian affairs seems to be specially intimate, 
 inclines to justify the measure on this practical 
 ground, or, rather, to accept it as approved by 
 this result. When the make-up of the Third 
 Duma had become known he wrote, in the Con- 
 temporary Review of December, 1907, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 “M. Stoly pin’s electoral law has been criti- 
 cised severely. And, to be frank, one must 
 admit that from the point of view of men who 
 advocate universal manhood suffrage it is a 
 mere mockery. For it suspended the right of 
 election in some places, arbitrarily lessened the 
 number of representatives in certain provinces, 
 created groups of electors, and authorised Gov- 
 ernment officials to decide how they should be 
 formed ; in a word, it is a means of manipulat- 
 ing the elections for the avowed purpose of 
 having a certain stamp of men returned and an- 
 other type of men eliminated. To say that the 
 Chamber which has resulted from these expedi- 
 ents is not the elect of the nation is, of course, 
 a truism. It is not, and was not, meant to be 
 this. . . . The data respecting the intellectual 
 and social status of the newly elected are still 
 very defective and untrustworthy. But so far 
 as they go, they show that among the men who 
 are about to rescue Russia from ruin there 
 are : — 
 
 “ Members of the nobility 
 
 Priests 
 
 Merchants 
 
 Peasants 
 
 Petty tradesmen 
 
 Working-men 
 
 Honorary burghers 
 
 Ex-officers 
 
 Officials 
 
 Zemstvo workers 
 
 Employees of municipalities 
 
 Marshals of nobility 
 
 Cantonal elders and secretaries 
 
 Men who have been educated in high schools 
 Men who have been educated in intermediate 
 
 schools 
 
 Mon who have been educated in primary schools 
 
 Members educated at home 
 
 Between the ages of 25-30 
 
 Between the ages of 30-40 
 
 Between the ages of 40-50 
 
 Between the ages of 50-00 
 
 157 
 
 51 
 
 22 
 
 77 
 
 6 
 
 15 
 
 8 
 
 20 
 
 66 
 
 2 # 
 
 30 
 
 21 
 
 107 
 
 82 
 
 61 
 
 23 
 
 19 
 
 81 
 
 87 
 
 47 
 
 Between the ages of 60-70 13 
 
 Between the ages of 70-80 l 
 
 Members of the Second Duma 59 
 
 Members of the First Duma 7 
 
 Members of the Council of the Empire .... 3 ” 
 
 A month later the same writer said : 
 
 “ The Third Duma is already a month old, and 
 has as yet done no work, has not even organised 
 itself. Festina lente is evidently its maxim, 
 with the accent on the second word. Debates 
 there have been not a few, but they were as the 
 noise of sounding brass and tinkling cymbals. 
 The first discussion took place on the motion to 
 thank the Tsar for the October Manifesto, which 
 created the Legislative Chamber. A great ma- 
 jority of the deputies — including the Constitu- 
 tional Democrats, who are adjusting themselves 
 to their environment — were in favour of expres- 
 sing their gratitude, but they could not agree 
 how to call the institution for which they felt 
 grateful. Some wanted to name it a Constitu- 
 tion, others ‘ a renovated order of things.’ If it 
 is a Constitution, then there is no Autocrat, the 
 Octobrists argued, and consequently that title of 
 the Emperor must be dropped. ‘ If we are bent 
 on thanking the Tsar,’ replied the Conservatives, 
 
 ‘ let us do it with a good grace. Whatever 
 name we may give to the present regime, the 
 title of the ruler has undergone no change. He 
 was an Autocrat when he ascended the throne, 
 and he is an Autocrat to day. Proofs ? They 
 are as plentiful as blackberries.’ . . . 
 
 “But the Constitutionalists — and among 
 them the Octobrists favoured by M. Stolypin — 
 insisted. ‘ By the Manifesto,’ they argued, ‘the 
 Tsar limited his authority and curtailed his pre- 
 rogatives. Thus it is no longer in his power to 
 issue laws without the approval of the Duma ; 
 neither can he abrogate any of the Organic 
 Statutes.’ ‘You are mistaken,’ answered the 
 Monarchists. ‘ Have the Organic Statutes not 
 been already altered ? Has the “immutable” 
 electoral franchise not been changed ? ’. . . But 
 the Octobrists stood their ground, and the ad- 
 dress was voted with a flaw in the Tsar’s title. 
 That was the work of one whole day and part 
 of a night — an unlucky day — the 13th Novem- 
 ber Russian style. In this way the Duma of- 
 fered the Sovereign a pot of honey mingled 
 with wormwood. The Premier was upset, the 
 Tsar offended, and the Monarchists indignant. 
 ‘This, then,’ the Monarchists exclaimed, ‘is M. 
 Stolypin’s Duma, the areopagus which is to pre- 
 scribe remedies for the Russian nation now at 
 death’s door ? ’ 
 
 “Three days later came the Premier in a quos 
 ego mood. And he was at his best. Ever since 
 his first appearance as a public orator, M. Stoly- 
 pin has kept the high place he then won. His 
 eloquence, like his character, is manly, and his 
 utterance impressive. His look, his accents, his 
 gestures, betoken sincerity, and his manner is 
 warm with the heat of subdued enthusiasm. 
 On this historic day he simply electrified the 
 House, captivated his adversaries, and extorted 
 applause from his bitter enemies. And yet he 
 was battling with the Duma, swimming against 
 the current. He spoke of the Autocratic power 
 and of the Autocratic Sovereign, and had the 
 satisfaction of being interrupted by enthusiastic 
 cheers. . . . 
 
 “ Happily M. Stolypin is a man of steadfast 
 purpose rather than brilliant intellect, for his 
 moral qualities may stand him in better stead, 
 
 576 
 
RUSSIA, 1907 
 
 RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 during the revolutionary crisis than would rare 
 mental gifts. At bottom his temper is Liberal 
 rather than Conservative, and mainly for that 
 reason he would seem to have been chosen to be 
 sexton of the old epoch and harbinger of the 
 new. . . . 
 
 “No fair-minded man can doubt the sincerity 
 of M. Stolypiu’s Liberalism. It has withstood 
 the test of time and the pressure of unfavourable 
 circumstance. His faith in Liberal specifics is 
 so firm that he declines to diagnose any diseases 
 that call for more drastic remedies. . . . M. 
 Stolypin is at present the only influential politi- 
 cian in Russia who is working efficaciously for 
 the Liberal cause. He is systematically remov- 
 ing hindrances to Constitutionalism which are 
 most formidable at the outset. . . . 
 
 “But the greatest service which any Minister 
 could render a cause was performed by M. Sto- 
 lypin for Liberalism at a time when it depended 
 on him either to lay the groundwork for a Con- 
 stitutional fabric or to establish firm Monarch- 
 ical government. And for that service he de- 
 serves, and may yet receive, a public monument 
 from Democratic Russia. He advised the Tsar 
 to summon the Third Duma soon after the Sec- 
 ond, and to issue no laws in the meanwhile. 
 That was really the turning point in the history 
 of Russia’s Constitution, the magnum opus of 
 M. Stolypin’s political life. And lie followed it 
 up with a step more extraordinary and decisive 
 still. He himself had recourse to the Autocratic 
 power which it is the tendency of his policy to 
 annihilate, and he used it for the purpose of 
 destroying Autocracy. That surely was a coup 
 de maltre which entitled the Minister to the un- 
 dying gratitude of all Liberal Russia. But not 
 a Liberal uttered a word of thanks. This deadly 
 blow was struck at the Autocracy in the follow- 
 ing way: 
 
 “The Electoral Law opened the portals of the 
 Duma chiefly to Democrats and other irreconcil- 
 able enemies of the Monarchy, and so long as it 
 remained in force, no Duma acceptable to the 
 Government was possible. Yet it could not be 
 abrogated. For, together with the Organic 
 Statutes, it had been declared part of the un- 
 changeable Constitution. The Tsar’s hands, 
 therefore, were tied, his word was pledged, and 
 the result was a deadlock. Autocratic power 
 could not be wielded anew without effecting 
 a perilous coup d'etat. Well, the Premier ad- 
 vised the Crown to seize once more the sword of 
 the Autocracy, and with it to hew off the branch 
 on which the Autocrat was sitting. That was 
 the true significance of the measure against 
 which the enemies of the Autocracy still cry out. 
 For the object directly aimed at and immedi- 
 ately attained by this coup d'etat was the creation 
 of the Octobrist Party, whose first work in the 
 Duma was to declare that the Autocracy had 
 gone forever.” — E. J. Dillon, Foreign Affairs 
 (Contemporary Renew , January, 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Nov.). — Treaty with Great 
 Britain, France, Germany, and Norway, 
 guaranteeing the Integrity of Norway. See 
 (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — Action in Persia during 
 the Constitutional Revolution. See Persia. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Evasion of the Conscription. 
 See War, The Revolt against : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — North Sea and Baltic Agree- 
 ments. See Europe : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Proxy Parliamentary Vote 
 given to Women of Property. See Elective 
 Franchise: Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Policy of Prussia in her Po- 
 lish Provinces dictated by her relations to 
 Russia. See Germany: A. D. 1908 (Jan.). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Sept.). — Withdrawal from In- 
 tervention in Macedonia. See Turkey : 
 A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Attitude toward the 
 Austrian Annexation of Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina. — Was the Government coerced by 
 German Threats ? See Europe : A. D. 1908- 
 1909 (Oct. -March). 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Exercise of Disputed 
 Authority in Northern Manchuria. — The 
 Kharbin question. See China : A. D. 1909 
 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Measures for the De- 
 struction of the Constitutional Autonomy of 
 Finland. See Russia: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Oppressions continued. — 
 Executions, Imprisonment, Exile, Torture, 
 Persecution. — On the 1st of August, 1909, 
 a letter was addressed to the British Secretary 
 of State for Foreign Affairs by one hundred 
 and eighty men of distinction in Great Britain, 
 — Members of Parliament, Peers, Bishops and 
 other clergymen, University professors, authors, 
 editors, — asking the Government to exert such 
 influence as might be possible with that of Rus- 
 sia, to induce a relaxation of the system of re- 
 pression still maintained in that unhappy coun- 
 try, and to ameliorate the dreadful barbarities 
 which go with imprisonment there. “ We 
 know,” said these memorialists, “ how slow 
 has been our own progress in the past, and how 
 many points in our present condition are open 
 to independent criticism. We are conscious 
 of the difficulties that attend all reforms, and 
 we desire that no feeling of impatience should 
 cause us to withhold our sympathy from every 
 sincere attempt to promote good government 
 among a friendly people. 
 
 “It is in no spirit of ungenerous remonstrance 
 that we are constrained to observe that for four 
 years a system of repression has been main- 
 tained in Russia, wiiich has not relaxed its se- 
 verity though the evidences of any organized 
 revolutionary movement have dwindled and dis- 
 appeared. There has recently been an announce- 
 ment of some relaxation in particular districts, 
 but the greater portion of the Empire remains, 
 in time of peace, under some form of martial 
 law. The number of capital sentences on civil- 
 ians for the period between October, 1905, and 
 December, 1908, has reached 4,002, and the 
 number of executions was officially stated to be 
 2,118. These sentences were passed, moreover, 
 not by ordinary civil process, but by excep- 
 tional military Courts. The number of persons 
 in exile in Siberia and Northern Russia, mostly 
 punished without trial by administrative pro- 
 cess, under a system of exile, which involves 
 much physical suffering and privation, was 
 officially reckoned in October last at 74,000. 
 
 “ The number of persons exiled without trial 
 under administrative decree cannot be realized 
 without a serious protest, but the evidence 
 which has reached us through the Press, from 
 trustworthy witnesses, and above all from the 
 reports of the debates in the Duma, has per- 
 suaded us that the sufferings of those who re- 
 
 577 
 
RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 main in prison justify, nay, require, a stronger 
 remonstrance. Over 180,000 persons — a total 
 which has more than doubled since 1905 — crim- 
 inals and political offenders, are crowded to- 
 gether in prisons built to hold 107,000. In most 
 of these prisons epidemic diseases, and espe- 
 cially typhus, are prevalent ; the sick and the 
 whole lie together— their fetters even in cases 
 of fever are not removed. In some prisons the 
 warders systematically beat and maltreat the 
 sick and the whole alike. There is also evi- 
 dence of more deliberate tortures, employed to 
 punish the defiant or to extract confession from 
 the suspect. 
 
 “ Such excesses would move our indignation 
 were all the victims ordinary criminals. We 
 desire to base our protest on the ground of 
 simple humanity ; but it is none the less impor- 
 tant to remember that many of these prisoners, 
 if guilty at all, are suffering for acts or words 
 which in any constitutional country would be 
 lawful, or even praiseworthy. 
 
 “Our object in addressing you is to draw 
 your attention to these facts and to place on re- 
 cord the impression which we have formed of 
 them. That no direct intervention is possible we 
 fully realize, nor do we wish to enlarge the area 
 of international controversy. But there are prob- 
 ably means by which a friendly Government 
 may exert an influence to ameliorate the lot of 
 those who are suffering under the evils which 
 we have described. The infliction of such 
 wrongs upon Russians and the indignation 
 which they excite among ourselves, are relevant 
 and important factors in our mutual relations, 
 of which the two Governments should be fully 
 informed.” 
 
 Later and more specific facts, illustrative of 
 the arbitrary and barbarous oppression under 
 which the Russian people are still suffering, 
 were given in The Outlook of October 9, 1909, 
 from which the following is taken: “In the 
 
 first seven months of 1909 military courts sen- 
 tenced 841 persons to death in Russia and up 
 to the 1st of August 381 of the persons so sen- 
 tenced had been hanged or shot. Nearly all 
 were civil or political offenders, who, in a con- 
 stitutional country, would have been tried with 
 proper legal forms and guarantees in the regular 
 civil tribunals. In these same seven months 
 the publishers of 109 periodicals in Russia were 
 fined in the aggregate sum of 54,425 rubles for 
 publishing news or expressing opinions obnox- 
 ious to the Government, and in addition to these 
 pecuniary punishments whole editions of papers 
 and magazines were seized and destroyed, print- 
 ing offices were closed, editors were arrested 
 and employees were exiled — all by administra- 
 tive process. In the month of June, 1909, three 
 newspapers were suppressed altogether, and in 
 August, 1909, the St. Petersburg journal Beitch 
 (Speech), the organ of the Constitutional Dem- 
 ocrats, was fined 500 rubles for printing a signed 
 article entitled ‘ Suicide in the Army,’ which 
 was based wholly on reports of the Ministry of 
 War. 
 
 “ On the 28th of May, 1909, Mr. Selden, a St. 
 Petersburg publisher, was sentenced to six 
 months ’ imprisonment in a fortress for publish- 
 ing one of Count Tolstoy’s books, and on the 
 17th of August, 1909, the Count’s private secre- 
 tary, Mr. N. N. Gusef, was exiled by adminis- 
 trative process to the province of Perm for 
 
 distributing the venerable author’s brochure 
 entitled ‘ Thou Shalt Do No Murder.’ In July, 
 1909, Mr. W. Bogoras, author of volume eleven 
 of the Memoirs of the American Museum of 
 Natural History (one of the volumes containing 
 the scientific results of the Jessup North Pacific 
 Expedition), was sentenced to two months' im- 
 prisonment for describing the beating of citizens 
 of Tver by dragoons in 1905, a thing that he 
 had personally witnessed. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ In August, 1909, the ‘ Authors ’ and Scien- 
 tists’ Mutual Benefit Society,’ a benevolent 
 organization which had been in existence for 
 eighteen years, which had eight hundred mem- 
 bers, and which included most of the writers 
 and scholars of Russia, was suppressed by order 
 of Premier Stolypin, for the ostensible reason 
 that it had given pecuniary aid to an indigent 
 author named Vitasliefski — a man of advanced 
 age who had once, twenty years earlier, been 
 sent to Siberia for political crime. It is believed, 
 however, that the real reason for the suppression 
 of the Society is the fact that most of its mem- 
 bers are liberals. The existing Government is 
 extremely intolerant toward social organizations 
 that take an independent or critical attitude to- 
 ward the reactionary policy now in force. On 
 the 21st of July, 1909, the severest form of 
 martial law, the so-called ‘ law of extraordinary 
 defense,’ was proclaimed in St. Petersburg for 
 the seventh consecutive time. The city has 
 been under some form of martial law ever since 
 the assassination of Alexander II. in 1881. 
 Almost the only encouraging feature of the 
 present situation in Russia is the fact that the 
 members of the Duma are still allowed to talk, 
 and the newspapers are still permitted to publish 
 verbatim reports of the debates. The lower 
 honse of the so-called Parliament has no inde- 
 pendent power, and no real control even over 
 the finances of the Empire ; but it can criticise, 
 interpellate the Czar’s Ministers, and promote to 
 some extent the political education of the people. 
 
 “ Three years ago Premier Stolypin defined 
 his policy as ‘ progressive reform, with the re- 
 storation of order.’ He has partly restored order, 
 by hanging, imprisoning, or exiling to Siberia 
 a large part of the disorderly population ; but 
 his reforms have ‘ progressed ’ as the land-crab 
 is popularly supposed to walk — backward. 
 Whether he is wholly to blame for the reaction- 
 ary policy that he is enforcing, or whether he 
 acts more or less under compulsion, we shall not 
 know, perhaps, until he retires from office and 
 follows the example of General Kuropatkin and 
 General Linevitcli by writing his memoirs.” 
 
 On the trial, in May, of M. Selden, for publish- 
 ing and distributing Count Tolstoi’s pamphlets, 
 “ Thou shalt not Kill,” “ A Letter to Liberals,” 
 “ Christianity and Patriotism,” the venerable 
 writer addressed a, note to the court, challenging 
 the prosecution of himself, instead of the pub- 
 lisher. “ As these pamphlets,” he wrote, “were 
 written by me and published by one of my 
 friends, not only with my consent but at my 
 desire, M. Selden taking a purely passive part 
 in the affair, all the measures which are being 
 taken against M. Selden should logically and in 
 equity be directed against me, especially because 
 I have repeatedly declared, and now declare 
 again, that I consider it my duty to my con- 
 science to disseminate, so far as lies in my 
 power, the pamphlets in question as well as my 
 
 578 
 
RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 other works, and shall continue doing so as long 
 as I am able. I feel constrained to inform you 
 of this, and ask you to take whatever measures 
 may devolve from my present statement.” 
 
 But the magistrate did not venture to insti- 
 tute proceedings against the principal in the of- 
 fense, and the Government took no notice of the 
 challenge. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Revived Censorship of the 
 Press. — Its Stupidity. — Gains for Free 
 Speech notwithstanding. — ‘‘At the present 
 time, the liberties granted less than four years 
 ago are mutilated. The censor is busy once 
 more. The Russian journalist isagain compelled 
 to practice the arts of half-meaning, insinuation, 
 and innuendo, which made his predecessors of a 
 generation ago marvels of subtle expression. 
 But that is only when a writer would say every- 
 thing he wants to say. Undoubtedly, the range 
 of the permissible has grown immensely since 
 the early days of even Nicholas II. To write of 
 labor wars, of conspiracies, of constitutional 
 liberties, Russian newspapers need no longer 
 confine themselves to telegraphic reports of for- 
 eign strikes, conspiracies, and constitutions. 
 They need only print what the radicals in the 
 Duma utter. Not even the full Duma’s reports 
 may be privileged at present, but, after all, the 
 Russian censor is a stupid fellow. The censor- 
 ship, like the autocracy in general, is inefficient, 
 spasmodic, allowing to-day what it prohibited 
 yesterday, or even allowing in one column what 
 it strikes out from another. St. Petersburg and 
 Moscow in 1890 had eleven daily papers, and 
 twenty weeklies. In 1900 the number had risen 
 to twenty-four dailies and thirty-three weeklies. 
 In all Russia there were then 287 periodical 
 publications. In August, 1905, the number had 
 risen to 1,630, of which St. Petersburg alone had 
 534. There were fifty daily papers at St. Peters- 
 burg and twenty-five at Moscow in those short 
 days of freedom, when the pent-up speech of 
 ages burst out in Russia. This, of course, was 
 inflation. Periodicals were born and died with 
 the rising and setting of the sun. The numerical 
 strength of the press must be far smaller now. 
 But much that was gained for freedom of speech 
 in those stormy days has not been lost.” — 
 New York Evening Post, March 23, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan. -July). — Dark Secrets of 
 the Russian Police and Spy System 
 brought to Light. — The first in a series of 
 startling disclosures of the dark secrets of the 
 Russian espionage and police system was made 
 in January, 1909, when it came to public 
 knowledge that the head and front of the Revo- 
 lutionary Socialists of the Empire, one Azeff 
 by name, had been discovered by his associates 
 to be a secret agent of the police; had been 
 tried and condemned by a tribunal of their 
 party, at Paris, and had escaped into some hid- 
 ing place, with avenging emissaries in pursuit, 
 to take his life. A little later it appeared that 
 a former Director of the Police in the Depart- 
 ment of the Russian Ministry of the Interior, 
 M. Lopukhin, had been arrested for treason, on 
 the charge of having betrayed Azeff to the 
 Revolutionists, by making known to them the 
 double part that the latter played, as a so-called 
 agent provocateur, drawing them into criminal 
 plots of which he kept the police informed. 
 
 The preliminary trial of Lopukhin occurred 
 in April, and it was stated in the indictment 
 
 then published that Azeff had penetrated into 
 the very centre of the Social Revolutionary ma- 
 chinations, and that part of his great services 
 to the Secret Police were rendered during the 
 period that M. Lopukhin occupied the post of 
 Director of the Police Department in the Minis- 
 try of the Interior — i.e., from May, 1902, to 
 March, 1905. It was affirmed that M. Lopuk- 
 hin not only knew of the existence and activity 
 of Azeff, but met the latter more than once 
 both at his (M. Lopukhin's) house and at one of 
 the conspiratorial headquarters in St. Peters- 
 burg. The indictment paid a warm tribute to 
 Azeff’s ability in so long maintaining his con- 
 nexion with the police without awakening the 
 suspicions of the Social Revolutionaries as to 
 his true character. It was eventually re- 
 marked, however, that the plots in which Azeff 
 was concerned invariably failed, whereas many 
 of the others succeeded, and accusations of 
 treachery began to be levelled against him. In 
 October, 1908, a commission of inquiry was ap- 
 pointed by the Social Revolutionaries in Paris 
 to inquire into the charges brought against 
 Azeff. Burtzeff, editor of a revolutionary or- 
 gan, stated before this tribunal that he had 
 seen M. Lopukhin, who had informed him of 
 Azeff’s relations with the Russian police. 
 
 M. Lopukhin, on his trial, admitted having 
 given this information to Burtzeff, but ex- 
 plained that it was in consequence of what the 
 latter had told him of the revolutionist de- 
 signs, including a pending plot against the life 
 of the Tsar. He then felt it his duty to un- 
 mask Azeff, lest the murders which might 
 otherwise have followed should lie on his con- 
 science, and when the revolutionaries came to 
 him for confirmation of what he had told Burt- 
 zeff he found it impossible to retract his words. 
 He was convicted, however, on the 13th of 
 May, and sentenced to five years of imprison- 
 ment at hard labor, with the loss of civil rights. 
 The sentence was mitigated subsequently, and 
 be was sent to exile at Krasnoyarsk, Siberia, 
 his family being allowed to accompany him. 
 
 Prince Urussoff, whose bold speech in the 
 First Duma on the instigation of massacres is 
 quoted from above (A. D. 1906), is a brother-in- 
 law of M. Lopukhin, and derived from him, no 
 doubt, the information on which he spoke. 
 
 In July, a new disclosure of the character of 
 the Russian secret service police was made, as 
 revolting as that in the Azeff case. A person- 
 age known as M. Harting, chief of that Russian 
 service in Paris, and so favorably regarded in 
 the French capital that he was about to be made 
 an officer of the Legion of Honor, was dis- 
 covered to have been the leader of a plot to as- 
 sassinate the Tsar Alexander III. in 1890, dur- 
 ing that monarch’s visit to Paris ; that he then 
 bore the name of Landesen; that he had escaped 
 arrest and was condemned by default to impris- 
 onment for five years ; that he subsequently, 
 under the new name, secured secret service em- 
 ployment in the Russian police. All this was 
 quickly proved to be fact by the French Govern- 
 ment, and officially announced. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April). — The Agrarian Law. 
 — On the basis of the decree relative to the 
 communes which is partly described above (see 
 A. D. 1906), a law was brought into force by 
 the Government in 1906, known as the law of 
 November 9, which supposedly was provisional 
 
 579 
 
RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 and subject to ultimate ratification by the 
 Duma. Writing of it in the New York Evening 
 Post of May 28, 1909, S. N. Harper says: “This 
 law of November 9 aims directly at the destruc- 
 tion of the commune. Before this law a two- 
 thirds vote of the commune was necessary for 
 the granting of the petition of a member to di- 
 vide out. Now a local police official, whom by 
 the way another project of reform abolishes as 
 irresponsible and a source of abuse, can over- 
 ride the vote of a commune and grant the peti- 
 tion. A peasant who divides out receives that 
 portion which he is using if there has been no 
 redistribution for twenty-four years. If there 
 has been a redistribution within twenty-four 
 years, he receives what he would receive on the 
 basis of a new redistribution — what this would 
 be is again decided by the official. As we saw, 
 no equitable reckoning is possible here. 
 
 “The peasant can sell this land which he re- 
 ceives from the commune, for it is now his 
 private property. In one province which I vis- 
 ited this summer, in over one-half of the cases 
 of dividing out the peasant had sold his land im- 
 mediately — usually to the village ‘ fist’ — the 
 prosperous village usurer and boss who holds 
 his neighbors in his fist.” 
 
 The law was operative for more than two 
 years before it received the sanction of the 
 Duma, in April, 1909. Of the parliamentary 
 enactment then given to it the above writer 
 says: “The outcome of the debates was cer- 
 tain. It had been secured by the change of 
 the electoral law for the third Duma, whereby 
 the landed gentry had been given the predom- 
 inant vote. . . . No more important than the 
 vote of this assembly is the attitude of the 
 country at large toward this law. The landed 
 gentry are naturally for this measure. The 
 village system is a source of danger to them. 
 The law will establish ‘ peasant’ landlords, whose 
 interests will be much the same as theirs. 
 But the peasants have shown quite plainly their 
 hostile attitude toward this law. Only those 
 peasants who are economically provided for 
 and those who, for one reason or another, have 
 become mere hangers-on of the local police offi- 
 cials are in favor of the law. It is these that 
 have taken advantage of the law, with the sup- 
 port of the local official. But they have done 
 so in spite of the protest of the other peasants, 
 only their economic position making it possible, 
 and their friend the official has not been able to 
 prevent, therefore, the other peasants from 
 giving a violent character to their protest. 
 Those who have insisted on dividing out have 
 in many instances been burned out the next 
 week.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (April-July). — Advance of 
 Russian Troops into Persia. See (in this 
 vol.) Persia: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — New Russo-Chinese 
 Agreement, establishing Municipalities on 
 the Line of the Chinese Eastern Railway. 
 See China : A. D. 1909 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — “ Dreadnought ” 
 building. See War, The Preparations for: 
 Naval: Russian. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (June). — Stringent Orthodoxy 
 of the Tsar. — A Press despatch from St. 
 Petersburg, June 4, 1909, reported: “Premier 
 Stolypin spoke in the Duma to-day in defence 
 of the government’s draft of a law dealing with 
 
 the matter of changing from one faith to an- 
 other and against the modifications removing all 
 restrictions introduced in committee. He said 
 that the Emperor, as head of the Orthodox 
 Church, could not suffer backsliding from the 
 orthodox to non-Christian beliefs, and that if 
 such amendments were incorporated the bill 
 would be vetoed. Continuing he defined the re- 
 lations between church and state. He conceded 
 that the church enjoyed full independence in 
 matters of creed and dogma, but insisted on 
 state control. The speech was a brilliant effort, 
 but it fell upon cold ears, and brought out no 
 applause. The premier, for the first time in the 
 history of the third Duma, found himself fight- 
 ing for a lost cause before an adverse house.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct. -Nov.). — Differing Ac- 
 counts of Political Conditions, of the work of 
 the Duma, and of the Disposition of the Gov- 
 ernment. — The last weeks of 1909 brought 
 from observers in Russia quite differing impres- 
 sions and representations of the existing political 
 conditions. Late in October a St. Petersburg 
 correspondent of The Evening Post , New York, 
 wrote: “Stolypin has given Russia a packed 
 Duma, the predominant party in which is 
 elected by 130,000 rural gentry, who were un- 
 able to get many more than a dozen members 
 into the first two Dumas. As might have been 
 expected, this Duma has done nothing for 
 Russia. Its Land law has not been accepted by 
 the peasantry, its Religions law remains a dead 
 letter, because, according to the premier, the 
 Tsar refuses to sign it. There will be a deficit 
 of about one hundred million in the new budget, 
 and the country is faced by bankruptcy. 
 
 “But, to return to the Duma, it has been 
 proved during the last session that the people 
 have no control over the purse, thanks to a 
 ‘ rule ’ made by Count Witte before the meeting 
 of the first Legislature. This ‘ rule ’ says that if 
 the Duma and the Council of Empire fail to 
 agree on the budget, then the figures of the 
 former year’s budget remain in force. As the 
 Council of Empire (or Russian upper house) 
 must always have a reactionary and bureau- 
 cratic majority, the Duma has no control of the 
 national expenditure and never can have. This 
 was brought home very forcibly to the lower 
 house during the last session, when a humble 
 suggestion which it made about including a 
 sum of 350 million rubles in the extraordinary 
 expenditure account was rejected by the Coun- 
 cil of Empire, which thus taught the Duma that 
 it has no control over even the most important 
 loan operations. When the Duma (with the 
 strong approval of even such conservative 
 papers as the Novoe Vremya) refused to sanction 
 the naval budget until the notoriously corrupt 
 Ministry of Marine — the ministry accountable 
 for Tsushima — had been reformed, the govern- 
 ment laughed at it, and got the necessary 
 money over the deputies’ heads.” 
 
 Two weeks later than the above another St. 
 Petersburg correspondent was writing to Lon- 
 don: “ To judge from to-day’s proceedings the 
 present session of the Duma bids fair to surpass 
 the most sanguine hopes. Having disposed of 
 the last of the Agrarian Bills and of the First 
 Offenders Act, the Duma began the debate on 
 the Bill reforming the local Courts. This mea- 
 sure represents the foundation of all political re- 
 form in Russia. 
 
 580 
 
RUSSIA, 1909 
 
 ST. LOUIS 
 
 “ The Duma Committee, after 35 sittings, 
 adopted a proposal considerably extending the 
 scope of the Government Bill besides providing 
 for the re-establishment of elective justices of 
 the peace, introduced in 1804, but repealed in 
 1889 in favour of the arbitrary jurisdiction of 
 the Communal Court and the Zemsky Natchal- 
 nik — both long ago discredited institutions. 
 Just as the Agrarian reforms are calculated to 
 promote the private ownership of land and re- 
 spect for the rights of property, so the reform of 
 the local Courts will inculcate respect for the law. 
 
 “The details of the Bill may possibly give 
 rise to differences with the Government and the 
 Upper House, but its substantial features will 
 be doubtless retained in the ultimate form which 
 will receive the Imperial sanction.” 
 
 The writer of this had communicated to his 
 journal, a few days previously, the following 
 report of an interview with “a leading member 
 of the Government,” and apparently gave credit 
 to the sentiment it expressed. Said the Minister 
 interviewed : 
 
 “You ask me what are the Government’s in- 
 tentions regarding Poland. I can only repeat 
 what I said before the Joint Commission on the 
 Polish Municipal Reform Bill, which is to be 
 laid before the Duma. We have decided to give 
 Poland the full benefits of local government 
 consistent with the interests of the Empire, but 
 not autonomy. We cannot trust the Poles to 
 that extent. We shall introduce a Bill creating 
 a separate province of Holm, where the great 
 majority of the population is of Russian stock, 
 and extend to it the system of mixed Russian 
 and Polish Zemstvos to be introduced in the 
 south-western provinces. 
 
 RUSSO-CHINESE BANK. See (in this 
 vol.) China: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 RUTHERFORD, Professor Ernest. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Science, Recent: Radium; also 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 RYAN, Thomas F. : Investing in a Con- 
 cession in the Congo State. See (in this vol.) 
 
 “I am satisfied with the progress of agrarian 
 reform. You have seen from the speech of M. 
 Krivosliein in the Duma that one million peas- 
 ant households (about 5,000,000 souls) have al- 
 ready abandoned the communal system. 
 
 “ The continuance of executions is, I know, a 
 source of criticism. You know that the Em- 
 peror has given orders that death sentences 
 should be confirmed only in the worst cases. 
 Unhappily, I know of no constitutional method 
 for putting down revolution. Russia is so vast. 
 It has taken a long time to bring all the guilty 
 to trial. I am also criticized for the arbitrary 
 acts of our local authorities, but, I ask you, 
 does the Government derive any interest from 
 these arbitrary acts ? 
 
 “ Political reforms? Yes, they have been de- 
 layed. But what, for instance, is the good of 
 hurrying through a Bill on the liberty of the 
 person until we have first reformed the local 
 Courts ? 
 
 “You have heard and read the statements that 
 the Octobrists have quarrelled with the Govern- 
 ment ; you have also been told that Russia is on 
 the eve of a reaction. Believe neither. The 
 Octobrists are taking a more advanced position. 
 That is as it should be. It is better for the 
 Duma and by no means disagreeable to the Gov- 
 ernment.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). — Assassination of the 
 Chief of the Secret Police. — On the 22d of 
 December Colonel Karpoff, Chief of the Secret 
 Police, was killed by an infernal machine at a 
 suburban lodging occupied by a certain Vosk- 
 resensky, who is supposed to be a revolutionary 
 and a police spy like Azeff. 
 
 Congo State: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 Purchase of Controlling Stock of Equi- 
 table Life Assurance Society. See Insur- 
 ance, Life. 
 
 Sale of interests to Morgan & Co. See 
 
 Finance and Trade: United States: A. D. 
 1909-1910. 
 
 s. 
 
 SADR AZAM, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Persia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 SAGASTA, Praxedes Mateo: Prime Min- 
 ister of Spain. — His Death. See (in this 
 vol.) Spain: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 SAGE FOUNDATION, The: For the 
 Improvement of Social and Living Condi- 
 tions in the United States. See (in this vol.) 
 Social Betterment: United States: A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 SAGE, Mrs. Russell: Gift to Yale Univer- 
 sity. See (in this vol.) Education: United 
 States : A. D. 1910. 
 
 ST. GOTHARD RAILWAY: Acquisi- 
 tion by the Swiss Government. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways: Switzerland. 
 
 ST. LOUIS, MO.: A. D. 1900 - 1904 . — 
 The Unearthing of Thievery and Corruption 
 by Attorney Folk. — Prosecutions, Confes- 
 sions and Convictions. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — The Louisiana Purchase Ex- 
 position. — Except the World’s Columbian Ex- 
 
 position at Chicago, in 1893, the most important 
 of the industrial exhibitions that have been or- 
 ganized in America was that of 1904, at St. 
 Louis, which commemorated the centennial of 
 the Louisiana Purchase from France. The Ex- 
 position was opened on the 30th of April and 
 closed December 1st. An estimated total of 
 $44,500,000 was expended upon it in structures 
 and management, of which sum about $ 22 , 000 ,- 
 000 was raised by the Exposition Company. 
 The remainder was the expenditure of govern- 
 ments, Federal, State and Foreign, and of con- 
 cessionaires. The total attendance, from first to 
 last, was 18,741,073. The receipts fell far short 
 of the expenditure, and subscribers to the un- 
 dertaking can have had no returns ; but the 
 public gain from it was very great. About 
 sixty foreign countries and colonies and nearly 
 every State and Territory of the Union were re- 
 presented in the exhibits. 
 
 A distinguished feature of the Exposition was 
 the remarkable number and character of the 
 gatherings, international and national, that were 
 
ST. LOUIS 
 
 SAN DOMINGO, 1901-1905 
 
 brought about in connection with it. The most 
 notable of these was the International Congress 
 of Arts and Sciences, which opened September 
 19th. “ This Congress,” said President Nicholas 
 Murray Butler, of Columbia University, in an 
 article describing its plan, “is not such a series 
 of gatherings as took place at Chicago and at 
 Paris, but is rather a carefully elaborated plan 
 to educate public opinion, and the world of 
 scholarship itself, to an appreciation of the un- 
 derlying unity of knowledge and the necessary 
 inter-dependence of the host of specialties that 
 have sprung up during the past century. . . . 
 For participation in this congress there will as- 
 semble a large body of the world’s greatest 
 scholars. They will come from all parts of the 
 world to contribute surveys of their several de- 
 partments of knowledge, planning those surveys 
 so as to emphasize the mutual relations of all 
 the separate arts and sciences.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Meeting of the Interparlia- 
 mentary Union. See (in this vol.) War: The 
 Revolt against: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 ST. MARK’S CATHEDRAL, at Venice: 
 Fall of the Campanile. See (in this vol.) 
 Venice: A. D. 1902. 
 
 ST. PETERSBURG: Disturbances in. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Russia. 
 
 ST. PIERRE: Volcanic Destruction of 
 the City. See (in this vol.) Volcanic Erup- 
 tions: West Indies. 
 
 ST. VINCENT ISLAND: Volcanic 
 
 Eruption 'of La Souffriere. See (in this vol.) 
 Volcanic Eruptions: West Indies. 
 
 SAKHAROFF, General: Assassination 
 of. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 SAKURAI, Lieutenant Tadayoshi, The 
 story of. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904- 
 1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Mar- 
 quis of: Resignation of the Premiership in 
 the British Government. See (in this vol.) 
 England: A. D. 1902 (July). 
 
 SALONIKA: A. D. 1903 . — Dynamite Ex- 
 plosion by Insurgents. See (in this vol.) Tur- 
 key: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 Center of the “Young Turk ” organization. 
 See Turkey : A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.), and after. 
 
 SALOON QUESTION. See (in this vol.) 
 Alcohol Problem. 
 
 SALT TRUST, Dissolution of the. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial: 
 United States: A. D. 1901-1906. 
 
 SALTON SEA, The. — At a point not far 
 from where it runs into Mexican territory the 
 Colorado River, for a long recent period, has 
 been deflected by bordering sand deposits from 
 a great depression in the neighboring desert, 
 known as the Salton Sink. In 1901 an irrigation 
 company began works for supplying water from 
 the Colorado to lands in that vicinity, and seems 
 to have taken no proper precautions for con- 
 trolling the flow through its canals. The result 
 was a break through the sand hills, into the Sal- 
 ton Sink, which converted it for the time being 
 into the “Salton Sea,” — so described in all ac- 
 counts of the catastrophe. For nearly two years 
 the flood of the Colorado was poured into the 
 Sink, forming a sea or lake which covered an 
 area of about 400 square miles. It was not until 
 February, 1907, that the combined exertions of 
 the Southern Pacific Railway Company, the 
 California Development Co. (whose works pro- 
 
 duced the trouble) and the engineers of the U. 
 S. Reclamation Service, succeeded in returning 
 the Colorado to the channel it had escaped from. 
 Since that was done evaporation has been stead- 
 ily emptying the Sink, at the rate of five or six 
 feet annually, according to the Chief of the 
 Weather Bureau, which has maintained a sta- 
 tion there. At the end of a year of observations 
 he was reported as saying: “We will get the 
 data we want within another year probably and 
 then we can cut off the Salton Sea station. The 
 evaporation data we expect to obtain will be 
 valuable for calculations on irrigation works and 
 reservoirs.” 
 
 SALVADOR. See Central America. 
 
 SAM, Theresias Simon: President. See 
 (in this vol.) Haiti : A. D. 1902. 
 
 SANBORN, Judge Walter H. : Opinion in 
 Suit for the Dissolution of the Standard Oil 
 Company. See (in this vol.) Combinations, 
 Industrial, &c. : United States: A. D. 1906- 
 1909. 
 
 SANTIAGO, Chile: First Pan-American 
 Scientific Congress. See (in this vol.) Science 
 and Invention : International Congresses. 
 
 SAN DOMINGO: A. D. 1901 - 1905 . — Fi- 
 nancial Conditions. — Dissipation of Rev- 
 enues. — “ Many years ago the government, 
 being unable to raise money on ordinary secu- 
 rity, adopted the practice of vesting the power 
 of collection in its creditors. Duties are settled 
 in pagares, or promissory notes, duly indorsed, 
 and payable usually in a month or two months. 
 In order to secure loans, these pagares were 
 handed over to the creditor, who collected the 
 money directly from the importer or exporter. 
 This expedient, which was designed to protect 
 the creditor against the government itself as 
 well as against its enemies, was in vogue when 
 the government in 1888 sought financial relief 
 in Europe. Such relief was obtained from 
 Westendorp & Company, bankers, of Amster- 
 dam, who in that year underwrote and issued, 
 at 83-J per cent. , 6 per cent, gold bonds of the 
 Dominican government to the amount of £770,- 
 000 sterling, the government creating a first 
 lien on all its customs revenues, and authoriz- 
 ing the Westendorps to collect and receive at 
 the custom-houses all the customs revenues of 
 the republic. Under this contract, which was 
 ratified by the Dominican Congress, the West- 
 endorps created in Santo Domingo an establish- 
 ment, commonly called the ‘ Regie,’ which 
 collected the duties directly from the importer 
 and exporter and disbursed them, the Westen- 
 dorps sending out from Europe the necessary 
 agents and employees. It was further stipu- 
 lated that the Westendorps should, in case of 
 necessity, have the right to constitute a Euro- 
 pean commission, which it was understood was 
 to be international in character. The power of 
 collection and disbursement was exercised by 
 the Westendorps down to 1893, when it was 
 transferred to the San Domingo Improvement 
 Company, of New York, which continued to 
 exercise it till January, 1901, when the com- 
 pany was, by an arbitrary executive decree is- 
 sued by President Jimenez, excluded from its 
 function of collecting the revenues, though its 
 employees were permitted to remain in the cus- 
 tom-houses till the end of the year. 
 
 “As an assurance to the foreign creditor, 
 whose legal security was thus destroyed, Jime- 
 
 582 
 
SAN DOMINGO, 1901-1905 
 
 SAN DOMINGO, 1904-1907 
 
 nez constituted in the same decree a ‘ Commis- 
 sion of Honorables,’ with whom the sums due 
 to foreign creditors, including the American 
 companies, were to be deposited ; but their ca- 
 pacity as depositaries was not destined to be 
 tested. Late in 1901, it became known that out 
 of the reported revenues of the year, amounting 
 to §2,126,453, the percentages for the domestic 
 debt had not been set aside, and that no pay- 
 ment had been made on the floating interior 
 debt, but that the Jimenez ‘revolutionary’ 
 claims had been paid without previous warrant 
 of law, and that there existed a deficit. Since 
 that time, with the exception of comparatively 
 small amounts, nothing whatever has been paid 
 to the foreign creditor. The omission, how- 
 ever, has not been due to lack of revenues. It 
 has .been due to conditions which, if all the 
 debts of the republic were with one stroke 
 wiped out, would continue to prevent the gov- 
 ernment from meeting its ordinary expenses. 
 The revenues have been seized and dissipated 
 by the government and its enemies in ‘ war ex- 
 penses,’ and in the payment of 1 asignaciones’ 
 and ‘revolutionary claims.’ . . . That foreign 
 governments will stand by and permit such con- 
 ditions to continue cannot be expected. They 
 have already manifested their desire to inter- 
 vene.” — John Bassett Moore, Santo Domingo 
 and the United States ( American Review of 
 Reviews, March, 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1901-1906. — Participation in Second 
 and Third International Conferences of 
 American Republics. See (in this vol.) Amer- 
 ican Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1907. — Years of almost Inces- 
 sant Disorder and repeated Revolutions. — 
 Jimenez, Vasques, Wos y Gil, Morales and 
 Caceres in succession at the Head of Gov- 
 ernment. — Menace from the Creditors of 
 the Republic. — Appeal to the United States. 
 — American Treaty. — President Roosevelt 
 on the Situation. — The assassination of Presi- 
 dent Heureaux and the election of President 
 Jimenez are related in Volume VI. of this work 
 (see Dominican Republic). Jimenez’s rule was 
 not long, and he gave way to a provisional gov- 
 ernment, under General Vasques, which was up- 
 set by a revolt that broke out in March, 1903, 
 and which planted General Wos y Gil so obvi- 
 ously in power that his Government was recog- 
 nized by the United States in October. But the 
 rapidly revolving wheel of political events 
 seems to have soon whirled Wos y Gil out and 
 brought Jimenez back, to be tossed into private 
 life again in 1904 by General Carlos F. Morales, 
 of whom Mr. Sigimund Krausz gave a most fa- 
 vorable account in The Outlook, of Sept. 17, 1904. 
 “The common idea,” said Mr. Krausz, “that 
 the population of Santo Domingo consists ex- 
 clusively of a horde of savages, and that the 
 generals and politicians causing the kaleido- 
 scopic sequence of revolutions are of the same 
 class, and, without exception, uneducated brutes 
 and degenerates, is quite erroneous, and has 
 been created for the sake of sensationalism, 
 largely by journalists and magazine writers 
 without personal knowledge of Dominican 
 conditions, or by native exiles who, naturally, 
 are always enemies of the party in power. . . . 
 While it is true that the vast majority of the 
 Dominican people in the interior of the island 
 live in a fearful state of ignorance, superstition, 
 
 and even barbarism, caused by many decades of 
 internal warfare, there is, however, also a class 
 of natives who certainly ought not to be thrown 
 in the same pot with them. These are the better 
 citizens of the capital and the larger coast towns, 
 among whom are many intelligent and educated 
 men who had the advantage of fairly good 
 schools and intercourse with foreigners. Among 
 this class are a number who have received all or 
 part of their education abroad, who speak two 
 or three languages, and who, in their social in- 
 tercourse and manners, may safely be pro- 
 nounced gentlemen. They follow the occupa- 
 tions of merchants, planters, lawyers, physicians, 
 etc., and while, as a rule, they keep aloof from 
 politics, it is from their strata of society that 
 spring most of the military and political leaders 
 of Santo Domingo. There are few of these men 
 who, by their appearance, betray the strain of 
 negro blood in them, and the type is hardly dis- 
 tinguishable from that of Latin-Americans in 
 general. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Carlos M. Morales belongs to the better 
 class of Dominicans mentioned before, masters 
 French, English, and Spanish fluently, and has 
 the advantage of an ecclesiastical education in a 
 seminary of Santo Domingo City. He was, in 
 fact, for eight years a priest, before disagree- 
 ment with various dogmas of the Church and 
 the desire to take an active part in the political 
 affairs of his country induced him to throw 
 aside the cassock. He is a close student of 
 West Indian conditions, and well acquainted 
 with the affairs of the world in general. While 
 being an ardent admirer of the United States 
 and its institutions, and sincerely desiring its 
 political friendship, he is at the same time the 
 strongest opponent of any policy that would 
 tend to make Santo Domingo a political de- 
 pendency of Uncle Sam, either in the form of 
 annexation or a protectorate.” 
 
 Morales was soon beset with claims from in- 
 sistent foreign creditors, on account of debts 
 which his predecessors had incurred, and which 
 they had left nothing to satisfy. Several Euro- 
 pean governments were threatening forcible 
 measures to secure payment for their subjects, 
 and Morales asked for help from the United 
 States. The situation and its outcome were re- 
 ported subsequently to Congress by President 
 Roosevelt, as follows : 
 
 “ The conditions in Santo Domingo have for 
 a number of years grown from bad to worse 
 until a year ago all society was on the verge of 
 dissolution. Fortunately, just at this time a 
 ruler sprang up in Santo Domingo, who, with 
 his colleagues, saw the dangers threatening I 
 their country and appealed to the friendship of 
 the only great and powerful neighbor who 
 possessed the power, and as they hoped also the 
 will, to help them. There was imminent danger 
 of foreign intervention. The previous rulers of 
 Santo Domingo had recklessly incurred debts, 
 and owing to her internal disorders she had 
 ceased to be able to provide means of paying 
 the debts. The patience of her foreign creditors 
 had become exhausted, and at least two foreign 
 nations were on the point of intervention, and 
 were only prevented from intervening by the 
 unofficial assurance of this Government that it 
 would itself strive to help Santo Domingo in 
 her hour of need. In the case of one of these 
 nations, only the actual opening of negotiations 
 
SAN DOMINGO, 1904-1907 
 
 SAN DOMINGO, 1905-1907 
 
 to this end by our Government prevented the 
 seizure of territory in Santo Domingo by a Euro- 
 pean power. Of the debts incurred some were 
 just, while some were not of a character which 
 really renders it obligatory on, or proper for, 
 Santo Domingo to pay them in full. But she 
 could not pay any of them unless some stability 
 was assured her Government and people. 
 
 “ Accordingly the Executive Department of 
 our Government negotiated a treaty under 
 which we are to try to help the Dominican 
 people to straighten out their finances. This 
 treaty is pending before the Senate. In the 
 meantime a temporary arrangement has been 
 made which will last until the Senate has had 
 time to take action upon the treaty. Under 
 this arrangement the Dominican Government 
 has appointed Americans to all the important 
 positions in the customs service, and they are 
 seeing to the honest collection of the revenues, 
 turning over 45 per cent to the Government for 
 running expenses and putting the other 55 per 
 cent into a safe depositary for equitable division 
 in case the treaty shall be ratified, among the 
 various creditors, whether European or Ameri- 
 can. . . . 
 
 “ Under the course taken, stability and order 
 and all the benefits of peace are at last coming 
 to Santo Domingo, danger of foreign interven- 
 tion has been suspended, and there is at last a 
 prospect that all creditors will get justice, no 
 more and no less. If the arrangement is termi- 
 nated by the failure of the treaty chaos will 
 follow ; and if chaos follows, sooner or later 
 this Government may be involved in serious 
 difficulties with foreign governments over the 
 island, or else may be forced itself to intervene 
 in the island in some unpleasant fashion. 
 Under the proposed treaty the independence of 
 the island is scrupulously respected, the dan- 
 ger of violation of the Monroe Doctrine by the 
 intervention of foreign powers vanishes, and 
 the interference of our Government is mini- 
 mized, so that we shall only act in conjunction 
 with the Santo Domingo authorities to secure 
 the proper administration of the customs, and 
 therefore to secure the payment of just debts 
 and to secure the Dominican Government 
 against demands for unjust debts. The pro- 
 posed method will give the people of Santo 
 Domingo the same chance to move onward and 
 upward which we have already given to the 
 people of Cuba. It will be doubly to our dis- 
 credit as a nation if we fail to take advantage 
 of this chance ; for it will be of damage to our- 
 selves, and it will be of incalculable damage to 
 Santo Domingo.” — President’s Message to Con- 
 gress, December 5, 1905. 
 
 Twenty days after the above was sent to 
 Congress President Morales was a fugitive from 
 his capital, expelled by a sudden revolutionary 
 movement in which Vice-President Caceres and 
 most of the Morales Cabinet appear to have 
 taken a leading part. Some fighting occurred ; 
 but the Morales forces were beaten decisively 
 in the first week of January, 1906, and their 
 General, Rodrigues, was killed. Morales, 
 wounded, sought protection at the American 
 Legation and resigned the Presidency, January 
 12. Caceres succeeded to the office, and a 
 treaty of peace between the contending parties 
 was signed on the 17th, on board an United 
 States vessel of war. The new Government of 
 
 San Domingo adhered to the arrangement made 
 by Morales with the United States. 
 
 As ratified ultimately, in the spring of 1907, 
 by the United States Senate and the Dominican 
 Congress, the treaty provided for the conver- 
 sion of the embarrassed republic’s debt and the 
 floating of a new issue of bonds, through the 
 agency of a firm of New York bankers which 
 had undertaken the management of the affair; 
 while the Government of the United States, by 
 its agents, was to continue its supervision of 
 the collection of revenue. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1907. — The American Receiv- 
 ership of Dominican Revenues. — The Mo- 
 dus Vivendi of 1905 and the Treaty of 1907. 
 — The working of the Arrangement. — “By 
 the modus vivendi of March 31, 1905, it was 
 provided that until the Dominican Congress 
 and the Senate of the United States should act 
 upon the convention of February 7, 1905, the 
 President of the Dominican Republic, on the 
 nomination of the President of the United 
 States, should appoint a person to receive the 
 revenues of all the custom-houses of the Re- 
 public. Of the net revenues collected, 45 per 
 cent was to be turned over to the Dominican 
 Government, and used in administrative ex- 
 penses. The remainder, less the expenses of col- 
 lection, was to be deposited in a bank in New 
 York to be designated by the President of the 
 United States, and to remain there for the 
 benefit of all creditors of the Republic, Domini- 
 can as well as foreign, and not to be withdrawn 
 before the Dominican Congress and the Senate 
 of the United States should have acted upon 
 the convention then pending. During the oper- 
 ation of the modus vivendi all payments were to 
 be suspended, without, however, in any way 
 interfering with or changing the substantial 
 rights of creditors. This modus vivendi went into 
 effect on April 1, 1905. Under the receivership 
 created by this modus vivendi there has been 
 collected, to August 31, 1907, $7,183,397.56. 
 Of this amount 45 per cent was turned over to 
 the Dominican Government, and $3,318,946.97, 
 to bear interest while on deposit, has been re- 
 mitted to New York. This is in striking con- 
 trast with the results of the customs operations 
 of former years, when, having control of the 
 entire revenues of the Republic, the Dominican 
 Government had not only been unable to pay 
 its current expenses, but found its apparent 
 public debt increased at an average rate of 
 almost $1,000,000 a year for some thirty odd 
 years. The convention between the United 
 States and the Dominican Republic, signed at 
 Santo Domingo City on February 8, 1907, was 
 transmitted to the U. S. Senate on February 
 19, 1907, by the President, for ratification, and 
 was ratified on the 25th of the same month. 
 After formal ratification by the President of the 
 United States and the Dominican Republic, 
 ratifications were exchanged July 8, 1907, and 
 formal proclamation made by the President on 
 the 25tli of the same month. Regulations have 
 been drawn up for the application of its pro- 
 visions. The treaty sets forth that the debts of 
 the Dominican Republic amount to more than 
 $30,000,000, nominal or face value, which have 
 been scaled down by a conditional adjustment 
 and agreement to some $17,000,000, including 
 interest, in the payment of which the Govern- 
 ment has requested the assistance of the United 
 
SAN DOMINGO, 1905-1907 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO, 1901-1909 
 
 States. The latter agrees to give this assist- 
 ance subject to certain conditions set out in the 
 treaty, the principal among which are (a) the 
 President of the United States shall appoint 
 the general receiver of the Dominican customs 
 and his assistants ; and (b) that the Dominican 
 Government shall provide by law for the pay- 
 ment to such general receiver of all the customs 
 duties of the Republic. The money collected 
 is to be applied as follows: (1) To paying the 
 expenses of the receivership; (2) to the pay- 
 ment of interest on bonds issued by the Do- 
 minican Government in connection with the 
 settlement of its debts; (3) to the payment of 
 the annual sums provided for amortization 
 of said bonds, including interest upon all bonds 
 held in the sinking fund ; (4) to the purchase 
 and cancellation or the retirement and cancella- 
 tion, pursuant to the terms thereof, of any of 
 said bonds as may be directed by the Domini- 
 can Government, and (5) the remainder to be 
 paid to the Dominican Government. On the 
 1st day of each calendar month the sum of 
 $100,000 is to be paid over by the receiver to 
 the fiscal agent of the loan, and the remaining 
 collection of the last preceding month paid over 
 to the Dominican Government, or applied to 
 the sinking fund for the purchase or redemption 
 of bonds, as the Dominican Government shall 
 direct. Should the revenues thus collected ex- 
 ceed $3,000,000 for any one year, one-half of 
 the surplus is to be applied to the sinking fund 
 for the redemption of bonds.” — Report of the 
 Chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, Oct. 31, 
 1907 ( Abridgment , Message and Documents, 
 1907, p. 797). 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1901-1909. — 
 
 Water Supply. — The Hetch Hetchy Project. 
 
 — “Under this name is designated a plan for 
 obtaining a water supply for the city of San 
 Francisco from the head waters of the Tuolumne 
 River in the Sierra Nevada mountains. The 
 Hetch Hetchy Valley is one of the most widely 
 known regions of the high Sierras, second only 
 to Yosemite in scenic interest. It is formed 
 by a widening of the gorge of the Tuolumne 
 River, about 30 miles westerly from the crest of 
 the Sierras. It is thus described in the United 
 States Geological Survey, 21st Annual Report. 
 
 “ ‘ The valley proper is about three and one- 
 half miles long and of a width varying from 
 one-quarter to three-quarters of a mile. The 
 rugged granite walls, crowned with spires and 
 upon battlements, seem to rise almost perpen- 
 dicular upon all sides to a height of 2500 feet 
 above this beautiful emerald meadow. 
 
 “ ‘The Tuolumne River leaves this valley in 
 a very narrow granite gorge, the sides of which 
 rise precipitously for 800 or more feet, thus 
 providing naturally a most favorable site for 
 a masonry dam.’ As the result of exhaustive 
 investigations, in 1901, having reference to the 
 procuring of an adequate water supply for the 
 City of San Francisco, that city, through its 
 proper officers, selected, surveyed, filed upon 
 and made application for the reservoir rights of 
 ■way in the Hetch Hetchy Valley and Lake 
 Eleanor, which lie within the reservation known 
 as Yosemite National Park. These reservoir 
 sites were recognized and surveyed as such by 
 the United States Geological Survey, in 1891, 
 and the survey filings and application were made 
 in conformity with the act of Congress of Febru- 
 
 ary 15, 1901, relating to rights of way through 
 certain parks, reservations and other public 
 lands. 
 
 “ Lake Eleanor is situated 136 miles east of 
 San Francisco on the west slope of the Sierra 
 Nevada Mountains. It is about 300 acres in 
 extent and lies in a broad, fiat valley enclosed 
 by precipitous walls of granite, narrowing at 
 the lower end of the valley. It is 4,700 feet 
 above sea level and receives the direct drainage 
 from 83 square miles, and by a diverting canal 
 6 tniles long from 103 square miles additional 
 of uninhabitable mountain slopes which reach 
 an altitude of 11,000 feet, and receive a mean 
 annual precipitation of from 40 to 50 inches, 
 most of which is snow. About a mile and a 
 quarter below the lake, the valley closes into a 
 granite walled gorge and offers an excellent site 
 and material for a dam. . . . 
 
 “Hetch Hetchy reservoir (site) is about 140 
 miles from San Francisco on the main fork of 
 the Tuolumne River and is about 3,700 feet 
 above sea level. It receives the drainage from 
 452 square miles of the uninhabitable slopes 
 of the Sierra Nevada, reaching to elevations of 
 over 13,000 feet. . . . 
 
 “ The Hetch Hetchy project proposes to con- 
 duct the water liberated from these reservoirs 
 by way of the gorge of the Tuolumne River 16 
 miles and thence by canals, tunnels and pipes.” 
 — Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Dept., 
 Lowell High School. 
 
 The application of the City to the United 
 States Government for the Lake Eleanor and 
 Hetch Hetchy reservoir sites was denied, in the 
 first instance (1903), by the Secretary of the Inte- 
 rior, the Hon. A. E. Hitchcock, but subsequently 
 granted, on a reopening of the case and a rehear- 
 ing, by Secretary James R. Garfield, in whose de- 
 cision, rendered May 11, 1908, the considerations 
 for and against the proposed use of these famous 
 seats of natural beauty and sublimity were dis- 
 cussed at length and concluded to have the 
 greater weight in favor of the application. 
 
 One stipulation made by Secretary Garfield was 
 that within two years the City should submit 
 the question of water supply to the vote of its 
 citizens, as contemplated in its Charter. This 
 wasdone on November 11, 1908, and the votersof 
 San Francisco, notwithstanding the strenuous 
 efforts of the private water company, recorded 
 their approval of the Hetch Hetchy Project by 
 the overwhelming vote of 34,950 for, to 5708 
 against the proposition. At the same election a 
 sale of municipal bonds to the amount of $600,- 
 000 was authorized in order to enable the City 
 to proceed to perfect its titles. These bonds 
 have been sold and at this date (June, 1909) the 
 acquisition of the required land is under way. 
 
 Almost passionate protests and pleadings 
 against this use of the beautiful Hetch Hetchy 
 Valley have been uttered by John Muir, the 
 word-painter of “ The Mountains of California,” 
 and many earnest voices from all parts of the 
 country have been joined to his in the expostu- 
 lation. Mr. Muir writes : “It is impossible to 
 overestimate the value of wild mountains and 
 mountain temples. They are the greatest of 
 our natural resources, God's best gifts ; but none, 
 however high and holy, is beyond reach of the 
 spoiler. These temple destroyers, devotees of 
 ravaging commercialism, seem to have a perfect 
 contempt for Nature, and instead of lifting their 
 
SAN FRANCISCO, 1901-1909 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO, 1906 
 
 eyes to the mountains, lift them to dams and 
 town skyscrapers. Dam Hetcii Hetchy! As 
 well dam for water-tanks the people’s cathe- 
 drals and churches, for no holier temple has 
 ever been consecrated by the heart of man. 
 
 “Excepting only Yosemite, Iletch Hetchy is 
 the most attractive and wonderful valley within 
 the bounds of the great Yosemite National 
 Park and the best of all the campgrounds. 
 People are now flocking to it in ever-increasing 
 numbers for health and recreation of body and 
 mind. Though the walls are less sublime in 
 height than those of Yosemite, its groves, gar- 
 dens, and broad spacious meadows are more 
 beautiful and picturesque. It is many years 
 since sheep and cattle were pastured in it, and 
 the vegetation now shows scarce a trace of their 
 ravages. Last year in October I visited the 
 valley witli Mr. William Keith, the artist. He 
 wandered about from view to view, enchanted, 
 made thirty-eight sketches, and enthusiastically 
 declared that in varied picturesque beauty 
 Hetch Hetchy greatly surpassed Yosemite. It 
 is one of God’s best gifts, and ought to be faith- 
 fully guarded.” 
 
 When this work went to press, in May, 1910, 
 Secretary Ballinger was giving hearings on the 
 question of revoking the permit to San Francisco. 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1909 . — The Struggle with Po- 
 litical Corruption. See (in this vol.) Munici- 
 pal Government : San Francisco. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — The Chinese Highbinder 
 Associations. — Report of the Industrial 
 Commission on their Criminal and Danger- 
 ous Character. — “Investigations made under 
 the directions of the Industrial Commission re- 
 veal the dangerous importance to be attached to 
 the existence of the so-called associations of 
 ‘highbinders’ among the Chinese population 
 of San Francisco. It is variously estimated 
 that of the total number of Chinese in that city, 
 amounting to 25,000 or 30,000, there are about 
 1,000 members of the highbinder associations 
 who represent the worst class of criminals. 
 Many of them have been compelled to flee from 
 their native country on account of crimes com- 
 mitted there. They are organized under the sem- 
 blance of benefit societies, but for the purpose of 
 blackmail and violation of the immigration laws. 
 They impose fines arbitrarily upon the hard- 
 working and prosperous Chinese, and enforce 
 their decrees through criminal violence and 
 even assassination. They nullify the judgment 
 of American courts through their own secret 
 tribunals and their paid assassins; they make a 
 business of bringing to the United States slave 
 girls and coolie laborers, and through their 
 system of intimidation it is difficult, and often 
 impossible, to secure witnesses who will testify 
 to the truth. It is generally believed by those 
 who have given attention to this matter, that if 
 the country could be rid of this criminal class 
 of Chinese, and the highbinders societies be 
 permanently suppressed, one of the greatest fac- 
 tors in the commission of fraud in the adminis- 
 tration of the Chinese exclusion laws would be 
 eliminated. An eminent authority asserts that 
 fully 75 per cent of all the frauds committed at 
 the present time against the exclusion law can 
 be traced directly to the highbinder associa- 
 tions. So perfect is the organization of these so- 
 cieties, and so thorough their reign of terrorism, 
 that the efforts of the authorities to suppress 
 
 them have never been successful. The only 
 thing which they fear above all others, holding 
 it in greater dread than our laws, our courts, and 
 jails, is deportation to China. The only deci- 
 sive remedy in that case is legislation through 
 Congress, which should render aliens who are 
 members of such societies, or any society hav- 
 ing for its purpose the commission of crime or 
 the violation of our laws, liable to deportation. 
 What is true of the highbinders of San Fran- 
 cisco is probably true also of certain anarchis- 
 tic societies which are recruited from Europe.” 
 — Final Report (1902 ) of the Industrial Commis- 
 sion, p. 1009. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — The Earthquake Shock of 
 April 18 , 1906 . — The Geological Explana- 
 tion. — Stupendous Destruction by Fire fol- 
 lowing the Earth Tremor. — Conditions 
 produced by the Fire. — Relief Measures.— 
 “ On the morning of April 18, 1906, the coastal 
 region of Middle California was shaken by an 
 earthquake of unusual severity. The time of 
 the shock and its duration varied slightly in 
 different localities, depending upon their posi- 
 tion with reference to the seat of the disturb- 
 ance in the earth’s crust; but in general the 
 time of the occurrence may be stated to be 5 h 
 12 m a. m , Pacific standard time, or the time of 
 the meridian of longitude 120° west of Green- 
 wich ; and the sensible duration of the shock 
 was about one minute. 
 
 “The shock was violent in the region about 
 the Bay of San Francisco, and with few excep- 
 tions inspired all who felt it with alarm and 
 consternation. In the cities many people were 
 injured or killed, and in some cases persons 
 became mentally deranged, as a result of the 
 disasters which immediately ensued from the 
 commotion of the earth. The manifestations 
 of the earthquake were numerous and varied. . . . 
 Springs were affected either temporarily or per- 
 manently, some being diminished, others in- 
 creased in flow. Landslides were caused on 
 steep slopes, and on the bottom lands of the 
 streams the soft alluvium was in many places 
 caused to crack and to lurch, producing often 
 very considerable deformations of the surface. 
 This deformation of the soil was an important 
 cause of damage and wreckage of buildings sit- 
 uated in such tracts. Railway tracks were 
 buckled and broken. In timbered areas in the 
 zone of maximum disturbance many large trees 
 were thrown to the ground and in some cases 
 they were snapt off above the ground. 
 
 “The most disastrous of the effects of the 
 earthquake were the breaking out of fires and, 
 at the same time, the destruction of the pipe 
 systems which supplied the water necessary to 
 combat them. Such fires caused the destruc- 
 tion of a large portion of San Francisco, as all 
 the world knows; and they also intensified the 
 calamity due to the earthquake at Santa Rosa 
 and Fort Bragg. The degree of intensity with 
 which the earthquake made itself felt by these 
 various manifestations diminished with the dis- 
 tance from the seat of disturbance, and at the 
 more remote points near the limits of its sen- 
 sibility it was perceived only by a feeble vibra- 
 tion of buildings during a brief period. 
 
 “The area over which the shock was percep- 
 tible to the senses extends from Coos Bay, Ore- 
 gon, on the north, to Los Angeles on the south, 
 a distance of about 730 miles ; and easterly as 
 
SAN FRANCISCO, 1906 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO, 1906 
 
 far as Winnemucca, Nevada, a distance of about 
 300 miles from the coast. The territory thus 
 affected has an extent, inland from the coast, of 
 probably 175,000 square miles. If we assume 
 that (he sea-bottom to the west of the coast was 
 similarly affected, which is very probably true, 
 the total area which was caused to vibrate to 
 such an extent as to be perceptible to the senses 
 was 372,700 square miles. Beyond the limits at 
 which the vibrations were sufficiently sharp to 
 appeal to the senses, earth waves were propa- 
 gated entirely around the globe and were re- 
 corded instrumentally at all the more important 
 seismological stations in civilized countries. 
 
 “Various manifestations of the earthquake 
 above cited, including the cracking and defor- 
 mation of the soil and incoherent surface forma- 
 tions, were the results of the earth jar, or com- 
 motion of the earth’s crust. The cause of the 
 earthquake, as will be more fully set forth in 
 the body of this report, was the sudden rupture 
 of the earth's crust along a line or lines extend- 
 ing from the vicinity of Point Delgada to a 
 point in San Benito County near San Juan; a 
 distance in a nearly straight course, of about 
 270 miles. For a distance of 190 miles from 
 Point Arena to San Juan, the fissure formed by 
 this rupture is known to be practically continu- 
 ous. Beyond Point Arena it passes out to sea, 
 so that its continuity with the similar crack near 
 Point Delgada is open to doubt; and the latter 
 may possibly be an independent, tho associated, 
 rupture parallel to the main one south of Point 
 Arena. It is most, probable, however, that there 
 is but one continuous rupture. The course of 
 the fissure for the 190 miles thru which it has 
 been followed is nearly straight, with a bearing 
 of from N. 30° to 40° W., but with a slight gen- 
 eral curvature, the concavity being toward the. 
 northeast, and minor local curvatures. The fis- 
 sure for the extent indicated follows the old line 
 of seismic disturbance which extends thru Cali- 
 fornia from Humboldt County to San Benito 
 County, and thence southerly obliquely across 
 the Coast Ranges thru the Tejon Pass and the 
 Cajon Pass into the Colorado Desert.” — Report 
 of the California State Earthquake Investigation 
 Commission , v. 1, pp. 1-2. 
 
 The Great Conflagration. — -General Fred- 
 erick Funston, commanding the U. S. troops at 
 San Francisco, lost no time in ordering them out 
 for service in the emergency, and his report 
 gives many interesting particulars of the strug- 
 gle with outbreaking and spreading fires, in 
 which they took an heroic part. 
 
 “By 9 a. m.,” he wrote, “the various fires 
 were merging into one great conflagration, and 
 were approaching the Palace Hotel, Grand Ho- 
 tel, Call Building, Emporium, and other large 
 buildings from the south. . . . By the morning 
 of the 19tli the fire had destroyed the main por- 
 tion of the wholesale and retail section of the 
 city, and was actively burning on a line from 
 about the corner of Montgomery avenue and 
 Montgomery street southwest on an irregular 
 line to Van Ness avenue at Golden Gate avenue. 
 
 . . . The progress of the fire was very slow. It 
 averaged not more than one block in two hours. 
 
 . . . By the night of the 19th about 250,000 
 people or more must have been encamped or 
 sleeping out in the open in the various military 
 reservations, parks, and open spaces of the city. 
 
 “On the night of the 19th, when the fire 
 
 reached Van Ness avenue, Col. Charles Morris, 
 Artillery Corps, in command of the troops in 
 that portion of the city, authorized Capt. Le 
 Vert Coleman to destroy a number of buildings 
 far enough ahead of the fire to make a clearing 
 along Broadway, Franklin and Gough streets, 
 which space the fire was unable to bridge, and 
 in this manner was stopped after it had crossed 
 Van Ness avenue and the fire department seemed 
 powerless. It is my opinion that if it had not 
 been for the work done at this place the entire 
 Western Addition of the city would have been 
 destroyed. 
 
 “ By the morning of the 20th the Western 
 Addition, as that part of the city lying west of 
 Van Ness avenue is called, was considered safe, 
 except from the danger arising from a very 
 threatening conflagration working along the 
 slopes of Russian Hill toward that part of Van 
 Ness avenue lying north of Broadway. All day 
 of the 20th an heroic fight was made by the sol- 
 diers, sailors, firemen, and citizens to stop this 
 fire, which had a frontage of about half a mile, 
 and was working its way slowly against the 
 wind. A number of buildings were destroyed 
 here by high explosives, and back firing was 
 resorted to. The fight, at this place was greatly 
 aided by water pumped from the bay at Fort 
 Mason. . . . 
 
 “ By the most tremendous exertions the flames 
 were prevented from crossing Van Ness avenue 
 between that port (Fort Mason) and the point 
 where they had once crossed and been fought 
 out. By the morning of the 21st the Western 
 Addition was considered safe, and the advancing 
 flames south from the Mission district had been 
 stayed ; but a rising wind caused the fire to turn 
 northeastward from Russian Hill and destroy a 
 portion of the city along the bay shore that had 
 hitherto been spared.” 
 
 Of the work of dynamiting that was done, 
 mainly by the soldiers, Major General A. W. 
 Greeley, in a special report, says: “ The author- 
 ity for demolitions was in every case derived 
 from the Mayor or his representatives. During 
 all of the 18th and until the afternoon of the 
 19th the city authorities withheld their permis- 
 sion to blow up any buildings, except those in 
 immediate contact with others already ablaze. 
 Consequently, although we were able to check 
 the fire at certain points, it outflanked us time 
 and again, and all our work had to be begun 
 over in front of the fire. ... By [afternoon of 
 April 19tli] the Mayor gave permission to take 
 more drastic measures to stop the fire.” 
 
 After the Fire. — Of conditions after the fire 
 General Greeley gives a vivid description, partly 
 as follows: “On April 18 this was a city of 
 500,000 inhabitants, the commercial emporium 
 of the Pacific coast, a great industrial and man- 
 ufacturing center, adorned with magnificent 
 buildings, equipped with extensive local trans- 
 portation, provided with the most sanitary appli- 
 ances, and having an abundant water supply. 
 On April 21 these triumphs of human effort, this 
 center of civilization, had become a scene of in- 
 describable desolation, more than 200,000 resi- 
 dents having fled from the burnt district alone, 
 leaving several hundred dead under its smolder- 
 ing ashes. . . . 
 
 “The burnt area covered 3,400 acres, as 
 against 2,100 in Chicago and 50 in Boston. . . . 
 Even buildings spared by the fire were dam- 
 
 587 
 
SAN FRANCISCO, 1906 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO, 1906-1909 
 
 aged as to chimneys, so that all food of the en- 
 tire city was cooked over camp tires in the open 
 streets. 
 
 “ Two hundred and twenty-five thousand peo- 
 ple were not only homeless, losing homes and 
 all personal property, but also were deprived of 
 their means of present sustenance and future live- 
 lihood. Food, water, shelter, clothing, medicines, 
 and sewerage were all lacking. Failing even 
 for drinking purposes, water had to be brought 
 long distances. Every large bakery was de- 
 stroyed or interrupted. While milk and country 
 produce were plentiful in the suburbs, local 
 transportation was entirely interrupted so that 
 even people of great wealth could obtain food 
 only by charity or public relief.” 
 
 Loss of Life and Property. —General Gree- 
 ley “gives the loss of life in San Francisco, in- 
 cluding some who subsequently died from in- 
 juries received, as 304 known and 194 unknown. 
 In addition, 415 persons were seriously injured. 
 Estimates of the value of property destroyed 
 made up from the reports of settlements by the 
 insurance companies are given as follows in 
 Best’s Special Report on San Francisco Losses 
 and Settlement, published in New York, Feb. 
 25, 1907 : ‘ The total loss to insurance institu- 
 tions throughout the world was from $220,000,- 
 000 to $225,000,000. It is probable that the 
 sound value of the property represented by this 
 loss was nearly or quite $100,000,000 greater 
 than the last named figure, so that this confla- 
 gration takes rank as the largest in history in 
 point of values destroyed. The loss fell on 
 243 insurance institutions, plus those foreign 
 companies (twenty or more in number) which 
 have made no report to us.’ ” 
 
 Maintenance of Order. — “After the arrival 
 of state troops ordered into service by the gov- 
 ernor of California, five separate organizations 
 were maintaining order in San Francisco — the 
 municipal police, the national guard of Califor- 
 nia, the United States navy, citizens’ commit- 
 tees, and the United States army. Under this 
 multiplied control it was inevitable that some 
 clashes of authority should occur, and that citi- 
 zens should at times feel hampered by excess 
 of regulation. ‘ It bears testimony,’ says Gen- 
 eral Greeley, ‘to the judgment and forbearance 
 of the personnel enforcing order and to the sen- 
 sible, law-abiding qualities of the people of San 
 Francisco, that during such prolonged and des- 
 perate condition of affairs there should have 
 been but nine deaths by violence. All killed 
 were men, and four of the cases have been the 
 subject of investigation under the civil law.’ 
 
 Relief Measures. — “Invaluable service of 
 relief was rendered by the railway companies, 
 the Southern Pacific, under the personal direction 
 of President E. T. Harriman, and the Atchison, 
 Topeka and Santa Fe, giving free transporta- 
 tion over their lines from April 18th to the 26th, 
 and affording every possible facility for the for- 
 warding of relief supplies. The ferries and sub- 
 urban lines did the same. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Food, clothing and tents furnished by Pacific 
 coast cities began to pour in, followed quickly 
 by similar supplies from more distant points 
 and by the War Department of the United 
 States under special appropriation promptly 
 made by Congress. The proper handling and 
 distribution of these vast quantities of material 
 and the control of the refugee camps that filled 
 
 the public parks devolved upon the military 
 authorities. Relief service was promptly sys- 
 tematized by the army officers, ably assisted 
 after the opening week by Dr. Edward T. 
 Devine, special representative of the National 
 Red Cross. After July 2 the army was with- 
 drawn from the refugee camps and the re- 
 lief work passed under the control of the Red 
 Cross and citizens’ organizations. Mr. J. D. 
 Phelan of San Francisco, chairman of the Fi- 
 nance Committee of the Relief and Red Cross 
 Funds, thus commends the services of the army 
 in its management of the relief operations : ‘As 
 citizens we feel that the army in time of peace 
 has demonstrated its efficiency and usefulness 
 as it has in our days of trouble signalized its 
 splendid qualities on the field of battle.’ 
 
 Behavior of the People. — “General A. W. 
 Greeley in his special report thus characterizes 
 the behavior of the people of San Francisco. 
 
 ‘ It is safe to say that nearly 200,000 persons 
 were brought to a state of complete destitution, 
 beyond the clothing they wore or carried in 
 their arms. The majority of the community 
 was reduced from conditions of comfort to de- 
 pendence upon public charity, yet in all my ex- 
 periences I have never seen a woman in tears, 
 nor heard a man whining over his losses. Be- 
 sides this spirit of cheerful courage, they exhib- 
 ited qualities of resourcefulness and self-respect 
 which must command the admiration of the 
 world. Within two months the bread line, which 
 at first exceeded 300,000, was reduced to a com- 
 parative handful — less than 5 per cent, of the 
 original number.’ ” — Frederick H. Clark, Head 
 of History Dept., Lowell High School. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Segregation of Oriental 
 Children in Public Schools. — Resentment 
 of Japanese. See (in this vol.) Race Prob- 
 lems : United States : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April-Oct.). — During and 
 after the Suppression of Saloons. See Al 
 cohol Problem: Casual Occurrences. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — The Rebuilding of the 
 Shattered and Burned City. — Improvements 
 in the Reconstruction. — “The great fire of 
 April, 1906, practically obliterated the business 
 section of San Francisco. Vast heaps of brick 
 and stone and iron beams, twisted and bent, 
 filled the area where the great hotels, banks and 
 mercantile establishments, wholesale and retail, 
 had stood. The opportunity to correct original 
 errors and to make improvements in the ground 
 plan of this portion of the city was at once 
 recognized. People said to one another : ‘ Lon- 
 don, Chicago, and Baltimore have bitterly re- 
 gretted, since their great fires, that they did not 
 improve their streets. Are we to fail to take 
 advantage of their mistakes?’ A Citizens’ 
 Committee on Reconstruction was appointed ; 
 many valuable suggestions were brought to- 
 gether ; and an expert engineer was directed to 
 study the plans and make practical estimates of 
 the cost of the more important improvements. 
 A set of most commendable changes was thus 
 brought to the point of authoritative adoption. 
 These changes included, particularly, the 
 widening of streets needed for main thorough- 
 fares, extension of a few main streets so as to 
 facilitate the distribution of traffic, the extension 
 of shipping facilities along the water front, and 
 improving the thoroughfares leading thereto. 
 The opportunity of making these improvements 
 
 588 
 
SAN FRANCISCO, 1900-1909 
 
 SAN FRANCISCO, 1900-1909 
 
 while the whole area was destitute of buildings 
 was, of course, never likely to recur. 
 
 “At this point the whole matter came to a 
 standstill. It was the misfortune of San Fran- 
 cisco at this critical moment to be under a mu- 
 nicipal administration, wholly incompetent and 
 corrupt. Private enterprise was strained to the 
 utmost in the effort to recover from the great 
 losses, and from the want of governmental initi- 
 ative, all projects of municipal improvement 
 failed for the time. Under a reformed city- 
 government after 1907, a great deal of munici- 
 pal work was undertaken which will be indi- 
 cated below. 
 
 “Rebuilding of private structures is a won- 
 derful record of courage, energy and resource- 
 fulness. The first stage was the rushing up of 
 temporary wooden structures, — any sort of a 
 building that would afford shelter and permit 
 the resumption of business. For the most part 
 the lumber yards of San Francisco were un- 
 touched by the fire, and thus the city had a con- 
 siderable stock of material for immediate 
 operations. Van Ness Avenue and other former 
 residence streets were soon lined with one-story 
 wooden buildings over which appeared the well- 
 known names of down-town firms. 
 
 “The second stage in reconstruction was the 
 removal of the ruins left by earthquake and fire. 
 The business section of the former city was con- 
 structed mainly of brick. Whether from igno- 
 rance or prejudice the former building laws of 
 San Francisco did not permit the use of concrete 
 except for floors and foundations. Only a few 
 of the more recently constructed buildings were 
 of steel. Thus the first great problem was pre- 
 sented by the standing brick walls. 
 
 “ For a few days the use of dynamite for the 
 overthrow of standing walls was permitted, and 
 in this way much additional damage was done 
 to buildings not wholly ruined by the earth- 
 quake and fire. Subsequently it was found to 
 be far more systematic and advantageous as well 
 as safer to pull down the standing walls by 
 means of wire cables and stationary engines. 
 Pulling down old walls became for a time a 
 trade in itself. 
 
 “Thousands of men found employment in 
 cleaning the old bricks and stacking them up 
 for use in rebuilding. For the removal of the 
 vast quantities of debris, — twisted pipe and 
 beams, broken brick and crumbled plaster, tem- 
 porary railways were constructed over the level 
 down-town district, and elaborate plans were 
 made for a wholesale business by steam trans- 
 portation. There was trouble over loading fa- 
 cilities, however, and the greater quantity was 
 carried away by two horse dump-wagons, the 
 material being used for filling in low lands 
 along the water front and elsewhere. All Cali- 
 fornia felt the demand for horses and wagons 
 that this great work created. 
 
 “Immediately after the fire the work of revis- 
 ing the building laws was taken up. Fortu- 
 nately this task received the intelligent guidance 
 of a citizens’ committee composed of local 
 builders, architects and engineers. The build- 
 ing regulations were rescued from their contra- 
 dictions and confusion, and a clear, systematic 
 ordinance was secured. The most notable for- 
 ward step was the authorization of reinforced 
 concrete buildings. 
 
 “Architects and engineers interested in the 
 
 problems of reconstruction organized a ‘ Struc- 
 tural Association’ as a clearing-house for im- 
 proved building methods. The utmost pains 
 were taken to study the effects of the earthquake 
 and the conflagration in order to secure every 
 possible advantage from the lessons inculcated. 
 The results of this study may be summarized as 
 follows. 
 
 “ Steel frame buildings (Class A) were 
 perfectly able to resist the effects of earthquake 
 shock of the severity of the disturbance of 1906, 
 and when properly protected, to endure the test of 
 conflagration as well. Concrete, both plain and 
 reinforced, rose rapidly in favor as structural 
 material. Opinion as to the continued use of 
 brick in construction was divided, but on ac- 
 count of the need of brick in the cheaper build- 
 ings, there was no tendency toward its fall- 
 ing into disuse. Wired glass, that is, plate glass 
 in which a mesh of fine wire netting is embedded 
 has been brought into favor, the idea being that 
 when this glass is subjected to great heat it may 
 crack, but will not fall. 
 
 “Along with the improved methods of con- 
 struction, the rebuilding of office and business 
 structures afforded an opportunity of moderniz- 
 ing them. Merchants went so far as to form a 
 ‘Down-Town Association’ which held weekly 
 meetings for the purpose of studying the prob- 
 lems of rehabilitation and of taking advantage 
 of every suggestion for improvement. The new 
 buildings have been perfected in lighting and 
 sanitation and in exterior finish and interior 
 arrangements have been brought up to the 
 standard of the world’s best types. Thus the 
 business district of the new city has been made 
 immeasurably superior in durability, cleanliness 
 and appearance, to what it was before the fire. 
 
 “ The amount of reconstruction that has been 
 done is shown in the following table taken from 
 the San Francisco Chronicle of April 18, 1909, 
 which summarizes the work done in three years. 
 The table was compiled from the municipal 
 records. 
 
 “Private building operations, April 18, 1906 
 April 18, 1909: 
 
 Number. Cost. 
 
 Class A . . 
 
 . . 82 
 
 $19,391,982 
 
 Class B . . 
 
 . . 109 
 
 8,042,831 
 
 Class C . . 
 
 . 1,369 
 
 42,416,072 
 
 Frame . . . 
 
 . 12,352 
 
 50,962,813 
 
 Alterations . 
 
 . 6,334 
 
 9,528,310 
 
 Total . . 
 
 
 . $130,344,008 
 
 “Class A — -buildings having steel frames; 
 stone, brick or concrete facing, fire-proof floors. 
 — Completely fire-proof. 
 
 “Class B — buildings of reinforced concrete, 
 brick or stone, with steel beams entering into 
 the main walls, — fire-proof. 
 
 “Class C — brick, stone or concrete buildings 
 with floors and floor-framework of wood. 
 
 “As the actual cost usually exceeds the esti- 
 mate that goes into the public record by about 
 15 per cent, it would be proper to estimate the 
 cost of all this construction at §150,000,000. Of 
 this amount it is estimated that less than $10,- 
 000,000 has been furnished from outside of San 
 Francisco, — local capital having proven itself 
 sufficient for this vast work. Within this same 
 period the public service corporations have ex- 
 pended nearly $20,000,000 in reconstruction, — 
 the greatest work being the practical rebuilding 
 
 589 
 
SAN FRANCISCO, 1906-1909 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 of the street-car lines. For municipal recon- 
 struction the city has repaved nearly all of the 
 business streets and has voted bonds for $18,200,- 
 000. From the funds thus provided permanent 
 improvements of great importance are now 
 (August, 1909) in progress. 
 
 “The election authorizing the sale of bonds 
 was held on May 11, 1908. The purposes for 
 which these bonds were issued are thus an- 
 nounced by the Public Utilities Committee of 
 the Board of Supervisors: 
 
 “ ‘Fire Protection Bonds, $5,200,000, for the 
 installation of an extensive high pressure water 
 system which will give superior fire protection 
 to the greater part of the thickly built portion of 
 the city, and designed to be the most serviceable 
 of its kind in the world. With this installed it 
 will be almost impossible for a conflagration to 
 ever again visit the city. 
 
 “ ‘ Sewer Bonds, $4,000,000, for the construc- 
 tion of a complete sewer system which will dis- 
 charge the sewage in a manner that will per- 
 fectly safeguard the health of the city. 
 
 “ ‘School Bonds, $5,000,000, for the construc- 
 tion of school-houses to the number of more than 
 thirty, replacing those destroyed by fire in April, 
 1906, and providing sites and additional struc- 
 tures in districts now inadequately supplied. 
 
 “‘Hospital Bonds, $2,000,000, for the con- 
 struction of modern hospitals. 
 
 “ ‘Hall of Justice Bonds, $1,000,000, for the 
 construction of buildings for the police and other 
 departments of the city government. 
 
 “ ‘ Garbage System Bonds, $1,000,000, for the 
 construction of modern works for the disposal 
 of the city’s waste in a sanitary manner. 
 
 “ ‘ With these improvements the City of San 
 Francisco will be equipped with public works 
 that will insure it a prominent place in the cities 
 of the world in respect to all things that go to 
 make stability and give permanence to the com- 
 munity as a great trade and industrial center.’ 
 The rapid recovery of San Francisco from the 
 losses of the great fire is further shown by the 
 following comparison of values from the Asses- 
 sors Reports : 
 
 Value of Taxable Property. 
 
 1905. 1906. 1908. 
 
 Real Estate . . $304,136,185 $237,082,752 $258,642,215 
 Buildings . . . 97,830,165 50,250,480 90,996,500 
 
 Personal Property 122,264,596 88,805,510 103,912,469 
 
 Total .... $524,230,946 $376,138,742 $453,551,184 
 
 — Frederick H. Clark, Head of History Dept., 
 Lowell High School. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (July). — Visit of the Battle- 
 ship Fleet. See (in this vol.) War, The Pre- 
 parations for : Naval. 
 
 SANITARY UNDERTAKINGS. See 
 Public Health. 
 
 SANTOS-DUMONT, A. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent: Aeronau- 
 tics. 
 
 SARRIEN-CLEMENCEAU MINIS- 
 TRY. See (in this vol.) France : A. D. 1906. 
 
 SARTO, Giuseppe, Cardinal: Elected 
 
 Pope. See (in this vol.) Papacy: A. D. 1903 
 (July-Aug.). 
 
 SASKATCHEWAN: Organized as a 
 
 Province of the Dominion of Canada. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Canada : A. D. 1905. 
 
 SAXONY: A. D. 1906. — Political Re- 
 form. See (in this vol.) Elective Franchise: 
 Germany : A. D. 1906. 
 
 SCANDINAVIAN-AMERICAN SOLI- 
 DARITY. See (in this vol.) Education: In- 
 ternational Interchanges. 
 
 SCHMITZ, Eugene E. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government: San Francisco. 
 
 SCHOOL CHILDREN, Underfed. See 
 (in this vol.) Poverty, Problems of. 
 
 SCHOOL PEACE LEAGUE, The 
 American. See (in this vol.) War, The Re- 
 volt against: A. D. 1908. 
 
 SCHOOLS. See Education. 
 
 SCHOUVALOFF, Count, Assassination 
 of. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905 (Feb.- 
 Nov.). 
 
 SCHREINER, W. P.: Opposition to Dis- 
 franchisement of Colored Natives in South 
 Africa. See (in this vol.) South Africa: 
 A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION, RECENT. 
 
 Aeronautics: The Development of the 
 Aeroplane and the Dirigible Balloon. — To 
 
 be lifted from the earth by an inflated sack of 
 gas lighter than air, and be drifted with it by 
 the winds, was an interesting experience for a 
 few adventurous people, after the Mongolfiers, 
 in 1783, had found it could be done ; but the 
 practical advantages from it were slight, so 
 long as the voyager of the air had no slightest 
 control of his journeying. The possibility of 
 such control only came within the range of in- 
 ventors’ dreams when motor enginery had been 
 carried far towards the promise of much power 
 with little weight. The promise was half a 
 century behind its fulfilment, however, when 
 Henri Giffard, the notable French engineer, is 
 said to have constructed a balloon which lacked 
 nothing but the adequately light and vigorous 
 motor in order to be as dirigible as any of the 
 present day. But the needed motor began to 
 take form, and success in the propulsion of bal- 
 loons on steered courses, with some independ- 
 
 ence of the winds, began to be realized, in the 
 experiments of Count Zeppelin, in Germany, 
 and of M. Santos-Dumont in France, beginning 
 about 1898. 
 
 Before that date, however, invention had 
 been started on bolder lines, seeking independ- 
 ence of the clumsy gas-bag, and striving to 
 mount the air as the bird does, by pushing 
 against it the inclined planes of his wings. 
 Otto Lilienthal, in Germany, began experi- 
 ments to that end in 1893. He had no motor ; 
 but starting from a height, and “making judi- 
 cious use of the movement of the wind,” he ac- 
 complished gliding flights of about 1200 feet, 
 and the machines lie constructed were sugges- 
 tive of ideas to the experimenters who followed 
 him. He was killed by a fall in 1896. Many 
 were then working at the problem of aerial 
 flight without the lifting force of light gases. 
 Some studied it scientifically and some attacked 
 it in the rough manner of sheer empiricism. 
 Of the former, in the United States, were Oc- 
 
 590 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 tave Chanute, the engineer, and Professor 
 Samuel P. Langley, the astronomer and physi- 
 cist of the Smithsonian Institution ; in England 
 there was Sir Hiram Maxim. These gentlemen 
 arrived at no practical success iu their own ex- 
 perimenting, but they furnished good guidance 
 to the work of their more fortunate successors. 
 A little later the scientific students of the prob- 
 lem were joined by the inventor of the tele- 
 phone, Alexander Graham Bell. And then 
 came the two workers who advanced from em- 
 piricism to science in their undertaking, and 
 who won the first great successes by a happy 
 combination of the two. 
 
 The brothers Orville and Wilbur Wright 
 have told, in an article contributed to The Cen- 
 tury Magazine, how they were stirred to serious 
 interest in the aviation problem in 1896 and be- 
 gan to read what Langley, Chanute, Mouillard 
 and others had written on it. Entering, purely 
 as a sport, on experiments in gliding flight, on 
 Lilienthal’s lines, they became fascinated by 
 the pursuit. From the first they appear to 
 have chosen what is known as the biplane 
 structure for their machines, the invention of 
 which they credit to a previous inventor, Wen- 
 ham, whose design of it had been improved by 
 String-fellow and Chanute. To this construc- 
 tion, of two planes, one above the other, for 
 supporting surfaces, they have steadfastly ad- 
 hered. 
 
 At the outset of their experimenting the 
 Wrights found a difficulty in the balancing of 
 “ flyers” which previous workers did not seem 
 to have treated seriously enough, and they set- 
 tled themselves to the conquest of it at once. 
 This and other problems soon carried them 
 from empirical testing into scientific studies, 
 which occupied several years. They found 
 that the accepted measurements of wind pres- 
 sure, on given plane surfaces exposed at differ- 
 ent angles, were unreliable, and they applied 
 themselves to the making and tabulating of 
 measurements of their own. It was not until 
 this work had given them “ accurate data for 
 making calculations, and a system of balance 
 effective in winds as well as in calms,” as well 
 as the necessary data for designing an effective 
 screw propeller, that they felt themselves pre- 
 pared “ to build a successful power-flyer.” 
 
 So far, these thorough-going workers at the 
 problems of aviation had been experimenting 
 with a machine designed, as they said, “to be 
 flown as a kite, with a man on board,” or with- 
 out the man, “operating the levers through 
 cords from the ground.” Their active experi- 
 menting began in October, 1900, at Kitty 
 Ilawk, North Carolina. In 1901 they made the 
 acquaintance of Mr. Chanute, and he spent 
 some weeks with them, observing and encour- 
 aging their work. In September and October, 
 they say, “ nearly one thousand gliding flights 
 were made, several of which covered distances 
 of over 600 feet. Some, made against a wind 
 of thirty-six miles an hour, gave proof of the 
 effectiveness of the devices for control.” Late 
 in 1903 they had reached the point of testing a 
 power-machine, and sailed into the air with it 
 for the first time on the 17th of December in the 
 presence of five lookers-on. “The first flight,” 
 they tell us, “lasted only twelve seconds: a 
 flight very modest compared with that of birds ; 
 but it was, nevertheless, the first in the history 
 
 of the world in which a machine carrying a 
 man had raised itself by its own power into the 
 air iu free flight, had sailed forward on a level 
 course, without reduction of speed, and had 
 finally landed without being wrecked. The sec- 
 ond and third flights were a little longer, and 
 the fourth lasted fifty -nine seconds, covering a 
 distance of 852 feet over the ground against 
 a twenty-mile wind.” 
 
 Iu the spring of 1904 the experimenting 
 of the Wright Brothers was transferred from 
 Kitty Hawk, N. C., to a prairie not far from 
 their home, at Dayton, Ohio. There they over- 
 came final difficulties in the maintaining of 
 equilibrium when turning their machine in cir- 
 cles of flight ; and then, at the end of Septem- 
 ber, 1905, they suspended experiments for more 
 than two years, which they spent in business 
 negotiations and in the construction of new 
 machines. Their experimenting was not re- 
 sumed until May, 1908 (again at Kitty Hawk). 
 At this time it was directed to the testing of 
 the ability of their machine to meet the require- 
 ments of a contract with the United States Gov- 
 ernment to furnish a flyer capable of carrying 
 two men and sufficient fuel supplies for a flight 
 of 25 miles, with a speed of forty miles an hour. 
 
 Meantime, during the two years of suspended 
 experimenting by the Wrights, other workers in 
 Europe and America had been approaching their 
 successes, so far as to be competitors for the im- 
 portant prizes now offered very plainly for win- 
 ning iu the aviation field. M. Santos-Dumont, 
 turning his attention from dirigible balloons to 
 aeroplanes, had made, at Paris, the first public 
 flight on that side of the ocean ; and though he 
 covered no more than 220 yards, it was a long 
 stride in practical success. Henry Farman, 
 Louis Bleriot, M. Delagrange, in France, Glenn 
 H. Curtiss and A. M. Herring, in the United 
 States, were making ready to dispute honors 
 with the Dayton aviators, of whose actual 
 achievements the public knew little, as yet. 
 
 On all sides there was readiness for surprising 
 and astonishing the public in 1908. Farman, at 
 Paris, in March, exceeded a flight of two miles; 
 Delagrauge, at Milan, in June, covered ten 
 miles, and more ; Farman, in July, raised his re- 
 cord to eleven miles, and Delagrange carried his 
 to fifteen and a half in September. The Wrights 
 had made flights that ranged from eleven to 
 twenty-four miles in the fall of 1905; and now, 
 in their renewed trials of 1908, these distances 
 were more than doubled. Wilbur Wright went 
 abroad, to exhibit their machine in France and 
 elsewhere, while Orville, iu September, sub- 
 mitted it to official tests at Fort Myer, near 
 Washington. There, on different days in that 
 month, rounding circuits of the parade ground, 
 he made time records of continuous flight that 
 ran from 56 to 74 minutes, travelling estimated 
 distances that stretched in one instance over 
 fifty-one and a third miles. These trials at Fort 
 Myer were interrupted sadly by an accident, 
 from the breaking of a propeller-blade, which 
 caused the machine to drop to the ground while 
 in flight. Lieutenant T. E. Selfridge, U. S. A., 
 who rode with Mr. Wright at the time, was 
 killed, and Air. Wright suffered a broken leg. 
 
 Wilbur Wright, meantime, was entering on 
 great triumphs in France. At Le Mans, on the 
 21st of September, he traversed 68 miles in a 
 continuous flight of a little more than an hour 
 
 591 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 and a half. This achievement was far surpassed 
 by him on the 18th of December, when 95 miles 
 were travelled in an hour and fifty-four minutes, 
 and again, on the 31st of December, when the 
 stay in the air was prolonged to two hours, nine 
 minutes and some seconds, and the distance 
 covered was 76^ miles. 
 
 These records of the Wrights for time of con- 
 tinuous flight were beaten by a number of 
 European competitors, as will be shown below. 
 Otherwise, the records of 1909 show no very 
 marked advauce beyond those of 1908 ; but the 
 year had excitements in aviation, connected es- 
 pecially with attempted flights over the English 
 Channel. Hubert Latham, a recent French 
 practitioner in aviation, was the first to venture 
 this leap through the air from France to Eng- 
 land. His machine was described as being an 
 Antoinette monoplane, designed by M. Levevas- 
 seur. He launched it from Calais in the early 
 morning of July 19, and traversed about six 
 miles of the passage when his motor failed and 
 he fell to the water, unhurt, and was rescued by 
 an attendant steamer. Six days after Latham's 
 failure, on the 25th of July, Louis Bleriot, us- 
 ing another monoplane machine, made the cross- 
 ing with brilliant success, flying from Calais to 
 Dover, 21 miles, in 23 minutes, and winning the 
 prize of £1000 which the Daily Mail, of London, 
 had offered for the performance of the feat. M. 
 Latham then repeated his attempt and was un- 
 fortunate again, his motor giving out after it 
 had carried him within two miles of the Dover 
 shore. 
 
 Orville Wright, at this time, July 27, was 
 demonstrating at Fort Myer the ability of his 
 aeroplane to carry two persons in a well-sus- 
 tained flight. With Lieutenant Frank P. Lahm, 
 of the Signal Corps, as a passenger, and having 
 President Taft among his spectators, he made a 
 flight of an hour, twelve minutes and forty sec- 
 onds, accomplishing upwards of fifty miles at an 
 average speed of forty miles an hour. A day 
 or two afterwards he carried Lieutenant Benja- 
 min D. Foulois over the ten mile course from 
 Fort Myer to Alexandria at a speed of more than 
 forty -two miles an hour. 
 
 In the last week of August the first race 
 meeting for heavier-than air flying machines oc- 
 cured at Rheims, France, and a dozen aviators 
 from France, England and America competed 
 for large prizes in long distance and duration 
 flights. A number of new records was made, 
 and new names acquired note. Louis Paulhan 
 kept the air for two hours and forty-three min- 
 utes with a Voisin biplane, covering 83 miles. 
 Hubert Latham surpassed this in distance and 
 speed, making 96 miles in two hours and eight- 
 een minutes ; and this again was beaten by 
 Henri Farman, who travelled 118 miles, remain- 
 ing in the air over three hours. M. Latham 
 used the Antoinette monoplane, and M. Farman 
 a biplane of his own design. Mr. Glenn H. Cur- 
 tiss won the prize for speed, doing 18 miles in 
 twenty-five minutes and forty-five seconds. 
 
 Orville Wright had now gone abroad and his 
 brother had returned to America. In August 
 and September the former gave exhibitions at 
 Berlin, breaking some of his own records, carry- 
 ing a passenger in his machine for an hour and 
 thirty-five minutes, on the 18th of September, 
 and rising, on the 1st of October, to an unex- 
 ampled height, believed to have exceeded 1000 
 
 feet. This, however, was greatly exceeded in 
 January, 1910, by Hubert Latham, at Mour- 
 melon, France, who rose to 3280 feet, and by 
 Louis Paulhan, at Los Angeles, California, 
 4165 ft. On the 3d of October the Crown 
 Prince of Germany was his companion in a 
 short flight. 
 
 Meantime Wilbur Wright, in America, had 
 endeavored to supply one of the spectacles ar 
 ranged for the IIudson-Fulton celebration at 
 New York; but the intended programme of 
 aviation was spoiled by forbidding winds. He 
 did, however, make one astonishing flight, on 
 the 4th of October, from Governor’s Island, up 
 the Hudson to Grant’s tomb, and, on his return, 
 passing over the British battle-ships then lying 
 in the river. The distance travelled was about 
 twenty miles and the time of the journey 
 thirty-three minutes and a half. Unfortunately 
 it was unexpected, and was seen by a small 
 part only of the millions who had been watch- 
 ing several days for a flight. On the next day 
 Mr. Wright made the statement that no more 
 public exhibitions would be given by his 
 brother or himself. “ Hereafter,” he said, “ we 
 shall devote all our efforts to the commercial 
 exploitation of our machines, and fly only as a 
 matter of experiment, to test the value of what- 
 ever changes we decide to make in the con- 
 struction.” 
 
 Turning now back to the development of 
 the motor-propelled and dirigible balloon, we 
 find that field of aeronautics very nearly mo- 
 nopolized at the beginning of the twentieth 
 century, so far as the public saw it, by the 
 Brazilian millionaire, A. Santos-Dumont, who 
 spent his time and his wealth at Paris in bal- 
 looning. The French Government had been au- 
 thorizing army experiments in dirigible balloon- 
 ing since 1884, and a motor-driven air-ship of 
 that description, designed by Captain Renard, 
 and named - ‘La France,” had made a trip from 
 Chalais-Meudon to Paris and return in Septem- 
 ber, 1885, being the first balloon ever navigated 
 back to its starting point ; but not much in the 
 same line to excite public interest appears to 
 have been done in the next sixteen years. Then, 
 on the 19th of October, 1901, a lively stir of in- 
 terest everywhere was excited by the exploit of 
 Santos-Dumont, in navigating his balloon from 
 St. Cloud to and around the Eiffel Tower and 
 back to the starting point. He had done the 
 same privately three months before, at a very 
 early morning hour of July 12, on which occa- 
 sion he broke his rudder at an early stage of the 
 journey, descended in the Trocadero Gardens, 
 made repairs and then went on doing the whole 
 round in an hour and six minutes, including the 
 stop. 
 
 Expectation, however, that controllable navi- 
 gation of the air, in average conditions of wind, 
 might really be an approaching and not very 
 distant fact, cannot be said to have had much 
 awakening in the world until the performances, 
 in 1908, of Count Zeppelin’s huge airship, 440 
 feet in length, called Zeppelin No. IV., which 
 enclosed numerous envelopes of gas in a rigid 
 aluminum frame. On the 2d of July, 1908, he 
 drove this great balloon from Friedrichshafen, 
 on Lake Constance, to Luzerne, 248 miles, 
 within twelve hours. Starting again from 
 Friedrichshafen, August 4, intending a 500 
 mile trip, he made a lauding at Oppenheim, 260 
 
 592 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 miles distant, returned thence to Stuttgart, and 
 finally to Echterdingen, where a hurricane 
 storm wrecked his airship completely, causing 
 its motor to explode. Public sympathy with 
 the veteran aeronaut and public faith in his 
 work were so strong that a fund was raised 
 promptly by subscription for the building of 
 another of his costly balloons. 
 
 With this he was ready for new voyages in 
 the spring of 1909, and started from Fried- 
 richshafen on the 30th of May, carrying two 
 engineers and a crew of seven, travelled 456 
 miles to Bitterfield, where, without landing, he 
 turned back ; but landed later near Goeppin- 
 gen, receiving a slight injury to the balloon 
 in landing by contact with a tree. The whole 
 distance travelled was about 850 miles, in 37 
 hours. Late in August the Count accom- 
 plished a long desired voyage from his head- 
 quarters on Lake Constance to Berlin ; but was 
 forced to land at Nuremberg for repairs, and 
 again at Bitterfield, disappointing the great 
 crowds which waited at Berlin, till late at night 
 on the 29th, with the Emperor, to welcome his 
 arrival. When he came, the next day, how- 
 ever, the public enthusiasm showed no cooling. 
 “He was received,” says a despatch from Ber- 
 lin, “ with all the honours which the Court and 
 capital could pay him, and his triumphal entry 
 into the city this afternoon as the honoured 
 guest of the Emperor, was not merely a dra- 
 matic success but a national demonstration.” 
 And now, from this glancing survey of 
 achievement thus far in the navigation of the 
 air, with and without help from the levitation 
 of gas, what expectations of further achieve- 
 ment can we reasonably indulge ? Here is one 
 answer, from a notably scientific mind, — that 
 of the late Simon Newcomb, the astronomer : 
 “It would seem that, at the present time, 
 the public is more hopeful of the flying-machine 
 than of the dirigible balloon. The idea that 
 because such a machine has at last been con- 
 structed which will carry a man through the air, 
 there is no limit to progress, is a natural one. 
 But to judge of possibilities, we must advert to 
 the distinction already pointed out between ob- 
 stacles interposed by nature, which cannot be 
 surmounted by any invention, and those which 
 we may hope to overcome by possible mechanical 
 appliances. The mathematical relations between 
 speed, sustaining power, strength of material, 
 efficiency of engine, and other elements of suc- 
 cess are fixed and determinate, and cannot be 
 changed except by new scientific discoveries, 
 quite outside the power of the inventor to 
 make. That the gravitation of matter can in 
 any way be annulled seems out of the question. 
 Should any combination of metals or other sub- 
 stances be discovered of many times the stiff- 
 ness and tensile strength of the fabrics and 
 alloys with which we are now acquainted, then 
 might one element of success be at our com- 
 mand. But, with the metals that we actually 
 have, there is a limit to the weight of an engine 
 with a given driving power, and it may be 
 fairly assumed that this limit is nearly reached 
 in the motors now in use. . . . Owing to the 
 levity of the air, the supporting surface must 
 have a wide area. We cannot set any exact 
 limit to the necessary spread of sail, because 
 the higher the speed the less the spread re- 
 quired. But, as we increase the speed, we also 
 
 increase the resistance, and therefore we must 
 have a more powerful and necessarily heavier 
 motor. . . . Bearing in mind that no limit is to 
 be set to the possible discovery of new laws of 
 nature or new combinations of the chemical 
 elements, it must be understood that I disclaim 
 any positive prediction that men will never fly 
 from place to place at will. The claim I make 
 is that they will not do this until some epoch- 
 making discovery is made of which we have 
 now no conception, and that mere invention has 
 nearly reached its limit. It is very natural to 
 reason that men have done hundreds of things 
 which formerly seemed impossible, and there- 
 fore they may fly. But for every one thing 
 seemingly impossible that they have succeeded 
 in doing there are ten which they would like to 
 do but which no one believes that they can 
 do. No one thinks of controlling wind or 
 weather, of making the sun shine when we 
 please, of building a railroad across the Atlantic, 
 of changing the ocean level to suit the purposes 
 of commerce, of building bridges of greater ex- 
 tent than engineers tell us is possible with the 
 strength of the material that we have at com- 
 mand, or of erecting buildings so high that they 
 would be crushed by their own weight. Why 
 are we hopeless as to all these achievements, 
 and yet hopeful that the flying-machine may be 
 the vehicle of the future, which shall transport 
 us more rapidly than a railroad train now 
 does? It is simply because we all have so clear 
 a mental view of the obstacles in the way of 
 reaching such ends as those just enumerated 
 that we do not waste time in attempting to sur- 
 mount them, and we are hopeful of the flying- 
 machine only because we do not clearly see that 
 the' difficulties are of the same nature as those 
 we should encounter in erecting a structure 
 which would not be subject to the laws of 
 mechanics. 
 
 “ I have said nothing of the possible success 
 of the flying-machine for the purposes of mili- 
 tary reconnaissance or any other operations re- 
 quiring the observer to command a wide view 
 of all that is on the landscape. This is a tech- 
 nical subject which, how great soever may be 
 its national importance, does not affect our 
 daily life.” — Simon Newcomb, The Prospect of 
 Aerial Navigation ( North Am. Review, March, 
 1908). 
 
 Here is another, from Thomas A. Edison, the 
 inventor : “ In ten years flying machines will be 
 used to carry mails. They will carry passen- 
 gers, too, and they will go at a speed of 100 
 miles an hour. There is no doubt of this.” 
 These are the words of Mr. Edison in an inter 
 view published in the Neio York Times, August 
 1st, 1909. But while he is sure that the “ flying 
 machine has got to come,” he is not at all sure 
 that it will come along the lines pursued in the 
 present experiments. “The flying problem 
 now consists of 75 per cent, machine and 25 per 
 cent, man,” he said, “ while to be commercially 
 successful the flying machine must leave little 
 to the peculiar skill of the operator and must be 
 able to go out in all weathers.” He continued: 
 “ If I were to build a flying machine I would 
 plan to sustain it by means of a number of rap 
 idly revolving inclined planes, the effect of 
 which would be to raise the machine by com- 
 pressing the air between the planes and the 
 earth. Such a machine would rise from the 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 ground as a bird does. Then I would drive the 
 machine ahead witli a propeller.” 
 
 Mr. Edison believes it is a question of power. 
 “ Is it not thinkable that a method will be dis- 
 covered of wirelessly transmitting electrical 
 energy from the earth to the motor of the ma- 
 chine in mid-air ? ” He asked and answered his 
 own question, saying: — “ There is no reason to 
 disbelieve that it can and will be done.” He 
 added, however, that there was great room for 
 improvement in explosive engines. “ Any day 
 we are likely to read that somebody has made 
 picric acid or something else work — done some 
 little thing that will transform the flying ma- 
 chine from a toy into a commercial success.” 
 And when it is perfected, he says, the flying 
 machine may end war by becoming a means of 
 attack that cannot be resisted. 
 
 Agriculture: Dry Farming in the West. 
 
 — For twenty consecutive years, in scores of 
 places from the James River to the Arkansas, 
 Mr. H. W. Campbell, of Lincoln, Nebraska, the 
 pioneer “dry farmer” of Arid America, “has 
 been uniformly successful in producing without 
 irrigation the same results that are expected 
 with irrigation, with comparatively little addi- 
 tional expense, but not without a great deal more 
 watchfulness and labor. What Western people 
 have become accustomed to calling the ‘ Camp- 
 bell system of dry farming ’ consists simply in 
 the exercise of intelligence, care, patience, and 
 tireless industry. It differs in details from the 
 ‘good-farming’ methods practised and taught 
 at the various agricultural experiment stations ; 
 but the underlying principles are the same. 
 
 “These principles are two in number. First 
 to keep the surface of the land under cultivation 
 loose and finely pulverized. This forms a soil 
 mulch that permits the rains and melting snows 
 to percolate readily through to the compacted 
 soil beneath ; and that at the same time prevents 
 the moisture stored in the ground from being 
 brought to the surface by capillary attraction, 
 to be absorbed by the hot, dry air. The second 
 is to keep the sub-soil finely pulverized and 
 firmly compacted, increasing its water-holding 
 capacity and its capillary attraction and placing 
 it in the best possible physical condition for the 
 germination of seed and the development of 
 plant roots. The ‘dry farmer’ thus stores water 
 not in dams and artificial reservoirs, but right 
 where it can be reached by the roots of growing 
 crops. 
 
 “Through these principles, a rainfall of twelve 
 inches can be conserved so effectively that it 
 will produce better results than are usually ex- 
 pected of an annual precipitation of twenty-four 
 inches in humid America. The discoverer and 
 demonstrator of these principles deserves to 
 rank among the greatest of national benefac- 
 tors.” — John L. Cowan, Dry Farming the 
 Hope of the West ( Century Magazine, July, 1906). 
 
 “It is difficult for one who is used to the com- 
 monplace methods of tilling the soil which ob- 
 tained a quarter of a century ago to believe that 
 a new method has been discovered which will 
 triple and quadruple the results of the old sys- 
 tem in those parts of the country in which the 
 rainfall is somewhat restricted. The imagina- 
 tion cannot immediately grasp the statement 
 that dry farming methods would lift the Kansas 
 wheat crop from 75,000,000 to 216,000,000 bush- 
 els. Y # et this is a fact. 
 
 “ If the mind of the eastern farmer can grasp 
 this tremendous fact he will be ready to credit 
 the statement that there are millions of acres in 
 the western country which were until a few 
 years ago regarded as utterly worthless, but 
 which are now cheap at $25 an acre. To the 
 wheat industry alone of the western country 
 the proved fact of the value of dry farming 
 means more than any other development fact in 
 the agricultural history of this country. What 
 is true of increased yields in dry farming is 
 equally true, and in a larger degree, perhaps, 
 with respect to irrigation. For years the gov- 
 ernment has been warning the country that the 
 increased production of wheat is not keeping 
 pace with the increased consumption. 
 
 “ Should this continue it would mean that ere 
 long the United States would be compelled to 
 draw a part of its wheat supply from the Cana- 
 dian Northwest. It would also mean that the 
 United States would lose the export wheat trade 
 with the Orient, which is bound to increase 
 rapidly. It is not generally known that the 
 400,000,000 people in China are being educated 
 to the use of wheat and other cereals than rice, 
 and that, therefore, the demand for wheat will 
 continue to increase. . . . 
 
 “ One of the facts which Mr. Harriman real- 
 ized far in advance of any one else and which 
 was an important factor in his transportation 
 plans was the possibilities of dry farming as 
 well as irrigation, Before he began to talk 
 much about these subjects he set about to pre- 
 pare his system to reap the first and most sub- 
 stantial part of the results of dry farming and 
 of irrigation. Other railroad builders are now 
 beginning to realize that Mr. Harriman is pre- 
 pared to transport the products of the West, of 
 the Northwest and the Southwest between al- 
 most any parts of this country, as well as 
 through many ports from San Francisco to the 
 South Atlantic ports, including one or two on 
 the western coast of Old Mexico. Although 
 he and former President Roosevelt were at war 
 in many respects, it was Mr. Harriman that 
 gave the former President much of the informa- 
 tion he acquired regarding the boundless re- 
 sources of the West. By doing so he caused 
 the government to work even more energeti- 
 cally than it had been working for the conser- 
 vation of the nation’s resources .” — Chicago 
 Record- Herald, July 11, 1909. 
 
 Anniversary Celebrations. — The eightieth 
 birthday of Dr. Rudolph Virchow, founder of 
 cellular pathology, was celebrated on the 13th 
 of October, 1901, by a remarkable assemblage 
 of distinguished physicians and surgeons from 
 many countries, who made pilgrimages to Ber- 
 lin to do him honor. 
 
 The centenary of the birth of Charles Darwin, 
 and the semi-centennial year of the publication, 
 in 1859, of his work on “The Origin of Spe- 
 cies,” were commemorated in every part of the 
 world ; but the great collective demonstration 
 of honor to Darwin’s memory, organized by 
 the University of Cambridge, his alma mater, 
 was a tribute of surpassing impressiveness. As 
 described by the London Times, on the opening 
 day of this extraordinary celebration, June 22, 
 1909, “the whole learned world, from Chile to 
 Japan,” was joined in the homage paid. “Some 
 of those who will be present,” said The Times, 
 “were his comrades, most of them have been 
 
SCIENCE ANI) INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 in some measure his working contemporaries. 
 Two hundred and thirty-five universities, acade- 
 mies, and learned bodies at home and abroad 
 have nominated delegates to represent them; 
 and of these 107 are situated in foreign countries 
 and British dominions outside the United King- 
 dom. Thirty of the most famous institutions 
 in Germany, thirty In the United States, four- 
 teen in France, ten in Austria-Hungary, eight 
 in Italy, as many in Sweden, seven in Russia, 
 and lesser numbers in seven other foreign coun- 
 tries have honoured the occasion by naming 
 some of their most distinguished members to 
 take part in it. The distant seats of learning in 
 the younger British countries have responded 
 with not less cordiality; seven in Canada, seven 
 in Australia, five in New Zealand, and the same 
 number in South Africa have appointed dele- 
 gates ; India and Ceylon are represented by 
 eight.. Within the United Kingdom 68 univer- 
 sities and societies are lending their support ; 
 and, in addition to the appointed delegates, there 
 are some 200 invited guests, who include men 
 eminent in every walk of life. . . . No such 
 academic tribute as the present festival has 
 ever been paid to the memory of an individual 
 within so short a time of his own life.” 
 
 The commemorative exercises of the occasion 
 were continued through three days. 
 
 Astronomy: The Astronomy of the Invisi- 
 ble. — “ The discovery of double and multiple 
 stars from the effects of the gravitational attrac- 
 tion on their luminous components is known as 
 the ‘ Astronomy of the Invisible.’ It was first sug- 
 gested by the illustrious Bessel about 1840. . . . 
 The greatest extension of the Astronomy of the 
 Invisible has been made by Professor Campbell, 
 of the Lick Observatory. In the course of the 
 regular work on the motion of stars in the line 
 of sight, carried out with a powerful spectro- 
 scopic apparatus presented to the Observatory 
 by Hon. D. O. Mills, of New York, he has in- 
 vestigated during the past five years the motion 
 of several hundred of the brighter stars of the 
 northern heavens. . . . With such unprecedented 
 telescopic power and a degree of precision in the 
 spectrograph which can be safely depended 
 upon, it is not unnatural that some new and 
 striking phenomena should be disclosed. These 
 consisted of a large number of spectra with 
 double lines, which undergo a periodic displace- 
 ment, showing that the stars in question were in 
 reality double, made up of two components, 
 moving in opposite directions, — one approach- 
 ing, the other receding from the Earth. There 
 were thus disclosed spectroscopic binary stars, 
 systems with components so close together that 
 they could not be separated in any existing tele- 
 scope, yet known to be real binary stars by the 
 periodic behaviour of the lines of the spectra so 
 faithfully registered on different days. . . . 
 
 ‘‘Campbell’s work at the Lick Observatory 
 derives increased importance from its systema- 
 tic character, which enables us to draw some 
 general conclusions of the greatest interest. He 
 has thus far made known the results of his study 
 of the spectra of two hundred and eighty of the 
 brighter stars of the northern heavens. Out of 
 this number he finds thirty-one spectroscopic 
 binaries, or one ninth of the whole number of 
 objects studied. ... It seems certain that a 
 more thorough study will materially increase 
 the number of spectroscopic binaries ; and Pro- 
 
 fessor Campbell thinks one sixth, or even one 
 fifth, of all the objects studied may eventually 
 prove to be binary or multiple systems. Suchi 
 an extraordinary generalization opens up to> 
 our contemplation an entirely new view of the 
 sidereal universe. . . . 
 
 “If we accept the conclusion that with our 
 finest telescopes, in the best climates, on the av- 
 erage one star in twenty -five is visually double, 
 it will follow from Campbell’s work on some 
 three hundred stars that five times that number 
 are spectroscopically double. Thus, although 
 over a million stars have been examined visu- 
 ally, and some five thousand interesting systems 
 disclosed by powerful telescopes, the concluded 
 ratio would give us, at last analysis, four mil- 
 lion visual systems among the hundred million 
 objects assumed to compose the stellar universe. 
 On the other hand, the large ratio of spectro- 
 scopic binaries to the total number of stars ex- 
 amined by Campbell would lead us to conclude 
 that in the celestial spaces there exist in reality 
 no less than twenty million spectroscopic binary 
 stars! Could anything be more impressive than 
 the view thus opened to the human mind? . . . 
 
 “It may indeed well be that the dark and un- 
 seen portion of the universe is even greater than 
 that which is indicated by our most powerful 
 telescopes. Half a century ago Bessel remarked: 
 
 ‘ There is no reason to suppose luminosity an 
 essential quality of cosmical bodies. The visibil- 
 ity of countless stars is no argument against the 
 invisibility of countless others.’” — T. J. J. See, 
 Recent Progress in Astronomy (Atlantic Monthly, 
 Jan., 1902). 
 
 Biological: Mendel’s Law of Variation in 
 Species. — “ Gregor Mendel was Abbot of 
 Briinn in Moravia when Darwin was at work 
 on the Origin. He does not appear to have had 
 any unusual interest in the problem of evolu- 
 tion ; indeed, his main concern was with an es- 
 sentially pre-Darwinian question, — the nature 
 of plant hybrids. With this problem as an avo- 
 cation from his serious clerical duties, the abbot 
 busied himself in the garden of his cloister ; 
 a leisurely, clear-headed, middle-aged church- 
 man in whom a great scientist was spoiled. 
 For eight years he experimented with varieties 
 of the common pea, and in 1865 communicated 
 to the Society of Naturalists in Briinn the sub- 
 stance of the discovery which is hereafter to be 
 known as Mendel’s law, ‘ the greatest discovery 
 in biology since Darwin.’ Unfortunately, at 
 that time, the Briinn Society, like the rest of 
 the world, had other things on its mind. . . . 
 Somehow or other, Mendel’s discovery escaped 
 attention until four years ago [1900], when De 
 Vries reached it independently. Two years 
 later Mr. Bateson, who had been among the 
 first to realize its significance, made a transla- 
 tion of the two original papers. . . . Since then, 
 Mendel’s Law has been found to hold for a con- 
 siderable number of cases, both among animals 
 and plants, but most unaccountably not to 
 work for a few others ; so that, as yet, no one 
 knows how nearly universal it may prove to be, 
 nor how it is to be reconciled with the older 
 Law of Ancestral Heredity of Gal ton. . . . 
 
 “One illustration will serve to make clear the 
 practical workings of Mendel’s principle. If a 
 single rough-coated guinea-pig of either sex be 
 introduced into a colony of normal smooth- 
 coated individuals, all its offspring of the first 
 
 595 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 generation will be rough-coated like itself. In 
 the next generation, if one of the parents is 
 smooth and the other rough, the young will be 
 half of one sort and half of the other, but if 
 both parents are rough, three quarters will take 
 the ‘dominant’ rough coat. In the next, and 
 all subsequent generations, one half of these 
 rough-coated individuals which had one smooth- 
 coated grandparent, and one-third of those 
 which had two smooth-coated grandparents, 
 which were not mated, will drop out the * reces- 
 sive’ smootli-coatedness, and become, in all re- 
 spects, like their original rough-coated progeni- 
 tor, even to having only rough-coated young, 
 no matter what their mates may have. Thus 
 Mendel’s law, though by no means simple, is 
 very precise. The essential part of his great 
 discovery is that in each generation of plants or 
 animals of mixed ancestry, a definite proportion 
 lose one half of their mingled heritage, and re- 
 vert, in equal numbers, to one or other of the pure 
 types.” — E. T. Brewster, Some Recent Aspects 
 of Darwinism (Atlantic Monthly, April, 1904). 
 
 The Carnegie Institution of Washing- 
 ton.- — Promotion of Original Research. — 
 The following information relative to the found- 
 ing, the plan and the work of the Carnegie In- 
 stitution of Washington, is derived from the,-, 
 authorities of the Institution : 
 
 The Institution was founded by Mr. Andrew 
 Carnegie, January 28, 1902, when he gave to 
 a board of trustees §10,000,000 in registered 
 bonds, yielding 5 per cent annual interest. To 
 this endowment fund an addition of $2,000,000 
 was made by Mr. Carnegie on December 10, 
 1907. The Institution was originally organized 
 under the laws of the District of Columbia as 
 the Carnegie Institution. Subsequently, how- 
 ever, it was incorporated by an act of Congress, 
 approved April 28, 1904, under the title of the 
 Carnegie Institution of Washington. The arti- 
 cles of incorporation declare, in general, “that 
 the objects of the corporation shall be to en- 
 courage in the broadest and most liberal manner 
 investigation, research, and discovery, and the 
 application of knowledge to the improvement 
 of mankind.” By the act of incorporation the 
 Institution was placed under the control of a 
 board of twenty-four trustees, all of whom had 
 been members of the original board referred to 
 above. 
 
 The President of the Institution is Dr. Robert 
 S. Woodward, formerly of the faculty of Co- 
 lumbia University. The Chairman of its Board 
 of Trustees is Dr. John S. Billings, Director of 
 the New York Public Library. The Board in- 
 cludes such notable members as William H. 
 Taft, Elihu Root, Seth Low, Andrew D. White, 
 Dr. S. Weir Mitchell, Henry L. Iligginson and 
 President Henry S. Pritchett. 
 
 Since the object of the Institution is the pro- 
 motion of investigation “in the broadest and 
 most liberal manner,” many projects in widely 
 different fields of inquiry have been considered, 
 or are under consideration, by the Executive 
 Committee. These projects are chiefly of three 
 classes, namely : 
 
 First, large projects or departments of work 
 whose execution requires continuous research 
 by a corps of investigators during a series of 
 years. Ten such departments have been estab- 
 lished by the Institution. . . . 
 
 Secondly, minor projects which may be car- 
 
 ried out by individual experts in a limited period 
 of time. Many grants in aid of this class of 
 projects have been made. 
 
 Thirdly, research associates and assistants. 
 Under this head aid has been given to a consid- 
 erable number of investigators possessing ex- 
 ceptional abilities and opportunities for research 
 work. 
 
 An annual appropriation is made for the pur- 
 pose of publishing the results of investigations 
 made under the auspices of the Institution, and 
 for certain works which would not otherwise be 
 readily printed. Its publications are not dis- 
 tributed gratis, except to a limited list of the 
 greater libraries of the world. Other copies are 
 offered for sale at prices only sufficient to cover 
 the cost of publication and transportation to 
 purchasers. Lists are furnished on application. 
 
 Since its organization in 1902, about one 
 thousand individuals have been engaged in 
 investigations under the auspices of the Institu- 
 tion and there are at present nearly five hun- 
 dred so engaged. Ten independent departments 
 of research, each with its staff of investigators 
 and assistants, have been established. In addi- 
 tion to these larger departments of work, organ- 
 ized by the Institution itself, numerous special 
 researches, carried on by individuals, have been 
 subsidized. Seven laboratories and observato- 
 ries, for as many different fields of investigation 
 and in widely separated localities, have been 
 constructed and equipped. A building in Wash- 
 ington, D. C., for administrative offices and for 
 storage of records and publications, is now 
 approaching completion. A specially designed 
 ship for ocean magnetic work has just been 
 completed and started on her first voyage. 
 
 Mr. George lies, in his “ Inventors at Work,” 
 describes and characterizes the aims and guid- 
 ing principles of the Institution as follows: “ In 
 its grants for widely varied purposes the policy 
 of the Institution is clear: only those inquiries 
 are aided which give promise of fruit, and in 
 every case the grantee requires to be a man of 
 proved ability, care being taken not to duplicate 
 work already in hand elsewhere, or to essay 
 tasks of an industrial character. Experience has 
 already shown it better to confine research to a 
 few large projects rather than to aid many minor 
 investigations with grants comparatively small. 
 
 “One branch of work reminds us of Mr. Car- 
 negie’s method in establishing public libraries 
 — the supplementing of local public spirit by a 
 generous gift. In many cases a university* or 
 an observatory launches an inquiry which soon 
 broadens out beyond the range of its own small 
 funds; then it is that aid from the Carnegie In- 
 stitution brings to port a ship that otherwise 
 might remain at sea indefinitely. Let a few 
 typical examples of this kind be mentioned; — 
 Dudley Observatory, Albany, New York, and 
 Lick Observatory, California, have received aid 
 toward their observations and computations; 
 Yerkes Observatory, Wisconsin, has been 
 helped in measuring the distance of fixed stars. 
 Among other investigations promoted have 
 been the study of the rare earths and the heat- 
 treatment of some high-carbon steels. The 
 adjacent field of engineering has not been 
 neglected: funds have been granted for experi- 
 ments on ship resistance and propulsion, for de- 
 termining the value of high pressure steam in 
 locomotive service. In geology an investiga- 
 
 596 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 tion of fundamental principles has been fur- 
 thered, as also the specific problem of the flow 
 of rocks under severe pressure. In his remark- 
 able inquiry into the economy of foods. Pro- 
 fessor W. O. Atwater, of Wesleyan University, 
 Middletown, Connecticut, has had liberal help. 
 In the allied science of preventive medicine a 
 grant is advancing the study of snake venoms 
 and defeating inoculations. 
 
 “At a later day the Institution may possibly 
 adopt plans recommended by eminent advisers 
 of the rank of Professor Simon Newcomb, who 
 points out that analysis and generalization are 
 to-day much more needed than further observa- 
 tions of a routine kind. He has also had a 
 weighty word to say regarding the desirability 
 of bringing together for mutual attrition and 
 discussion men in contiguous fields of work, 
 who take the bearings of a great problem from 
 different, points of view." — George lies, Inven- 
 tors at Work, p. 276 ( Doubleday , Page & Co. 
 N. T.). 
 
 Electrical: A New Electric Phenomenon. 
 
 — Writing recently in the London Times, Pro- 
 fessor Silvanus P. Thompson has described a 
 discovery of effects which “appear to point to a 
 true electric momentum.’’ “To two men, Pro- 
 fessor Nipher, of St. Louis, and Dr. Mathias 
 Cantor, of Wurzburg, the question seems to 
 have occurred whether, if a flow of electricity is 
 caused abruptly to turn its path round a sharp 
 corner, anything is observable in the neighbour- 
 hood of the sharp corner, that would suggest a 
 momentum of the electric corpuscles. Nipher 
 employed as conductor a sharply-bent splinter 
 of bamboo, carrying a high-tension discharge 
 from a large influence machine. Cantor used a 
 thin metallic film of gold or platinum formed by 
 deposition on the faces of a glass plate bevelled 
 to a sharp edge; the current being provided by 
 a battery. Nipher, investigating by photo- 
 graphic plates, discovered that the current pass- 
 ing the sharp corner emitted radiations akin 
 to the X-rays, and capable of giving shadow 
 pictures, even through ebonite T \ of an inch 
 thick. He has also used thin metal wires bent 
 into a series of sharp corners, and finds that at 
 every corner some of the electrons leave the 
 wire, tefiding to persevere in their original 
 direction of movement rather than undergo a 
 sudden change of direction. Cantor, exploring 
 electrically with a wire attached to a charged 
 insulated electrometer, found the electrometer 
 discharged by the emanations (or radiations) 
 from the acute angle of his conducting film. 
 Later, but without knowledge of what Nipher 
 had accomplished, Cantor also exposed a photo- 
 graphic plate to the angle of the film, and found 
 it marked with streaks as if charged particles 
 had left the angle in a particular direction. 
 Both experimenters had already made numerous 
 observations under different circumstances before 
 publishing their results. Nipher’s discovery was 
 communicated to the American Philosophical 
 Society in the early summer, and an account of 
 his work appeared in Science of July 17 last 
 [1909] . Cantor’s observations were announced to 
 the German ‘ Naturforscher ’ meeting at Cologne 
 on September 23. 
 
 “If,” remarks Professor Thompson, “we ac- 
 cept the modern doctrine that all inertia in what 
 we call matter is due to the magnetic field sur- 
 rounding a moving charge of electricity, this 
 
 newly-discovered effect takes its natural place 
 beside the other known effects.” 
 
 Telegraphy : The Printer System. — The 
 Electrical Review of January 2, 1909, gave the 
 following account of the extent to which the 
 “ printer system ” of telegraphy had then come 
 into use in the United States: “Over fifty 
 printer circuits are now in regular operation on 
 the Western Union lines, between leading busi- 
 ness centres of the United States, and additional 
 wires are being equipped as fast as the printer 
 apparatus can be installed. This is a system of 
 rapid automatic telegraphy by which telegrams 
 are transmitted at a high rate of speed and 
 received at their destination printed on the 
 regular message forms by a typewriter auto- 
 matically operated by the electrical impulses 
 transmitted over the wire. The appearance of 
 the message as received is identical with a mes- 
 sage turned out by the most expert typewriter 
 operator on Morse circuits. The messages are 
 ready for delivery as soon as they come off 
 the wire, and the only attention required by the 
 typewriter as it receives the messages from 
 the wire is that of removing the blank when 
 the message is completed and supplying a fresh, 
 sheet to the machine for the next message.” 
 
 Wireless Telegraphy. — A Statement front 
 Marconi. — “Up to the commencement of 1902 
 the only receivers that could be practically em- 
 ployed for the purposes of wireless telegraphy 
 were based on what may be called the coherer 
 principle — - that is, the detector, the principle 
 of which is based on the discoveries and obser- 
 vations made by S. A. Varley, Professor Hughes, 
 Calsecchi Onesti, and Professor Branly. Early 
 in that year the author was fortunate enough 
 to succeed in constructing a practical receiver 
 of electric waves, based on a principle different 
 from that of the coherer. . . . The action of 
 this receiver is in the author’s opinion based 
 upon the decrease of magnetic hysteresis, 
 which takes place in iron when under certain 
 conditions this metal is exposed to high fre- 
 quency oscillations of Hertzian waves. . . . 
 
 “This detector is and has been successfully 
 employed for both long and short distance 
 work. It is used on the ships of the Royal 
 Navy and on all trans-Atlantic liners which are 
 carrying on a long-distance news service. It 
 has also been used to a large extent in the tests 
 across the Atlantic Ocean. . . . The adoption 
 of this magnetic receiver was the means of 
 bringing about a great improvement in the 
 practical working conditions of wireless tele- 
 graphy by making it possible to do away with 
 the troublesome adjustments necessary when 
 using coherers, and also by considerably in- 
 creasing the speed at which it is possible to 
 receive, the speed depending solely on the abil- 
 ity of the individual operators. Thus a speed 
 of over 30 words a minute has been easily at- 
 tained. . . . 
 
 “ In the spring of 1903 the transmission of 
 news messages from America to the London 
 Times was attempted, and the first messages 
 were correctly received and published in that 
 newspaper. A breakdown in the insulation of 
 the apparatus at Cape Breton made it neces- 
 sary, however, to suspend the service, and, 
 unfortunately, further accidents made the trans- 
 mission of messages unreliable, especially dur- 
 ing the spring and summer. In consequence of 
 
 597 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 this, the author’s company decided not to at- 
 tempt the transmission of any more public 
 messages until such time as a reliable and con- 
 tinuous service could be maintained and guar- 
 anteed under all ordinary conditions. ... In 
 October, 1903, it was found possible to sup- 
 ply the Cunard steamship Lucania during her 
 entire crossing from New York to Liverpool 
 with news transmitted direct to that ship from 
 Poldhu and Cape Breton.” — G. Marconi, Re- 
 cent Advances in Wireless Telegraphy ( Annual 
 Report Smithsonian Institution, 1905-6, pp. 137- 
 142). 
 
 The Real Problem. — “ It is well to remem- 
 ber that the year 1903 is the earliest date at 
 which radio-telegraphy could be regarded as 
 really workable, and of material practical utility. 
 Previous to then, ‘ wireless ’ working was very 
 uncertain, but in that year tuning devices were 
 introduced, the principle of which was origi- 
 nally due to Sir Oliver Lodge ; and it is these 
 that have made so much difference in the appli- 
 cation of Hertzian waves for the purposes of te- 
 legraphy. Practical success in radio-telegraphy 
 should not, in fact, be judged from the point of 
 view of the distance at which signals can be sent 
 
 — or received — but rather from the standpoint 
 of non-interference and secrecy. The essential 
 element in wireless telegraphy — above all others 
 
 — is, indeed, a discriminating ■ or selective 
 method. For the main purposes of radio-tele- 
 graphy, immunity from interference by syntony 
 is essential. Thus a selective system in time of 
 war would be invaluable; a non-selective system 
 almost worse than useless. Syntonic wireless 
 telegraphy entails in the first place, a similar 
 rate of oscillation, or time — i. e., a similar wave 
 length — at the sending and receiving ends. In- 
 deed, the real problem in wireless telegraphy is 
 to arrange the receiving apparatus so that it is 
 alive to notes of one definite frequency, or pitch, 
 but deaf to any other notes, even though of but 
 slightly different pitch. This is effected by the 
 proper adjustment of inductance and capacity, 
 as first shown by Sir Oliver Lodge. ... It is, 
 however, at present, impossible to secure really 
 complete secrecy from any method of open wave 
 radiation. A radio-telegraphist, with the right 
 apparatus and a knowledge of the tune, could 
 upset any system of Hertzian wave telegraphy. 
 It should, therefore, he clearly understood that 
 there are, as yet, definite limits to the practical 
 results of tuning for securing absolute selectiv- 
 ity and secrecy.” — Charles Bright, The Useful 
 Sphere for Radio- Telegraphy ( Westminster Re- 
 view, April, 1908). 
 
 Singular Unexplained Phenomena. — 
 
 Speaking at Stockholm, Sweden, on the occasion 
 of his receiving the Nobel Prize, in December, 
 1909, Mr. Marconi gave the following account 
 of some unexplained phenomena that are expe- 
 rienced in the working of radio-telegraphy. lie 
 said that “a result of scientific interest which he 
 first noticed during the tests on the steamship 
 Philadelphia and which was a most important 
 factor in long distance radio-telegraphy was the 
 very marked and detrimental effect of daylight 
 on the propagation of electric waves at great 
 distances, the range by night being usually more 
 than double that attainable during daytime. He 
 did not think that this effect had yet been satis- 
 factorily investigated or explained. . . . He 
 was now inclined to believe that the absorption 
 
 of electric waves during the daytime was due to 
 the ionization of the gaseous molecules of the 
 air effected by ultra-violet light, and as the ultra- 
 violet rays which emanated from the sun were 
 largely absorbed in the upper atmosphere of the 
 earth, it was probable that the portion of the 
 earth’s atmosphere which was facing the sun 
 would contain more ions or electrons than that 
 portion which was in darkness, and therefore, 
 as Sir J. J. Thomson had shown, this illumi- 
 nated and ionized air would absorb some of the 
 energy of the electric waves. Apparently the 
 length of wave and amplitude of the electrical 
 oscillations had much to do with this interesting 
 phenomenon, long waves and small amplitudes 
 being subject to the effect of daylight to a much 
 smaller degree than short waves and large am- 
 plitudes. . . . 
 
 “For comparatively short waves, such as 
 were used for ship communication, clear sun- 
 light and blue skies, though transparent to light, 
 acted as a kind of fog to these waves. ... It 
 often occurred that a ship failed to communicate 
 with a near-by station, but could correspond 
 with perfect ease with a distant one. . . . Al- 
 though high power stations were now used for 
 communicating across the Atlantic, and mes- 
 sages could be sent by day as well as by night, 
 there still existed short periods of daily occur- 
 rence during which transmission from England 
 to America, or vice versa, was difficult.” 
 
 Transatlantic Service. — “The Transatlan- 
 tic wireless service was inaugurated in October, 
 1907, between Ireland and Canada, the charges 
 being reduced from Is. per word for business 
 and private messages and 5d. per word for 
 Press messages to 5d. and 2|d. respectively, 
 these charges not including the land line charges 
 on both sides of the Atlantic. . . . 
 
 “ The first wireless messages across the Atlan- 
 tic were sent from the Canadian station at Table 
 Head, in Cape Breton, in 1902. This station 
 was afterwards removed to its present site, five 
 miles inland, and there greatly enlarged. Ever 
 since 1902 Mr. Marconi has been conducting ex- 
 periments and making new discoveries and im- 
 provements until, at the present day, wireless 
 telegraphy across the Atlantic, over a distance 
 of 2000 miles, is an assured success. . . . Press 
 traffic . . . was started on October 17, 1907. On 
 February 3, 1908, the service was extended to 
 private and business telegrams between Mon- 
 treal and London. The number of words trans- 
 mitted during the past year is in the neighbour- 
 hood of 300,000.” — Correspondence of the 
 London Times, June 25, 1909. 
 
 Equipments at Sea. — Extent of the Ser- 
 vice. — Compulsory Legislation Pending. — 
 “Although an installation was carried on the 
 St. Paul for one trip in 1899, the credit of being 
 the pioneers in the use of wireless telegraphy 
 on the ocean belongs to the North-German 
 Lloyd and Cunard Companies. The first vessel 
 fitted was the Kaiser Wilhelm der Grosse, and 
 the lead of the Germans was immediately fol- 
 lowed by the English company. Both vessels 
 were fitted by the Marconi Company, which 
 has the distinction of being the first company 
 to equip vessels on a commercial basis. . . . 
 The Marconi Company alone has up to the pre- 
 sent fitted nearly 200 merchant ships, while the 
 United Wireless Telegraph Company has fitted 
 nearly 170 ships. . . . 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 “A very large number of vessels engaged in 
 the coasting trade of America and on the Great 
 Lakes are fitted with wireless telegraphy; the 
 American list shows that 133 vessels are 
 equipped, while a statement issued by the United 
 Wireless Telegraph Company shows 31 other 
 vessels to have beeu fitted up to April 2, be- 
 sides 15 Great Lake steamers either fitted or in 
 course of equipment. . . . 
 
 “Nearly 500 warships belonging to nine dif- 
 ferent countries have been fitted, or are in course 
 of equipment, with radio-telegraphy. Accord- 
 ing to the American list the United States Navy 
 has been foremost among the navies of the 
 world in the use of ‘ wireless.’ On October 1 
 last 173 United States warships were fitted with 
 various systems. The Berne lists, issued up to 
 May 1 last, show Great Britain to have 157 ves- 
 sels equipped, Germany 80, Netherlands 11, 
 Denmark 9, and Spain 5. 
 
 “In February last the United States House of 
 Representatives passed a Bill providing that 
 ‘ every ocean passenger steamer certified to carry 
 50 passengers or more, before being granted a 
 clearance for a foreign or domestic port 100 
 miles or more distant from the port of her 
 departure from the United States, shall be 
 equipped with an efficient radio-telegraph in- 
 stallation, and shall have in her employ and on 
 board an efficient radio-telegrapher.’ . . . The 
 Bill, it is understood, will be considered by the 
 Senate in the autumn, and will it is thought be 
 passed after it has undergone some slight modi- 
 fication. Following the example of the United 
 States Congress a Bill has been introduced in 
 the Canadian House of Commons. . . . An 
 Italian Iloyal Decree dated March 14 last pro- 
 vides that all vessels of whatever nationality 
 clearing from Italian ports with emigrants shall 
 carry a wireless installation. So far as this 
 country [Great Britain] is concerned no legisla- 
 tive action is likely to take place, at least for 
 the present.” — Correspondence of the London 
 Times, July 2, 1909. 
 
 The Cry that brought Help to the Steam- 
 ship “Republic.” — On the 23d of January, 
 1909, the service of the wireless telegraph to 
 imperilled ships was illustrated by an incident 
 which thrilled the world. In a dense fog, off 
 the island of Nantucket, 26 miles distant, the 
 steamship “Republic,” of the White Star Line, 
 was struck amidships by an Italian liner, the 
 “Florida.” Two passengers on the former 
 were killed and two were seriously injured, 
 while four sailors of the other were killed. 
 Both steamers were shattered to the sinking 
 point, but the state of the “ Republic” was the 
 worse. Fortunately she was equipped with the 
 wireless apparatus for telegraphy, and its oper- 
 ator, “Jack” Binns, was a man equal to the 
 emergency. His appealing signals, “ C. Q. D.” 
 (“ Come Quick! Danger”), were flashed out into 
 all surrounding space, and brought many re- 
 sponses from sea and shore ; but then came the 
 difficulty of finding the sinking ships in the 
 black fog. The first rescuing vessel to reach 
 their vicinity was the “ Baltic ” of the “White 
 Star Line,” and she was helped in her groping 
 to them, not only by the ceaseless exchange of 
 wireless messages, but by the sounding of the 
 submarine bell of the Nantucket lightship. 
 The “ Baltic” was fitted with receivers for tak- 
 ing guidance from these bells, as her Captain 
 
 described afterwards in a published account of 
 his search. “ On my ship,” he said, “ there are 
 two apertures on either side of the bow, which 
 you might call submarine ears. They are con- 
 nected by wires with a telephone receiver on 
 the bridge. By listening at this telephone and 
 switching the instrument from the starboard 
 ‘ear’ to the port ‘ear’ and back again, you can 
 hear the faint tones of the lightship’s submarine 
 bell when you get in range of it. If the tone 
 is louder through the starboard ‘ ear ’ than 
 through the port ‘ear,’ you know the lightship 
 is on your starboard side. If the tone is exactly 
 the same through both ‘ears,’ you know the 
 lightship is dead ahead. This apparatus helped 
 me greatly.” 
 
 Nevertheless, the “Baltic’s” search for the 
 “Republic” went on through twelve hours, 
 like that of “ a hound on the scent,” as the Cap- 
 tain described it. Meantime, the passengers of 
 the ‘ ‘ Republic ” had been transferred to the 
 “Florida,” which seemed well afloat, and the 
 “Baltic” now took everybody from both, the 
 total exceeding 1500. The “Republic” was 
 then towed toward Martha’s Vineyard, but sank 
 a few miles from land, her Captain remaining 
 until the last minute on board. The conduct of 
 all connected with the peril and the rescue was 
 fine, and none more so than that of the sleepless 
 and tireless operator of the wireless telegraph. 
 
 Marconi Coast Stations in Great Britain 
 taken over by the British Government. — 
 The following announcement was made by the 
 British Postmaster General in the House of 
 Commons on the 30th of September, 1909 : — “I 
 am glad to say that arrangements have been 
 completed with the Marconi Company for the 
 transfer to the Post Office of all their coast sta- 
 tions for communication with ships, including 
 all plant, machinery, buildings, land, and 
 leases, &c. , and for the surrender of the rights 
 which they enjoy under their agreement with 
 the Post Office of August, 1904, for licences or 
 facilities in respect of coast stations intended 
 for such communication. 
 
 “In addition, the Post Office secures the 
 right of using, free of royalty, the existing 
 Marconi patents and any future patents or im- 
 provements, for a term of 14 years, for the fol- 
 lowing purposes: — Communication for all pur- 
 poses between stations in the United Kingdom 
 and ships, and between stations on the mainland 
 of Great Britain and Ireland on the one hand 
 and outlying islands on the other hand, or be- 
 tween any two outlying islands; and (except 
 for the transmission of public telegrams) be- 
 tween any two stations on the mainland; and 
 on board Post Office cable ships. The inclusive 
 consideration to be paid to the company is 
 £15,000. 
 
 “The arrangement is in no sense an exclusive 
 one. All the stations will, under the Interna- 
 tional Radio-Telegraphic Convention, be open 
 for communication equally to all ships, what- 
 ever system of wireless telegraphy they may 
 carry ; and the Post Office will be free to use or 
 to experiment with any system of wireless tele- 
 graphy at its discretion. All inland communi- 
 cation of messages by wireless telegraphy will 
 be entirely under the control of the Post Office. 
 The company will retain the licence for their 
 long-distance stations at Poldhu and Clifden, 
 which are primarily intended for shore-to-shore 
 
 599 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 communication with America. Arrangements 
 have also been made with Lloyd’s for the trans- 
 fer to the Post Office of their wireless stations 
 for communication with ships, and for the sur- 
 render of all claims to licences for such commu- 
 nication.” 
 
 Notes of Recent Progress. — A despatch 
 from Seattle, March 5, 1909, reported that “the 
 steamship Aid Maru of the Nippon Yusen Kai- 
 sha fleet accomplished her recent passage from 
 Yokohama, Japan, to Puget Sound, a distance 
 of 4,240 miles, without losing communication 
 with wireless stations on either the Japanese 
 or American coasts. The accomplishment was 
 made possible by relaying messages through 
 other vessels of the company, which were 
 picked up between the Aki Maru and the coast. 
 The Aki Maru was able to communicate directly 
 with the Japanese coast stations, when she was 
 1,400 miles away.” 
 
 According to Paris correspondence of the 
 London Daily Telegraph, quoted in the New 
 York Evening Post of August 21, “wireless 
 messages from New York are now received or 
 intercepted almost daily by the military station 
 on the Eiffel Tower. Occasionally radio tele- 
 grams have also been received from Canada, 
 which, it is believed, forms a record in wireless 
 telegraphy. The communications are at pre- 
 sent only of a desultory nature, but the officer, 
 Commandant Ferie, who is in charge of the sta- 
 tion, hopes to be able soon to organize a regular 
 service for government, and, perhaps, also for 
 commercial, purposes. The new apparatus 
 which is now beiug set up in the underground 
 office on the Champ de Mars will be more 
 powerful than any preceding ones, and will be 
 ready probably by the end of next month. 
 Wireless messages will then be exchanged regu- 
 larly between Paris and the eastern coast of the 
 United States, and perhaps also with Canada.” 
 
 Electro-Chemistry : The Study of the In- 
 finitely Little. — “A new branch of physical 
 chemistry has lately been developed from the 
 study of the infinitely little which promises to 
 be the most important science of the future ; for 
 it deals most intimately with the problems of 
 life. This subject is called electro-chemistry. 
 It is based upon the effect of electricity in 
 revealing the important reactions and motions 
 of the smallest particles of matter. The lit- 
 erature of this subject in current periodicals 
 already exceeds that of any other department of 
 physical science. Until a comparatively late 
 day, heat and light were considered the princi- 
 pal agents which chemists employed to study 
 the reactions of matter. In the new subject of 
 electro-chemistry, electricity occupies the first 
 place, as a destroyer and a readjuster; and heat 
 and light are merely subordinate parts of its 
 manifestations, differing from it only in length 
 of waves in the ether. The to-and-fro mo- 
 tion, which is our incontestable fact, is an elec- 
 trical vibration. When we consider the investi- 
 gations in electro-chemistry, we perceive that 
 the most important actions of electricity are not 
 those we are conscious of in their great practical 
 applications ; it is rather in subtle and silent ef- 
 fects that it works its greatest changes on life 
 and matter.” — John Trowbridge, The Study of 
 the Infinitely Small ( Atlantic Monthly , May, 
 1902). 
 
 Entomological Study: What we Owe to 
 
 it ? — Practical Affairs. — “ The insect friends 
 and enemies of the farmer are getting attention. 
 The enemy of the San Jose scale was found near 
 the Great Wall of China, and is now cleaning 
 up all our orchards. The fig-fertilizing insect 
 imported from Turkey has helped to establish 
 an industry in California that amounts to from 
 fifty to one hundred tons of dried figs annually, 
 and is extending over the Pacific coast. A par- 
 asitic fly from South Africa is keeping in subjec- 
 tion the black scale, the worst pest of the orange 
 and lemon industry in California.” — Message of 
 President Roosevelt to Congress, 1904. 
 
 “The business man, always on the outlook 
 for a dividend, has sometimes complained that 
 some of our inquiries do not seem to him practi- 
 cal, but he must have patience and faith. A few 
 years ago no knowledge could seem so useless 
 to the practical man, no research more futile than 
 that which sought to distinguish between one 
 species of a gnat or tick and another ; yet to-day 
 we know that this knowledge has rendered it 
 possible to open up Africa and to cut the Panama 
 canal.” — A. E. Shipley, on Research in Zoology, 
 at Meeting of British Association for the Advance- 
 ment of Science, 1909. 
 
 Esperanto. — Dr. Zamenhof, a Russian phy- 
 sician, inventor of the proposed international 
 language called Esperanto, published his first 
 pamphlet on the subject in 1887; but it was not 
 until ten years later that the prospect of its ex- 
 tensive use as such began to be realized. “It 
 was well received, first in Russia, then in Nor- 
 way and Sweden. Then it was taken up in 
 France, by M. de Beaufront. The latter had 
 himself invented an artificial language, but 
 gave it up as soon as he became acquainted 
 with the admirable work of his Russian compe- 
 titor. He is the man who forced the world at 
 large to stop and seriously consider Esperanto 
 as the solution of the great problem proposed 
 by men like Roger Bacon, Descartes, Pascal, 
 Leibnitz, Locke, Condillac, Voltaire, Diderot, 
 and so many others. From France it went to 
 Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy, and 
 finally to England, where thirty societies of Es- 
 perantists were created within a little over a 
 year. . . . 
 
 “ The general principle upon which Dr. Za- 
 menhof has worked is this: to eliminate all that 
 is accidental in our national languages, and to 
 keep what is common to all. In consequence, 
 and strictly speaking, he invents nothing ; he 
 builds entirely with material that has been in 
 existence for a long time. Here, then, is the 
 way in which he proceeds regarding the various 
 elements that are necessary to the formation of 
 a language. 
 
 “ The Sounds. Sounds that are peculiar to 
 one language are eliminated. The English th 
 and w are not found in French or German, there- 
 fore they are dropped. On the other hand, the 
 French u, the German it, and the French nasals 
 do not exist in English ; they too are dropped. 
 The Spanish fl and j, and the German eh, have 
 the same fate. Thus, only sounds which are 
 found everywhere are kept, and no one will 
 have any difficulty about pronunciation, no 
 matter to what country he belongs. Spelling is 
 of course phonetic : one and the same sound for 
 one letter. There are no mute letters, as in 
 French; neither are there double letters. . . . 
 
 “ The Accent is always on the penultimate 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 syllable. Esperanto reminds one of Italian, 
 when spoken, and has proved extremely melo- 
 dious for singing. 
 
 "The Vocabulary. The principle of interna- 
 tionalism is applied here in a most ingenious 
 fashion. Dr. Zamenhof proceeded thus : he 
 compared the dictionaries of the different lan- 
 guages, and picked out first those words which 
 are common to them all. lie spelled them ac- 
 cording to the phonetic system, dropped the 
 special endings in each idiom, and adopted 
 them as root-words in his proposed language. 
 
 . . . Then he picked out those which appear in 
 most languages, although not in all. . . . For 
 the remaining words, — and there are compara- 
 tively few left, — which are never the same in 
 the different languages, Dr. Zamenhof selected 
 them in such a manner as to make the task of 
 acquiring Esperanto equally difficult or equally 
 easy for all concerned. ” — A. Schinz, Esperanto : 
 the Proposed Universal Language ( Atlantic 
 Monthly , Jan., 1906). 
 
 The sixth international Congress of teachers 
 and promoters of Esperanto is appointed to be 
 held at Washington in 1910. An influential 
 Esperanto Association has been organized in 
 the United States, under the presidency of Dr. 
 D. O. S. Lowell, of the Boston Latin School. 
 
 Eugenics: The Science and Art of being 
 Well-born. — “We know that the old rule, ‘ In- 
 crease and multiply,’ meant a vast amount of 
 infant mortality, of starvation, of chronic dis- 
 ease, of widespread misery. In abandoning that 
 rule, as we have been forced to do, are we not 
 now left free to seek that our children, though 
 few, should be at all events fit, the finest, alike 
 in physical and psychical constitution, that the 
 world has seen ? 
 
 “ Thus has come about the recent expansion 
 of that conception of eugenics — or the science 
 and art of being well-born, and of breeding the 
 human race a step nearer towards perfection — 
 which a few among us, and more especially Mr. 
 Francis Galton, have been developing for some 
 years past. Eugenics is beginning to be felt to 
 possess a living actuality which it was not felt 
 to possess before. Instead of being a benevolent 
 scientific fad, it begins to present itself as the 
 goal to which we are inevitably moving. . . . 
 Human eugenics need not be, and is not likely 
 to be, a cold-blooded selection of partners by 
 some outside scientific authority. But it may 
 be, and is very likely to be, a slowly growing 
 conviction — first among the more intelligent 
 members of the community, and then by imita- 
 tion and fashion among the less intelligent 
 members — that our children, the future race, 
 the torch-bearers of civilisation for succeeding 
 ages, are not the mere result of chance or Pro- 
 vidence, but that, in a very real sense, it is 
 within our grasp to mould them, that the salva- 
 tion or damnation of many future generations 
 lies in our hands, since it depends on our wise 
 and sane choice of a mate. . . . 
 
 “Eventually, it seems evident, a general sys- 
 tem, whether private or public, whereby all 
 personal facts, biological and mental, normal 
 and morbid, are duly and systematically regis- 
 tered, must become inevitable if we are to have 
 a real guide as to those persons who are most fit 
 or least fit to carry on the race. Unless they are 
 full and frank, such records are useless. But it 
 is obvious that for a long time to come such a 
 
 system of registration must be private. . . . 
 Through the munificence of Mr. Galton and the 
 co-operation of the University of London the 
 beginning of the attainment of these eugenic 
 ideals has at length been rendered possible. 
 The senate of the University has this year ap- 
 pointed Mr. Edgar Schuster, of New College, 
 Oxford, to the Francis Galton Research Scholar- 
 ship in Natural Eugenics. It will be Mr. 
 Schuster’s duty to carry out investigations into 
 the history of classes and of families, and to de- 
 liver lectures and publish memoirs on the subject 
 of his investigations. It is a beginning only, 
 but the end no man can foresee.’’ — Havelock 
 Ellis, Eugenics and St. Valentine ( Nineteenth 
 Century, May, 1906). 
 
 The Gasoline Engine. — Writing in 1905, 
 in an article entitled “The Age of Gasoline,” 
 contributed to the American Review of Reviews, 
 Mr. F. K. Grain, M. E., gave this brief account 
 of the rapid development of its use as a pro- 
 ducer of power, threatening to supersede coal : 
 “ About fifteen years ago we first began to hear 
 much of the gasoline engine, which was then in 
 a very crude state. Its possibilities, however, 
 were so attractive, and the field for its use so 
 large, — practically unlimited, — that inventors 
 and manufacturers at once bent their energies 
 to its development, with the result that the gas- 
 oline engine has reached a degree of perfection 
 in the past few years that is surprising in view 
 of the fact that the designers were working out 
 a new problem in a practically unknown field, 
 and consequently had no data, theoretical or 
 practical, of any value to assist. . ..Asa mo- 
 tive power, utilized by means of the internal- 
 combustion engine, gasoline is at this time revo- 
 lutionizing travel, through the automobile. The 
 automobile, in turn, has been the means of 
 adapting gasoline to propulsion of railway 
 trains, as this form of power is found especially 
 useful on short lines where the traffic is light. 
 Several railroads are now building gasoline 
 motor cars of considerable size. . . . 
 
 “The gasoline engine as now made is an adap- 
 tation of the steam engine, employing the gas 
 produced by gasoline as a means of energy. 
 Contrary to the general understanding, the gas 
 or gasoline engine is but a high-pressure caloric 
 motor. The power in the gasoline motor is de- 
 rived by igniting the gas produced in the cylin- 
 der, which in turn by its heat expands, the 
 atmosphere imparting energy to the piston by 
 its expansion. A common error is the supposi- 
 tion that the explosion of the gas produces the 
 power, the same as a blow from a hammer, 
 whereas it is the heat generated by the ignition 
 of the compressed gases acting expansively.” 
 
 One of the speakers at a Congress of Applied 
 Chemistry held in London in May, 1909, said 
 that it seemed almost certain that for most pur- 
 poses on land the internal combustion engine 
 would before long replace the steam engine, at 
 any rate for moderate powers ; for whereas the 
 best types of the latter furnish only about 12 per 
 cent, of the energy of the fuel in the form of 
 work, the former can ordinarily be made to yield 
 25 per cent. , and in the case of the Diesel en- 
 gine the return is as much as 37 per cent. 
 
 Interferometer, The : Principle of the In- 
 vention of Professor Michelson for Infinites- 
 imal Measurements. — Suggestion of an 
 Unvarying Unit of Measurement. — “In the 
 
 601 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 measurement of length or motion a most refined 
 instrument is the interferometer, devised by Pro- 
 fessor A. A. Michelson, of the University of Chi- 
 cago. It enables an observer to detect a move- 
 ment through one five-millionth of an inch. The 
 principle involved is illustrated in a simple ex- 
 periment. If by dropping a pebble at each of 
 two centres, say a yard apart, in a still pond, 
 we send out two systems of waves, each system 
 will ripple out in a series of concentric circles. 
 If, when the waves meet, the crests from one set 
 of waves coincide with the depressions from the 
 other set, the water in that particular spot be- 
 comes smooth because one set of waves destroys 
 the other. In this case we may say that the 
 waves interfere. If, on the other hand, the crests 
 of waves from two sources should coincide, they 
 would rise to twice their original height. Light- 
 waves sent out in a similar mode from two points 
 may in like manner either interfere, and produce 
 darkness, or unite to produce light of double 
 brilliancy. These alternate dark and bright 
 bands are called interference fringes. When one 
 of the two sources of light is moved through a 
 very small space, the interference fringes at a 
 distance move through a space so much larger 
 as to be easily observed and measured, enabling 
 an observer to compute the short path through 
 which a light-source has moved. . . . Many di- 
 verse applications of the interferometer have 
 been developed, as, for example, in thermometry. 
 The warmth of a hand held near a pencil of light 
 is enough to cause a wavering of the fringes. A 
 lighted match shows contortions. . . . When 
 the air is heated its density and refractive power 
 diminish: it follows that if this experiment is 
 tried under conditions which show a regular and 
 measurable displacement of the fringes, their 
 movement will indicate the temperature of the 
 air. This method has been applied to ascertain 
 very high temperatures, such as those of the 
 blast furnace. Most metals expand one or two 
 parts in 100,000 for a rise in temperature of 
 one degree centigrade. When a small specimen 
 is examined the whole change to be measured 
 may be 6nly about t inch, a space requir- 
 ing a good microscope to pei-ceive, but readily 
 measured by an interferometer. It means a 
 displacement amounting to several fringes, and 
 this may be measured to within of a fringe 
 or less ; so that the whole displacement may be 
 measured to within a fraction of one per cent. 
 Of course, with long bars the accuracy attain- 
 able is much greater. 
 
 “The interferometer has much refined the in- 
 dications of the balance. In a noteworthy ex- 
 periment Professor Michelson found the amount 
 of attraction which a sphere of lead exerted on 
 a small sphere hung on an arm of a delicate 
 balance. The amount of this attraction when 
 two such spheres touch is proportional to the 
 diameter of the large sphere, which in this case 
 was about eight inches. The attraction on the 
 small ball on the end of the balance was thus 
 the same fraction of its weight as the diameter 
 of the large ball was of the diameter of the 
 earth, — something like one twenty-millionth. 
 So the force to be measured was one twenty- 
 millionth of the weight of this small ball. In 
 the interferometer the approach of the small 
 ball to the large one produced a displacement of 
 seven whole fringes.” — George lies, Inventors at 
 Work, pp. 214-218 ( Doubleday , Page & Co. , N.Y.). 
 
 International Congresses of Science. — The 
 
 most notable of the gatherings at St. Louis in 
 
 1904, connected with the Louisiana Purchase 
 Exposition, was the Congress of Arts and 
 Science, for some account of which see (in this 
 vol.) St. Louis: A. D. 1904. 
 
 Hardly less important from some points of 
 view was the meeting of the First Pan-American 
 Scientific Congress, at Santiago, Chile, begin- 
 ning on the 25tli of December, 1908. It had been 
 preceded by three scientific congresses of the 
 Latin-American states, at Buenos Aires in 1898, 
 at Montevideo in 1901, and at Rio de Janeiro in 
 
 1905. The Pan-American comprehensiveness 
 was given to a fourth one by an official invita- 
 tion from the Chilean Government to the Gov- 
 ernment of the United States to send delegates 
 to the meeting, and a further invitation from the 
 Chilean Committee of Organization to fifteen of 
 the prominent universities of the United States 
 to do the same. The response to the invitation 
 was cordial, and both of the American conti- 
 nents were well represented at the Congress. The 
 programme of topics for discussion included a 
 number of historically and politically scientific 
 questions of specially American interest, such, 
 for example, as the following: 
 
 ‘ ‘ An explanation of the reasons why the colo- 
 nies of English America were able to unite into 
 a single state after they had attained their inde- 
 pendence, while those of Spanish America never 
 succeeded in establishing a permanent union. 
 
 “The extent to which America has come to 
 possess a civilization, as well as interests and 
 problems, different from those of Europe. 
 
 “ Given the special circumstances of the states 
 of the New World, woidd it be feasible to create 
 an American international law? and if so, upon 
 what bases should it rest, and how should it be 
 composed ? ” 
 
 The Moving Picture Show. — The Millions 
 entertained by it in the United States. — In 
 
 1908, in the United States, “the moving-picture 
 show drew an attendance of 4,000,000 daily, a 
 total attendance of more than a billion; or an 
 average of one visit a month to this form of 
 amusement for every man, woman, and child in 
 the whole country. Already this infant indus- 
 try has developed to a point where §50,000,000 
 is invested in it, and 7,000 moving-picture houses 
 are scattered over the country. Of the larger 
 cities, Chicago has at present 313 moving-picture 
 shows, and probably will have 500 before the 
 end of the present year. New York has 300, St. 
 Louis 205, Philadelphia 186, San Francisco 131, 
 Pittsburgh 90, and Boston 31. Hundreds of 
 smaller cities and towns have from one to a 
 dozen, and the craze has extended to Mexico, 
 Central and South America, and the Panama 
 Canal Zone. Nearly 1,000,000 feet, or 190 miles, 
 of films are shown every day in the United 
 States. . . . Making of these films is in itself 
 an enormous business. The organization which 
 controls them not only has agents photographing 
 scenes in every part of the world, but maintains 
 theatres and out-of-door establishments, where 
 complete plays and all sorts of other activities 
 are presented before the camera.” — N. Y. Even- 
 ing Post. 
 
 Opsonins : A remarkable new Discovery in 
 Biology. — Discovery of the functions of the 
 white corpuscles found in the blood of animals 
 was begun, it is said, by Dr. Augustus Waller, 
 
 602 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 in 1843, and continued in much later years by 
 Professor Metchnikoff, who was associated with 
 the work of Pasteur. The latter determined 
 the surprising and extremely important fact 
 that the white corpuscles or cells are essentially 
 minute living creatures, which serve the larger 
 creature they inhabit as a sanitary guard, de- 
 fending it against the invasion of microbes that 
 are hostile to its health. They pursue and 
 devour these malignant invaders ; whence the 
 name that has been given to them, of “phago- 
 cytes,” or “ eating cells.” 
 
 “ When we study the process familiarly known 
 as ‘ inflammation,’ we find the most perfect illus- 
 tration at once of the duties of the white blood- 
 cells and of the new phase and meaning of a com- 
 mon occurrence which are revealed by research. 
 ‘ Inflammation ’ is a process which follows upon 
 a large variety of injuries, and which marks the 
 onset and course of many diseases, from a scratch 
 on the finger to an inflammation of the lungs. . . . 
 Given a simple scratch and the phagocytes 
 stimulated by the injury to the tissues will come 
 hurrying to the scene of the accident like ambu- 
 lance men, eager to assist in the removal of any 
 deleterious matter, and to give their aid in the 
 healing process and in the formation of the 
 new tissue, the production of which will com- 
 plete the cure. But given a scratch that inocu- 
 lates the finger with ‘ dirt,’ which is only an- 
 other name for microbes, and the nature of 
 inflammation becomes clearer to us. In a few 
 hours the finger will begin to feel painful ; its 
 temperature will rise ; it will appear red and 
 ‘inflamed,’ and it will exhibit swelling. Later 
 on, if we puncture the swelling, we shall find a 
 yellow fluid, which we name ‘ pus,’ or ‘ matter,’ 
 escaping from the puncture. Now to what are 
 the symptoms of inflammation due ? The plain 
 answer is, that they represent the results of a 
 great migration of phagocytes from the blood- 
 vessels, destined to attack, and if possible re- 
 move, the infective particles which threaten to 
 do us injury. The inflammation, in this view, 
 is the evidence of a battle being fought in our 
 favour, and often with very long odds against 
 us. If our phagocytes gain a complete victory, 
 we escape the suppuration which we saw to re- 
 sult in the shape of the ‘ festering ’ finger. If, 
 on the other hand, they sustain defeat, they will 
 fight on, leaving their dead behind. It is the 
 dead white blood-cells, which have fallen in the 
 fray, which constitute the ‘ pus ’ or ‘ matter ’ 
 we find in wounds. . . . These dead cells, like 
 the corpses of soldiers who fall in battle, later 
 become hurtful to the organism they in their 
 lifetime were anxious to protect from harm, for 
 they are fertile sources of septicaemia and py- 
 aemia (blood-poisoning) — the pestilence and 
 scourge so much dreaded by operative surgeons. 
 
 “Such is the story which forms the natural 
 prologue to the history of ‘Opsonins.’ For 
 many a day after the publication of Metchni- 
 kofE’s discoveries regarding the germ-killing 
 power of the phagocytes, it was held that these 
 living cells alone accomplished the duty of 
 disposing of troublesome invaders. Later on, 
 other opinions were advanced to the effect that 
 while the phagocytes did undoubtedly accom- 
 plish their work in the direction indicated, they 
 demanded aid to that end from an outside 
 source. This source was indicated and repre- 
 sented by the plasma or blood -fluid itself. The 
 
 fluid part of the blood had long been known to 
 possess germ-killing properties, but the extent 
 of its powers in this direction had not been duly 
 determined, nor had the important point been 
 settled whether the plasma as a whole or only 
 part thereof aided the white blood-cells in 
 their forays on microbes. . . . Researches made 
 prior to the year 1903 gave cause for the belief 
 in the importance of the blood-plasma in whole 
 or in part, but it was in the year just named 
 that very important investigations were under- 
 taken with the view to determining the exact 
 status of the blood-fluid in work of bactericidal 
 kind. Drs. Wright and Douglas of St. Mary’s 
 Hospital, London, undertook a piece of research 
 conducted on lines somewhat different from 
 those on which previous work of this nature 
 had been carried on. They proceeded first of 
 all by the aid of delicate processes to separate 
 the blood-corpuscles from the blood-fluid. The 
 white blood-cells were thus kept in a medium 
 or fluid of neutral kind, while the blood-fluid 
 itself on the other hand was obtained free from 
 its corpuscles. Next in order an emulsion of 
 certain microbes capable of producing disease 
 was made in a solution of salt. When the pha- 
 gocytes, alive, of course, in their neutral fluid, 
 were allowed access to the germs they did not 
 attack them. It was as if two contending 
 armies had been brought face to face, waiting 
 to attack, but restrained by some negotiations 
 proceeding between the commanders. The case 
 was at once altered, and the battle began, when 
 the experimenters brought the separated blood- 
 fluid into the field. Added to the germs and to 
 the phagocytes these elements, which had been 
 ‘ spoiling for a fight,’ joined issue, and the white 
 blood-cells performed their normal work of 
 microbe-baiting. There was but one inference 
 to be drawn from these facts. Clearly, the 
 addition of the blood-fluid supplied some con- 
 dition or other, necessary for the development 
 of the fighting powers of the cells. . . . Our 
 investigators are of the opinion that the real 
 source of the power possessed by the blood- 
 fluid or ‘plasma’ is to be sought and found 
 in substances contained therein and called 
 ‘ Opsonins.’ We can now appreciate the mean- 
 ing of this term. It is derived from the classic 
 verb for catering, for preparing food or for pro- 
 viding food. The view taken of opsonic action 
 justifies the use of the word, for it is believed 
 that these substances perform their share of the 
 germ-destroying work, not by urging on or 
 stimulating the phagocytes to the attack, but, 
 on the contrary, by acting on the microbes, by 
 weakening their powers of resistance and by 
 rendering them the easy prey of the white 
 blood-cells. The ‘ Opsonins ’ are carried by the 
 blood-stream everywhere, and it is when they 
 come in contact with any microbe-colonies in 
 the body that they exert their specific action on 
 the germs. . . The idea that the more active 
 our white blood-cells are, and the more exten- 
 sive and complete their work, the greater the 
 amount of ‘ Opsonins ’ present, is one which 
 seems to be founded on a rational basis. This 
 view regards these substances as the real cause 
 of phagocytic activity. That ‘ Opsonins ’ fur- 
 thermore appear to possess definite degrees of 
 power seems proved by the observation that a 
 person’s blood may contain sufficient to deal 
 with one disease in the way of stimulating the 
 
 603 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 phagocytes to work, while the same quantity 
 would not equal half that required to effect a 
 satisfactory attack on another and different dis- 
 ease. What has been called the ‘ opsonic index ’ 
 of a person is the standard, if so we may call it, 
 or measure of his germ-killing power, in so far 
 as the amount of ‘ Opsouins ’ contained in his 
 blood is concerned. By a technical procedure 
 and calculation the experimenter can compute 
 the opsonic power of a given specimen of 
 blood.” — Andrew Wilson, About Opsouins 
 ( Cornhill , January, 1907). 
 
 Medical. See (in this vol.) Public Health. 
 
 Physical : The New Conceptions of Elec- 
 tricity, Matter and Ether. — Statement by 
 Madame Curie. — Sir Joseph Thomson’s Ad- 
 dress to the British Association at Winnipeg. 
 
 — Sir Oliver Lodge on the Ether of Space. 
 
 — “ One point which appears to-day to be de- 
 finitely settled is a view of atomic structure of 
 electricity, which goes to confirm and complete 
 the idea that we have long held regarding the 
 atomic structure of matter, which constitutes 
 the basis of chemical theories. At the same time 
 that the existence of electric atoms, indivisible 
 by our present means of research, appears to be 
 established with certainty, the important proper- 
 ties of these atoms are also shown. The atoms 
 of negative electricity which we call electrons, 
 are found to exist in a free state, independent of 
 all material atoms, and not having any proper- 
 ties in common with them. In this state they 
 possess certain dimensions in space, and are 
 endowed with a certain inertia, which has sug- 
 gested the idea of attributing to them a corre- 
 sponding mass. 
 
 “Experiments have shown that their dimen- 
 sions are very small compared with those of 
 material molecules, and that their mass is only a 
 small fraction, not exceeding one one-thousandth 
 of the mass of an atom of hydrogen. They show 
 also that if these atoms can exist isolated, they 
 may also exist in all ordinary matter, and may 
 be in certain cases emitted by a substance such 
 as a metal without its properties being changed 
 in a manner appreciable by us. 
 
 “ If, then, we consider the electrons as a form 
 of matter, we are led to put the division of them 
 beyond atoms and to admit the existence of a 
 kind of extremely small particles able to enter 
 into the composition of atoms, but not necessa- 
 rily by their departure involving atomatic de- 
 struction. Looking at it in this light, we are 
 led to consider every atom as a complicated 
 structure, and this supposition is rendered prob- 
 able by the complexity of the emission spectra 
 which characterize the different atoms. We 
 have thus a conception sufficiently exact of the 
 atoms of negative electricity. 
 
 “It is not the same for positive electricity, 
 for a great dissimilarity appears to exist between 
 the two electricities. Positive electricity appears 
 always to be found in connection with material 
 atoms, and we have no reason, thus far, to be- 
 lieve that they can be separated. Our know- 
 ledge relative to matter is also increased by an 
 important fact. A new property of matter has 
 been discovered which has received the name 
 of radioactivity. Radioactivity is the property 
 which the atoms of certain substances possess 
 of shooting off particles, some of which have a 
 mass comparable to that of the atoms them- 
 selves, while the others are the electrons. This 
 
 property, which uranium and thorium possess 
 in a slight degree, has led to the discovery of 
 a new chemical element, radium, whose radio- 
 activity is very great. Among the particles ex- 
 pelled by radium are some which are ejected 
 with great velocity, and their expulsion is ac- 
 companied with a considerable evolution of heat. 
 A radioactive body constitutes, then, a source of 
 energy. 
 
 “ According to the theory which best accounts 
 for the phenomena of radioactivity, a certain 
 proportion of the atoms of a radioactive body is 
 transformed in a given time, with the produc- 
 tion of atoms of less atomic weight, and in some 
 cases with the expulsion of electrons. This is 
 a theory of the transmutation of elements, but 
 differs from the dreams of the alchemists in 
 that we declare ourselves, for the present at 
 least, unable to induce or influence the transmu- 
 tation. Certain facts go to show that radioactiv- 
 ity appertains in a slight degree to all kinds of 
 matter. It may be, therefore, that matter is far 
 from being as unchangeable or inert as it was 
 formerly thought; and is, on the contrary, in 
 continual transformation, although this trans- 
 formation escapes our notice by its relative slow- 
 ness. ” — Madame Curie, Modern Theories of Elec- 
 tricity and Matter ( Annual Report, Smithsonian 
 Institution, 1905-6, pp. 103-104). 
 
 A remarkable summary of recent advances in 
 physical science, by Sir Joseph Thomson, in his 
 presidential address at the opening (August 25, 
 1909) of the seventy-ninth annual meeting of 
 the British Association for the Advancement 
 of Science, held at Winnipeg, Canada, contains 
 what is, without doubt, the most successful of 
 endeavors to give some understanding of the 
 new conceptions of matter, ether and electricity, 
 with which scientists are now working, to minds 
 that have not been scientifically trained. Sir 
 Joseph treats the subject at more length than 
 can be given to it here, but abridgment seems 
 possible without robbing it of the more impor- 
 tant parts of its rich content of information : 
 
 “The period which has elapsed since the Asso- 
 ciation last met in Canada [1897] has been,” said 
 the President, “one of almost unparalleled ac- 
 tivity in many branches of physics, and many 
 new and unsuspected properties of matter and 
 electricity have been discovered. The history of 
 this period affords a remarkable illustration of 
 the effect which may be produced by a single 
 discovery ; for it is, I think, to the discovery of 
 the Rontgen rays that we owe the rapidity of 
 the progress which has recently been made in 
 physics. A striking discovery like that of the 
 Rontgen rays acts much like the discover}' of 
 gold in a sparsely populated country ; it attracts 
 workers who come in the first place for the gold, 
 but who may find that the country has other 
 products, other charms, perhaps even more val- 
 uable than the gold itself. The country in which 
 the gold was discovered in the case of the Ront- 
 gen rays was the department of physics dealing 
 with the discharge of electricity through gases, 
 a subject which, almost from the beginning of 
 electrical science, had attracted a few enthusias- 
 tic workers, who felt convinced that the key to 
 unlock the secret of electricity was to be found 
 in a vacuum tube. Rontgen, in 1895, showed that 
 when electricity passed through such a tube the 
 tube emitted rays which could pass through 
 bodies opaque to ordinary light; which could, 
 
 604 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 for example, pass through the flesh of the body 
 and throw a shadow of the bones on a suitable 
 screen. . ... It is not, however, to the power of 
 probing dark places, important though this is, 
 that the influence of Rbutgen rays on the pro- 
 gress of science has mainly been due ; it is rather 
 because these rays make gases, and, indeed, 
 solids and liquids, through which they pass, 
 conductors of electricity. . . . The study of 
 gases exposed to Rontgen rays has revealed in 
 such gases the presence of particles charged 
 with electricity ; some of these particles are 
 charged with positive, others with negative, 
 electricity. The properties of these particles 
 have been investigated ; we know the charge 
 they carry, the speed with which they move un- 
 der an electric force, the rate at which the oppo- 
 sitely charged ones recombine, and these inves- 
 tigations have thrown a new light, not only on 
 electricity, but also on the structure of matter. 
 We know from these investigations that electri- 
 city, like matter, is molecular in structure, that 
 j ust as a quantity of hydrogen is a collection of 
 an immense number of small particles called 
 molecules, so a charge of electricity is made up 
 of a great number of small charges, each of a 
 perfectly definite and known amount. . . . Nay, 
 further, the molecular theory of matter is in- 
 debted to the molecular theory of electricity for 
 the most accurate determination of its funda- 
 mental quantity, the number of molecules in 
 any given quantity of an elementary substance. 
 
 “ The great advantage of the electrical meth- 
 ods for the study of the properties of matter is 
 due to the fact that whenever a particle is elec- 
 trified it is very easily identified, whereas an un- 
 charged molecule is most elusive ; and it is only 
 when these are present in immense numbers that 
 we are able to detect them. . . . 
 
 “We have already made considerable progress 
 in the task of discovering what the structure of 
 electricity is. We have known for some time 
 that of one kind of electricity — the negative — 
 and a very interesting one it is. We know that 
 negative electricity is made up of units all of 
 which are of the same kind ; that these units are 
 exceedingly small compared with even the 
 smallest atom. . . . The size of these corpuscles 
 is on an altogether different scale from that of 
 atoms ; the volume of a corpuscle bears to that 
 of the atom about the same relation as that of a 
 speck of dust to the volume of this room. Under 
 suitable conditions they move at enormous 
 speeds, which approach in some instances the 
 velocity of light. The discovery of these cor- 
 puscles is an interesting example of the way 
 Nature responds to the demands made upon 
 her by mathematicians. Some years before the 
 discovery of corpuscles it had been shown by 
 a mathematical investigation that the mass of 
 a body must be increased by a charge of elec- 
 tricity. This increase, however, is greater for 
 small bodies than for large ones, and even bodies 
 as small as atoms are hopelessly too large to 
 show any appreciable effect ; thus the result 
 seemed entirely academic. After a time cor- 
 puscles were discovered, and these are so much 
 smaller than the atom that the increase in mass 
 due to the charge becomes not merely appre- 
 ciable, but so great that, as the experiments of 
 Kaufmann and Bucherer have shown, the whole 
 of the mass of the corpuscle arises from its 
 charge. 
 
 “We know a great deal about negative elec- 
 tricity ; what do we know about positive elec- 
 tricity ? Is positive electricity molecular in 
 structure ? Is it made up into units, each unit 
 carrying a charge equal in magnitude though 
 opposite in sign to that carried by a corpuscle ? 
 . . . The investigations made on the unit of pos- 
 itive electricity show that it is of quite a differ- 
 ent kind from the unit of negative ; the mass of 
 the negative unit is exceedingly small compared 
 with any atom ; the only positive units that up 
 to the present have been detected are quite 
 comparable in mass with the mass of an atom of 
 hydrogen ; in fact they seem equal to it. This 
 makes it more difficult to be certain that the 
 unit of positive electricity has been isolated, for 
 we have to be on our guard against its being a 
 much smaller body attached to the hydrogen 
 atoms which happen to be present in the vessel. 
 ... At present the smallest positive electrified 
 particles of which we have direct experimental 
 evidence have masses comparable with that of 
 an atom of hydrogen. 
 
 “ A knowledge of the mass and size of the two 
 units of electricity, the positive and the nega- 
 tive, would give us the material for construct- 
 ing what may be called a molecular theor3' of 
 electricity, and would be a starting point for a 
 theory of the structure of matter; for the most 
 natural view to take, as a provisional hypothe- 
 sis, is that matter is just a collection of positive 
 and negative units of electricity, and that the 
 forces which hold atoms and molecules together, 
 the properties which differentiate one kind of 
 matter from another, all have their origin in the 
 electrical forces exerted by positive and nega- 
 tive units of electricity, grouped together in 
 different ways in the atoms of the different ele- 
 ments. As it would seem that the units of 
 positive and negative electricity are of very dif- 
 ferent sizes, we must regard matter as a mixture 
 containing systems of very different types, one 
 type corresponding to the small corpuscle, the 
 other to the large positive unit. Since the en- 
 ergy associated with a given charge is greater 
 the smaller the body on which the charge is 
 concentrated, the energy stored up in the nega- 
 tive corpuscles will be far greater than that 
 stored up by the positive. The amount of en- 
 ergy which is stored up in ordinary matter in 
 the form of the electrostatic potential energy of 
 its corpuscles is, I think, not generally realized. 
 
 . . . This energy is fortunately kept fast bound 
 by the corpuscles ; if at any time an appreciable 
 fraction were to get free the earth would ex- 
 plode and become a gaseous nebula. The mat- 
 ter of which I have been speaking so far is the 
 material which builds up the earth, the sun, 
 and the stars, the matter studied by the chem- 
 ist, and which he can represent by a formula ; 
 this matter occupies, however, but an insignifi- 
 cant fraction of the universe ; it forms but mi- 
 nute islands in the great ocean of the ether, the 
 substance with which the whole universe is 
 filled. 
 
 “The ether is not a fantastic creation of the 
 speculative philosopher ; it is as essential to us 
 as the air we breathe. For we must remember 
 that we on this earth are not living on our own 
 resources ; we are dependent from minute to 
 minute upon what we are getting from the sun, 
 and the gifts of the sun are conveyed to us by 
 the ether. It is to the sun that we owe not 
 
 605 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 merely night and day, springtime and harvest, 
 but it is the energy of the sun, stored up in 
 coal, in waterfalls, in food, that practically does 
 all tlie work of the world. . . . On the electro- 
 magnetic theory of light, now universally 
 accepted, the energy streaming to the earth 
 travels through the ether in electric waves ; thus 
 practically the whole of the energy at our dis- 
 posal has at one time or another been electrical 
 energy. The ether must, then, be the seat of 
 electrical and magnetic forces. We know, 
 thanks to the genius of Clerk Maxwell, the 
 founder and inspirer of modern electrical the- 
 ory, the equations which express the relation 
 between these forces, and although for some 
 purposes these are all we require, yet they do 
 not tell us very much about the nature of the 
 ether. 
 
 “Let us consider some of the facts known 
 about the ether. When light falls on a body and 
 is absorbed by it, the body is pushed forward 
 in the direction in which the light is travelling, 
 and if the body is free to move it is set in mo- 
 tion by the light. Now it is a fundamental 
 principle of dynamics that when a body is set 
 moving in a certain direction, or, to use the 
 language of dynamics, acquires momentum in 
 that direction, some other mass must lose the 
 same amount of momentum ; in other words, the 
 amount of momentum in the universe is con- 
 stant. Thus, when the body is pushed forward 
 by the light, some other system must have lost 
 the momentum the body acquires, and the only 
 other system available is the wave of light fall- 
 ing on the body ; hence we conclude that there 
 must have been momentum in the "wave in the 
 direction in which it is travelling. Momentum, 
 however, implies mass in motion. We con- 
 clude, then, that in the ether through which 
 the wave is moving there is mass moving with 
 the velocity of light. The experiments made 
 on the pressure due to light enable us to calcu- 
 late this mass. . . . 
 
 “The place where the density of the ether 
 carried along by an electric field rises to its 
 highest value is close to a corpuscle, for round 
 the corpuscles are by far the strongest electric 
 fields of which we have any knowledge. We 
 know the mass of the corpuscle, we know from 
 Kaufmann’s experiments that this arises entirely 
 from the electric charge, and is therefore due 
 to the ether carried along with the corpuscle 
 by the lines of force attached to it. . . . Around 
 the corpuscle ether must have an extravagant 
 density ; whether the density is as great as this 
 in other places depends upon whether the ether 
 is compressible or not. If it is compressible, 
 then it may be condensed round the corpuscles, 
 and there have an abnormally great density ; if 
 it is not compressible, then the density in free 
 space cannot be less than the number I have 
 just mentioned. With respect to this point we 
 must remember that the forces acting on the 
 ether close to the corpuscle are prodigious. . . . 
 I do not know at present of any effect which 
 would enable us to determine whether ether is 
 compressible or not. And although at first 
 sight the idea that we are immersed in a medium 
 almost infinitely denser than lead might seem 
 inconceivable, it is not so if we remember that 
 in all probability matter is composed mainly of 
 holes. We may, in fact, regard matter as pos- 
 sessing a bird-cage kind of structure in which 
 
 the volume of the ether disturbed by the wires 
 when the structure is moved is infinitesimal in 
 comparison with the volume enclosed by them. 
 If we do this, no difficulty arises from the great 
 density of the ether; all we have to do is to in- 
 crease the distance between the wires in propor- 
 tion as we increase the density of the ether.” 
 
 Some English journals, in discussing Sir 
 Joseph Thomson’s address at Winnipeg, spoke 
 doubtingly of its scientific soundness, regarding 
 it as too speculative, representing conclusions in 
 advance of what physical science had obtained 
 a real warrant to draw. These newspaper crit- 
 ics were called sharply to account by Sir Oliver 
 Lodge, and told that they were suspicious of 
 Sir Joseph’s statements only because they knew 
 nothing of the data on which he founded them. 
 
 In a magazine article of the previous year, Sir 
 Oliver Lodge had already traversed part of the 
 ground covered by the impressive review of Sir 
 Joseph Thomson. In that article he said of the 
 present conception of the ether of space, as ac- 
 cepted among the leaders of physical science : 
 
 “When a steel spring is bent or distorted, 
 what is it that is really strained ? Not the atoms 
 
 — the atoms are only displaced ; it is the con- 
 necting links that are strained — the connecting 
 medium — the ether. Distortion of a spring is 
 really distortion of the ether. All strain exists 
 in the ether. Matter can only be moved. Con- 
 tact does not exist between the atoms of mat- 
 ter as we know them; it is doubtful if a piece 
 of matter ever touches another piece, any more 
 than a comet touches the sun when it appears 
 to rebound from it ; but the atoms are connected, 
 as the planets, the comets and the sun are con- 
 nected, by a continuous plenum without break 
 or discontinuity of any kind. Matter acts on 
 matter solely through the ether. But whether 
 matter is a thing utterly distinct and separate 
 from the ether, or whether it is a specifically 
 modified portion of it — modified in such a way 
 as to be susceptible of locomotion, and yet con- 
 tinuous with all the rest of the ether, — which 
 can be said to extend everywhere, far beyond 
 the bounds of the modified and tangible portion 
 called matter — are questions demanding, and 
 I may say in process of receiving, answers. 
 
 “Every such answer involves some view of 
 the universal, and possibly infinite, uniform, 
 omnipresent connecting medium, the ether of 
 space.” — Oliver Lodge, The Ether of Space 
 (North American Review, May, 1908). 
 
 Radium and Radio-activity: The Discov- 
 ery by Professor and Madame Curie. — The 
 Light it throws on many Scientific Problems. 
 
 — Faraday’s Prophetic Anticipation. — The 
 Dissolution of Atoms. — “In his first treatise 
 on the X-rays, Rontgen [see in Vol. VI.] drew 
 attention to the fact that they proceeded from 
 those parts of the Rontgen tubes where the 
 glass, under the influence of the impinging cath- 
 ode rays, showed the most fluorescence. It 
 therefore seemed possible that the existence of 
 these mysterious rays was in some way de- 
 pendent on previously acquired fluorescence, 
 and many physicists tried to ascertain with the 
 well-known Balmain dyes, which become lu- 
 minous after exposure to the light, if results 
 could be obtained resembling those with a Rbnt- 
 gen tube. 
 
 “Similar attempts by the French physicist, 
 Henri Becquerel, were crowned with success in 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 an unexpected direction. He exposed a ura- 
 nium salt to the light, aud then placing it in a 
 dark room on a photographic plate covered with 
 opaque paper he demonstrated the action of 
 these rays on the plate through the paper, thin 
 sheets of metal, etc. But the supposed and 
 sought-for relation of the rays to the previous 
 fluorescence was not evident, for Becquerel ob- 
 tained precisely the same results with prepa- 
 rations of uranium which had not only not been 
 previously exposed directly to the light, but 
 had purposely been kept some time in dark- 
 ness and could therefore display no stored-up 
 luminescence. He had, however, discovered 
 the uranium or Becquerel rays. . . . 
 
 “At Becquerel’ s suggestion Madame Curie 
 undertook a systematic investigation of all the 
 chemical elements and established the fact that 
 with none of them, excepting uranium and tho- 
 rium, could an appreciable effect indicating 
 rays be obtained with her apparatus. On the 
 other hand, she found that many of the minerals 
 investigated showed noticeable action in this 
 direction. The fact that a few of them, the ura- 
 nium pitchblende, for example, from Joachims- 
 thal, Bohemia, emitted rays three or four times 
 stronger than those of pure uranium, and which 
 could not therefore be announced as uranium 
 rays, led her to suppose that in the pitchblende 
 itself, apart from the uranium, there must exist 
 a still more powerful radioactive substance. It 
 is a matter of record how, in this research, 
 which might serve as a model for such work, 
 she and her husband, so soon afterwards to lose 
 his life by a deplorable accident, succeeded in 
 tracing this supposed substance more and more 
 accurately, and finally in obtaining it pure. 
 Madame Curie thus became the discoverer of 
 radium, a new element possessed of wonderful, 
 of fabulous qualities. 
 
 “Besides Madame Curie no other investigator 
 but Professor Braunschweig, so far as I know, 
 has yet succeeded in obtaining pure radium.” 
 — Franz Himstedt, Radioactivity {Annual lie- 
 port, Smithsonian Institution, 1905-6, pp. 117- 
 118). 
 
 “The phenomena of radio-activity revive in- 
 terest in the prophetic views of Michael Fara- 
 day. In 1816, when he was but twenty-four 
 years of age, he delivered a lecture at the Royal 
 Institution in London on Radiant Matter. In 
 the course of his remarks there occurs this pas- 
 sage: — ‘If we now conceive a change as far 
 beyond vaporization as that is above fluidity, 
 and then take into account the proportional in- 
 creased extent of alteration as the changes arise, 
 we shall perhaps, if we can form any concep- 
 tion at all, not fall short of radiant matter; 
 and as in the last conversion many qualities 
 were lost, so here also many more would disap- 
 pear. It was the opinion of Newton, and of 
 many other distinguished philosophers, that 
 this conversion was possible, and continually 
 going on in the processes of nature, and they 
 found that the idea would bear without injury 
 the applications of mathematical reasoning — as 
 regards heat, for instance. If assumed, we 
 must also assume the simplicity of matter; for 
 it would follow that all the variety of substances 
 with which we are acquainted could be con- 
 verted into one of three kinds of radiant matter ; 
 which again may differ from each other only in 
 the size of their particles or their form. The 
 
 properties of known bodies would then be sup- 
 posed to arise from the varied arrangements of 
 their ultimate atoms, and belong to substances 
 only as long as their compound nature existed ; 
 and thus variety of matter and variety of pro- 
 perties would be found co-essential.’” — George 
 lies, Inventors at Work,pp. 204-205 ( Doubleday , 
 Page & Co., N. Y.). 
 
 ‘ ‘ An ascertained commercial value of £4 per 
 milligramme (equivalent to £114,000 per ounce) 
 has been placed upon radium by a contract just 
 entered into between the British Metalliferous 
 Mines (Limited) and Lord Iveagh and Sir 
 Ernest Cassel for the supply of 7£ grammes 
 (rather more than a quarter of an ounce) of 
 pure radium bromide. This very large order 
 for radium will be supplied from the above 
 named company’s mine near Grampound Road 
 in Cornwall.” — London Times, June 21, 1909. 
 
 The Mono-Rail Gyroscopic System. — A 
 mechanical invention not yet developed, but 
 which seems more than likely to count among 
 the most important of the next few years, is 
 that known as the Brennan mono-rail system, 
 which balances cars and trains of cars on a single 
 rail by use of the principle of the gyroscope. It 
 was first exhibited by its English inventor, Mr. 
 Louis Brennan, in model form, before the Royal 
 Society, in 1907, and won so much confidence in 
 its possibilities that the British War Office and 
 the India Office gave financial assistance to 
 meet the cost of the long experiments that were 
 necessary for adapting the system to service on 
 a large practical scale. The result of these 
 experiments was exhibited in public trials at 
 New Brompton, England, and, subsequently, at 
 New York, in the later part of 1909. The fol- 
 lowing account of the exhibition at New 
 Brompton was given by The Times : 
 
 “ The car with which the test runs were car- 
 ried out is 40ft. in length and 10ft. in width ; its 
 weight is 22 tons, and it is designed for a load 
 of 10 to 15 tons. The weight of the gyroscopes, 
 of which there are two, is 1^ tons, each having 
 a diameter of 3ft. 6in. The speed of rotation is 
 3,000 r. p. m., or considerably less than it was 
 in the 6ft. model exhibited before the Royal 
 Society. It would be possible for the car to ob- 
 tain the necessary power by collecting current 
 from an overhead wire with a consequent saving 
 of jW eight, but in the present example the motive 
 power is provided by two Wolseley petrol en- 
 gines, one of 80 h. p., and the other of 20 h. p., 
 driving two direct-current shunt-wound motors 
 of the Siemens type. It is not necessary that 
 the car should be propelled electrically, and 
 steam or other motive power could be employed ; 
 but in any case it would be necessary to spin the 
 gyroscopes electrically, this method being ideal 
 for the purpose. The air is exhausted from the 
 gyroscope cases, the pressure in them being 
 equivalent to from -Jin. to fin. of mercury. It is 
 hoped in future installations to design the gyro- 
 scopes for higher speeds, and in that case it 
 would be possible to reduce the size and weight 
 of the equipment. In this first car the gyro- 
 scopes run in the vertical plane, but that is 
 merely for convenience, the essential feature 
 being that the trunnions should be at right an- 
 gles to the track. . . . 
 
 “ Several experimental trips were made on 
 the factory circular track as well as on the 
 straight, and the car travelled with remarkable 
 
 607 
 
SCIENCE AND INVENTION 
 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 steadiness throughout. It is not likely that 
 the Brennan mono-rail will find any wide field 
 of application in this country, but there would 
 appear to be great advantages in the system for 
 mountain railways in India and elsewhere, and, 
 indeed, it seems suitable for adoption in any 
 country where new railways are being planned. 
 The inventor lays stress on the absolute safety 
 of the system at speeds ranging up to about 150 
 miles per hour.” 
 
 Sanitary. See Public Health. 
 
 Submarine Signal Bells. — In May, 1909, 
 it was announced from Washington that ‘‘the 
 Government, recognizing the substantial service 
 rendered to shipping by submarine bells, has 
 decided to extend their installation from time 
 to time to light vessels and stations on both 
 coasts and upon the great lakes. At present 
 forty -six of the light vessels are thus equipped, 
 and the signals which they send out are of un- 
 doubted aid to deep-water navigation. Canada, 
 England, Germany, Holland, France, Sweden, 
 and Denmark are following suit. The bells op- 
 erate during fogs and at night and the sound 
 waves emitted by the bell under water have been 
 known to travel as far as twenty-seven miles. 
 These sound waves are picked up by the receiv- 
 ing microphones on board ships, and by the 
 code signal of each station the vessel’s navigator 
 is able to tell where he is.” See above, Elec- 
 trical: Wireless Telegraphy: The Cry 
 tiiat Brought Help. 
 
 The Turbine Steam Engine. — Its Suc- 
 cessful Development. — First Use on Ocean 
 Steamers. — The “Lusitania” and “Mau- 
 retania.” — “For a long time and well into the 
 nineteenth century, water was lifted by pistons 
 moving in cylindrical pumps. Meantime the 
 turbine grew steadily in favor as a water motor, 
 arriving at last at high efficiency. This gave de- 
 signers a hint to reverse the turbine and use it 
 as a water lifter or pump : this machine, duly 
 built, with a continuous instead of an intermit- 
 tent motion, showed much better results than 
 the old-fashioned pump. The turbine-pump is 
 accordingly adopted for many large waterworks, 
 deep mines and similar installations. This ad- 
 vance from to-and-fro to rotary action extended 
 irresistibly to steam as a motive power. It was 
 clear that if steam could be employed in a tur- 
 bine somewhat as water is, much of the com- 
 plexity and loss inherent in reciprocating engines 
 would be brushed aside. A pioneer inventor in 
 this field was Gustave Patrich De Laval, of 
 Stockholm, who constructed his first steam tur- 
 bine along the familiar lines of the Barker mill. 
 Steam is so light that for its utmost utilization 
 as a jet a velocity of about 2,000 feet a second is 
 required, a rate which no material is strong 
 enough to allow. De Laval by using the most 
 tenacious metal for his turbines is able to give 
 their swiftest parts a speed of as much as 
 1400 feet a second. His apparatus is cheap, 
 simple and efficient; it is limited to about 300 
 horse-power. Its chief feature is its divergent 
 
 nozzle, which permits the outflowing steam to 
 expand fully with all the effect realized in a 
 steam cylinder provided with expansion valve 
 gear. Another device of De Laval which makes 
 his turbine a safe and desirable prime mover is 
 the flexible shaft which has a little, self-righting 
 play under the extreme pace of its rotation. 
 
 “ Of direct action turbines the De Laval is the 
 chief ; of compound turbines, in which the steam 
 is expanded in successive stages, the first and 
 most widely adopted was invented by the Hon. 
 Charles A. Parsons of Newcastle-on-Tyne. . . . 
 In 1894 Mr. Parsons launched his Turbinia, the 
 first steamer to be driven by a turbine. Her 
 record was so gratifying that a succession of 
 vessels, similarly equipped, were year by year 
 built for excursion lines, for transit across the 
 British Channel, for the British Royal Navy, 
 and for mercantile marine service. The thirty- 
 fifth of these ships, the Victorian of the Allan 
 Line, was the first to cross the Atlantic Ocean, 
 arriving at Halifax, Nova Scotia, April 18, 1905. 
 She was followed by the Virginian of the 
 same line which arrived at Quebec, May 8, 
 1905. Not long afterward the Cunard Company 
 sent from Liverpool to New York the Car- 
 mania equipped with steam turbines, and in 
 every other respect like the Caronia of the same 
 owners, which is driven by reciprocating en- 
 gines of the best model. Thus far the compari- 
 son between these two ships is in favor of the 
 Carmania. The new monster Cunarders, the 
 Lusitania and the Mauretania, each of 70,000 
 horse power, are to be propelled by steam tur- 
 bines. The principal reasons for this prefer- 
 ence are thus given by Professor Carl C. 
 Thomas : — Decreased cost of operation as re- 
 gards fuel, labor, oil, and repairs. Vibration 
 due to machinery is avoided. Less weight of 
 machinery and coal to be carried, resulting in 
 greater speed. Greater simplicity of machinery 
 in construction and operation, causing less lia- 
 bility to accident and breakdown. Smaller and 
 more deeply immersed propellers, decreasing the 
 tendency of the machinery to race in rough 
 weather. Lower centre of gravity of the ma- 
 chinery as a whole, and increased headroom 
 above the machinery. According to recent re- 
 ports, decreased first cost of machinery. ” — 
 George lies, Inventors at Work, pp. 452-456 
 (Doubleday, Page & Co., A r . Y.). 
 
 In August, 1908, the Lusitania made the voy- 
 age from Queenstown to New York in 4 days 
 and 15 hours ; again in February, 1909, in 4 
 days, 17 hours and 6 minutes. In September, 
 1909, the Mauretania crossed from New York 
 to Queenstown in 4 days, 13 hours and 41 
 minutes. 
 
 The Washington Memorial Institution. — 
 Extension of the Usefulness of Scientific 
 Work in Departments of the Government. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Education : United States : 
 A. D. 1901. 
 
 The Nobel Prizes. See Nobel Prizes. 
 
 See, also, Earthquakes. 
 
 SCOTLAND : A. D. 1901 (March). — Cen- 
 sus. — According to the returns of the decennial 
 enumeration made on the night of the 31st of 
 March, 1901, the population of Scotland that 
 day, “including those in the Royal Navy, and 
 belonging to the Mercantile shipping in Scot- 
 tish Ports or on Scottish waters, number 4,472,- 
 
 000 persons, of whom 2,173,151 are males, and 
 2,298,849 females. 
 
 “When compared with the corresponding 
 population as enumerated at the Census of 1891, 
 a total increase of 446,353 is found to have oc- 
 curred ; the male increase being 230,434, and the 
 female 215,919. The percentage rate of increase 
 
 608 
 
SCOTLAND 
 
 SCOTLAND 
 
 of both sexes during the decennial period is 
 11.09 — that of the males being 11.86, and of the 
 females 10.37. The corresponding total rate of 
 increase during the preceding decennium, 1881- 
 1891, was 7.77 per cent. . . . The rate at the 
 present Census for Scotland is, with the excep- 
 tion of that at 1881, the highest since the decen- 
 nial period 1821-1831. . . . 
 
 “ In 19 Counties an increase in the population 
 has taken place, in 14 a decrease. The highest 
 rate of increase — both sexes combined — is in 
 Linlithgow, 24.4 per cent.; followed by Lanark 
 with an increase of 21.1 per cent. ; Stirling with 
 one of 20.6 per cent. ; Renfrew with one of 16.5 
 per cent. ; Dumbarton with one of 16.2 per cent. ; 
 Kincardine with one of 15.3 per cent.; Fife with 
 one of 15.0 per cent. The greatest falling off 
 occurs in Berwick, 4.6 per cent. ; in Orkney, 5.7 
 per cent. ; in Roxburgh, 8.8 per cent.; in Caith- 
 ness 8.9 per cent.; in Wigtown, 9.4 per cent.; 
 and in Selkirk 15.8 percent. Inverness stands 
 almost as it was, having increased but 0.1 per 
 cent., and the minimum rate of falling off as to 
 population is in Banff, 0.3 per cent., and Argyll, 
 0.6 per cent. . . . 
 
 “Among the larger Burghs the increase of 
 population varies not a little. Thus, in Mother- 
 well, which heads the list, the increase during 
 the decennial period 1891-1901, is at the rate 
 of 62.5 per cent. Partiek follows with a rate of 
 increase of 48.6 per cent. ; Wishaw with one of 
 36.8 percent. ; Hamilton with one of 31.8 per 
 cent. ; Kirkcaldy with one of 25.5 percent. ; Fal- 
 kirk with one of 24.3 per cent.; Govan with one 
 of 24.2 per cent. ; Coatbridge with one of 21.3 
 per cent. ; Aberdeen with one of 22.9 per cent.; 
 Kilmarnock with one of 20.1 per cent. ; Paisley 
 with one of 19.5 per cent. ; Airdrie with one of 
 
 16.5 per cent. ; Glasgow with one of 15.5 per 
 cent. ; Ayr with one of 15.1 per cent. ; Edin- 
 burgh with one of 14.8 per cent.; Dunfermline 
 with one of 14.1 percent.; Leith with one of 
 
 12.6 per cent. ; Inverness with one of 10.3 per 
 cent. ; Perth with one of 9.9 per cent. ; Green- 
 ock with one of 7.4 per cent. ; and Dundee with 
 oue of 4.5 percent. ; while Arbroath indicates 
 a decrease at the rate of 1.9 per cent.” — Pre- 
 liminary Report to Parliament. 
 
 The division of population between town dis- 
 tricts and rural districts is shown in the follow- 
 ing table : 
 
 Groups of Districts. 
 
 Males. 
 
 Females. 
 
 Total. 
 
 Town Districts (Pop. 2,000 
 and upwards) .... 
 Mainland-Rural Districts 
 Insular-Rural Districts 
 
 1,404,382 
 
 479,009 
 
 68,006 
 
 1,620,698 
 
 495,172 
 
 67,000 
 
 2,925,080 
 
 974,841 
 
 125,726 
 
 Total 
 
 1,942,717 
 
 2,0S2,930 
 
 4,025,647 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Mr. Carnegie’s great Gift to 
 Universities and Students. See (in this vol.) 
 Education: Scotland: A. D. 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1904-1905. — Decision of the House 
 of Lords against the Union, in 1900, of the 
 Free Church with the United Presbyterian. 
 — All Property given to the Opposing 
 Remnant. — “ In 1900, the United Free Church 
 was formed by the union of the majority of the 
 Free Church with the entire body of the United 
 Presbyterians, . . . (see, in Volume VI. of this 
 
 work, Scotland: A. D. 1900) and a new organ- 
 isation placed in the field of Church politics in 
 Scotland almost equal in respect of numbers 
 and resources to the Established Church. The 
 small minority opposed to this union inside the 
 Free Church seceded, held some of the churches 
 and manses by force, defying authority to the 
 extent, in one instance, of a month’s imprison- 
 ment, and retained the denomination of ‘The 
 Free Church of Scotland.’ As their fathers left 
 a ‘vitiated’ Establishment on purpose to pre- 
 serve the freedom and purity of the National 
 Church, so they refused to enter the new union, 
 in order, by standing out, to save the principles, 
 doctrines, and purposes identified with the Dis- 
 ruption of 1843. This minority of not more 
 than twenty-seven ministers and as many con- 
 gregations, mostly located in fastnesses beyond 
 the Grampians, is now the Free Church of 
 Scotland, with Presbytery, Assembly, Moder- 
 ator — in short, with the offices and institutions, 
 on a condensed scale, which are essential in 
 Presbyterian polity. These few determined 
 people claim to be the faithful remnant of the 
 Disruptionists. Like Milton’s Abdiel, ‘ un- 
 shaken, unseduced, unterrified,’ nor moved to 
 ‘ swerve from truth ’ or ‘ change their constant 
 mind,’ they claim to have kept their loyalty, 
 their love, their zeal in the cause of the Disrup- 
 tion through all the temptations of an age in 
 thought Pyrrhonist, in morality lax, and in re- 
 ligion Latitudinarian. On the assumption that 
 they alone were the Free Church, they invoked 
 the aid of the Civil Courts in their defence. 
 The Court of Session — both the Ordinary and 
 the Inner Courts — -decided in favour of the 
 United Free Church. Home-made law could 
 not satisfy the minority, and, on appeal, the 
 House of Lords reversed the judgment of the 
 Court of Session, declaring the remnant to be 
 the Free Church of Scotland, and finding that 
 the United Free Church was a modern compos- 
 ite body which, on the evidence of its ambi- 
 dextrous and Latitudinarian constitution, had 
 abandoned the fundamental doctrines and prin- 
 ciples held by the Disruptionists. In conse- 
 quence of this decision, the property of the Free 
 Church, as it existed prior to the union of 1900, 
 now belongs to the remnant of the Disrup- 
 tionists. 
 
 “From the side of the losing United Free 
 Church a bitter erv has arisen against this final- 
 ity in law. The decision is formally accepted, 
 yet denounced as unjust and incompetent, as 
 denying toleration and the right to change its 
 creed to an autonomous body ; and there are 
 murmurs about of the necessity of an appeal to 
 Parliament. . . . It seems the rankest injustice 
 to transfer more than one million in invested 
 funds, nearly a thousand church buildings, 
 three superior colleges devoted to the training 
 of Divinity students (one in Edinburgh, another 
 in Glasgow, and a third in Aberdeen), the mag- 
 nificent Assembly Hall in Edinburgh, with the 
 offices attached, probably also much property in 
 foreign missions, from the United Free Church 
 to this remnant of Disruptionists, the custodians 
 of the dying embers of Obscurantism in Scot- 
 land.” — J. M. Sloan, The Scottish Free Church 
 {Fortnightly Review, Sept., 1904). 
 
 To consider the situation created by the de- 
 cision of the House of Lords, a Royal Commis- 
 sion was appointed, which investigated all the 
 
SCOTLAND 
 
 SENUSSIA 
 
 questions involved and reported its findings in 
 April, 1905. In the judgment of the Commis- 
 sion, the Free Church (the “Wee Frees,” as 
 that body was now commonly dubbed) had 
 neither the numbers nor the resources for put- 
 ting to their proper use the enormous endow- 
 ment which it claimed. At the same time there 
 would be no justice in delivering those endow- 
 ments unconditionally to the United Free 
 Church. It was recommended, accordingly, that 
 a Commission be constituted by Act of Parlia- 
 ment to take charge of the whole property and 
 funds involved, and to arrange for the allocation 
 of the same, to the end of securing “adequate 
 provision for the due performance of the pur- 
 poses for which the funds were raised and the 
 trusts on which they are held.” A Bill in ac- 
 cordance with this recommendation was passed 
 during the next session of Parliament. 
 
 On the request of the General Assembly of 
 the Church of Scotland, the same Act enabled 
 the Church to change the formula of subscrip- 
 tion required from its ministers, under the Act 
 of 1G93, so that, on being ordained, a minister 
 shall only make a “declaration of his faith in 
 the sum and substance of the doctrine of the 
 Reformed Churches therein contained, accord- 
 ing to such formula as may from time to time 
 be prescribed by the General Assembly.” 
 
 A. D. 1904-1909. — Peace followed by 
 Threatened Conflict in the Coal Mining In- 
 dustry. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion: Scotland. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Working of the Old Age 
 Pensions Act. See Poverty, Problems of : 
 Pensions. 
 
 SCOTT, James Brown: Technical Dele- 
 gate to the Second Peace Conference. See 
 
 (in this vol.) War, Tiie Revolt against: 
 A. D. 1907. 
 
 SCOTT, Captain K. T.: Commander of 
 Antarctic Expedition. See (in this vol.) 
 Polar Exploration. 
 
 SEAL FISHERY NEGOTIATIONS.— 
 
 “Negotiations for an international conference 
 to consider and reach an arrangement providing 
 for the preservation and protection of the fur 
 seals in the North Pacific are in progress with 
 the governments of Great Britain, Japan, and 
 Russia. The attitude of the governments inter- 
 ested leads me to hope for a satisfactory settle- 
 ment of this question as the ultimate outcome of 
 the negotiations.” — Message of the President of 
 the United States to Congress, Dec. 6, 1909. 
 
 SEATTLE: A. D. 1909. — The Alaska- 
 Yukon-Pacific Exposition. — “The fair at 
 Seattle,” said The World's Work of August, 
 1909, “ is beautiful ; that goes without saying, 
 for the best of man’s art is fitted to the best of 
 Nature’s workmanship to make a balanced and 
 blended picture never excelled in the long list 
 of great exhibitions. But better than that, the 
 fair at Seattle is a definite commercial lesson — 
 and lessons in commerce last forever. Pri- 
 marily, the fair is teaching. the people of the 
 United States to know the Pacific coast ; sec- 
 ondarily, it is teaching them a little of Alaska, 
 a little of Japan, and a little of the Philippines. 
 And the distinctive feature of this particular 
 fair is the determined effort to make those les- 
 sons true.” This seems to describe the impres- 
 sion which the Alaska- Yukon-Pacific Exposi- 
 tion made generally on the visitors who went 
 
 6 
 
 to it with an intelligent purpose in going. It 
 gave them what they went to see, with fidelity, 
 with fulness, and in most attractive forms of 
 display. Like its Northwestern predecessor, 
 at Portland, four years before, it was an almost 
 startling revelation of the possibilities of plant- 
 ing and ripening in cities, states, and their 
 social institutions, that lie within trivial spaces 
 of time in this wonderful present age. 
 
 The Exposition was on the grounds of Wash- 
 ington University, and seven of the principal 
 buildings erected for it were of permanent con- 
 struction and remain for the use of the Univer- 
 sity. Again, as at Portland, the most interest- 
 ing of these buildings architecturally w r as that 
 for the forestry exhibit, built of logs and other 
 timber in a state as nearly natural as it could 
 be kept. 
 
 The Exposition was open from June 1st until 
 October 16, and registered about 3,740,000 vis- 
 itors. 
 
 SEBAHEDDIN. See (in this vol.) Tur- 
 key: A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 SECTARIAN SCHOOL QUESTION. 
 
 See (in this vol.) France: A. D. 1903; also 
 Canada : A. D. 1905. 
 
 SEDDON, Richard J.: Prime Minister of 
 New Zealand. — His Death. See (in this vol.) 
 New Zealand: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 SEGNATURA, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Papacy: A. D. 1908. 
 
 SEIYU-KAI. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. 
 D. 1902 (Aug.) ; 1903 (June), and 1909. 
 
 SELFRIDGE, Lieutenant T. E. See (in 
 this vol.) Science and Invention, Recent : 
 Aeronautics. 
 
 SENATORS, United States: Proposed 
 Election by Direct Popular Vote. See (in this 
 vol.) United States Senators. 
 
 SENEGAMBIA: A. D. 1904. — Cession 
 of a portion of territory by England to 
 France. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1904 
 (April). 
 
 SENUSSIA, or Senoussi : The Pan-Is- 
 lamic Movement in Africa. — Sidi Mahomed 
 bin Ali es Senussia and his Sect. — His 
 Doctrine and its Aim. — “We have recently 
 heard, principally apropos of the disturbances 
 in Egypt, a considerable amount concerning 
 Pan-Islamism. Taking into consideration how 
 much has been written on this subject, it is 
 surprising to find how little has been said con- 
 cerning one of the principal organisations for 
 the propagation of Pan-Islamism. I refer to 
 the sect known as Senussia. ... At this pre- 
 sent moment there is throughout Africa very 
 general discontent among the native population, 
 not only in Mohammedan countries, but univer- 
 sally over the length and breadth of the entire 
 continent. . . . 
 
 “It is a comparatively easy matter to so influ- 
 ence any warlike Moslem people to religious en- 
 thusiasm that they are instantly ready in arms 
 to strike a blow for the faith. But the most 
 significant and sinister symptom of this anti- 
 Christian crusade is that the message carried by 
 the Senussia agents is, ‘Wait, for the time is 
 not yet ripe. Rest now, but when the hour 
 arrives, rise, slay, and spare not.’ Taking 
 into consideration the fact that the Senussia 
 sect was founded in 1835, that its rise has been 
 enormously rapid, and that its propaganda has 
 been actively and diligently preached in British 
 
 .0 
 
SENUSSIA 
 
 SIAM 
 
 possessions for ninny years past, with scarcely 
 one definite item of intelligence concerning it 
 being known, it shows clearly that the motive 
 power and organising intelligence must be some- 
 thing considerably above the average. . . . 
 
 “The sect was founded in 18135 by Sidi Ma- 
 homed bin Ali es Senussia, otherwise known as 
 Sheikh Senussi, an Algerian Arab born near 
 Mostaganem towards the end of the Turkish 
 dominion. A lineal descendant of the prophet 
 Mahomed, he first gained a reputation for sanc- 
 tity at Fez. lie then proceeded to Mecca, where 
 he commenced preaching. However his suc- 
 cess, which was remarkably rapid, caused great 
 local jealousy and he had perforce to fly to 
 Egypt. He started a zawia or monastery at 
 Alexandria, but being excommunicated by the 
 Sheikh el Islam at Cairo, he was again com- 
 pelled to seek safety in flight. This time he 
 fled across the Lybian desert to Jebel el Akhdar 
 near Benghazi on the north coast, where he 
 again established a zawia, and in a short time 
 had obtained a considerable following. There 
 he lived and preached, and died in 1859 or 1860, 
 having firmly established the Senussia sect. 
 He was succeeded by his son Mahomed. 
 
 “The doctrine preached by the Sheikh 
 Senussi, and which still comprises the doctrines 
 and aims of his disciples, was as follows: To free 
 the Mahommedan religion from the many abuses 
 which have crept into it. To restore, under one 
 universal leader, the former purity of faith. 
 Finally, and most especially, to free all Moslem 
 countries, more particularly those in Africa, 
 from the dominion of the infidel.” — H. A. Wil- 
 son, The Moslem Menace ( Nineteenth Century , 
 Sept., 1907). 
 
 “ The growth of the Senoussi has been one of 
 the most striking developments of modern Islam. 
 They have adopted an active missionary policy 
 and have spread southwards through heathen 
 Africa, while their organization has been framed 
 with the idea of including and coordinating all 
 existing brotherhoods. The Senoussi have 
 established in all countries where the Moslem is 
 governed by an alien race a system of occult 
 government side by side, and coinciding in its 
 boundaries, with the state administration. This 
 occult government exists in Algeria, Egypt, and 
 India, and its emissaries are at work in Nigeria. 
 The Senoussi now include within their brother- 
 hood practically all the Sunnis, that is the 
 majority of Moslems in Arabia, Turkey, North 
 Africa, Turkestan, Afghanistan and East Asia. 
 The Shiites, who predominate in Persia, are 
 alone prevented by their conception of orthodoxy 
 from being Senoussi. 
 
 “The Senoussi had their headquarters at 
 Djarboub, but some twenty years ago it was 
 decided to send their official representative to 
 Constantinople, and the venerable Mokkadem 
 who occupies this position is even more power- 
 ful in councils than the Sheik ul Islam, who, 
 nominated by the Sultan, occupies in the hierar- 
 chy the place of Expounder of the Law, second 
 only to that of the Caliph, the ‘Shadow of God 
 on Earth.’” — A. R. Colquhoun, Pan-Islam 
 ( North American Renew. June, 1906). 
 
 See, also, in Volume VI., page 835. 
 
 SERGIUS, Grand Duke, Assassination of. 
 See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 SERVIA. See (in this vol.) Balkan and 
 Danubian States : Servia. 
 
 SEVASTOPOL : Riot and Naval Mutiny. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905 (Feu.- 
 Nov.). 
 
 SHACKLETON, Lieutenant Ernest H. : 
 Antarctic Explorations. See (iu this vol.) 
 Polar Exploration. 
 
 SHA-HO, Battle of the. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (Sept. -March). 
 
 SHANGHAI: A. D. 1902. — Withdrawal 
 of Foreign Troops. See (in this vol.) China : 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Boycott of Americans and 
 American Goods. See Race Problems : 
 United States: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — International Opium Com- 
 mission. See Opium Problem. 
 
 SHAW, Leslie M. : Secretary of the 
 Treasury. See (in this vol.) United States : 
 A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909. 
 
 SHEIKH-UL-ISLAM, The : His Author- 
 ity and Function at Constantinople. See 
 Senussia. 
 
 His Part in the Turkish Constitutional 
 Revolution. See (in this vol.) Turkey ; A. D. 
 1908 (July-Dec.), and after. 
 
 SHEMSI PASHA, Assassination of. 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1908 (July- 
 Dec.). 
 
 SHERIAT, The. See (in this vol.) Tur- 
 key: A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 SHERMAN ANTI -TRUST ACT, of 
 1890. See (in this vol.) Railways: United 
 States : A. D. 1890-1902. 
 
 Action of National Civic Federation on 
 its Amendment. See Combinations, Indus- 
 trial, &c. : United States: A. D. 1908- 
 1909. 
 
 SHERMAN, James S. : Elected Vice- 
 President of the United States. See (in this 
 vol.) United States: A. D. 1908 (April- 
 Nov.). 
 
 SHEVKET PASHA, Mahmud: Com- 
 mander ofthe Turkish Constitutional Forces. 
 See (in this vol. (Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan.-May). 
 
 SHIPBUILDING AGREEMENT (Brit- 
 tish) of 1908, The. See (in this vol.) Labor 
 Organization: England: A. D. 1908. 
 
 SHIPPING COMBINATION, North At- 
 lantic. See (in this vol.) Combinations, Indus- 
 trial: International. 
 
 SHIRE HIGHLANDS: Their Suitability 
 for European Colonization. See (in this vol.) 
 Africa. 
 
 SHIRTWAIST-MAKERS’ STRIKE, 
 The. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization; 
 United States: A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 SHONTS, Theodore P.: Chairman of the 
 Panama Canal Commission. See (in this vol.) 
 Panama Canal: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 SHOOA-ES-SULTANEH. See (in this 
 vol.) Persia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 SHORT BALLOT REFORM. See (in 
 this vol.) Elective Franchise: United States. 
 
 SI A-GU-SHAN HILL, Capture of. See 
 (in this vol ) Japan: A. D. 1904-1905 (May-J an.). 
 
 SIAM : A. D. 1902. — Treaty with France. 
 — By a fresh treaty with Siam, secured in Octo- 
 ber, 1902, France won from that kingdom an- 
 other piece of territory to add to her Indo-China 
 domain. The new acquisition is between the 
 Rolnos and Piek Kompong Tiam rivers, on 
 the Great Lake. In return France restores 
 the port of Chantabun, which she has held for 
 
 611 
 
SIAM 
 
 SMALL HOLDINGS ACT 
 
 a. long time without right, and which she agreed 
 to restore in 1899. See Siam in Volume VI. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Declaration of England and 
 France touching Influence in Siam. See (in 
 thisvol.) Europe: A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Suppression of Gambling and 
 Edict for the Extinction of Slavery. — An 
 official notification of the suppression of gam- 
 bling and a royal edict decreeing the abolition 
 of the last remnants of slavery in the Kingdom 
 of Siam were communicated to the American 
 Government, through its Minister at Bangkok, 
 in March and April, 1905. In part, the former 
 stated : 
 
 “His Majesty has long been impressed by the 
 fact that although the revenue derived from 
 gambling is an important factor in the finances 
 of the Kingdom the evils resulting therefrom are 
 much greater than the benefits. People expend 
 in gambling not only their own wealth but the 
 wealth of others. They devote to gambling 
 time during which they should be attending to 
 their work. Under present conditions large 
 sums of money which come into the hands of 
 the gambling farmers are sent out of the king- 
 dom. Gambling is also responsible for much of 
 the crime that is committed. The abolition of 
 gambling would, therefore, not only result in 
 an improvement in the morals of the people 
 and in increased industry, but money now ex- 
 pended therein would remain in circulation 
 within the country, thereby adding to the 
 wealth of the community. In order, however, 
 to replace the loss of the revenue derived from 
 gambling, some taxes must be increased and 
 new taxes devised. In the increase of certain 
 of these taxes it will be necessary to enter upon 
 negotiations with foreign powers. Gambling 
 cannot, therefore, be suppressed at once, but 
 must be gradually abolished. His Majesty, 
 therefore, has been pleased to order the abolition 
 of gambling within the period of three years.” 
 
 The decree concerning slavery opens thus: 
 “Although slavery in our realm is very differ- 
 ent from slavery as it has existed in many other 
 countries — most slaves being persons who have 
 become so voluntarily and not by force and the 
 powers of the master over the slaves being 
 strictly limited — yet we have always con- 
 sidered that the institution, even in this modi- 
 fied form, is an impediment to the progress of 
 our country. We have, therefore, from the 
 commencement of our reign, taken steps, by the 
 enactment of laws and otherwise, for the abo- 
 lition of slavery. . . . We now deem it time 
 to take more sweeping measures which will 
 gradually result in the entire disappearance of 
 slavery from Siam.” Accordingly, a law is be- 
 creed as follows: “ All children born of parents 
 who are slaves shall be free without the execu- 
 tion of the condition stated in the law of Pee 
 Chau. No person now free can be made a slave. 
 
 If any person now a slave shall hereafter become 
 free he cannot thereafter again become a slave. 
 Wherever any person is now held a debt slave, 
 the master shall credit upon the principal of the 
 debt for which he is held a slave the sum of four 
 (4) ticals for each month after the 1st of April, 
 124, provided that no credit shall be allowed for 
 any time during which the slave may desert his 
 master. If a slave changes his master, no in- 
 crease shall be made in the debt for which he is 
 actually held.” 
 
 6 ] 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Treaty with Great Britain, 
 Ceding three States in the Malay Peninsula. 
 
 — By a treaty with Siam, signed on the 10th of 
 March, 1909, Great Britain added 15,000 square 
 miles to her dominion in the Malay Peninsula. 
 Siam renounced, in favour of Great Britain, her 
 suzerain rights over the native States of Kelan- 
 tan, Trengganu, and Kedah, and perhaps other 
 districts, in the Peninsula. In return the British 
 Government consented to certain modifications 
 in the extra-territorial rights enjoyed by British 
 subjects in Siam. The Government of the Fed- 
 erated Malay States will advance to Siam the 
 capital, about £4,000,000, required for the con- 
 struction of railways in Southern Siam, by 
 which it is hoped that direct railway communi- 
 cation will soon be established between Bangkok 
 and Singapore. Kelantan lies 374 miles distant 
 from Singapore and about 500 from Bangkok, on 
 the shore of the China Sea. It is a purely Malay 
 State under the rule of a Rajah, who has not, 
 like his predecessors, adopted the higher title of 
 Sultan, but who claims to be an independent 
 Sovereign, though he has been compelled to ac- 
 knowledge the King of Siam as his suzerain. 
 This condition of affairs has led to the transfer 
 of his allegiance, very much, it is said, against 
 his wish. 
 
 SIENKIEWICZ, Henry K. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 SIFTON, Clifford: Canadian Minister of 
 the Interior. — How he started the “Ameri- 
 can Invasion” of the Canadian Northwest. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1896-1909. 
 
 SIGANANDA. See (in this vol.) South 
 Africa: Natal: A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 SILVER: Suspension of Free Coinage in 
 Mexico. See (in this vol.) Mexico: A. D. 
 1904-1905. 
 
 SILVER EXCHANGE, with the Orient. 
 
 See (in thisvol.) Finance and Trade: Asia: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 SIMON, General Antoine: President of 
 Haiti. See (in this vol.) Haiti . A. D. 1908. 
 
 SIMPLON TUNNEL. See (in this vol.) 
 Railways : Switzerland: A. D. 1903. 
 
 SINHA, Satyendra Prasanna: Appoint- 
 ment as a Member of the Executive Council 
 of the Viceroy of India. See (in this vol.) 
 India: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 SINN FEIN, The. See (in this vol.) Ire- 
 land: A. D. 1905. 
 
 SIOUX INDIANS: Colony in Nicaragua. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Central America: Nica- 
 ragua. 
 
 SIPAHDAR, The. See (in this vol.) 
 Persia: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 SIPIAGIN, M.: Assassination of. See (in 
 thisvol.) Russia: A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 SLAVERY: In Portuguese Africa. See (in 
 thisvol.) Africa: Portuguese: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 Abolition in Siam. See Siam: A. D. 1909. 
 Legal, but not Practical Ending in Zanzi- 
 bar. See Zanzibar : A. D. 1905. 
 
 SLEEPING SICKNESS. See (in thisvol.) 
 Public Health. 
 
 SLOCUM, Consul-General C. R.: Report 
 on Affairs in the Congo State. See (in this 
 vol.) Congo State: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 “SLOCUM,” Burning of the. See “Gen- 
 eral Slocum.” 
 
 SMALLHOLDINGS ACT. See (in this 
 
 vol.) England: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 2 
 
SMIRNOFF 
 
 SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 SMIRNOFF, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. I). 1904 (Feb. -Aug.). 
 
 SMITH, Charles E. : Postmaster-General. 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1901- 
 1905. 
 
 SMITH, Goldwin: On Discontent in India. 
 
 See (in this vol.) India: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 SMITH, Consul-General James A.: Re- 
 port on Affairs in the Congo State. See (in 
 this vol.) Congo State: A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 SMITH, James F.: Governor-General of 
 the Philippine Islands. See (in this vol.) 
 Philippine Islands: A. D. 1906-1907. 
 
 SYNDER, R. M.: Municipal “Boodler” 
 of St. Louis. See (in this vol.) Municipal 
 Government : St. Louis. 
 
 SOCIAL BETTERMENT: England: 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Housing and Town-Plan- 
 ning Act. — A Housing and Town Planning 
 Bill, brought over from the previous session 
 of Parliament, was introduced anew in April, 
 1909, by Mr. John Burns, President of the 
 Local Government Board. It passed the Com- 
 mons and went in November to the Lords, who 
 gave it amendments which were thought to 
 have brought it to wreck. The House of Com- 
 mons would not accept them ; but many in both 
 Houses were keenly anxious for legislation on 
 the subject, and private negotiation brought 
 about a compromise of their differences, secur- 
 ing the enactment in a fairly satisfactory form. 
 
 The first part of the Act aims at improving 
 the dwelling accommodation of the working 
 classes, both by making it obligatory on all 
 local authorities to provide new housing where 
 required, and also by elaborate provisions for 
 sanitary inspection. Every county council is 
 required to appoint a public health and housing 
 committee and also a medical officer of health, 
 who shall devote his whole time to the super- 
 vision of the county area. Almost all work- 
 ing class dwellings in the country are covered 
 by provisions ensuring that they shall be kept 
 fit for human habitation throughout their ten- 
 ancy. Enlarged powers of compulsory pur- 
 chase, of closing and of demolition are also 
 conferred upon local authorities or their author- 
 ized agents. 
 
 The provisions of the Act relating to town- 
 planning are commended by The Times as 
 marking “ a new departure in legislation in this 
 country. Hitherto new centres of population 
 have been allowed to grow up, and existing 
 urban areas have been allowed to expand, with- 
 out control or prevision. The result has too 
 often been that the haphazard development of 
 land in the vicinity of urban centres has pro- 
 duced slums, prevented the orderly growth of 
 towns, and involved enormous expenditure in 
 clearing sites, widening streets, and providing 
 necessary open spaces. The Bill aims at secur- 
 ing in the future sanitary conditions, amenity, 
 and convenience by enabling schemes to be 
 made under which building land will be devel- 
 oped with due regard to future requirements. 
 With this end in view the Local Government 
 Board are empowered to authorize local author- 
 ities to prepare town planning schemes in con 
 nexion with land likely to be used for building 
 purposes, or to adopt any such schemes pro- 
 posed by owners of land. The schemes are to 
 have effect, however, only if approved by the 
 Local Government Board. The Bill provides 
 
 for the payment of compensation to any person 
 whose property is injuriously affected by the 
 making of a town planning scheme, and, on the 
 other hand, the local authority is empowered to 
 recover from any person whose land is in- 
 creased in value by the making of the scheme a 
 proportion of the amount of that increase.” 
 
 In anticipation of the passage of this impor- 
 tant Act, a party of eighty representatives of 
 municipalities and other bodies in Great Britain 
 who would be concerned in its administration 
 passed the Easter holidays of 1909 in some of 
 the German cities which are most famous for 
 the manner in which they have dealt with the 
 problems of town-growth. The four cities se- 
 lected were Cologne, Dusseldorf, Frankfurt, 
 and Wiesbaden, each of which has formulated 
 its own way of dealing with the problem and 
 offers a different point of view. 
 
 Prussia : A. D. 1905. — A Government 
 Bureau of Charities. — In 1905 a law passed 
 by the Prussian Diet created a national Char- 
 ity Bureau, the duties of which are stated as 
 follows: (1) To follow the development of char- 
 ity work and keep the government informed of 
 this development ; (2) to advise the state of con- 
 ditions which justify change in existing laws 
 or the passing of new laws, or which suggest 
 change in government methods ; (3) to draw up 
 opinions and make proposals which will help in 
 framing laws for the benefit of the people ; (4) 
 to take general control of relief stations in case 
 of great calamities. It will also be the duty 
 of the department (1) to establish relations be- 
 tween different charity organizations suggest 
 improvements in the methods of these organi/.a 
 tions, and economize the forces of the various 
 bodies ; (2) to follow the progress of charitable 
 work and make an index and collection of all 
 literature relating to the subject ; (3) to give 
 information and advice in reference to philan- 
 thropic endeavor when requested to do so ; (4) 
 to make reports to the state at short intervals in 
 reference to the development and progress of 
 the work in the nation at large ; (5) to draw up 
 opinions and make proposals for the improve- 
 ment or better organization of the charity pro- 
 paganda in part or as a whole ; (6) to take 
 charge of the development of the work in any 
 section ; (7) to assist in putting in operation 
 any suggestions or plans which may be made or 
 worked out for the improvement of social con- 
 ditions. 
 
 United States: A. D. 1900-1909. — The 
 National Civic Federation. — Its Origin. — 
 Its Purposes. — Its Organization. — Its 
 Work. — The Federation was organized in 
 1900, in Chicago, after a succession of national 
 conferences had been held upon such subjects 
 as Primary Election Reform, Foreign Policy 
 and Trusts and Combinations. It consisted of 
 an advisory council of five hundred members 
 and an Executive Committee. On the Execu- 
 tive Committee were several of the members of 
 the present National Executive Committee, in- 
 cluding Franklin MacVeagh, Archbishop Ire- 
 land, Samuel Gompers, John Mitchell, D. J. 
 Keefe, John W. Stahl, and Benjamin Ide 
 Wheeler. The prospectus, published at the 
 time, stated the purpose of the organization to 
 be as follows : 
 
 “. . .To organize the best brains of the 
 nation in an educational movement toward the 
 
 6 
 
SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 solution of some of tlie great problems related 
 to social and industrial progress ; to provide for 
 study and discussion of questions of national 
 import ; to aid thus in the crystallization of the 
 most enlightened public opinion ; and, when 
 desirable, to promote legislation in accordance 
 therewith.” 
 
 “Fifteen national subjects were named, and 
 it was expected that from time to time the for- 
 mation of committees would result having as 
 their special province the consideration of the 
 subjects suggested. 
 
 “ By vote, it was decided to take up for dis- 
 cussion, through national conferences, the three 
 subjects of industrial arbitration, taxation and 
 municipal ownership. The first conference, 
 that on industrial arbitration, was held at Chi- 
 cago, in December, 1900, and resulted in the 
 organization of the Industrial Department, with 
 A. C. Bartlett, of Chicago, chairman. In the 
 following June a national conference on taxa- 
 tion was held in Buffalo, resulting in the for- 
 mation of the Department on Taxation, with 
 Edwin R. A. Seligman as chairman. It was 
 the intention to hold the Conference on Munici- 
 pal Ownership in New York the following De- 
 cember, but in the meantime a number of large 
 strikes, especially the Steel Strike, the National 
 Machinists’ strike and a threatened Anthracite 
 Coal Strike absorbed so much of the energy and 
 attention of the active members of the Federa- 
 tion at that time that the Public Ownership 
 Conference was postponed for the time being. 
 
 “Through the w r ork done by the committee 
 in connection with the coal and steel strikes, 
 Senator Hanna became interested in the organ- 
 ization, and in December of that year was made 
 President of the organization. His selection 
 for that office, together with the appointment 
 of other men of national reputation on the com- 
 mittee, attracted the attention of the country to 
 the organization. For two years following that 
 department was the only one prominent before 
 the public, and its work in the prevention of 
 strikes and lockouts was naturally regarded as 
 the only purpose of the organization. The 
 conferences held during this period were nat- 
 urally confined to the subject of conciliation 
 and collateral phases of the work. As national 
 labor disturbances then became less frequent 
 after two years of this special work the organ- 
 ization was able to resume its original pro- 
 gramme, holding itself, however, in readiness 
 to concentrate its energies on the industrial 
 work at any time the need might arise. 
 
 “ It was at this time that the national confer- 
 ence on immigration was called, and the Depart- 
 ment of Immigration organized. After that a 
 national commission on Municipal Ownership 
 was formed, and by that time the public began 
 to take interest in the broader aspects of the or- 
 ganization. Later came the establishment of the 
 Industrial Economics Department, which has 
 taken up some of the most important problems 
 of the day, including Socialism and Trusts and 
 Combinations. The holding of a national confer- 
 ence on Political Reform resulted in the organ- 
 ization of a department especially devoted to 
 these subjects. 
 
 “ While the subjects to be taken up by the 
 organization are determined by the Executive 
 Committee, the fact is here emphasized that in 
 devoting itself to other matters than questions 
 
 relating to strikes and lockouts, the organization 
 has not deviated from, but has returned to, its 
 original lines.” — The National Civic federation 
 Review, March , 1909. 
 
 The following additional particulars of the 
 organization and operations of the Federation 
 are drawn from a pamphlet statement of 1909: 
 “The membership of the Federation is drawn 
 from practical men of affairs, whose acknow- 
 ledged leadership in thought and action makes 
 them typical representatives of the various ele- 
 ments that voluntarily work together for the 
 general good. Its National Executive Com- 
 mittee is constituted of three factors : the gen- 
 eral public, represented by the church, the bar, 
 the press, statesmanship and finance; employers, 
 represented by large manufacturers and the 
 heads of great corporations, and employers’ 
 organizations; and labor, represented by the 
 principal officials of national and international 
 organizations of wage-earners in every impor- 
 tant industry. 
 
 “There are useful organizations of farmers, 
 manufacturers, wage-earners, bankers, mer- 
 chants, lawyers, economists and other distinct 
 but interacting elements of society, which hold 
 meetings for discussion of affairs peculiar to 
 their own pursuits and callings. The Federa- 
 tion, in addition to its Departments for the ac- 
 complishment of specific purposes, provides a 
 forum where representatives of all these ele- 
 ments of society may meet to discuss national 
 problems in which they have a common inter- 
 est. 
 
 “Twelve national conferences have thus been 
 held upon such subjects as Primary Election 
 and Ballot Reforms, Foreign Policy, Trusts, 
 Conciliation and Arbitration, Taxation, and Im- 
 migration. These conferences have usually 
 been attended by delegates appointed by Gov- 
 ernors of States and by representatives selected 
 by various commercial, industrial, and educa- 
 tional bodies. 
 
 “The present activities of the Federation are 
 exercised through the following agencies: 
 “Trade Agreement Department, 
 
 “Industrial Conciliation Department, 
 
 “ Industrial Economics Department, 
 “Industrial Welfare Department, 
 
 “Public Employes’ Welfare Department, 
 
 “ The Woman’s Department, 
 
 “ Public Ownership Commission, 
 “Immigration Department, 
 
 “Political Reform Department. 
 
 “ The Trade Agreement Department [John 
 Mitchell, Chairman] consists of employers and 
 representatives of workingmen, who make agree- 
 ments as to hours, wages and conditions of em- 
 ployment. The membership of the department 
 is equally divided between employers and labor 
 leaders, the employers being officers of steam 
 and street railway companies, coal operators, 
 the publishers of large daily papers, building 
 contractors, brewers, stove manufacturers, ship- 
 pers’ associations, while labor is represented by 
 officials in corresponding crafts. . . . 
 
 “The Conciliation Department [Seth Low, 
 Chairman] deals entirely with strikes, lock-outs 
 and arbitration. The services of this depart- 
 ment have been enlisted in about five hundred 
 cases, involving every conceivable phase of a 
 problem interwoven with or underlying an in- 
 dustrial controversy. Its membership extends 
 
 614 
 
SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 to every industrial centre, and includes repre- 
 sentatives of leading organizations of employers 
 and of wage-earners. Through this membership 
 information of any threatened trouble between 
 capital and labor usually reaches the headquar- 
 ters, from one side or the other, in advance of 
 any public rupture. . . . 
 
 “The Department of Industrial Econom- 
 ics [Nicholas Murray Butler, Chairman] was 
 formed to promote discussion of practical eco- 
 nomic problems. Its membership is composed 
 of leading economists, including the heads of 
 the departments of political economy in uni- 
 versities, lecturers and economic and legal 
 authors; editors of the daily press, of politico- 
 social magazines, of trade papers aud of labor 
 journals; representatives of the pulpit; large 
 employers and representatives of labor. This 
 department has arranged a programme for the 
 discussion, by the ablest experts to be pro- 
 cured, of each of the vital and frequently irri- 
 tating questions that arise in the Conciliation 
 Department in connection with the prevention 
 or settlement of controversies. . . . 
 
 “The Industrial Welfare Department [the 
 work of which is conducted by a number of 
 sub committees, at the head of one of which is 
 the President of the United States, William H. 
 Taft, as Chairman of the committee which 
 studies the welfare of the Public Employes of 
 the country, and the general Chairman of 
 which is William H. Willcox] is composed of em- 
 ployers of labor in stores, factories, mines and 
 on railroads. It is devoted to interesting em- 
 ployers in improving the conditions under 
 which employes in all industries work and live. 
 
 In extending the practice of Welfare Work the 
 department has found of especial value confer- 
 ences of employers, held under its auspices in 
 different parts of the country, for the inter- 
 change of experiences. Illustrated literature is 
 widely distributed, and stereopticon lectures 
 are given. A bureau of exchange is maintained 
 at headquarters, where descriptive matter, 
 plans and photographs relating to betterments 
 in different industries may be obtained by em- 
 ployers. 
 
 “ Some of the subjects involved are; 
 
 “ Sanitary Work Places: Systems for provid- 
 ing pure drinking water ; for ventilation, includ- 
 ing the cooling of super heated places, and 
 devices for exhausting dust and removing gases; 
 for lighting work places ; and for guarding 
 machinery; wash rooms with hot and cold 
 water, towels and soap ; shower baths for mold- 
 ers and stationary firemen ; emergency hospit- 
 als; locker rooms; seats for women; laundries 
 for men’s overalls or women’s uniforms; the use 
 of elevators for women, and luncheon rooms. 
 
 “Recreation: The social hall for dancing par- 
 ties, concerts, theatricals, billiards, pool or 
 bowling; the gymnasium, athletic field, roof 
 garden, vacations and summer excursions for 
 employes, and rest rooms or trainmen’s rest 
 houses. 
 
 “Educational: Classes for apprentices; in 
 cooking, dressmaking, millinery; first aid to the 
 injured; night classes for technical training; 
 kindergartens and libraries. 
 
 “ Housing: Homes rented or sold to employes, 
 and boarding houses, 
 
 “Provident Funds: For insurance, pensions, 
 savings or lending money in times of stress. 
 
 61 
 
 “The Woman’s Department [of which Mrs. 
 William II. Taft is Honorary Chairman, Mrs. 
 Horace Brock, Chairman, and which has a 
 strong corps of other officers] “ is composed 
 largely of women who are themselves stockhold- 
 ers or who are financially interested in indus- 
 trial organizations (including railroads, mills, 
 factories, mines, stores and other work places) 
 through family relationships, and who therefore 
 naturally should be interested in the welfare of 
 workers in enterprises from which they draw 
 their incomes; there are also, among other in- 
 fluential members, the wives of public officials. 
 
 “ The object of this department is: ‘To use its 
 influence in securing needed improvements in 
 the working and living conditions of women aud 
 men wage-earners in the various industries and 
 governmental institutions, and to co-operate, 
 when practicable, in the general work of the 
 Federation.’ . . . 
 
 “The Public Ownership Commission [Mel- 
 ville E. Ingalls, Chairman], appointed by the 
 Executive Council of the Federation, is com- 
 posed of one hundred prominent men represent- 
 ing practically every shade of opinion on the 
 subject. . . . 
 
 “The Department of Immigration [Franklin 
 MacVeagh, Chairman] is composed of men se- 
 lected to represent every locality in the Union 
 affected by the admission of aliens. 
 
 “This Department was organized at the re- 
 quest of the National Immigration Conference, 
 held in New York City, December 6-8, 1905, 
 this conference being attended by more than five 
 hundred delegates appointed by Governors of 
 States, leading commercial, agricultural, manu- 
 facturing, labor and economic organizations, 
 and by prominent ecclesiastical and educa- 
 tional institutions. It undertook an investiga- 
 tion of all important phases of the immigration 
 problem, the Department being organized into 
 seven distinct committees. . . . 
 
 “Largely through the work of the Immi- 
 gration Department, Congress was induced to 
 appoint a Commission on Immigration, which 
 commission has, with unlimited funds at its dis- 
 posal, undertaken a large part of the work that 
 had been planned by the Federation’s depart- 
 ment. In fact, two members of that depart- 
 ment are on the commission and have utilized 
 all the material gathered by the Federation’s 
 experts, relating to both white and Oriental im- 
 migration. . . . 
 
 “The organization of a Political Reform De- 
 partment was the practical outcome of a Na- 
 tional Conference on that subject held in New 
 York City, March 6 and 7, 1906, under the aus- 
 pices of The National Civic Federation. The 
 Conference was attended by delegates from all 
 parts of the country, appointed by congressmen, 
 governors, mayors, municipal and political re- 
 form bodies, and representing all shades of po- 
 litical opinion. 
 
 “ It is the purpose of the Political Reform 
 Department to teach practical politics, and espe- 
 cially to organize the young men of the country 
 and induce them to participate actively, through 
 their respective party organizations, in govern- 
 mental affairs — Federal, State and munici- 
 pal.” 
 
 A. D. 1904-1909. — The American Civic 
 Association. — “Organized effort for the sys- 
 tematic making of a beautiful America did not 
 
 5 
 
SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 manifest itself until within comparatively recent 
 years. Prior to 1904 there had been various 
 short-lived state associations, a few interstate 
 societies and two national organizations, work- 
 ing with the same general objects in view. But 
 at St. Louis, in 1904, the year of the great ex- 
 position, a merger of the two national organ- 
 izations brought forth the American Civic As- 
 sociation which, siuce that time, has carried on 
 with increasing success and popular support 
 the greatly needed work for a 'More Beautiful 
 America’ ; and since that time it has been 
 recognized as the one great national agency for 
 the furtherance of that work. With its pur- 
 pose as stated in its constitution clearly before 
 it, it has constantly widened the circle of its 
 usefulness until recently they were grouped 
 under fifteen general departments, each depart- 
 ment headed by an expert in his or her particu- 
 lar specialty. 
 
 “In classifying its varied activities, the As- 
 sociation announces that it aims ‘ to make 
 American living conditions clean, healthful, at- 
 tractive ; to extend the making of public parks; 
 to promote the opening of gardens and play- 
 grounds for children and recreation centers for 
 adults; to abate public nuisances — including 
 objectionable signs, unnecessary poles and 
 wires, unpleasant and wasteful smoking fac- 
 tory chimneys ; to make the buildings and the 
 surroundings of railway stations and factories 
 attractive ; to extend the practical influence of 
 schools ; to protect existing trees and to en- 
 courage intelligent tree planting ; to preserve 
 great scenic wonders (such as Niagara Falls 
 and the White Mountains) from commercial 
 spoliation.’ 
 
 “ So vigorously has it pursued these activities 
 that it has seen some of them develop to such 
 proportions that they were ready to swing off 
 from the parent circle into spheres of their 
 own. Such was the case with the playground 
 movement, which for years was fostered most 
 energetically by the American Civic Association 
 until it grew into an independent organization 
 known as the National Playground Association, 
 and which is now an agency of splendid 
 achievements in its one specialized function.” — 
 Richard B. Watrous, The American Civic Asso- 
 ciation ( The American City , Oct., 1909). 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — The Sage Foundation for 
 the Improvement of Social and Living 
 Conditions. — One of the most notable of gifts 
 from private wealth for the endowment of un- 
 dertakings to promote the general welfare of 
 mankind was made by Mrs. Russell Sage, in 
 1907, when she placed a fund of $10,000,000 in 
 the hands of trustees, to be administered under 
 the name of The Russell Sage Foundation. On 
 the announcement of this endowment, Mrs. 
 Sage, through her counsel, Mr. Henry W. de 
 Forest, authorized the following statement, 
 which explains clearly and fully the purposes 
 contemplated : 
 
 “I have set aside $ 10 , 000,000 for the endow- 
 ment of this foundation. Its object is ‘the 
 improvement of social and living conditions in 
 the United States.’ The means to that end will 
 include research, publication, education, the es- 
 tablishment and maintenance of charitable and 
 beneficial activities, agencies, and institutions, 
 and the aid of any such activities, agencies and 
 institutions already established. 
 
 61 
 
 “ It will be within the scope of such a found- 
 ation to investigate and study the causes of 
 adverse social conditions, including ignorance, 
 poverty and vice, to suggest how these condi- 
 tions can be remedied or ameliorated, and to 
 put in operation any appropriate means to that 
 end. It will also be within the scope of such a 
 foundation to establish any new agency neces- 
 sary to carry out any of its conclusions, and 
 equally to contribute to the resources of any 
 existing agencies which are doing efficient and 
 satisfactory work, just as the present General 
 Education Board, organized to promote higher 
 education, is aiding existing colleges and uni- 
 versities. While its scope is broad, it should 
 preferably not undertake to do within that 
 scope what is now being done or is likely to be 
 effectively done by other individuals or by 
 other agencies with less resources. It will be 
 its aim to take up the larger and more difficult 
 problems, and to take them up so far as possible 
 in such a manner as to secure co-operation and 
 aid in their solution. In some instances it may 
 wisely initiate movements with the expectation 
 of having them maintain themselves unaided 
 after once being started. In other instances it 
 may start movements with the expectation of 
 carrying them on itself. Income only will be 
 used for its charitable purposes, because the 
 foundation is to be permanent and its action 
 continuous. It may, however, make invest- 
 ments for social betterment, which themselves 
 produce income. 
 
 “While having headquarters in New York 
 city, where I and my husband have lived and 
 where social problems are most pressing and 
 complicated, partly by reason of its extent and 
 partly because it is the port of entry for about 
 a million immigrants a year, the foundation will 
 be national in its scope and in its activities. I 
 have sought to select as my trustees men and 
 women who are familiar with social problems 
 and who can bring to their solution not only 
 zeal and interest, but experience and judgment. 
 
 “The bill for incorporation of the endow- 
 ment further provides : The corporation hereby 
 formed shall have power to take and hold, both 
 by bequest, devise, gift, purchase, or lease, either 
 absolutely or in trust, for any of its purposes, 
 any property, real or personal, without limita- 
 tion as to amount or value, except such limita- 
 tion, if any, as the legislature shall hereinafter 
 impose, to convey such property and to iuvest 
 and reinvest any principal, and deal with, and 
 expend the income of the corporation in such 
 manner as in the judgment of the trustees will 
 best promote its objects.” 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — The Pittsburg Survey. 
 — A remarkable Investigation of Living Con- 
 ditions in a great Industrial Center. — “ Un- 
 der the name of the Pittsburgh Survey, Charities 
 Publication Committee has carried on a group 
 of social investigations in this great steel dis- 
 trict. In a sense we have been blue-printing 
 Pittsburgh. Our findings will be published in a 
 series of special numbers . . . covering in order: 
 
 “I. — The People; 
 
 “II. — The Place ; 
 
 «• HI. — The Work. 
 
 “Full reports are to be published later in a 
 series of volumes by the Russell Sage Founda- 
 tion, and, throughout, the text will be reinforced 
 with such photographs, pastel, maps, charts, di- 
 
 6 
 
SOCIAL BETTERMENT 
 
 SOCIALISM 
 
 agrams and tables as will help give substance 
 and reality to our presentations of fact. . . . 
 
 “The Pittsburgh Survey has been a rapid, 
 close range investigation of living conditions in 
 the Pennsylvania steel district. It has been car- 
 ried on by a special staff organized under the na- 
 tional publication committee which prints this 
 magazine. It has been financed chiefly by three 
 grants, of moderate amount, from the Russell 
 Sage Foundation for the Improvement of Liv- 
 ing Conditions. It has been made practicable 
 by co-operation from two quarters, — from a re- 
 markable group of leaders and organizations in 
 social and sanitary movements in different parts 
 of the United States, who entered upon the field 
 work as a piece of national good citizenship; 
 and from men, women and organizations in 
 Pittsburgh who were large-minded enough to 
 regard their local situation as not private and 
 peculiar, but a part of the American problem of 
 city building. 
 
 “The outcome has been a spirited piece of 
 interstate co-operation in getting at the urban 
 fact in a new way. . . . 
 
 “ The main work was set under way in Sep- 
 tember, 1807, when a company of men and 
 women of established reputation as students of 
 social and industrial problems spent the month 
 in Pittsburgh. On the basis of their diagnosis, a 
 series of specialized investigations was projected 
 along a few of the lines which promised signif- 
 icant results. The staff has included not only 
 trained investigators but also representatives of 
 the different races who make up so large a share 
 of the working population dealt with. Limita- 
 tions of time and money set definite bounds to 
 the work, which will become clear as the find- 
 ings are presented. The experimental nature of 
 the undertaking, and the unfavorable trade con- 
 ditions which during the past year have reacted 
 upon economic life in all its phases, have set 
 other limits. Our inquiries have dealt with the 
 wage-earners of Pittsburgh (a) in their relations 
 to the community as a whole, and (b) in their 
 relation to industry. Under the former we have 
 studied the genesis and racial make-up of the 
 population; its physical setting and its social 
 institutions; under the latter we have studied 
 the general labor situation ; hours, wages, and 
 labor control in the steel industry ; child labor, 
 industrial education, women in industry, the 
 cost of living, and industrial accidents. 
 
 “ From the first, the work of the investiga- 
 tions has been directed to the service of local 
 movements for improvement. For, as stated in a 
 mid-year announcement of the Survey, we have 
 been studying the community at a time when 
 nascent social forces are asserting themselves. 
 Witness the election of an independent mayor 
 three years ago, and Mr. Guthrie’s present fight 
 to clear councils of graft. Within the field of 
 the Survey and within one year, the Pittsburgh 
 Associated Charities has been organized ; the 
 force of tenement inspectors has been doubled 
 and has carried out a first general housing cen- 
 sus, and a scientific inquiry, under the name of 
 the Pittsburgh Typhoid Commission, has been 
 instituted into the disease which has been en- 
 demic in the district for over a quarter of a cen- 
 tury. A civic improvement commission, repre- 
 sentative in membership and perhaps broader in 
 scope than any similar body in the country, is 
 now in process of formation. 
 
 61 
 
 “A display of wall maps, enlarged photo- 
 graphs, housing plans, and other graphic mate- 
 rial was the chief feature of a civic exhibit held 
 in Carnegie Institute in November and Decem- 
 ber, following the joint conventions in Pitts- 
 burgh of the American Civic Association and 
 the National Municipal League. The local civic 
 bearings of the Survey were the subject of the 
 opening session of these conventions. Its eco- 
 nomic aspects were brought forward at a joint 
 session of the American Economic Association 
 and the American Sociological Society at Atlan- 
 tic City in December.” — P. U. Kellogg, The 
 Pittsburgh Survey ( Charities and the Commons, 
 Jan. 2, 1909). 
 
 See, also (in this vol.), Crime and Crimi- 
 nology ; Children, under tiie Law; Labor 
 Protection, etc. ; Municipal Government ; 
 Public Health ; Poverty, Problems of ; 
 England : A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 SOCIAL DEMOCRATS. See Socialism: 
 England, and France; also Germany: A. D. 
 1903; Russia: A. D. 1905-1907; Denmark: A. 
 D. 1906. 
 
 SOCIAL REVOLUTIONISTS. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905-1907, and 1906- 
 1907. 
 
 SOCIALISM: At Large: A. D. 1909. — 
 The Socialist Press in all Countries. — Ac- 
 cording to a list of the Socialist Press, in the 
 world at large, published in November, 1909, 
 by the International Bureau of Socialists, at 
 Brussels, fifty-seven Socialist daily newspapers 
 are published in Germany. English Socialists 
 have three weekly publications, and one that 
 appears monthly. There is a daily Socialist 
 journal in the Argentine Republic, a weekly 
 review in Australia, and in Austria two daily 
 publications and a bi-weekly review. The So- 
 cialists in Belgium publish four daily organs ; 
 those of Bulgaria support two bi-weekly re- 
 views; and those of Canada one weekly review. 
 One daily Socialist newspaper circulates in Den- 
 mark, and four weekly publications in Spain. 
 In the United States there are four daily and 
 eight weekly publications and a monthly maga- 
 zine. France has two daily Socialist newspapers 
 and ten weekly Socialist periodicals. In Greece 
 the Socialists support a weekly publication, in 
 Holland a daily one, and in Hungary both a daily 
 and a weekly one. In Italy there are four daily 
 Socialist newspapers ; and a single one in Nor- 
 way, Poland, and Sweden respectively. Social- 
 ists living in Switzerland have three daily and 
 three weekly organs ; while those in Russia 
 have 20 monthly or bi-monthly ones, most of 
 which are published secretly. In Rumania and 
 Sweden there are also Socialist publications. 
 
 Australia: Government Ownership of Rail- 
 ways. See (in this vol.) Railways: Australia. 
 
 Austria : A. D. 1903. — Adoption of a Reso- 
 lution against Alcoholic Drinking by the 
 National Convention of the Social Demo- 
 cracy. See Alcohol Problem : Austria. 
 
 Belgium: A. D. 1904. — Socialist Losses 
 in the Belgium Elections. See Belgium: A. 
 D. 1904. 
 
 Denmark: A. D. 1905-1909. — Socialists 
 Contending for Disarmament. See Denmark: 
 A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 England: A. D. 1909. — The Principal So- 
 cialist Organizations of the Present Day. — 
 “There are four principal organizations actively 
 
 7 
 
SOCIALISM 
 
 SOCIALISM 
 
 engaged in gaining adherents to the cause of 
 Collectivism as a practical policy, all over the 
 kingdom. They are: — (1) The Social Demo- 
 cratic Party, formerly Social Democratic Fed- 
 eration, and familiary known as S. 1). F. ; (2) 
 the Fabian Society ; (3) the Independent La- 
 bour Party or I. L. P. ; (4) the Clarion Fellow- 
 ship and Scouts. There are several others of 
 minor importance, though not to be ignored, for 
 they all represent the spread of the central idea 
 of Socialism. Among them is the Church So- 
 cialist League, which is significant as being a 
 society of convinced Socialists within the Church 
 of England holding that the ‘community should 
 own the land and capital collectively and use 
 them co-operatively for the good of all.’” 
 
 The oldest organization “ began as the Demo- 
 cratic Federation in 1881, became the Social 
 Democratic Federation in 1883, and has recently 
 changed its name to the Social Democratic 
 Party. Its object, according to the programme 
 as revised in 1906, is: 
 
 “ ‘The socialization of the means of produc- 
 tion, distribution, and exchange, to be controlled 
 by a democratic State in the interests of the en- 
 tire community, and the complete emancipation 
 of labour from the domination of capitalism and 
 landlordism, with the establishment of social 
 and economic equality between the sexes.’ 
 
 ‘‘It demands a large number of ‘immediate 
 reforms,’ including the following: 
 
 “ Abolition of the Monarchy. Abolition of the 
 House of Lords. Payment of members of Par- 
 liament and administrative bodies. Adult suf- 
 frage. Referendum. Legislative and adminis- 
 trative independence for all parts of the Empire. 
 Repudiation of the National Debt. Abolition 
 of indirect taxation and a cumulative tax on all 
 incomes exceeding £300. Elementary education 
 to be free, secular, industrial, and compulsory 
 for all classes. Age for school attendance to be 
 raised to 16. State maintenance of all school 
 children. Abolition of school rates. National- 
 ization of land, of trusts, railways, docks, and 
 canals. Public ownership of gas, electric light, 
 water supply, tramways, omnibuses, &c., food 
 and coal supply ; State and municipal banks, 
 pawnshops, restaurants, public ownership of 
 hospitals, cemeteries, and the drink traffic. A 
 legal eight-hours day; no employment under 16 
 years ; public provision of work for unemployed 
 at trade union rates ; free State insurance 
 against sickness, accident, old age, and disabil- 
 ity; a minimum wage of 30s. a week; equal 
 rates of pay for both sexes. Compulsory con- 
 struction of healthy dwellings by public bodies. 
 Free administration of justice and legal advice. 
 Judges to be ‘chosen by the people.’ Abolition 
 of capital punishment. Disestablishment and 
 disendowment of all State Churches. Abolition 
 of standing armies and establishment of national 
 citizen forces. . . . 
 
 “The Social Democratic Party is the most 
 downright and straightforward of the larger 
 Socialist organizations. It is more outspoken 
 and consistent, less hazy and opportunist, than 
 the Independent Labour Party or the Fabian 
 Society. It derives its inspiration from the So- 
 cial Democrats of Germany and boldly upholds 
 the ideal of revolutionary Socialism.” 
 
 The Fabian Society, which comes next “in 
 point of age, is at the opposite end of the scale 
 in regard to policy. It was founded in 1884, 
 
 6] 
 
 on American inspiration, as a sort of mutual 
 elevation society, but adopted Socialistic princi- 
 ples from Germany. Its ‘ basis’ is thus stated: 
 
 “‘The Fabian Society consists of Socialists. 
 It therefore aims at the reorganization of society 
 by the emancipation of land and industrial capi- 
 tal from individual and class ownership and the 
 vesting of them in the community for the gen- 
 eral benefit. In this way only can the natural 
 and acquired advantages of the country be 
 equitably shared by the whole people. 
 
 “ ‘The society accordingly works for the ex- 
 tinction of private property in land and of the 
 consequent individual appropriation, in the 
 form of rent, of the price paid for permission to 
 use the earth, as well as for the advantages of 
 superior soils and sites. 
 
 “ ‘The society further works for the transfer 
 to the community of the administration of such 
 industrial capital as can conveniently be man- 
 aged socially.’ 
 
 “It is not surprising that thorough-going So- 
 cialists denounce the Fabians as make believe, 
 Socialism-and-water ‘comrades,’ and hardly 
 worthy to be called ‘ comrades’ at all, an honour 
 which the Fabians, for their part, show no de- 
 sire to claim. Nevertheless, the Fabians are a 
 very influential element in the Socialist move- 
 ment. . . . The Fabian Society is numerically 
 small, but growing rapidly, and that largely by 
 the formation of provincial branches. The 
 headquarters are in London, where it had in 
 March last [1908] 1085 members out of a total 
 of 2015. . . . Eleven Fabians are members of 
 Parliament, and the society supports the Labour 
 party ; but its real work lies outside of politics, 
 and is carried on chiefly by the distribution of 
 literature and by lectures. It contains several 
 well-known writers, and may almost be called a 
 literary society. The output of tracts and leaf- 
 lets sold and distributed last year was over 
 250,000. . . . Among the best-known Fabians 
 are Mr. Granville Barker, the Rev. R. J. Camp- 
 bell, the Rev. Stewart D. Headlam, Mr. Chi- 
 ozza-Money, M. P. , Mr. Bernard Shaw, Mr. Sid- 
 ney Webb, and Mr. H. G. Wells, who has, 
 however, recently seceded. Many members be- 
 long also to other Socialist organizations. . . . 
 
 “ The third large organization on the list is 
 the Independent Labour Party. It is consider- 
 ably younger than the Social Democratic Party 
 and the Fabian Society, but much larger and 
 politically far more powerful than either or 
 both together. In character it comes between 
 them, being more opportunist and supple than 
 the former, less nebulous and elusive than the 
 latter. It was formally inaugurated at Brad- 
 ford in 1893. under the leadership of Mr. Keir 
 Hardie. The following are the principal 
 [demands] in the official prospectus, revised for 
 1908-09 : 
 
 “ ‘ 1. A maximum of 48 hours working week, 
 with the retention of all existing holidays and 
 Labour Day, May 1, secured by law. 
 
 “‘2. The provision of work to all capable 
 adult applicants at recognized trade union rates, 
 with a statutory minimum, of sixpence per hour. 
 
 “ ‘In order to remuneratively employ the ap- 
 plicants, parish, district, borough, and county 
 councils to be invested with powers to (a) Or- 
 ganize and undertake such industries ns they 
 may consider desirable. ( b ) Compulsorily ac- 
 quire land ; purchase, erect, or manufacture 
 
 .8 
 
SOCIALISM 
 
 SOCIALISM 
 
 buildings, stock, or other articles for carrying 
 on such industries, (c) Levy rates on the rental 
 values of the district and borrow money on the 
 security of such rates for any of the above pur- 
 poses. 
 
 “ ‘ 3. State pensions for every person over 50 
 years of age, and adequate provision for all 
 widows, orphans, sick, and disabled workers. 
 
 “ ‘4. Free secular, moral, primary, secondary, 
 and University education, with free maintenance 
 while at school or University. 
 
 “ ‘ 5. The raising of the age of child labour, 
 with a view to its ultimate extinction. 
 
 “ ‘ 6 . Municipalization and public control of 
 the drink traffic. 
 
 “‘7. Municipalization and public control of 
 all hospitals and infirmaries. 
 
 “ ‘ 8 . Abolition of indirect taxation and grad- 
 ual transference of all public burdens on to 
 unearned incomes with a view to their ultimate 
 extinction. 
 
 “ ‘ The Independent Labour Party is in fa- 
 vour of adult suffrage, with full political rights 
 and privileges for women, and the immediate 
 extension of the franchise to women on the same 
 terms as granted to men ; also triennial Parlia- 
 ments and second ballot.’ . . . 
 
 “The most prominent individuals in the In- 
 dependent Labour Party are Mr. Iveir Hardie, 
 M. P., its father and guide ; Mr. Ramsay Mac- 
 donald, M. P., who pulls the political strings; 
 Mr. Philip Snowdon, M. P., who is an active 
 pamphleteer ; and Mr. Bruce Glasier, who edits 
 the Labour Leader. This organization, by far 
 the most important in Great Britain, takes 
 much less part in international Socialism than 
 the Social Democratic Federation, with which it 
 has never agreed very well. . . . 
 
 “The ‘Clarion’ organizations, . . . which 
 make the fourth of the more important Socialist 
 organizations, need only a brief mention here. 
 They are not regular societies, like the others, 
 but merely propagandist agencies organized 
 by the Clarion newspaper and manned by So- 
 cialists who belong to other bodies or to none. 
 
 . . . The agencies include the Clarion vans, 
 which travel round the country and proselytize; 
 the Clarion fellowship societies, which are so- 
 cial bodies, and the Clarion scouts, who are 
 young recruits, organized for special purposes.” 
 — From a series of Articles on “ The Socialist 
 Movement in Great Britain,” in the London 
 Times , January, 1909. 
 
 Work of the Anti-Socialist Union. — An 
 
 Anti-Socialist Union in Great Britain is conduct- 
 ing a training school for speakers and workers 
 whom the union sends into the constituencies to 
 controvert the arguments of Socialist orators. Of 
 the 175 students who entered the training school 
 soon after the inauguration of the union in 1908 
 about 50 were reported the next year as qualified 
 to take an active part in the anti-Socialist cam- 
 paign. In reply to an appeal for volunteers, 
 nearly 2,000 applications were received from 
 men and women who were anxious to enter the 
 training school. 
 
 France: The Trade Union Version of 
 Socialism. See (in this vol.) Labor Organi- 
 zation ; France : A. D. 1884-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The Classes to which the 
 Socialist Principle appeals. — Strength of 
 Socialist Political Parties. — Their Lead- 
 ership. — “The agriculturist loves the land 
 
 which he usually owns, and would scout the 
 idea of becoming a farmer under the State, 
 which would be his position under a Socialistic 
 regime; he is frugal, hard-working, and thrifty 
 to the point of avarice, but intolerably narrow, 
 suspicious and bigoted. Among this class So- 
 cialism can hardly make proselytes, nor can it 
 do so to any great extent among tradesmen and 
 commercial men, who are either their own mas- 
 ters or who hope to set up for themselves when 
 they have amassed a small capital. We there- 
 fore find ourselves reduced to two classes, the 
 artisans and the professions, and it is among 
 these that we must seek the Socialist voters of 
 France. ... In France, thanks to the fact that 
 members of Parliament are paid, the profes- 
 sional classes are available for the recruiting of 
 labour leaders ; indeed the younger section is 
 naturally attracted to the Socialist standard. 
 As regards this particular class, we can find in 
 Great Britain no parallel. . . . Young Britons 
 appear to be too busy with their sports or social 
 pleasures to study political questions, so that 
 we can hardly compare them with the con- 
 tinental ‘Intellectuals.’ The ‘Intellectual’ is 
 essentially a product of modern Europe and is 
 principally to be found in France, Germany 
 and Russia. He is almost invariably highly 
 educated, in sympathy with foreign progress, 
 a humanitarian and imbued with ideas either 
 somewhat or very much ahead of his time. The 
 French ‘Intellectual’ is at his best in the twen- 
 ties ; he may then be quixotic, but he generally 
 knows his subject and is fired with generous 
 enthusiasms. . . . This curious factor must 
 never be lost sight of when the Socialist move- 
 ment in any European country is examined. In 
 Great Britain members of the educated classes 
 almost invariably belong to one of the two great 
 political parties ; but in France they are willing 
 to join hands with the masses, not only as lead- 
 ers, but with a view to the true enthronement 
 of the people. It is probably for this reason 
 that the Socialist party has made so much head- 
 way in France. Such being the soldiers and 
 officers who march under the Red Flag, it is 
 not surprising that their political organisation 
 should have grown so powerful. The Socialist 
 party has hardly suffered from the ups and 
 downs of political life ; every election has sent 
 it back to power with a greater number of seats 
 to its credit; at the present time the party has 74 
 representatives in the Chamber of Deputies, to 
 whom we must add, in certain cases, 135 Rad- 
 ical Socialists. . . . The ‘Unified Socialists’ of 
 the uncompromising type hold 53 seats, and the 
 Independent Socialists 21 ; if we add these two 
 figures to the 135 Radical Socialists, we find that 
 they form a considerable portion of the 591 
 members. Though they have not an absolute 
 majority, the weight of these 209 advanced 
 votes is such as to colour very strongly modern 
 legislation, and there is no reason to doubt that 
 their progress will continue up to a certain 
 point.” — W. L. George, France in the Twenti- 
 eth Century, ch. 8 (John Lane Co., N. Y, 1909). 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1902.— The Socialist Con- 
 gress on Alcoholic Drinks. See (in this vol.) 
 Alcohol Problem : Germany. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Gains of the Socialists in 
 Elections to the Reichstag. See Germany : 
 A. D. 1903, and 1906-1907. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Opposition among Work- 
 
 6 
 
 9 
 
SOCIALISM 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1901-1902 
 
 men. — A great Congress of 200 delegates from 
 bodies of German workingmen opposed to So- 
 eialism, said to represent a total of 620,000, 
 was held in October, 1903, at Frankfort-on-the 
 Main. Its object was to promote effective organ- 
 ization of workmen, to which end it appealed to 
 “all unorganized German workmen to join those 
 industrial organizations which do not make en- 
 mity between the classes their principle.” 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Socialists win Seats in the 
 Prussian Diet for the First Time. See (in this 
 vol.) Prussia: A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Statistics reported to the 
 Socialist Congress. — The annual report to 
 the Socialist Congress at Leipzig stated that the 
 German Social Democratic party has a member- 
 ship of 571,050 men and 62,259 women — total 
 633,309. The number of men had increased 
 during the past year by 13,172, and the number 
 of women by 32,801. There are said to be now 
 only 20 Reichstag constituencies in which there 
 is no Socialist organization. See, also, Germany: 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.-Dec.). 
 
 Italy: A. D. 1904 . — Gains in the Election 
 claimed by the Socialists. See (in this vol.) 
 Italy : A. D. 1904 (Oct.-Dec.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Gains in Italian Elections. 
 See Italy: A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 New Zealand. — Government Ownership of 
 Land. — Graduated Taxation. — Public 
 Loans to Farmers. See (in this vol.) New 
 Zealand : A. D. 1905. 
 
 Spain: A. D. 1909 . — Socialist-Republican 
 Alliance. See (in this vol.) Spain: A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 United States: A. D. 1902 . — Socialist 
 Platform adopted by the Western Federa- 
 tion of Miners. See (in this vol.) Laijor Or- 
 ganization: United States: A. L). 1899-1907. 
 
 SOCIALISTIC POLITICAL PARTIES. 
 See Parties, Political. 
 
 SOKOTO: British , Capture and Occupa- 
 tion. See (in this vol.) Africa: A. D. 1903 (Ni- 
 geria). 
 
 SOMALILAND. See Africa: Somali- 
 land. 
 
 SONE, Viscount: Japanese Resident-Gen- 
 eral in Korea. See (in this vol.) Korea: A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 SONNINO, Baron: Prime Minister of 
 
 Italy. See (in this vol.) Italy: A. D. 1906- 
 1909. 
 
 SOUDAN. , See Sudan. 
 
 SOUFFRIERE, La: Volcanic Eruption 
 
 of. See (in this vol.) Volcanic Eruptions: 
 West Indies. 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA. 
 
 Suitable and Unsuitable Parts of South 
 Africa for European Settlement. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Africa. 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1902 . — The Last Year of the 
 Boer-British War. — The Concentration 
 Camps. — Kitchener’s Block-house System 
 and Protected Areas. — The Opening of Ne- 
 gotiations for Peace. — Text of the Treaty 
 concluded. — When Volume VI. of this work 
 went to press, in April, 1901, and its record of 
 events was closed, the dreadful Boer-British 
 War had still a little more than another year 
 to be prolonged through ; but it was to be, as it 
 had been throughout the past year, a sheerly 
 destructive prosecution of guerrilla warfare by 
 separate bands of the indomitable Boers. The 
 operations of such warfare, — its raids, its 
 counter “drives,” its little battles and skir- 
 mishes, its captures and recaptures, its break- 
 ing of railway lines, and the like, — cannot be 
 detailed in a work like this. Nothing of any 
 decisive effect was done at any time, on either 
 side, to constitute an important event in the war. 
 There was simply a wearing process in opera- 
 tion which went on, in an inexorable and hor- 
 rible slow way, till the country on which it 
 worked was a desert, and the endurance of its 
 surviving people was worn out. 
 
 In November, 1900, Lord Kitchener had suc- 
 ceeded Lord Roberts in the British command. 
 He decided to empty the contested regions of 
 their non-combatant population, by gathering it 
 into “concentration camps,” thus resorting to 
 a measure which the Spaniards had employed 
 in Cuba, and which the Americans had copied 
 from them in the Philippines. Accordingly, 
 on the 21st of December, 1900, he had issued to 
 general officers a “ Memorandum” in which he 
 said : 
 
 ‘ ‘ Lord Kitchener desires that General Officers 
 
 will, according to the means at their disposal, 
 follow this system in the Districts which they 
 occupy or may traverse. The women and 
 children brought in should be camped near the 
 railway for supply purposes, and should be 
 divided in two categories, viz.: 1st. Refugees, 
 and the families of Neutrals, non-combatants, 
 and surrendered Burghers. 2nd. Those wffiose 
 husbands, fathers, and sons are on Commands. 
 The preference in accommodation, &c., should 
 of course, be given to the first class. The Ord- 
 nance will supply the necessary tents and the 
 District Commissioner will look after the food 
 on the scale now in use. 
 
 “It should be clearly explained to Burghers 
 in the field, that, if they voluntarily surrender, 
 they will be allowed to live with their families 
 in the camps until it is safe for them to return 
 to tligir homes.” 
 
 In’ “The Times History of the War in South 
 Africa” it is remarked on this order: “The 
 policy was inspired by two motives. In the 
 first place, it was supposed that the removal of 
 the families would induce fighting Boers to sur- 
 render, and would thus shorten the War. In 
 the second place, it was a measure of humanity 
 towards the unprotected occupants of lonely 
 farms. The decision was taken somewhat 
 lightly. In its primary object it failed abso- 
 lutely. Far from providing an inducement to 
 surrender, it lifted from the fighting burghers a 
 load of embarrassment. To the British, military 
 consequences were disastrous. To the Boers 
 the gain w-as twofold. On the shoulders of 
 their enemy lay the heavy tasks of removal and 
 maintenance, involving enormous expense and 
 a grave hindrance to military operations, while 
 they themselves, relieved of all responsibility 
 for their women and children, were free to de- 
 vote their energies with a clear conscience to 
 
 620 
 
SOUTH AFRICA. 1901-1902 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1901-1902 
 
 the single aim of fighting. While one of the 
 British aims was signally defeated, the other, 
 that of humanity, was at first only partially at- 
 tained. The scheme for the concentration camps 
 was lacking in foresight. Adequate provision 
 was not made for the hosts of refugees requiring 
 shelter. The regular medical and sanitary staff 
 were already fully occupied with the needs of 
 the army, and men were lacking for the organ- 
 isation and supervision of the camps. Sites 
 chosen on purely military grounds often proved 
 wholly unsuitable. Too much reliance was 
 placed on the capacity for self-help to be shown 
 by the Boers themselves, and the Boers proved 
 to be helpless, utterly averse to cleanliness and 
 ignorant of the simplest elements of medicine 
 and sanitation. The result was that for a cer- 
 tain period there was a very high rate of mor- 
 tality among these unfortunate people.” — The 
 Times History of the War in S. Africa, rot. v. 
 ch. 3 (Low, Marston <£- Co. , Lond.). 
 
 With better success Kitchener adopted and 
 steadily perfected a block-house system, by 
 which lines of barrier were drawn across the 
 country in different directions, and protected 
 areas were formed. The system and its work- 
 ing are thus described in the history quoted 
 above : 
 
 “One of the first reforms undertaken by 
 Kitchener when he assumed command in South 
 Africa was the strengthening of the railways. 
 At that time the defences of the lines were of 
 the simplest description, consisting almost 
 wholly of open trenches at stations, bridges and 
 culverts, while the line itself was patrolled by 
 small parties of mounted men. In laying out 
 these trench defences, the principal object kept 
 in view was to render them inconspicuous and 
 thus immune from artillery fire. The system re- 
 quired enormous numbers of men both for patrol 
 work and for manning the long lines of trenches. 
 
 . . . It was clear that some form of permanent 
 or semi -permanent defence must be adopted, if 
 security was to be gained and the railway 
 guards reduced. Early in January, accordingly, 
 the first blockhouses were constructed. . . . 
 
 “ Planted at first only at stations, bridges, cul- 
 verts, important cuttings and curves — at the 
 points, in fact, which experience had proved to 
 be most vulnerable — blockhouses came to be 
 established at regular intervals of about a mile 
 and a half down the whole extent of a line. 
 This interval was steadily lessened. Ultimately 
 it became as small as 400 yards on the Delagoa 
 line and was reduced even to 200 yards on some 
 portions of the Cape railways. A continuous 
 fencing of barbed wire ran along the line ; elab- 
 orate entanglements surrounded each block- 
 house, and the telephone linked up the whole 
 system. A somewhat later development was a 
 deep trench bordering the line of barbed wire 
 and running to within 100 yards of each block- 
 house. . . . 
 
 “ Until July the system was confined to the 
 railways; but in July the idea first took definite 
 shape of throwing blockhouse lines across coun- 
 try, and thus creating fenced areas of manage- 
 able size within which the Boers could be dealt 
 with piece-meal. It is important to note that 
 these lines almost invariably followed roads, 
 which thus became to all intents and purposes as 
 safe as railways. In other words, a great num- 
 ber of additional lines of communication were 
 
 opened up and secured, and the striking power 
 of the army proportionately increased. . . . 
 
 “ While a thousand yards, or thereabouts, was 
 the usual interval between cross-country block- 
 houses, the rule was invariably followed that 
 each must be iu sight of its neighbour on either 
 side. The wire feuce spanning this interval al- 
 ways ran in the form of an obtuse angle, so that 
 fire could be directed along it from both ends 
 without risk to either blockhouse. In order to 
 secure accurate fire in the dark, rests were pro- 
 vided for the correct alignment of rifles. Ordi- 
 nary barbed wire was used at first, but the Boers 
 became such adepts at cutting it that a quarter- 
 inch unannealed steel wire, specially manufac- 
 tured in England, had to be substituted. In 
 Cape Colony, an eight-strand cable, manufac- 
 tured in special ‘ rope walks' established at Na- 
 auwpoort, was largely used. Not to be daunted, 
 the Boers took to uprooting the stays and level- 
 ling the fence bodily. The stays, accordingly, 
 had to be anchored securely to heavy rocks sunk 
 deep in the ground. As on the railways, alarms 
 of all sorts were devised to give the garrisons 
 notice of an attempt to tamper with the feuce. 
 A spring-gun would fire, dangling biscuit tins 
 would rattle, a weight would drop in the block- 
 house, and on any such signal the garrison 
 would fire down the line of the fence. But, 
 when all precautions were taken, it was impos- 
 sible, on dark nights, to prevent determined 
 bodies of Boers from passing the barrier. The 
 passage could be made dangerous and difficult; 
 that was all. . . . Exaggerated hopes were 
 built on the efficacy of the lines as barriers to 
 determined men. . . . The Boers, for a long 
 time to come, viewed with disdain the eruption 
 of tiny forts. It was only by degrees that they 
 awoke to the realization that they were taken 
 like flies in a spider’s web. . . . Communication 
 between commanders became more and more 
 difficult ; concentrations on a large scale impos- 
 sible. 
 
 “The ramifications of the blockhouse system 
 and the slow formation of protected areas were 
 not the only signs that the day of conquest was 
 approaching. Within these areas, under the able 
 and energetic administrations of Lord Milner, 
 who returned to South Africa in August, and, in 
 tlie Orange River Colony, of the Deputy Admin- 
 istrator, Sir H. Goold-Adams, marked progress 
 was beginning to be made in the establishment 
 of civil industry and in administrative recon- 
 struction. . . . 
 
 “With regard to the Boer non-combatant 
 population, an important modification of policy 
 was initiated in December. Orders were issued 
 to all columns that no more families, save those 
 in actual danger of starvation and those belong- 
 ing to a privileged class, . . . were to be 
 brought into the concentration camps. Since 
 most of the accessible farms had already been 
 emptied, the order applied mainly to the women 
 and children who had preferred, in defiance of 
 hardship, to accompany the commandos and who 
 lived in nomadic laagers. The Boers, however 
 much they had railed in the past against the in- 
 humanity of the camps, were soon to realise and 
 admit the essential humanity of the concentra- 
 tion system. The embarrassment and anxiety 
 caused by the helpless non-combatants in their 
 midst was to grow day by day. Finally, at the 
 Vereeniging Conference, the truth received 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1901-1902 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1901-1902 
 
 frank and undisguised expression. ‘ To-day,’ 
 said Botha, ‘we are only too glad to know that 
 our women and children are under British pro- 
 tection.’ The wretchedness of those who re- 
 mained on the veld became, indeed, a powerful 
 argument for submission.” — The Times History 
 of the War in South Africa, chs. 10, 11, 14 
 {London, Low, Marston & Co.). 
 
 It was not until March, 1902, that the men of 
 authority on both sides of the war began to 
 give tokens of a mutual disposition to discuss 
 terms of peace. In the previous January, the 
 government of the Netherlands had offered to 
 act as intermediary between Great Britain and 
 the Boers, and the proffer had been declined, 
 t he British government repeating its determina- 
 tion to accept no foreign intervention. At the 
 same time it was suggested that, inasmuch as 
 Mr. Steyn and Mr. Sclialk Burger, the chiefs of 
 the Orange Free State and of the Transvaal 
 burghers, respectively, were understood to be 
 invested with full powers of government, in- 
 cluding the power of negotiation, those gentle- 
 men could open, if they wished, direct commu- 
 nication with Lord Kitchener, who had already 
 been instructed to forward to his government 
 any offers that he might receive. On the 7th of 
 March this correspondence was sent by Lord 
 Kitchener, without comment, to the Transvaal 
 government, then established at Stroomwater. 
 The suggestion in it was rightly taken as an in- 
 vitation, and acting President Sclialk Burger at 
 once asked for a safe-conduct for himself and 
 the other members of his government into the 
 British lines, with intimations of a wish for op- 
 portunity to meet the members of the Free 
 State government, in order that they might 
 concert proposals for peace. His wishes were 
 readily complied with. On the 22d he entered 
 the British lines, and all possible aid was given 
 him in getting together the men whom he 
 wished to consult. Some were brought away 
 from active fighting, which went on without 
 them, no pause on the military side being per- 
 mitted for a single day, while the parleying of 
 a month went on. 
 
 The Transvaal and Free State governments 
 met on the 9th of April, at Klerksdorp, under 
 British safe-conduct, and, after debate among 
 themselves on that day and the next, sent a tel- 
 egram to Lord Kitchener, requesting him to 
 meet them and receive from them a proposal of 
 peace. He replied promptly, inviting them to 
 his headquarters at Pretoria, and there they 
 were received on April 12th. Their proposal 
 was on the basis of political independence for 
 the two Boer states, under “an enduring treaty 
 of friendship and peace” with the British gov- 
 ernment, as well as a customs, postal and rail- 
 way union with the adjoining British colonies, 
 and with concessions of the franchise to Uit- 
 landers in the Transvaal. Kitchener could give 
 no consideration to a proposal of this nature ; 
 but consented, after much discussion to cable it 
 to London. At, a second meeting on the 14th 
 (when Lord Kitchener was joined by Lord Mil- 
 ner, the British High Commissioner in South 
 Africa) he had the answer of the British gov- 
 ernment to produce. It declared with empha- 
 sis that the government could not “entertain 
 any proposals based on the continued independ- 
 ence of the former republics, which have been 
 formally annexed to the British Crown.” To 
 
 this the Boer officials replied that they had no 
 power to negotiate on any other basis than that 
 of independence, and they asked for an armis- 
 tice, to enable them to consult their people. 
 This was refused, but, after some parleying, it 
 was arranged that they should have free use of 
 the railway and telegraph, and that military 
 operations should be so conducted as to allow 
 opportunities for meetings in all parts of the 
 country, at which thirty burghers from each re- 
 public should be elected, with authority to act 
 for the people. These representatives were to 
 meet on the 15th of May, at Vereeniging, to de- 
 termine the answer they would give. Between 
 the 11th and the 15th of May immunity was 
 promised to all commandos whose leaders 
 should be chosen as representatives, and this 
 practically operated as an armistice during 
 those days. 
 
 “ History records no precedent,” says The 
 Times History of the War, “ for the state of af- 
 fairs which existed in South Africa between 
 April 18 and May 15, 1902. War went on, but, 
 to borrow a metaphor from football, the ball 
 of war was continually rolling into ‘touch.’ 
 Kitchener loyally carried out his undertaking 
 to the Boer leaders. Commandos were allowed 
 to assemble and confer unmolested; officers and 
 messengers scoured the country by road and 
 railway with free passes, passing through Brit- 
 ish outpost lines, receiving the unstinted hos- 
 pitality of their foes, and occasionally, to the 
 chagrin of a junior British officer, undergoing 
 accidental capture, followed by immediate re- 
 lease on the production of the magic pass. 
 Steyn, indeed, was too ill to take part in all 
 this activity and had retired to a farm near 
 Wolmaransstad. But De Wet, with amazing 
 energy, travelled over the whole of the Free 
 State, inspiring the burghers with his leader’s 
 fiery spirit. At eight successive meetings he 
 personally addressed practically the whole of 
 the commandos and secured unanimous resolu- 
 tions against any surrender of independence. 
 The Transvaal leaders were scarcely less active, 
 though the purport of their activity was by no 
 means the same.” These chiefs of the Trans- 
 vaal, Louis Botha and others, were disposed to 
 end the struggle for independence ; those of the 
 Free State, inspired by their unconquerable 
 President, were not. 
 
 On the 15th of May the officials of the two 
 Boer governments met the sixty delegates from 
 the burghers at Vereeuiging, and the question 
 between surrender and a hopeless continuation 
 of war was threshed out. The Free State dele- 
 gates and a few of the Transvaalers had been 
 bound by pledges to vote against any surrender 
 of independence; but in the end they were per- 
 suaded by their own legal advisers that such a 
 restriction on the free action of a delegate was 
 contrary to the principles of law ; and gradually 
 the question of independence gave place to 
 other matters of consideration in the discussion 
 of terms. On the 19th a sub committee was 
 appointed to consider those details, and several 
 days of bargaining with Kitchener and Milner, 
 at Pretoria, ensued. There was much use of 
 the cable meantime, to secure assent in London 
 to what might be done. The result was a draft 
 treaty which Lord Milner assured the Boer Com- 
 missioners was absolutely final, and must be 
 accepted or rejected without any change, on or 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1901-1902 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1901-1902 
 
 before the 31st of May. They took it to the con- 
 vcution at Vereenigiug on the 29th, and there, 
 in two days of stormy debate, the no-snrreuder 
 party, led by Steyn and I)e Wet, made their last 
 stand. When the decisive vote was taken, their 
 ranks were reduced to six, against tifty-four. 
 The Boer commissioners returned at once to 
 Pretoria, with the accepted draft-treaty, and it 
 was signed on the night of the 31st, a little less 
 th in an hour before the expiration of the fixed 
 term of grace. The following is the text of this 
 treaty, which ended one of the worst of modem 
 wars : 
 
 "General Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, and His Excellency Lord Mil- 
 ner, High Commissioner, on behalf of the Brit- 
 ish Government; 
 
 ‘‘Messrs. S. AV. Burger, F. W. Reitz, Louis 
 Botha, J. H. De la Rey, L. J. Meyer, and J. 
 Krogh on behalf of the Government of the South 
 African Republic and its burghers; 
 
 “ Messrs. M. T. Steyn, W. J. C. Brebner, C. 
 R. de AVet, J. B. M. Hertzog, and C. H. Olivier, 
 on behalf of the Government of the Orange Free 
 State and its burghers, being anxious to put an 
 end to the existing hostilities, agree on the fol- 
 lowing points : 
 
 "Firstly, the burgher forces now in the Veldt 
 shall at once lay down their arms, and surrender 
 all the guns, small arms, and war stores in their 
 actual possession, or of which they shall have 
 cognizance, and shall abstain from any further 
 opposition to the authority of his Majesty King 
 Edward VII., whom they shall acknowledge as 
 their lawful sovereign. 
 
 “The manner and details of this surrender 
 shall be arranged by Lord Kitchener, Com- 
 mandant-General Botha, Assistant Commandant- 
 General J. H. De la Rey, and Coinmander-in- 
 Chief de Wet. 
 
 “ Secondly, burghers in the Veldt beyond the 
 frontiers of the Transvaal and of the Orange 
 River Colony, and all prisoners of war who are 
 out of South Africa, who are burghers, shall, on 
 their declaration that they accept the status of 
 subjects of His Majesty King Edward VII., be 
 brought back to their homes, as soon as trans- 
 port and means of existence can be assured. 
 
 “Thirdly, the burghers who thus surrender, 
 or who thus return, shall lose neither their per- 
 sonal freedom nor their property. 
 
 “Fourthly, no judicial proceedings, civil or 
 criminal, shall be taken against any of the 
 burghers who thus return for any action in con- 
 nexion with the carrying on of the war. The 
 benefit of this clause shall, however, not extend 
 to certain deeds antagonistic to the usages of 
 warfare, which have been communicated by the 
 Commander-in-Ckief to the Boer generals, and 
 which shall be heard before a court-martial im- 
 mediately after the cessation of hostilities. 
 
 “Fifthly, the Dutch language shall be 
 taught in the public schools of the Transvaal 
 and of the Orange River Colony when the par- 
 ents of the children demand it; and shall be ad- 
 mitted in the Courts of justice, whenever this 
 is required for the better and more effective 
 administration of justice. 
 
 “Sixthly, the possession of rifles shall, on 
 taking out a licence in accordance with the law, 
 be permitted in the Transvaal and the Orange 
 River Colony to persons who require them for 
 their protection. 
 
 “Seventhly, military administration in the 
 Transvaal and in the Orange River Colony 
 shall, as soon as it is possible, be followed by 
 civil government; and, as soon as circum- 
 stances permit it, a representative system lend- 
 ing towards autonomy shall be introduced. 
 
 "Eighthly, the question of granting a fran- 
 chise to the natives shall not be decided until a 
 representative constitution has been granted. 
 
 “Ninthly, no special tax shall be laid on 
 landed property in the Transvaal and Orange 
 River Colony to meet the expenses of the war. 
 
 “Tenthly, as soon as circumstances permit 
 there shall be appointed in each district in the 
 Transvaal and the Orange River Colony a Com- 
 mission, in which the inhabitants of that dis- 
 trict shall be represented, under the chairman- 
 ship of a magistrate or other official, with a 
 view to assist in the bringing back of the 
 people to their farms, and in procuring for 
 those who, on account of losses in the war, are 
 unable to provide for themselves food, shelter, 
 and such quantities of seed, cattle, implements, 
 etc., as are necessary for the resuming of their 
 previous callings. 
 
 “ His Majesty’s Government shall place at 
 the disposal of these Commissions the sum of 
 £3,000,000 for the above-mentioned purposes, 
 and shall allow that all notes issued in con- 
 formity with Law No. 1, 1900, of the Govern- 
 ment of the South African Republic, and all 
 receipts given by the officers in the Veldt of the 
 late Republics, or by their order, may be pre- 
 sented to a judicial Commission by the Govern- 
 ment, and in case such notes and receipts 
 are found by this Commission to have been 
 duly issued for consideration in value, then 
 they shall be accepted by the said Commission 
 as proof of war losses suffered by the persons to 
 whom they had originally been given. In ad- 
 dition to the above-named free gift of £3,000,- 
 000, His Majesty’s Government will be pre- 
 pared to grant advances, in the shape of loans, 
 for the same ends, free of interest for two 
 years, and afterwards repayable over a period 
 of years with three per cent, interest. No for- 
 eigner or rebel shall be entitled to benefit by 
 this clause.” 
 
 The following military statistics of the AA r ar, 
 as conducted on the British side, were pub- 
 lished in a Parliamentary paper soon after its 
 close: The garrison in South Africa on August 
 1st, 1899, consisted of 318 officers and 9,622 
 men; reinforcements sent between then and 
 the outbreak of hostilities, October 11th, 1899, 
 totaled 12,546. Thereafter the troops sent up 
 to May 31st, 1902, reached the great total of 
 386,081, besides 52,414 men raised in South 
 Africa. The final casualty figures are: Killed, 
 5,774 ; wounded, 23,029 ; died of wounds or 
 disease, 16,168. 
 
 A return made to Parliament in April, 1902, 
 of the estimated amount of war charges in 
 South Africa that had been and would be in- 
 curred up to the 31st of March, 1903, gave the 
 following figures: For the first year of the war 
 (1899-1900), £23,217,000 ; for the second year, 
 £65,120,000 ; for the third year, £71,037,000 ; 
 for the year in which it ended, £63,600,000. 
 Total, £222,974,000. 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Cape Colony and Natal at 
 the Colonial Conference, London. See (in 
 this vol.) British Empire. 
 
 623 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1902-1903 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1902-1904 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1903 . — Repatriation and Re- 
 settlement of the Boers in the Transvaal and 
 Orange River Colony. — Work of the first 
 Eight Months of Restored Peace. — The fol- 
 lowing passages from a report dated March 14, 
 1903, made by Governor Viscount Milner to Mr. 
 Chamberlain, British Secretary for the Colonies, 
 will give some intimation of the task of recon- 
 struction and restoration which the war had im- 
 posed on the victors, and the vigor with which 
 it was performed : 
 
 “The Terms of Surrender were signed at 
 Pretoria on the 31st May, 1902, but the Civil 
 Government could not really begin to take over 
 the administration of the new Colonies, and es- 
 pecially the country districts, for nearly a month 
 after that date. At Lord Kitchener’s request 
 no attempt was made to enter into possession 
 of those districts until after the surrender of the 
 Commandos, and though that surrender was 
 accomplished with extraordinary celerity and 
 smoothness, something like three weeks elapsed 
 before any Civil officer could even set out for 
 the house or tent, generally a tent, allotted to 
 him in the wilderness which we were about to 
 take over, devoid, as it was, of crops, of stock, 
 of population, and, to a large extent, of habit- 
 able dwellings. The period over which this re- 
 view extends is, therefore, one of about eight 
 months — from the end of June, when the work 
 of restoration commenced, till the end of Febru- 
 ary. . . . 
 
 “To begin with the Prisoners of War. The 
 Vereeniging Terms entitled something over 
 33,000 people to be restored to liberty, and if 
 they happened to be burghers imprisoned out 
 side South Africa, to be brought back to their 
 homes as soon as transports could be provided 
 and their means of subsistence assured. Of this 
 large number upwards of 24,000 were in pris- 
 oners’ camps in St. Helena, Bermuda, India and 
 Ceylon; upwards of 1,000 were in a prisoners’ 
 camp, at Simons Town, and about 1,200 were 
 prisoners elsewhere in South Africa. Of the 
 rest the great majority had been allowed to live 
 in Concentration Camps, while the balance were 
 on parole in different parts of South Africa and 
 a few in Europe. The principal difficulty in 
 connection with the prisoners was, of course, 
 the bringing back and distribution of the 24,000 
 odd, who were at prisoners’ camps oversea. . . . 
 
 “ The prisoners of war, on their return to 
 South Africa, were, in the first place, with few 
 exceptions, sent to the Concentration Camps of 
 their respective districts, there to rejoin their 
 families, if they had them, and to return to- 
 gether with them to their homes. They thus, 
 in the majority of cases, helped to swell the 
 enormous number of people for whom the Repa- 
 triation Departments of the two colonies had 
 to provide the means of transport to their 
 homes, and, as a general rule, the means of sub- 
 sistence for months after such return, as well as 
 the seeds, instruments and animals necessary to 
 enable them to raise a crop. ... In the eight 
 and a half months that we have been at work, 
 we have restored about 200,000 of the old 
 Burgher population in the two Colonies to their 
 homes, including all the inhabitants in the Con- 
 centration Camps in the Transvaal, the Orange 
 River Colony, the Cape Colony and Natal, and 
 the Prisoners of War. . . . 
 
 “By hook or by crook we had succeeded by 
 
 the end of 1902, in enabling the people to sow 
 a fairly large mealie crop, besides a consid- 
 erable amount of forage, potatoes and other 
 vegetables. The change in the attitude of the 
 farming population, about that time, was very 
 noticeable. The extreme depression which 
 characterised them two or three months earlier 
 had almost completely passed away, and they 
 were looking forward to the future with much 
 more hopefulness. I may say that almost the 
 whole time, even when the outlook was black- 
 est, their attitude towards the Government was 
 not otherwise than a friendly one. They 
 showed, with few exceptions, great patience 
 under hardships, and much energy and resource- 
 fulness in making the best of the small means at 
 their disposal.” 
 
 A. D. 1902 - 1904 . — Death of Cecil Rhodes. 
 — Survival of his Influence and his Policy. — 
 Dr. Jameson, as his representative, made 
 Premier of Cape Colony. — On the 26th of 
 March, 1902, two months before the end of the 
 British-Boer war, Cecil J. Rhodes died at Cape 
 Town, and his death removed the most power- 
 ful of the personal influences that would have 
 been reckoned on for determining the results 
 of the war. He had been the master-spirit in 
 South Africa for nearly thirty years. Indica- 
 tions of the part he had taken in the expan- 
 sion of the British dominion in that part of 
 the world, and in the conflict of British with 
 Dutch ambitions which produced the war, will 
 be found in Volume VI. of this work (see, es- 
 pecially, pages 460-466, 470-471, and 475-477, 
 in that volume). Had he lived and been in 
 health there can be no doubt that he would 
 have been a leading actor in the political re- 
 construction of British South Africa since the 
 war. He had been the Premier of Cape Colony 
 from 1890 to the end of 1895; then liis career 
 was clouded by the “Jameson raid” into the 
 Transvaal, and he was forced to resign. But 
 the cloud would have cleared, as it has cleared 
 from Jameson. Indeed, the new career of Dr. 
 Jameson, since 1904, when a general election in 
 Cape Colony brought the party of the Progres- 
 sives into power, and put the former chief lieu- 
 tenant of Cecil Rhodes in the place of Sir J. 
 Gordon Sprigg as Prime Minister of the colonial 
 Government, is indicative of the new career that 
 would have opened to Rhodes. It is the Rhodes 
 policy and the Rhodes influence that has pre- 
 vailed, as was said by Mr. Edward Dicey in an 
 article written at the time: 
 
 “ When Rhodes’ life came to a sudden and 
 melancholy end, Jameson felt the best way he 
 could show his respect for his dead friend was 
 to carry on the work of his lifetime. Amongst 
 the Progressives there were several public men 
 who, in normal circumstances, might have been 
 selected as leaders of the party', but there was 
 a well-grounded comvictiou that the man who 
 could best carry on Rhodes’ policy, with the 
 least breach of continuity, was Jameson. Even 
 the few British colonists who had not altogether 
 condoned the Raid, felt that there was no one 
 so qualified to lead the Progressive Party as the 
 author of the Raid. The result was that Jame- 
 son was appointed, by acclamation, the political 
 successor of Rhodes. It was under the new 
 leader that the battle of the general election in 
 the Cape Colony has been fought and won. 
 The Progressive majority in the Cape Parlia- 
 
 624 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1902-1904 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1903-1904 
 
 ment is small ; but, in spite of all disintegrat- 
 ing inlluences, it may be trusted to hold to- 
 gether till a Redistribution Bill has been passed. 
 When the influence of the Bond was supreme 
 in the Cape Parliament, the electoral divisions 
 were manipulated in such a manner as to give 
 thinly populated, rural constituencies equal re- 
 presentation with that enjoyed by the compara- 
 tively densely populated urban constituencies. 
 This arose from the fact that in the country the 
 Dutch settlers outnumbered the British, while 
 in the town the British composed the vast ma- 
 jority of the electorate. The simplest way to 
 rectify this abuse was to remodel the existing 
 electoral system, by making population the 
 basis of representation. This reform, however, 
 was open to the objection that it practically 
 disfranchised a large number of rural constitu- 
 encies in which the Boers were in a majority. 
 On Jameson being appointed Prime Minister, 
 after Sir Gordon Sprigg’s compulsory retire- 
 ment, his first step was to introduce a new 
 Redistribution Bill based on a less invidious 
 principle than its predecessor ” — Edward Dicey, 
 The New Cape Premier ( Fortnightly Review, 
 April, 1904). 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — The Labor Question. 
 
 — Investigation and opposing Reports by a 
 Commission. — Adoption of Ordinance to 
 admit Unskilled Non-European Laborers. 
 
 — Beginning of Importation of Chinese 
 Coolies. — The Political Side of the Ques- 
 tion. — Debate in the British Parliament. — 
 Early in 1903 Lord Milner appointed a Commis- 
 sion to investigate and report on the labor 
 question in South Africa, which is a question 
 between the mining people, who maintain that 
 the needful supply of labor for profitable mine- 
 working is not procurable, at rates which mine- 
 owners can afford, from any other than an 
 Asiatic source, and their opponents who deny 
 the need of bringing either Chinese or East In- 
 dian coolies into the mining fields. In November 
 the Labor Commission produced a majority and 
 a minority report, the former agreeing substan- 
 tially with the mine-owners, the latter in conten- 
 tion with them. The signatures to the majority 
 report were ten in number, the latter were but 
 two. In the discussion of the reports which 
 took place in the Legislative Council of the 
 Transvaal late in the year, one speaker made 
 the statement that he was authorized by Gen- 
 eral Louis Botha to say that he and all the 
 Dutch he represented were opposed to the in- 
 troduction of Asiatics. A resolution favoring 
 the introduction of Chinese was adopted in the 
 Council by a vote of 22 to 4. 
 
 Ultimately, against the protests of a great 
 majority of the Boer population, an ordinance 
 to regulate the introduction into the Transvaal 
 of unskilled non-European laborers was adopted 
 by the Legislative Council. It applied to males 
 of other races than those indigenous to Africa 
 south of 12 degrees north of the Equator. The 
 ordinance was to be administered by an official 
 superintendent ; the laborers were to be brought 
 in by licensed persons only ; they were to be 
 employed only in the Witwatersrand district, 
 and only in unskilled labor connected with the 
 production of minerals, and they were to be sent 
 back to the country of their origin, at the ex- 
 pense of their importer, at once on the termina- 
 tion of their contract, which should not be for a 
 
 longer term than three years, renewable for two 
 more. Provisions as to their treatment, their 
 passport identification, their restricted residence, 
 etc., were very precise and minute. The im- 
 portation of Chinese coolies under the provi- 
 sions of this ordinance began in June, 1904. At 
 the end of the year over 20,000 had been 
 brought in. 
 
 That the question has its political as well as 
 its industrial side, and is one which concerns 
 democracy no less than labor, is shown in the 
 following: “The political and industrial posi- 
 tion of the Rand, and, in some degree of the 
 Transvaal as a whole, is almost unique. The 
 only parallel that comes to mind is that of the 
 town and district of Kimberly. A considerable 
 European community is dependent — on the 
 Rand entirely, throughout the Transvaal very 
 largely — on a single industry for the mainte- 
 nance of its prosperity. This dependence neces- 
 sarily places great power in the hands of the 
 small group of men who are the owners, or re- 
 present the owners, of the capital by which the 
 industry has been created and is now worked. 
 Their influence is supreme. No law which 
 threatened their interests could be placed on the 
 Statute Book. Men who offer any effective 
 opposition to their wishes — like Mr. Wybergh, 
 the Commissioner of Mines, Mr. Creswell, the 
 manager of the Village Main Reef Mine, Mr. 
 Moneypenny, the editor of the chief Johannes- 
 burg newspaper — find it impossible to retain 
 their positions. Two dangers, and two only, 
 threaten the permanency of this supremacy — 
 the Trade Union and the ballot, the combina- 
 tion of the men employed and the possibility of 
 an unsympathetic majority in the legislature 
 when a system of self government is restored. 
 Both these dangers would be increased in de- 
 gree, and brought nearer in time, by a large and 
 rapid growth of the white population. 
 
 “‘If 200,000 native workers were to be re- 
 placed by 100,000 whites,’ said Mr. Rudd, one 
 of the directors of the Consolidated Goldfields 
 Company, ‘ they would simply hold the Govern- 
 ment of the country in the hollow of their hand, 
 and, without any disparagement to the British 
 labourer, I prefer to see the more intellectual 
 section of the community at the helm! ’ ‘ With 
 
 reference to your trial of white labour for sur- 
 face work on the mines,’ wrote Mr. Tarbutt, 
 another director of the same important company 
 and the chairman of the Village Main Reef 
 Company, in an often-quoted letter to Mr. Cres- 
 well, * I have consulted the Consolidated Gold- 
 fields people, and one of the members of the 
 board of the Village Main Reef has consulted 
 Messrs. Wernher, Beit and Co., and the feeling 
 seems to be one of fear that if a large number of 
 white men are employed on the Rand in the 
 position of labourers, the same troubles will 
 arise as are now prevalent in the Australian 
 Colonies, i. e., that the combination of the la- 
 bouring classes will become so strong as to 
 be able to more or less dictate, not only on ques- 
 tions of wages, but also on political questions, by 
 the power of the votes when a Representative 
 Government is established.’ There have been 
 other declarations of the same tenour; and, 
 indeed, no one who is acquainted with the views 
 that prevail among the circles of South African 
 finance would seek to deny that this dread of a 
 second Australian democracy influencing the 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1903-1904 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1905-1907 
 
 political and economic future of the Rand is one 
 of the chief motives that direct the policy of the 
 more far-sighted men among those groups. . . . 
 
 “White labour, coupled with improved me- 
 chanical appliances, stands established as the 
 feasible remedy for the admitted shortage in the 
 number of Kaffir workers. To reject it in 
 favour of the introduction of Chinese is a policy 
 which has natural attractions for the owners of 
 the mines. It is a policy which should not have 
 won the support of the representatives of the 
 British people.” — Herbert Samuel, The Chinese 
 Labour Question ( Contemporary Review, April, 
 1904). 
 
 The bringing of Asiatic laborers into the 
 mines was resisted as strenuously in Cape Col- 
 ony as by the Boer burghers and the non-min- 
 ing interests in general of the Transvaal. The 
 leading colony addressed a petition on the sub- 
 ject personally to King Edward, saying : “Such 
 an immigration, hampered and restricted as 
 it is proposed to be by stringent regulations, 
 would, even if it were possible to enforce such 
 regulations, which is doubtful, introduce a ser- 
 vile element, alien to the country, destitute of 
 rights, or interests, either in the present or 
 future of South Africa, and worked for the ben- 
 efit of masters, in many cases non-resident, thus 
 constituting what would practically be a slave 
 state, in close contact with the other free com- 
 munities of South Africa. Your petitioners feel 
 that the introduction of such a class of labour 
 would place an obstacle in the way of the nat- 
 ural growth alike of European and native ele- 
 ments in the population. . . . 
 
 “Such an importation would decide whether 
 South Africa is in future to constitute one of 
 those great free communities under the British 
 flag, the growth of which shed so much lustre 
 on the reign of your august predecessor, or 
 whether it is to be ranked as a mere plantation 
 worked in the interest and for the benefit of for- 
 eign holders. Your petitioners therefore most 
 earnestly pray that your Majesty may be pleased 
 to withhold your sanction from any measure 
 having for its object the importation of Asiatics 
 into South Africa, and by so doing save them 
 and those who may come after them from con- 
 sequences that will be fatal to their peace and 
 prosperity.” — Parliamentary Papers, 1904 ( Cd . 
 1895), p. 133. 
 
 Mr. Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the 
 Colonies, returned to England in March, 1903, 
 from a visit to South Africa, and made an ex- 
 tended statement in Parliament soon afterwards 
 of his observations and his conclusions from 
 what he had seen. On the labor question, then 
 the subject of greatest agitation in South Africa, 
 he stoutly supported the mine-owners in their 
 contention that native labor, and supplies from 
 beyond the Zambesi, to supplement the Kaffir 
 supply, is a necessity of the mining industry; 
 that white labor is impossibly expensive, and 
 that the feeling against the introduction of Asi- 
 atic labor seemed invincibly strong. There was 
 not, he maintained, the slightest foundation for 
 the charge that the mine-owners wanted forced 
 labor or slavery in any shape or form, but that 
 they must have cheap labor if the mines were 
 to be worked. 
 
 A few days later Lord Lansdowne, the For- 
 eign Secretary, received a deputation from vari- 
 ous missionary societies to protest against a pro- 
 
 posed exportation of native labor from Central 
 to South Africa. In reply to them he said that 
 the Government had no more in view at present 
 than an experiment with 1000 laborers, who 
 would be taken from British Central Africa to 
 the Rand District of the Transvaal and em- 
 ployed there under regulations very carefully 
 framed. If objectionable results were found 
 the experiment would be carried no farther. 
 This was followed by warm debate on the sub- 
 ject in the House of Commons, where Sir Wil- 
 liam Harcourt and others denounced the greed 
 of the mining companies, insisting that the 
 mines could not pay fair wages simply because 
 the rich mines were over-capitalized and the 
 low-grade mines had been developed only for 
 sale. Mr. Chamberlain again championed the 
 mine-owners, and defended the policy of the 
 Government, which sought, he said, to promote 
 the general prosperity of the country by getting 
 as many of the mines as possible into working 
 order. The debate had no practical result. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1908. — Hostility to British 
 Indian Immigration. See (in this vol.) Race 
 Problems: A. D. 1903-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Census of all British South 
 Africa. — Whites and Natives. — A general 
 census taken in 1904 showed a total white pop- 
 ulation in all British South Africa — south of 
 Zambesi — of 1,135,655, and a colored popula- 
 tion of 5,169,338. The distribution of this in 
 the several colonies was as follows ; Cape Col- 
 ony, 580,380 white, 1,825,172 colored; the Trans- 
 vaal and Swaziland, 300,225 white, 1,030,029 
 colored; Natal, 97,109 white, 1,011,645 col- 
 ored ; Rhodesia, 12,623, white, 593,141 colored; 
 Orange River Colony, 143,419 white, 241,626 
 colored ; Basutoland, 895 white, 347,953 col- 
 ored; Bechuanaland, 1,004 white, 119,772 col- 
 ored. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Importation of Chinese 
 Coolies Suspended by orders from London. 
 
 - — The Liberal Ministry in Great Britain, under 
 Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, which suc- 
 ceeded the Conservative-Unionist Ministry of 
 Mr. Balfour on the 10th of December, i905, 
 had been seated but twelve days when a de- 
 spatch was cabled by Lord Elgin, Secretary for 
 the Colonies, to Lord Selborne, the High Com- 
 missioner in South Africa, that “ the experi- 
 ment of the introduction of Chinese laborers 
 should not be extended farther until they could 
 learn the opinion of the colony through an 
 elected and really representative Legislature, 
 and they had accordingly decided that the re- 
 cruiting, embarking and importation of Chinese 
 coolies should be arrested pending a decision 
 as to the grant of reponsible government to the 
 Colony” — that is, the Transvaal. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1907. — Fulfillment by the 
 British Government of the Promises of the 
 Treaty of the Vereeniging Treaty. — Re- 
 presentative Government restored to the 
 Boer States. — The seventh stipulation in the 
 Vereeniging Treaty of May 81, 1902, which 
 ended the Boer-British War (see above, A. D. 
 1901-1902), contained the promise, on the part 
 of the British Government, that “military ad- 
 ministration in the Transvaal and in the Orange 
 River Colony shall, as soon as possible, be fol- 
 lowed by civil government; and, as soon as cir- 
 cumstances permit it, a representative system 
 tending towards autonomy shall be introduced.” 
 
 626 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1905-1907 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1900-1907 
 
 On the 31st of March, 1905, the first step toward 
 the fulfillment of this pledge was taken, by the 
 issue of letters patent from the crown (without 
 action of Parliament, inasmuch as the Boer 
 States, in the eye of the law, had been under 
 the suzerainty of the British sovereign, had been 
 in revolt, had been subjugated, and were di- 
 rectly subject to the crown, as conquered terri- 
 tory), conferring a Constitution of Civil Gov- 
 ernment on the Transvaal. It gave popular 
 representation in a legislature of a single cham- 
 ber, styled the Legislative Assembly. Not 
 exceeding thirty-five of the members of this 
 body were to be elected, and from six to nine 
 others were to be appointed by the High Com- 
 missioner of South Africa, — in which office 
 Lord Milner had been succeeded of late by Lord 
 Selborne. Every burgher of the former Trans- 
 vaal Republic not disqualified by conviction for 
 treason since May 31, 1902, was to be entitled to 
 vote in the election of representatives ; and so 
 were all white males of British birth occupying 
 premises at an annual rental of not less than 
 $50, or possessed of capital to the value of 
 $500. The debates in the Assembly were to be 
 in English — notin English or Dutch, like the 
 English or French of the Parliament of Canada; 
 but there is a provision that the Speaker may 
 permit a member to use the Dutch language. 
 No bill passed by the Legislative Assembly 
 which should subject the natives to disabilities 
 or restrictions could become law until it had 
 received the sanction of the Colonial Office in 
 London. 
 
 This organization of a partially representative 
 colonial government extended only to the Trans- 
 vaal. The Orange River Colony remained still 
 under the Crown Colony system, which had 
 been the status hitherto of both the Boer states 
 since the close of the war. 
 
 This limited realization of the promise of re- 
 presentative government to the Boers was un- 
 doubtedly all that could be expected from the 
 Conservative Ministry in England, which went 
 out of power soon after it had conferred the 
 Transvaal Constitution. Its successors, of the 
 British Liberal party, soon broadened the basis 
 of self-government in the Transvaal, by a new 
 constitutional instrument, which was outlined 
 to Parliament on the 1st of August, and issued 
 December 6th, 1906. This made the legislature 
 a bicameral body, having, for the time being, 
 an upper Council of 15 appointed members, 
 which, however, it was said to be the intention 
 of the Government to extinguish at no distant 
 day. The elective Assembly was to be com- 
 posed of sixty-nine members, elected by secret 
 ballot for terms of five years. Every adult male 
 of twenty-one years of age who had been a resi- 
 dent for six months, except members of the 
 British garrison, was entitled to vote. The 
 general lines of the old Boer magisterial districts 
 were followed, and, on the basis of the census 
 figures of 1904 the Rand would have 32 mem- 
 bers, Pretoria 6, Krugersdorp 1, and the rest of 
 the country 30. The constitution prohibited 
 Chinese contract labor, and no more coolies 
 could be imported into the country after No- 
 vember 15. Either the English or the Dutch 
 language could be used for public business, and 
 naturalization was made easy, but the Boers’ 
 request for woman suffrage was denied. 
 
 A Constitution framed on similar lines was 
 
 given to the Orange River Colony within the 
 same year. 
 
 In the first elections for the Transvaal As- 
 sembly there were, besides Socialists and labor 
 organizations, three parties engaged in a some- 
 what embittered contest. “The Progressives 
 are the party of the great mining houses on the 
 Rand ; the Nationalist party is composed of Brit- 
 ish electors opposed to the enormous political in- 
 fluence which the mining houses have hitherto 
 exercised ; while the Boers at Johannesburg and 
 Pretoria and in the rural constituencies are 
 organized in Het Volk. There was a coalition 
 between the Nationalists and Het Volk. These 
 two parties united against the Progressives, and 
 adopted as the chief plank in their platform a 
 declaration that the one question on which the 
 election must turn was, ‘ Who shall control the 
 Transvaal — the people or the mining houses ? ’ 
 The Progressives on their part insisted that the 
 question was, ‘ Shall the Transvaal be governed 
 by the people of the Transvaal, or from Down- 
 ing Street ? ’ They were aggrieved by the ac- 
 tion of the British Government iu making legis- 
 lation concerning non-European labor subject 
 to review in London, and in the campaign they 
 made no attempt to conceal their hostility to 
 the Campbell-Bannerman Government. In this 
 way the question of Chinese labor was forced to 
 the front. The Nationalists and Het Volk coal- 
 ition was successful,” and General Lotus Botha, 
 who has been the leading spirit and guiding 
 mind among the Boers since the war ended, be- 
 came the Prime Minister of the Transvaal Gov- 
 ernment then organized. 
 
 It has been fortunate for the Transvaal, and 
 no less for South Africa at large, that so large- 
 minded and strong a leader of the subjugated 
 race was found for the trying period in which 
 victors and vanquished were to have peace and 
 friendship established between them. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1907. — Revolt of the Zulus in 
 Natal. — Their Grievances. — An extensive 
 and determined revolt of the Zulus living within 
 the Colony of Natal broke out late in January, 
 1906, as the consequence of an attempt to collect 
 a poll-tax levied on them by the colonial Parlia- 
 ment. A police sergeant and two or three native 
 policemen were killed in the first melee, and from 
 that time until near the end of the following 
 summer there was war. That it was prosecuted 
 with fierceness, if not actual ferocity, by the 
 whites of the Colony, is made manifest by the 
 fact that about 3500 Zulus are said to have been 
 slain and 2000 taken prisoners. The principal 
 Zulu leader, a chief named Bambaata, was killed 
 in a battle fought in June, and the revolt de- 
 clined from that time. Sigananda, another chief, 
 was condemned to death, and twelve prisoners, 
 convicted by court-martial of complicity in the 
 original murder of police officers, were executed; 
 while thirty-eight others were sentenced to im- 
 prisonment for two years. 
 
 A serious question between the colony and the 
 Imperial-Government arose in connection with 
 these military trials. The sentences to death, 
 confirmed by the governor and the Natal minis- 
 try, were about to be carried out, when Mr. 
 Winston Churchill, with the approval of Lord 
 Elgin, Colonial Secretary, cabled to the Natal 
 premier ordering the suspension of the execution 
 pending an investigation by the Liberal govern- 
 ment, on the contention that the natives should 
 
 627 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 190G-1907 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1908-1909 
 
 have been tried in a civil court. Premier Smyth 
 refused to obey, but the governor postponed 
 the executions, whereupon the Natal ministry 
 resigned. Much indignation was evident in 
 England, as well as in the colony, against what 
 was regarded as an unwarrantable interference 
 in colonial affairs by the Imperial government. 
 The matter was concluded by Lord Elgin ca- 
 bling to the governor of Natal that the home 
 government had no intention of interfering in 
 colonial matters, and that, upon the receipt of 
 full information, it recognized the right and 
 competency of the Natal ministry to decide the 
 question at issue. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April-May). — Imperial Confer- 
 ence at London. See (in this vol.) Bhitish 
 Empire: A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908 - 1909 . — Formation of the Leg- 
 islative Union of South Africa. — The Fram- 
 ing of the Constitution. — Compromise on 
 the Race Question of Franchise.- — British 
 Imperial Assent. — The Royal Proclamation 
 of Union. —Very quickly after the placing of 
 the Boer colonies on a footing of political 
 equality with their English neighbors a fresh 
 desire for South African Union, in which they, 
 who had fought to the death for its prevention 
 only six years before, now shared, began to be 
 earnestly voiced. Its genesis was explained 
 clearly by a correspondent of the London Times 
 of May 24, 1909, who wrote- “Economic causes 
 of a special character assisted the process. A 
 great wave of commercial depression, following 
 hard upon the golden expectations of the peace, 
 passed over the whole country, but made itself 
 specially felt in the coast colonies. Here the 
 situation was painful in the extreme. It was a 
 tale of deficit, of retrenchment, of heroic Budg- 
 ets. But far beyond the rolling hills of the 
 Karoo and the flat tableland of the Orange 
 River there was a wealthy State, a State with a 
 surplus. The Transvaal, possessing in Johan- 
 nesburg the principal centre of opulence and 
 the chief market for produce, was in a position 
 to exert economic pressure upon colonies whose 
 principal source of revenue was derived from 
 the profits upon their railways and from the 
 sale of their goods to the great city on the high 
 veld. The poorer colonies lived, so to speak, 
 upon the custom of the Transvaal, and were 
 unable to ignore, however much they might 
 dislike, their position of dependence. A rate 
 war or a tariff war between the Transvaal and 
 the coast colonies could hardly end with a vic- 
 tory for Cape Town or Durban, and so by a 
 process of reasoning which was not always 
 pleasantly illustrated the coast colonies came to 
 accommodate themselves to the view that some 
 form of arrangement as to railways and Cus- 
 toms was desirable in their own interests. 
 Other causes contributed to illumine and en- 
 large the horizon. A Zulu rebellion in Natal 
 brought home the common danger to the white 
 community from native unrest or from mis- 
 takes made by a weak colonial Government in 
 its native policy; the grant of responsible gov- 
 ernment to the two conquered Colonies tended, 
 not only to bring the English and Dutch leaders 
 into habitual communion, but to give to the 
 progressive section of the community a press- 
 ing interest in the construction of a Govern- 
 ment which should be strong enough to resist 
 the influences of the back veld.” 
 
 The first action taken to transform the desire 
 for Union into a movement to that end was 
 early in May, 1908, by a convention of officials 
 from the several colonies, assembled at Pretoria 
 to negotiate a new customs agreement and to 
 arrange intercolonial railway rates. The rail- 
 way situation was nearly, if not quite, the most 
 serious one that brought pressure to bear on 
 some of the colonies, forcing them to seek a 
 union in which conflicts of interest would be 
 overcome. It was a situation which the High 
 Commissioner, Lord Selborne, described briefly, 
 in a review of the many reasons for Union 
 which he addressed to the Governors and Lieu- 
 tenant-Governors of the several colonies, on the 
 7th of January, 1907: “Of all the questions 
 fruitful in divergence of opinion or of inter- 
 est to the Colonies of South Africa, there is 
 none so pregnant with danger,’’ he wrote, “as 
 the railway question. It is not an exaggera- 
 tion to say that a field more thickly sown with 
 the seed of future quarrel and strife than the 
 [State-owned] railway systems of South Africa 
 does not exist. As long as the Governments of 
 the five British Colonies in South Africa are 
 wholly separated from, and independent of, 
 each other, their railway interests are not only 
 distinct but absolutely incompatible. There is 
 a competitive struggle between the ports of 
 Cape Colony and of Natal to snatch from each 
 other every ton of goods which can be snatched. 
 The Orange River Colony desires as many tons 
 of goods as possible to be passed to the Trans- 
 vaal through its territory, but it is to the inter- 
 est of Cape Colony that no such tons of goods 
 should pass into the Transvaal through the 
 Orange River Colony. ... In the same way it 
 is to the interest of Natal to pass the goods con- 
 signed to the Transvaal from Durban into the 
 Transvaal at Volksrust, and not at Vereenig- 
 ing through the Oiange River Colony. Thus 
 the interests of Cape Colony, of Natal, and of 
 the Orange River Colony conflict the one with 
 the other. But when it comes to considering 
 the railway interests of the Transvaal, then it 
 will be found that the interest of the Transvaal 
 is diametrically opposed to the interests of Cape 
 Colony, of Natal, and of the Orange River 
 Colony. The Transvaal loses revenue on every 
 ton of goods which enters the Transvaal by any 
 other route than that from Delagoa Bay [on the 
 Portuguese coast] . ... If the [Transvaal Gov- 
 ernment] were as indifferent to the welfare of 
 the three sister Colonies as every State in 
 Europe is to the welfare of every other State, 
 the Transvaal would see that all the trade to 
 the Transvaal came exclusively through Dela- 
 goa Bay. And what then would be the posi- 
 tion of the railways and the finances of the three 
 sister Colonies and of the ports of Cape Colony 
 and of Natal? This divergence, this conflict of 
 railway interests, this cloud of future strife, 
 would vanish like a foul mist before the sun of 
 South African Federation, but no other force 
 can dissipate it.” 
 
 That a railway and customs convention should 
 start the action which united the colonies of 
 South Africa happened as logically, therefore, 
 as the happenings which derived the American 
 Federal Constitutional Convention of 1787 from 
 a River and Harbor Convention at Annapolis in 
 1786. 
 
 The South African Railway convention, before 
 
 628 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1908-1909 
 
 SOUTH AFRICA, 1908-1909 
 
 adjourning, adopted a resolution recommending 
 the appointment of delegates from each colony 
 to a convention for the framing of a Constitu- 
 tion of United Government. Cape Colony led off 
 in approving the proposal, followed within a 
 day or two by the Transvaal and Orange River 
 Colony, and a week later by Natal, where the 
 strongest opposition was developed. The appor- 
 tionment of delegates to the Convention was, for 
 Cape Colony 12, for the Transvaal 8, for Orange 
 River and Natal 5 each. On the 12th of October 
 these delegates assembled at Durban, in Natal, 
 under the presidency of Sir Henry de Villiers 
 and were in session there until the 5th of No- 
 vember, when they adjourned to meet again at 
 Cape Town, November 23. Their labors were 
 not concluded until the 3d of February, 1909, 
 when all differences had been harmonized or 
 compromised and a draft Constitut ion approved, 
 which every delegate signed that day. 
 
 The Constitution was officially published on 
 the 9th of February, with a recommendation 
 that the several Parliaments should meet on 
 March 30 to consider the draft, and that the Con- 
 vention should meet again in May on a day to 
 be fixed by the president of the Convention and 
 the Premiers in consultation. The final draft to 
 be submitted to the Parliaments in June. Then 
 a committee of delegates appointed by the Gov- 
 ernments to proceed to England to facilitate the 
 passing of the Act. 
 
 This programme was successfully carried 
 through. Cape Colony and Natal contended for 
 certain amendments to the draft Constitution, 
 but the Transvaal and Orange River colonies 
 approved the instrument and instructed their 
 delegates to support it as a whole. The General 
 Convention was reassembled at Bloemfontein, 
 capital of the Orange River Colony, on the 3d of 
 May, when it discussed the proposed amend- 
 ments and agreed to eight of them. As thus 
 amended the draft was adopted in June by the 
 parliaments of each of the four colonies, and 
 sent with that endorsement to the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment for the seal of Sovereign Law. It was 
 followed by an official mission, composed of 
 nineteen members, who represented, as a Lon- 
 don journal remarked, “almost the whole of the 
 driving power in South African politics,” in- 
 cluding, of course, such former antagonists as 
 General Botha and Dr. Jameson, now shoulder 
 to shoulder in powerful leadership of the move- 
 ment for South African Union. 
 
 One feature of the Constitution, as framed by 
 the four colonies and presented for the imperial 
 approval, was profoundly repugnant to English 
 feeling. It was the product of a compromise in 
 the colonial convention, which ran a curious 
 parallel to that in the American constitutional 
 convention of 1787, which gave the Southern 
 States a representation in Congress for their 
 slaves. The question of elective franchises and 
 legislative representation for the colored natives 
 had troubled the South African union-making, 
 just as the slavery question had troubled the 
 American. Cape Colony had conferred the suf- 
 frage on its qualified colored citizens, and 
 refused to disfranchise them; the other colonies 
 had disfranchised all races but the white, and 
 refused to allow a possible election from the 
 Cape Colony to the Union Parliament of any 
 other than members of European descent. The 
 necessary compromise which secured the Union 
 
 left the Cape franchise undisturbed for the 
 present, but exposed to a future chance of be- 
 ing overruled ; and it barred all but European 
 humanity from both houses of the general Par- 
 liament. 
 
 This compromise was opposed with unyield- 
 ing resolution by a strong party in Cape 
 Colony, led by two former premiers, Mr. W. P. 
 Schreiner and Sir J. Gordon Sprigg. Mr. 
 Schreiner went to England to appeal there to 
 the Imperial Parliament against the sanctioning 
 of these provisions of the proposed Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 Mr. Schreiner found in Great Britain almost 
 universal sympathy with the feeling that he 
 represented. In Parliament and out, it was 
 expressed by all parties ; but there went with it 
 a prevailing opinion that the matter in question 
 and the attending circumstances were such that 
 the Imperial Parliament ought not to refuse 
 assent to the action of the colonies. The Prime 
 Minister, Mr. Asquith, set forth the reasoning 
 to this conclusion very clearly and concisely, 
 when, on the 19th of August, he moved, in the 
 House of Commons, the third reading of the 
 South Africa Bill. “ I wish,” he said, “in sub- 
 mitting this motion to the House, to take the 
 opportunity of putting on record the fact that 
 this Bill, consisting of over 150 clauses and a 
 very complicated schedule, has, after the most 
 careful consideration by this House, been passed 
 without amendment. It would, however, be a 
 totally false impression were it suggested that as 
 regards all provisions of this Bill there is una- 
 nimity of opinion in the House. In particular as 
 regards some of the clauses which deal with the 
 treatment of natives — the access of native mem- 
 bers to the Legislature — as everybody who has 
 followed the debate can see, there is not only no 
 difference of opinion, but absolute unanimity iu 
 the way of regret that those particular provi- 
 sions should have been inserted in the Bill. I 
 wish before the Bill leaves the Imperial Parlia- 
 ment to make it perfectly clear that we here 
 have exercised, and I think wisely and legiti- 
 mately exercised, not only restraint of expres- 
 sion, but reserve of judgment in regard to mat- 
 ters of this kind, simply because we desire that 
 this great experiment of establishing free self- 
 government in South Africa should start on the 
 lines and in accordance with the ideas of our fel- 
 low-citizens there which they have deliberately 
 and after long consideration come to. 
 
 “It is perfectly true that the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment cannot divest itself of responsibility in 
 this matter. We do not do so. I think that if 
 we have yielded, as we have, on points of detail 
 — on some points on which many of us feel very 
 strongly — to the considered and deliberate 
 judgment of South Africa, it has been bechuse 
 we thought it undesirable at this, the last, stage 
 in the completion of an almost unprecedentlv 
 difficult task to put forward anything that could 
 be an obstacle to the successfid working of the 
 Bill. Speaking for myself and the Government, 
 I venture to express not only the hope, but the 
 expectation, that in some of these matters that 
 have been discussed in this House, both on the 
 second reading and in the Committee stage, the 
 views which have been so strongly expressed, 
 and practically without any dissent, will be 
 sympathetically considered by our fellow-citi- 
 zens in South Africa. For my part I think, as 
 
 629 
 
SOUTH AFRICA, 1908-1909 
 
 SPAIN, 1898-1906 
 
 I have said throughout, that it would be far bet- 
 ter that any relaxations of what almost all of us 
 regard as unnecessary restrictions upon the elec- 
 toral rights and eligibility of our native fellow- 
 subjects there should be carried out spontane- 
 ously and on the initiative of the South African 
 Parliament rather than that it should appear to 
 be forced on them by the Imperial Parliament 
 here.” 
 
 The Bill had already passed the House of 
 Lords. It received the royal approval on the 
 20th of September ; and, on the 2d of December, 
 the Union of South Africa was proclaimed, to 
 be of effect on and after the 31st of May, 1910. 
 
 Soon after the passage of the Bill, announce- 
 ment was made that the Prince of Wales would 
 visit South Africa to open the Union Parliament, 
 as he had done on the opening of the Parlia- 
 ment of the Australian Commonwealth, in 1901. 
 
 In December it was made known that the Rt. 
 Hon. Herbert Gladstone would be the first Gov- 
 ernor-General of United South Africa. 
 
 For the text of the South African Constitu- 
 tion see (in this vol.) Constitution of the 
 Union of South Africa. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . —The Native Protectorates. 
 — Their Condition and Circumstances on 
 the Eve of the Inauguration of the Union of 
 South Africa. — “It should not be forgotten 
 that the protectorates are in being to-day not 
 because this particular arrangement of protec- 
 tion was economically necessary or inevitable, 
 nor even because the general relationship of the 
 native tribes of South Africa made it the best 
 that could be devised. The fact is that they 
 came into existence at different times and as 
 definite and probably expedient results of vari- 
 ous fortuitous crises in a chaotic native political 
 history, which is at least characteristic of South 
 Africa. . . . 
 
 “To-day the protectorates are to a consider- 
 able degree isolated native communities, so far 
 at any rate as they are concerned with any pos- 
 sible united feeling among the other native 
 tribes of South Africa. They are carefully 
 guarded by their responsible officials from inter- 
 ference and possible harm from outside their 
 
 own territories — that is from taking any con- 
 siderable interest or partnership in the real or 
 fancied troubles of neighbouring states. They 
 are in a sense — and more than a political sense 
 — inside a ring fence. 
 
 “As regards the relationship between the na- 
 tive inhabitants and the white settlers of the 
 several protectorates, there are no striking 
 points of difference. In Basutoland no land is 
 held under white ownership. Such white resi- 
 dents as there are, apart from officials and mis- 
 sionaries, are there as traders and storekeepers. 
 No land rights have been alienated to white 
 men. In the Bechuanaland Protectorate certain 
 areas are held by white men, but at the same 
 time very large areas are reserved entirely for 
 native uses. In Swaziland the relationship was, 
 until a few months ago, upon a very different 
 basis — a position surely unique in the history 
 of the British colonial possessions. I have not 
 space to describe even briefly the extraordinary 
 intricacy of the concessions troubles or the 
 heroic measures found necessaiy to effect a set- 
 tlement at once just to the concessionaire and 
 the native. It must be sufficient to say that to- 
 day about half the area of the country is held 
 in white ownership, while rather more than 
 one-third is reserved for the exclusive use and 
 benefit of the natives. In Zululand certain 
 areas of land are held by whites, but the bulk 
 of land is held in native possession. In each 
 case, however, it is not probable that any more 
 land will be alienated for purposes of sale or 
 settlement by whites. It may be accepted with- 
 out doubt, I think, that the natives will retain 
 in perpetuity the land they hold at present. It 
 will be seen that the material interests of the 
 natives, at any rate as regards land, have been 
 well guarded in the three protectorates.” — R. 
 T. Coryndon, The Position of the Native Pro- 
 tectorates ( The State, South Africa, Sept., 1909). 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Introduction of Proportional 
 Representation. See (in this vol.) Elective 
 Franchise : South Africa. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Native Labor Supplanting 
 the Chinese. See Race Problems : South 
 Africa . A. D. 1909. 
 
 SOUTH AMERICAN REPUBLICS. 
 
 See American Republics. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA, and Interstate 
 and West Indian Exposition. See (in this 
 vol.) Charleston: A. D. 1901. 
 
 SPAIN: A. D. 1870 - 1905 . — Increase of 
 Population compared with other European 
 Countries. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 
 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1898 - 1906 . — Gains from the Loss 
 of Cuba and the Philippines. — Growth of 
 Close Relations with the Spanish-American 
 States. — “In many a war it has been the van- 
 quished, not the victor, who has carried off the 
 finest spoils. Cuba and the Philippines have 
 been like a tumor in the side of Spain, dragging 
 her down in the race of civilization. They 
 have drained her life-blood and disturbed all 
 her national activities. Only a serious surgical 
 operation could remove this exhausting excres- 
 cence; and Spaniards themselves have been the 
 first to recognize that the operation, though 
 painful, was in the highest degree beneficial. 
 Not even the most Quixotic of Spaniards 
 dreams of regaining these loSt possessions. 
 
 The war has been beneficial in at least two dif- 
 ferent ways. It has had a healthy economic 
 influence, because, besides directing the man- 
 hood of Spain into sober industrial channels, 
 it has led to the removal of artificial restrictions 
 in the path of commercial activity. It has 
 been advantageous morally, because it has 
 forced even' the most narrow and ignorant 
 Spaniard to face the actual facts of the modern 
 world. 
 
 “ The war has had a further result in leading 
 to a movement, for a closer sympathy between 
 Spain and the Spanish states of South" America. 
 The attitude of these states towards the mother 
 country has hitherto been somewhat unsympa- 
 thetic; they have regarded her as hopelessly op- 
 posed to all reform; the hostility of Spain to the 
 aspirations of Cuba and their own earlier strug- 
 gles for freedom amply accounted for such an 
 attitude. Now there is nothing to stand in the 
 way of a movement towards approximation 
 which has already begun to manifest itself, and 
 may ultimately possess a serious significance.” 
 — Havelock Ellis, The Spirit of Present-Day 
 Spain ( Atlantic Monthly, Dec., 1900). 
 
 630 
 
SPAIN, 1898-1906 
 
 SPAIN, 1905-1906 
 
 •‘Thoughtful Spaniards will tell you that a 
 change has come over their country with the 
 close of last century, and that this change has 
 been developing since the accession of their 
 young King. The starting-point of this evolu- 
 tion in national life was the close of the short 
 struggle with the United States and the loss of 
 what remained of their colonial empire. That 
 turning-point in the modern annals of Spain 
 caused a deep impression in the minds, not only 
 of the governing classes of the country, but 
 of the hard-working middle classes and of the 
 masses themselves. . . . Almost immediately 
 after conclusion of the peace treaty, first a few 
 and then more and more Spaniards dared to 
 speak out what at heart they felt, however sore 
 and resentful — namely, that foreign and colo- 
 nial foes had rendered Spain a service by ridding 
 her of the colonies that hampered her revival 
 in Europe and in fields of action and enterprise 
 nearer home. This feeling spread widely 
 among the masses and middle classes when they 
 perceived the first-fruits of the concentration of 
 the resources and energies of the nation in 
 Spain between 1899 and 1905. Much capital 
 had flowed back from the former colonies, es- 
 pecially from Cuba and the Philippines, and 
 promoted a rapid increase in enterprises of 
 every kind — banks, financial establishments, 
 mines, industries, syndicates, trusts, shipping- 
 interests that, developing, perhaps, too rap- 
 idly, were led to overproduction, and thus 
 gave rise to local crises at Bilbao, Barcelona, 
 Santander, Cadiz, Malaga. The rebound of the 
 last year of the nineteenth century and of the 
 first few years of the twentieth was a conse- 
 quence also of the recovery of Spanish credit, 
 effected by a vigorous reorganization of Span- 
 ish finance and budgets by the late Senor Vil- 
 laverde, and by the gallant resolution with 
 which Governments and Parliaments, backed 
 by the press and public opinion, undertook to 
 honor both the domestic engagements of Spain 
 herself, and the engagements that resulted from 
 saddling her treasury and budget with the 
 debts of Cuba and the Philippines, and with the 
 cost of the last and previous civil wars in the 
 lost colonies. The restoration of Spain’s credit 
 abroad and at home, the successful levelling of 
 her budgets with a surplus revenue annually of 
 several millions of dollars since 1900, dispelled 
 the fears of her native capitalists; and they too, 
 large and small, came forward to invest in 
 mines, banks, companies and railways.” — 
 World-Politics ( North American Review, Nov., 
 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1901 - 1904 . — Four Years of Political 
 Shuffling in the Government. — End of the 
 Queen Dowager Regency. — Coronation of 
 the Young King, Alfonso XIII. — Death of 
 Sagasta. — A New Ministry, of Liberals, was 
 formed in March, 1901, with the veteran leader, 
 Praxedes Mateo Sagasta, at its head ; but the 
 military party was represented in the Gov- 
 ernment by General Weyler, as Secretary for 
 War. Measures undertaken by the Government 
 against unauthorized religious orders, to bring 
 them under surveillance, gave rise to anti-cleri- 
 cal disturbances in some parts of the Kingdom, 
 and were defiantly opposed by the C lurch. 
 Legislative elections held in June gave the Gov- 
 ernment 280 seats, leaving but 70 to the Opposi- 
 tion ; but any party controlling the conduct of 
 
 elections in Spain was said to be able to secure 
 whatever majority it desired. 
 
 The general condition of confusion and dis- 
 turbance was continued in 1902, and constant 
 recourse was had, in one region or another, to 
 declarations of a “state of siege,” involving 
 martial law. General Weyler fought a battle 
 of a week’s duration in February at Barcelona, 
 with rioting consequent on a general strike (see, 
 in this vol., Labor Organization: Spain). 
 
 On the 17th of May, his sixteenth birthday, 
 Alfonso XIII., whose father, Alfonso XII., died 
 before he was born, and who, consequently, had 
 been, nominally and constitutionally, King of 
 Spain since his birth, entered on the actual exer- 
 cise of royal functions. He was crowned that 
 day, and the regency of his mother came to an 
 end. The coronation ceremonies were splendid ; 
 the oath taken by the young King was very 
 simple: “I swear by God upon the Holy Bible 
 to maintain the constitution and laws. If so I 
 do, may God regard me ; if I do not, may he 
 call me to account.” There is reason to believe 
 that he took this oath with a serious sense of 
 the responsibilities he assumed; but influences 
 at Court, military, clerical, and otherwise reac- 
 tionary, were stronger than the influence of his 
 constitutional advisers for a few years, and the 
 political distractions of the time were increased. 
 The attempted action of Government against 
 unauthorized religious orders ended in a com- 
 promise which gave authorization to every 
 order demanding it. 
 
 On the 3d of December, 1902, Sagasta and his 
 Cabinet resigned, and a Conservative Ministry, 
 under Senor Silvela, was formed. On the 5tli 
 of January following Sagasta died. The liberal- 
 ism he represented had no substantial unity left, 
 nor were the opposing groups in a condition to 
 give more consistency or strength to the Gov- 
 ernment. A new Ministry under Senor Villa- 
 verde succeeded that of Silvela in May, and was 
 succeeded in turn by another in December, with 
 Senor Maura at its head. Premier Maura, for- 
 merly of Sagasta’s party, but latterly more Con- 
 servative, held the reins for a full year, escap- 
 ing two attempted assassinations in 1904, and 
 giving place to General Azcarraga on the 14th 
 of December in that year. The General was 
 less fortunate, for he enjoyed the honors of the 
 prime ministry but six weeks. 
 
 A. D. 1903 . — Agreement for Settlement of 
 Claims against Venezuela. See (in this vol.) 
 Venezuela: A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (April). — Declarations of Eng- 
 land and France touching Spanish interests 
 in Morocco. See (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 
 1904 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . — Unsatisfactory State 
 of the Kingdom. — Rapid Succession of 
 Changes in the Government. — Disorders in 
 Catalonia. — The King’s Marriage. — At- 
 tempted Assassination of the King. — Pro- 
 posed Anti-Clerical Law, which came to 
 naught. — In the character of its political par- 
 ties, in the condition of its finances and in the 
 general circumstances of the country, Spain 
 appeared to be in an increasingly unsatisfac- 
 tory state. Four changes of Ministry occurred 
 within the year 1905, and no Government was 
 found able to project any policy that promised 
 permanency and definiteness of line. Don Ra- 
 mon Villaverde succeeded General Azcarraga as 
 
 631 
 
SPAIN, 1903-1906 
 
 SPAIN, 1907-1909 
 
 Premier in January, and was succeeded in the 
 following June by Don E. Montero Rios, who 
 had Don Jose Echegaray, the eminent poet, dra- 
 matist, novelist, and banker, for his Minister of 
 Finance. In turn, Senor Montero Rios, after a 
 reconstruction of his Cabinet in October with 
 the help of the King, gave way at the end of 
 November to Senor Moret. The Azcarraga and 
 Yillaverde Ministries had been Conservative; 
 those of Montero Rios and Moret were of the 
 Liberal type. The Parliament, which should 
 have been convened early in the year, but was 
 not called together until the middle of June, 
 contained no majority which any Ministry could 
 trust, and all the leaders in Spanish politics 
 were afraid of it. Fresh elections in September 
 gave the Montero Rios Ministry a decided ma- 
 jority ; but it had quarrels within itself, and 
 threatening disorders had arisen in many parts 
 of the country, especially in half-rebellious Cat- 
 alonia, which it seems to have lacked courage 
 to face. An arrogant, insubordinate temper 
 had been developed among the officers of the 
 army, who disputed the supremacy of civil over 
 military authority ; and in many ways the con- 
 ditions in the kingdom gave cause for grave 
 anxiety to thoughtful minds. 
 
 Not much, if any, quieting of the disturbed 
 conditions in Spain came during the next year. 
 The Government stooped to a compromise with 
 the insolent military faction, so far as to allow 
 press offenses against officers of the army to be 
 dealt with by courts-martial. On the 31st of 
 May, 1906, King Alfonso was married to the 
 English Princess Ena of Batteuberg, who previ- 
 ously entered the Roman Catholic Church, much 
 to the disturbance of Protestant feeling in Eng- 
 land. The wedding festivities at Madrid were 
 nearly made tragical by an anarchist attempt 
 to kill the royal pair. As they returned from 
 the marriage ceremony to the palace a wretch 
 named Matteo Morales threw a bomb into the 
 midst of the procession of carriages, killing a 
 number of attendant people, but missing those 
 for whom it was intended. The coolness and 
 readiness of mind shown by the young king, 
 and by his bride, excited general admiration, 
 and indicated a strength of character that au- 
 gured well for Spain. 
 
 In July the Moret Ministry found it expedient 
 to resign, and the administration of Government 
 passed to a new Cabinet, under Captain-General 
 Lopez Dominguez. Then a strange change of 
 attitude toward the Church of Rome was given 
 for a brief time to the Spanish Government, as 
 though it had caught the temper of France. 
 There had been signs of a disposition toward 
 some independence of secular policy a few years 
 before, when the strenuous opposition of the 
 Church failed to prevent the passage of a Span- 
 ish law which authorized civil marriage between 
 persons legally qualified, whatever their creed 
 might be. The Church continued its hostility 
 to this law until it succeeded, in 1900, in secur- 
 ing an amendment which restricted the right 
 of civil marriage to parties one of whom should 
 not be a Catholic. Public opinion does not seem 
 to have approved that concession, and the origi- 
 nal provisions of the law were now restored. 
 This drew on the Government a fierce clerical 
 attack; in the face of which it brought forward, 
 in October, a project of law which seems to 
 have been modelled very closely on that French 
 
 Associations Law, of 1901, by which all reli- 
 gious orders, along with other associations, were 
 brought under surveillance and regulation by 
 the State (see, in Volume VI. of this work, 
 France: A. D. 1901, and, in this volume, 
 France: A. D. 1903). This Spanish measure 
 proposed to allow no religious order to be estab- 
 lished in the kingdom without parliamentary 
 authorization. It would empower the Govern- 
 ment to withdraw the authorization of any order 
 or association that it found dangerous to public 
 tranquility or morals ; it would permit any 
 member of an order to renounce his or her vows ; 
 it would dissolve any order whose members 
 were foreigners or whose directors lived abroad ; 
 it would command monasteries and convents 
 to open their doors to representatives of the 
 proper civil authority at any time ; it would 
 limit the property held by religious orders to 
 the need of the objects for winch they were 
 instituted and put a limit on the gifts and be- 
 quests they could receive. 
 
 This seemed an extraordinary measure to 
 come even under discussion in Spain. Some of 
 the Liberal leaders were prompt in declaring 
 opposition to it, and its passage through the 
 Cortes was probably impossible; but it came to 
 no vote. Debate on it, opened on the 27th of 
 November, was brought soon to an abrupt and 
 not well-explained end. The Prime Minister 
 resigned suddenly, in consequenee of alleged 
 intrigues ; Senor Moret, recalled to office, was 
 forced to retire again almost at once ; a new 
 Ministry was formed by the Marquis Vega de 
 Armijo, and nothing more appears to have been 
 heard of the proposed Associations Law. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — At the Algeciras Conference 
 on the Morocco question. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Franco-Spanish Bombard- 
 ment of Casablanca. See Morocco: A. D. 
 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — The Maura Conserva- 
 tive Ministry. — Unpopularity of the War in 
 Morocco. — Insurgency in Barcelona. — The 
 Ferrer Case. — The Moret Ministry. — Muni- 
 cipal Reform. — Present Parties. — The Min- 
 istry of Marquis Armijo de la Vega held the 
 Government little more than a month, giving 
 way to Senor Maura and his party, who returned 
 to power in January, 1907. Five changes of ad- 
 ministration had occurred within a year and a 
 half. Elections in April yielded the Government 
 a majority, and the birth of an heir to the throne 
 on the 10th of May gave much satisfaction to 
 the country. The Liberals, however, were so 
 indignant at the manipulation of the elections to 
 the lower chamber that, on the advice of their 
 leader, Senor Moret, they took no part in the 
 senatorial elections which followed, later in 
 May; and this proved singularly embarrassing 
 to the Government. Bomb explosions and other 
 anarchist outrages, centering in Barcelona, but 
 not confined to that turbulent city, -were being 
 dreadfully increased, and a ministerial Bill was 
 brought before the Cortes in January, 1908, pro- 
 viding measures of suppression so drastic, espe- 
 cially in its dealing with the Press, that a most 
 formidable opposition was stirred up. The Gov- 
 ernment stood stoutly by the Bill for months, 
 until its control of the Cortes was shaken by 
 the coalition that took form against it. In the 
 end it withdrew the Anarchist Bill, but raised 
 
 632 
 
SPAIN, 1907-1909 
 
 SPITZBERGEN CONFERENCE 
 
 another obstinate and threatening storm by the 
 proposal of a Local Administration Bill, quite 
 startlingly revolutionary in its plans for giving 
 more independence to municipalities and pro- 
 vincial councils. Contest over this Bill went on 
 till early in February, 1909, when Premier Maura 
 came to an understanding with Senor Moret, 
 leader of one of the Liberal groups, which en- 
 abled a part of the extensive measure, relating 
 to municipalities, to be passed. Among other 
 things, this new enactment made voting in the 
 municipalities compulsory, and elections held 
 since are reported to have shown a heavy in- 
 crease of vote, proving effectiveness in the 
 law. The other section of the Bill, dealing with 
 provincial councils, was held over for subse- 
 quent action in the Cortes, and had not been 
 disposed of when Premier Maura and his Cabi- 
 net were driven to resign, in October, 1909. 
 
 The causes of the overthrow of the Maura 
 Ministry came primarily from the serious war 
 with the tribesmen of the Riff, Morocco, into 
 which Spain had been drawn in the midsummer 
 of 1909 (see, in this vol., Morocco: A. D. 1909). 
 The war was exceedingly unpopular from the 
 beginning, and made more so by early reverses 
 in its prosecution. Riotous outbreaks and labor 
 strikes occurred in several parts of the Kingdom, 
 but most fiercely at the turbulent city of Barce- 
 lona, where they were suppressed with a sever- 
 ity which embittered feeling against the Gov- 
 ernment. This feeling was excited to a climax 
 in October by the military trial and execution, 
 at Barcelona, of Professor Francisco Ferrer. 
 Professor Ferrer was a teacher of high standing 
 and wide acquaintance in Europe, extremely 
 radical in his political opinions, and accused of 
 disseminating seditious doctrines in the school 
 which he conducted at Barcelona. The military 
 authorities there put him under arrest on the 
 charge of having been a principal instigator of 
 the revolutionary rising in July. He wa 9 tried 
 by court-martial, without just opportunity for 
 defence, according to common belief, and sum- 
 marily shot, the Government disregarding many 
 appeals from all parts of Europe for its inter- 
 vention in the case. An extraordinary excite- 
 ment throughout the world was produced by 
 this tragedy, and it was felt in Spain with re- 
 verberant effect. After violent speeches in the 
 Chamber of Deputies, October 20, Senor Maura 
 felt it necessary to resign, and the Liberal 
 leader, Senor Moret y Prendergast, was called 
 by the King to take the Government in hand. 
 
 The Moret Ministry made a speedy good be- 
 ginning in domestic policy, by reviving, in some 
 degree, the further undertaking of reform in lo- 
 cal administration which Senor Maura had at- 
 tempted two years before. This was now done 
 by a decree, designed to clear away the mass of 
 ordinances and special decrees by which the ex- 
 isting municipal law has been gradually choked 
 since it was enacted in 1877, and to restore to 
 municipal bodies the liberty and initiative that 
 they were originally supposed to possess. Senor 
 Moret and his party had supported Premier Mau- 
 ra’s Local Administration Bill in 1907 ; but it 
 had been opposed and defeated by the class of 
 politicians who are trained to a distaste for any 
 sort of political reform. According to all ac- 
 counts, the Moret Ministry, with a much mixed 
 and uncertain support in the Cortes, has thus 
 far done well. 
 
 Municipal elections were held throughout 
 Spain December 12, and the introduction of 
 compulsory voting brought out an unprece- 
 dented vote, from which the Republicans and 
 Liberals drew most. Altogether, there are said 
 to have been chosen 481 Republicans, Liberals, 
 and Democrats, 253 Conservatives, and over a 
 hundred Radicals of various shades. Madrid 
 elected 12 Republican councillors, 2 LiberaTs, 1 
 Democrat, and 7 Conservatives, thus giving the 
 Republicans an absolute majority. Valencia 
 chose 15 Republicans, against 10 of all other 
 parties. In Valladolid, 12 Liberals, 6 Republi- 
 cans, and 3 Conservatives were elected ; in La 
 Coruna, 7 Republicans, 3 Liberals, and 3 
 others; in Cordoba, 10 Republicans, 6 Liberals, 
 and 6 Conservatives. 
 
 In present politics the Republicans are said 
 to have gone into alliance with the Socialist or 
 Labor party; the alliance having its leader in 
 a Senor Lerroux, of Barcelona, who returned 
 lately from a long political exile, and who has 
 had warm receptions in a number of the chief 
 cities, where he made stirring speeches. “ Senor 
 Lerroux,” says a correspondent, writing from 
 Madrid in December, “preaches neither anarch- 
 ism nor atheism nor anti-militarism. But he asks 
 for the abolition of the Monarchy and of the 
 religious orders. He would make the army the 
 humble servant of the State, promote lay educa- 
 tion and local autonomy, and do away with in- 
 direct taxation. And he looks for the realization 
 of this programme to a well-timed revolution. 
 Such are the ideas with which the bulk of the 
 Republican-Socialist coalition will go to the 
 polls at the next general election. Between 
 these two extremes — the Conservatives, repre- 
 senting the Monarchy, the aristocracy, and the 
 Church, and the Republican-Socialist alliance, 
 representing revolution — we see the present 
 Government balancing itself uneasily, with a 
 foot in each camp, amenable to pressure from 
 both, and without any independent means of 
 support, save that which it enjoys in virtue of 
 its temporary control of the political machine.” 
 
 SPALDING, Bishop John L. : On the An- 
 thracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commis- 
 sion. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization: 
 United States : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 SPANISH AMERICA ; A. D. 1906 .— 
 Growth of Close Relations with Spain. See 
 (in this vol.) Spain: A. D. 1898-1906. 
 
 SPERRY, Rear-Admiral Charles S.: Com- 
 missioner Plenipotentiary to the Second 
 Peace Conference. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Revolt against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Commanding the American Battleship 
 Fleet. See War, The Preparations for : 
 Naval. 
 
 SPHAKIANAKIS, Dr. See (in this vol.) 
 Crete: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 SPIERS, Bishop; Murder of. See (in this 
 vol.) Africa: A. D. 1905. 
 
 SPITZBERGEN CONFERENCE.— 
 “The Norwegian government, by a note ad- 
 dressed on January 26, 1909, to the Department 
 of State, conveyed an invitation to the gov- 
 ernment of the United States to take part in a 
 conference which, it is understood, will be held 
 in February or March, 1910, for the purpose of 
 devising means to remedy existing conditions 
 in the Spitzbergen Islands. This invitation was 
 conveyed under the reservation that the ques- 
 
SPITZBERGEN CONFERENCE 
 
 SUDAN 
 
 tion of altering the status of the islands as 
 countries belonging to no particular State, and 
 as equally open to the citizens and subjects of 
 all States, should not be raised. 
 
 “The European Powers invited to this con- 
 ference by the government of Norway were 
 Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Great 
 Britain, Russia, Sweden, and the Netherlands. 
 
 “ The Department of State, in view of proofs 
 filed with it in 1906, showing the American pos- 
 session, occupation, and working of certain 
 coal-bearing lands in Spitzbergen, accepted the 
 invitation under the reservation above stated, 
 and under the further reservation that all inter- 
 ests in those islands already vested should be 
 protected, and that there should be equality 
 of opportunity for the future. It was further 
 pointed out that membership in the conference 
 on the part of the United States was qualified 
 by the consideration that this government would 
 not become a signatory to any conventional ar- 
 rangement concluded by the European members 
 of the Conference which would imply contribu- 
 tory participation by the United States in any 
 obligation or responsibility for the enforcement 
 of any scheme of administration which might 
 be devised by the conference for the islands.” 
 — Message of the President of the U. S. to Con- 
 gress , Dec. 6, 1909. 
 
 SPOILS SYSTEM : Cause of Corrup- 
 tion in the United States Customs Service. 
 
 See (in this vol.) United States : A. D. 1909 
 (Oct. -Nov.). 
 
 See Civil Sekvice Reform. 
 
 SPRECKELS, Rudolph. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government : San Francisco. 
 
 SPRIGGS, Sir J. Gordon. See (in this 
 vol.) South Africa -. A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 Opposition to the Disfranchisement of 
 Blacks in South Africa. See South Africa : 
 A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 SPRING-RICE, Sir C. : British Minister 
 to Persia. See (in this vol.) Persia: A. D. 
 1907 (Jan. -Sept.). 
 
 STACKELBERG, General. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July), and after. 
 
 STANDARD OIL COMPANY: Suit by 
 the Government for its Dissolution. — Decree 
 of the U. S. Circuit Court. — Appeal to the 
 Supreme Court. See (in this vol.) Combina- 
 tions, Industrial, &c. : United States : 
 A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 STATE LEGISLATION, Need of Unity 
 
 in. See (in this vol.) Law and its Courts: 
 United States. 
 
 “STATE RIGHTS’’: The question in 
 Australia. See (in this vol.) Australia : A. D. 
 1902. 
 
 STEUNENBERG, Ex-Governor Frank, 
 of Idaho: His assassination. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization : United States : A. D. 
 1899-1907. 
 
 STEVENS, Durham White: Adviser to 
 the Korean Foreign Office, by Japanese Se- 
 lection. — His assassination. See (in this 
 vol.) Korea; A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 STEVENS, John L.: Chief Engineer of 
 the Panama Canal. See (in this vol.) Pan- 
 ama Canal: A. D. 1905 and 1905-1909. 
 
 STEYN, President M. T. See (in this 
 vol.) South Africa: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 STOCK EXCHANGE, New York: Re- 
 port on its Operations. See (in this vol.) Fi- 
 
 nance and Trade : United States : A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 STOCKHOLM: A. D. 1909. — Lockout 
 and attempted General Strike. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization : Sweden. 
 
 STOLYPIN, P. A. : Premier of the Rus- 
 sian Government. See (in this vol.) Russia : 
 A. D. 1906, 1907, and after. 
 
 STONE, Ellen M.: Capture by Brigands 
 in Turkey and Ransom paid for Release. 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 STOSSEL, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July) ; (Feb. -Aug.), 
 and A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 STRAUS, Oscar S.: Secretary of Com- 
 merce and Labor. See (in this vol.) United 
 States : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 On the Chinese Exclusion Laws and 
 their Administration. See Race Problems : 
 United States: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 STRIKE, A General: The Idea of it. 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Organization: 
 France: A. D. 1884-1909. 
 
 STRIKES. See (in this vol.) Labor Or- 
 ganization. 
 
 STUNDISTS, Political Ideas of the. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Russia : A. D. 1902. 
 
 SUBMARINE SIGNAL BELLS. See(in 
 this vol.) Science and Invention: Submarine 
 Signal Bells. 
 
 SUBWAYS, New York. See (in this vol.) 
 New York City: A. D. 1900-1909. 
 
 SUCCESSION DUTIES: Treaty con- 
 cerning, between England and France. See 
 (in this vol.) Death Duties. 
 
 SUGAR TRUST, The Frauds of the. 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : United States: A. D. 1907-1909, and 
 1909. 
 
 SUDAN, The Western: A. D. 1903. — 
 English Ascendancy established in Nigeria. 
 
 See (inthisvol.) Africa: A. D. 1903 (Nigeria). 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Great Changes wrought in 
 Ten Years. — The new Khartoum. — “ After 
 Khartoum had fallen the palace was looted and 
 demolished, but on its ruins another stately 
 pile has arisen wherein Gordon’s memory is 
 kept green by a tablet marking the fatal spot 
 where on the 26th of January, 1885, he was 
 done to death. And even as a new palace 
 sprang up on the ashes of the old, so likewise 
 after a thorough clearing away of the ruins 
 of Gordon’s city, a new Khartoum has been 
 planned and built on the ancient site. This 
 new city lies at an altitude of 1263 feet above 
 sea level, has a moderate yearly rainfall of but 
 some forty inches, and a mean annual tempera- 
 ture of 84° Fahrenheit; by water it is 1560 miles 
 from the source of the Nile at Ripon Falls, and 
 1920 miles from the Rosetta mouth of that fer- 
 tilising river. Slowly but surely vaccination is 
 reducing the small-pox mortality among the 
 Soudanese; the old mosquito-breeding pools 
 have been filled up, and the mosquito brigade 
 is still doing good work. Thus the new Khar- 
 toum may be said to enjoy a fairly salubrious 
 climate, which, morever, should yearly become 
 more and more healthy. . . . 
 
 “South of Khartoum proper, across the 
 desert race-course and golf-links, and hard by 
 what remains of Gordon’s fortifications, dwell, 
 each in their own settlement with its distinctive 
 huts, the divers native tribes who make up the 
 
 634 
 
SUDAN 
 
 SUNDAY OBSERVANCE 
 
 c;ity’s indigenous population. Probably the new 
 Khartoum of to-day, with Omdurman and the 
 near villages, totals nearly one hundred thou- 
 sand souls, and, considering that its geogra- 
 phical situation so admirably adapts itself to 
 fostering the expansion of trade, I venture to 
 predict that in another fifty years Khartoum 
 will contain half a million inhabitants. . . . 
 
 “The material condition of the people is im- 
 proving ; indeed, it is already prosperous. For 
 the first time in their history the Soudanese are 
 an absolutely free people, living under a Gov- 
 ernment anxious to protect them from injustice 
 and to promote their welfare; it is hard for 
 stay-at-home Britishers to realise adequately 
 how far-reaching is this change in a land 
 ‘ where slavery in one form or another has been 
 for thousands of years a permanent and univer- 
 sal institution.’ . . . 
 
 “To Lord Cromer’s wise counsel and untir- 
 ing efforts the new Soudan owes much, and in 
 1901 the Shillook and Dinka representatives 
 fully recognised this, when, using for the sim- 
 ple ceremony a sort of dark green fez, they 
 crowned him their king. In the name of his 
 own great Sovereign, whose ensign holds sway 
 on every continent and on all known seas, his 
 Lordship promised that the sacred law of Islam 
 shall be respected ; and the very remarkable 
 agreement of the 19th of January, 1899, gave to 
 this hitherto down trodden people their Magna 
 Charta, for Article II. stipulates that ‘ the 
 British and Egyptian flags shall be used to- 
 gether, both on land and water, throughout the 
 Soudan.’” — W. F. Mieville, The New Khar- 
 toum ( Nineteenth Century , Jan ., 1908). 
 
 SUEZ CANAL: Renewed Agreements 
 
 between England and France. See (in this 
 vol.) Europe : A. D. 1904 (April). 
 
 SUFFRAGE, Political. See Elective 
 Franchise. 
 
 SUFFRAGETTES. See (in this vol.) 
 Elective Franchise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 SUGAR-BOUNTY CONFERENCE, 
 and Convention. — As the result of a Confer- 
 ence, at Brussels, in which Germany, Austria- 
 Hungary, Belgium, France, Spain, Great Brit- 
 ain, Italy, the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway 
 were represented, a Convention was framed 
 and signed March 5, 1902, the occasion for which 
 is set forth in these words : “ Desiring, on one 
 hand, to equalize the conditions of competition 
 between beet and cane sugars from different 
 sources, and, on the other hand, to promote 
 the development of the consumption of sugar; 
 considering that this double result can only be 
 attained by the suppression of bounties as well 
 as by limiting the surtax ” — the high contracting 
 parties concluded a convention, the first article 
 of which binds them as follows: “to suppress 
 the direct and indirect bounties by which the 
 production or export of sugar may benefit, 
 and they agree not to establish bounties of this 
 kind during the whole duration, of the said con- 
 vention. In view of the execution of this pro- 
 vision, sweetmeats, chocolates, biscuits, con- 
 densed milk, and all other analogous products 
 which contain in a notable proportion sugar arti- 
 ficially incorporated, are to be classed as sugar. 
 The above paragraph applies to all advantages 
 resulting directly or indirectly, for the different 
 categories of producers,- from the fiscal legisla- 
 tion of the States, notably: (a) The direct 
 
 bounties granted to exports. (6) The direct 
 bounties granted to production, (c) The total 
 or partial exemptions from taxation granted for 
 a part of the manufactured output. ( d ) The 
 profits derived from surplusages of output, (e) 
 The profits derived from the exaggeration of 
 the drawback. ( /) The advantages derived 
 from any surtax in excess of the rate fixed” in 
 a subsequent article. Further articles elaborate 
 the programme of measures for carrying out 
 this agreement. It was to come into force from 
 September 1, 1903; to remain in force during 
 five years from that date, and if none of the 
 high contracting parties should have notified 
 the Belgium Government, twelve months after 
 the expiration of the said period of five years, of 
 its intention to have its effects cease, it should 
 continue for one year, and so on from year to 
 year. — Papers relating to the Foreign Relations 
 of the United States, p. 80. 
 
 Under this Convention, a Permanent Commis- 
 sion was established at Brussels. In July, 1907, 
 this Commission gave attention to a suggestion 
 from the Government of Great Britain, “ to the 
 effect that if Great Britain could be relieved 
 from the obligation to enforce the penal pro- 
 visions of the Convention they would be pre- 
 pared not to give notice on the first of Septem- 
 ber next of their intention to withdraw on the 1st 
 of September, 1908, a notice which they would 
 otherwise feel bound to give at the appointed 
 time.” The ensuing discussion and correspond- 
 ence resulted in the signing, on the 28th of Au- 
 gust, 1907, of “An Additional Act to the Sugar 
 Convention of March 5, 1902,” renewing it for a 
 fresh period of five years from September 1, 
 1908, with the privilege to any one of the con- 
 tracting parties to withdraw after September 1, 
 1911, on one year’s notice, “if the Permanent 
 Commission, at the last meeting held before the 
 1st September, 1910, have decided by a major 
 ity of votes that circumstances warrant such 
 power being granted to the contracting States. 
 The request of Great Britain was granted in the 
 following article of the Additional Act: 
 
 “Notwithstanding Article I, Great Britain 
 will be relieved, after the 1st September, 1908. 
 from the obligation contained in Article IV of 
 the Convention. After the same date the Con- 
 tracting States may demand that, in order to en- 
 joy the benefit of the Convention, sugar refined 
 in the United Kingdom and thence exported to 
 their territories shall be accompanied by a cer- 
 tificate stating that none of this sugar comes 
 from a country recognized by the Permanent 
 Commission as granting bounties for the pro- 
 duction or exportation of sugar.” — Parliament- 
 ary Papers, 1907, Commercial, No. 10 ( Cd . 3780). 
 
 SULLY-PRUDHOMME, Rend Fran- 
 qois Armand. See (in this vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 SULTAN AHMED MIRZA, The young 
 Shah of Persia. See (in this vol.) Persia: A. 
 D. 1908-1909. 
 
 SUMATRA: A. D. 1909 (June). — Earth- 
 quake in Upper Padang. See (in this vol.) 
 Earthquakes: Sumatra. 
 
 SUNDAY OBSERVANCE : Legal insti- 
 tution of a weekly Rest Day. — Recent 
 Legislation in Europe. — The Canadian 
 Lord’s Day. — A British Parliamentary Paper, 
 published in the spring of 1909, gave informa- 
 tion, gathered by the diplomatic representatives 
 of the Government, relative to legislation in 
 
 635 
 
SUNDAY OBSERVANCE 
 
 SUPREME COURT 
 
 many foreign countries bearing on the observ- 
 ance of Sunday, or otherwise prescribing a 
 weekly Day of Rest. The facts presented in 
 these reports were discussed editorially by the 
 Loudon Times in an article from which the fol- 
 lowing is quoted. 
 
 “Within quite recent years the principle of 
 the weekly rest-day has been enforced, with vari- 
 ous practical modifications, in most of the chief 
 Continental countries. It forms, indeed, a strik- 
 ing vindication of the claim for the observance 
 of one day’s rest in seven — which was recog- 
 nized among Eastern races long before the days 
 of Moses — that while Sunday work has shown 
 a regrettable, if in some ways scarcely avoid- 
 able, tendency to increase iu tiiis country, steps 
 to restrict it have been widely taken elsewhere. 
 While the English Sunday has been becoming 
 in some respects more ‘ Continental,’ the actual 
 Continental Sunday has shown a distinct tend- 
 ency to approximate to our own. . . . The 
 review provided by the present report of the 
 legislation already in force in France, Germany, 
 Austria, Belgium, Holland, and other leading 
 industrial States gives plenty of examples of the 
 way in which the general principle of making 
 Sunday a day of rest has been accommodated to 
 the necessities of a modern community. The 
 case of France is particularly interesting, since 
 the French method of observing Sunday has 
 traditionally provided the English public with 
 the most familiar contrast with its own. In 
 France the law establishing a statutory weekly 
 day of rest, and making that day Sunday, was 
 passed so recently as in 1906. In common with 
 the similar legislation passed in other countries, 
 it allows partial and carefully regulated excep- 
 tions, to provide for the necessary sale of food, 
 and for such uninterrupted attention as is re- 
 quired, for example, by foundries. But the 
 application of the law is both thorough and ex- 
 tensive, while supplementary legislation is to 
 be introduced, with the support of the Govern- 
 ment, to extend its benefits to all servants of the 
 State and to all other workers on railways, tram- 
 lines, and steamboat services who do not already 
 enjoy it. On the other hand, while the report 
 bears decided witness to the efficiency and suc- 
 cess with which the law has been enforced, it 
 notes certain points on which concession is being 
 made by the Government in deference to the 
 strong demands of certain interests which 
 claimed that they were being unjustly sacri- 
 ficed. . . . 
 
 “The law seems at first to have aroused op- 
 position among many shopkeepers, especially 
 those who were handicapped by competition 
 with rivals whose business was carried on by 
 members of the family, and therefore was not 
 affected by it. . . . The difficulty is now said to 
 be settling itself, as the public is gradually 
 learning to restrict its shopping to week-days, 
 when there is a wider field of choice. The en- 
 couraging evidence provided by the operation 
 of the law of 1906 in France is supported more 
 or less explicitly by the reports forwarded by 
 His Majesty’s representatives in other parts of 
 Europe. The aim and method of the various 
 enactments show a prevailing similarity, and 
 where they have already been sufficiently long 
 in operation for a fair estimate to be made, 
 their success seems to be recognized with but 
 few exceptions. Material is not available in 
 
 every case for forming a full opinion of the 
 completeness with which the law of rest has 
 been enforced. In Vienna, however, it is ex- 
 pressly reported that its administration is effect- 
 ive ; and although no such statement is ex- 
 pressly made in the case of Germany, it appears 
 improbable that the regulations, though less 
 stringent than those of some other States, are 
 lightly disregarded.” 
 
 The Canadian “Lord’s Day Act” of 1906 is a 
 measure of much stringency. Making numer- 
 ous well-defined and carefully guarded excep- 
 tions for “works of necessity and mercy,” and 
 for such railway service as is subject to pro- 
 vincial regulation, the prohibitions of the Act 
 include the following: 
 
 “To sell or offer for sale or purchase any 
 goods, chattels, or other personal property, or 
 any real estate, or to carry on or transact any 
 business of his ordinary calling, or in connec- 
 tion with such calling, or for gain to do, or em- 
 ploy any other person to do, on that day, any 
 work, business, or labour.” “To require any 
 employee engaged in any work of receiving, 
 transmitting, or delivering telegraph or tele- 
 phone messages, or in the work of any indus- 
 trial process, or in connection with transporta- 
 tion, to do on the Lord’s Day the usual work of 
 his ordinary calling, unless such employee is 
 allowed during the next six days of such week 
 twenty-four consecutive hours without labour.” 
 “ To engage in any public game or contest for 
 gain, or for any prize or reward, or to be pre- 
 sent thereat, or to provide, engage in, or be pre- 
 sent at any performance or public meeting, 
 elsewhere than in a church, at which any fee is 
 charged, directly or indirectly.” “To run, con- 
 duct, or convey by any mode of conveyance any 
 excursion on which passengers are conveyed for 
 hire, and having for its principal or only object 
 the carriage on that day of such passengers for 
 amusement or pleasure.” “To shoot with or 
 use any gun, rifle or other similar engine, either 
 for gain, or in such a manner or in such places 
 as to disturb other persons in attendance at pub- 
 lic worship or in the observance of that day.” 
 “ To bring into Canada for sale or distribution, 
 or to sell or distribute within Canada, on the 
 Lord’s Day, any foreign newspaper or publica- 
 tion classified as a newspaper.” 
 
 SUPREME COURT, of the United 
 States : Summary of Decisions (1901-1906) 
 touching the Governmental Regulation of 
 Corporations. See (in this vol.) Combina- 
 tions, Industrial: United States: A. D. 
 1901-1906. 
 
 Decision in the Case of the Trans-Mis- 
 souri Freight Association. See Railways: 
 United States: A. D. 1890-1902. .. 
 
 On Constitutionality of Utah Law re- 
 stricting Hours of Adult Labor in Mines. 
 Sec Labor Organization: United States: 
 A. D. 1902. 
 
 In the Northern Securities Case. See 
 Railways: United States: A. I). 1901-1905. 
 
 In the “Beef Trust” Cases, so-called. 
 See Combinations, Industrial: United 
 
 States: A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 On Interstate Commerce Act of 1887. See 
 Railways: United States: A. D. 1870-1908. 
 
 Limiting Police Power to regulate Hours 
 of Labor. See Labor Protection: Hours of 
 Labor. 
 
 C36 
 
SUPREME COURT 
 
 SWITZERLAND 
 
 In the Tobacco Trust Case of Hale vs. 
 Henkel. See Cumulations, Industuial : 
 United Stat es : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 Concerning the Isle of Pines. See Cuha : 
 A. 1). 1907 (April). 
 
 In Case of Virginia Railroads vs. the State 
 Corporation Commission of Virginia. See 
 
 Railways : United States : A. D. 1908 
 (Nov.). 
 
 On the Constitutionality of the “ Com- 
 modities Clause ” of the Hepburn Act. See 
 Railways: United States : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 On the Right of a State to Specially 
 Limit the Hours of Labor for Women. See 
 Labor Protection : Hours op Labor. 
 
 Limiting State Authority in matters 
 touching Interstate Commerce. See Rail- 
 ways: United States: A. D. 1907-1908. 
 
 On Law against Rebating in Armour 
 Packing Company Case. See Railways: 
 United States : A. D. 1908. 
 
 Invalidating Debts to an Illegal Combina- 
 tion. See Combinations, Industrial: United 
 States : A. D. 1909. 
 
 Affirming Fines on the New York Central 
 Railroad Co. See Railways: United States: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 SUTTNER, Baroness Bertha von. See 
 (in this vol.) Nobel Prizes. 
 
 SWADESHI MOVEMENT. See (in this 
 vol.) India: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 SWALLOW, Silas E. : Nomination for 
 President of the U. S. See (in this vol.) 
 United States: A. D. 1904 (March-Nov.). 
 
 SWARAJ. — The Hindu term for self gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 SWAZILAND. See (in this vol.) South 
 Africa: A. D. 1909. 
 
 “SWEATING,” English Act to sup- 
 press. — The Trade Boards Bill. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Remuneration: Wages Regula- 
 tion. 
 
 SWEDEN: A. D. 1901. — Unveiling of 
 Monument to John Ericsson. — The Nobel 
 Prizes. — The First Awarding of them. — A 
 
 monument to the memory of John Ericsson, the 
 Swedish-American inventor, was unveiled at 
 Stockholm with impressive ceremonies on the 
 14th of September, 1901, that being the date of 
 the reception of his remains at Stockholm eleven 
 years before. 
 
 The first award of the munificent prizes for 
 beneficial services to mankind, instituted by the 
 will of Alfred Bernard Nobel, the eminent 
 Swedish engineer and inventor, was made on 
 the 10th of December, 1901. See (in this vol.) 
 Nobel Prizes. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Agreement for Settlement of 
 Claims against Venezuela. See (in this vol.) 
 Venezuela : A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Secession of Norway from 
 the Union of Crowns. — Acceptance by King 
 Oscar of his Practical Deposition. See Nor- 
 way: A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — At the Algeciras Conference 
 on the Morocco Question. See Europe : 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Municipal Office opened to 
 Women. See Elective Franchise : Woman 
 Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty with Den- 
 mark, England, France, Germany, and the 
 Netherlands, for maintenance of the Status 
 
 Quo on the North Sea. See Europe: A. D. 
 1907-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Franchise Reform Legisla- 
 tion. — During many successive years, earnest 
 attempts by the Swedish Government, strongly 
 backed by liberal majorities in the Second or 
 popular Chamber of the Riksdag, to answer the 
 public demand for a broadening of the suffrage, 
 were defeated in the First Chamber, whose 
 members are elected by the provincial Lands- 
 tings and by municipal corporations. Success 
 was not attained until 1909, when a Franchise 
 Reform Bill, establishing universal suffrage 
 and proportional representation, was passed by 
 the Riksdag on the 10th of February, by larger 
 majorities. According to a Press report from 
 Stockholm, “ the leader of the Liberals declared 
 in the Lower House that, though his party 
 had originally opposed it, they would now vote 
 for the Bill, as the country demanded a solution 
 of this long pending question. The Social Demo- 
 crats and a few extremists of the Liberal party 
 voted against it, considering it unacceptable in 
 principle and inadequate because it excluded 
 female suffrage. In the Upper House the Bill 
 was opposed by a few uncompromising Con- 
 servatives, to whom it seemed too democratic.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Lockout and Attempted 
 General Strike. See Labor Organization: 
 Sweden. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Arbitration of Fron- 
 tier Dispute with Norway. See Norway: 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). 
 
 SWIFT & CO. et al., The Case of the 
 United States against. See (in this vol.) 
 Combinations, Industrial : United States: 
 A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 SWITZERLAND: Backwardness of 
 Woman Suffrage. See (in this vol.) Elective 
 Franchise: Woman Suffrage. 
 
 A. D. 1870-1905. — Increase of Population 
 compared with other European Countries. 
 See Europe : A. D. 1870-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — General Election. — The 
 general election, in October, of representatives in 
 the Federal Assembly, returned 97 Radicals, 35 
 Catholic Conservatives, 25 Moderate Liberals, 
 
 9 Socialists, and 1 Independent, being a total 
 of 167. The previous Chamber had contained 
 but 147, the increase of population having 
 raised the number of representatives. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Use of the Referendum and 
 Initiative down to that time. See (in this--, 
 vol.) Referendum. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Rupture between Radicals 
 and Socialists. — Completion of the Simplon 
 Tunnel. — The coalition hitherto maintained 
 between Radical and Socialist parties was 
 broken entirely in the elections of October, 
 1905, because of the anti-militarv attitude of 
 the latter, who sought to have all national feel- 
 ing and policy sunk in international sentiments 
 and principles. The Socialists elected but two 
 representatives in the National Council. In 
 April the completion of the Simplon Railway 
 Tunnel, furnishing a second passage through 
 the Alps, was celebrated with much rejoicing. 
 The work of boring this twelve-mile length of 
 tunnel had been begun in 1898. See, also, 
 Railways : Switzerland. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Acquisition of the St. Goth- 
 ard Tunnel and Railway by the Govern- 
 ment. See Railways : Switzerland. 
 
 637 
 
SYDOW 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 SYDOW, Reinhold. See (in this vol.) 
 Germany: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 SYNDICATES, German. See (in this 
 vol.) Combinations, Industrial (in Ger- 
 many). 
 
 SYNDICATS AND SYNDICALISM, 
 French. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion: France: A. D. 1884-1909. 
 
 SZELL MINISTRY. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 T. 
 
 TABAH INCIDENT, The. See (in this 
 vol.) Egypt: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 TABRIZ, Siege of. See (in this vol.) Per- 
 sia : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 TACNA AND ARICA QUESTIONS. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Chile: A. D. 1907. 
 
 TAFF-VALE DECISION. See (in this 
 vol.) Labor Organization: England: A. D. 
 1900-1906. 
 
 TAFT, William H. — President of the 
 Second Philippine Commission. — Civil 
 Governor of the Philippines. See (in this 
 vol.) Philippine Islands: A. D. 1901. 
 
 Secretary of War. See United States: 
 A. D. 1901-1905, and 1905-1909. 
 
 Report on the Purchase of the Friars’ 
 Lands. See Philippine Islands : A. D. 1902- 
 1903. 
 
 Organization of Provisional Government 
 in Cuba. See Cuba: A. D. 1906 (Aug. -Oct.). 
 
 Special Report on the Philippine Islands. 
 See Philippine Islands: A. D. 1907. 
 
 Elected President of the United States. 
 See United States: A. D. 1908 (April- 
 
 Nov.). 
 
 Inauguration and Inaugural Address. — 
 Cabinet Appointments. See United States: 
 A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 On the Tariff. See Tariffs: United States. 
 
 Statement, as President, relative to the 
 Tariff Maximum and Minimum Clause. See 
 Tariffs: United States: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 Tour of the United States. — Meeting with 
 President Diaz, of Mexico. See United 
 States: A. D. 1909 (Sept. -Oct.). 
 
 Legislation Recommended for the Conser- 
 vation of Natural Resources. See Conser- 
 vation, &c. : United States. 
 
 On Injunctions in Labor Disputes and on 
 the Expediting of Civil and Criminal Proce- 
 dure. See Law and its Courts: United 
 States. 
 
 Special Message on “Trusts” and on In- 
 terstate Commerce. See Combinations, In- 
 dustrial, &c. : United States: A. D. 1910, 
 and Railways: United States: A. D. 1910. 
 
 TAI HUNG CHI. See (in this vol.) China : 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 TAI HUNG-TZE: Grand Councillor of 
 
 China. See (in this vol.) China : A. D. 1909 
 (Oct.). 
 
 TAIREN. See (in this vol.) Dalny. 
 
 TAI-TZE-HO, Battles at the. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). 
 
 TAKAHIRA KOGORO: Japanese Minis- 
 ter at Washington and Plenipotentiary for 
 negotiating Treaty of Peace with Russia. 
 See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1905 (June- 
 Oct.). 
 
 TAKUSHAN HILL, Capture of. See (in 
 this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 TALIENWAN, re-namcd Dalny, — which 
 see. Later named Tairen, by the Japanese. 
 
 TAMMANY HALL: Struggles with it. 
 See (in this vol.) New York City. 
 
 TANG SHAO YI. See (in this vol.) Opium 
 Problem : China. 
 
 TANGIER: A. D. 1905 . — The German 
 Emperor’s Speech. See (in this vol.) Europe: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 TARIFFS. 
 
 Australia : The question in the First Par- 
 liament. See (in this vol.) Australia : A. D. 
 1901-1902. 
 
 Tariff Excise Act. See Labor Remunera- 
 tion : TnE New Protection. 
 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1907 . — Settle- 
 ment of the Austro-Hungarian Tariff Ques- 
 tion. See Austria-Hungary : A. D. 1907. 
 
 Balkan States: A. D. 1905 . — Serbo-Bul- 
 garian Customs Union. See Balkan States: 
 Bulgaria and Servia. 
 
 British Empire: A. D. 1909 . — Resolutions 
 of Empire Congress of Chambers of Com- 
 merce. See British Empire : A. D. 1909 
 (Sept.). 
 
 Canada: Attitude of Canadian Manufac- 
 turers’ Association toward Great Britain 
 and the United States on Tariff Questions. 
 See Canada: A. D. 1903-1905. 
 
 Canada and Germany: German retaliation 
 for Discriminating Duties in Favor of Brit- 
 ish Goods. — Consequent on the discrimination 
 in favor of British goods which was granted 
 in the Canadian tariff of 1897, Germany took 
 
 action which is explained in the following, 
 from the Canadian side of the official corre- 
 spondence that ensued : 
 
 “ Prior to July 31, 1898, Canada, as a portion 
 of the British Empire, received the most favour- 
 able tariff treatment in Germany, under the 
 terms of the treaty which had long existed be- 
 tween that country and Great Britain. On the 
 date named, that treaty, having been denounced 
 by the British Government, ceased to have ef- 
 fect. Provisional agreements have since been 
 entered into from time to time between Great 
 Britain and Germany. Canada, however, lias 
 been excluded from the benefit of such agree- 
 ments. The products of Canada are no longer 
 admitted into Germany on the favoured terms 
 known in the German tariff as * conventional 
 duties,’ but are specially excluded therefrom 
 and made subject to the higher duties of the 
 general tariff. The reason assigned by the Ger- 
 man Government for this discrimination against 
 Canada is the enactment by the Dominion of 
 legislation granting preferential tariff rates to 
 the products of Great Britain. The under- 
 
 638 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 signed desires to point out that the policy of 
 the Canadian Government was not designed to 
 give to any foreign nation more favoured treat- 
 ment than was to be allowed to Germany. The 
 Canadian policy has been confined to a read- 
 justment of the commercial relations of the 
 Dominion with the British Empire of which it 
 is a part, a domestic affair which could hardly 
 be open to reasonable objection by any foreign 
 government. It would therefore seem that the 
 action of Canada afforded no just ground for 
 complaint by Germany. The undersigned is 
 of opinion that there has been some miscon- 
 ception of the Canadian policy in this respect, 
 and hopes that upon further consideration the 
 German Government will see that Canada, in 
 taking the step referred to, did not forfeit her 
 claim to the advantages accorded by Germany 
 to the most- favoured nations.” 
 
 The German Government, however, main- 
 tained with firmness the ground it had taken ; 
 but eleven years later, in 1909, a German Cana- 
 dian Economic Association at Berlin sent dele- 
 gates to Canada to confer with chambers of 
 commerce and solicit efforts for bettering com- 
 mercial relations between them. The Montreal 
 Board of Trade declined to take any action, say- 
 ing, substantially : “the reprisals against Can- 
 ada were commenced by Germany on account 
 of the granting of preference by the Dominion 
 to Great Britain. If Germany now finds that 
 she has made a mistake the Montreal Board 
 holds that she should restore Canadian products 
 to the conventional tariff, when the Canadian 
 surtax on German goods will be automatically 
 removed.” 
 
 Finally, an agreement was reached which 
 ended this tariff war between Germany and Can- 
 ada. Announcement of it was made in the 
 Canadian Parliament on the 15th of February, 
 1910, and it went into effect on the 1st of March. 
 
 France: A. D. 1910. — A revision of the tar- 
 iff, on which the French Parliament had long 
 been engaged, was completed and became law 
 on March 29, 1910, going into effect April 1. 
 
 France-Canada: Commercial Convention 
 with Great Britain concerning Canada. See 
 (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 Germany: A. D. 1902-1906. — The New 
 Tariff Law and seven Special Tariff Trea- 
 ties with European Countries. — A changed 
 Commercial Policy. — In the Diet of the Em- 
 pire the committee which had been laboring 
 long and arduously on a tariff bill reported the 
 measure in October, and its increase of duties, 
 which the government did not favour, was 
 stoutly opposed by Socialists, Radicals, and 
 Liberals; but the Conservatives, representing 
 the protected interests, constrained the govern- 
 ment to withdraw its opposition and the bill 
 was carried through as a whole, without change. 
 
 “ How deliberately the Germans go about 
 their tariff policy ; how thoroughly they study 
 all the strong and weak points in their adver- 
 saries’ positions ; with what scientific care they 
 measure their own manifold interests; how 
 carefully they guard, in their work of tariff leg- 
 islation, against disturbing the stability of ex- 
 isting business conditions may best be seen 
 from the way in which the new tariff has been 
 adopted. As early as 1898 — i. e., more than 
 five years before the expiration of the old tariff 
 treaties — a Commission of government experts 
 
 and leading representatives of the industrial 
 and commercial interests was organized to make 
 a detailed study of the needs of every industry 
 whose products were in any way affected by 
 the tariff. After five years of incessant work 
 of that character, in which more than 2,000 ex- 
 perts took part, the new general or so-called 
 ‘autonomous’ tariff was enacted into law (but 
 not put into effect) by the German Reichstag. 
 
 “The new tariff law adopted on December 
 25, 1902, with rates considerably raised, formed 
 the basis of diplomatic bargaining, of which it 
 took more than two years to conclude commer- 
 cial treaties with the following seven countries : 
 Austria-Hungary, Russia, Italy, Switzerland, 
 Belgium, Roumania and Servia. These trea- 
 ties, which considerably reduce some of the 
 rates provided for in the tariff of 1902, were en- 
 acted into law on February 22d of this year, 
 [1905], and together form the new so-called 
 ‘ conventional ’ tariff, which will be applied to 
 all countries enjoying ‘most favored nation’ 
 privileges. Deliberate and cautious as these 
 steps have been, the new tariff is not to be 
 thrust upon the business community of the Em- 
 pire on short notice, but the country is given 
 one full year in which to adjust itself to the 
 new rates. Hence the date for giving effect to 
 the new tariff law has been set for March 1, 
 1906.” — N. I. Stone, The New German Customs 
 Tariff ( North American Review, Sept., 1905). 
 
 The chief point of interest for the United 
 States in this law is to be found, not so much in 
 the high rates adopted, as in the statement made 
 in the Reichstag foreshadowing a changed pol- 
 icy on the part of Germany in making new com- 
 mercial treaties. On the final day of the tariff 
 debate Dr. Paasche, one of the leaders of the 
 majority, asserted that the government had pro- 
 mised that it would no longer extend treaty ad- 
 vantages to other countries than those that reci- 
 procate with corresponding concessions. ‘We 
 expect,’ said Dr. Paasche, ‘that the government 
 will undertake a thorough revision of all the 
 treaties containing the most favored-nation 
 clause. Promises of this kind were made to us 
 in committee. We have absolutely no occasion 
 to concede anything to such nations as are glad 
 to take what we give by treaty to other countries 
 without making us any concessions in return. 
 /The United States has introduced a limitation 
 of the most-favored-nation clause ; we have 
 every reason to act in precisely the same man- 
 ner.” — W. C. Dreher, A Letter from Germany 
 {Atlantic Monthly , March , 1903). 
 
 In March, 1905, a few weeks after the con- 
 clusion of the last of the seven special tariff 
 treaties referred to above, which modify the 
 general German tariff of 1902-6, in favor of the 
 nations which became parties to them, the Con- 
 sul-General of the United States at Berlin sent 
 to the State Department at Washington the fol- 
 lowing table, showing, with reference to forty- 
 six of the principal articles of German import 
 from America (1) the then maximum or autono- 
 mous duty as paid under the tariff of 1879; (2) 
 the same duties as modified and reduced by then 
 existing treaty concessions; (3) the new autono- 
 mous duties that were to go into effect in 1906, 
 and (4) the amounts to which each of these rates 
 of duty would be reduced on merchandise com- 
 ing from certain of the seven European countries 
 which had just concluded treaties of commerce 
 
 639 
 
 / 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 ■with Germany. The figures show in all cases, [ can currency of duty per double centner (100 
 uidess otherwise specified, the amount in Ameri- I kilograms or 220.4 pounds): 
 
 Merchandise. 
 
 Tariff (adopted in 
 1879). 
 
 Maximum. 
 
 Reduced 
 by treaty. 
 
 Wheat 
 
 $1.19 
 
 1.19 
 
 $0.83 
 
 .83 
 
 Rye 
 
 
 .95 
 
 .67 
 
 
 .53 
 
 .47 
 
 
 .47 
 
 .38 
 
 
 2.50 
 
 1.74 
 
 Malt 
 
 .95 
 
 .85 
 
 
 
 Free. 
 
 
 4.76 
 
 3.38 
 
 
 .96 
 
 .95 
 
 
 
 Free. 
 
 
 
 4.76 
 
 4.04 
 
 
 2.38 
 
 2.38 
 
 
 4.76 
 
 4.04 
 
 
 4.76 
 
 3.80 
 
 
 4.76 
 
 4.76 
 
 
 .71 
 
 .47 
 
 
 4.76 
 
 3.80 
 
 
 
 
 Cows and oxen, per head 
 
 2.14 
 
 4.76 
 
 2.14 
 
 4.76 
 
 
 1.42 
 
 1.19 
 
 
 11.90 
 
 11.90 
 
 15.47 
 
 15.47 
 
 
 16.66 
 
 16.66 
 
 
 
 
 2.38 
 
 2 38 
 
 
 6 71 
 
 5.71 
 
 5.71 
 
 Sewing machines, power 
 
 5.71 
 
 Electrical machinery 
 
 a. Under 500 kilograms (1.102 pounds) per 100 kilograms 
 
 V>. 500 to 3,000 kilograms (1,102 to 6,614 pounds) 
 
 c. More than 3,000 kilograms 
 
 Machine tools : 
 
 a. 250 kilograms (551 pounds or less), per 100 kilograms. 
 
 b. 250 to 1,000 kilograms (551 to 2,205 pounds) 
 
 c. 1,000 to 3,000 kilograms (2,205 to 6,614 pounds) 
 
 d. 3,000 to 10,000 kilograms (6,614 to 22,046 pounds) 
 
 Over 10,000 kilograms 
 
 Telegraph instruments, telephones, electric lighting and power apparatus. .. 
 
 Railway and street cars 
 
 Motor cars and motor bicycles, each: 
 
 a. 50 kilograms (110 pounds) or less, each 
 
 b. 50 to 100 kilograms (llo to 220 pounds), each . 
 
 c. 100 to 250 kilograms (220 to 550 pounds), each 
 
 d. 250 to 500 kilograms (550 to 1,110 pounds) — 
 
 e 500 to 1,000 kilograms (1,110 to 2,220 pounds) . 
 f. 1,000 kilograms and over 
 
 New tariff law of 1902 (to 
 go into effect in 1906). 
 
 Difference. 
 
 Autonomous. 
 
 Reduced 
 by treaty. 
 
 $1.78 
 
 $1.30 
 
 $0.58 
 
 1.66 
 
 1.19 
 
 .47 
 
 1.6C 
 
 1.19 
 
 .47 
 
 1.66 
 
 .95 
 
 .71 
 
 1.19 
 
 .71 
 
 .48 
 
 4.36 
 
 2.42 
 
 1.94 
 
 2.44 
 
 1.37 
 
 1.07 
 
 .59 
 
 1.24 
 
 (“) 
 
 16.66 
 
 4.76 
 
 11.90 
 
 2.38 
 
 .95 
 
 1.43 
 
 2.38 
 
 1.19 
 
 1.19 
 
 2.38 
 
 1.19 
 
 1.19 
 
 16.66 
 
 9.52 
 
 7.14 
 
 2.97 
 
 2.38 
 
 .59 
 
 10.71 
 
 8.33-9.25 
 
 2.38-1.46 
 
 7.14 
 
 4.76 
 
 2.38 
 
 7.14 
 
 3.57-4.76 
 
 3.57-2.38 
 
 1.42 
 
 .71 
 
 .71 
 
 7.14 
 
 4.76 
 
 2.38 
 
 4.76 
 
 Free. 
 
 4.76 
 
 4.28 
 
 1.90 
 
 2.38 
 
 21.42-85.68 
 
 7.14-28.56 
 
 14.28-57.12 
 
 4.28 
 
 2.14 
 
 2.14 
 
 20.23 
 
 20.23 
 
 
 28.86 
 
 23.80 
 
 5.06 
 
 42.84 
 
 30.70 
 
 7.14 
 
 1.42 
 
 .47 
 
 .95 
 
 2 38 
 
 2.38 
 
 
 8.33 
 
 2.85 
 
 5.48 
 
 4.76 
 
 1.90 
 
 2.86 
 
 2.14 
 
 2.14 
 
 
 1.66 
 
 1.42 
 
 .24 
 
 1.42 
 
 .95 
 
 .47 
 
 4.76 
 
 2.85 
 
 1.91 
 
 2.85 
 
 1.90 
 
 .95 
 
 1.90 
 
 1.42 
 
 .48 
 
 1.42 
 
 1.19 
 
 .23 
 
 .97 
 
 .97 
 
 
 14.28 
 
 (5).95-9.52 
 
 
 2.38 
 
 .71 
 
 1.67 
 
 35.70 
 
 
 
 28.56 
 
 
 
 21.42 
 
 
 
 14.28 
 
 9.52 
 
 4.76 
 
 9.52 
 
 5.95 
 
 3.57 
 
 4.76 
 
 3.57 
 
 1.19 
 
 a Free from August 1 to February 14. 
 
 b According to weight. 
 
 “It needs but a glance at this list,” said Con- 
 sul-General Mason, “to show how important 
 ■will be the concessions granted to one or more 
 of the seven treaty nations, and how formidable 
 will be their competition in the German market 
 against similar goods coming from countries 
 •which, for want of a reciprocal treaty or other 
 convention, will be subject to the autonomous 
 or unmodified tariff in exporting goods into Ger- 
 many.” 
 
 On the 1st day of March, 1906, this tariff came 
 into effect, and the tariff arrangements of Ger- 
 many with the United States, under which the 
 latter had enjoyed important concessions, se- 
 cured by the “most favored nation” agreement 
 in its commercial treaty with Germany, came to 
 an end. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Economic Results of the 
 Protective System. See (in this vol.) Ger- 
 many: A. D. 1009 (April). 
 
 Great Britain: A. D. 1909. — List of ar- 
 ticles on which Import Duties are col- 
 lected. — The following is a complete list of 
 the articles enumerated iu the British tariff as 
 subject to import duties : 
 
 Beer; Cards, Playing; Chicory; Cocoa; Cof- 
 fee ; Fruit, dried or otherwise preserved with- 
 out sugar ; Spirits and Strong Waters (including 
 all alcoholic liquors, cordials and other alcoholic 
 preparations) ; Sugar (including all confection- 
 ery, sugar-preserved fruits, and other sugared 
 preparations) ; Tea ; Tobacco, in all forms ; 
 Wine. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Question of Preferential 
 Trade raised by Mr. Chamberlain. See 
 
 England : A. D. 1903 (May-Sept.). 
 
 The United States: A. D. 1908-1909. — 
 The Demand for Tariff Revision. — Its Ex- 
 pression in the Presidential Election. — 
 The Action of Congress and the President. 
 — The Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act. — For 
 more than a decade prior to the presidential 
 election of 1908 the popular demand for a revi- 
 sion of the exorbitantly protective duties im- 
 posed by the so-called Dingley Tariff of 1897 
 had been steadily rising in the United States, 
 and making itself heard by men in public life. 
 It had penetrated the mind of the great captain- 
 general of the protectionist forces. President 
 McKinley, as early as 1901, and his last public 
 
 640 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 utterance, addressed to a multitude at the Pan 
 American Exposition, in Buffalo, on the 5th of 
 September, the day before he was struck down 
 by a murderous anarchist, contained this wise 
 admonition on the subject : 
 
 “ We have a vast and intricate business, built 
 up through years of toil and struggle, in which 
 every part of the country has its stake, which 
 will not permit of either neglect or of undue 
 selfishness. No narrow, sordid policy will sub- 
 serve it. The greatest skill and wisdom on the 
 part of manufacturers and producers will be re- 
 quired to hold and increase it. . . . Our capa- 
 city to produce has developed so enormously, 
 and our products have so multiplied, that the 
 problem of more markets requires our urgent 
 and immediate attention. Only a broad and en- 
 lightened policy will keep what we have. No 
 other policy will get more. ... We must not 
 repose in fancied security that we can forever 
 sell everything and buy little or nothing. If 
 such a thing were possible, it would not be 
 best for us or for those with whom we deal. 
 We should take from our customers such of 
 their products as we can use without harm to 
 our industries and labor. Reciprocity is the 
 natural outgrowth of our wonderful industrial 
 development under the domestic policy now 
 firmly established. What we produce beyond 
 our domestic consumption must have a vent 
 abroad. ... If perchance some of our tariffs 
 are no longer needed for revenue or to encour- 
 age and protect our industries at home, why 
 should they not be employed to extend and pro- 
 mote our markets abroad ? ” 
 
 The Party-Platform Promises of 1908 . 
 — But President McKinley’s words fell on deaf 
 ears, among those to whom he had been leader 
 and guide in this department of economic policy 
 hitherto. They gave no heed to his new counsels 
 of moderation for seven years. Even treaties of 
 commercial reciprocity, which he had learned 
 to appreciate since his own tariff-making was 
 done, were negotiated in vain by the execu- 
 tive department of Government, to be scorned 
 and rejected by the Senate, By 1908, however, 
 the claim of the many-millioned consumers of 
 the nation, for some relief from the intolerable 
 cost to which almost every necessary of living 
 had been worked up by the protective tariff 
 lever, had risen to a pitch which compelled 
 some attention from the managers of political 
 parties and drew from them promises in the 
 “platforms” (see United States: A. D. 1908, 
 Apiul-Nov.) prepared for the presidential and 
 congressional canvassing of that year. The 
 National Republican Convention at Chicago, 
 which nominated Mr. Taft for the presidency, 
 made this distinct and emphatic pledge : 
 
 “ The Republican party declares unequivo- 
 cally for a revision of the tariff by a special ses- 
 sion of Congress, immediately following the in- 
 auguration of the next President, and commends 
 the steps already taken to this end, in the work 
 assigned to the appropriate committees of Con- 
 gress, which are now investigating the operation 
 and effect of existing schedules. In all tariff 
 legislation the true principle of protection is best 
 maintained by the imposition of such duties as 
 will equal the difference between the cost of 
 production at home and abroad, together with a 
 reasonable profit to American industries. We 
 favor the establishment of maximum and mini- 
 
 mum rates to be administered by the President 
 under limitations to be fixed in the law, the 
 maximum to be available to meet discrimina- 
 tions by foreign countries against American 
 goods entering their markets, and the minimum 
 to represent the normal measure of protection 
 at home.” 
 
 The National Convention, at Denver, of the 
 Democratic party, supposedly confirmed in op- 
 position to the whole theory of tariff protection 
 by all its doctrinal history, made this declara- 
 tion : 
 
 “We favor immediate revision of the tariff 
 by the reduction of import duties. Articles en- 
 tering into competition with trust-controlled 
 products should be placed upon the free list, and 
 material reductions should be made in the tariff 
 upon the necessaries of life, especially upon 
 articles competing with such American manu- 
 factures as are sold abroad more cheaply than 
 at home, and graduated reductions should be 
 made in such other schedules as may be neces 
 sary to restore the tariff to a revenue basis.” 
 
 The Republican Party elected its candidate 
 for the presidency, with a majority in Congress, 
 and was given the greater opportunity to re- 
 deem its pledge, while the Democratic Party 
 obtained sufficient representation in both 
 branches of Congress to aid and influence the 
 promised revision with important effect. Pre- 
 sident Taft, in his inaugural address, spoke 
 impressively of the urgent duty thus laid on 
 Congress, saying: 
 
 “A matter of most pressing importance is the 
 revision of the tariff. In accordance with the 
 promises of the platform upon which I was 
 elected, I shall call Congress into extra session, 
 to meet on the fifteenth day of March, in order 
 that consideration may be at once given to a bill 
 revising the Dingley act.” 
 
 The Making of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff. 
 — The new Congress, as called by the Presi- 
 dent, was convened on the loth of March, 1909, 
 and a provisional tariff bill was introduced in 
 the House of Representatives on the 18th by 
 Chairman Payne of its Ways and Means Com- 
 mittee. This Bill was a product of the work of 
 the House Committee of the preceding Congress, 
 which had been giving hearings on successive 
 tariff schedules since November. Naturally the 
 protected interests swarmed to Washington, 
 with attorneys and technical experts, and their 
 side of every argument for and against existing 
 duties was heard in its most persuasive form. 
 Naturally, too, the unprotected consumers, less 
 able to combine, were represented at the hear- 
 ings in no such potent way, and their side of 
 most arguments, according to all accounts, was 
 but feebly pressed. Mr. Charles Francis Adams, 
 who has the habit of plain speech, wrote a let- 
 ter to Congressman McCall, of Massachusetts, 
 while these hearings were in progress, in which 
 he characterized a conspicuously greedy part 
 of the clamorers for high duties in terms that 
 were savagely rough, but not entirely unde- 
 served. “ Speaking after the fashion of men,” 
 he said, “they are either thieves or hogs. I 
 myself belong to the former class. I am a 
 tariff thief, and I have a license to steal. It 
 bears the broad seal of the United States and is 
 what is known as the ‘ Dingley Tariff.’ I stole 
 under it yesterday ; I am stealing under it to- 
 day ; I propose to steal under it to-morrow. 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 The Government has forced me into this posi- 
 tion, and I both do and shall take full advantage 
 of it. I am therefore a tariff thief with a license 
 to steal. And — what are you going to do- 
 about it ? The other class come under the hog 
 category ; that is, they rush, squealing and 
 struggling, to the great Washington protection 
 trough, and with all four feet in it they proceed 
 to gobble the swill. ... To this class I do not 
 belong. I am simply a tariff thief. . . . But, 
 on the other hand, I am also a tariff reformer. 
 I would like to sec every protective schedule 
 swept out of existence, my own included. Mean- 
 while, what inducement have I to go to Wash- 
 ington on a public mission of this sort ? A mere 
 citizen, I represent no one. . . . Meanwhile, have 
 it well understood that my position is exactly 
 the position of tens of thousands of others scat- 
 tered throughout the country ; to ask us to put 
 aside our business affairs and at our own ex- 
 pense to go to Washington on a desperate mis- 
 sion is asking a little too much." 
 
 The Bill introduced by Mr. Payne was under 
 debate in the House for three weeks, and passed 
 on the 10th of April. In the Senate it was then 
 nominally taken into consideration by the Fi- 
 nance Committee of that body, but that Com- 
 mittee, in fact, under the dominating lead of its 
 chairman, Senator Aldrich, framed a new and 
 protectively stiffened Bill, changed in 847 par- 
 ticulars from that of the House. A little more 
 than twelve weeks were required for this more 
 arduous labor of Mr. Aldrich, which the Senate 
 approved by the passage of the Bill on the 8th 
 of July. On the 9tli it went to a conference 
 committee of the two Houses ; and there the 
 President’s influence, not much exerted, appar- 
 ently, until now, wrung a few important con- 
 cessions to the great public of consumers, which 
 the special interests guarded by a majority in 
 Congress had been determined not to yield. 
 The American people owe it to President Taft’s 
 insistence that their shoes may be cheapened by 
 a free importation of hides, and that lumber for 
 their houses and coal for warming them may 
 come from Canada at a slightly lower rate of 
 duty than before; but he failed to loosen the 
 grip of the woolen and cotton interests on the 
 protected prices at which they are clothed. 
 
 After twenty days of battle the conferees 
 reached agreement, July 29; the House adopted 
 their report on the 31st, the Senate on the 5th 
 of August. It was signed at once by the Presi- 
 dent, and went into effect the next day. 
 
 In the House the Bill was adopted by a vote 
 of 195 to 183, twenty Republicans voting 
 against it and two Democrats in its favor. In 
 the Senate the vote stood 47 to 31, the negative 
 including seven Republicans, and one Demo- 
 cratic senator recording himself on the side of 
 the Bill. The opposing Republicans in both 
 Houses were stigmatized as “insurgents,” and 
 the autocratic Speaker of the House, Cannon, 
 of Illinois, presumed, so far as the' powers of 
 his office would stretch, to “ read them out” of 
 their party. In their struggle to secure a more 
 honest fulfilment of the election promises of 
 both parties, and more loyalty to the welfare of 
 the people at large, the Republican “insur- 
 gents” had no such compact and earnest sup- 
 port from the Democrats of Congress as even 
 party considerations gave reason to expect. 
 
 After signing the Bill, the President gave 
 
 out a statement for publication, in part as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 “I have signed the Payne tariff bill because 
 I believe it to be the result of a sincere effort 
 on the part of the Republican party to make 
 a downward revision, and to comply with the 
 promises of the platform as they have been gen- 
 erally understood, and as 1 interpreted them in 
 the campaign before election. 
 
 “The bill is not a perfect tariff bill or a 
 complete compliance with the promises made, 
 strictly interpreted, but a fulfilment free from 
 criticism in respect toa subject matter involving 
 many schedules and thousands of articles could 
 not be expected. It suffices to say that, except 
 with regard to whiskey, liquors, and wines, and 
 in regard to silks and as to some high classes 
 of cottons — all of which may be treated as lux- 
 uries and proper subjects of a revenue tariff — 
 there have been very few increases in rates. 
 
 “ There have been a great number of real de- 
 creases in rates, and they constitute a sufficient 
 amount to justify the statement that this bill is 
 a substantial downward revision, and a reduc- 
 tion of excessive rates. 
 
 “This is not a free trade bill. It was not 
 intended to be. The Republican party did not 
 promise to make a free trade bill. 
 
 “ It promised to make the rates protective, 
 but to reduce them when they exceeded the dif- 
 ference between the cost of production abroad 
 and here, making allowance for the greater nor- 
 mal profit on active investments here. I be- 
 lieve that while this excess has not been reduced 
 in a number of cases, in a great majority, the 
 rates are such as are necessary to protect Amer- 
 ican industries, but are low enough, in case of 
 abnormal increase of demand, and raising of 
 prices, to permit the possibility of the importa- 
 tion of the foreign article, and thus to prevent 
 excessive prices.” 
 
 “The administrative clauses of the bill and 
 the customs court are admirably adapted to 
 secure a more uniform and a more speedy final 
 construction of the meaning of the law. The 
 authority to the President to use agents to assist 
 him in the application of the maximum and 
 minimum section of the statute, and to enable 
 officials to administer the law, gives a wide lati- 
 tude for the acquisition, under circumstances 
 favorable to its truth, of information in respect 
 to the price and cost of production of goods at 
 home and abroad, which will throw much light 
 on the operation of the present tariff and be of 
 primary importance as officially collected data 
 upon which future executive action and execu- 
 tive recommendations may be based. 
 
 “The corporation tax is a just and equitable 
 excise measure, which it is hoped will produce 
 a sufficient amount to prevent a deficit, and 
 which, incidentally, will secure valuable statis- 
 tics and information concerning the many cor- 
 porations of the country, and will constitute an 
 important step toward that degree of publicity 
 and regulation which the tendency in corporate 
 enterprises in the last twenty years has shown 
 to be necessary.” 
 
 New Apparatus of Tariff Administration. 
 
 — The President’s remarks in the next to the 
 last paragraph of the above statement have re- 
 ference to an important section of the Tariff 
 Act, which authorized the creation of a Board 
 of General Appraisers, a Customs Court of Ap- 
 
 642 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 peals, aud an agency for the collection of infor- 
 mation. The Board is to consist of nine gen- 
 eral appraisers of merchandise, the salary of 
 each to be $9,000 per annum, who shall possess 
 all the powers of a Circuit Court of the United 
 States. To these general appraisers all cases of 
 dissatisfaction with the amount and rates of 
 duties levied by the appraisers and assistant ap- 
 praisers at the various ports would be referred ; 
 the board to exercise both judicial aud inquisi- 
 torial functions. The Customs Court was to be 
 composed of a presiding Judge and four associ- 
 ate Judges appointed by the President, each to 
 receive a salary of $10,000 per annum; to be 
 a Court of Record, with jurisdiction limited to 
 Customs cases, and to have several judicial cir- 
 cuits, including Boston, New York, Philadel- 
 phia aud Baltimore, New Orleans aud Galveston, 
 Chicago, Seattle, Portland and San Francisco, 
 and such other places as may be found neces- 
 sary. 
 
 More important, however, than either of these 
 creations was the third one, embodied in a brief 
 clause of the Act, which reads: “ To secure in- 
 formation to assist the President in the dis- 
 charge of the duties imposed upon him by this 
 section, and the officers of the Government in 
 the administration of the customs laws, the 
 President is hereby authorized to employ such 
 persons as may be required.” 
 
 The President availed himself promptly of 
 this permission to have assistance from a com- 
 mission or bureau of tariff information, and on 
 the 11th of September it was announced that he 
 had chosen for the service three well-qualified 
 gentlemen, namely: Prof. Henry C. Emery, of 
 Yale, chairman; James B. Reynolds, of Massa- 
 chusetts, assistant secretary of the treasury, and 
 Alvin H. Sanders, of Chicago, editor and pro- 
 prietor of the Breeders’ Gazette. In announcing 
 the selection of the board, the following state- 
 ment was made at the Executive Offices: “ The 
 President and the secretary of the treasury have 
 agreed upon the plan that these three gentle- 
 men are to constitute the board and are to be 
 given authority to employ such special experts 
 as may be needed in the investigation of the for- 
 eign and domestic tariff.” 
 
 The important direction that was given at 
 once by President Taft to this Tariff Board, as 
 he has named it, was explained in his Mes- 
 sage to Congress, December 6, 1909, as follows: 
 “An examination of the law and an under- 
 standing of the nature of the facts which 
 should be considered in discharging the func- 
 tions imposed upon the Executive show that 
 I have the power to direct the tariff board to 
 make a comprehensive glossary and encylo- 
 psedia of the terms used and articles embraced 
 in the tariff law, and to secure information as 
 to the cost of production of such goods in this 
 country and the cost of their production in for- 
 eign countries. I have therefore appointed a 
 tariff board consisting of three members, and 
 have directed them to perform all the duties 
 above described. This work will perhaps take 
 two or three years, and I ask from Congress a 
 continuing annual appropriation equal to that 
 already made for its prosecution. I believe 
 that the work of this board will be of prime 
 utility and importance whenever Congress shall 
 deem it wise again to readjust the customs 
 duties. If the facts secured by the tariff board 
 
 are of such a character as to show generally 
 that the rates of duties imposed by the present 
 tariff law are excessive under the principles of 
 protection as described in the platform of the 
 successful party at the late election, I shall not 
 hesitate to invite the attention of Congress to 
 this fact, and to the necessity for action predi- 
 cated thereon. Nothing, however, halts busi- 
 ness and interferes with the course of prosper- 
 ity so much as the threatened revision of the 
 tariff, and until the facts are at hand, after 
 careful and deliberate investigation, upon 
 which such revision can properly be under- 
 taken, it seems to me unwise to attempt it. 
 The amount of misinformation that creeps into 
 arguments pro aud con in respect to tariff rates 
 is such as to require the kind of investigation 
 that I have directed the tariff board to make, 
 an investigation undertaken by it wholly with- 
 out respect to the effect which the facts may 
 have in calling for a readjustment of the rates 
 of duty.” 
 
 The Corporation Tax. — The Corporation 
 Tax mentioned in the final paragraph of the 
 President’s statement is one imposed by an in- 
 congruous section of the Tariff Act, designed 
 for revenue additional to the expected yield of 
 import duties. It exacts one per cent, of the 
 net earnings in excess of $5000 of all corpora- 
 tions, joint stock companies, and associations 
 organized for profit and having a capital stock 
 represented by shares, and all insurance com- 
 panies. Foreign corporations are liable for the 
 tax to the extent of their business in the United 
 States. The net income upon which the tax is 
 paid is to be ascertained by deducting from the 
 gross income of the corporation all ordinary and 
 necessary expenses of operation and mainte- 
 nance ; all uncompensated losses actually paid 
 within the year on its bonded or other indebted- 
 ness not exceeding the paid-up capital stock; 
 all Federal and State taxes already paid and all 
 amounts received by it as dividends upon stock 
 of other corporations subject to the tax hereby 
 imposed. 
 
 Holding corporations were exempted in the 
 original Bill. That exemption was struck out, 
 but the Conference Committee adopted the 
 original clause. Corporations exempted from 
 the tax are: — Labour organizations, fraternal 
 beneficiary societies, orders or associations 
 operating under the lodge system, and provid- 
 ing for the payment of life, sick, accident, and 
 other benefits to their members and dependents; 
 domestic building and loan associations organ- 
 ized and operated exclusively for the mutual 
 benefit of their members, and any corporation 
 or association organized and operated exclu- 
 sively for religious, charitable, or educational 
 purposes, no part of the profits of which inures 
 to the benefit of any private stockholder, or 
 individual, but all the profit of which is in good 
 faith devoted to these purposes. 
 
 Two Opposite Views of the new Tariff. — 
 The Payne-Aldricli Tariff has been and will 
 long be a subject of bitterly contentious discus- 
 sion, from opposite standpoints of disgusted 
 disappointment and happy satisfaction, before 
 a large indifferent audience, which takes such 
 legislation as belonging to an established order 
 of conditions in the United States. For a fair 
 presentation of the conflicting judgments, two 
 carefully chosen reviews of the Act, from the 
 
 643 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 two points of view, by unquestionably repre- 
 sentative writers, are quoted below. The first 
 is from President Woodrow Wilson, of Princeton 
 University, as follows: 
 
 “The methods by which tariff bills are con- 
 structed have now become all too familiar and 
 throw a significant light on the character of the 
 legislation involved. Debate in the Houses has 
 little or nothing to do with it. The process by 
 which such a bill is made is private, not public ; 
 because the reasons which underlie many of the 
 rates imposed are private. The stronger faction 
 of the Ways and Means Committee of the House 
 makes up the preliminary bill, with the assist- 
 ance of ‘experts’ whom it permits the indus- 
 tries most concerned to supply for its guidance. 
 The controlling members of the Committee also 
 determine what amendments, if any, shall be 
 accepted, either from the minority faction of the 
 Committee or from the House itself. It permits 
 itself to be dictated to, if at all, only by the im- 
 perative action of a party caucus. The stronger 
 faction of the Finance Committee of the Senate, 
 in like fashion, frames the bill which it intends 
 to substitute for the one sent up from the House. 
 It is often to be found at work on it before any 
 bill reaches it from the popular chamber. The 
 compromise between the two measures is 
 arranged in private conference by conferees 
 drawn from the two committees. What takes 
 place in the committees and in the conference is 
 confidential. It is considered impertinent for 
 reporters to inquire. It is admitted to be the 
 business of the manufacturers concerned, but 
 not the business of the public, who are to pay 
 the rates. The debates which the country is 
 invited to hear in the open sessions of the Houses 
 are merely formal. They determine nothing 
 and disclose very little. . . . 
 
 “One extraordinary circumstance of the de- 
 bates in the Senate should receive more than a 
 passing allusion. The Republican party plat- 
 form had promised that the tariff rates should be 
 revised and that the standard of revision should 
 be the differences between the cost of produc- 
 ing the various articles affected in this country 
 and in the countries with which our manufac- 
 turers compete. One of our chief industrial 
 competitors is now Germany, with its extraordi- 
 nary skill in manufacture and the handicrafts 
 anti its formidable sagacity in foreign trade; 
 and the Department of State, in order to enable 
 Congress the more intelligently to fulfil the pro- 
 mises of the party, had, at the suggestion of 
 the President, requested the German Govern- 
 ment to furnish it with as full information as 
 possible about the rates of wages paid in the 
 leading industries of that country, — wages be- 
 ing known, of course, to be one of the largest 
 items in the cost of production. The German 
 Government of course complied, with its usual 
 courtesy and thoroughness, transmitting an in- 
 teresting report, each portion of which was 
 properly authenticated and vouched for. The 
 Department of State placed it at the disposal 
 of the Finance Committee of the Senate. But 
 Senators tried in vain to ascertain what it con- 
 tained. Mr. Aldrich spoke of it contemptuously 
 as ‘anonymous,’ which of course it was not, as 
 ‘ unofficial,’ and even as an impertinent attempt, 
 on the part of the German Government, to in- 
 fluence our tariff legislation. It was only too 
 plain that the contents of the report made the 
 
 members of the controlling faction of the Fi- 
 nance Committee very uncomfortable indeed. 
 ... It would have proved that the leaders of 
 the party were deliberately breaking its promise 
 to the country. It was, therefore, thrown into 
 a pigeonhole and disregarded. It was a private 
 document. 
 
 “In pursuance of the same policy of secrecy 
 and private management, the bill was filled 
 with what those who discovered them were 
 good-natured or cynical enough to call ‘ jokers,’ 
 — clauses whose meaning did not lie upon the 
 surface, whose language was meant not to dis- 
 close its meaning to the members of the Houses 
 who were to be asked to enact them into law, 
 but only to those by whom the law was to be 
 administered after its enactment. This was 
 one of the uses to which the ‘experts’ were put 
 whom the committees encouraged to advise 
 them. They knew the technical words under 
 which meanings could be hidden, or the ap- 
 parently harmless words which had a chance to 
 go unnoted or unchallenged. Electric carbons 
 had been taxed at ninety cents per hundred ; 
 the new bill taxed them at seventy cents per 
 hundred feet; — an apparent reduction if the 
 word feet went unchallenged. It came very near 
 escaping the attention of the Senate, and did 
 quite escape the attention of the general public, 
 who paid no attention at all to the debates, that 
 the addition of the word feet almost doubled 
 the existing duty. 
 
 “The hugest practical joke of the whole bill 
 lay in the so-called maximum and minimum 
 clause. The schedules as they were detailed in 
 the bill and presented to the country, through 
 the committees and the newspapers, — the 
 schedules by which it was made believe that the 
 promise to the country of a ‘ downward ’ revision 
 was being kept by those responsible for the 
 bill, were only the minimum schedules. There 
 lay at the back of the measure a maximum pro- 
 vision about which very little was said, but the 
 weight of which the country may come to feel 
 as a very serious and vexatious burden in the 
 months to come. In the case of articles imported 
 from countries whose tariff arrangements dis- 
 criminate against the United States, the duties 
 are to be put at a maximum which is virtually 
 prohibitive. The clause is a huge threat. Self- 
 respecting countries do not yield to threats or 
 to ‘ impertinent efforts on the part of other 
 Governments, to affect their tariff legislation.’ 
 Where the threat is not heeded we shall pay 
 heavier duties than ever, heavier duties than 
 any previous Congress ever dared impose. 
 
 “When it is added that not the least at- 
 tempt was made to alter the duties on sugar by 
 which every table in the country is taxed for 
 the benefit of the Sugar Trust, but just now con- 
 victed of criminal practices in defrauding the 
 Government in this very matter ; that increased 
 rates were laid on certain classes of cotton goods 
 for the benefit, chiefly, of the manufacturers 
 of New England, from which the dominant 
 party always counts upon getting votes, and 
 that the demand of the South, from which it 
 does not expect to get them, for free cotton 
 bagging was ignored ; that the rates on wool 
 and woollen goods, a tax which falls directly 
 upon the clothing of the whole population of 
 the country, were maintained unaltered ; and 
 that relief was granted at only one or two 
 
 644 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 points, — by conceding free hides and almost 
 free iron ore, for example, — upon which pub- 
 lic opinion had been long and anxiously concen- 
 trated ; and granted only at the last moment 
 upon the earnest solicitation of the President, — 
 nothing more need be said to demonstrate the 
 insincerity, the uncandid, designing, unpatriotic 
 character of the whole process. It was not in- 
 tended for the public good. It was intended for 
 the benefit of the interests most directly and 
 selfishly concerned.” — Woodrow Wilson, The 
 Tariff Make-Believe ( North American Review , 
 Oct., 1909). 
 
 The second quotation is from an article in 
 The Atlantic Monthly, by Hon. Samuel W. Mc- 
 Call, Congressman from Massachusetts, setting 
 forth reasons for a moderate satisfaction with 
 the Act : 
 
 ‘‘The certain method of determining just 
 what the Payne Act does, is, as I have said, to 
 take its paragraphs in detail and scrutinize the 
 new duties in comparison with those which they 
 have supplanted. Such a course will show the 
 exact character and number of the increases and 
 decreases. Those who have no other means of 
 comparison at hand may safely take the table 
 prepared by the Hon. Champ Clark of Missouri, 
 Democratic leader in the House of Representa- 
 tives, and produced by him July 31 last, in his 
 speech in the House of Representatives against 
 the Conference Report on the bill. It is true 
 that in commenting upon it he showed that he 
 was a trifle rusty on his Cobden, and made the 
 amount of actual revenue the test, — a method 
 only less weird than that based upon the average 
 ad valorem, for it is demonstrable that a purely 
 free-trade tariff after the British model would 
 provide us a greater revenue than does the Payne 
 Act. While the table given by Mr. Clark ex- 
 aggerates in some cases the extent of the in- 
 creases, it will clearly appear from it that on 
 the whole the decreases so vastly outnumber 
 the increases as to make the new law seem 
 almost revolutionary in character. If one takes 
 the schedules in their order, he will find in the 
 first schedule, which relates to chemicals, that 
 the increases are a bare half-dozen in number, 
 and include fancy soaps and alkaloids of opium 
 aud cocaine, while the decreases are more than 
 fifty, and include many of the articles which 
 are in general consumption, such as sulphur, 
 various forms of soda, potash, lead, and sulphate 
 of ammonia, the last of which is put on the 
 free list. 
 
 “ The second schedule shows a slight increase 
 upon the smaller sizes of plate glass, and this 
 increase is many times offset by decreases upon 
 fire and other brick, gypsum, various kinds of 
 window-glass, nearly all the grades of marble, 
 and other important articles. 
 
 “In the metal schedule there is an increase in 
 fabricated structural steel, zinc ore, and a very 
 few other items, some of which relate to articles 
 not manufactured when the Dingley law was 
 passed ; but, on the other hand, the basic article 
 of iron ore is reduced from forty to fifteen cents 
 per ton, the lowest ad valorem that it has had in 
 the history of the country ; pig iron is reduced 
 from four dollars to two dollars and a half per 
 ton, scrap iron and steel from four dollars to one 
 dollar per ton, bar iron from six-tenths to three- 
 tenths of a cent a pound, cotton ties from five- 
 tenths to three-tenths of a cent per pound, steel 
 
 rails from seven dollars and eighty-four cents 
 to three dollars and ninety-two cents per ton. 
 There are nearly a hundred other reductions 
 in the metal schedule: in fact, the reductions in 
 this schedule are so general, and in some cases 
 so drastic, that it may be said, practically, that 
 these duties have been cut in two. 
 
 “ The lumber schedule shows but two unim- 
 portant increases, while the schedule generally 
 is cut nearly forty per cent. One grade of 
 sawed boards is reduced from one dollar to fifty 
 cents per thousand feet, and all other sawed 
 lumber from two dollars to a dollar and a quar- 
 ter per thousand. Fence posts are put on the 
 free list. Dressed lumber, telephone poles, 
 railroad ties, and other important products of 
 wood, are very much reduced. 
 
 “Notwithstanding the attempt that is being 
 made to create a sectional feeling in the West, 
 the only schedule covering necessary articles in 
 which increases predominate is the agricultural 
 schedule. The duties are also increased upon 
 champagnes and other wines, brandy, ale, beer, 
 tobacco, silks, high-priced laces, and various 
 other articles, which for want of a better term, 
 are called luxuries. 
 
 “Bituminous coal is reduced from sixty-seven 
 cents to forty-seven cents per ton, which with 
 the exception of a very brief period, is in 
 value the lowest duty we have ever imposed 
 upon it. 
 
 “ Agricultural implements are reduced, and a 
 provision added admitting them free of duty 
 from any country which admits our agricultural 
 machinery free. 
 
 “Works of art more than twenty years old 
 are put on the free list. 
 
 “ Hides of cattle are put on the free list, and 
 an enormous reduction made, not merely on 
 all the products of these hides, but on nearly 
 all articles of leather. Sole leather is cut from 
 twenty to five per cent ad valorem, upper 
 leather from twenty to seven and a half per 
 cent, and boots and shoes from twenty-five to 
 fifteen per cent, and, on important kinds, to ten 
 per cent. . . . The two great textile schedules 
 are practically unchanged. The wool duty is 
 politically the most powerful of any in the tariff. 
 The farmers of the country have been pretty 
 thoroughly educated to the belief, whether 
 rightly or wrongly, that the free-wool agitation, 
 culminating in the tariff of 1894, was responsible 
 for the slaughter of their flocks. Their repre- 
 sentatives formed the strongest single element 
 behind the passage of the Dingley law ; and, in 
 the session just ended, their strength was so 
 great as to discourage any assault upon the 
 wool duties. These duties range from forty to 
 more than one hundred per cent of the value, 
 and so long as they are maintained at such a 
 high point it is idle to talk of any very material 
 reduction on woolens or worsteds. The centre 
 of the entire schedule is the duty upon wool. 
 
 . . . Every duty in this schedule from top to 
 bottom might have been cut ten per cent with- 
 out trenching upon the necessary amount of 
 protection. 
 
 “ The Dingley duties upon cottons were 
 greatly less than those in the woolen schedule. 
 This was doubtless due to the fact that we are 
 the great cotton-producing nation, and our 
 manufacturers are at no disadvantage in raw 
 material with any of their foreign competitors. 
 
 645 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TARIFFS 
 
 . . . These duties are so complicated that it is 
 difficult for one who is not an expert to under- 
 stand them ; but according to the best experts, 
 they are, at least, no higher in the Payne Act 
 than the Dingley duties were intended to be, 
 and were interpreted to be for four years after 
 the passage of the act.” 
 
 The following is from an article in the Amer- 
 ican Review of Reviews, Sept., 1909: 
 
 “ Summing up the changes made in the tariff 
 as shown in the various Senate documents, the 
 new act has increased the Dingley rates in 300 
 instances, while reducing them in 584 cases. 
 The increases affect commodities imported in 
 1907 to the value of at least 8105,844,201, while 
 the reductions affect not more than $132,141,074 
 worth of imports. Four hundred and forty- 
 seven million dollars’ worth of imports (on the 
 basis of 1907) remain subject to the same duties 
 as under the Dingley tariff. That is to say, 05 
 per cent of the total imports remain subject to 
 the old rates, more than fifteen per cent of the 
 total will be subject to higher duties, the aver- 
 age increase amounting to 31 per cent, over the 
 Dingley rates ; and less than 20 per cent, of the 
 imports are to be subject to lower duties, the 
 reduction being estimated about 23 per cent, 
 below the Dingley rates. All of these figures 
 greatly underestimate the increases of duty for 
 the following reasons : First they do not take 
 into account the numerous changes (nearly all 
 increases of duty) due to classification, similar 
 to the instances cited in the case of sawn wood, 
 structural iron, and cotton cloth; second a large 
 part of the imports subject to ad valorem duties 
 will now be assessed on the basis of domestic 
 prices instead of the prices in foreign markets 
 (with due allowance for freight and duty), as 
 has hitherto been the case ; and, finally, the 
 possibility, even if remote, of the application of 
 maximum rates to imports from some of the for- 
 eign countries, which will amount on the aver- 
 age to an increase of more than 50 per cent, over 
 the new rates. The real increase of duty will 
 not be accurately known for a year, until we 
 have full returns of the imports and duties 
 actually levied under the new law under the 
 decisions of the Board of General Appraisers 
 and the new Customs Court.” 
 
 Certain Outside Effects. — As between the 
 United States and France, the situation pro- 
 duced by the new Tariff Act, which caused ex- 
 isting commercial agreements between the two 
 countries to be abrogated on the 31st of Octo- 
 ber, 1909, was explained as follows in a Press 
 despatch of September 22 from Washington : 
 “The State Department has received from Con- 
 sul-General Mason at Paris the text of the an- 
 nouncement by the French government of the 
 abrogation of the several commercial agree- 
 ments with the United States by the action of 
 President Taft in conformity with the provi- 
 sions of our new tariff act. 
 
 “ ‘Under and in consequence of these condi- 
 tions,’ the French announcement says, ‘ there 
 is reason to decide that the decrees dated July 
 7, 1893, May 28, 1898, and February 21, 1903, 
 which constitute the measure of the application 
 of the Franco- American agreement for mer- 
 chandise produced in the United States and the 
 Island of Porto Rico shall cease to be enforced 
 on October 31, 1909.’ 
 
 “ On that date the articles produced in the 
 
 United States and exported to France will pay 
 what is known in France as its general tariff, 
 but which in effect is its maximum rates of 
 duty. The principal articles of export from 
 the United States under this agreement are 
 mineral oils and coffee from Porto Rico. At 
 the same time articles imported from France 
 into the United States under these agreements 
 will pay our regular or highest rate. These 
 include canned meats, fresh and dried fruits, 
 manufactured and prepared pork meats, lard, 
 and a few other articles of less importance.” 
 
 The effect of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act on 
 trade between the United States and Canada 
 was left an open question, dependent on a de- 
 cision which President Taft must make on or 
 before April 1, 1910. Section 2 of the Law 
 expressly provides the President with power to 
 treat “ any dependency, colony, or other politi- 
 cal subdivision having authority to adopt and 
 enforce tariff legislation” as a separate fiscal 
 entity. The question for the President to de- 
 cide is whether Canada, by reason of her pre- 
 ferential treatment of the Mother Country or 
 by reason of the commercial treaty which she 
 is about to conclude with France, will be 
 judged guilty of “undue discrimination ” and 
 unworthy of the minimum rates. 
 
 Looked at from the English standpoint, it is 
 thought that he “ can hardly declare so natural 
 a relationship as the existing British preference 
 to be ‘unduly’ discriminatory when a similar 
 relationship exists between Cuba and the 
 United States, and when Porto Rico, Hawaii, 
 and the Philippines actually enjoy reciprocal 
 free trade with America and with America 
 alone.” 
 
 A more practical consideration in the matter, 
 however, is that suggested in the following, 
 from a Boston newspaper, which remarks: 
 
 “According to the Department of Commerce 
 and Labor, there are now 147 branch factories 
 in Canada, representing a capital of $125,000,- 
 000, established by United States concerns 
 which formerly supplied their Canadian trade 
 with the product of industry on this side the 
 national border. This is the result of retalia- 
 tory legislation in Canada invited by our own 
 tariff against Canadian imports. If further 
 tariff war is invited by the imposition of the 
 maximum schedules against Canada, still more 
 United States capital will go over the line to 
 provide employment and wages for Canadian 
 workmen." 
 
 The Monetary Times, of Toronto, made an 
 exhaustive inquiry on this subject late in 1909, 
 and found 168 American manufacturing con- 
 cerns in Canada, representing an estimated in- 
 vestment of $226,000,000. 
 
 The spirit in which President Taft will inter- 
 pret the maximum and minimum clause of the 
 Act, and exercise his discretion in applying it, 
 was indicated by him in his Message to Con- 
 gress, Dec. 6, 1909, when he said : “ By virtue 
 of the clause known as the ‘ Maximum and 
 Minimum ’ clause, it is the duty of the Execu- 
 tive to consider the laws and practices of other 
 countries with reference to the importation into 
 those countries of the products and merchan- 
 dise of the United States, and if the Executive 
 finds such laws and practices not to be unduly 
 discriminatory against the United States, the 
 minimum duties provided in the bill are to go 
 
 646 
 
TARIFFS 
 
 TIBET 
 
 into force. Unless the President makes such a 
 finding, then the maximum duties provided in 
 the bill, that is, an increase of 25 per cent, ad 
 valorem over the minimum duties, are to be in 
 force. Fear has been expressed that this power 
 conferred and duty imposed on the Executive 
 is likely to lead to a tariff war. I beg to ex- 
 press the hope and belief that no such result 
 need be anticipated. 
 
 “The discretion granted to the Executive 
 by the terms ‘ unduly discriminatory ’ is wide. 
 In order that the maximum duty shall be 
 charged against the imports from a country, it 
 is necessary that he shall find on the part of 
 that country not only discrimination in its laws 
 or the practice under them against the trade of 
 the United States, but that the discriminations 
 found shall be undue; that is, without good 
 and fair reason. I conceive that this power 
 was reposed in the President with the hope 
 that the maximum duties might never be ap- 
 plied in any case, but that the power to apply 
 them would enable the President and the State 
 Department through friendly negotiation to se- 
 cure the elimination from the laws and the 
 practice under them of any foreign country of 
 that which is unduly discriminatory. No one 
 
 is seeking a tarilf war or a condition in which 
 the spirit of retaliation shall be aroused.” 
 
 On the 19th of January, 1910, the President 
 issued the first of his proclamations relative to 
 the operation of the maximum and minimum 
 rates of duty. Six countries, namely Great 
 Britain, Russia, Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and 
 Turkey, were designated as entitled to the min- 
 imum rates. Negotiations with Germany and 
 France were understood to be still in progress, 
 which might, it was hoped, clear away the dif- 
 ferences that obstructed a similar concession to 
 those countries. In the case of Germany, the 
 difficulty related to the exclusion of American 
 meats. 
 
 A second proclamation, February 7, an- 
 nounced the conclusion of an agreement with 
 Germany which gave to each country the min- 
 imum rates of the other. This agreement had 
 been ratified by the Reichstag on the 5th. 
 
 Negotiations with France and with Canada oc- 
 cupied more time, being protracted in the latter 
 case almost to the limit of the period prescribed 
 in the Act. Terms of agreement were arrived at 
 in both instances, and, in the end, the President 
 was not called on to apply the maximum rates 
 to any country. 
 
 TARSUS: Moslem attack on Armenians. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan.- 
 May). 
 
 TARTARS : Holy War against Armenians 
 in the Caucasus. See (in this vol.) Russia ; 
 A. D. 1905 (Feb.-Nov.). 
 
 TASHINCHIAO, Battle of. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan; A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). 
 
 TAVERA, Dr. T. H. Pardo de. See (in 
 this vol.) Philippine Islands : A. D. 1901. 
 
 TAXATION: Graduated Taxation of 
 
 Land. See (in this vol.) New Zealand: A. D. 
 1905. 
 
 Progressive Taxation of Fortunes. See (in 
 this vol.) Wealth, The Problems of. 
 
 TAYLOR, Edward R. See (in this vol.) 
 Municipal Government: San Francisco. 
 
 TEACHERS: English and American In- 
 terchange of Visits. See (in this vol.) Educa- 
 tion : International Interchanges. 
 
 TEAMSTERS’ UNION: Strike at Chi- 
 cago. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization: 
 United States: A. D. 1905 (April-July). 
 
 TECHNICAL EDUCATION. See Edu- 
 cation. 
 
 TEHERAN, or Tehran, Revolutionary 
 events in. See (in this vol.) Persia. 
 TELEGRAPHERS’ STRIKE, in France. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Organization: 
 France: A. D. 1909 (March-May). 
 
 In Russia. See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 
 1904-1905. 
 
 In the United States. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization: United States: A. D. 
 1907. 
 
 TELEGRAPHY. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence and Invention : Electrical. 
 
 TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH 
 MERGER, United States. See (in this vol.) 
 Combinations, Industrial, &c. : United 
 
 States: A. D. 1909. 
 
 TELISSU, Battle of. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July). 
 
 TELLES, Sebastiao. See (in this vol.) 
 Portugal : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 TEMPERANCE. See (in this vol.) Alco- 
 hol Problem. 
 
 TENEMENT HOUSE REFORM. See 
 
 (in this vol.) New York: A. D. 1900-1903. 
 
 TERRITORIAL FORCE, The British. 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Preparations 
 for : Military. 
 
 TEWFIK PASHA. See (in this vol.) 
 Turkey: A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.), and after. 
 
 TEXAS: A. D. 1906-1909. — Successful 
 Prosecution of the Waters-Pierce Oil Com- 
 pany. See (in this vol.) Combinations, Indus- 
 trial, &c. : United States: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 THEOTOKIS MINISTRY. See (in this 
 vol.) Greece : A. D. 1906, and 1909. 
 
 THIBET. See Tibet. 
 
 THOMSON, Sir Joseph: Presidential 
 
 Address to British Association for the Ad- 
 vancement of Science, at Winnipeg. See 
 (in this vol.) Science and Invention : Re- 
 cent : Physical. 
 
 THOMSON, J. J. See (in this vol.) Nobel 
 Prizes. 
 
 TIBET: A. D. 1902. — Russo-Chinese 
 
 Treaty for Control of the Country. — “A 
 
 Russo-Chinese treaty concerning Tibet was ne- 
 gotiated [in the later months of 1902] ... by 
 Yung-lu. And as it had to be notified to the 
 Chief-Lamas of the different Buddhist countries, 
 it became possible to obtain the confidential 
 communication of its text immediately on its 
 conclusion. This text, which I published a 
 month ago in the Frankfurter Zeitung, and 
 which has since been admitted as correct by 
 Russian semi-official papers, runs as follows: 
 
 “Art. 1st. — Tibet being a territory situated 
 between Central China and Western Siberia, 
 Russia and China are mutually obliged to care 
 for the maintenance of peace in that country. 
 In case troubles should arise in Tibet, China, 
 in order to preserve this district, and Russia, 
 in order to protect her frontiers, shall despatch 
 thither military forces on mutual notification. 
 
 “Art. 2nd. — In case of apprehension of a 
 third Power’s contriving, directly or indirectly, 
 
 647 
 
TIBET 
 
 TISZA MINISTRY 
 
 troubles in Tibet, Russia and China oblige 
 themselves to concur in taking such measures 
 as may seem advisable for repressing such 
 troubles. 
 
 “Art. 3d. — Entire liberty in what concerns 
 Russian orthodox as well as Lamaist worship 
 will be introduced in Tibet; but all other re- 
 ligious doctrines will be absolutely prohibited. 
 For this purpose, the Grand-Lama and the Su- 
 perintendent of the Orthodox Peking Mission 
 are bound to proceed amicably and by mutual 
 assent, so as to guarantee the free propagation 
 of both religions and take all necessary mea- 
 sures for avoiding religious disputes. 
 
 “Art. 4th. — Tibet shall be made, gradually, 
 a country with an independent inner administra- 
 tion. In order to accomplish this task, Russia 
 and China are to share the work. Russia takes 
 upon herself the reorganisation of the Tibetan 
 military forces on the European model, and 
 obliges herself to carry into effect this reform in 
 a good spirit and without incurring blame from 
 the native population. China, for her part, is 
 to take care of the development of the economic 
 situation of Tibet, and especially of her progress 
 abroad.” — Alexander Ular, England, Russia, 
 and Tibet {Contemporarg Review , Dec., 1902). 
 
 A. D. 1902-1904. — British Enforcement of 
 Unfulfilled Promises. — The Peaceful Mis- 
 sion of Colonel Younghusband which forced 
 its way to Lhasa. — For a dozen years prior to 
 1902 there had been unfulfilled promises from 
 China to India of a settlement of trade relations 
 between Tibet and the latter, so far as the 
 nominal suzerain at Peking had power to settle 
 them. In that year the Chinese Government 
 proposed to send a Commissioner to the Tibetan 
 frontier to discuss matters there, and the Vice- 
 roy of India, assenting promptly to the pro- 
 posal, commissioned Colonel Younghusband, in 
 June, 1903, to proceed, with the British Political 
 Officer in Sikkim, to Khamba Jong, for a meet- 
 ing with Chinese and Tibetan representatives. 
 The mission was escorted by 200 native troops, 
 and reached the meeting place in July, but 
 found no Chinese or Tibetan envoys on the spot. 
 It remained encamped at the appointed place 
 for six months or more, Colonel Younghusband 
 returning personally meantime to Simla to re- 
 port the situation and receive instructions. A 
 reserve force was stationed in Sikkim to protect 
 the mission in case of need. 
 
 Early in 1904 the mission moved forward, 
 over the Tang Pass, to Tuna, where it halted 
 again until the end of March, no envoys appear- 
 ing, but many marks of hostility shown. Then, 
 after being reinforced, — as the intention of 
 Tibetans to oppose its further advance had be- 
 come plain,- — its march was resumed. Thrice 
 attacked within the next few days and forced 
 to severe fighting, it reached Gyangtse on the 
 11th of April, where it was halted again until 
 near the end of June, in a camp established on 
 the plain. There Colonel Younghusband re- 
 ceived a communication from the Chinese Resi- 
 dent or Amban at Lhasa, promising to meet him 
 in three weeks. This was followed immediately 
 however by a fierce attack of the Tibetans on 
 the British camp. The assault was repelled, but 
 bombardment of the camp was opened from 
 a neighboring fort. The Mission now aban- 
 doned attempts to maintain its peaceful char- 
 acter, and with approval of the governments 
 
 behind it, both in India and Great Britain, 
 prepared to force its way to Lhasa and extort 
 fulfilment of the promises on the strength of 
 which it had been sent. General Macdonald, 
 who held the military command, brought up 
 further reinforcements, and the expedition, now 
 numbering about 1000 British and 2000 native 
 troops, after capturing the fort at Gyangtse 
 which had harassed it, set forth on its march to 
 Lhasa July 14th. It met with slight resistance 
 in the Karola Pass, across which a wall had 
 been built ; but otherwise it found little but the 
 natural obstacles of the mountain country to 
 overcome. Lhasa was reached, but not entered 
 in force, on August 3d. The Dalai Lama had 
 left the city, but had appointed an intelligent 
 monk to act as regent in his place. With him 
 and with the Chinese Amban Colonel Young- 
 husband succeeded in negotiating the treaty de- 
 sired, which was signed September 7th. As soon 
 as possible thereafter the expedition started on 
 its return, but suffered severely from the cold 
 and snows of the mountains before India was 
 reached. Its total death roll was 411, of which 
 only 37 officers and men had died from battle- 
 wounds. 
 
 By the treaty secured, the Tibetan Govern- 
 ment was pledged to carry out former agreements 
 concerning the marking of boundaries and the 
 opening of trade at three marts ; to arrange a 
 fixed tariff ; to maintain certain roads from the 
 frontier; and to make no territorial, political, or 
 commercial concession to any foreign Power 
 without granting similar or equivalent conces- 
 sions to Great Britain. It also undertook to pay 
 an indemnity for the cost of the British expedi- 
 tion, pending the payment of which the Chumbi 
 Valley should be held by a British force. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Convention between Great 
 Britain and Russia relative to Tibet. See 
 (in this vol.) Europe: A. D. 1907 (Aug.). 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Chinese Authority strength- 
 ened in Tibet. — Flight of the Dalai Lama. 
 — His formal Deposition. — The Dalai Lama, 
 who had fled from Lhasa in 1904, on the ap- 
 proach of the British expeditionary force under 
 Colonel Younghusband, did not return to Tibet 
 until more than five years later. Meantime 
 he had visited Peking, where he was coldly re- 
 ceived, and seems to have wandered widely 
 through the Empire. During his absence the 
 Chinese authority in Tibet had been strength- 
 ened, and his return was followed by a consid- 
 erable reinforcement of troops to support the 
 Ambans who represent the Chinese Government 
 at Lhasa. Exactly what friction arose then has 
 not yet been made clear; but, in February, 1910, 
 the Lama fled again from his capital, into India, 
 and on the 25tli he was solemnly deposed from 
 his sacred office by an imperial decree. 
 
 TIEN-TSIN : Delivered to the Chinese 
 Viceroy. See (in this vol.) CniNA: A. D. 1902. 
 
 TIGER HILL. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July). 
 
 TILAK, Bal Gangadhar: His Trial and 
 Imprisonment. Sec (in this vol.) India : A. 1). 
 1907-1908. 
 
 TIRPITZ, Admiral: On German Navy- 
 building. See (in this vol.) War, The Prepa- 
 rations for : Naval. 
 
 TISZA MINISTRY. See (in this vol.) 
 Austria-Hungary: A. D. 1902-1903; 1 905— 
 1906. 
 
 648 
 
TITTONI MINISTRY 
 
 TURKEY, 1901 
 
 TITTONI MINISTRY. See (in this vol.) 
 Italy : A. 1). 1905-1906. 
 
 TOBACCO FARMERS’ UNION, in 
 Kentucky: Its Night-Riders. See (in this 
 vol.) Kentucky : A. I). 1905-1909. 
 
 TOBACCO TRUST : Suit of the Govern- 
 ment against it. — Report of Commissioner 
 of Corporations. See (in this vol.) Combina- 
 tions, Industrial, <&c. : United States: A. D. 
 1901-1906; 1905-1906; 1907-1909; and 1909. 
 
 TOGO, Admiral: In the Russo-Japanese 
 War. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904 
 (Feb. -July), and after. 
 
 TOLSTOI, Count Lyoff : His Challenge 
 to the Russian Government. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1909. 
 
 TOMUCHENG. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1904 (July-Seft.). 
 
 TORONTO: A. D. 1909. — Meeting of 
 International Council of Women. See (in this 
 vol.) Women, International Council of. 
 
 TOWN-PLANNING LEGISLATION. 
 See (in this vol.) Social Betterment: Eng- 
 land ; A. D. 1909. 
 
 TRADE BOARDS BILL, The English. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Remuneration: 
 Wages Regulation. 
 
 TRADE U N I O NS.— DISPUTES — 
 AGREEMENTS: See Labor Organization. 
 
 TRANSANDINE RAILWAY TUN- 
 NEL. See (in this vol.) Railways : Argen- 
 tine-Chile. 
 
 TRANS-MISSOURI FREIGHT ASSO- 
 CIATION, The Case of the. See (in this 
 vol.) Railways : United States: A. I). 1890- 
 1902. 
 
 TRANSVAAL, The. See South Africa. 
 
 TREPOFF. See (in this vol.) Russia : 
 A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 TRIPLE ALLIANCE, The: A. D. 1902. 
 — Renewal. — The Triple Alliance of Ger- 
 many, Austria-Hungary, and Italy, originally 
 negotiated in 1879, was renewed in June, 1902, 
 for twelve years from May, 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1905. — Effect of the Defeat of Rus- 
 sia in the War with Japan. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 TROU BETZ KOI, Prince S. N. See (in 
 this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1905-1907. 
 
 TRUSTS. See (in this vol.) Combina- 
 tions, Industrial, &c. 
 
 TSAI-TSE, Prince: His Mission abroad. 
 See (in this vol.) CniNA: A. D. 1905-1908. 
 
 TSONTSHEFF, General: Operations in 
 Macedonia. See (in this vol.) Turkey: A. D. 
 1902-1903. 
 
 TSUSHIMA, Naval Battle of. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (Oct.-May). 
 
 TUBERCULOSIS, The Crusade 
 against. See (in this vol.) Public Health. 
 
 TUNG FANG. See (in this vol.) China: 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 TURBINE ENGINE. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent. 
 
 TURKEY. 
 
 A. D. 1901. — The Bulgarian Committee 
 which directs Revolutionary Operations in 
 Macedonia. — Its Instructions to the Bands 
 and Control of their Murders. — “The Com- 
 mittee which was originally formed at Sofia for 
 the purpose of conducting the nationalist cam- 
 paign among the Macedonians has been the 
 dominant factor in the later developments of 
 the Macedonian problem, and is directly respon- 
 sible for all the periodical outbreaks which stu- 
 dents of Eastern politics have been accustomed 
 to look for at the approach of spring during the 
 last few years. The nature of this Society will 
 be clearly appreciated from the following docu- 
 ment, which sets forth in unequivocal terms 
 both the Committee’s mission and the means re- 
 sorted to for its fulfilment. This document was 
 seized on the Bulgarian conspirators who in the 
 spring of 1901 were arrested at Salonica, tried, 
 sentenced to fifteen years’ incarceration at 
 Rhodes, and permitted to escape a few months 
 after. I obtained a literal translation of it from 
 an official source at the time . . . : 
 
 “ ‘ Each armed band to consist of Bulgarians 
 belonging to each particular district. Their duty 
 is to carry out secretly the orders given by the 
 president of the committee. The bands are 
 armed with weapons furnished by the Commit- 
 tee. These bands are formed by the revolution- 
 ary committees of each district or village, and 
 receive the military training necessary for their 
 purpose. These bands depend on the committees, 
 and in their turn distribute arms among those 
 whom they enrol or gain over to the cause. . . . 
 The armed bands are placed under the command 
 of the local committees in accordance with the 
 following rules: 
 
 “ ‘ To obey received instructions. By means of 
 persuasion or intimidation to place new recruits 
 at the committees’ disposal. To put to death the 
 persons indicated by the committees. . . . Each 
 band, under the command of the revolutionary 
 committee established in the district, to be ready 
 to raise the standard of revolt on being so or- 
 dered by the local committee, which cannot act 
 except by the order of the president of the Sofia 
 committee. . . . The bands shall also commit po- 
 litical crimes: that is to say, they shall kill and 
 put out of the way any person who will attempt 
 to hinder them from attaining their ends, and 
 shall immediately inform the Sofia committee of 
 the crimes committed. The instructions of the 
 bands must be kept quite secret, as the least in- 
 discretion may lead to great disaster. . . . “Acts 
 of personal vengeance, attacks on villages, and 
 generally all kinds of unauthorised attempts 
 to raise a revolution are strictly forbidden, and 
 those who are guilty of such acts will be sen- 
 tenced to death. No murder shall be committed 
 by the bands without a previous decision taken 
 by the committee, except those which are inevi- 
 table in an accidental encounter.’ 
 
 “The reports of the action of the Committee 
 in Macedonia during the last twelve months 
 alone form a dossier which leaves little doubt to 
 the reader of average candour that the regula- 
 tions printed above are not allowed to remain 
 a dead letter, but that practice goes hand in hand 
 with, or rather outstrips, precept. The exploits 
 of the Committee and its brigands in the country 
 may be classed under three heads : extortion, 
 intimidation, provocation. . . . 
 
 “Cases of wanton massacre, though not so 
 numerous as the atrocities committed with a ma- 
 
 649 
 
TURKEY, 1901-1902 
 
 TURKEY, 1902-1903 
 
 terial object in view, are not uncommon. The 
 victims in these cases are generally Moham- 
 medans. . . . The motive of these outrages is 
 purely to provoke reprisals — that is, a gen- 
 eral massacre — and then pose as the victims of 
 Turkish cruelty and fanaticism, a cry which 
 never fails to move the nations of Europe to 
 sympathy and their Governments to interven- 
 tion.” — G. F. Abbott, T lie Macedonian Question 
 {Nineteenth Century , March , 1903). 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — Abduction of Miss 
 Ellen M. Stone, by Brigands. — The Ran- 
 som paid for her Release. — In a communi- 
 cation to the President of the United States, 
 March 24, 1908, the Secretary of State, Mr. 
 Root, recited the circumstances which attended 
 the abduction by brigands, in 1901, of Miss 
 Ellen M. Stone, an American missionary to 
 Turkey, as she travelled the highway from 
 Raslog to Djumabala in the Turkish Empire, 
 and the necessary payment of a ransom to her 
 captors, to secure her release. In the judgment 
 of Mr. Root the Government should refund the 
 ransom money to the citizens from whom it was 
 obtained by subscription at the time, and his 
 communication, as follows, was to that end: 
 
 “Our diplomatic and consular representa- 
 tives in Turkey, in correspondence with the 
 Department of State, shortly after the capture, 
 indicated their belief that the motive therefor 
 was to obtain a ransom, and stated that they 
 had requested the Turkish officials to abstain 
 from too close pursuit of the brigands, lest the 
 death of the captured might result. From later 
 correspondence with our representatives it 
 appeared that the brigands had retired to the 
 mountains with the captive, probably over the 
 border into Bulgaria. The exact location of 
 the party during the captivity, however, is not 
 established by any evidence in the possession of 
 the Department of State, nor does it appear 
 clearly of what government the bandits were 
 subjects. 
 
 “About October 1, 1901, the bandits opened 
 negotiations for a ransom, demanding £25,000, 
 and transmitting a letter from Miss Stone, ask- 
 ing that the sum demanded be paid and that 
 pursuit of the brigands by the Turkish troops 
 be stopped. Our diplomatic representatives 
 were of the opinion that Miss Stone’s release 
 could only be obtained by the payment of the 
 ransom, and the State Department shared this 
 view. Miss Stone’s friends, of course, entered 
 into correspondence with the Department re- 
 garding the payment of the ransom, and were 
 told that it must be raised by private means. 
 
 “On October 3, 1901, the State Department 
 wrote to the Rev. Judson Smith, of the Ameri- 
 can Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis- 
 sions, Boston, Mass., as follows: ‘ It seems im- 
 perative that the amount (of the ransom) should 
 be raised or pledged, so as to be available by 
 your treasurer at Constantinople in season to 
 save Miss Stone. Statutory prohibitions make 
 it impossible for this Government to advance 
 the money or guarantee its payment. If paid 
 by Miss Stone’s friends, every effort will be 
 made to obtain reimbursement from whichever 
 government may be found responsible under 
 international law and precedent. In the event 
 of its proving impossible to hold any foreign 
 government responsible for the capture and to 
 secure the repayment of the money, this Gov- 
 
 ernment is willing in the last resort to urge 
 upon Congress as strongly as possible to appro- 
 priate money to repay the missionaries.’ 
 
 “ It is claimed that this assurance given by 
 the Department in its letter to Mr. Smith, to 
 the effect that, as a last resort, a recommenda- 
 tion would be made to Congress looking toward 
 the appropriation of a sum sufficient to pay the 
 donors, was largely instrumental in enabling 
 Miss Stone’s friends to secure the sum of $66,- 
 000, which was raised through public subscrip- 
 tion in this country by October 23, 1901, for 
 the purpose of effecting Miss Stone’s release. 
 After negotiations of considerable length, the 
 brigands finally consented to accept the amount 
 raised and arrangements were made by United 
 States Minister Leishman for the payment of 
 the money at a point near Bansko, Macedonia, 
 the Turkish authorities consenting to withhold 
 their troops from the vicinity of the place in 
 order that the negotiations might have a suc- 
 cessful issue. The release of the captive was 
 not obtained so soon as expected, but was 
 finally reported by Minister Leishman on Febru- 
 ary 23, 1902. 
 
 “After careful consideration of all the facts 
 my predecessor, Mr. Hay, decided on January 
 19, 1905, that it was not advisable to attempt 
 to hold the Turkish Government responsible for 
 the capture and to secure the repayment of the 
 money. Upon the subsequent application for 
 reconsideration of this decision Mr. Hay again, 
 on April 11, 1905, reaffirmed the judgment 
 which he had originally expressed. Upon a 
 further review of the same subject I have come 
 to the conclusion that it is not advisable to re- 
 verse or change the conclusion which Mr. Hay 
 reached. 
 
 “It would seem, therefore, that the Execu- 
 tive Department is bound to make good its 
 promise to recommend to Congress that money 
 be appropriated to repay the ransom money, a 
 promise which was probably relied upon by 
 many of those who contributed of their private 
 means to save the life of an American citizen 
 believed to be in the gravest peril. Accordingly 
 I have the honor to advise that Congress be 
 recommended to appropriate an amount suffi- 
 cient to repay the contributors.” — 60th Cong. 
 1st Sess., Senate Doc. No. 408. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1903. —Conventions for Build- 
 ing the Bagdad Railway. See (in this vol.) 
 Railways : Turkey : A. D. 1899-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1903. — Insurgent operations 
 in Macedonia.- — Horrible Retaliatory Atro- 
 cities. — Misery of the Macedonian Peas- 
 ants. — Contradictory Reports and Views of 
 the Situation. — Insurgent operations in Mace- 
 donia were opened in the fall of 1902 and contin- 
 ued the following year, and into 1904. Besides 
 an activity of insurgent bands and collisions with 
 Turkish soldiery, there were many dynamite 
 explosions, wrecking a bank at Salonica, blow- 
 ing up a railway train, a passenger steamer, and 
 other outrages of that kind. Then came con- 
 fused and revolting accounts of a terrible retali- 
 ation by the Turks. According to Dr. Dillon, 
 the monthly reviewer of “ Foreign Politics” for 
 The Contemporary Review, the substantial facts 
 of what occurred were these: 
 
 “The insurrection in Macedonia planned by 
 outsiders and fixed for last autumn [1902] 
 proved abortive. The first shot should have 
 
TURKEY, 1902-1903 
 
 TURKEY, 1902-1903 
 
 been fired in August, but the members of the 
 revolutionary agencies which organised the 
 scheme quarrelled among’ themselves at the 
 Congress held during that month in Sofia, and 
 then split up into hostile factions. In the com- 
 mittee of one of these sections, General Tsont- 
 sheff occupied the foremost position, and he 
 resolved on his own initiative to stir up the 
 Macedonians to rebellion. Now it should be 
 borne in mind that all these committees are 
 composed of so-called outsiders — that is to say, 
 mainly Macedonian refugees in Bulgaria, and 
 that whether their aim be to get the provinces 
 annexed to Bulgaria or Servia, or to demand 
 simple autonomy, they meet with but little 
 sympathy and less active support in Macedo- 
 nia itself, where there is a very intelligent na- 
 tive organisation in favour of self-government. 
 Tsontsheff was therefore left largely to his own 
 resources. Outlie 23rd of September his adju- 
 tant, Nikoloff, crossed the frontier, but owing 
 to the Shipka festivities, it was not until the 
 15th of October that Tsontsheff himself, who 
 had meanwhile escaped from prison, took the 
 field. The scene of action was the valley of the 
 Struma, which a week later was wholly occu- 
 pied by the Turks, and the insurrection, which 
 had hardly even flashed, suddenly fizzled and 
 went out. The natives warned by their own 
 committee had generally held aloof. But there 
 were people among them who, not content with 
 holding back, resolved to act in the spirit of the 
 admonitions vouchsafed to them by the Great 
 Powers, and ordered the revolutionary bands to 
 quit the country, and when the latter refused, 
 actually drove them off with arms in their 
 hands. . . . 
 
 “ When the people had gone home the Turks 
 came to search for arms. The peasants denied 
 that they possessed any, and then the work of 
 torture began. All who could, ran away, and, 
 owing to the height of the mountain passes and 
 the enormous snowdrifts, had to leave their 
 wives and children behind. Before this calam- 
 ity overtook the place, the district of Razlog 
 had twelve hamlets and 3,665 Bulgarian houses 
 containing about 25,000 inmates. Of these 
 Madame Bakhmetieff, the American wife of the 
 Russian minister in Sofia, counted 961 fugitives, 
 besides some hundreds who found a refuge in 
 the Peshtshersky district. The entire number 
 of able-bodied men driven away from Razlog 
 alone is about 1,500 ! 
 
 “ In that loyal and well-conducted district 
 there were fourteen churches with twenty-two 
 priests ; of the latter eight escaped to Bulgaria, 
 one was killed, one arrested, and the fate of the 
 remainder is unknown. According to the state- 
 ment of the priest who, having made good his 
 escape, found an asylum in the Principality, 
 their churches were defiled and destroyed by 
 the Turks. A considerable number of the re- 
 maining peasants are said to have perished on 
 the way over the mountains. Over one-third, 
 therefore, of the male population of the best 
 behaved district of Macedonia has been thus 
 forced to flee the country. . . . 
 
 “We have the authority of Madame Bakhme- 
 tieff — who travelled about in the deep snow 
 with the thermometer at 22 Celsius below freez 
 ing point, to bring succour to the fugitives — 
 for saying that two priests of the villages of 
 Oranoff and Padesh were tortured in a manner 
 
 which suggests the story of St. Lawrence’s 
 death. They were not exactly laid on gridirons, 
 but they were hung over a lire and burned with 
 red hot irons. In the Djumaisk District six 
 churches were destroyed, and the Church of St. 
 Elias was turned into a stable, while the shrine 
 dedicated to the same saint in Shelesnitza was 
 converted into a water closet. The churches of 
 Padesh, Troskoff and Serbinoff were razed to 
 the ground; the school buildings in the Dju- 
 maisk District were used as barracks, and the 
 teachers put in prison or obliged to flee. The 
 horror of the situation is intensified, Madame 
 Bakhmetieff says, by the fact that large num- 
 bers of fugitives have been driven back by the 
 Turks into the interior southwards towards 
 Seres, where their horrible sufferings and their 
 miserable end will be hidden from all who 
 might give them help or pity.” — E. J. Dillon, 
 The Reign of Terror in Macedonia ( Contempo- 
 rary Review, March, 1903). 
 
 Another view of the Macedonian situation is 
 presented in the following, from another of the 
 English reviews: 
 
 “The Macedonian problem is desperate 
 mainly because it has been overlaid with ab- 
 stractions. We talk of trouble in the Balkans, 
 of insurgent excesses, and Turkish atrocities, 
 without realising that these occasional and 
 startling phenomena are the product of a misery 
 that is as constant as it is uninteresting — and 
 unbearable. We think of Turkish misrule as 
 an isolated and irrational fact, without compre 
 bending that it is a highly organised and quite 
 intelligent system, designed to promote the pro- 
 fit of a small minority of officials, tax farmers, 
 and landlords. It rests on a substantial basis of 
 corrupt and anti-social interest. The political 
 mismanagement is the least of all the evils it 
 produces. The reality behind the whole muddle 
 of racial conflicts, beyond the Chauvinism of 
 the Balkan peoples and the calculations of the 
 
 f reater Powers, is the unregarded figure of the 
 lacedonian peasant, harried, exploited, en- 
 slaved, careless of national programmes, and 
 anxious only for a day when he may keep his 
 warm sheepskin coat upon his back, marry his 
 daughter without dishonour, and eat in peace 
 the bread of his own unceasing labour. All our 
 efforts might fail to bestow upon him an ideal 
 government — there are not the makings of a 
 harmonious nation in Macedonia. But politics 
 are, after all, a mere fraction of life. While 
 Servia earns the contempt of the civilised world, 
 the Servian peasant sows in hope and reaps in 
 peace, keeping for winter evenings the tale of 
 murdered forbears and ravished ancestors. The 
 Macedonian villager is ignorant. But his lead- 
 ers have heard of a far-off England which 
 twenty-five years ago flung them back under 
 the heels of the Turk, after Russia had won 
 their freedom at San Stefano. The tale runs 
 that this same England then guaranteed them, 
 at Berlin, the amplest of reforms. And there- 
 upon these simple men will talk about their 
 rights. It is for these they are fighting.” — 
 H. N. Brailsford, The Macedonian Revolt {Fort- 
 nightly Review, Sept., 1903). 
 
 And still a third view in this which follows : 
 “The Turks are honestly doing their best to 
 administer justice indifferently. Again and 
 again during my travels in Macedonia I have 
 admired the energy of Yalis and Kaimakams, 
 
 651 
 
TURKEY, 1902-1903 
 
 TURKEY, 1903-1904 
 
 ■who hold thankless posts with courage and de- 
 termination. If the Albanians could be kept in 
 order and Bulgarian anarchism could be sup- 
 pressed, there would be no grievances in Mace- 
 donia to-day. The Albanians are turbulent 
 sportsmen, engaging as individuals, but intol 
 erable as neighbours. They must be made to 
 understand that no further nonsense will be 
 permitted. The Porte would be quite capable 
 of reducing them to order if they had not a 
 powerful protector at hand. The Porte could 
 also reduce the Bulgarian conspirators if she 
 did not fear to arouse prejudice in Europe. The 
 echo of former Bulgarian ‘atrocities’ (as reso- 
 lute government was dubbed), paralyses effect- 
 ive action. The Turks cannot punish Christian 
 criminals so long as Exeter Hall is on the qui 
 vive to defend them. Give the Sultan a free 
 hand, and the Macedonian conspiracy may be 
 ended in a few weeks.” — Herbert Vivian, The 
 Macedonian Conspiracy ( Fortnightly Review, 
 May, 1903). 
 
 The British Government received the follow- 
 ing representation of facts from its Minister to 
 Bulgaria, Mr Elliott, in a despatch dated May 
 19, 1903. 
 
 ‘‘There are some points which appear to 
 me to be too frequently lost sight of in appor- 
 tioning responsibilities for occurrences in Mace- 
 donia. In the first place, the term ‘ Bulgarian ’ 
 is applied indiscriminately to subjects of the 
 Principality and to Macedonians of Bulgarian 
 race, and the former are made to bear the blame 
 for the actions of the latter. In the same way, 
 it appears to be believed that the ‘Bulgarian 
 bands’ which make incursions into Macedonia 
 from the territory of the Principality are com- 
 posed of Bulgarian subjects, whereas the latter 
 probably do not contribute more than 10 per 
 cent, of the number of incursionists, the re- 
 mainder being all Macedonians, of whom there 
 are some 200,000 in the Principality.” 
 
 The same Minister wrote from Sophia on the 
 1st of July: “ All the reports received concur in 
 stating that every Turkish official, civil and 
 military, from Hilmi Pasha downwards, look to 
 war as the only means of escape from a situa- 
 tion which is becoming intolerable. It is obvi- 
 ous that in such a war both sides would have 
 much to lose and little material advantage to 
 gain; but the Turks argue that if they could 
 administer a crushing defeat to Bulgaria, of 
 which they have no doubt, they would, even if 
 they were afterwards obliged to withdraw, ob- 
 tain some years’ peace in Macedonia, by the de- 
 struction of what they have been taught to be- 
 lieve, with some justification in the past, is the 
 centre of disaffection, though the real cause of 
 it is to be sought in their own maladministra- 
 tion. The Bulgarians, although believing that 
 the conquest of Bulgaria would not prove the 
 easy matter that the Turks seem to imagine, 
 are, for the most part, under no illusions as to 
 their ability to hold out single-handed against 
 the Ottoman Empire ; they are unprepared, and 
 they have apparently been deserted by their 
 protectors. They are, therefore, sincere in their 
 desire to do everything to avoid a conflict. But 
 it does not rest with them to avoid it. The 
 Macedonian agitators will naturally do all they 
 can to provoke a war. It is therefore of the 
 most urgent importance that an attempt should 
 be made by the Turkish Government to restore 
 
 the conditions of life in Macedonia to something 
 like their normal state. If the persecutions of 
 the last few weeks continue, it will be impossi- 
 ble for the Government to restrain the Macedo- 
 nians established in thiscountry.” — Parliament- 
 ary Papers, Cd. 1875. 
 
 The condition of suffering in the region of 
 country tormented by this inhuman strife is in- 
 dicated by such despatches as the following, 
 from the British Vice-Consul at Monastir, writ- 
 ing September 23, 1903: “According to the best 
 data actually available, the number of persons 
 now wandering on the mountains homeless and 
 destitute cannot be estimated at less than 40,000, 
 while the number of Christians massacred may 
 be safely put down at 3,000. Some of my col- 
 leagues, notably the Austrian, French, and Ital- 
 ian Consuls, have sent even higher figures to 
 their embassies.” — Parliamentary Papers ( Tur- 
 key , No. 2, 1904), Cd. 1879. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — The Miirzsteg Pro- 
 gramme of Reforms in the Administration of 
 Macedonia. — During a meeting of the Emper- 
 ors of Austria-Hungary and Russia, in 1903, at 
 Miirzsteg, in the Austrian Alps, a plan of super- 
 vised administration in Macedonia (known since 
 as the Miirzsteg Programme), to be pressed on 
 the Turkish Government, was agreed upon by 
 the two sovereigns and their advisers. With 
 the assent and support of the other Powers in 
 Europe this was submitted to the Porte, and 
 was accepted in principle on the 25th of Novem- 
 ber; but it was not until the following May that 
 it could be said to have been brought at all into 
 action. Turkey ‘ ‘ agreed (1) to the appoint- 
 ment, for two years only, of Austrian and Rus- 
 sian civil agents, with a limited staff of drago- 
 mans and secretaries, to reside in the same place 
 as the Inspector-General, and to make tours in 
 the interior, accompanied by a Turkish official, 
 to question the inhabitants as to their griev- 
 ances; (2) to the appointment of an Italian 
 general to reorganize the gendarmerie; (3) to 
 consider the question of altering the administra- 
 tive districts so as to establish a more regular 
 grouping of the various nationalities; (4) that 
 neither race nor religion shall be a hindrance to 
 official employment; (5) that an amnesty shall 
 he granted to all persons implicated in the in- 
 surrection, except those guilty of dynamite 
 outrages ; and (6) to exempt the inhabitants of 
 destroyed villages from all taxation for one 
 year.” — Annual Register, 1904, p. 318. 
 
 General De Giorgis, of Italy, was appointed 
 to the command of the gendarmerie. Hostility 
 to the arrangements of the Miirzsteg programme 
 in Albania was carried to the extent of open 
 warfare, and a number of serious engagements 
 between Turkish and Albanian forces occurred. 
 Other collisions between the various quarreling 
 races — Greek, Bulgarian and Servian — were not 
 stopped by the reorganized gendarmerie. Turk- 
 ish action and inaction afforded about equal 
 occasion for Bulgarian complaints ; but in April 
 the Bulgarian and Turkish governments came 
 to mutual agreements, that the former would 
 stop the work of revolutionary committees 
 within her territory, and that the latter would 
 carry out the reforms of the Miirzsteg pro- 
 gramme in good faith. No effective perform- 
 ance of either engagement appears to have been 
 secured. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — Incursions of Armenian 
 
 652 
 
TURKEY, 1903-1904 
 
 TURKEY, 1905-1908 
 
 Revolutionists from Russia and Persia into 
 Asiatic Turkey. — Exaggerated accounts of 
 retaliatory Massacre. — Many bands of revolu- 
 tionary Armenians who crossed the frontiers 
 from Russia and Persia during 1903 and 1904, 
 making incursions into Armenian Turkey, and 
 bringing upon the inhabitants there the tender 
 mercies of Turkish troops, appear to have been 
 acting generally in cooperation with the Bulga- 
 rian revolutionists in Macedonia. The conse- 
 quent barbarities were dreadful enough, no 
 doubt, but were found to be greatly exaggerated 
 in the reports current at the time. This was 
 the conclusion of the British Ambassador to 
 Turkey, derived from investigations made on 
 the ground by a consular officer who traversed 
 it with care. In a despatch dated August 16, 
 1904, the Ambassador, Sir N. O’Conor, related 
 a conversation on the subject that he had had 
 with the Armenian Patriarch, Mgr. Ormanian, 
 as follows : 
 
 “ In the course of conversation I told his 
 Beatitude that I had heard with deep concern the 
 statements he had made to several newspaper 
 correspondents, to the effect that he believed that 
 between 6,000 and 9,000 persons had been mas- 
 sacred in the Sasun and Talori districts during 
 the late troubles, and that I deeply regretted 
 that upon my applying for precise information 
 which would enable me to make earnest repre- 
 sentations to the Grand Vizier, his Beatitude 
 has sent me word that he was unable to indicate 
 the places at which these massacres had taken 
 place or to affirm that his reports were based on 
 really trustworthy information. His Beatitude 
 replied that he had had no means of controlling 
 these reports, and that he had communicated 
 them to others as he had received them. I said 
 that, judging from the reports of His Majesty’s 
 Consul at Van, who had visited many of the dis- 
 tricts in question, the numbers of victims men- 
 tioned by his Beatitude was grossly exaggerated. 
 Captain Tyrrell was more inclined to estimate 
 the number at 900 than 9,000, and he had, more- 
 over, been unable to confirm the statements in 
 the public press that there had been any massa- 
 cre of Armenians in the ordinary sense of these 
 words, although, no doubt, many innocent per- 
 sons had been killed both by the insurgents and 
 the troops. ... I did not despair of following 
 to the end the investigations which had been set 
 on foot by the Grand Vizier. If, however, his 
 Beatitude could now furnish me with more de- 
 finite information, I would do all in my power, 
 in conjunction with my French and Russian 
 colleagues, to bring about a searching investiga- 
 tion on the spot. Mgr. Ormanian replied that 
 he was not in a position to give me this infor- 
 mation. ” 
 
 A. D. 1903-1905. — A “ Holy War ” in Ara- 
 bia. — The Sheik Hamid Eddin contesting 
 the Caliphate with the Sultan. — “Under the 
 obscure heading of ‘ Rebellion in the Yemen,’ a 
 series of brief telegrams has recently appeared 
 in the British and American press, describing in 
 skeleton language the exploits of Sheik Hamid 
 Eddin, the Sovereign of Hadramaut, against 
 the troops of the Turkish Sultan. Absorbed in 
 the contemplation of the Far-Eastern struggle, 
 neither the writers nor readers of the newspa- 
 pers have yet found leisure to reflect upon the 
 meaning of the movement, which the Lord of 
 the Land of Frankincense is leading. . . . But 
 
 the Government in Constantinople, though it 
 would fain throw dust in the eyes of Europe, is 
 itself painfully conscious of the menacing char- 
 acter of the challenge which has gone forth 
 from Arabia. It is, indeed, impossible for it any 
 longer to doubt that Hamid Eddin, the name- 
 sake of Abdul Hamid, is contesting not only 
 the possession of Yemen, but also the spiritual 
 supremacy of Islam. A Holy War, in fact, has 
 started in Arabia, and upon its issue depend 
 the fate of Mecca and the title of Caliph. . . . 
 
 “For several years, the propaganda pro- 
 ceeded on comparatively peaceful lines. Only 
 occasionally it was marked by collisions with 
 the Turkish troops. But, towards the end of 
 1903, the Sheik entered the northern district 
 of the Yemen and laid seige to the Turkish gar- 
 rison of Assyr. The engagement ended disas- 
 trously for the Turks. . . . For a whole year 
 the Turks refrained from attempting any seri- 
 ous resistance to the Arabian movement. In 
 February of this year, however, they succeeded 
 in inflicting on Hamid Eddin a slight reverse, 
 which the authorities in Constantinople, for 
 political reasons, at once magnified into a dis 
 aster.” — W. F. Bullock, The Fight for the Ca- 
 liphate {North American Review, Aug., 1905). 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Demand in Crete for 
 Union with Greece. — Resignation of Prince 
 George as High Commissioner. — Appoint- 
 ment of M. Zaimis. See (in this vol.) Crete : 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1906. — Anti-British agitation 
 in Egypt. — Encroachments on the Sinai 
 Frontier. — The Tabah Incident. See Egypt: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1905-1908. — Continued Reign of 
 Terror in Macedonia. — Financial Reform 
 forced on Turkey by a Naval Demonstration. 
 — Barbaric Warfare of Greek and Bulgarian 
 Bands. — Efforts of Great Britain to secure 
 further action by the Powers. — On the 17th 
 of January, 1905, the Austro-Hungarian and 
 Russian Governments proposed to supplement 
 the Murzsteg Programme by a measure of finan- 
 cial reform, which would empower the agencies 
 of the Imperial Ottoman Bank to “ act as Trea- 
 surer and Paymaster-General in the three vilay- 
 ets of Salonika, Kossovo and Monastir,” to 
 receive the net revenues of those vilayets, and 
 to “be intrusted with the issue of payments of 
 whatever nature and in whatever form.” The 
 Turkish Government submitted a counter pro- 
 position, somewhat to the same purpose, on the 
 5th of March ; and, after much discussion be- 
 tween the six great Powers, of Austria-Hungary, 
 Russia, Germany, Great Britain, France, and 
 Italy, they joined in a note to the Sublime 
 Porte, on the 8th of May, accepting the Turkish 
 project of financial reform, provided the Porte 
 would consent to complete it by adding the fol- 
 lowing : 
 
 “To supervise the execution of the financial 
 reforms and the application of the preceding 
 Regulation, and to insure its observation, the 
 Governments will each nominate a financial 
 Delegate. These Delegates of the four Powers 
 will act in concert with the Inspector-General 
 and the Austro-Hungarian and Russian Civil 
 Agents, whose functions were defined in the 
 Miirzsteg programme. The Commission thus 
 formed will have all the powers necessary for 
 the accomplishment of its task, and particularly 
 
 653 
 
TURKEY, 1905-1908 
 
 TURKEY, 1905-1908 
 
 for the supervision of the regular collection 
 of taxes, including also the tithe. Before being 
 finally settled, the budgets must be submitted 
 to the Commission, which will have the right to 
 amend, under the head of receipts and expendi- 
 ture, any provision which may be inconsistent 
 with the existing laws or unsuited to the econo- 
 mic and financial requirements of the country. 
 With a view to facilitating its task, the Com- 
 mission will have the power of nominating for 
 each vilayet an inspector charged with the 
 supervision of the agents employed in the dif - 
 ferent services of the Treasury.” 
 
 The Porte declined to acquiesce in a proposal 
 which it declared to be “contrary to the es- 
 sential principles of the maintenance of the 
 rights and independence of the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment.” The demand was persisted in by 
 the six Powers, inflexibly, and resisted as de- 
 terminedly by the Sultan and his Ministers, 
 during more than six months of parley. By 
 that time the Powers had arranged for a joint 
 naval demonstration, and landed forces at Myti- 
 lene on the 26th of November. This brought 
 the Turkish Government to terms; details of 
 the financial reform were settled on the 16th of 
 December, 1905, and the international fleet was 
 withdrawn. 
 
 Meantime conditions in the wretched country 
 for which these attempted reforms of govern- 
 ment were being so deliberately and laboriously 
 prepared do not seem to have been much im- 
 proved, if at all. On the 4th of September, the 
 British Ambassador, Sir N. O’Conor, forwarded 
 to his Government “a statistical resume of the 
 despatches recording occurrences in Macedonia” 
 sent to him “by His Majesty’s Consuls at Sa- 
 lonica, Uskup, and Monastir between the 1st of 
 January and the 27th of August,” giving “the 
 number of deaths for which the various nation- 
 alities and organizations are responsible” in 
 those eight months of the year. The statistics 
 were as follows: 
 
 Christians killed by Bulgarian Komitajis 
 [Committees!, 69; Moslems killed by Bulgarian 
 Komitajis, 60; Christians killed by Greek Ko- 
 mitajis, 211 ; Moslems killed by Servian Komita- 
 jis, 12 ; Christians killed by Servian Komitajis, 
 10: total, 362. 
 
 Troops killed by various bands, 60; Bulgar 
 Komitajis killed by troops, 145; Greek Komita- 
 jis killed h.y troops, 38; Serb Komitajis, killed 
 by troops, 83 ; total 326. 
 
 Christians murdered by Moslems, 43 ; Chris- 
 tians killed during military operations, 54; 
 total 97. 
 
 Throughout the next two years the monthly 
 reports of British consular officers and the de- 
 spatches of the Ambassador at Constantinople, 
 as published in the British Blue Books, are 
 monotonous in their sickening enumeration of 
 single murders, wholesale massacres, destruc- 
 tion of villages, flights to the mountains of 
 starving refugees, — outrages and miseries be- 
 yond description. On the 10tli of June, 1906, 
 the Consul-General at Salonika wrote : 
 
 “The general state of insecurity in the dis- 
 turbed areas tends to grow worse rather than 
 better, chiefly owing to the increase in the num- 
 bers and activity of the Greek bands and a slight 
 recrudescence of Moslem crime, the most re- 
 markable cases of which are attributed to a band 
 of fifteen Albanians, who at the beginning of 
 
 the month infested the forest country north of 
 Niausta, where they robbed and murdered with 
 impunity. The fact that their victims were 
 nearly all Greeks has given rise to the belief in 
 Greek circles that they have been acting in the 
 interests of the Vlach and Bulgarian propagan- 
 das, though, so far as I know, there is no evi 
 dence whatever in support of this theory. The 
 operations of Turkish troops have been on the 
 whole very successful as against the small Bul- 
 garian and Servian bands which still kept the 
 field. Four of the former and two of the latter 
 were totally destroyed, with comparatively small 
 loss to the soldiery. It will be seen that the loss 
 of life by violence again amounts to over 200 
 during the month. Of armed revolutionaries, 
 about 40 Bulgarians, 19 Servians and 26 Greeks 
 w r ere accounted for, at a loss to the Turkish 
 army of 23 killed. The great majority of the 
 unarmed victims were Bulgarians, of whom 33 
 were killed by Greek bands, 15 by soldiers or in 
 operation by the troops, about 15 by the Mos- 
 lems, and 12 by Bulgarian Komitajis of rival 
 factions ; while 11 Ylachs were killed by Greek 
 bands, 14 Greeks by Albanian brigands, 1 Greek 
 by Bulgarian Komitajis, and 6 Mussulmans by 
 Greek revolutionaries.” 
 
 Conditions were still the same at the end of 
 another year, and in December, 1907, the British 
 Government addressed a memorandum on the 
 subject to France and similarly to the other 
 Powers, reciting some of the recent facts re- 
 ported by its consular officers, and saying: 
 “These facts and the circumstances of the 
 outrages committed afford striking evidence of 
 the manner in which the gradual extermination 
 of the Christian inhabitants is being tolerated in 
 Macedonia, where the Ottoman authorities have 
 displayed an utter incapacity to maintain pub- 
 lic tranquility. It therefore devolves upon the 
 Powers to suggest the adoption of measures 
 which will put an end to such a condition of 
 affairs, and His Majesty’s Government earnestly 
 hope that the French Government will give 
 their most serious consideration to the proposals 
 which they are about to put forward. . . . His 
 Majesty’s Government are profoundly convinced 
 that the time has now arrived when General 
 Degiorgis and the foreign Staff Officers should 
 be intrusted with a full measure of executive 
 control, and when the force under his com- 
 mand should be properly qualified for effective 
 action by a substantial increase in numbers and 
 an adequate equipment.” 
 
 To this communication there was no encour- 
 aging response from any other Government; 
 and on the 3d of March, 1908, the British For- 
 eign Minister, Sir Edward Grey, reopened the 
 subject, expressing the regret with which His 
 Majesty’s Government had received the replies 
 made to their proposals. 
 
 “The situation is not beyond remedy, but it 
 cannot be remedied by half-measures. Were a 
 Governor of Macedonia to be appointed who 
 would be given a free hand and be irremovable 
 for a term of years except with the consent of 
 the Powers, and were an adequate force of gen- 
 darmerie and European officers placed at his dis- 
 posal, His Majesty’s Government are convinced 
 that the country might be cleared of bands and 
 pacified in a short time.” 
 
 The measure proposed to other Powers by the 
 British Government, in this communication of 
 
 654 : 
 
TURKEY, 1900 
 
 TURKEY, 1908 
 
 the 3d of March, 1908, obtained the assent of 
 none, but it opened a discussion of the subject 
 between London and St. Petersburg which 
 brought Great Britain and Russia together, in 
 joint action that gave promise of effective re- 
 sults. The negotiations ensuing, between the two 
 Governments led to the drafting of two schemes 
 of further reform in Macedonia, to be pressed 
 upon the Porte. Great Britaiu accepted the Rus- 
 sian scheme, submitted in the form of an aide 
 memoire, dated July 2, 1908. Some inkling of 
 this new programme, which the European Con- 
 cert of Powers was about to be asked to sup- 
 port, had been given to the public by this time, 
 and it seems to have precipitated a revolution- 
 ary conspiracy for the self-reformation of Turk- 
 ish Government, which had been in the process 
 of organization for many years, and which had 
 now drawn near to the point of open action. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — A Troublesome Punctilio 
 removed. — The United States represented 
 at Constantinople by an Ambassador. — “Ac- 
 cording to usage in Constantinople, an Ambas- 
 sador may obtain an audience at any time with 
 the Sultan, and force many items through even 
 against the influence of both the Palace and the 
 Porte. But every representative lower than an 
 Ambassador can never appear before the Sultan 
 except when called for by His Gracious Ma- 
 jesty. This invitation can be secured sometimes 
 by indirect means; but when, for any reason, 
 the Sultan does not wish to see a Minister of any 
 foreign Power, the Palace officials can baffle 
 him, if necessary, for years. Now, the American 
 representative is called ‘ Envoy Extraordinary 
 and Minister Plenipotentiary,’ and is outranked 
 by every Ambassador to Turkey. Hence, he 
 lacks the all-important privilege of approaching 
 the Sultan uninvited.” — Americus, Some Phases 
 of the Issues between the United States and Tur- 
 key (North American Review, May, 1906). 
 
 The obstacle to American influence with the 
 Turkish Government which is explained in the 
 statement above was removed in 1906, by rais- 
 ing the diplomatic representative of the United 
 States at Constantinople to the rank of Ambas- 
 sador. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — The Cretan Situation 
 as dealt with by the Four Protecting Pow- 
 ers. See (in this vol.) Crete: A. D. 1907- 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Building the Damascus to 
 Mecca Railway. See (in this vol.) Railways: 
 Asiatic : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (March). — The Races in Ma- 
 cedonia. — Struggle for Political Predom- 
 inance. — The Bulgarian Propaganda.— 
 
 “Macedonia, although a country of numerous 
 tribes and tongues, has a population of which 
 the chief ethnic elements are Serbs, Bulgari- 
 ans, and Greeks. The last-named are numeri- 
 cally the most important, while the Turks are, 
 so to say, intruders. Between Bulgarians and 
 Serbs, a bitter struggle has been waged for po- 
 litical predominance, each party being sup- 
 ported more or less effectively by its kindred 
 in the kingdom of Servia or the Principality 
 of Bulgaria. Both races in Macedonia speak 
 almost the same language, profess the same 
 religion, and inter marry, so that the need of 
 distinguishing between them did not arise until 
 the Bulgarian Church, freeing itself from the 
 Greek Patriarch, established an exarchate. 
 
 Then all the flock of the Exarchate was deemed 
 to consist of Bulgarians, although in reality 
 many were Serbs ; and the vigorous proselytis- 
 ing campaign carried on by agents from the 
 Principality was successful in gathering many 
 thousands more into the true fold. 
 
 “ Bulgaria had luck from the outset. Before 
 this people had been freed from the Moham- 
 medan yoke the Turkish Government favoured 
 them because it hated the Serbs, who were be- 
 lieved to be trying to gather together all Slavs 
 and to found a powerful Slav state. After the 
 creation of the Bulgarian Principality the 
 Turks continued to wink at the Bulgarian pro- 
 paganda in Macedonia, because of Stambuloff’s 
 anti-Russian and Turcophile policy. And in 
 this way crowds of Macedonians were won over 
 to the Bulgarian Exarchate. Moreover, the 
 Prince’s Government warmly seconded the ef- 
 forts of its agents. Money was spent liberally 
 and judiciously. Many Macedonians who dis- 
 tinguished themselves at school were sent to 
 finish their education at Sofia, where the most 
 gifted among them received high places in the 
 civil service or the army. In time, however, 
 peaceful agitation gave way to filibustering ex- 
 peditions, culminated in bloodshed, and drove 
 the Turks to repressive measures against the 
 Bulgarian element in Macedonia.” — E. J. Dil- 
 lon, Foreign Affairs ( Contemporary Review, 
 March, 1908). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (July-Dee.). — The Young 
 Turk party and its Revolutionary organiza- 
 tion. — Its Plans hurried by the Anglo-Rus- 
 sian project of a new Macedonian Interven- 
 tion. — Beginning and Rapid Spread of 
 Revolt. — Proclamation of the Constitution 
 of 1876. — Yielding of the Sultan. — Intense 
 Joy in the Empire. — Election of a Parlia- 
 ment. — Until July 3, 1908, — the day after M. 
 Isvolsky, Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
 had dated (as stated above) his aide memoire of 
 Macedonian Reform, which he and Sir Edward 
 Grey were about to submit to the Powers, — 
 the Turkish party since famous under the name 
 of “ the Young Turks” had attracted not much 
 general attention, and, even in diplomatic cir- 
 cles, there does not seem to have been much 
 known of the extraordinary work of revolution- 
 ary propagandism and organization it had done. 
 Its leadership, seated at Salonika, had been in a 
 Committee, named formerly the Committee of 
 Liberty, but styled in later years the Ottoman 
 Committee of Union and Progress. Of the rise 
 and origin of this Young Turk party, the fol- 
 lowing account was written some years before it 
 leaped into public fame, by the veteran apostle 
 of political liberty, Karl Blind: 
 
 “ I remember its rise and origin in the sixties, 
 when, between 1867 and 1868, a small group of 
 Turkish exiles — namely, Zia Bey, Ali Suavi, 
 and Aghaia Effendi — lived in London. They 
 published here and in Paris an ably conducted 
 journal, called the Mukhbir (the ‘ Advertiser ’), 
 copies of which are still in my library. That 
 paper came out under the auspices of Mustafa 
 Fazil Pasha, the well-known statesman who 
 contributed so much to the spread of public in- 
 struction and of Liberal ideas by sending young 
 students and others — among them, a distin- 
 guished poet, Kemal — to Paris and London. 
 In the Mukhbir, parliamentary institutions and 
 all other desirable reforms were advocated. 
 
TURKEY, 1908 
 
 TURKEY, 1908 
 
 “In 1876, the Sofia rising at Constantinople 
 at last brought about the introduction of a 
 Charter under the young Sultan, who had just 
 come to the throne — the present Abdul Hamid 
 the Second. It was a popular movement, offi- 
 cered by the better educated class of Moham- 
 medans. In a famous rescript, the Sultan said 
 that ‘ if his sire had lived longer, a constitu- 
 tional era would have been inaugurated under 
 him. Providence, however, had reserved for 
 him (the son) the task of accomplishing this 
 happy transformation, which is the highest guar- 
 antee of the welfare of his subjects.’ He went 
 on to denounce ‘ the abuses which are the re- 
 sult of the arbitrary rule of one or of some 
 individuals.’ He then enumerated the various 
 reforms to be accomplished by the National 
 Assembly : responsibility of ministers ; parlia- 
 mentary right of control ; independence of the 
 courts of justice ; equilibrium of the budget. 
 
 “ All races and all creeds were represented in 
 that Parliament, which sat during 1877-78 : 
 Turks and Armenians, Bulgars, Greeks, Alban- 
 ese, Syrians, and Arabs ; Mohammedans, Greco- 
 Catholics, Armenian Christians, Protestants, 
 and Jews. Its debates, through the whole of 
 which I went carefully at the time in the 
 French text of the Constantinople press, exhib- 
 ited a remarkable degree of ability. I learnt 
 afterwards, from men conversant with Turkish, 
 and who had repeatedly been present at the 
 sittings, that these official reports had even 
 considerably toned down the liveliness of the 
 discussions. 
 
 “I need not refer to the activity of Midhat 
 Pasha, nor go into the many useful reforms 
 then debated, including freedom of the press ; 
 equality before the law; liberty in matters of 
 public instruction ; admission of all citizens, ir- 
 respective of race and creed, to the various pub- 
 lic employments ; an equal imposition of taxes ; 
 free exercise of every religious cult, and so 
 forth. . . . 
 
 “How did that Assembly come to grief? 
 When the Russian army arrived before the 
 gates of Constantinople [in 1878], the Sultan, 
 pressed close by the Czar, and being at issue 
 with the representatives of the people on ac- 
 count of the exile of Midhat and about budget 
 questions, suddenly prorogued Parliament. Al- 
 exander the Second, the ‘ Divine Figure from 
 the North,’ was thus freed from the danger of 
 hearing Liberal subjects of his own uttering 
 the cry : ‘ Let us, by way of reward for our 
 sacrifices in blood and money in this war, have 
 parliamentary government as in Turkey 1 ’ 
 
 “Prorogued the Turkish National Assembly 
 was, let it well be remembered — not abolished ; 
 not dissolved even. Ever since, the Young 
 Turkish party has called for its restoration.” — 
 Karl Blind, Macedonia and England’s Policy 
 (Nineteenth Century , Nov., 1903). 
 
 When it came to be known, in the spring or 
 early summer of 1908, that Great Britain and 
 Russia were concerting a fresh proposal to the 
 Powers of more thorough going intervention in 
 Macedonian affairs, the Young Turk leaders 
 are said to have been driven to a hurried rear- 
 rangement of their own plans. They had not 
 expected, it seems, to be in readiness for a de- 
 cisive movement until some months or a year 
 hence ; but they could not afford to have the 
 Concert of Europe as well as the despotism of 
 
 the Sultan to deal with in their revolutionary 
 undertaking, contemplating as that did a state 
 of government for Turkey which outside na- 
 tions would have no right or need to be meddle- 
 some with. Hence they hastened preparations 
 for an explosion of the revolt they had organ- 
 ized so patiently, and its first outbreaks chanced 
 to occur just as M. Isvolsky had signed and 
 dated the statement of his scheme of interven- 
 tion for communication to other Powers. 
 
 The beginnings, on the 3d of July, were in the 
 vilayet of Monastir, where the officers and sol- 
 diers of two battalions, at Resna and Presba, 
 with some officials of the district, formed them- 
 selves openly into a “Young Turk” band, seized 
 arms and the military chest, and went into the 
 mountains. Similar movements in the Kossovo 
 and Salonika vilayets followed quickly. On the 
 7th, at the city of Monastir, General Shemsi 
 Pasha, when setting forth to take command of 
 operations against the insurgents, was shot, and 
 the soldiers of his escort were reported to have 
 allowed the assassins to escape by firing in the 
 air. Other murders of officers who showed ac- 
 tivity against the rebels were soon announced. 
 The Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress 
 had now issued a manifesto, announcing that the 
 object of their League was to secure the restora- 
 tion of the Constitution of 1876, and appealing 
 to the Great Powers “to show their good will 
 towards the peoples of Turkey by earnestly 
 urging His Majesty, the Sultan, to yield to the 
 legitimate demands of his subjects, who are 
 loyal, though in revolt against the shameful 
 situation of their country.” The Committee 
 protested solemnly that the League entertained 
 no hostility to non-Moslems; that it would avoid 
 useless bloodshed, and employ “ energetic meth- 
 ods ” only in extreme cases against the enemies 
 of liberty. 
 
 By the 22d of the month the Sultan had be- 
 come sufficiently alarmed to dismiss his Grand 
 Vizier, Ferid Pasha, and call Kiamil Pasha, the 
 former Grand Vizier, to his council again. Kia- 
 mil exacted conditions which his master was 
 slow in yielding to, and he seems to have been 
 Grand Vizier de facto for a short time before he 
 accepted the responsible title. Change of Min- 
 istry, however, did not check the deepening 
 and spreading of revolt. On the 23d of July the 
 Young Turks, having complete possession of 
 the cities of Monastir and Salonica, and of sev- 
 eral lesser towns, made solemn proclamation of 
 the Constitution, with popular demonstrations 
 and ceremonies of prayer and speech in which 
 Moslems and Christians were joined. That 
 night the Sultan held long counsel with his Min- 
 isters, at the Palace, and before morning the 
 reestablishment of the suspended Constitution 
 of 1876 (see, in this vol., Constitution of Tur- 
 key) was decided. The morning papers of the 
 24th gave the decree to the public of Constanti- 
 nople and the news of it was flashed throughout 
 the Empire and to the ends of the earth. This 
 was the message that went from the Grand Viz- 
 ier to Hilmi Pasha, Inspector General at Salon 
 ika: “In compliance with the wish expressed 
 by the people and by order of His Majesty the 
 Sultan, the Constitution promulgated on the 
 lltli (23d) December, 1876, which had for vari 
 ous reasons been withdrawn, lias been again 
 enforced. The General Assembly (Senate and 
 Chamber of Deputies) may assemble on the 
 
TURKEY, 1908 
 
 TURKEY, 1908 
 
 terms prescribed by law. I beg you to convey 
 this news to the public.” 
 
 According to all accounts of the time, the feel- 
 ing evoked by the announcement of a constitu- 
 tionalized government — as soon as the long op- 
 pressed people could be persuaded of its actuality 
 
 — was quite extraordinary, and it swept away 
 temporarily, at least, the enmities of religion 
 and race to a remarkable extent. What occurred, 
 for example, at Beirut, in Syria, as described 
 by a missionary, was probably not exceptional 
 in that place. “ Men gathered, ” lie says, “in 
 large groups. Audiences and orators sprung up 
 like mushrooms. The torrent of eloquence that 
 poured forth there was such as would put Ni- 
 agara to shame. There were people mingling 
 together there who during the past years had 
 been bitterly antagonistic to each other, but who 
 now were showing their friendship in public ; 
 Greek Orthodox and Mohammedan priests were 
 embracing each other ; branches were cut down 
 from the trees ; rugs were brought out from the 
 houses ; the streets were lined with people offer- 
 ing their hospitality to their new-found brothers; 
 everywhere, even among the criminal classes, 
 there were these evidences of good fellowship.” 
 
 — Howard S. Bliss, Address to National Geo- 
 graphic Soc., Dec. 18, 1908. 
 
 On the night of the 26th of July the Sultan 
 received a deputation, headed by the Sheikh-ul- 
 Islam, who petitioned for the removal of certain 
 obnoxious favorites of the “Palace camarilla,” 
 and especially for the dismissal of the notorious 
 Izzet Pasha, one of his secretaries, who was 
 hated and feared above all. Abdul Hamid re- 
 fused at first ; but three days later he ordered 
 Izzet Pasha into exile and disgraced Ismail 
 Pasha, his Aide-de-camp, who was said to be 
 the chief spy of the military schools. Izzet suc- 
 ceeded, a few days later, in escaping from the 
 country, and so, undoubtedly, saved his life. 
 
 On the 29th of July the British Ambassador 
 at Constantinople, Sir G. Lowther, sent the fol- 
 lowing telegram to Sir Edward Grey : “ The Sul- 
 tan has sworn on the Koran, as Caliph, not to 
 repeal the Constitution, and the Slieikh-ul-Islam 
 has officially notified the oath, which was regis- 
 tered at his Department, to the people. It re- 
 ligiously binds not only Abdul Hamid but also 
 his successors in the Caliphate to govern in 
 accordance with the Constitution, and becomes 
 part of the Sheri law. This step was demanded 
 by the Young Turkey and Constitutional party, 
 in order to prevent the Constitution being put 
 aside, as was that of 1876.” On the 31st, an- 
 nouncement was made in the morning papers of 
 Constantinople that “a Hatti Humayun which 
 is binding on the successors of the Sultan will be 
 publicly read at the Porte confirming the Con- 
 stitution.” Subsequently, on sending a copy 
 of this instrument to his Government, Sir G. 
 Lowther remarked that “a Hatti Humayun is 
 the most binding form of legislation in the Otto- 
 man Empire.” In the present case it seems to 
 have supplemented as well as confirmed the ori- 
 ginal Constitution, pledging equality of freedom 
 and of rights to all subjects of every race and 
 religion ; supremacy of law ; inviolability of the 
 individual domicile ; inviolability of the Post ; 
 freedom of the Press; freedom of Education, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 The ministers and spies of the old regime of 
 despotism and corruption were now proceeded 
 
 against with celerity and vigor. Some escaped, 
 some were imprisoned, some were killed by en- 
 raged crowds of people. The latter was the 
 fate of Fehiin Pasha, who had been at the head 
 of the secret police. At the same time exiles of 
 an opposite character were returning to their 
 country and meeting with excited welcomes as 
 they came. 
 
 Kiamil Pasha took his proper place as Grand 
 Vizier on the 7th of August, and formed a new 
 Cabinet, with Tewfik Pasha as President of the 
 Council of State and Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
 In announcing the composition of the Cabinet, 
 Ambassador Lowther remarked : “ Kiamil Pasha 
 appears very wisely to have taken the League 
 of Union and Progress into his counsels in form- 
 ing his Ministry, all of whom were incorruptible 
 opponents of the old regime, while two of them 
 are Christians, in accordance with the principles 
 of the Constitution.” 
 
 While practically dominating the Imperial 
 Government on one hand, the ruling Committee 
 of the League w r as likewise bringing to terms 
 the lawless Bulgarian, Greek, and other bauds 
 which had tortured and terrorized Macedonia so 
 long, and was respectfully but plainly intimat- 
 ing its expectation that foreign management of 
 the gendarmerie and the finances of that region 
 would soon be withdrawn. Already, as early 
 as the 25th of July, M. Isvolsky had withdrawn, 
 for the time being, at least, his project of fur- 
 ther intervention, saying that “Russia will fol- 
 low with the most sympathetic attention the ef- 
 forts of Turkey to insure the working of the new 
 regime. She will abstain, for her part, from all 
 interference calculated to complicate this task, 
 and will exercise all her influence in order to 
 obviate and prevent all disturbing action on the 
 part of the Balkan States.” Of course the Brit- 
 ish Government was moved by the same feeling, 
 and, as the new order in Turkey gave more and 
 more promise of stability, the willingness to 
 suspend the foreign organization of gendarmerie 
 in the Macedonian provinces became general 
 among the Powers. A collective note, accord- 
 ingly, was addressed to the Sublime Porte in 
 September, asking if the Imperial Government 
 had any objection to a provisional suspension of 
 its contract with foreign officers, with leave of 
 absence to them sine die. The Porte promptly 
 acquiesced and the Macedonian intervention 
 came to an end. 
 
 Preparations for the election of representa- 
 tives in the new Parliament became active in 
 October, the League of Union and Progress 
 sending agents into the provinces to give much- 
 needed instructions to officials and people as to 
 what they must do and how. The elections 
 were conducted under a complicated electoral 
 law. Excepting foreign residents, natives in 
 foreign service, soldiers not on furlough, bank- 
 rupts, criminals, and a few other classes, all 
 male tax-payers twenty-five years of age were 
 made “electors in the first degree.” By their 
 vote they chose, not the parliamentary repre- 
 sentative, but “electors in the second degree” 
 who would meet subsequently and make that 
 choice. At the preliminary elections 250 to 750 
 voters were entitled to one elector; 750 to 1250 
 to two, and so on. The representation in Par- 
 liament was by one Deputy for 25,000 to 75,000 
 electors of the first degree; two for 75,000 to 
 125,000, — and further at that rate. Candidates 
 
 657 
 
TURKEY, 1908 
 
 TURKEY, 1909 
 
 for Parliament were to be not less than thirty 
 years of age. 
 
 According to the Constitution the chosen Dep- 
 uties to Parliament were to assemble at Constan- 
 tinople on the 30th of October, old style ; but 
 inevitable delays in the elections postponed the 
 meeting of Parliament until the 17th of Decem- 
 ber, on which day it was opened by the Sultan 
 in person, good order prevailing in the city. In 
 a written Speech from the Throne, read by his 
 First Secretary, he offered as an explanation of 
 the long suspension of the Constitution of 1876, 
 that, in consequence of the difficulties encoun- 
 tered in operating the parliamentary system 
 thirty years ago, it was thought best that “ the 
 execution of the said Constitution should be 
 postponed until, by the progress of instruction 
 in my Empire, the capacity of my people should 
 be brought up to the desired level.” As this 
 was now believed to have been accomplished, 
 he had “proclaimed the Constitution anew 
 without hesitation, in spite of those who hold 
 views and opinions opposed thereto.” With 
 marked abruptness the Sultan’s speech was 
 then turned to some recent occurrences which 
 have not yet been touched in this narrative of 
 events. Its reference to them was in these 
 words : “ Whilst the Ministry formed under the 
 Presidency of Kiamil Pasha, to whom the office 
 of Grand Vizier was intrusted upon this change 
 in the system of administration, was occupied 
 with organizing the new Constitutional Admin- 
 istration, Prince Ferdinand, Prince of Bulgaria 
 and Vali of the Province of Eastern Roumelia, 
 departing, for whatever reason, from the loyalty 
 due to our Empire, proclaimed the independence 
 of Bulgaria; and immediately after this the 
 Government of Austria-Hungary also announced 
 to the Porte and to the Cabinets of the other 
 Great Powers that it had decided to annex to 
 the sphere of its dominion Bosnia and Herze- 
 govina, which were subject to the temporary 
 occupation and administration of Austria in ac- 
 cordance with the Treaty of Berlin. These two 
 important events, which are prejudicial to ex- 
 isting legal rights and relations, are occurrences 
 which have moved me to very great regret, and 
 our Ministers have been intrusted with the task 
 of taking the necessary action consequent on 
 these encroachments and of safeguarding (he 
 rights of the State. In regard to this matter, 
 and under all circumstances, the help and sup- 
 port of Parliament are desired.” 
 
 The concluding words of the Sultan’s brief 
 speech were these : “ I open the Chamber of 
 Deputies to-day with prayers for the happiness 
 and prosperity of our Empire and country. I 
 am happy to see in my presence the Deputies of 
 my nation. My intention to govern our country 
 under the Constitution is absolute and unalter- 
 able. Please God our Chamber of Deputies will 
 accomplish good work for our Empire and our 
 nation, and our fatherland will attain to happi- 
 ness of every kind. May God make us all the 
 objects of His divine grace!” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — American Mission Schools. 
 See (in this vol.) Education: Turkey and the 
 Near East. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). — Wise Modera- 
 tion of the Young Turks. — Gathering of Op- 
 position to them. — The Counter-Revolution 
 of April 13. — Treacherous Agency of the 
 Sultan in it. — Quick Recovery of Power 
 
 by the Young Turks. — Battle in Constan- 
 tinople. — Moslem attack on Armenians in 
 Asiatic Turkey. — Deposition of Abdul 
 Hamid. — Mohammed V. placed on the 
 Throne. — The declaration of Bulgarian inde- 
 pendence and the Austrian annexation of Bos- 
 nia and Herzegovina, protested against by the 
 Sultan in his Speech from the Throne at the 
 opening of the new Parliament, on the 17th of 
 December, are recounted at some length in 
 another place, — see Europe: A. D. 1908-1909 
 (Oct.-March), — with notice of the prolonged 
 anxieties they produced in Europe at large. 
 In Turkey itself the feeling roused by these 
 offensive proceedings was overborne to a great 
 extent by increasing excitements in home politics 
 at the time. The first unity of welcome and 
 support to the revolution, as organized by the 
 League of Union and Progress, was now be- 
 ing broken, as always happens in such move- 
 ments, by conflicts of ambition and differences 
 of opinion and aim. In other words, conten- 
 tions of party and faction were coming into 
 play. The Young Turk leaders of the League 
 had manifestly conducted the whole movement 
 of revolution with extraordinary ability, self- 
 effacement, and restraint. The President of 
 Robert College, at Constantinople, Dr. C. Frank 
 Gates, who must be accounted a trustwor- 
 thy observer of events in the Ottoman capital, 
 writing in The Outlook , November 7, 1908, of 
 “Turkey under the New Regime,” paid this 
 high tribute to its chiefs : “ One of the most 
 striking features of this movement to those who 
 have lived long in the country is the moderation 
 shown by the Young Turks. The regime which 
 has been overthrown was oppressive in the 
 extreme, and all the people had suffered terribly 
 from it. The Turks have often said, ‘ We suffer 
 more than the Christians.’ Many have predicted 
 a day of terrible retribution, when the old re- 
 gime should fall into the hands of its victims. 
 But there have been no reprisals. Officers of 
 the army were killed in order to gain control 
 of the army, a few spies fell into the hands of 
 the people and were killed, the notorious Fehim 
 Pasha was torn to pieces by the mob at Broussa, 
 but most of the rascals have been held for regu- 
 lar trial, and the leaders of the new movement 
 have firmly insisted that it is no time for ven- 
 geance or for the gratification of personal ani- 
 mosities; only one consideration can be admitted, 
 and that is the good of the country. Their 
 eyes are upon the future, not upon the past. This 
 is wonderful. If one could have expected a 
 reign of terror anywhere, here was the place to 
 expect it, but it has not come. 
 
 “The Young Turks have shown a practical 
 wisdom in dealing with the various parties and 
 in solving the questions which have arisen 
 which commands the admiration of all. A 
 friend who is very well acquainted with the 
 leaders in this movement said the other day, 
 ‘The most wonderful thing of all is the com- 
 mittees.’ Properly speaking, there are no 
 committees and no tangible organization. 
 There are men who stand behind the present 
 Government and practically guide and control 
 it, but they are content to be unknown and to 
 work in silence. They say, ‘ It is the work of 
 God,’ ' Do not congratulate us : thank God.’ 
 
 “The difficulties which these men have to 
 face are enormous. There is the difficulty of 
 
 658 
 
TURKEY, 1909 
 
 TURKEY, 1909 
 
 % 
 
 financing the Government, which is aggravated 
 by the fact that some of the provinces have 
 understood liberty as meaning freedom from 
 taxes. Then there is the difficulty of forming 
 a programme for the new regime. There have 
 been two parties among the Young Turks, the 
 Committee of Union and Progress, and the 
 Party of Decentralization headed by Sebahed- 
 din. . . . Sebaheddin has been explaining his 
 programme to popular audiences. His plan is 
 to have local assemblies in the provinces, to 
 which shall be relegated many of the functions 
 which have been centralized in Constantinople 
 under the old regime.” 
 
 The working of the new machinery of gov- 
 ernment went smoothly, in appearance, for 
 some weeks after this was written. On the 1st 
 of January the Sultan gave a banquet to the 
 Deputies of Parliament at the Yildiz Kiosk, 
 sitting with them at table and speaking to 
 them with eloquent piety and patriotism ; sub- 
 sequently permitting a general kissing of his 
 hands, which performance of affectionate rever- 
 ence was much disapproved by some of the 
 Turkish journals next day. A fortnight later 
 Mr. Hagopian, special correspondent at Con- 
 stantinople of the New York Evening Post , 
 seemingly intimate in acquaintance with the 
 inner circles of parties, began to be sharply 
 critical of the Committee of Union and Pro- 
 gress, saying that their “arrogant programme’’ 
 “has led more enlightened Turks to organize 
 a new party, the Sons of Liberal Ottomans.” 
 Then he speaks of what appears to be another 
 party, “the association of ‘ Fedakiarans ’ (Con- 
 federates), composed of all former political ex- 
 iles and prisoners who became free after the 
 establishment of the new regime. On the sur- 
 face their aim is said to be to assist all their 
 unfortunate members who have been brought 
 to poverty, or disabled by the tortures of prison 
 and exile. Their membership within the last 
 four months has reached twenty thousand. . . . 
 
 “The mistake which the Young Turks com- 
 mitted in opposing Kiamil Pasha, and in perse- 
 cuting the Confederates,” this writer goes on to 
 say, “has strengthened the cause of Sabakhed- 
 din Bey and his followers. All the oppressed 
 Christian races, who welcomed the inauguration 
 of a liberal government in Turkey, were alarmed 
 when a part of the young Turks came forward 
 as champions of Panislamism, and to-day they 
 are inclined to be in the rank and file of this 
 new liberal movement. The Young Turkish 
 Parliament has shown a tendency to be a Mos- 
 lem institution.” 
 
 A fortnight later Kiamil Pasha, the Grand 
 Vizier, or Prime Minister, as he preferred, it is 
 said, to be called, dropped Ali Riza Pasha, Min- 
 ister of War, and Aarif Pasha, Minister of Ma- 
 rine, from his Cabinet, appointing them to 
 other posts, which they declined ; and this com- 
 pleted his breach with the Committee of Union 
 and Progress. Mr. Hagopian, in his next letter 
 to the Evening Post, averred that the Grand 
 Vizier had discovered a plot, organized by the 
 Young Turks, to dethrone the Sultan and pro- 
 claim Youssuf-Izeddin, elder son of Abdul Aziz, 
 the murdered former Sultan, and that he de- 
 feated their project by the sudden change he 
 made in the Ministries of War and Marine. 
 Other reporters from Constantinople to the 
 Press do not seem to have given credit to this 
 
 explanation. Whatever the inner facts may- 
 have been, the Young Turk Committee proved 
 stronger than the Grand Vizier, and they forced 
 his resignation on the 13th of February, by an 
 overwhelming vote in the Chamber of Deputies, 
 198 to 8, that he “ no longer possesses its confi- 
 dence.” He had commanded foreign confidence 
 more, perhaps, than any other Turkish states- 
 man, and his overthrow gave a serious shock 
 for the moment to the hopefulness with which 
 the Turkish constitutional experiment had come 
 to be quite generally regarded. 
 
 Hilmi Pasha, who had been Minister of the 
 Interior under Kiamil, was now called by the 
 Sultan to be Grand Vizier, and a new Cabinet 
 was formed, Ali Riza Pasha resuming the port- 
 folio of the Ministry of War, and with it that 
 of the Marine. The administration was now 
 entirely in harmony with the Committee of 
 Union and Progress. During the next two 
 months there was not much in Turkish affairs 
 to command attention abroad. But political 
 hostility to the Committee of Union and Pro- 
 gress was evidently increasing. The correspond- 
 ent of the London Times wrote to his paper 
 from Constantinople in March that “one of the 
 most perplexing and disquieting features of the 
 situation since the fall of the late Cabinet has 
 been the persistent manner in which the Com- 
 mittee have denied that any extra-Parliamentary 
 pressure was employed to effect that change, 
 or that, since it was accomplished, extra-Parlia- 
 mentary forces have exercised any influence on 
 the conduct of affairs. Had they frankly ad- 
 mitted that such influences had been, and were 
 still, brought to bear — as, indeed, the speech 
 of the President of the Chamber implicitly ac- 
 knowledges — but that such interference was 
 justified by circumstances and would continue 
 to be exercised until the country had safely 
 emerged from the critical period through which 
 it is passing, many who are now falling away 
 from them would have been found to agree, and 
 few persons capable of forming an unbiassed 
 opinion would have ventured to declare that 
 their contention was altogether unreasonable 
 and unjustifiable. By adopting a different 
 course they have alienated much of the sympa- 
 thy and confidence they hitherto commanded, 
 and given rise to suspicions, quite possibly un- 
 founded, as to the purity of their motives, with 
 the result that the country, which needs and 
 will long continue to need the united energies 
 of all its ablest and most enlightened citizens, 
 for the tremendous task of regeneration and 
 reorganization, is now weakened by a fierce 
 party struggle, and that many competent ob- 
 servers regard a fresh Ministerial crisis as an 
 event which cannot be delayed for many 
 weeks.” 
 
 The anticipated crisis came about four weeks 
 after this had been written, in a form much 
 more serious than that of a mere Ministerial 
 collapse. It was precipitated by excitements 
 that followed the murder, on the 6th of April, 
 of a political journalist, Hassan Fehmi Effendi, 
 editor of the Serbesti, the organ of the Liberal 
 party. As the murdered man had been a vig- 
 orous critic and opponent of the Committee of 
 Union and Progress, that organization was 
 accused at once of having brought about his 
 death. This gave the start to agitations and 
 demonstrations that were secretly pushed for 
 
 659 
 
TURKEY, 1909 
 
 TURKEY, 1909 
 
 several days, until they culminated, on the 13th, 
 in an outbreak of soldiers and city mobs which 
 reversed for a time the Young Turk revolution 
 of the previous July. That the crafty Abdul 
 Hamid had more than lent his hand to the re- 
 actionary outbreak was universally believed ; 
 but when it had accomplished the overthrow of 
 Hilmi Pasha and his Ministry the Sultan did 
 not venture to call creatures of his own to take 
 their place. On the contrary, he gave the office 
 of Grand Vizier to Tewfik Pasha, one of the 
 most respected and independent of the elder 
 officials of the Empire, charging him, in an im- 
 perial rescript, “to form a Cabinet to conform 
 more directly to the sacred law and to main- 
 tain the Constitution and guard public order.” 
 These words are indicative of the nature of the 
 hostility to the regime of the Young Turks 
 which had been worked up. Formerly, as ap- 
 pears in one of the quotations above from Mr. 
 Hagopian, the Young Turks had been accused 
 of being “champions of Pan-Islamism,” and 
 their Parliament of showing “a tendency to be 
 a Moslem institution.” Latterly, Moslem or- 
 thodoxy had been appealed to against them on 
 the charge that they were unfaithful to “the 
 sacred law” (the Sheriat), and that they were 
 making the Constitution a mere cover for de- 
 signs that boded evil to Islam. A fair infer- 
 ence from the contradictoriness of the charges 
 brought against them is decidedly favorable to 
 the party of the Young Turks. 
 
 At the outset of the revolutionary riot in Con- 
 stantinople a few murders were committed and 
 some fatal shooting at random was done, the 
 victims including the Minister of Justice, an 
 Albanian Deputy and a few officers of the riot- 
 ous soldiery; but the mob-rising, as a whole, 
 appears to have been kept under singular re- 
 straint. No important members of the League 
 of Union and Progress are reported to have 
 been killed. Those who were in Constantinople 
 escaped, and their ruling Committee was soon 
 established in activity at Salonika again, taking 
 measures which resulted quickly in the recovery 
 of more than the power that they had seemed 
 for the moment to have lost. 
 
 That no reaction of substantial influences at 
 Constantinople against constitutional and repre- 
 sentative government was signified by what 
 had occurred there was made plain by an impor- 
 tant proclamation, issued on the 16th of April, 
 by the Committee of the Ulema, the Moslem 
 Doctors of the Sacred Law. It was addressed 
 to the Deputies and the Nation, in these words: 
 
 “We are informed that certain Deputies, 
 fearing for their lives, wish to resign, while, on 
 the other hand, the public fears the return of 
 despotic rule. The Committee of the Ulema, 
 which has never doubted that the Constitution 
 is in entire conformity with sacred law, and 
 has not forgotten the burning of Islamic books 
 at Gulhaneli in the days of absolutism, will de- 
 fend the Constitution, which is in conformity 
 with the Sheriat, to the last, aided by the army 
 aud Parliament. Its members consider it to 
 be a religious duty to sacrifice their lives for 
 this end. They and the nation preserve the 
 confidence of Deputies, Moslem and non-Moslem 
 alike, save such as have resigned, or have fled 
 and are thereby considered to have resigned. 
 Deputies, therefore, are informed that hence- 
 forth those who resign will be considered trai- 
 
 tors. Let them do their duty justly and honour- 
 ably, and they may be sure of the support of the 
 nation and the spiritual aid of the Prophet. We 
 beg the glorious army to maintain order and 
 discipline, following the counsels of the Ulema, 
 for it is thus that the Almighty will grant salva- 
 tion to the country and happiness in this world 
 aud the next.” 
 
 But Asiatic Turkey was easily made distrust- 
 ful and suspicious of a change in government 
 which appeared to lower the authority and dig- 
 nity of the Sultan-Caliph ; and news of the 
 seeming triumph of that sacred sovereign in 
 what had happened at Constantinople must 
 have had not a little to do with the sudden out- 
 burst, on the loth of April, of Moslem hostility 
 to the Armenian Christians in parts of Asia 
 Minor and Syria. The fighting and massacre 
 then begun, and which continued for many 
 days, was most fiercely carried on within a 
 circle of towns at the corner where Syria and 
 Asia Minor touch, and where the Gulf of Iskan- 
 derun runs far into the land. On the northern 
 and western side, this piece of the Turkish do- 
 minion was the ancient province of Cilicia, 
 which Pompey added to the empire of Rome; in 
 which St. Paul was born, and which received 
 its modern name of Adana from Haroun al Ras- 
 chid, the most famous of the Caliphs of Bagdad, 
 — thanks to “The Arabian Nights.” In and 
 around its three principal towns, of Adana, 
 Mersina, and Tarsus, the first and worst of the 
 atrocities occurred. 
 
 The League of Union and Progress had given 
 way for an instant, only, to the outbreak at Con- 
 stantinople, which must have taken its leaders 
 by surprise. But the momentary reverse was a 
 gift of opportunity, in fact, to prove the aston- 
 ishing energy of ability that was in this remark- 
 able body of men. They had been betrayed by 
 a considerable part, at least, of the division of 
 the army which garrisoned Constantinople, and 
 which is said to have been heavily bribed with 
 money that must have come from the Sultan’s 
 purse. But the Second and Third Corps of the 
 army in Macedonia were unshaken in fidelity to 
 them and their cause. It was on Tuesday, the 
 13th of April, that their opponents at the capital 
 had their triumph; on Wednesday, the 14th, the 
 two trusted corps were under orders from Sa- 
 lonika to march on Constantinople. Nine days 
 later Mahmud Shevket Pasha, who commanded 
 the movement, was in full possession of the city, 
 with the Sultan a prisoner, and the victorious 
 general was about to publish the following brief 
 report of what had been done in the interval : 
 
 “Our Second and Third Army Corps,” he 
 wrote, “being the nearest to Constantinople, 
 undertook as the executive power of the whole 
 Ottoman nation to shed the last drop of their 
 blood in defence of the Constitutional regime. 
 Having therefore taken counsel together and 
 organized a force sufficient for the purpose, they 
 marched to Constantinople, in order to counter- 
 act the effects of the despotic blow recently 
 struck at that regime , to subdue and chastise the 
 guilty, and to take the necessary measures for 
 the prevention of similar attempts in the future. 
 Leaving Salonika on Wednesday, I arrived the 
 following day at San Stcfano and gave orders 
 for a general movement preparatory to entering 
 the capital on Friday. The troops quartered at 
 the Ministry of War were compelled to surren- 
 
 660 
 
TURKEY, 1909 
 
 TURKEY, 1909 
 
 der before they had time to defend themselves. 
 Only the mutinous troops at Taslikishla and 
 other barracks in Pera offered any resistance to 
 the army of occupation. These barracks were 
 accordingly bombarded and destroyed, their 
 garrisons being disabled or forced to surrender. 
 As our heroic army began operations at night 
 and entered the town at dawn, and as the in- 
 habitants remained in their houses and the shops 
 were closed, there were no deaths in the civil 
 population and no disorder took place. The 
 losses on both sides were heavy, but the num- 
 bers are not yet known. I pray God that the 
 hearts of all Ottomans may rejoice at the news 
 of this great victory and that it may prove the 
 dawn of a great future for our country. ” 
 
 Military observers who accompanied Shevket 
 Pasha and his army are said to have been pro- 
 foundly impressed by the masterly handling of 
 the whole operation, from start to finish. His 
 fellow Constitutionalists were equally impressed 
 by the qualities that he had revealed. A Press 
 despatch to New York, from Constantinople, 
 April 26, reported: “Scliefket Pasha, com- 
 mander of the Constitutional army, is the man of 
 the hour. The leading civilian members of the 
 Committee of Union and Progress desire him to 
 be grand vizier in succession to Tewfik Pasha, 
 and he has been assured that a majority of Par- 
 liament would gladly support a ministry under 
 his leadership in succession to the Tewfik minis- 
 try, which resigned to-day. In reply to these 
 proposals Scliefket Pasha said that the premier- 
 ship afforded such a splendid opportunity to as- 
 sist in the political development of the country 
 that he would have rejoiced to accept the honor 
 had it come to him under any other circum- 
 stances, but that he could not accept it while 
 still leader of the army. To do so would not ac- 
 cord with his ideas of civil and political liberty 
 of action.” This seems to have been a true ex- 
 hibit of the fine spirit and intelligent patriotism 
 of the man, and it added much to the hopeful- 
 ness of the regenerative undertaking of the 
 Young Turks. Shevket is an Arab, from Bag- 
 dad, who had his training as a soldier in Ger- 
 many and had lived in Europe twelve years. 
 
 What to do with Abdul Hamid was a ques- 
 tion over which the Committee of Union and 
 Progress wasted very little time. He became 
 their captive on the 24th. On the 26th it was 
 known that he would be deposed and exiled to 
 Salonika. His falsity in all that he had pro- 
 fessed of a willing adoption of constitutional 
 government, and his treacherous engineering of 
 the conspiracy against it, were believed to be 
 open to no doubt. It was probably not easy to 
 save him from the doom of death which he 
 feared : but the men of calmly tempered mind 
 and will who had ruled the revolution from its 
 beginning were still in control. On the morning 
 of the 27th a fetva or formal decision by the 
 Sheik-ul-Islam, authorizing the deposition of 
 Abdul Hamid from the Ottoman throne, was 
 sent to the National Assembly and read. It 
 was in the form of a question from that body, 
 answered tersely by the supreme judge of the 
 law of Islam, — as follows: “ What becomes of 
 an Imam [the title of the Sultan of Turkey as 
 head of the Orthodox faith] who has destroyed 
 certain holy writings, who has seized property 
 in contravention to the Sheri laws, who has 
 committed cruelties in ordering the assassina- 
 
 tion and imprisonment of exiles without any 
 justification under the Sheri laws, who has 
 squandered the public money, who, having 
 sworn to govern according to the Slieriat, has 
 violated his oath, who, by gifts of money, has 
 provoked internecine bloodshed and civil war, 
 and who no longer is recognized in the pro- 
 vinces?” To this the Sheik-ul-Islam replied: 
 “He must abdicate or be deposed.” At once, 
 by unanimous vote, the deposition of Abdul 
 Hamid and the succession of his younger bro- 
 ther, Mohammed Rescliad Effendi was pro- 
 nounced by the National Assembly. The new 
 Sultan was proclaimed with impromptu cere- 
 mony in the afternoon, at the Seraskierat, to 
 which he went in the plain costume of a Turk- 
 ish gentleman. He was received by Mahmud 
 Shevket Pasha and his staff in the central court. 
 The Grand Vizier, the Sheikh-ul-Islam, Said 
 Pasha, President of the Senate, and Ahmed 
 Riza, President of the Chamber, stood at the 
 foot of the stairs. All kissed hands, and the 
 whole group, headed by his Majesty, proceeded 
 to a reserved chamber, the gallery above the 
 court being in the meantime crowded with Sen- 
 ators, Deputies, officers, journalists, and ordi- 
 nary sightseers. The Deputies and Senators 
 were then admitted to kiss hands, and a prayer 
 was recited. This ended the simple ceremony 
 of the day; but one of more solemnity occurred 
 on the 10th of May, when the Sultan received 
 the sword of Osman — the equivalent of a cor- 
 onation — in the Mosque Ayub, which Chris- 
 tians are never permitted to enter, and was con- 
 ducted in an imposing procession through the 
 streets of the city. 
 
 Mohammed Reschad Effendi, who reigns as 
 Mohammed V., was in his sixty -fifth year when 
 he came to the throne. Until the revolution 
 of the previous July he had been practically a 
 prisoner in one of the palaces on the Bosporus, 
 surrounded by the creatures of his jealous and 
 suspicious brother, without whose permission 
 he could not leave the palace grounds. Latterly 
 he had enjoyed some degree of personal free- 
 dom, for the first time in his life. An anony- 
 mous contributor to the London Times, who 
 had had an opportunity to meet him since the 
 revolution broke his bonds, wrote thus of the 
 interview : “I had the privilege of a long con- 
 versation with Reschad when I was in Constan- 
 tinople in the autumn, on condition that the 
 visit should be conducted with some secrecy 
 and should remain secret until the return of Ha- 
 midianism was beyond the range of possibility. 
 I believe I was the first European whom he had 
 seen since the revolution of July mitigated the 
 severity of the reclusion enforced for 30 years 
 by Abdul Hamid. The Heir Apparent was 
 still living in the Palace adjoining Dolma 
 Baghche, which had been his prison throughout 
 the reign, jealously guarded by the Sultan’s 
 Pretorians at the entrances from the main road, 
 and by a gunboat moored in the Bosporus 
 opposite the water approach. . . . 
 
 “ His Highness talked slowly and hesitatingly, 
 often lowering his voice to a whisper and cast- 
 ing furtive glances round the room as if he was 
 still haunted by the fear of spies, but he listened 
 eagerly while I told him of my own many jour- 
 neyings in Turkey, whose people I had known 
 since the beginning of the Hamidian regime , 
 occasionally interrupting me with an apposite 
 
 661 
 
TURKEY, 1909 
 
 TURKEY, 1909 
 
 remark, or asking for an explanation which 
 showed both interest and intelligence. There 
 was something strangely pathetic in this desire 
 for information about his own country, over 
 which his Highness was soon destined to reign. 
 A full hour’s conversation left the impression 
 that, given favourable circumstances and good 
 advisers, the Prince was well qualified to preside 
 over a period of peaceful transition.” 
 
 Punishment of the authors of the counter- 
 revolution followed quickly on the reestablish- 
 ment of constitutional authority, and it was 
 sternly meted out. As Mr. Hagopian expressed 
 the feeling of the Young Turks, in his letter of 
 April 26 to the New York Evening Post, they 
 ** could not afford to be lenient. The conspiracy 
 of April 13,” he added, “ was no longer a secret. 
 In the last two days 15,000 soldiers and 6,000 
 hodjas and spies had been arrested. In their pos- 
 session over half a million dollars had been 
 found. Where had this money come from? Who 
 could deny any longer that Abdul Hamid drew 
 from his bank about ten million dollars a month 
 ago ? His favored son, Burhaneddin Effendi, 
 went from barrack to barrack and distributed 
 the money among the soldiers. Former spies, 
 disguised in Turkish clergymen’s garments, 
 went among the troops and won them over with 
 the Sultan’s bribes. Soldiers, when arrested, 
 were found to have an average of one hundred 
 dollars ; some had two hundred, three hundred, 
 and even five hundred. Indeed, Abdul Hamid 
 was the head of the conspiracy, and the massa- 
 cre in Adana was instigated by his emissaries 
 sent from Constantinople. The old and the new 
 Yildiz cliques were not less responsible.” By the 
 12th of May thirty-eight executions had been 
 reported, most of them by hanging in public 
 places. “A member of the court-martial that 
 sentenced these men to death explained the rea- 
 son of the public hangings by saying that Con- 
 stantinople was such a city of rumor and tradi- 
 tions of corruption that, had the announcement 
 been made that these men had been executed 
 in private, it would not have been believed by 
 the masses. It was desired to impress the peo- 
 ple with the fact that the guilty had been pun- 
 ished.” 
 
 (April-Dee.). — Outbreak of Massacre in 
 Southeastern Asia Minor. — The first news 
 of the outbreak of massacre in southeastern Asia 
 Minor came to Europe and America in a tele- 
 gram from Constantinople, dated April 15, say- 
 ing: “A massacre of Armenians is in progress 
 to-day at Mersina, a seaport of Asia Minor on 
 the Mediterranean.” In this report the out- 
 break was ascribed to the provocation of a 
 murder of two Moslems by an Armenian ; but 
 nothing that appeared subsequently gave any 
 confirmation to this. The Sultan has been ac- 
 cused of having instigated the rising, as a 
 means of starting complications which might 
 check the Young Turks; but that remains un- 
 proved. 
 
 Mersina, from which the first report of mas- 
 sacre came, is thirty-six miles by railway from 
 Adana, the capital of the vilayet of that name 
 and an important missionary station of several 
 American missionary organizations. Adana 
 was a city of about 45,000 inhabitants, mostly 
 Mohammedans, but with Armenians in consid- 
 erable numbers and a few Greeks. The Chris- 
 tian missions included important schools. In 
 
 this city the murderous mob had begun its 
 work on the 14th of April, a day prior to the 
 Mersina report, and it is found to have been the 
 center of the deadly outbreak throughout. The 
 Moslem fury was directed against the Armeni- 
 ans, and, though two missionaries were among 
 the killed, they do not appear to have been ob- 
 jects of attack, but to have suffered incidentally 
 to the efforts they made for the protection of 
 their Armenian neighbors and their schools. 
 There were Turkish troops in the city from the 
 beginning of the slaughter, but they did no- 
 thing to stop it for five days. According to some 
 accounts the vali, or governor, kept them shut 
 up in quarters; according to others they took 
 part in the massacre. The Rev. Stephen Trow- 
 bridge, who was in Adana during these terrible 
 daj’S, declared a little later: “One man is re- 
 sponsible for the disorders here. This is the 
 vali himself. He had it in his power to suppress 
 lawlessness and massacre, but deliberately re- 
 frained from doing so. He said simply : ‘ We 
 are not responsible.’ The better class of Turks 
 in Adana,” Mr. Trowbridge continued, “the 
 members of the Committee of Union and Pro- 
 gress, are deeply grieved and saddened at these 
 dreadful events. Some of them are ready to 
 join us in relief work for the Armenians. One 
 Bey already has opened his house to refugees.” 
 This gives color to the belief that the out- 
 break was not mere mob-madness, but captained 
 in some way from a higher center of Turkish 
 authority. Such, indeed, was the firm conviction 
 of many who were witnesses of what occurred. 
 Writing on the 24th of April from Tarsus, 
 which bore its share of the widespread attack, 
 another missionary said: “The massacres all 
 began on the same day, Wednesday, the 14th, 
 showing, were there no other proof, that they 
 were inaugurated by telegraphic orders from 
 Adana, probably from Constantinople. The 
 only places where the Christians took up arms 
 for a short time to defend themselves were 
 Adana, Hadjin, and near the battle-field of 
 Issus; at the latter place they are still holding 
 out. The statement by Turkish officials that 
 there was an Armenian insurrection, that Turks 
 were massacred, and houses burned by the 
 Christians, etc., etc., are simply abominable lies. 
 This cannot be put too strongly. . . . During 
 fifty long hours, while battle and murder and 
 burnings were going on all around our school 
 and residence in Adana, the vali, though he had 
 hundreds of soldiers at the Konak, sent not one 
 to protect us and our property. ” 
 
 According to a report made some months 
 later, after investigations under the new Turk- 
 ish regime, and quoted from a Turkish news- 
 paper, the number killed in all parts of the 
 province was 20,008 ; 620 were Moslems, and 
 the remaining 19,400 were non Moslems. Of 
 the non-Moslems killed, 418 were Old Chal- 
 deans, 163 Chaldeans, 210 Armenian Catholics, 
 655 Protestants, 99 Greeks, and the remainder 
 Gregorian Armenians. The same report esti- 
 mated the destruction of property as having 
 been equal to two-thirds of the entire wealth of 
 the province. The appearance of Adana and 
 of the surrounding country after the massacres 
 were stopped was described by one who made 
 the journey from Tarsus to Adana, and who 
 wrote : “ Leaving behind us the ruins of Tar- 
 sus, and the hundreds of weeping widows and 
 
 662 
 
TURKEY, 1909 
 
 TURKEY, 1909 
 
 orphans there, we came by train to Adana. 
 Near the city the road runs for miles through 
 vineyards and gardens, in former days a beauti- 
 ful sight. But now it is a waste of desolation ; 
 all the houses of the Christians are heaps of 
 ruins; in and around those houses more than 
 five hundred were slain during the three terri- 
 ble days of April. The houses of Moslems have 
 not been injured. We noted a like contrast as 
 respects the numerous farms on the plain be- 
 tween Tarsus and Adana. And yet the charge 
 is made, and believed, that the Armenians were 
 the aggressors ! 
 
 “In the once prosperous Adana, nothing but 
 ruins ; it is like the pictures I have seen of 
 Pompeii. The wretched survivors wander by 
 twos and threes around the places where once 
 stood their happy homes ; they look more like 
 ghosts than human beings, these pale, dejected, 
 barefooted widows and orphans.” 
 
 On the 12th of May, after the Young Turks 
 had recovered power at Constantinople, the 
 Turkish Embassy at London gave out the fol- 
 lowing announcement : “ Order and tranquillity 
 prevail throughout the Sanjak of Djebel-i- 
 Bereket. Troops are arriving gradually and 
 are being distributed according to the necessi- 
 ties of each place. The local authorities at 
 Adana are about to proceed at once to confiscate 
 stolen property and to disarm Musulmans and 
 non-Musulmans alike. This measure will be 
 adopted generally in the other parts of the 
 vilayet as soon as the troops which are coming 
 from the various places have reached the posi- 
 tions to which they have been assigned. The 
 authorities are very busily engaged in finding 
 homes for people who are without shelter and in 
 supplying them with food. A Commission for 
 that purpose has been appointed at Adana.” 
 
 A Court Martial and a Parliamentary Commis- 
 sion were now sent to Adana to investigate the 
 massacre and punish the guilty. Their work 
 was soon showing results. On the 24th of May 
 a report came from Constantinople that “ Ferid 
 Pasha has informed a representative of the 
 Tanin that several of the soldiers who took 
 part in the recent massacres in Cilicia have been 
 arrested. Nine persons have already been con- 
 demned to death by the Court-martial. With 
 regard to the responsibility for the outbreak, 
 the Minister said that, while he could not de- 
 finitely ascribe it to official promptings, certain 
 officials had failed to do their duty, among them 
 the Mutesarrif of Jebel Bereket, who had been 
 imprisoned pending an inquiry into his con- 
 duct. The reactionaries had certainly played a 
 part in fomenting the outbreak, but other ele- 
 ments — which the Minister did not specify — 
 had contributed thereto.” 
 
 On the 13th of July it was reported that ‘‘an 
 Imperial Iradeli has been issued ordering the 
 arrest of the ex-Governors of Adana and Djebel 
 Bereket, the commander of the Adana garri- 
 son, and a number of notables of Cilicia, among 
 whom is the editor of the Itidal, the notorious 
 Baghdadi. ” 
 
 Two days later it was said that “ the ex-Gov- 
 ernors of Adana and Djebel Bereket have been 
 sent to Adana under a strong escort. Some 20 
 leading Moslem notables of Adana who have 
 been arrested will be immediately brought before 
 a Court-Martial. The Grand Vizier has given 
 orders for a manifesto to be prepared by the 
 
 Sheikh-ul-Islam, demonstrating by means of 
 texts from the Koran and the Traditions that the 
 duty of all good Moslems is to treat Christians 
 with justice and to regard them as fellow-citi- 
 zens with equal rights. It is to be distributed 
 by the kadis, muftis, and hodjas in every town 
 and village of the empire, and the most learned 
 ulema are to take it as their text in the sermons 
 to be preached during next Ramazan.” 
 
 July 18th the court-martial was stated to have 
 made a report which concluded as follows: 
 ‘‘‘Fifteen persons have been already hanged, 
 800 deserve death, 15,000 deserve hard labour 
 for life, and 80,000 deserve minor sentences. If 
 it is decided to proceed with the punishment, 
 we will draw a cordon around the town and deal 
 expeditiously with the matter.’ In view, how- 
 ever, of the general reconciliation between the 
 various elements, the Court-martial recommends 
 a general amnesty on the occasion of the Na- 
 tional Fete.” 
 
 The 11th of August brought accounts of the 
 publication of a declaration by a Commission of 
 three ministers in the Turkish Cabinet appointed 
 to prepare it, acquitting the Armenians of all 
 responsibility for the outbreak at Adana. This 
 declaration, drawn up after a careful examina- 
 tion of the reports of the members of the Par- 
 liamentary Commission on the massacres and 
 approved by the Council of Ministers, ascribes 
 the massacre to the ignorance of the population. 
 ‘‘In the reign of Abdul Hamid the people had 
 become imbued with the idea that every Arme- 
 nian was a separatist at heart, and were therefore 
 averse from equality with the Armenian com- 
 munity. They had become in consequence the 
 tools of religious or political agitators. The de- 
 claration censures severely the local officials for 
 their failure, not only to quell the outbreak, but 
 to warn the Government that the situation in 
 Cilicia was critical.” 
 
 One of the Deputies of the Parliamentary 
 Commission which investigated matters at 
 Adana gave, perhaps, a more distinct idea of 
 the causes that worked to produce the massa- 
 cres, in an interview published during August, 
 when he said: “ The massacre in Adana had two 
 strong causes : reaction and tyranny. The joy 
 of the July demonstrations [of 1908] had scarcely 
 passed when, at the beginning of August, tyran- 
 nical tendencies began to appear. The former 
 Mufti of Baklicheh went hither and thither de- 
 claring that liberty and the constitution were 
 the work of the Christians, that the constitution 
 was contrary to the Sheriat. In this way he 
 stirred up Moslems against the Christians and 
 the constitution. In place of the joy which ap- 
 peared among all classes during the first days of 
 the constitution, a spirit of revenge and enmity 
 against non -Moslems began to spread.” 
 
 Evidently the amnesty recommended by the 
 Court-martial in July was not granted ; for the 
 following telegram was sent from Constantinople 
 on the 12th of December to the London Times: 
 “ Twenty-six Moslems, who were sentenced to 
 death in connexion with the Adana massacres 
 in April last, were executed at Adana yesterday 
 and to-day. Order was maintained, although 
 the population was much moved, the women 
 relatives of the condemned publicly manifesting 
 their grief. One Armenian is awaiting execu- 
 tion.” 
 
 Nevertheless the Armenians have not been 
 
 663 
 
TURKEY, 1909 
 
 TURKEY, 1909 
 
 satisfied with the punishments inflicted, and the 
 Armenian Patriarch resigned in September, as 
 a mark of protest, maintaining that the real in- 
 stigators of the massacres went unpunished. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May-Dec.). — Hilmi Pasha, 
 Grand Vizier. — Parliament opened by the 
 new Sultan. — Constitutional Amendments 
 on Religion and Education. — The Commit- 
 tee of Union and Progress. — Change of 
 Ministry. — From the 1st to the 5th of May 
 Tewfik Pasha was Grand Vizier, by appoint- 
 ment from the new Sultan. Then, as had been 
 expected, Hilmi Pasha was called to his place, 
 and remained at the head of the Government 
 until the last week of the year. On the 20th of 
 the month the Sultan in person opened the ses- 
 sion of Parliament, and, after a speech from the 
 throne had been read by the Grand Vizier, pro- 
 nounced the following words: “I have sworn 
 to respect the Sheriat and the Constitution in 
 its entirety, and not to transgress for one instant 
 from safeguarding the national rights and inter- 
 ests of the country. You must now in return 
 take the necessary oath.” The oath was then 
 taken by the Senators and Deputies in turn, his 
 Majesty watching the proceedings from the Im- 
 perial box. On the 24th the Grand Vizier an- 
 nounced the programme of measures and gen- 
 eral policy to be undertaken by his Ministry, 
 and received, after debate, a vote of confidence 
 by 190 to 5. The reconstituted Government 
 was now a fully organized fact. 
 
 Questions concerning the attitude of the State 
 towards religion and education, as it should be 
 defined in the Constitution, were among the 
 earliest of high importance to be brought be- 
 fore the Parliament. On the 8th of June it 
 adopted an amendment to the article in the Con- 
 stitution of 1876 (see, in this vol.. Constitution 
 of Turkey) reading as follows : 
 
 “ Islam is the State religion. 
 
 “The State, while safeguarding this princi- 
 ple, guarantees the free exercise of all cults 
 recognized in the Empire, and maintains the 
 religious privileges granted to divers communi- 
 ties, provided public order and morality be not 
 infringed.” 
 
 On the subject of education the Constitution 
 was amended to read : 
 
 “Education is free. 
 
 “All schools are placed under the control of 
 the Government. The necessary measures shall 
 be taken to assure to every Ottoman subject a 
 uniform system of education. There shall be 
 no interference with the religious education of 
 the different communities.” 
 
 The Christian communities, especially the 
 Greek, objected strenuously to this, fearing that 
 governmental control would be found to mean 
 the imposition of the Turkish language in all 
 schools, as an instrument of nationalization. 
 
 Another proposed amendment, making mem- 
 bers of the Chamber of Deputies eligible for the 
 posts of Parliamentary Under-Secretaries of 
 State, failed to secure the requisite two-thirds 
 majority, and this was regarded as a defeat of 
 the civilian leaders of the “Young Turk” Com- 
 mittee of Union and Progress, who were sup- 
 posed to be desirous of holding the posts in 
 question, while sitting also in the Chamber. 
 
 The firm control of afFairs which the Commit- 
 tee in question had exercised throughout the 
 revolutionary movement, while keeping itself 
 
 mysteriously anonymous in the background, 
 had been extraordinarily successful, indicative 
 of high wisdom and a very genuine public 
 spirit. But the forces thus handled by the 
 Committee, especially in the military element 
 of the revolution, were growing restive, it 
 would appear, under the feeling of too much 
 subordination, and gave increasing signs of dis- 
 content with the invisibility of the wires by 
 which they were pulled. Without doubt, it 
 was evidence of this which led the Committee, 
 at a meeting at Salonika, in October, to resolve 
 and announce that their organization should no 
 longer be a secret society, but open to public 
 knowledge and directed henceforth by a respon- 
 sible executive. Whether the Committee did 
 or did not strengthen itself by thus coming into 
 the open, it has maintained its ascendancy and 
 still exercises a controlling power. 
 
 The second session of Parliament was opened 
 by the Sultan, on the 14th of November, with a 
 speech of roseate contentedness in its contem- 
 plation of Turkish affairs. Late in December a 
 change of Ministry occurred, in somewhat ob- 
 scure connection with a consolidation of steamer 
 lines on the Euphrates. A British line of steam- 
 ers, known as the Lynch Line, which had been 
 running on that river since 1860, was being 
 consolidated with a Turkish line that the Turk- 
 ish Government controlled, and something in 
 the transaction which raised an issue between 
 Parliament and the Grand Vizier. Hilmi Pasha, 
 led the latter to resign December 28. Nobody 
 seems to have doubted, however, that the real 
 cause of his leaving office was in the willing- 
 ness of the Committee that he should do so. 
 General Mahmud Shevket, the able military 
 leader of the Revolution, w r as invited to form a 
 Cabinet, but declined, as he is said to have done 
 before. The high office was then conferred on 
 Hakki Bey, Turkish Ambassador at Rome, and 
 Mahmud Shevket Pasha accepted office in his 
 Cabinet as Minister of War. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — Railway and Irriga- 
 tion Projects in the Tigris-Euphrates Delta. 
 — Sir William Willcoeks, the British engineer 
 who has been engaged for some time past in 
 surveys for the Turkish Government, having 
 reference to irrigation and railway improve- 
 ments for the reclamation of the great Mesopota- 
 mian region, made a report to the Ministry of 
 Public Works at Constantinople in October, 
 1909, of which the following account was given 
 to the Press through Reuter’s Agency: “Sir 
 William Willcoeks advocates the construction 
 of a railway from Baghdad to the Mediterra- 
 nean. The proposed railway v'ould start from 
 Baghdad, cross the Euphrates at Feludia, and 
 follow the Valley to Hit. At Hit the line would 
 take the Euphrates Valley and traverse the flat 
 desert in a straight line to El Ivaiin, near Abu 
 Ivemal, the northern limit of the cataracts. 
 From El Kaim to Der Zor, the Euphrates has no 
 cataracts, and the river Khabour, wdiich joins 
 the Euphrates at Mayadin, the ancient Rehoboth, 
 is, like the Euphrates, navigable during the 
 whole year. These parts of the Euphrates and 
 Khabour could be extensively developed and all 
 their products transported to El Kaim by boat 
 and thence by rail. From El Kaim the railway 
 would proceed to Tidmor (Palmyra) and follow 
 the old trade route over a flat desert supplied 
 with water. From Palmyra the line would go 
 
 664 
 
TURKEY, 1909 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1901 
 
 cither to Iloms or Damascus. The total length 
 of the railway from Baghdad to Damascus is 
 placed at 880 kilometres. 
 
 “ The report next deals with the works of 
 irrigation to be undertaken at once. These con- 
 sist of barrages of the Hindieh canal, dams on 
 the Habbania and Sakhlawia, and works for the 
 navigation on the Tigris. The total cost of the 
 entire works on the Euphrates is estimated 
 at £T1, 034,000, while that of the works on the 
 
 TUSKEGEE INSTITUTE: Its 
 
 Twenty-fifth Anniversary. See (in this vol.) 
 Education: United States: A. 1). 1906. 
 
 TWEEDMOUTH, Lord: First Lord of 
 
 the Admiralty. See (in this vol.) England: 
 A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 TWO-HUNDRED-AND-THREE 
 METRE HILL. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.). 
 
 TWO POWER STANDARD, Naval. 
 See (in this vol.) War, The Preparations for. 
 
 TURNEY, Daniel Braxton: Nominated 
 for President of the United States. See (in 
 this vol.) United States: A. D. 1908 (Apiiil- 
 Nov.). 
 
 TYRREL, Father George: Writer of a 
 Famous Letter on Questions of Religion. — 
 His death. — The Rev. George Tyrrel, widely 
 known as Father Tyrrel, died on the 15th of 
 July, 1909, at Storrington, Sussex, England. 
 He was the writer of a letter which gave a not- 
 able impulse to the movement of thought in the 
 Roman Catholic Church known as “ Modern- 
 ism,” which Pope Pius X. condemned as hereti- 
 
 Tigris is placed at £T1,110,480. The cost of the 
 works to be undertaken forthwith attains the 
 following figures: — On the Euphrates, £T822,- 
 700; on the Tigris, £T710,000; total, £T1,532,- 
 700. The railway could be built in two years, 
 while the irrigation works would take eight 
 years to complete. To begin with, one million 
 hectares of land would be restored to its former 
 prosperity out of five million hectares which 
 comprise the Tigris-Euph rates delta.” 
 
 cal in his encyclical of 1907. The letter was 
 addressed to an English man of science (sup- 
 posed to have been Prof. Mivart) who, being a 
 Roman Catholic, found difficulty in reconciling 
 his scientific convictions with the tenets of his 
 Church. Parts of the letter obtained publica- 
 tion in Italy, and led to the expulsion of Father 
 Tyrrel from the Society of Jesus. He then gave 
 publication to the full text of the letter, under 
 the title of “ A Much Abused Letter.” On the 
 appearance of the encyclical against Modernism 
 he criticised it with keenness, and was virtually 
 excommunicated from the Church. The fact 
 that on his death-bed, when stricken with 
 speechlessness, he received the sacraments of 
 the Church, gave rise to much controversy, as 
 to his volition in the matter and as to the justi- 
 fication of the priest who ministered to him. 
 
 Father Tyrrel had entered the Roman Church 
 in 1879, under the influence of the writings of 
 Cardinal Newman. 
 
 TZE-HSI: Dowager-Empress of China. — 
 Her death. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 
 1908 (Nov.). 
 
 u. 
 
 UGANDA: Its habitability by Whites. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Africa. 
 
 ULEMA, The. See (in this vol.) Turkey: 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 UNDERFED SCHOOL CHILDREN. 
 See (in this vol.) Poverty, The Problems of. 
 
 UNEMPLOYMENT, The Problem of. 
 See (in this vol.) Poverty, The Problems 
 of. 
 
 UNIFORM STATE LAWS. See (in this 
 vol.) Law and its Courts: United States. 
 
 UNITED DRY GOODS COMPANIES- 
 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : United States: A. D. 1909. 
 
 UNITED FREE CHURCH, of Scotland. 
 See (in this vol.) Scotland : A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 UNITED MINE-WORKERS, of Amer- 
 ica. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion : United States. 
 
 UNITED PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, 
 of Scotland. See (in this vol.) Scotland: A. 
 D. 1904. 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 A. D. 1901 (Sept.). — The Assassination 
 of President McKinley. — “On the sixth of 
 September, President McKinley was shot by an 
 anarchist while attending the Pan-American Ex- 
 position at Buffalo, and died in that city on the 
 fourteenth of that month. Of the last seven 
 elected Presidents, he is the third who has been 
 murdered, and the bare recital of this fact is 
 sufficient to justify grave alarm among all loyal 
 American citizens. Moreover, the circum- 
 stances of this, the third assassination of an 
 American President, have a peculiarly sinister 
 significance. Both President Lincoln and Pre- 
 sident Garfield were killed by assassins of types 
 unfortunately not uncommon in history ; Presi- 
 dent Lincoln falling a victim to the terrible pas- 
 sions aroused by four years of civil war, and 
 President Garfield to the revengeful vanity of a 
 
 disappointed office-seeker. President McKinley 
 was killed by an utterly depraved criminal be- 
 longing to that body of criminals who object to 
 all governments, good and bad alike, who are 
 against any form of popular liberty if it is guar- 
 anteed by even the most just and liberal laws, 
 and who are as hostile to the upright exponent 
 of a free people’s sober will as to the tyrannical 
 and irresponsible despot. 
 
 “It is not too much to say that at the time 
 of President McKinley’s death he was the most 
 widely loved man in all the United States ; 
 while we have never had any public man of his 
 position who has been so wholly free from the 
 bitter animosities incident to public life. His 
 political opponents were the first to bear the 
 heartiest and most generous tribute to the broad 
 kindliness of nature, the sweetness and gentle- 
 
 665 
 
UNITED STATES, 1901 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1902 
 
 ness of character, which so endeared him to his 
 close associates. To a standard of lofty integrity 
 in public life he united the tender affections and 
 home virtues which are all-important in the 
 make-up of national character. A gallant sol- 
 dier in the great war for the Union, he also 
 shone as an example to all our people because 
 of his conduct in the most sacred and intimate 
 of home relations. There could be no personal 
 hatred of him, for he never acted with aught 
 but consideration for the welfare of others. No 
 one could fail to respect him who knew him in 
 public or private life. The defenders of those 
 murderous criminals who seek to excuse their 
 criminality by asserting that it is exercised for 
 political ends, inveigh against wealth and ir- 
 responsible power. But for this assassination 
 even this base apology cannot be urged. . . . 
 
 “The blow was aimed not at this President, 
 but at all Presidents ; at every symbol of gov- 
 ernment. President McKinley was as emphati- 
 cally the embodiment of the popular will of the 
 Nation expressed through the forms of law as a 
 New England town meeting is in similar fash- 
 ion the embodiment of the law-abiding purpose 
 and practice of the people of the town. On no 
 conceivable theory could the murder of the 
 President be accepted as due to protest against 
 ‘inequalities in the social order,’ save as the 
 murder of all the freemen engaged in a town 
 meeting could be accepted as a protest against 
 that social inequality which puts a malefactor 
 in jail.” — Message of President Roosevelt to Con- 
 gress, Dec. 3, 1901. See, also, Buffalo : A. D. 
 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1901 (Sept.). — Settlement of Boxer 
 Indemnity from China. See (in this vol.) 
 China: A. D. 1901-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1901 (Dec.). — Communication of Ger- 
 man Claims and Complaints against Vene- 
 zuela. — The President’s Reply. — Interpre- 
 tation of the Monroe Doctrine. See Vene- 
 zuela : A. D. 1901. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — The “Boom Years” 
 in Trade and Investment of Capital. See 
 Finance and Trade : A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902. — Efforts of Secretary 
 Hay to maintain the “ Open Door ” in Man- 
 churia. See China: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902 (Oct. -Jan.). — The Sec- 
 ond International Conference of American 
 Republics. See American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1902 (Nov. -Feb.). — Negotia- 
 tion and Ratification of the Second Hay- 
 Pauncefote Treaty, relative to a Ship Ca- 
 nal between the Atlantic and Pacific 
 Oceans. See Panama Canal: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1903. — Urgency of President 
 Roosevelt for more Effective Legislation to 
 control the Operation of so-called Trusts. 
 See Combinations : Industrial, &c. : United 
 States: A. D. 1901-1903. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1903. — Purchase of Fran- 
 chises and Property of French Panama 
 Canal Co. — Failure of Canal Treaty with 
 Colombia. — -Secession and recognized Inde- 
 pendence of Panama. — T reaty with the Re- 
 public of Panama. — Undertaking of the 
 Canal. See Panama Canal. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1905. — The Cabinet of Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt during his First Term. — On 
 succeeding the murdered President McKinley, 
 to fill the unexpired term, President Roosevelt 
 
 retained his predecessor’s Cabinet, three mem- 
 bers of which remained in it throughout the 
 term. These were John Ilay, Secretary of 
 State, Ethan Allen Hitchcock, Secretary of the 
 Interior, and James Wilson, Secretary of Agri- 
 culture. Lyman J. Gage, Secretary of the 
 Treasury, resigned in 1902 and was succeeded 
 by Leslie M. Shaw. Elihu Root, Secretary of 
 War, was succeeded by William H. Taft in 
 1904. John D. Long, Secretary of the Navy, 
 retired in 1902, to be succeeded by William H. 
 Moody, who went two years later to the De- 
 partment of Justice, as Attorney-General, tak- 
 ing the place of Philander C. Knox, and being 
 followed in the Navy Department by Paul Mor- 
 ton. Charles E. Smith, Postmaster-General, 
 left the Cabinet in 1902, and his place was 
 taken by Henry C. Payne, who was succeeded 
 in turn by Robert J. Wynne in 1904. The De- 
 partment of Commerce and Labor, created in 
 February, 1903, was .filled first by George B. 
 Cortelyou, until 1904, then by Victor H. Met- 
 calf. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1905. — Urgency of President 
 Roosevelt for more effective Railway Rate 
 Legislation. See (in this vol.) Railways: 
 United States: A. D. 1870-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1906. — Governmental Action 
 against Corporate Wrongdoing. — A sum- 
 mary of Legislation, Litigation, and Court 
 Decisions. See Combinations, Industrial : 
 United States: A. D. 1901-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1909. — Progress of Civil Ser- 
 vice Reform under President Roosevelt. See 
 Civil Service Reform : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1901-1909. — The great National 
 Movement for an organized Conservation of 
 vNatural Resources. See Conservation of 
 Natural Resources^ United States. 
 
 A. D. 1902.- — Arbitration at The Hague of 
 the Pious Fund Dispute with Mexico. See 
 Mexico: A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Aug.). — Assertion to Ger- 
 many of Principles involved in the Right of 
 Expatriation. See Naturalization. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Jan.). — Founding of the 
 
 Carnegie Institution of Washington. See 
 Science and Invention: Carnegie Institu- 
 tion. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Feb.-March). — Visit of Prince 
 Henry of Prussia. — A visit by Prince Henry 
 of Prussia, brother of the German Emperor, was 
 an event of considerable importance, in what it 
 signified of friendly relations between Germany 
 and the United States. The Prince arrived on 
 the 22d of February and remained in the country 
 until the lltli of March, visiting and being en- 
 tertained at Washington (aud Mt. Vernon), An- 
 napolis, West Point, Philadelphia, New York, 
 and making a six days trip into the West. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (March). — Creation of a Per- 
 manent Census Bureau. — After long urging, 
 Congress, in February, 1902, passed a bill au- 
 thorizing the organization of a permanent Cen- 
 sus Bureau in the Department of the Interior. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (May). — Unveiling of a Monu- 
 ment to Marshal de Rochambeau. — A joint 
 resolution of the two Houses of Congress, in the 
 following words, was approved by the President 
 on the 21st of March, 1902 : “That the President 
 be, aud is hereby, authorized and requested to 
 extend to the Government and people of France 
 and the family of Marshal de Rochambeau, com- 
 
 666 
 
UNITED STATES, 1902 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1902 
 
 mander in chief of the French forces in America 
 during the war of independence, and to the 
 family of Marquis de Lafayette, a cordial invi- 
 tation to unite with the Government and people 
 of the United States in a lit and appropriate 
 dedication of the monument of Marshal de Ro- 
 chambeau to he unveiled in the city of Wash- 
 ington ou the twenty-fourth day of May, nineteen 
 hundred and two; and for the purpose of carry- 
 ing out the provisions of this resolution the sum 
 of ten thousand dollars is hereby appropriated, 
 out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise 
 appropriated, the same, or so much thereof as 
 may be necessary, to be expended under the di- 
 rection of the Secretary of State.” 
 
 The invitation was conveyed to the President 
 of France by an autograph letter from President 
 Roosevelt, while Secretary Hay, at the same 
 time, communicated it officially, through the 
 American Ambassador at Paris, to representa- 
 tives of the families of Marshal de Rochambeau 
 and the Marquis de Lafayette. France, in re 
 sponse, sent a battleship, the Gaulois, bearing a 
 general and an admiral, with two aids each, and 
 two officials from the foreign office. The invi- 
 tation was accepted by the present Count and 
 Countess de Rochambeau ; and, as explained by 
 Ambassador Porter in a despatch, “Mr. Gaston 
 de Sahune de Lafayette and his wife, not being 
 able to proceed to the United States, the invi- 
 tation is accepted for Mr. Paul de Sahune de 
 Lafayette, who has been living in the United 
 States for the last two years and who speaks 
 English. He is the brother of Mr. Gaston de 
 Sahune de Lafayette.” 
 
 The ceremonies of the unveiling of the monu- 
 ment took place at Washington on the 24th of 
 May, and were followed by official hospitalities 
 to the guests of the occasion at Washington, 
 Annapolis, West Point, New York, Newport, 
 and Boston. With the sailing of the Gaulois, on 
 the 1st of June, the formalities of the visit came 
 to an end. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (May). — Establishment of the 
 Republic of Cuba. — Transfer of Executive 
 Authority from U. S. Military Governor to 
 President-elect Palma. See (in this vol. ) 
 Cuba : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (May-Nov.). — The Restora- 
 tion of the White House. — Until 1902 the 
 residence and the executive offices of the Pre- 
 sident of the United States were crowded to- 
 gether in the historic White House, with in- 
 creasing inconvenience and impropriety. Many 
 projects for their separation had been discussed, 
 involving generally the erection of a new man- 
 sion for the chief magistrate ; but they had no 
 result until President Roosevelt, with charac- 
 teristic resolution, took the matter in hand. 
 His emphatic pronouncement that “under no 
 circumstances should the President live else- 
 where than in the historic White House” ap- 
 pealed strongly to a very common public feel- 
 ing, and smoothed the way for an undertaking 
 which speedily cleared the White House of its 
 secretarial and clerical offices and made it a fit 
 and worthy residence for the chief citizen of 
 the Republic and his family. 
 
 On consultation with the Park Commission of 
 Washington, and especially with the architect, 
 Mr. McKim, who was one of its members, as to 
 the expenditure of the annual appropriations 
 of Congress for repairs to the White House, it 
 
 was decided to be thriftless policy “to patch a 
 building that needed thorough reconstruction. 
 When asked for his ideas as to such reconstruc- 
 tion, Mr. McKim advised that a temporary one- 
 story building be located west of the White 
 House, nearly on the site once occupied by 
 Thomas Jefferson’s offices, and be distinctly 
 subordinate to the main building; and that the 
 White House be restored to its original uses as 
 a residence. This solution commended itself to 
 the President, but lateness in the session of 
 Congress seemed to make the project impossible 
 of immediate execution. 
 
 “The discussion was still in the academic 
 stage when, one day [in May, 1902], Mr. Mc- 
 Kim outlined his ideas to the late Senator Mc- 
 Millan, who straightway asked the cost of the 
 proposed changes. Pressed for an immediate 
 answer, Mr. McKim made a rough estimate. 
 The Sundry Civil Appropriation Bill was then 
 pending in the Senate Committee on Appropri- 
 ations, and within an hour from the time the fig- 
 ures were given that committee agreed to insert 
 an item for the restoration of the White House 
 and for the construction of temporary executive 
 offices. To Senators Allison and Hale the Pre- 
 sident afterward submitted the architect’s 
 scheme ; and when the item was reached dur- 
 ing the passage of the bill in the Senate, the 
 plan was received with favor, and the appro- 
 priation was agreed to without objection.” 
 
 It passed the House with equal promptitude. 
 The President then stipulated that “the work 
 should be completed in time for the next social 
 season, and that the executive offices and the 
 living portion of the White House should be 
 ready in November, 1902. That meant a cam- 
 paign. Stones for floors and stairways must be 
 selected piece by piece at the distant quarry; 
 steel must be found to replace the over-tired 
 wooden floor-beams ; velvets and silks must be 
 woven ; hardware must be fashioned ; and a 
 thousand and one details must be looked after, 
 because in less than six months the White 
 House was to be made over from cellar to gar- 
 ret, and every piece of woodwork, every item 
 of furniture, each ceiling and panel and mould- 
 ing, must be both architecturally correct and 
 also befitting a house of the latter part of the 
 eighteenth century. Such was the task which 
 the architects, Messrs. McKim, Mead & White, 
 took upon themselves. . . . 
 
 “The total amount which Congress placed in 
 President Roosevelt’s hands for both the execu- 
 tive offices and the White House was $530,641, 
 and he might expend the money either by con- 
 tract or otherwise in his discretion. This 
 amount was based on estimates furnished by 
 the architects, with the understanding that any 
 portion saved on one item might be used on 
 others, a very happy proviso, as it turned out, 
 because the electric wiring had to be entirely 
 renewed, new heating apparatus provided, and 
 even a new roof put on the house — all unfore- 
 seen requirements. . . . 
 
 “ At the outset the architects discovered that 
 simply by carrying out completely the early 
 plans as to the exterior, and by making certain 
 rearrangements in the interior, the . . . White 
 House problems could be solved, at least for the 
 immediate future, without destroying one single 
 feature of the historic building. . . . 
 
 ‘ ‘ By the restoration of the east and west ter- 
 
 667 
 
UNITED STATES, 1902 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1903-1906 
 
 races the White House now rises from a stylo- 
 hate 460 feet in length, thus greatly enhancing 
 the dignity of the structure. The roofs of these 
 terraces (which are level with the ground on the 
 north) are surrounded with stone balustrades 
 bearing electric lamps.” — Charles Moore, The 
 Restoration of the White House ( Century Maga- 
 zine, April, 1903). 
 
 A. D. 1902 (June). — Reclamation (Irriga- 
 tion) Act of Congress. See (in this vol.) Con- 
 servation of Natural Resources: United 
 States. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Oct.). — Failure of Projected 
 Purchase of the Danish West Indies. See 
 
 Denmark : A. D. 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1903. — Friendly course of Ger- 
 many in undertaking Proceedings, with Great 
 Britain and Italy, against Venezuela. — 
 Recognition of the Monroe Doctrine. — In- 
 termediation of the United States. — “If 
 any proof were needed of Germany’s purpose 
 to maintain good relations with our country 
 [the United States], her course in the Venezuela 
 matter [see Venezuela: A. D. 1902-1904] has 
 amply supplied it. Indeed, the fact that Ger- 
 many came to an understanding with our gov- 
 ernment before taking forcible measures against 
 Venezuela is of most momentous significance. 
 Why? Because this was the first explicit recog- 
 nition of the Monroe Doctrine by any Continen- 
 tal Power. It is a notable milestone passed in 
 the history of our country and its relations with 
 European governments. It gives the Monroe 
 Doctrine a validity no longer to be disputed. 
 All this was instantly recognized in Germany. 
 ‘America for the Americans,’ said a great Ber- 
 lin daily, ‘has become an irreversible fact.’ 
 German Jingo organs were dazed, and angrily 
 exclaimed, ‘ Must we ask permission at Wash- 
 ington to collect our claims from Venezuela? ’ 
 Papers of more rational temper, however, ac- 
 cepted Germany's course, as not only without 
 detriment to her dignity, but as in harmony with 
 her political interests. Indeed, this saner section 
 of the German press was even pleased that the 
 government had thus made such an emphatic 
 disavowal of the aims and dreams of the noisy, 
 fantastic Pan-Germans.” — W. C. Dreher, A 
 Letter from Germany (Atlantic Monthly, March, 
 1902). 
 
 A. D. 1902-1903. — Extension of Civil Ser- 
 vice Classification to Rural Free Deliv- 
 ery Service. — Order concerning Unclassified 
 Laborers. See (in this vol.) Civil Service 
 Reform : United States : A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1905. — Negotiation and Sen- 
 atorial Destruction of the Hay-Bond Reci- 
 procity Treaty with Newfoundland. See 
 Newfoundland : A. D. 1902-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1902 (Feb.). — Creation of the De- 
 partment of Commerce and Labor in the 
 National Government. — The Bureau of Cor- 
 porations. — “The establishment of the Depart- 
 ment of Commerce and Labor, with the Bureau 
 of Corporations thereunder, marks a real advance 
 in the direction of doing all that is possible for 
 the solution of the questions vitally affecting 
 capitalist and wage-workers. The act creating 
 the Department was approved on February 14, 
 1903, and two days later the head of the Depart- 
 ment was nominated and confirmed by the 
 Senate. Since then the work of organization 
 has been pushed as rapidly as the initial appro- 
 
 priations permitted, and with due regard to 
 thoroughness and the broad purposes which the 
 Department is designed to serve. After the 
 transfer of the various bureaus and branches to 
 the department at the beginning of the curreut 
 fiscal year, as provided for in the act, the per- 
 sonnel comprised 1,289 employees in Washing- 
 ton and 8,836 in the country at large. The scope 
 of the Department’s duty and authority em- 
 braces the commercial and industrial interests 
 of the Nation. It is not designed to restrict or 
 control the fullest liberty of legitimate business 
 action, but to secure exact and authentic infor- 
 mation which will aid the Executive in enforc- 
 ing existing laws, and which will enable the 
 G’ongress to enact additional legislation, if any 
 should be found necessary, in order to prevent 
 the few from obtaining privileges at the expense 
 of diminished opportunities for the many. 
 
 “The preliminary work of the Bureau of 
 Corporations in the Department has shown the 
 wisdom of its creation. Publicity in corporate 
 affairs will tend to do away with ignorance, and 
 will afford facts upon which intelligent action 
 may be taken. Systematic, intelligent investi- 
 gation is already developing facts the know- 
 ledge of which is essential to a right under- 
 standing of the needs and duties of the business 
 World. The corporation which is honestly and 
 fairly organized, whose managers in the conduct 
 of its business recognize their obligation to deal 
 squarely with their stockholders, their competi- 
 tors, and the public, has nothing to fear from 
 such supervision. The purpose of this Bureau 
 is not to embarrass or assail legitimate business, 
 but to aid in bringing about a better industrial 
 condition — a condition under which there shall 
 be obedience to law and recognition of public 
 obligation by all corporations, great or small.” 
 — Message of the President to Congress, Dec. 7, 
 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Feb.). — Passage of the Act to 
 further regulate Commerce with Foreign 
 Nations and among the States, known com- 
 monly as the Elkins Anti-Rebate Law. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Railways: United States: A. D. 
 1903 (Feb.). 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — Settlement of the 
 Alaska Boundary Question. See Alaska: 
 A. D. 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — Lease from Cuba of 
 two Coaling and Naval Stations. See Cuba: 
 A. D. 1903. 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — New Treaty with 
 China. — Two Ports in Manchuria opened to 
 Foreign Trade. See China: A. D. 1903 
 (May-Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1903 (Oct.). — Commercial Relations 
 with Germany as affected by the new Ger- 
 man Tariff Law. See Germany: A. D. 1902 
 (Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — The Financial Crisis. 
 See Finance and Trade : A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1904. — Contention against 
 Canadian claims to Sovereignty over Land 
 and Sea in Hudson Bay Region. — Canadian 
 Measures to establish it. See Canada: 
 A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1905. — Investigation and 
 Prosecution of the “ Beef Trust,” so called. 
 See Combinations, Industrial: United 
 
 States: A. D. 1903-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1903-1906.— Unearthing of Exten- 
 
 668 
 
UNITED STATES, 1908-1900 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1904 
 
 sive Frauds in the Land Office. — Late in 
 December, 1902, the Secretary of the Interior 
 Department, the lion. Ethan Allen Hitchcock, 
 received information which led him, with the 
 President’s approval, to demand the resignation 
 of the Commissioner of the Land Office, Binger 
 Hermann, of Oregon. Mr. Hermann was a man 
 of importance in the Republican party, and he 
 rallied powerful influences to his support. 
 They could not anchor him durably in the Land 
 Office, but they did delay his departure from it 
 for about a mouth, during which time he is said 
 to have destroyed thousands of letters and doc- 
 uments bearing on land frauds which he was 
 under suspicion of having protected and pro- 
 moted. Returning to Oregon from Washington 
 he sought and obtained from his party an elec- 
 tion to Congress, to fill a vacancy which death 
 had caused opportunely, and this seemed to 
 augment his political power. But agents of the 
 Interior Department were in Oregon and other 
 Western States at the same time, gathering evi- 
 dence which soon removed all doubt of the 
 huge conspiracy of fraud which Commissioner 
 Hermann had been a party to, and which had 
 wide ramifications wherever public lands of 
 value were open to entry, under the Homestead 
 Act, the Desert Land Act, or the Timber and 
 Stone Act. 
 
 The frauds were carried on under false ap- 
 pearances of compliance with the requirements 
 of law, and the dismissal of Hermann had not 
 cleared from the General Land Office all the 
 treacherous connivance which made them pos- 
 sible. Other allies of the land-thieves were 
 tracked to their official desks, some at Washing- 
 ton, some in the Interior Department, some in 
 Congress, and some out in the land offices at 
 the West. Then the Federal Grand Jury at 
 Portland, Oregon, began to turn out indict- 
 ments, on evidence handled by Francis J. 
 Heney, now entering on a famous career, as 
 special prosecutor for the Government. Mr. 
 Heney was appointed by the President on the 
 recommendation of Secretary Hitchcock and 
 Attorney -General Knox, with neglect of advice 
 from Oregon Senators and Congressmen. One 
 of the first of the indictments found struck an 
 Oregon Senator, John II. Mitchell, and brought 
 him to a prison sentence, which death rescued 
 him from. Another put a member of the House 
 of Representatives, J. H. Williamson, on trial ; 
 a third put its brand on a recently removed 
 United States District Attorney, John H. Hall. 
 Binger Hermann, a State Senator, and several 
 special agents of the Land Office were among 
 the other subjects of prosecution, besides a 
 large number of private operators in the land- 
 thieves’ ring. 
 
 These proceedings were at the beginning of 
 vigorous measures which have gone far to- 
 wards, if not fully to the end of arresting the 
 frauds which were rapidly robbing the nation 
 of the last of its valuable public lands. 
 
 A. D. 1904 . — Representation in the Inter- 
 parliamentary Union. See (in thisvol.) War, 
 The Revolt against: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (May). — Kidnapping of Mr. 
 Ion Perdicaris at Tangier, for Ransom. See 
 Morocco: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (May-Oct.). — The Louisiana 
 Purchase Exposition. See St. Louis : A. D. 
 1904. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (May-Nov.). — The Presiden- 
 tial Election. — Parties, Candidates, and 
 Platforms. — Election of President Roose- 
 velt. — The questions of leading interest and 
 influence in the canvass preliminary to the 
 Presidential election of 1904 were undoubtedly 
 those relating to the governmental regulation 
 of interstate railways and of the capitalistic 
 combinations called “trusts”; but those ques- 
 tions had not yet acquired the height of impor- 
 tance in the public mind which they reached be- 
 fore the next quadrennial polling of the nation 
 occurred. The question of tariff revision and 
 a moderated protective system, in the interest 
 of the great mass of consumers, was rising in 
 interest, especially at the West ; but that, too, 
 was but mildly influential in the campaign. As 
 for the imperialistic ambitions that had been 
 excited for a time by the conquests of 1898, 
 they had cooled to so great a degree as to offer 
 no longer much challenge to opposition ; opin- 
 ion in the country now differing on little more 
 than the length of time to which American 
 guardianship over the Philippine Islands should 
 be allowed to run. The voters of the United 
 States, in fact, made their election between the 
 men who were offered to it as candidates, far 
 more than between the parties and the policies 
 whom the candidates represented ; and Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt was reelected on personal 
 grounds, in the main, because the kind of vig- 
 orous character he had shown was greatly to 
 the liking of a large part of the people. 
 
 The first nominating convention to be held 
 was that of the Socialist party, whose delegates 
 met at Chicago, May 2, and nominated for 
 President Eugene V. Debs, of Indiana; for 
 Vice-President Beniamin Hanford, of New 
 York. 
 
 On the same day the United Christian Party, 
 whose declaration of principles appears below, 
 met at St. Louis. 
 
 The Convention of the Republican Party, 
 also held at Chicago, came next in time, June 
 21, and, with Theodore Roosevelt, of New 
 York, for reflection as President, it named for 
 Vice-President Charles Warren Fairbanks, of 
 Indiana. 
 
 The Prohibition Party, in convention at Indi- 
 anapolis, June 29, named Silas C. Swallow, of 
 Pennsylvania, for President, and George W. 
 Carroll, of Texas, for Vice-President. 
 
 On the 4th of July the People’s or Populist 
 Party held convention at Springfield, Illinois, 
 and nominated Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia, 
 for President, with Thomas H. Tibbies, of Ne- 
 braska, for Vice-President. 
 
 Meeting two days earlier, in New York City, 
 but in session some days longer, the Socialist 
 Labor Party named for President Charles Hun- 
 ter Corregan, of New York, and for Vice-Presi- 
 dent William Wesley Cox, of Illinois. 
 
 The convention of the Democratic Party 
 opened its session, at St. Louis, on the 6 th of 
 July. Its nominee for President was Alton 
 B. Parker, of New York; for Vice-President 
 Henry G. Davis, of West Virginia. 
 
 The National Liberty Party met at St. Louis 
 on the 7tli of July and put forth its platform of 
 principles. 
 
 The last of the nominations were presented 
 on the 31st of August, at Chicago, by a con- 
 vention representing a new party, the Conti- 
 
 669 
 
UNITED STATES, 1904 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1904 
 
 nental, whose candidates then named declined 
 and were subsequently replaced by Austin Hol- 
 comb, of Georgia, for President, and A. King, 
 of Missouri, for Vice-President. 
 
 With some abridgment, the declarations of 
 principles and pledges of party policy adopted 
 by these several conventions on the main ques- 
 tions at issue are given conveniently for com- 
 parison in the following arrangement by sub- 
 jects: 
 
 Trusts. —The Republican Party contented 
 itself with a brief boast of “ laws enacted by the 
 Republican party which the Democratic party 
 failed to enforce,” but which “ have been fear- 
 lessly enforced by a Republican President,” and 
 of “ new laws insuring reasonable publicity as to 
 the operations of great corporations and provid- 
 ing additional remedies for the prevention of 
 discrimination in freight rates.” 
 
 The Democratic Party condemned with vigor 
 the failure of Republicans in Congress to pro- 
 hibit contracts with convicted trusts ; declared 
 that “ gigantic trusts and combinations” “ are a 
 menace to beneficial competition and an obstacle 
 to permanent business prosperity ; ” denounced 
 “ rebates and discrimination by transportation 
 companies as the most potent agency in promot- 
 ing and strengthening these unlawful conspir- 
 acies against trade,” demanded “ an enlargement 
 of the powers of the Interstate Commerce Com- 
 mission,” “a strict enforcement of existing civil 
 and criminal statutes against all such trusts, 
 combinations and monopolies,” and “the en- 
 actment of such further legislation as may be 
 necessary to effectually suppress them.” 
 
 The People’s Party set forth the proposition 
 that, “ to prevent unjust discrimination and mo- 
 nopoly the Government should own and control 
 the railroads and those public utilities which in 
 their nature are monopolies.” It should “own 
 and operate the general telegraph and telephone 
 systems and provide a parcels post.” Corpora- 
 tions “ should be subjected to such govern- 
 mental regulations and control as will adequately 
 protect the public,” and demand was made for 
 “the taxation of monopoly privileges, while 
 they remain in private hands, to the extent of 
 the value of the privileges granted.” 
 
 The Continental Party contended for a guarded 
 chartering by Congress of “ all railroad and 
 other corporations doing business in two or 
 more States,” and for having the “creating of 
 ‘ corners ’ and the establishing of exorbitant 
 prices for products necessary to human exist- 
 ence . . made a criminal offence.” 
 
 The United Christian Party declared that 
 “ Christian government through direct legisla- 
 tion will regulate the trusts and labor problem 
 according to the golden rule.” 
 
 The Tariff. — -The Republican Party declared 
 “ Protection” to be its “cardinal policy,” main- 
 tenance of the principles of which policy is in- 
 sisted upon; wherefore “rates of duty should 
 be readjusted only when conditions have so 
 changed that the public interest demands their 
 alteration,” aud “this work cannot safely be 
 committed to any other hands than those of the 
 Republican party.” 
 
 The Democratic Party, on the contrary, de- 
 nounced “protection as a robbery of the many 
 to enrich the few,” favored “ a tariff limited 
 to the needs of the Government, economically 
 administered,” and called for a “ revision aud 
 
 I gradual reduction of the tariff by the friends of 
 the masses, for the commonwealth, aud not by 
 the friends of its abuses, its extortions and its 
 discriminations.” 
 
 The People’s Party declared for a change in 
 our laws that “ will place tariff schedules in the 
 hands of an omni-partisan commission.” 
 
 The Continental Party limited its declaration 
 on this subject to one pronouncing for an “ad- 
 herence to the principles of reciprocity advocated 
 by that eminent statesman, James G, Blaine, as 
 applied to Canada and all American Republics.” 
 Capital and Labor. — Public Ownership. — 
 Socialism. — The Republican Party recognized 
 “combinations of capital and labor” as “being 
 the results of the economic movements of the 
 age,” but “ neither must be permitted to infringe 
 upon the rights and interests of the people ” ; 
 “ both are subject to the laws, and neither can 
 be permitted to break them.” 
 
 The Democratic Party expressed similar im- 
 partiality, in favoring “ the enactment and ad- 
 ministration of laws giving labor and capital 
 impartially their just rights.” 
 
 The People’s Party pledged its effort to “pre- 
 serve inviolate ” “ the right of labor to organize 
 for the benefit and protection of those who toil.” 
 It would seek “the enactment of legislation 
 looking to the improvement of conditions for the 
 wage-earners, the abolition of child labor, the 
 suppression of sweat shops and of convict labor 
 in competition with free labor” ; also the “ex 
 elusion from American shores of foreign pauper 
 labor,” and “ the shorter work day.” 
 
 The Continental Party adopted these expres- 
 sions of the People’s Party, in identical words. 
 
 The National Liberty Party asked “ that the 
 General Government own and control all public 
 carriers in the United States.” 
 
 The Prohibition Party declared itself “in 
 favor of . . . the safeguarding of the people’s 
 rights by a rigid application of the principles of 
 justice to all combinations and organizations of 
 capital and labor.” 
 
 The United Christian Party pronounced sim- 
 ply for “ Government ownership of coal mines, 
 oil wells and public utilities.” 
 
 The Socialist Party pledged itself “to watch 
 and work, in both the economic and the political 
 struggle, for each successive immediate interest 
 of the working class”: for “shortened days of 
 labor and increases of wages”; for “insurance 
 of the workers against accident, sickness and 
 lack of employment ” ; for pensions ; for “ public 
 ownership of the means of transportation, com- 
 munication and exchange”; for graduated taxa- 
 tion of incomes, etc. ; for “complete education 
 of children and their freedom from the work- 
 shops ” ; for “ free administration of justice ” ; for 
 “ the initiative, referendum, proportional repre 
 sentation, equal suffrage for men and women,” 
 etc. ; and for “ every gain or advantage for the 
 workers that may be wrested from the capitalist 
 system and that may relieve the suffering and 
 strengthen the hands of labor” ; but in so doing 
 it proclaims that it is “ using these remedial 
 measures as means to the one great end of the 
 co-operative commonwealth.” 
 
 The Socialist Labor Party declared that “ the 
 existing contradiction between the theory of 
 democratic government and the fact of a des- 
 potic economic system . . . perverts govern- 
 ment to the exclusive benefit of the capitalist 
 
 670 
 
UNITED STATES, 1904 
 
 UNITED STATES. 1905 
 
 class”; wherefore, “against such a system the 
 Socialist Labor Party raises the banner of revolt, 
 and demands the unconditional surrender of the 
 capitalist class.” 
 
 Nomination and Election. — Initiative and 
 Referendum. — The Democratic Party declared 
 for the election of United States Senators by 
 direct popular vote. 
 
 The People’s Party demanded “that legal 
 provision be made under which people may ex- 
 ercise the initiative and referendum, and pro- 
 portional representation, and direct vote for all 
 public officers, with the right of recall.” 
 
 The Continental Party demanded “ the enact- 
 ment by the several States of a primary election 
 law”; the “ elimination of the party ‘boss’”; 
 “direct legislation by the method known as the 
 initiative and referendum,” and the possession 
 by each State of “the sole right to determine by 
 legislation the qualifications required of voters 
 within its jurisdiction, irrespective of race, 
 color or sex.” 
 
 The Prohibition Party expressed itself in 
 favor of the popular election of U. S. Senators ; 
 of “a wise application of the principle of the 
 initiative and referendum,” and of making the 
 right of suffrage “depend upon the mental and 
 moral qualifications of the citizen.” 
 
 Natural Resources. — Land. — Reclama- 
 tion. — Waterways. — The Republican Party 
 pointed simply to the fact that it had “passed 
 laws which will bring the arid lands of the 
 United States within the area of cultivation.” 
 
 The Democratic Party congratulated “our 
 western citizens upon the passage of the law 
 known as the Ncwlands Irrigation Act,” claim- 
 ing it as “a measure framed by a Democrat, 
 passed in the Senate by a non-partisan vote, and 
 passed in the House against the opposition of 
 almost all Republican leaders, by a vote the 
 majority of which was Democratic.” It de- 
 clared for “liberal appropriations for the im- 
 provement of waterways of the country,” and 
 pronounced its opposition to “ the Republican 
 policy of starving home development in order to 
 feed the greed for conquest and the appetite for 
 national prestige.” 
 
 The People’s Party asserted that “Land, in- 
 cluding all the natural sources of wealth, is a 
 heritage of all the people, and should not be 
 monopolized for speculative purposes; and alien 
 ownership of land should be prohibited.” 
 
 Each of the party platforms was fluent on 
 many other topics, such as the protection of 
 citizens at home and abroad, the Panama Canal, 
 territories and dependencies, injunctions, public 
 economy, taxation, monetary questions, pen- 
 sions, the civil service, army and navy, mer- 
 chant marine, liquor-licensing and prohibition 
 (the specialty of the Prohibition Party), di- 
 vorce, polygamy, etc. ; but these entered so 
 little into the canvass that the party declarations 
 on them had small effect, if any, on the popular 
 vote. 
 
 At the election, in November, the votes given 
 to the Republican nominees numbered 7,623,- 
 486 ; to Democratic, 5,077,971 ; to Socialist, 402,- 
 283; to Prohibition, 258,536; to People’s, 117,- 
 183; to Socialist Labor, 31,249. 
 
 The electoral votes cast were 336 for Roose- 
 velt and Fairbanks; 140 for Parker and Davis. 
 
 The States which gave Republican majorities 
 were California, Colorado, Connecticut, Dela- 
 
 ware, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, 
 Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, 
 Missouri, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New 
 Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Da- 
 kota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Is- 
 land, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, Washing- 
 ton, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wyoming, — 32. 
 
 Democratic majorities were given in Alabama, 
 Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisi- 
 ana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Caro- 
 lina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, — 12. 
 
 In Maryland, where the electors are chosen by 
 the Legislature, 6 votes were given to the Demo- 
 cratic candidates and 2 to the Republican. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Oct.). — Initial invitation by 
 the President to the holding of a Second 
 Peace Conference. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1904 (Nov.). — President Roosevelt’s 
 Renunciation of any Third Term Candidacy. 
 — On the evening of the day of election, as soon 
 as the result was known to have given him a 
 second term in the presidential office, President 
 Roosevelt issued the following acknowledgment 
 and announcement to the country : 
 
 “ I am deeply sensible of the honor done me 
 by the American people in thus expressing their 
 confidence in what I have done and have tried 
 to do. I appreciate to the full the solemn re- 
 sponsibility this confidence imposes upon me, 
 and I shall do all that in my power lies not to 
 forfeit it. On the Fourth of March next I shall 
 have served three and one-half years, and this 
 three and one-half years constitutes my first 
 term. The wise custom which limits the Presi- 
 dent to two terms regards the substance and not 
 the form. Under no circumstances will I be a 
 candidate for or accept another nomination.” 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1905 . — Beginning and Organ- 
 ization of Work on the Panama Canal. See 
 (in this vol.) Panama Canal: A. D. 1904- 
 1905. 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — Progress of State, 
 County, and Town Prohibition. See Alcohol 
 Problem : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — Arbitration Treaty with 
 Mexico. See Mexico: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . — Reopened Controversy over 
 American Fishing Rights on the Newfound- 
 land coast. See Newfoundland: A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905 . —Assistance to San Domingo 
 against threatening Creditors. See San 
 Domingo: A. D. 1904^-1907. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Feb.). — Concentration of 
 Forest Service in the Department of Agri- 
 culture. See Conservation of Natural Re- 
 sources : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (Feb. -June). — Recovery from 
 France of the body of Admiral John Paul 
 Jones. — On the 13th of February, 1905, Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt addressed a Message to Con- 
 gress which gave the following information: 
 
 “For a number of years efforts have been 
 made to confirm the historical statement that 
 the remains of Admiral John Paul Jones were 
 interred in a certain piece of ground in the 
 city of Paris then owned by the Government 
 and used at the time as a burial place for for- 
 eign Protestants. These efforts have at last re- 
 sulted in documentary proof that John Paul 
 Jones was buried on July 20, 1792, between 8 
 and 9 o’clock p. M. , in the now abandoned ceme- 
 
 671 
 
UNITED STATES, 1905 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1905-1909 
 
 tery of St. Louis, in the northeastern section 
 of Paris. About 500 bodies were interred there, 
 and the body of the admiral was probably 
 among the last hundred buried. It was encased 
 in a leaden coffin, calculated to withstand the 
 ravages of time. 
 
 “The cemetery was about 130 feet long by 120 
 feet wide. Since its disuse as a burial place the 
 soil has been tilled to a level and covered almost 
 completely by buildings, most of them of an 
 inferior class. The American ambassador in 
 Paris, being satisfied that it is practical to dis- 
 cover and identify the remains of John Paul 
 Jones, has, after prolonged negotiations with 
 the present holders of the property and the ten- 
 ants thereof, secured from them options in writ- 
 ing which give him the right to dig in all parts 
 of the property during a period of three months 
 for the purpose of making the necessary exca- 
 vations and searches, upon condition of a stated 
 compensation for the damage and annoyance 
 caused by the work. The actual search is to be 
 conducted by the chief engineer of the mu- 
 nicipal department of Paris having charge of 
 subterranean works at a cost which has been 
 carefully estimated. The ambassador gives the 
 entire cost of the work, including the options, 
 compensation, cost of excavating and caring 
 for the remains as not exceeding 180,000 francs, 
 or $35,000, on the supposition that the body 
 may not be found until the whole area has been 
 searched. If earlier discovered, the expense 
 would be proportionately less.” 
 
 The President recommended an appropriation 
 of the sum named, “or so much thereof as may 
 be necessary for the purposes above described, 
 to be expended under the direction of the Secre- 
 tary of State.” 
 
 On the 14th of April following a telegram 
 from the Ambassador at Paris, General Horace 
 Porter, announced that his “six years’ search 
 for the remains of Paul Jones” had resulted in 
 success, and described the identification of the 
 body. This had been verified by Doctors Capi- 
 tan and Papillault, distinguished professors of 
 the School of Anthropology, who had ample 
 particulars of information from which to judge. 
 Arrangements were made at once for sending 
 a naval squadron, under Admiral Sigsbee, to 
 France, to bring the remains to the United 
 States. This was done in the following June, 
 when the relics of the first of American naval 
 heroes received the high honors that were due 
 to his exploits. They were deposited in a vault 
 on the grounds of the Naval Academy at An- 
 napolis. 
 
 A. D. 1905 (June-Oct.). — Mediation by the 
 President between Russia and Japan. — The 
 Peace Treaty of Portsmouth. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan : A. D. 1905 (June-Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1905 (July). — Proclamation of the 
 Death of John Hay, Secretary of State. — 
 “John Hay, Secretary of State of the United 
 States, died on July 1st. His death, a crushing 
 sorrow to his friends, is to the people of this 
 country a national bereavement; and it is in ad- 
 dition a serious loss to all mankind, for to him 
 it was given to stand as a leader in the effort to 
 better world conditions by striving to advance 
 the cause of international peace and justice. 
 He entered the public service as the trusted 
 and intimate companion of Abraham Lincoln, 
 and for well nigh forty five years he served his 
 
 country with loyal devotion and high ability in 
 many positions of honor and trust, and finally 
 he crowned his life work by serving as Secre- 
 tary of State with such far-sighted reading of 
 the future and such loyalty to lofty ideals as 
 to confer lasting benefits not only upon our 
 own country, but upon all the nations of the 
 earth. 
 
 “Asa suitable expression of national mourn- 
 ing, I direct that the diplomatic representatives 
 of the United States in all foreign countries dis- 
 play the flags over their embassies and legations 
 at half-mast for ten days ; that for a like period 
 the flag of the United States be displayed at 
 half-mast at all forts and military posts and at 
 all naval stations and on all vessels of the Lfnited 
 States. I further order that on the day of the 
 funeral the Executive Departments in the city 
 of Washington be closed, and that on all public 
 buildings throughout the United States the na- 
 tional flag be displayed at half-mast. 
 
 “Done at the city of Washington this third 
 day of July, A. D. 1905, and of the Independ- 
 ence of the United States of America the one 
 hundred and twenty-ninth. Theodore Roose- 
 velt.” 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . — American Claims 
 against Venezuela. See (in this vol.) Vene- 
 zuela: A. D. 1905-1906, and 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 .- — Part taken in the or- 
 ganization of the International Institute of 
 Agriculture. See (in this vol.) Agriculture. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . — The new Period of In- 
 flated Exploitation of Capital. — Increased 
 Cost of Living. See Finance and Trade : 
 A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1907 .- — Receivership of San 
 Domingo Revenues. — The “ Modus Vivendi ” 
 and the Treaty. See San Domingo: A. D. 
 1905-1907. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — The Cabinet of Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt during his Second Term. — 
 
 During the second term of President Roosevelt 
 his Cabinet underwent the following changes : 
 On the death of John Hay, in July, 1905, Elihu 
 Root became Secretary of State, and continued 
 in the office until January, 1909, when he re- 
 signed, and was succeeded by the Assistant 
 Secretary of State, Robert Bacon. Leslie M. 
 Shaw left the Treasury Department in 1907, and 
 the secretaryship was given to George B. Cor- 
 telyou. William II. Taft continued in charge of 
 the War Department until his nomination for 
 President, in 1908, when General Luke E. 
 Wright was called to his place. Charles J. Bona- 
 parte, appointed Secretary of the Navy at the 
 beginning of the President’s new term, was 
 transferred in 1907 to the Department of Justice, 
 succeeding Attorney-General Moody, appointed 
 to the bench of the Supreme Court, and being 
 succeeded in the Navy Department by Victor 
 H. Metcalf, previously Secretary of Commerce 
 and Labor. In the Department of the Interior, 
 Secretary Hitchcock resigned in 1907, and 
 James R. Garfield, previously Commissioner of 
 Corporations, came into his place. George B. 
 Cortelyou had been called to the Post Office De- 
 partment at the beginning of the new presiden- 
 tial term, and transferred thence to the Treasury 
 Department in 1907. His place in the Post Of- 
 fice was then filled by George von L. Meyer. 
 The Secretary of Agriculture, James Wilson, 
 remained at the head of that Department 
 
 672 
 
UNITED STATES, 1906 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1906 
 
 throughout the term. On the transfer of Mr. 
 Metcalf from the Department of Commerce and 
 Labor to that of the Treasury, in 1907, his place 
 in the former was taken by Oscar S. Straus. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Joint Action with Mexico 
 in Central American Mediation. See (in this 
 vol.) Central America. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Act for the Preservation of 
 the Scenic Grandeur of Niagara Falls. See 
 Niagara Falls. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Dealings with Turkey facil- 
 itated by making the American Minister an 
 Ambassador. See Turkey: A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906. — Enactment of a National 
 Pure Food Law. See Public Health. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Jan. -April). — Represented at 
 the Algeciras Conference on the Morocco 
 Question. — Instructions to the Delegates. — 
 Declaration made on signing the Act of the 
 Conference. See Europe : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (March). — Supreme Court De- 
 cision enforcing the Demand of the Govern- 
 ment for the production of Books and Papers 
 by the so-called Tobacco Trust before a Fed- 
 eral Grand Jury. See Combinations, Indus- 
 trial : United States : A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April). — Laying the Corner 
 Stone of an Office Building for Congressmen. 
 
 — On the 14th of April, 1906, the corner stone 
 of a building designed to supply each member 
 of the House of Representatives with an office 
 was laid with ceremony, the President deliver- 
 ing an address. Besides 410 distinct offices, the 
 design of the building contemplated a large 
 assembly room for public hearings before com- 
 mittees of the House. Its estimated cost was 
 something over $3,000,000. A corresponding 
 office building for the Senate was also in view. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April). — Convention with 
 British Government for Determining and 
 Marking the Alaska Boundary Line. See (in 
 this vol.) Alaska: A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (April-July). — Long and Wide- 
 spread Suspension of Coal Mining, both An- 
 thracite and Bituminous. See Labor Organ- 
 ization : United States : A. D. 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (June). — The Joint Statehood 
 Act. — By the Joint Statehood Bill, approved 
 by the President June 16, 1906, Indian Territory 
 and Oklahoma were united to form the State of 
 Oklahoma, the people being authorized to adopt 
 a constitution. Arizona and New Mexico were 
 proffered a similar union, in a State to be called 
 Arizona. On the question of such union the 
 Bill provided for a vote to be taken in each Ter- 
 ritory, following which, if a majority in each 
 should be found to favor the union, delegates 
 to be chosen at the same election should meet 
 and frame a constitution for submission to the 
 people. The contemplated vote was taken at 
 the election of November 6, and resulted in the 
 rejection of the proposal by Arizona, while 
 New Mexico gave assent. The project was thus 
 defeated. 
 
 The plan of union was successful, however, 
 in the creation of the State of Oklahoma. Dele- 
 gates to a convention for framing its Consti- 
 tution were elected November 6, 1906 ; the 
 convention began its session on the 20th of the 
 same month, and finished its labors on the 16th 
 of July, 1907. By proclamation of the President 
 the new State, — the 46t.h of the Federal family, 
 
 — was admitted to the Union on the 16th of 
 
 6 ' 
 
 November following, under the Constitution 
 which had been ratified by vote of a majority 
 of the citizens of each of the Territories now 
 united in it. For some account of the Constitu- 
 tion, see (in this vol.) Constitution of Okla- 
 homa. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (July-Aug.). — The Third Inter- 
 national Conference of American Republics, 
 at Rio de Janeiro. See (in this vol.) American 
 Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Aug.). — The Brownsville 
 Affair. — On the 13th of August, 1906, a riotous 
 affair of a much-disputed nature occurred at 
 Brownsville, Texas, in which one man was 
 killed and two, at least, were wounded. The 
 shooting was alleged to have been done by col- 
 ored soldiers who formed part of a battalion 
 of the Twenty-fifth Infantry, U. S. Army, sta- 
 tioned at Brownsville. An investigation of the 
 affair convinced the President that some few 
 soldiers of the battalion were guilty of what 
 had been done, and that their comrades knew 
 of their guilt, but were shielding them, by as- 
 sertions to the contrary. On this belief he or- 
 dered the entire battalion to be discharged from 
 the service, and angry controversy over his ac- 
 tion arose at once. The negro soldiers were 
 championed by a considerable part of the Press 
 of the country, and by a section of Congress 
 when it met. The evidence of their guilt was 
 declared to be more than doubtful, and the au- 
 thority of the President to issue the order of 
 discharge was challenged. 
 
 In the annual report of the then Secretary of 
 War, now President Taft, the action of Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt was firmly sustained. Secretary 
 Taft’s version of the circumstances of the affair 
 was substantially to the following effect : Some 
 number of men, from a battalion of 170, formed 
 a preconcerted plan to revenge themselves upon 
 the people of a town for insults which they 
 resented. They left their barracks about mid- 
 night and fired into the houses of the town for 
 the purpose of killing those against whom they 
 had a grievance. They did kill one man, wound 
 another, and seriously injure the chief of police. 
 There can be no doubt, therefore, that this 
 squad of men were guilty ; the purpose of one 
 was the purpose of all. Within a few minutes 
 after the crime was committed, the men re- 
 turned to their places in the ranks (a call to 
 arms having been sounded), and must have been 
 among the last to take their places, for the fir- 
 ing continued after the formations had begun. 
 The absence of their rifles from the racks could 
 not have escaped the attention of the sergeants 
 who had the keys ; yet all the sergeants swear 
 that the rifles were in the racks, untouched. It 
 is impossible that many of the battalion who did 
 not take part as active members of the conspir- 
 acy were not made aware, by one circumstance 
 or another, of the identity of the persons who 
 committed the offense, instead of giving to 
 their officers or the inspectors the benefit of any- 
 thing which they knew tending to lead to a con- 
 viction of the guilty men, there was a conspiracy 
 of silence on the part of many who must have 
 had some knowledge of importance. “These 
 enlisted men,” said Secretary Taft, “ took the 
 oath of allegiance to the Government, and were 
 to be used under the law to maintain its suprem- 
 acy. Can the Government properly, therefore, 
 keep in its employ for the purpose of maintaining 
 
 r3 
 
UNITED STATES, 1906 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 law and order any longer a body of men, from 
 five to ten per cent, of whom can plan and com- 
 mit murder, and rely upon the silence of a num- 
 ber of their companions to escape detection ? ” 
 
 Mr. Taft then called attention to the fact that 
 “when a man enlists in the army he knows that, 
 for the very purpose of protecting itself, the 
 Government reserves to itself the absolute right 
 of discharge, not as a punishment, but for the 
 public safety or interest.’’ He thus corrected 
 the supposition that the discharge was a punish- 
 ment either of the innocent or the guilty. He 
 said further: “The discharge ‘without honor’ 
 is merely the ending of a contract and separa- 
 tion from the service under a right reserved in 
 the statute for the protection of the Govern- 
 ment, which may work a hardship to the private 
 discharged, but which, in the public interest, 
 must sometimes be arbitrarily exercised.” 
 
 Of the repeated investigations, Congressional 
 and military, that ensued, and of the protracted 
 disputation, led in Congress by Senator Foraker, 
 and echoed in the newspapers, it is needless to 
 attempt an account; for no greater certainty as 
 to the facts in the case can be recognized to-day 
 than when Secretary Taft's report was made. 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Aug.-Oct.). — Insurrection in 
 Cuba. — American Intervention called for. — 
 The Cuban Government dissolved. — Provi- 
 sional Government established by Secre- 
 tary-of-War Taft. See (in this vol.) Cuba: 
 A. D. 1906 (Aug.-Oct.). 
 
 A. D. 1906 (Oct. -Nov.). — Segregation of 
 Orientals in San Francisco Schools. — Re- 
 sentment of the Japanese. See Race Prob- 
 lems : United States : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — The Provisional Gov- 
 ernment of Cuba. — Reinstatement of the 
 Republic. See Cuba: A D. 1906-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906-1909. — The Reform of the 
 Consular Service. See Civil Service Re- 
 form : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1907. — Monetary Panic. — Distress 
 among the Speculative Great Capitalists. — 
 Industrial Paralysis. — Unemployment for 
 Labor. See Finance and Trade: A. D. 1901— 
 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1907.- — -Enactment of a new Law of 
 Citizenship. See Naturalization. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (Jan.). — Act to prohibit Cor- 
 porations from making Contributions in con- 
 nection with Political Elections. — The fol- 
 lowing Act of Congress was approved by the 
 President, January 26, 1907. “ That it shall be 
 
 unlawful for any national bank, or any corpora- 
 tion organized by authority of any laws of Con- 
 gress, to make a money contribution in connec- 
 tion with any election to any political office. It 
 shall also be unlawful for any corporation what- 
 ever to make a money contribution in connec- 
 tion with any election at which Presidential and 
 Vice-Presidential electors or a Representative in 
 Congress is to be voted for or any election by 
 any State legislature of a United States Senator. 
 Every corporation which shall make any contri- 
 bution in violation of the foregoing provisions 
 shall be subject to a fine not exceeding five thou- 
 sand dollars, and every officer or director of any 
 corporation who shall consent to any contribu- 
 tion by the corporation in violation of the forego- 
 ing provisions shall upon conviction be punished 
 by a fine of not exceeding one thousand and not 
 less than two hundred and fifty dollars, or by 
 
 imprisonment for a term of not more thau one- 
 year, or both such fine and imprisonment in the 
 discretion of the court.” 
 
 According to a statement presented to the 
 Senate in February, 1908, the laws of the fol- 
 lowing nineteen States and Territories contain 
 provisions for the publicity of election contribu- 
 tions or expenditures originally enacted at the 
 dates given : Alabama, 1903; Arizona, 1895; 
 California, 1893 ; Colorado, 1891 ; Connecticut, 
 1895; Iowa, 1907; Massachusetts, 1892; Minne- 
 sota, 1895 ; Missouri, 1893 ; Montana, 1895 ; 
 Nebraska, 1897 ; New York, 1890 ; Pennsyl- 
 vania, 1906 ; South Carolina, 1905; South Da- 
 kota, 1907; Texas, 1905; Virginia, 1903; Wash- 
 ington, 1907; Wisconsin, 1897. 
 
 The laws of the three following States, which 
 contain no publicity provisions, forbid corpora- 
 tions to contribute in any manner for political 
 purposes: Florida, 1897 ; Kentucky, 1897 ; Ten- 
 nessee, 1897. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (April). — First National Peace 
 Congress. See (in this vol.) War, The Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907 (June-Oct.). — Represented at 
 the Second Peace Conference. See War, 
 The Revolt against : A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907-1909. — The World-round 
 Cruise of the Battleship Fleet. See War, 
 The Preparations for: Naval. 
 
 A. D. 1908. — Supreme Court Decision af- 
 firming right to specially limit the Hours off 
 Labor for Women. See Labor Protection : 
 Hours of Labor. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Conditional Ratifica- 
 tion, by the Senate of the Peace Conference 
 Convention for the Pacific Settlement of In- 
 ternational Disputes. See War, The Revolt 
 against: A. D. 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Treaty with Great 
 Britain respecting the Demarcation of the 
 International Boundary between the United 
 States and Canada. See Canada: A. D. 1908 
 (April). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Convention for the 
 Preservation and Propagation of Food Fishes 
 in waters contiguous to the United States 
 and Canada. See Food Fishes. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April). — Passage of Act relat- 
 ing to the Liability of Common Carriers by 
 Railroad to their Employees. See Labor Pro- 
 tection: Employers’ Liability. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (April-Nov.). — The Presiden- 
 tial Election. — Parties, Candidates, and 
 Platforms. — Election of President Taft. — 
 In the interval between the presidential elections 
 of 1904 and 1908 the Trust and the Tariff ques- 
 tions had both received an increase of attention 
 and of real study, and were factors of more in- 
 fluence in the latter thau in the former election. 
 The energy with which President Roosevelt had 
 pressed both legislative and executive action, 
 towards a more effective restraint and regula- 
 tion of monopolistic combinations, had greatly 
 strengthened his party in public favor. His ex- 
 traordinary personal force, moreover, had made 
 itself felt in many quickenings and stimulations 
 of public spirit and of governmental action, 
 which gave a cheering experience to the coun- 
 try. The various ends to which this worked, and 1 
 especially on the lines which looked to the res- 
 cuing of the rich natural resources of the coun- 
 try from private monopoly and reckless waste t 
 
 674 
 
UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 became associated in thought witli the President, 
 and widely talked of as belonging to “ the 
 Roosevelt policies.” Popular satisfaction with 
 these policies and their champion would have 
 given Mr. Roosevelt a renomination by his party, 
 if he had not emphatically reiterated his pledge 
 of four years before, that “under no circum- 
 stances ” would he “ be a candidate for or accept 
 another nomination.” There were some who 
 strove to persuade him to be false to that pledge; 
 but they were not the people who esteemed him 
 most truly. Naturally the nomination that 
 would have gone again to Mr. Roosevelt if he 
 had been free to accept it sought a candidate so 
 closely identified with what he had stood for and 
 labored for that no departure from the favored 
 “ policies ” need be feared. Quite as naturally 
 that candidate won a large majority of the popu- 
 lar votes. 
 
 The first nominating convention held in 1904 
 was that of the People’s or Populist Party, 
 which sat in St. Louis April 2-3, and again 
 named its old leader, Thomas E. Watson, of 
 Georgia, for President, with Samuel W. Wil- 
 liams, of Indiana, for the second place. 
 
 Rev. Daniel Braxton Turney, of Illinois, was 
 the next to be named for President, and L. S. 
 Coffin, of Iowa, for Vice-President, by the 
 United Christian Party, at Rock Island, 111., 
 May 1. 
 
 On the 10th of May the Socialist Party met in 
 convention at Chicago and was in session until 
 the 18th, again nominating Eugene V. Debs, of 
 Indiana, and Benjamin Hanford, of New York, 
 for President and Vice-President. 
 
 The Republican convention was assembled at 
 Chicago, June 16-19, and its nominees were 
 William Howard Taft, of Ohio, for President, 
 and James Schoolcraft Sherman, of New York, 
 for Vice-President. 
 
 The Socialist Labor Party, at New York, 
 July 24, nominated, for President, August Gill - 
 haus, of New York ; for Vice-President, Donald 
 L. Munro, of Virginia. 
 
 At Denver, July 7-10, the Convention of the 
 Democratic Party named, for the third time, 
 William Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska, for Presi- 
 dent, and for Vice-President John Worth Kern, 
 of Indiana. 
 
 The Prohibitionists convened at Columbus, 
 Ohio, July 15-16, and the candidates named by 
 them for President and Vice President were Eu- 
 gene W. Chafin, of Illinois, and Aaron S. Wat- 
 kins, of Ohio. 
 
 The last of the parties to meet in convention 
 was that organized by William R. Hearst and 
 named the Independence Party. The candidates 
 put forward were Thomas L. Hisgen, of Massa- 
 chusetts, and John Temple Graves, of Georgia. 
 
 Of the eight political parties which offered 
 candidates to the voters of the nation, four pre- 
 sented them on special grounds, aside from 
 which their standing on other questions of pub- 
 lic policy was but slightly and incidentally made 
 known. The “ platforms” of the remaining four 
 were of the scope of general politics, defining 
 positions taken on all or most of the political 
 discussions of the time. The declarations of 
 these latter on the questions which enlisted real 
 interest in the country will be given, as in 
 the treatment of the party platforms of 1904, 
 under a dissected arrangement, by subjects, for 
 convenient comparison ; while the former cannot 
 
 easily be dealt with in that analytic way. In 
 both cases the distinctly declaratory text of the 
 platforms, only, will be given, with some 
 abridgment, as follows : 
 
 Trusts. — “The Republican Party,” it as- 
 serted, “passed the Sherman anti-trust law over 
 Democratic opposition, and enforced it after 
 Democratic dereliction. . . . But experience 
 has shown that its effectiveness can be strength- 
 ened and its real objects better attained by such 
 amendments as will give to the Federal Govern- 
 ment greater supervision and control over, and 
 secure greater publicity in, the management of 
 that class of corporations engaged in interstate 
 commerce having power and opportunity to ef- 
 fect monopolies.” 
 
 The Democratic Party demanded “ the enact- 
 ment of such additional legislation as may be 
 necessary to make it impossible for a private 
 monopoly to exist in the United States.” Among 
 the additional remedies required it specified 
 three: (1) “A law preventing a duplication of 
 directors among competing corporations”; (2) 
 requirement of a federal license for a manufac- 
 turing or trading corporation, ‘ ‘ before it shall 
 be permitted to control as much as 25 per cent, 
 of the product in which it deals, the license to 
 protect the public from watered stock, and to 
 prohibit the control by such corporation of more 
 than 50 per cent, of the total amount of any pro- 
 duct consumed in the United States”; and (3) 
 “ a law compelling such licensed corporation to 
 sell to all purchasers in all parts of the country 
 on the same terms, after making due allowance 
 for the cost of transportation.” 
 
 The People’s Party declared that “the Gov- 
 ernment should own and control the railroads 
 and those public utilities which in their nature 
 are monopolies,” including the telegraph and 
 telephone systems, and should provide a parcels 
 post. From those trusts and monopolies which 
 are not public utilities or national monopolies it 
 demanded a withdrawal of the special privileges 
 they enjoy; taxation of all such privileges while 
 they remain in private hands, and “a general 
 law uniformly regulating the powers and duties 
 of all incorporated companies doing interstate 
 business. ” 
 
 The Independence Party denounced all com- 
 binations which “ are not combinations for pro- 
 duction, but for extortion,” and demanded “ the 
 enforcement of a prison penalty against the 
 guilty and responsible individuals controlling 
 the management of the offending corporations.” 
 It advocated, “as a primary necessity for 
 sounder business conditions and improved pub- 
 lic service, the enactment of laws, State and 
 National, to prevent watering of stock, dishon- 
 est issues of bonds and other forms of corpora- 
 tion frauds.” 
 
 Tariff. — The declarations of the Republican 
 and Democratic national conventions touching a 
 revision of the tariff have been quoted already 
 in this vol., — see Tariffs : United States. 
 
 The Independence Party, like the Democratic, 
 demanded a revision of the tariff, not by its 
 friends, but by the friends of the people, and 
 declared for a gradual reduction of tariff duties. 
 
 Capital and Labor. — Injunctions. — The 
 Republican Party recited the enactments of the 
 existing Congress in the interest of labor, and 
 pledged “ its continued devotion to every cause 
 that makes for safety and the betterment of con- 
 
UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 ditions among those whose labor contributes to 
 the progress and welfare of the country.” On 
 the burning question of the interference of 
 courts of law, by writ of injunction, with labor 
 “ strikes,” it declared that, while “ the Republi- 
 can Party will uphold at all times the authority 
 and integrity of the courts,” it believes “that 
 the rules of procedure in the writ of injunction 
 should be more accurately defined by statute, 
 and that no injunction or temporary restraining 
 order should be issued without notice, except 
 where irreparable injury would result from 
 delay, in which case a speedy hearing thereafter 
 should be granted.” 
 
 The Democratic Party gave expression to the 
 same desire to maintain the dignity of the courts, 
 but had seen that “ experience has proven the 
 necessity of a modification of the present law 
 relating to injunctions,” and added : “we reiter- 
 ate the pledges of our national platforms of 1896 
 and 1904 in favor of the measure which passed 
 the United States Senate in 1896, but which a 
 Republican Congress has ever since refused to 
 enact, relating to contempts in Federal courts 
 and providing for trial by jury in cases of indi- 
 rect contempt. . . . We deem . . . that injunc- 
 tions should not be issued in any case in which 
 injunctions would not issue if no industrial dis 
 pute were involved ” Its further declarations 
 were against any “abridgment of the right of 
 wage-earners and producers to organize for the 
 protection of wages and the improvement of 
 labor conditions”; for “the eight hour law on 
 all government work”; for the enactment by 
 Congress of a “ general employers’ liability act,” 
 and for the creation of “a department of labor, 
 represented separately in the President’s cabi- 
 net.” 
 
 The Independence Party denounced “the so- 
 called labor planks of the Republican and Demo- 
 cratic platforms as political buncombe and con- 
 temptible clap trap,” and asserted “that in all 
 actions growing out of a dispute between em- 
 ployers and employees concerning terms and 
 conditions of employment no injunction should 
 issue until after a trial upon the merits ; that 
 such trial should be held before a jury, and that 
 in no case of alleged contempt should any per- 
 son be deprived of liberty without a trial by 
 jury.” In further declarations the party in- 
 dorsed “ those organizations among farmers and 
 workers which tend to bring about a just distri- 
 bution of wealth,” and favored legislation to “re- 
 move them from the operation of the Sherman 
 anti-trust law ” ; endorsed the eight-hour work 
 day, and would have it applied to all work done 
 for the Government ; called for legislation to 
 prohibit “any combination or conspiracy to 
 blacklist employees”; demanded “protection 
 for workmen through enforced use of standard 
 safety appliances and provision of hygienic con- 
 ditions”; advocated State and Federal inspec- 
 tion of railways to secure a greater safety for 
 employees and the travelling public ; con- 
 demned the manufacture and sale of prison- 
 made goods; favored a Federal department of 
 labor, with its chief in the Cabinet ; and called 
 for a Federal inspection of grain. 
 
 The People’s Party condemned “all unwar- 
 ranted assumption of authority by inferior Fed- 
 eral courts in annulling by injunction the laws 
 of the States,” and demanded legislation to “ re- 
 strict to the Supreme Court of the United States 
 
 the exercise of power in cases involving State 
 legislation”; condemned the “attempt to de- 
 stroy the power of trades unions through the un- 
 just use of the Federal injunction ” ; demanded 
 the abolition of child labor in factories and 
 mines, suppression of sweat shops, exclusion of 
 foreign pauper labor, the enactment of an em- 
 ployers’ liability act and measures against care- 
 lessness in the operation of mines; opposed the 
 use of convict labor; favored the eight-hour 
 work-day, and “legislation protecting the lives 
 and limbs of workmen through the use of safety 
 appliances ” ; declared that when working men 
 are thrown into enforced idleness works of pub- 
 lic improvement should be inaugurated. 
 
 Banking and Currency. — The Republican 
 Party approved “the emergency measures 
 adopted by the government during the recent 
 financial disturbances” and declared the party 
 to be “committed to the development of a per- 
 manent currency system, responding to our 
 greater needs.” It favored the establishment of 
 a postal savings bank system. 
 
 The Democratic Party pointed to the panic of 
 1907, “coming without any legitimate excuse,” 
 as furnishing additional proof that the Republi- 
 can party “is either unwilling or incompetent to 
 protect the interests of the general public,” hav- 
 ing “so linked the country to Wall Street that 
 the sins of the speculators are visited upon the 
 whole people.” It declared the belief that “ in 
 so far as the needs of commerce require an 
 emergency currency, such currency should be 
 issued, controlled by the Federal Government 
 and loaned on adequate security to National and 
 State banks.” It pledged itself “ to legislation 
 under which the national banks should be re- 
 quired to establish a guarantee fund for the 
 prompt payment of the depositors of any insol- 
 vent national bank under an equitable system 
 which shall be available to all State banking 
 institutions wishing to use it.” It favored a 
 postal savings bank “if the guaranteed ; bank 
 can not be secured, and believed that it should 
 be so constituted as to keep the deposited money 
 in the community where the depositors live.” 
 
 The People’s Party reiterated its belief that 
 “the issuance of money is a function of govern- 
 ment and should not be delegated to corporation 
 or individual.” It therefore demanded “that 
 all money should be issued by the Government 
 direct to the people, without the intervention of 
 banks, and shall be a full legal tender for all 
 debts, public and private, and in quantities 
 sufficient to supply the needs of the country.” 
 It also demanded postal savings banks. 
 
 The Independence Party made a similar decla- 
 ration, “that the right to issue money is in- 
 herent in the Government,” and it favored “the 
 establishment of a central governmental bank, 
 through which the money so issued shall be put 
 into general circulation.” It also called for an 
 extension of the parcels post system and for 
 postal savings banks, the deposits in which 
 should “be loaned to the people in the locality 
 of the several banks.” 
 
 Railroads. — The Republican Party ap- 
 proved the railroad rate law and “the vigorous 
 enforcement by the present administration of 
 the statutes against rebates and discrimina- 
 tions ” ; believing, “ however, that the interstate 
 commerce law should be further amended so as 
 to give railroads the right to make and publish 
 
 676 
 
UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 traffic agreements subject to the approval of the 
 commission.” It declared for legislation and 
 supervision to “ prevent the future overissue of 
 stocks and bonds by interstate carriers.” 
 
 The Democratic Party asserted “ the right of 
 Congress to exercise complete control over inter- 
 state commerce, and the right of each State to 
 exercise like control over commerce within its 
 borders ” ; and it demanded a needed enlarge- 
 ment of the powers of the interstate commerce 
 commission. It recommended a valuation of 
 railroads by the commission. It favored legis- 
 lation to “ prohibit the railroads from engaging 
 in business which brings them into competition 
 with their shippers”; to prevent the overissue 
 of stocks and bonds, and to “ assure such reduc- 
 tion in transportation rates as conditions will 
 permit.” It approved the laws prohibiting the 
 pass and the rebate. It favored giving to the 
 interstate commerce commission “the initiative 
 with reference to rates and transportation 
 charges,” also permitting it, “on its own initia- 
 tive to declare a rate illegal,” and otherwise en- 
 hancing its efficiency. 
 
 The Independence Party advocated “a bill 
 empowering shippers in time of need to compel 
 railroads to provide sufficient cars for freight 
 and passenger traffic and other railroad facili- 
 ties through summary appeal to the courts.” 
 It also favored “ the creation of an Interstate 
 Commerce Court, whose sole function it shall be 
 to review speedily and enforce summarily the 
 orders of the Interstate Commerce Commission,” 
 and it urged that the Commission “should pro- 
 ceed at once with a physical valuation of rail- 
 roads engaged in interstate commerce.” 
 
 Natural Resources. — Public Lands. — 
 Waterways. — The Republican Party indorsed 
 “ the movement inaugurated by the administra- 
 tion for the conservation of natural resources” ; 
 commended “ the work now going on for the 
 reclamation of arid lauds”; reaffirmed “ the Re- 
 publican policy of the free distribution of the 
 available . . . public domain to the landless set- 
 tler,” and declared it to be “the further duty, 
 equally imperative, to enter upon a systematic 
 improvement, upon a large and comprehensive 
 plan, just to all portions of the country, of the 
 water harbors and Great Lakes.” 
 
 The Democratic Party repeated “the demand 
 for internal development and for the conserva- 
 tion of our national resources contained in pre- 
 vious platforms,” covering lines of policy the 
 same as above, and adding “the development 
 of water power and the preservation of electric 
 power generated by this natural force from the 
 control of monopoly.” It insisted upon “a 
 policy of administration of our forest reserve 
 which shall . . . enable homesteaders as of right 
 to occupy and acquire title to all portions 
 thereof which are especially adapted to agri- 
 culture, and which shall furnish a system of 
 timber sales available as well to the private citi- 
 zen as to the larger manufacturer and con- 
 sumer.” It called for regulations “in relation 
 to free grazing upon the public lands outside of 
 forest or other reservations until the same shall 
 eventually be disposed of.” It favored the 
 “immediate adoption of a liberal and compre- 
 hensive plan for improving every water course 
 in the Union which is justified by the needs of 
 commerce,” with “the creation of an ample 
 fund for continuous work.” 
 
 The People’s Party declared that the public 
 domain is a sacred heritage of all the people, 
 and should be held for homesteads for actual 
 settlers only ; alien ownership should be for- 
 bidden. 
 
 The Independence Party rejoiced “in the 
 adoption in both the Democratic and Republi- 
 can platforms of the demand of the Independ- 
 ence party for improved national waterways.” 
 It declared for the reclamation of arid lands and 
 generally for the conservation of the country’s 
 natural resources. It called for provision to be 
 made for free grazing on public lands outside 
 of forest or other reservations. It protested 
 against the sale of water and electric light 
 power derived from public works to private 
 corporations. 
 
 On other subjects touched in their platforms 
 the declarations of these parties varied little 
 from those of 1904, and cannot be regarded as 
 having much historical significance. 
 
 Of the remaining parties, which are organ- 
 izations with special objects, the Socialist set 
 forth the most elaborate programme of de- 
 mands, under three headings, — General, In 
 dustrial, and Political. The first included “im- 
 mediate Government relief for the unemployed ” 
 by public works of many descriptions; collect- 
 ive ownership of railroads, telegraphs, etc., and 
 all lands ; “collective ownership of all industries 
 which are organized on a national scale and in 
 which competition has virtually ceased to ex- 
 ist” ; inclusion of mines, quarries, oil wells, 
 forests and water-power in the public domain. 
 Industrial demands included improved indus- 
 trial conditions; shortened work days; a 
 weekly rest-period of not less than a day and 
 a half ; effective inspection of factories and 
 shops: no child labor under sixteen years of 
 age ; no interstate transportation of products of 
 child labor ; substitution of compulsory insur- 
 ance against unemployment, illness, age, etc., 
 for all official charity. Political demands were 
 for extended and graduated inheritance taxes ; a 
 graduated income tax ; equal suffrage for men 
 and women ; the initiative, referendum, recall, 
 and proportional representation ; abolition of 
 the Senate; abolition of power in the Supreme 
 Court to pass on the constitutionality of legis- 
 lation ; amendability of the Constitution by a 
 majority vote , election of all judges for short 
 terms ; free administration of justice ; further 
 measures for general education and conserva- 
 tion of health. 
 
 The Socialist Labor Party repeated in sub 
 stantially the same words its general declara- 
 tions of 1904, against a “despotic economic 
 system,” as quoted above, under the heading 
 "Capital and Labor.” 
 
 The Prohibition Party embodied its funda- 
 mental object in demands for the submission of 
 a constitutional amendment prohibiting the 
 manufacture, sale, etc., of alcoholic liquors for 
 beverage purposes; suppression of the liquor 
 traffic in all places under the jurisdiction of the 
 National Government, and repeal of the internal 
 revenue tax on alcoholic liquors. To this it 
 added demands for a popular election of U. S. 
 Senators ; graduated income and inheritance 
 taxes; postal savings banks; guarantee of de- 
 posits in banks ; regulation of corporations doing 
 an interstate business ; a permanent tariff com- 
 mission; uniform marriage and divorce laws; 
 
 677 
 
UNITED STATES, 1908 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1908-1909 
 
 enforcement of law against tbe social evil ; an 
 equitable employers’ liability act ; court review 
 of post office decisions ; prohibition of child labor 
 in mines, workshops and factories ; suffrage 
 based on ability to read and write the English 
 language ; preservation of the resources of the 
 country, and improvement of highways and 
 waterways. 
 
 The United Christian Party, basing its plat- 
 form, as before, on the ten commandments and 
 the golden rule, favored “direct primary elec- 
 tions, the initiative, referendum, recall, uniform 
 marriage and divorce laws, equal rights for men 
 and women, government ownership of coal 
 mines, oil wells and public utilities; the reg- 
 ulation of trusts and the election of the presi- 
 dent and vice-president and senators of the 
 United States by the direct vote of the peo- 
 ple.” 
 
 The votes cast at the popular election, No- 
 vember 3, numbered 7,637,676 for the Repub- 
 lican nominees; 6,393,182 for the Democratic; 
 420,464 for the Socialist; 231,252 for the Pro- 
 hibitionist; 83,183 for the Independence ; 33,871 
 for the Populist ; 15,421 for the Socialist Labor. 
 The total of votes polled, including a few 
 thousands to other than party nominees, was 
 reported to be 14,863,711. 
 
 The States which gave Republican majorities 
 were California, Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, 
 Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Massa- 
 chusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Ne- 
 vada, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, 
 North Dakota, Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, 
 Rhode Island, South Dakota, Utah, Vermont, 
 Washington, West Virginia, Wisconsin, Wy- 
 oming, — 29. 
 
 The States which gave Democratic majorities 
 were Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, 
 Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Mis- 
 souri, Nebraska, North Carolina, Oklahoma, 
 South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, — 
 16. 
 
 Maryland, where the electors are chosen by 
 the Legislature, divided its vote, giving 6 to 
 the Democratic nominees and 2 to the Republi- 
 can. 
 
 The total vote in the Electoral College was 
 326 for Taft and Sherman and 157 for Bryan 
 and Kern. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (May). — The Emergency Cur- 
 rency Act. See (in this vol.) Finance and 
 Trade ; United States : A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (July). — Remission to China 
 of Part of Boxer Indemnity. See China: 
 A. D. 1901-1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Oct.). — Reply of Secretary 
 Root to the announcement from Belgium of 
 the Annexation of the Congo State. — Rec- 
 ognition of the Annexation reserved. See 
 Congo State : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Nov.). — Supreme Court Deci- 
 sion in Case of Virginia Railroads vs. the 
 State Corporation Commission of Virginia. 
 See Railways . United States : A. D. 1908 
 <Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Nov.). — Exchange of Notes 
 with Japan embodying a Declaration of 
 Common Policy in the East. See Japan: 
 A. D. 1908 (Nov.). 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Dec.). — Extension of the 
 Competitive System of Appointment to 
 Fourth Class Postmasters in a large section 
 
 of the Country. See (iu this vol.) Civil Ser- 
 vice Reform • United States: A. D. 1908. 
 
 A. D. 1908 (Dec.). — Relief for the Surviv- 
 ors of the Earthquake at and around Mes- 
 sina. See (in this vol.) Earthquakes : Italy. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Diminished Consump- 
 tion of Whiskey and Beer. See Alcohol 
 Problem : United States. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — The Government giv- 
 ing attention to Liberian Affairs. See Li- 
 beria : A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909 (Aug.-Feb.). — The Coun- 
 try Life Commission, and its Report. — On 
 the 10th of August, 1908, President Roosevelt 
 addressed a letter to five gentlemen whom he 
 asked to serve upon a Commission on Country 
 Life. The five thus addressed were Professor 
 L. H. Bailey, New York State College of Agri- 
 culture, Ithaca (named as Chairman of the 
 Commission) ; Mr. Henry Wallace, of Wallace’s 
 Farmer, Des Moines, Iowa ; President Kenyon 
 L. Butterfield, Massachusetts Agricultural Col- 
 lege, Amherst; Mr. Gilford Pinchot, of the 
 United States Forest Service ; Mr. Walter H. 
 Page, of The World's Work, New York. Subse- 
 quently, Mr. Charles S. Barrett, of Georgia, 
 and Mr. William A. Beard, of California, w r ere 
 added to the Commission. 
 
 In his letter to the original appointees the 
 President wrote : “I doubt if any other nation 
 can bear comparison with our own in the amount 
 of attention given by the Government, both 
 Federal and State, to agricultural matters. But 
 practically the whole of this effort has hitherto 
 been directed toward increasing the production 
 of crops. Our attention has been concentrated 
 almost exclusively on getting better farming. 
 In the beginning this was unquestionably the 
 right thing to do. The farmer must first of all 
 grow good crops in order to support himself 
 and his family. But when this has been secured 
 the effort for better farming should cease to 
 stand alone, and should be accompanied by the 
 effort for better business and better living on 
 the farm. It is at least as important that the 
 farmer should get the largest possible return in 
 money, comfort, and social advantages from 
 the crops he grows as that he should get the 
 largest possible return in crops from the land 
 he farms. Agriculture is not the whole of 
 country life. The great rural interests are hu- 
 man interests, and good crops are of little value 
 to the farmer unless they open the door to a 
 good kind of life on the farm The farm- 
 
 ers have hitherto had less than their full share 
 of public attention along the lines of business 
 and social life. There is too much belief among 
 all our people that the prizes of life lie away 
 from the farm.” 
 
 The Commission entered promptly on its task, 
 of obtaining vride and exact information as to 
 the existing conditions of farm life and work in 
 the country, as to homes and schools; means of 
 communication and intercourse, by postal ser- 
 vice, telephone, highway, electric railway and 
 other railways; neighborhood organizations to 
 promote mutual advantages in buying and sell- 
 ing ; profitable sale of products ; supply of la- 
 bor ; facilities for business in banking, credit, 
 insurance ; sanitary conditions ; social entertain- 
 ment ; meetings for mutual improvement, etc , 
 etc. This was sought, in the first instance, by 
 a circular of questions, about 550,000 copies of 
 
 678 
 
UNITED STATES, 1908-1909 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1908-1909 
 
 which were sent to names supplied by the 
 United States Department of Agriculture, state 
 experiment stations, farmers’ societies, women’s 
 clubs, to rural free deliverymen, country phy- 
 sicians and ministers, and others. To these in- 
 quiries about 115,000 persons have replied be- 
 fore the report of the Commission was made, 
 “mostly with much care and with every evi- 
 dence of good faith.’’ 
 
 In addition to the replies given to the circular 
 questions, a great number of persons sent care- 
 fully written letters and statements that were 
 invaluable. At thirty places, in all sections of 
 the country, the Commission, or part of it, held 
 appointed hearings in November and December, 
 and obtained much light from those. Its report 
 of the conclusions to which it had been led was 
 presented to the President on the 23d of Janu- 
 ary, 1909, aud transmitted by him to Congress 
 on February 9th. 
 
 The Commission found an unquestionable 
 lack in the country of a well organized rural 
 society, and came to clear conclusions concern- 
 ing the many causes therefor, which are fully 
 discussed in its report. The leading specific 
 causes are summarized with brevity at the out- 
 set, as follows . 
 
 “A lack of knowledge on the part of farmers 
 of the exact agricultural conditions and possi- 
 bilities of their regions ; 
 
 “ Lack of good training for country life in the 
 schools ; 
 
 “The disadvantage or handicap of the farmer 
 as against the established business systems and 
 interests, preventing him from securing ade- 
 quate returns for his products, depriving him of 
 the benefits that would result from unmonopo- 
 lized rivers and the conservation of forests, and 
 depriving the community, in many cases, of the 
 good that would come from the use of great 
 tracts of agricultural land that are now held for 
 speculative purposes ; 
 
 “ Lack of good highway facilities ; 
 
 “The widespread continuing depletion of 
 soils, with the injurious effect on rural life ; 
 
 “A general need of new and active leader- 
 ship. 
 
 “Other causes contributing to the general re- 
 sult are : Lack of any adequate system of agri- 
 cultural credit, whereby the farmer may readily 
 secure loans on fair terms ; the shortage of labor, 
 a condition that is often complicated by intem- 
 perance among workmen ; lack of institutions 
 and incentives that tie the laboring man to the 
 soil ; the burdens and the narrow life of farm 
 women ; lack of adequate supervision of public 
 health.” 
 
 To this summary of main deficiencies the 
 Commission adds the following, of chief rem- 
 edies : 
 
 “ Congress can remove some of the handicaps 
 of the farmer, and it can also set some kinds of 
 work in motion, such as: 
 
 “ The encouragement of a system of thorough- 
 going surveys of all agricultural regions, in 
 order to take stock and collect local fact, with 
 the idea of providing a basis on which to 
 develop a scientifically and economically sound 
 country life ; 
 
 “ The encouragement of a system of extension 
 work in rural communities, through all the land- 
 grant colleges, to the people at their homes and 
 on their farms ; 
 
 “ A thorough investigation by experts of the 
 middleman system of handling farm products, 
 coupled with a general inquiry into the farmer’s 
 disadvantages in respect to taxation, transporta- 
 tion rates, cooperative organizations and credit, 
 and the general business system ; 
 
 “An inquiry into the control and use of the 
 streams of the United States, with the object of 
 protecting the people in their ownership and 
 of saving to agricultural uses such benefits as 
 should be reserved for these purposes ; 
 
 “The establishing of a highway engineering 
 service, or equivalent organization, to be at the 
 call of the States in working out effective and 
 economical highway systems; 
 
 “ The establishing of a system of parcel posts 
 and postal savings banks ; 
 
 “Providing some means or agency for the 
 guidance of public opinion toward the devel- 
 opment of a real rural society that shall rest 
 directly on the land. . . . 
 
 “Remedies of a more general nature are: A 
 broad campaign of publicity, that must be un- 
 dertaken until all the people are informed on the 
 whole subject of rural life, and until there is an 
 awakened appreciation of the necessity of giv- 
 ing this phase of our national development as 
 much attention as has been given to other 
 phases or interests; a quickened sense of respon- 
 sibility in all country people, to the community 
 and to the State, in the conserving of soil fertil- 
 ity, and in the necessity for diversifying farm- 
 ing in order to conserve this fertility and to 
 develop a better rural society, and also in the 
 better safe-guarding of the strength and happi- 
 ness of the farm women ; a more widespread 
 conviction of the necessity for organization, not 
 only for economic but for social purposes, this 
 organization to be more or less cooperative, so 
 that all the people may share equally in the 
 benefits and have voice in the essential affairs 
 of the community ; a realization on the part of 
 the farmer that he has a distinct natural respon- 
 sibility toward the laborer in providing him 
 with good living facilities and in helping him in 
 every way to be a man among men ; and a real- 
 ization on the part of all the people of the obli- 
 gation to protect and develop the natural 
 scenery and attractiveness of the open country. 
 
 “Certain remedies lie with voluntary organi- 
 zations and institutions. All organized forces, 
 both in town and country, should understand 
 that there are country phases as well as city 
 phases of our civilization, and that one phase 
 needs help as much as the other.” 
 
 In his Message communicating the reports of 
 the Commission to Congress the President fo- 
 cussed attention on four “ great general and im- 
 mediate needs of country life ” which stand out 
 of the exhibit before all others: 
 
 “First, effective cooperation among farmers, 
 to put them on a level with the organized inter- 
 ests with which they do business. 
 
 “ Second, a new kind of schools in the country, 
 which shall teach the children as much outdoors 
 as indoors and perhaps more, so that they will 
 prepare for country life, and not as at present, 
 mainly for life in town. 
 
 “Third, better means of communication, in- 
 cluding good roads and a parcels post, which 
 the country people are everywhere, and rightly, 
 unanimous in demanding. 
 
 “To these may well be added better sanita- 
 
 679 
 
UNITED STATES, 1908-1909 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1909 
 
 tion: for easily preventable diseases hold several 
 million country people in the slavery of contin- 
 uous ill health. 
 
 “The commission points out, and I concur in 
 the conclusion, that the most important help 
 that the Government, whether National or State, 
 can give is to show the people how to go about 
 these tasks of organization, education, and com- 
 munication with the best and quickest results. 
 This can be done by the collection and spread 
 of information.” 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Spasmodic Process of 
 Recovery from the Financial Crisis of 1907. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Finance and Trade : A. D. 
 1901-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1908-1909. — Second Conference of 
 State Governors and Report of National Con- 
 servation Commission. — - Its Inventory of 
 Natural Resources. See Conservation of 
 Natural Resources: United States. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Existing Treaties with 
 China and existing Enactments relative to 
 the Admission of Chinamen to the United 
 States. — The Question of their Consistency 
 with each other.- — Chinese Complaints. — 
 The present Status of the Question. See 
 Race Problems: United States. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — The Census Bill and the 
 President’s Veto. — The Amended Bill, 
 which became Law. See Civil Service Re- 
 form: United States. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Protest against the Russo- 
 Chinese Agreement of May, relative to Mu- 
 nicipalities on the line of the Chinese East- 
 ern Railway. See China: A. D. 1909 (May). 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Trouble with Nicaragua. See 
 Central America : A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Jan.). — The Waterways 
 Treaty with Great Britain, concerning 
 Waters between the United States and 
 Canada. See Canada: A. D. 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — Anti-Opium Act. See 
 Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — Initiative in securing 
 International Opium Commission at Shang- 
 hai. See Opium Problem. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Feb.). — Invitation of Canada 
 and Mexicoto aConference on the Conserva- 
 tion of Natural Resources. See Conservation 
 of Natural Resources : North America. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March). — The Inauguration 
 of President Taft. — Intimations of Policy 
 in his Inaugural Address. - — His Cabinet. — 
 The ceremonies of the inauguration of President 
 Taft on the 4 th of March were performed under 
 singularly unfavorable circumstances, in conse- 
 quence of one of the most dreadful storms that 
 ever visited the Capital. Trains blocked by it 
 contained thousands of people who reached 
 Washington too late for what they had trav- 
 elled far to witness or to take part in, while 
 those who did arrive on the scene were hardly 
 gladdened by their success. The President, how- 
 ever, accepted the untoward conditions with a 
 characteristic high-hearted equanimity. His 
 inaugural address, delivered in the Senate 
 Chamber, instead of in the open air at the East 
 front of the Capitol, opened with the following 
 words : 
 
 “Any one who takes the oath I have just 
 taken must feel a heavy weight of responsibility. 
 If not, he has no conception of the powers and 
 duties of the office upon which he is about to 
 
 enter, or he is lacking in a proper sense of the 
 obligation which the oath imposes. 
 
 “The office of an inaugural address is to give 
 a summary outline of the main policies of the 
 new Administration, so far as they can be anti- 
 cipated. I have had the honor to be one of the 
 advisers of my distinguished predecessor, and as 
 such, to hold up his hands in the reforms he has 
 initiated. I should be untrue to myself, to my 
 promises, and to the declarations of the party 
 platform upon which I was elected to office, if 
 I did not make the maintenance and enforcement 
 of those reforms a most important feature of 
 my administration. They were directed to the 
 suppression of the lawlessness and abuses of 
 power of the great combinations of capital in- 
 vested in railroads and in industrial enterprises 
 carrying on interstate commerce. The steps 
 which my predecessor took and the legislation 
 passed on his recommendation have accom- 
 plished much, have caused a general halt in the 
 vicious policies which created popular alarm, 
 and have brought about, in the business af- 
 fected, a much higher regard for existing law. 
 To render the reforms lasting, however, and to 
 secure at the same time freedom from alarm on 
 the part of those pursuing proper and progres- 
 sive business methods, further legislative and 
 executive action are needed.” 
 
 From this general intimation of the course to 
 which his mind was turned, the incoming Pre- 
 sident went on to a more specific unfolding of 
 his views on many subjects of governmental 
 care. The following is a summary of the sug- 
 gestions of future policy conveyed in the Ad- 
 dress : 
 
 Reorganization of the Department of Justice 
 and the Bureau of Corporations of the Depart- 
 ment of Commerce and Labor and of the Inter- 
 state Commerce Commission. 
 
 Tariff revision in accord with the promises 
 made in the national platform adopted at Chi- 
 cago. 
 
 A continuation of scientific experiments in 
 the Department of Agriculture for the improve- 
 ment of agricultural conditions. 
 
 The enactment and carrying out of laws for 
 the conservation of the resources of the country. 
 
 Maintenance of the army and navy in such a 
 state of preparation as will insure a continuance 
 of peace with other countries. 
 
 A continuation of that treatment of aliens 
 which will insure for the people of the United 
 States respect and fair treatment among the 
 peoples of other countries. 
 
 The enactment of legislation which will em- 
 power the Federal government to enforce treaty 
 promises made to other countries within every 
 State. 
 
 Such changes in the monetary and banking 
 laws as will insure a greater elasticity of the 
 currency. 
 
 The enactment of a law providing for postal 
 savings banks. 
 
 The encouragement of American shipping 
 through the use of mail subsidies. 
 
 A continuation of work on the Panama canal 
 along the plans which have been adopted for a 
 lock type with such energy as will insure the 
 earliest possible completion of the work. 
 
 The continuation of a colonial policy which 
 will still further increase the business prosper- 
 ity of our dependencies. 
 
 680 
 
UNITED STATES, 1909 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1909 
 
 The betterment of the condition of the negro 
 in the South through observance of principles 
 laid down in the Fifteenth Amendment. 
 
 The promotion of legislation for the protec- 
 tion of labor and the betterment of labor condi- 
 tions. 
 
 On the day following his inauguration the 
 President named his chosen Cabinet to the Sen- 
 ate, and the nominations were duly confirmed, 
 as follows . 
 
 Philander C. Knox of Pennsylvania, to be 
 Secretary of State. 
 
 Franklin MacVeagh of Illinois, to be Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury. 
 
 Jacob M. Dickinson of Tennessee, to be 
 Secretary of W ar. 
 
 George W. Wickersham of New York, to be 
 Attorney-General. 
 
 Frank II. Hitchcock of Massachusetts, to be 
 Postmaster-General. 
 
 George von L. Meyer of Massachusetts, to be 
 Secretary of the Navy. 
 
 Richard A. Ballinger of Washington, to be 
 Secretary of the Interior. 
 
 James Wilson of Iowa, to be Secretary of 
 Agriculture. 
 
 Charles Nagel of Missouri, to be Secretary of 
 Commerce and Labor. 
 
 A few days after the appointment of the 
 Cabinet, Mr. Dickinson, the new Secretary of 
 War, in a speech at Chicago, explained why 
 President Taft had chosen him, a Democrat, for 
 a place in a Republican Cabinet, and why he 
 had accepted it. He said that Mr. Taft, as 
 President of the whole country, desired to have 
 a representative of the South among his coun- 
 sellors. To have chosen a Southern Republican 
 would have been to perpetuate the bitter sec- 
 tionalism which it was Mr. Taft's desire to ob- 
 literate. He had therefore chosen a Democrat 
 who had voted against him. Mr. Dickinson 
 continued : — 
 
 “ That his purpose was broad, magnanimous, 
 and patriotic none can question. The wisdom 
 both of his purpose and his selection must be 
 tried by time, but I have every assurance that 
 his action in appointing me, and my action in 
 accepting, are approved by the South, and, hav- 
 ing this approval, I can bear with equanimity 
 any criticism from individual Democrats else- 
 where.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March). — Passage of new 
 Copyright Act. See (in this vol.) Copyright. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (March-Aug.). — Tariff Revi- 
 sion. — The Payne-Aldrich Tariff-Act. See 
 (in this vol.) Tariffs: United States. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Creation of the Senate 
 Committee on Public Expenditures. — An 
 important incident of the Special Session of 
 Congress which was called by President Taft 
 immediately after his inauguration, was the 
 creation by the Senate of a new Standing Com- 
 mittee, on Public Expenditures, the function of 
 which was indicated in the following resolution 
 of the Senate, adopted May 29 : 
 
 “ Resolved, That the Committee on Public Ex- 
 penditures be, and they are hereby, authorized 
 and directed, by subcommittee or otherwise, to 
 make investigations as to the amount of the an- 
 nual revenues of the Government, and as to the 
 expenditures and business methods of the sev- 
 eral departments, divisions, and branches of 
 the Government, and to report to the Senate 
 
 from time to time the result of such investiga- 
 tions and their recommendations as to the rela- 
 tion between expenditures and revenues and 
 possible improvements in Government meth- 
 ods; and for this purpose they are authorized 
 to sit, by subcommittees or otherwise, during 
 the recesses or sessions of the Senate, at such 
 times and places as, they may deem advisable, 
 to send for persons and papers, to administer 
 oaths, and to employ such stenographic, cleri- 
 cal, expert, and other assistance as may be 
 necessary, and to have such printing and bind- 
 ing done as may be necessary, the expense of 
 such investigations to be paid from the cohtin- 
 gent fund of the Senate.” 
 
 Seven members of the Committee are the 
 chairmen of the seven committees in the Senate 
 to some one of which every bill providing for 
 revenue or carrying an appropriation is sub 
 mitted. “Thus,” as has been remarked, “is 
 provided a medium for better co-ordination and 
 co-operation between what may be termed the 
 revenue and appropriation committees. The 
 powers of existing committees are not affected, 
 but an avenue is provided for concentration and 
 distribution of information — a committee fo- 
 rum for the discussion and recommendation of 
 fundamentals affecting the Government.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Establishment in 
 the Government of a General Supply Com- 
 mittee. — On the 13th of May the President 
 issued an Executive Order establishing an Ad- 
 ministrative General Supply Committee, which 
 is to purchase all supplies for Government use, 
 paying one price instead of several prices for 
 the same supplies. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (May). — Second National 
 Peace Congress. See (in this vol.) War, 
 The Revolt against: A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July). — Proposed Constitu- 
 tional Amendment authorizing the Levy- 
 ing of an Income Tax. — Without a dissenting 
 vote, on the 5th of July, 1909, the Senate 
 adopted a joint resolution providing for the 
 submission to the several States of a proposed 
 amendment to the Constitution of the United 
 States, as follows : 
 
 “Article XVI. The congress shall have the 
 power to lay and collect taxes on incomes, from 
 whatever source derived, without any appor- 
 tionment among the several states and without 
 regard to any census or enumeration.” 
 
 In reporting this action, a newspaper corre- 
 spondent of considerable sagacity remarked 
 that the ease with which the resolution glided 
 through the Senate, and would with certainty 
 pass the House, must be regarded as “an indi- 
 cation of the expectation of the representatives 
 of capital and of high protection that twelve 
 states can be found among the forty -six in the 
 union to refuse their assent to the amendment, 
 in which event it will fail.” 
 
 The endorsement of the House to the resolu- 
 tion was given on the 12th, by a vote of 317 to 
 14, the negative votes being all from Repub- 
 licans. An attempt to have the resolution 
 amended so that the constitutional amendment 
 would be submitted to state conventions for 
 ratification instead of to legislatures was ruled 
 out of order, and an appeal from Speaker Can- 
 non’s ruling was voted down, 185 to 143, on a 
 strict party division. 
 
 The first State to act on the proposed amend- 
 
 681 
 
UNITED STATES, 1909 
 
 UNITED STATES, 1909 
 
 ment was Alabama, where it was ratified by the 
 Legislature and signed by the Governor, Au- 
 gust 17. 
 
 In the State of New York, on the 5tli of Jan- 
 uary, 1910, Governor Hughes addressed a spe- 
 cial message to the Legislature, recommending 
 that the amendment in its proposed form should 
 not be ratified. He said : “I am in favor of 
 conferring upon the Federal government the 
 power to lay and collect an income tax without 
 apportionment among the States according to 
 population. I believe that this power should 
 be held by the Federal government so as prop- 
 erly to equip it with the means of meeting 
 national exigencies. 
 
 “ But the power to tax incomes should not be 
 granted in such terms as to subject to Federal 
 taxation the incomes derived from bonds issued 
 by the State itself, or those issued by munici- 
 pal governments organized under the State’s 
 authority. To place the borrowing capacity of 
 the State and of its governmental agencies at 
 the mercy of the Federal taxing power would 
 be an impairment of the essential rights of the 
 State, which, as its officers, we are bound to 
 defend. . . . 
 
 “ The comprehensive words, * from whatever 
 source derived,’ if taken in their natural sense, 
 would include not only incomes from ordinary 
 real or personal property, but also incomes de- 
 rived from State and municipal securities. It 
 may be urged that the amendment would be 
 limited by construction. But there can be no 
 satisfactory assurance of this. The words in 
 terms are all-inclusive. . . . 
 
 “ In order that a market may be provided for 
 State bonds, and for municipal bonds, and that 
 thus means may be afforded for State and local 
 administration, such securities from time to time 
 are excepted from taxation. In this way lower 
 rates of interest are paid than otherwise would 
 be possible. To permit such securities to be 
 the subject of Federal taxation is to place such 
 limitations upon the borrowing power of the 
 State as to make the performance of the func- 
 tions of local government a matter of Federal 
 grace.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (July). — The Question of 
 American Participation in the Hankau-Sze- 
 chuan Railway Loan. See (in this vol.) 
 China : A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). — Visit of a Commer- 
 cial Commission from Japan. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1909 (Sept.). 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept. -Oct.). — Tour of President 
 Taft. — Meeting with President Diaz on 
 Mexican Soil. — In the fall of 1909 President 
 Taft made an extended tour of the country, 
 from New England to the Pacific Coast and 
 southward to Mexico and the Gulf, speaking to 
 great assemblies at many points on all the im- 
 portant questions, political and economical, 
 that were then before the country. I 11 the 
 course of the tour a meeting between President 
 Diaz of Mexico and himself was arranged, and 
 took place on the 16th of October, first at El 
 Paso, on the Texas side of the Rio Grande, 
 and then at Ciudad Juarez, on the Mexican side, 
 formal visits being thus exchanged. Finally, 
 in the evening, President Taft was entertained 
 at dinner in the Mexican city by President 
 Diaz. This was a second time that a President 
 of the United States had left the soil of his own 
 
 country while in office, President Roosevelt hav- 
 ing done the same at Panama in 1906. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct. -Nov.). — Further Dis- 
 closures of Corruption in the Customs Ser- 
 vice. — The shameful disclosure in 1907-8 of 
 Sugar Trust frauds on the Federal Treasury 
 (see Combinations, Industrial, &c. : United 
 States: A. D. 1907-1909) afforded glimpses of 
 a state of corruption in the Customs Service 
 of the Government, at the port of New York 
 especially, which were more than verified with- 
 in the next year and a half. The Collector of 
 Customs, Mr. William Loeb, Jr., who took 
 charge of the New York office in the spring of 
 1909, exercised a watchfulness which soon put 
 him on the traces of fraud, and he pursued them 
 with an energy and determination that cannot 
 have been brought into action before. The first 
 case brought to light was that of a cheese-im- 
 porting firm, the members of which, father and 
 son, were found to have paid bribes to weighers 
 of the Custom House for false reports of the 
 quantities on which duties were paid. Convic- 
 tion was obtained by means of evidence from 
 some of the guilty officials, who were given im- 
 munity and retained in service, in order to se- 
 cure information without which, it was said, 
 the well-covered corruption in the service could 
 not be successfully probed. In his annual re- 
 port, made in December, 1909, Secretary Mac- 
 Veagh, of the Treasury Department, had this to 
 say of the vigorous reformatory measures thus 
 undertaken at the port of New York, and of the 
 significance of the consequent revelations: 
 
 “The revelations made and proven were so 
 startling and impressive that opposition was 
 silenced ; and in this silence the necessary, 
 clear-cut measures could be carried out without 
 meeting serious obstructions. 
 
 “It soon developed that the frauds of the 
 American Sugar Refining Company, while, per- 
 haps, the most important instances, were as had 
 been apprehended, symptoms of a diseased con 
 dition, not universal by any means, but almost 
 general. And difficult as it always is to suffi- 
 ciently bring to light the facts of such a condi- 
 tion to afford a basis for rehabilitation, this has 
 been already largely accomplished. Much has 
 been discovered to afford an understanding of 
 the situation, with the result of numerous seiz- 
 ures, of numerous prosecutions made or pro- 
 jected, and of important and successful be- 
 ginnings of a complete rehabilitation. While 
 the recovery of evaded duties, and the prosecu- 
 tion of individuals have been of large signifi- 
 cance, the greatest asset to the government of 
 these disgraceful conditions is the knowledge 
 and the light which guarantee in time a 
 wholesome reorganization. 
 
 “The study of the causes of the demoraliza- 
 tion which has been revealed is still incomplete, 
 but the main causes are evident. It is clear, 
 for instance, that the influence of local politics 
 and politicians upon the customs service has 
 been most deleterious, and has promoted that 
 laxity and low tone which prepare and furnish 
 an inviting soil for dishonesty and fraud. Unless 
 the customs service can be released from the 
 payment of political debts and exactions, and 
 from meeting the supposed exigencies of politi- 
 cal organizations, big and little, it will be im- 
 possible to have an honest service for any length 
 of time. Any considerable share of the present 
 
UNITED STATES, 1909 
 
 UTILITIES 
 
 cost of this demoralization to the public reve- 
 nues, to the efficiency of the service, and to 
 public and private morality is a tremendous 
 amount to pay in mere liquidation of the small 
 debts of political leaders. 
 
 “ It is also clear that the widespread disposi- 
 tion of returning American travellers to evade 
 the payment of legal duties has greatly helped to 
 create the conditions which have become intol- 
 erable. Those Americans who travel abroad 
 belong to the sections of the people which most 
 readily create public sentiment, and are most 
 responsible for it; and the fact that in so many 
 instances these travellers are willing to defraud 
 the government out of considerable or even small 
 sums creates an atmosphere on the docks that 
 strongly tends to affect the morale of the entire 
 customs service. And when to this is added 
 the frequent willingness upon the part of these 
 responsible citizens to specifically corrupt the 
 
 UNITED STATES SENATORS: Pro- 
 posed Election by Direct Popular Vote. — 
 
 “On December 3, 1895, the State of Idaho, 
 taking advantage of that provision of article 5, 
 which permits States to apply to Congress for 
 authority to hold a constitutional convention, 
 passed a resolution requesting Congress to call 
 such a convention. Since then the States of 
 Wyoming, Ohio, Minnesota, Montana, Utah, 
 North Carolina, North Dakota, Nevada, Wash- 
 ington, Tennessee, South Dakota, Colorado, 
 Oregon, Michigan, Nebraska, Iowa, Kansas, 
 Missouri, Illinois, Wisconsin, New Jersey, Loui- 
 siana, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Texas, 
 California, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Alabama, 
 have taken legislative action in some form or 
 other expressing either a demand similar to that 
 of the State of Idaho, or a sympathy with the 
 intent of the Idaho resolution. These thirty-one 
 States form a constitutional two-thirds of the 
 forty-six States of the Union. 
 
 “One of the complications which have arisen 
 in connection with these resolutions is the fact 
 that only twenty-four of them are of record as 
 having been actually received by the Senate of 
 the United States. One of them, that of the 
 State of Ohio, which was the third State to act, 
 was only recently discovered to be in the Senate 
 files. It is possible therefore, that since the 
 question of submitting the proposed amendment 
 has become a live issue, a further search of the 
 files may increase the number of State reso- 
 lutions on this subject which are actually on 
 hand. 
 
 “ A legal quibble is bound to ensue over the 
 form of some of these resolutions. Nine of the 
 resolutions now on file in the Senate are already 
 held to be of doubtful legality, but the ground 
 on which they are held doubtful will appeal to 
 most people as a mere splitting of legal hairs. 
 Nevertheless, the Senate of the United States, 
 at least, is, as a whole, a notorious legal hair- 
 splitter, and this fact must be taken into ac- 
 count. 
 
 “It is, of course, a matter of record, that the 
 House of Representatives has four times sent to 
 the Senate a proposed joint resolution calling 
 for the direct election of United States Senators. ” 
 — Washington Cor. of the N. Y. Evening Post, 
 Oct. 13, 1909. 
 
 UNITED STATES STEEL CORPO- 
 RATION: Its conflict with the Amalga- 
 
 government's men, then the demoralization is 
 further accentuated.” 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Nov.). — Arbitration of the Al- 
 sop Claim against Chile. See (in this vol.) 
 Chile: A. D. 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Dec.). — Proposal to neutralize 
 Manchurian Railways. See (in this vol.) 
 China: A. D. 1909-1910. 
 
 A. D. 1910 (Jan.). — President’s Message 
 on Legislation relating to “Trusts” and In- 
 terstate Commerce. See Combinations, In- 
 dustrial, &c. : United States : A. D. 1910, and 
 Railways: United States: A. D. 1910. 
 
 Movements of Reform in Municipal Gov- 
 ernment. See Municipal Government. 
 
 Comparative Statement of the Consumption 
 of Alcoholic Drink. See Alcohol Problem. 
 
 The Interchange of People between the 
 United States and Canada. See Canada: A. 
 D. 1896-1909. 
 
 mated Association of Iron, Steel and Tin 
 Plate Workers. See (in this vol.) Labor Or- 
 ganization : United States: A. D. 1901. 
 
 The Placing of its Stock among its Em- 
 ployes. See Labor Remuneration : Profit- 
 sharing. 
 
 UNIVERSITIES. See Education. 
 
 URIBE-URIBE, Rafael. See (in this vol.) 
 Colombia: A. D. 1898-1902. 
 
 URUGUAY : A. D. 1901-1906. — Participa- 
 tion in Second and Third International Con- 
 ferences of American Republics. See (in this 
 vol.) American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Rebellion and prolonged 
 Civil War. — On the 8th of January, 1904, the 
 American Minister at Montevideo reported by 
 telegram to the State Department at Washing- 
 ton “ that another crisis is at hand in Uruguay ; 
 that encounters have taken place between 
 groups of ‘ Blanco,’ and the Government forces, 
 and that the former, who were neither con- 
 centrated nor well organized, have been dis- 
 persed. A number were killed and wounded. 
 The Government is making an aggressive 
 campaign and demands obedience to the consti- 
 tuted authority as a condition before peace 
 negotiations will be entered into.” 
 
 This was the beginning of a state of civil war 
 that was prolonged through nine months, with 
 infinite harm to the country. 
 
 When peace came, at the end of September, 
 it was practically bought from the insurgents, 
 the terms of submission, as officially announced, 
 including the following : “Sixth, incorporation 
 into the army of all the chiefs and officers in- 
 cluded in the amnesty law. Seventh. A mixed 
 committee appointed by agreement by the Gov- 
 ernment and insurgents will distribute the sum 
 of S100,000 between the chiefs, officers, and sol- 
 diers of the rebel forces.” 
 
 A. D. 1910. — Agreement with Argentina 
 concerning the River Plate. See (in this vol.) 
 Argentine Republic: A. D. 1910. 
 
 URUSSOFF, Prince : Speech in the Duma. 
 See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1906. 
 
 UR YU, Admiral. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1904 (Feb.-July). 
 
 UTAH: Law limiting Hours of Adult La- 
 bor in Mines. See (in this vol.) Labor Or- 
 ganization : United States: A. D. 1902. 
 
 UTILITIES, Public. See Public Utili- 
 ties. 
 
VACUUM OIL COMPANY 
 
 VENEZUELA, 1902-1904 
 
 y. 
 
 VACUUM OIL COMPANY. See (in this 
 vol.) Combinations, Industrial, &c. : United 
 States. A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 VALIAHD, The : Heir to the Persian 
 throne. See (in this vol.) Persia: A. D. 1905- 
 1907. 
 
 VANNOVSKY, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia : A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 VALPARAISO, Destructive Earthquake 
 at. See (in this vol.) Earthquakes: Chile. 
 
 VEHEMENTER NOS, The Papal Ency- 
 clical. See (in this vol.) Papacy: A. D. 1906 
 (Feb.). 
 
 VENEZUELA: A. D. 1901. — Claims and 
 Complaints of Germany. — Memorandum pre- 
 sented to the Government of the United 
 States. — Its Reply. — Interpretation of the 
 Monroe Doctrine. — - On the 11th of December, 
 1901, the German Embassy at Washington pre- 
 sented to the State Department of the Govern- 
 ment of the United States a memorandum of 
 the claims and complaints of Germany against 
 the Government of Venezuela. The principal 
 claim recited was that of the Berlin Company 
 of Discount, “on account of the non-perform- 
 ance of engagements which the Venezuelan 
 Government has undertaken in connection with 
 the great Venezuelan Railway which has been 
 built by the said Government.” In respect to 
 this it is remarked that the “behaviour of the 
 Venezuelan Government could, perhaps, to a 
 certain degree, be explained and be excused by 
 the bad situation of the finances of the State ; 
 but our further reclamations against Venezuela, 
 which date from the Venezuelan civil wars of 
 the years 1898 until 1900, have taken during 
 these last months a more serious character. 
 Through those wars many German merchants 
 living in Venezuela and many German land- 
 owners have been seriously damaged”; and 
 the treatment of claims for these damages is 
 characterized as ‘‘ a frivolous attempt to avoid 
 just obligations.” After some recital of cir- 
 cumstances in these cases, the memorandum 
 proceeds to announce that “ the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment believes that further negotiations with 
 Venezuela on the present base are hopeless,” 
 and that measures of coercion are contemplated. 
 “ But we consider it of importance to let first of 
 all the Government of the United States know 
 about our purposes, so that we can prove that 
 we have nothing else in view than to help those 
 of our citizens who have suffered damages. . . . 
 We declare especially that under no circum- 
 stances do we consider in our proceedings the 
 acquisition or the permanent occupation of 
 Venezuelan territory.” 
 
 In reply, the Department of State returned a 
 memorandum, in part as follows : “ The Presi- 
 dent in his Message of the 3d of December, 
 1901, used the following language: ‘The Mon- 
 roe Doctrine is a declaration that there must be 
 no territorial aggrandizement by any non- 
 American Power at the expense of any Ameri- 
 can Power on American soil. It is in no wise 
 intended as hostile to any nation in the Old 
 World.’ The President further said: ‘This 
 doctrine has nothing to do with the commercial 
 relations of any American Power, save that it 
 
 in truth allows each of them to form such as it 
 desires. ... We do not guarantee any State 
 against punishment if it misconducts itself, pro- 
 vided that punishment does not take the form 
 of the acquisition of territory by any non- 
 American Power. . . . The President of the 
 United States, appreciating the courtesy of the 
 German Government in making him acquainted 
 with the state of affairs referred to, and not re- 
 garding himself as called upon to enter into the 
 consideration of the claims in question, believes 
 that no measures will be taken in this matter 
 by the agents of the German Government which 
 are not in accordance with the well-known pur- 
 pose, above set forth, of His Majesty the Ger- 
 man Emperor.” — Papers Relating to the For- 
 eign Relations of the U. S. ( House Doc’s , tilth 
 Cong. 1st Session, v. 1), pp. 192-195, 
 
 A. D. 1901. — Delegates withdrawn from 
 Second International Conference of Ameri- 
 can Republics. See (in this vol.) American 
 Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1904. — Concerted Action by 
 Great Britain, Germany, and Italy to enforce 
 Claims. — Blockade of Ports and seizure of 
 Warships. — Intermediation of the United 
 States. — Agreements Secured. — Reference 
 to the Tribunal at The Hague. — The rebel- 
 lion and revolution in Venezuela which gave 
 control of the government to General Cipriano 
 Castro, in 1899, and the speedy outbreak of revolt 
 against his self-assumed administration, are told 
 of in Volume VI. of this work (see, also, in this 
 vol., Colombia: A. D. 1898-1902). The first in- 
 surrection was overcome in May, 1900 ; but other 
 risings, concentrated in leadership finally under 
 Manuel A. Matos, followed in 1901-2. Partly 
 growing out of the disturbances in the country 
 and partly due to the arbitrary and wayward 
 conduct of Castro (who obtained election to the 
 Presidency in 1902, for six years) many claims 
 for indemnity and debt against that Govern- 
 ment accumulated and citizens of many coun- 
 tries were interested in them. As no satisfac- 
 tion could be obtained from President Castro by 
 diplomatic methods, peremptory proceedings 
 against Venezuela were concerted in 1902 by 
 Great Britain, Germany and Italy. A block- 
 ade of Venezuelan ports and seizure of war 
 vessels was undertaken by the three Powers, 
 with results which are narrated as follows in the 
 Message of President Roosevelt to the Congress 
 of the United States, on its meeting in Decem- 
 ber, 1903: 
 
 The ‘ ‘ employment of force for the collection 
 of these claims was terminated by an agreement 
 brought about through the offices of the diplo- 
 matic representatives of the United States at 
 Caracas and the Government at Washington, 
 thereby ending a situation which was bound to 
 cause increasing friction, and which jeoparded 
 the peace of the continent. Under this agree- 
 ment Venezuela agreed to set apart a certain 
 percentage of the customs receipts of two of her 
 ports to be applied to the payment of whatever 
 obligations might be ascertained by mixed com- 
 missions appointed for that purpose to be due 
 from her, not only to the three powers already 
 mentioned, whose proceedings against her had 
 
 684 
 
VENEZUELA, 1903-1904 
 
 VENEZUELA, 1904 
 
 resulted in a state of war, but also to the United 
 States, France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, 
 Sweden and Norway, and Mexico, who had not 
 employed force for the collection of the claims 
 alleged to be due to certain of their citizens. 
 
 “A demand was then made by the so-called 
 blockading powers that the sums ascertained to 
 be due to their citizens by such mixed commis- 
 sions should be accorded payment in full before 
 anything was paid upon the claims of any of 
 the so-called peace powers. Venezuela, on the 
 other hand, insisted that all her creditors should 
 be paid upon a basis of exact equality. During 
 the efforts to adjust this dispute it was sug- 
 gested by the powers in interest that it should 
 be referred to me for decision, but I was 
 clearly of the opinion that a far wiser course 
 would be to submit the question to the Perma- 
 nent Court of Arbitration at The Hague. It 
 seemed to me to offer an admirable opportunity 
 to advance the practice of the peaceful settle- 
 ment of disputes between nations and to secure 
 for the Hague Tribunal a memorable increase 
 of its practical importance. The nations inter- 
 ested in the controversy were so numerous and 
 in many instances so powerful as to make it evi- 
 dent that beneficent results would follow from 
 their appearance at the same time before the 
 bar of that august tribunal of peace. 
 
 “ Our hopes in that regard have been real- 
 ized. Russia and Austria are represented in 
 the persons of the learned and distinguished 
 jurists who compose the Tribunal, while Great 
 Britain, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, Bel- 
 gium, the Netherlands, Sweden and Norway, 
 Mexico, the United States, and Venezuela are 
 represented by their respective agents and coun- 
 sel. Such an imposing concourse of nations 
 presenting their arguments to and invoking the 
 decision of that high court of international jus- 
 tice and international peace can hardly fail to 
 secure a like submission of many future contro- 
 versies. The nations now appearing there will 
 find it far easier to appear there a second time, 
 while no nation can imagine its just pride will 
 be lessened by following the example now pre- 
 sented. This triumph of the principle of interna- 
 tional arbitration is a subject of warm congratu- 
 lation and offers a happy augury for the peace 
 of the world.” — Message of President Roosevelt, 
 Dec. 7, 1903. 
 
 The claims of the Powers against Venezuela, 
 presented in September, summed up as follows: 
 France, $16,040,000; United States, $10,900,000; 
 Italy, $9,300,000; Belgium, $3,003,000; Great 
 Britain, $2,500,000 ; Germany, $1,417,300; Hol- 
 land, $1,048,451 ; Spain, $600,000 ; Mexico, 
 $500,000; Sweden, $200,000. The claim of 
 Great Britain, Germany, and Italy to a right of 
 priority in payment, because of their action 
 which compelled the Government of Venezuela 
 to arrange a settlement, was submitted to the 
 Tribunal at The Hague in November. The 
 decision, rendered in the following January, 
 affirmed the right of the three Powers which 
 had exercised coercion in the case to priority in 
 the payment of their claims, and it imposed on 
 the United States the duty of overseeing the 
 fulfilment of the agreements which Venezuela 
 had made. In this last particular the decision 
 of the Tribunal could be regarded as an inter- 
 national affirmation of the Monroe Doctrine, and 
 of signal importance in that view. 
 
 A. D. 1902-1905. — A short Period of 
 Comparative Tranquility. — “After the block- 
 ade instituted in December, 1902, by Germany, 
 Great Britain and Italy, had been raised, and 
 protocols had been signed for the settlement of 
 all duly recognized claims of foreign nations 
 against Venezuela, Venezuela enjoyed a short 
 period of tranquility ; but, by the beginning of 
 1905, every legation in Caracas had a list of 
 grievances founded on alleged unfair awards 
 of arbitrators, on denials of justice on the part 
 of the Venezuelan courts and on the diminution 
 by President Castro of the percentage he had 
 agreed to pay to the creditor nations from the 
 receipts of his custom-houses. Moreover, Ger- 
 many and Great Britain began to show signs of 
 restlessness, because President Castro had not 
 provided, as had been agreed in the protocols, 
 for the payment of interest to British and Ger- 
 man bondholders. The situation looked even 
 worse than before the blockade, for the princi- 
 pal nation aggrieved was the United States, and 
 it had the moral support of all other nations 
 represented in Caracas by legations. 
 
 “The main issue between the United States 
 and Venezuela was the asphalt case. In July, 
 1904, President Castro had demanded ten mil- 
 lion dollars from the American Company, 
 known as the ‘New York and Bermudez As- 
 phalt Company,’ and had threatened, if that 
 amount was not paid immediately, that the 
 whole asphalt lake and the property of the Com- 
 pany would be seized. He based his demand 
 on the alleged support given by the Asphalt 
 Company to the Matos revolution of 1902; but, 
 as he did not demand anything from the count- 
 less other supporters of the revolution, it was 
 clear that his demand on the Asphalt Company 
 was piratical.” — H. W. Bowen, Queer Diplo- 
 macy with Castro {North American Review, 
 March 15, 1907). 
 
 A. D. 1904. — Adoption of a new Constitu- 
 tion. — The following summary of the provi- 
 sions of a new Constitution, adopted in Vene- 
 zuela, on the 27th of April, 1904, was communi- 
 cated to the State Department at Washington 
 by United States Minister Bowen: 
 
 It reduces the number of States to thirteen — 
 Aragua, Bermudez, Bolivar, Carabobo, Falcon, 
 Guarico, Lara, Merida, Miranda, Tachira, Tru- 
 jillo, Zamora, and Zulia — and provides for five 
 Territories — Amazonas, Cristobal Colon, Colon, 
 Delta- Amacuro, and Yururari — and the Fed- 
 eral District, which is composed of the Depart- 
 ments Libertador, Varagas, Guaicaipuro, and 
 Sucre, and the island of Margarita. 
 
 The States enjoy equality and autonomy, hav- 
 ing all rights not delegated to the central Gov- 
 ernment. The Territories are administered by 
 the President. 
 
 The Government is divided into three 
 branches — the legislative, the executive, and 
 the judicial. 
 
 The legislative branch is called the Congress, 
 and is composed of two bodies — the Senate 
 and the House of Deputies. One deputy will 
 be elected by every 40,000 inhabitants, and all 
 deputies, as well as senators (two from every 
 State) and the President, will serve for six 
 years. Deputies must be 21 years of age, sena- 
 tors 30, and the President over 30. No extraor- 
 dinary powers are given to the Congress, ex- 
 cept that 14 of its members shall be chosen by 
 
 685 
 
VENEZUELA, 1904 
 
 VENEZUELA, 1905-1906 
 
 itself to elect every sixth year a President, a 
 first and a second vice-president, and to elect a 
 successor to the second vice-president. 
 
 The President, besides being charged with 
 the usual executive duties, is authorized to de- 
 clare war, arrest, imprison, or expel natives or 
 aliens who are opposed to the reestablishment 
 of peace, to issue letters of marque and reprisal, 
 to permit aliens to enter the public service, to 
 prohibit the immigration into the Republic of 
 objectionable religious teachers, and to establish 
 rules for the postal, telegraph, and telephone 
 services. 
 
 The judicial power is vested in the Corte 
 Federal y de Casacion (seven judges elected by 
 the Congress) and the lower courts (appointed 
 by the State governments). 
 
 All Venezuelans over 21 years of age may 
 vote, and aliens can obtain that right by getting 
 naturalized. No length of time is prescribed 
 for an alien to live in the Republic before he 
 can become naturalized. 
 
 Article 15 of the constitution denies the right 
 of natives or aliens to present claims to the na- 
 tion or States for damages caused by revolu- 
 tionists. 
 
 Article 17 abolishes the death penalty. 
 
 And article 120 provides that all of Venezue- 
 la’s international treaties shall hereafter con- 
 tain the clause, “All differences between the 
 contracting parties shall be decided by arbitra- 
 tion, without going to war.” 
 
 In conclusion, the constitution provides that 
 the next constitutional terms shall begin May 
 23, 1905. Up to that date General Castro will 
 be Provisional President. He took his oath of 
 office as such on the 5th instant, and on the 
 same day Juan Vicente Gomez was made first 
 vice-president and Jose Antonio Velutini sec- 
 ond vice-president. 
 
 As Provisional President, General Castro has 
 been authorized to name the presidents of the 
 States, to organize the Federal Territories, to 
 fix the estimates for the public expenses, and, 
 in short, to exercise the fullest powers. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1906 . — Troubles with the 
 United States and France. — President Cas- 
 tro’s Vacation. — Both France and the United 
 States had troubles which became acute in 1905 
 with the arrogant President of Venezuela, grow- 
 ing out of his high-handed treatment of French 
 and American business interests and rights in 
 that country. In the case of the United States, 
 the most serious grievance, as stated above, was 
 that of the New York and Bermudez Company, 
 which had a concession dating back to 1883, and 
 a later mining title, under Venezuela laws, 
 to the asphalt deposit known as Bermudez 
 Lake, together with the fee-simple ownership 
 of land surrounding the lake. Ever since the 
 advent of Castro, the company had been har- 
 assed by litigious proceedings, behind which the 
 Government was said to be always in action. 
 In 1905 these were carried to the point of put- 
 ting the whole property into the hands of a 
 receiver or “depositary,” practically transfer- 
 ring its capital and plant to its rivals in busi- 
 ness. A little later, a judicial decision, pro- 
 nounced by a Venezuela court, annulled the 
 company’s concession. The main ground of this 
 confiscation appears to have been the charge 
 that the company had contributed funds to the 
 support of the Matos revolt, in 1901. 
 
 The same accusation was brought against the 
 French Cable Company, whose franchise was 
 annulled and its property confiscated in like 
 manner. In both cases, the matter was a proper 
 one for arbitration, and this Castro refused, 
 maintaining the finality of the decision of the 
 Venezuela courts. Neither France nor the 
 United States could afford to permit such a pen- 
 alty of confiscation to be imposed on its citizens 
 without a searching investigation of the justice 
 of the act. Under instructions from Secretary 
 Hay, the American Minister to Venezuela in- 
 formed the Government of that country that if 
 it refused to arbitrate the questions involved in 
 this and other American claims, “the Govern- 
 ment of the United States may be regretfully 
 compelled to take such measures as it may find 
 necessary to effect complete redress without re- 
 sort to arbitration ” ; and France, about the 
 same time, made a significant movement of ar- 
 mored cruisers to the French Antilles. Not 
 contented with the strain thus brought on the 
 relations of his Government with those of two 
 considerable Powers in the world, the Venezue- 
 lan President soon — in January, 1906 — gave 
 a fresh and quite wanton provocation to France. 
 The French Charge d’ Affaires in Venezuela had 
 gone on board a French steamer without official 
 permit, and was refused permission to return to 
 shore, on the pretence that he might bring yel- 
 low fever infection. France at once dismissed 
 the Venezuelan Charge from Paris, and added a 
 demand for apologies to her other claims. 
 
 Having brought his country into this inter- 
 esting situation, the eccentric Castro, of incal- 
 culable mind and temper, found the occasion 
 opportune for a vacation, and announced it, 
 April 9, 1906, in a proclamation which opened 
 as follows : “Fatigue, produced by constant la- 
 bor, and which 1 have been endeavoring to 
 overcome for some time past, makes it impera- 
 tive for me now, in order to restore my broken 
 health, to retire from the exercise of the office 
 of prime magistrate. 
 
 “ In accordance with a provision of the con- 
 stitution I have called to power Gen. Juan Vin- 
 cente Gomez, a very meritorious citizen of well- 
 known civic virtues, who in my absence will 
 fulfill strictly the duties of his office. You all 
 know him, and you know perfectly well that in 
 view of his character you must support him 
 without any hesitation whatever, in order that 
 the administration may continue, as it has up 
 to now, under the surest bases of stability, or- 
 der, and progress, thus making the action of 
 the executive the most expeditious possible. 
 
 “On retiring from power I wish you to take 
 into consideration my effort and my sacrifices 
 for the country’s cause, which has been, and still 
 is, the cause of the people, of reason, justice, 
 and right, so that you will agree with me that 
 he who has thus labored has a right to even a 
 slight rest, and this cannot be taken except in 
 retirement and solitude. 
 
 “On the other hand, our present international 
 situation, completely defined and clear, gives us 
 reason to hope that everything will continue 
 harmoniously and on a basis of mutual respect 
 and consideration.” 
 
 The next morning he left quietly for Los 
 Teques, where he has a private estate ; his late 
 cabinet resigned, and a new Ministry was formed 
 by the acting President, Gomez. Six weeks 
 
 686 
 
VENEZUELA, 1905-190(5 
 
 VENEZUELA, 1907-1909 
 
 later, on the 23d of May, the President-on-vaca- 
 tion, from his retirement, issued a second pro- 
 clamation, announcing his wish to withdraw 
 permanently from public life, and his intention 
 to resign the presidency at the next session of 
 Congress. But differences appear to have arisen 
 soon after this between the retired President and 
 his substitute, General Gomez, over cabinet ap- 
 pointments, and presently there was a delegation 
 sent to request the former to abandon his in- 
 tended resignation. The delegation succeeded 
 in its mission, and on the 4th of July the now 
 rested and refreshed Chief Magistrate returned 
 to Caracas and reburdened himself with the cares 
 of state. 
 
 A. D. 1905 - 1909 . — Trouble given to Co- 
 lombia over the Navigation of Rivers flow- 
 ing through both countries. See (in this vol.) 
 Colombia : A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 A. D. 1906 . — No participation in Third 
 International Conference of American Re- 
 publics. See American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — President Castro’s ob- 
 stinate Provocations to France and the 
 United States. — His Quarrel with Holland. 
 — His unwary venture Abroad. — The Tri- 
 umph of his Enemies in Venezuela. — The 
 Foreign Governments he Quarrelled with 
 take part in Preventing his Return. — Presi- 
 dent Castro, practically Dictator iu Venezuela, 
 continued obstinate in his provocative attitude 
 towards both France and the United States, and 
 added Holland at length to the list of exasper- 
 ated nations which were questioning and study- 
 ing how to deal with insolence from so petty a 
 source. His courts, after confiscating the fran- 
 chises and seizing the property of the French 
 Cable Company and the American asphalt con- 
 cessionaries, imposed fines of $5,000,000 on each. 
 Of the five claims for redress or indemnity which 
 the American Government pressed upon him 
 he refused to submit any to arbitration, in any 
 form, at The Hague or elsewhere. This situation 
 continued until the American Legation was 
 withdrawn from Caracas, iu June, 1908, to sig- 
 nify that negotiation was ended, and the whole 
 correspondence of the State Department with 
 Venezuela was laid before Congress, for such 
 action as it might see fit to take. 
 
 Castro had opened his quarrel with Holland in 
 a characteristic way. The bubonic plague had got 
 a footing at the Venezuelan port of La Guayra, 
 and he refused to allow his own medical officers, 
 who reported the fact, to take measures for pre- 
 venting the spread of the disease. Then, when 
 his Dutch neighbors at Curasao protected them- 
 selves by a quarantine against La Guayra he re- 
 taliated by an embargo on commerce with Cu- 
 rasao, exchanged angry letters with the Dutch 
 Minister at Caracas, and ordered him finally to 
 quit the country. The Netherland Government 
 acted slowly, with deliberation, on the matter, 
 despatching a battle-ship, at length, to the 
 scene, and otherwise manifesting serious inten- 
 tions. 
 
 But now the domestic situation in Venezuela 
 underwent a sudden change ; or, rather, a recur- 
 rence to the situation in 1906, when Castro had 
 found it easy to lay down the reins of authority 
 and take them up again at his pleasure. He was 
 afflicted with some ailment, for which he went 
 abroad to seek treatment, appointing Vice-Presi- 
 dent Gomez to conduct the Government in his 
 
 absence. Landing at Bordeaux on the 10th of 
 December, 1908, he made a short visit to Paris, 
 receiving no official recognition or entertain- 
 ment, and went thence to Berlin. In Germany 
 he stayed with his family and suite for about 
 three months, undergoing a surgical operation 
 with subsequent treatment for his malady. 
 Meantime, in Venezuela, his enemies, or the op- 
 ponents of his rule, had acquired the upper hand, 
 and were prepared to resist his return. On the 
 16th of December a mob at Caracas, crying 
 “Down with Castro,” wrecked considerable pro- 
 perty of his friends. A few days later some 
 of his partisans were arrested on the charge of 
 having plotted the death of Acting-President 
 Gomez, and that trusted representative of the 
 absent President became openly antagonistic to 
 him. The Castro Cabinet was dismissed, and an 
 anti-Castro Ministry was formed. 
 
 Pacific overtures were now made to the for- 
 eign governments with which Castro had quar- 
 relled. The Hon. William I. Buchanan, an able 
 diplomat, of much experience in Spanish- Amer- 
 ica, was sent from the United States to reopen 
 negotiations at Caracas, where he arrived on the 
 20th December, and the late Venezuelan Minis- 
 ter of Foreign Affairs went abroad as an agent 
 of President Gomez to treat with the Nether- 
 lands, Great Britain, and France. Mr. Buchanan 
 found difficulty in arranging modes of settle- 
 ment in the case of two American claims, that 
 of the New York and Bermudez Company, and 
 that of the Orinoco Corporation, which claimed 
 very extensive concessions; but the obstacles 
 were overcome and a satisfactory protocol 
 signed, February 13, 1909. 
 
 Before this time, criminal proceedings had 
 been instituted against Castro, on the charge 
 that he had instigated the assassination of Vice- 
 President Gomez, and the High Federal Court 
 had decided that adequate evidence had been 
 adduced to warrant the action. To this accusa- 
 tion Castro made answer from Dresden, Feb- 
 ruary 27, saying: “The only charge that has 
 been raised against me is that I tried to insti- 
 gate the murder of Gomez. It is incredible 
 that, after having shown my interest in him in 
 so many ways, I should try to cause him to be 
 murdered. If Gomez had given me occasion to 
 suspect him, I would have given orders regard- 
 ing him before my departure from Venezuela, 
 and I would not have been so stupid as to send 
 such an order by cable. Whoever knows me 
 knows also that I am incapable of such dis- 
 graceful cowardice. I give this declaration in 
 the interest of truth to the press and to the for- 
 eign countries, in order to set at rest in places 
 where I am not known all doubts and suspicions 
 regarding my behavior.” 
 
 Having no apparent doubt that he could 
 master the adverse situation in Venezuela, Cas- 
 tro was now making his arrangements to re- 
 turn. On the 24th of March he arrived at Paris, 
 on his way to Bordeaux, to take passage on the 
 Steamer Guadeloupe. There he was met by a 
 statement from the steamship company, “that 
 it had been informed by the Venezuelan gov- 
 ernment that Senor Castro will not be permitted 
 to land in Venezuela ; that he will be arrested 
 on board the Guadeloupe if this vessel calls at 
 a Venezuelan port, and that even the movement 
 of the Guadeloupe in Venezuelan ports will be 
 controlled by the authorities, if Castro is a pas- 
 
 687 
 
VENEZUELA, 1907-1909 
 
 VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS 
 
 senger. As a result of this communication the 
 company will embark Castro only on condition 
 that he leave the Guadeloupe before reaching 
 Venezuela, either at Martinique or Trinidad. 
 This official notification to the steamship com- 
 pany was handed in by Jose de Jesus Paul, the 
 special Venezuelan envoy to Europe. Sefior 
 Paul says in part : 
 
 “ ‘ Cipriano Castro is under criminal prosecu- 
 tion in Venezuela, and the High Federal Court 
 having suspended his function as President, he 
 is liable, in accordance with the laws of Vene- 
 zuela, to imprisonment pending the result of the 
 trial. A warrant of arrest can be executed even 
 on board the Guadeloupe at the first Venezuelan 
 port.’ ” 
 
 At Bordeaux he was forced to take passage 
 with the understanding that he must leave the 
 ship before she reached a Venezuelan port, and 
 he accepted tickets to Port-au-Spain, Trinidad. 
 On leaving Paris his parting words had been : 
 “ I believe that God and destiny call me back to 
 Venezuela. I intend to accomplish my mission 
 there, even though it involves revolution.” But 
 he mistook the call, and mere earthly authority 
 sufficed to frustrate the mission he had in mind. 
 The British Government, after consultation with 
 the United States and other Powers most inter- 
 ested in the avoidance of fresh disturbances in 
 Venezuela, forbade his landing at Trinidad, 
 and he found no port to receive him but that of 
 Fort de France, Martinique. From that French 
 soil, too, he was ordered away the next day, and 
 look passage back to France, ultimately settling 
 himself with his family in Spain. If he has 
 made further efforts or plans to recover a foot- 
 ing in Venezuela, the public has not learned of 
 them. 
 
 As soon as the out cast President had been 
 thus eliminated from Venezuelan politics, he 
 was cleared, May 21, of the charge of plotting 
 to assassinate General Gomez, by decision of the 
 Criminal Court. Both Holland and France had 
 settled, by this time, their differences with Ven- 
 ezuela, and restored diplomatic relations. On 
 the 12th of August, Vice-President Gomez was 
 formally elected Provisional President by Con- 
 gress in the exercise of powers claimed under 
 the new Constitution. On the 11th of Sep- 
 tember announcement was made that all but 
 one of the five American claims for which Mr. 
 Buchanan had arranged modes of settlement 
 had been settled, and that one — of the Orinoco 
 Steamship Company — was before the tribunal 
 at The Hague. 
 
 VENICE : A. D. 1902. — Fall of the Cam- 
 panile of St. Marks. — On the morning of 
 July 14, 1902, the Campanile or bell-tower of 
 the cathedral of St. Marks fell to the ground. 
 An attentive architect had been calling attention 
 for several years to signs of danger in its walls, 
 but nothing had been done to avert the destruc- 
 tion of the most interesting monument of an- 
 tiquity in the city. The building of the tower 
 was begun in the year 888, and underwent a re- 
 construction in 1329. Its height was 322 feet. 
 
 “At 9 o’clock, according to the story of an 
 American architect who witnessed the fall of 
 the tower from the neighborhood of the Rialto, 
 he saw the golden angel slowly sink directly 
 downward behind a line of roofs, and a dense 
 gray dust arose in clouds. Instantly, from all 
 parts of the city, a crowd rushed toward the 
 
 Piazza, to find on their arrival that nothing 
 was left of all that splendid nave but a mound 
 of white dust, 80 feet high.” A press telegram 
 from Venice, Jan. 4, 1910, announced that 
 “the Campanile, after seven years’ work, is 
 now approaching completion. The shaft is 
 finished, and only lacks the belfry, the separate 
 pieces of which are ready to be set in place.” 
 
 VEREENIGING, Boer-British Treaty 
 of Peace at. See (in this vol.) South Africa: 
 A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 VERESTCHAGIN, Vasili, Death of. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb.-Aug.). 
 
 VERNON-HARCOURT, Louis: First 
 
 Commissioner of Works. See (in this vol.) 
 England: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 VESUVIUS, Mount : Violent Eruption 
 in 1906. See (in this vol.) Volcanic Erup- 
 tions. 
 
 VETO, Civil, in Papal Elections. See (in 
 this vol.) Papacy: A. D. 1904. 
 
 VIBORG CONFERENCE. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia: A. I). 1906. 
 
 VICTOR EMMANUEL III., King of 
 Italy: His Agency in founding the Interna- 
 tional Institute of Agriculture. See (in this 
 vol.) Agriculture. 
 
 VILHENA, Senhor. See (in this vol.) 
 Portugal : A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 VILLAZON, Elidoro: President of Boli- 
 via. See (in this vol.) Acre Disputes. 
 
 VIRCHOW, Rudolph: Celebration of his 
 Eightieth Birthday. See (in this vol.) Sci- 
 ence and Invention : Anniversary Celebra- 
 tions. 
 
 VIRGINIA: A. D. 1907. — The James- 
 town Tercentennial Exposition. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Jamestown. 
 
 VITHOFT, Admiral. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan : A. D. 1904 (Feb.-Aug.). 
 
 “VLADIMIR’S DAY.” See (in this vol.) 
 Russia: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 VLADIVOSTOCK: In the Russo-Japan- 
 ese War. See (in this vol.) Japan : A. D. 
 1904 (Feb.-Aug.). 
 
 VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS: Italy: A. D. 
 1906 (April). — Great Outburst of Vesuvius. 
 — The Most Violent since 1631. — “At a 
 
 meeting of the Geological Society, London, on 
 May 9, a paper giving a scientific account of 
 the recent great eruption of Mount Vesuvius 
 was read by Professor Giuseppe de Lorenzo, of 
 the Mineralogical Museum in the Royal Univer- 
 sity of Naples, a foreign correspondent of the 
 society. According to the report in the Lon- 
 don Times Professor de Lorenzo stated that 
 after the great eruption of 1872 Vesuvius 
 lapsed into repose, marked by merely solfataric 
 phenomena, for three years. Fissuring of the 
 cone and slight outpourings of lava began in 
 May, 1905, and continued until April 5, 1906, 
 when the fourth great outburst from the princi- 
 pal crater occurred, accompanied by the forma- 
 tion of deeper and larger fissures in the south- 
 eastern wall of the cone, from which a great 
 mass of fluid and scoriaceous lava was erupted. 
 After a pause the maximum outburst took 
 place during the night of April 7 and 8, and 
 blew 3,000 feet, into the air scoriae and lapilli of 
 lava as fragments derived from the wreckage 
 of the' cone. The southwesterly wind carried 
 this ash to Ottajano and San Giuseppe, which 
 were buried under three feet of it, and even 
 
 688 
 
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS 
 
 VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS 
 
 swept it on to the Adriatic and Montenegro. 
 At this time the lava which reached Torre An- 
 nunziato was erupted. The decrescent phase 
 began on April 8, but the collapse of the cone 
 of the principal crater was accompanied by the 
 ejection of steam and dust to a height of from 
 ■22,000 to 26,000 feet. On April 9 and 10 the 
 wind was northeast, and the dust was carried 
 ■over Torre del Greco and as far as Spain ; but 
 on April 11 the cloud was again impelled 
 northward. The ash in the earlier eruptions 
 was dark in color and made of materials de- 
 rived directly from the usual type of leuco- 
 tephritic magma ; but later it became grayer 
 and mixed with weathered elastic material from 
 the cone. The great cone had an almost hori- 
 zontal rim on April 13, very little higher than 
 Monte Somma, and with a crater possibly ex- 
 ceeding 1,300 feet in diameter ; this cone was 
 almost snow white from the deposit of subli- 
 mates. Many deaths, Professor de Lorenzo 
 states, were due to asphyxia, but the collapse 
 of roofs weighted with dust was a source of 
 much danger, as was the case at Pompeii in A. 
 D. 79. The lava streams surrounded trees, 
 many of which still stood in the hot lava with 
 their leaves and blossoms apparently unin- 
 jured. The sea level during April 7 and 8 was 
 lowered six inches near Pozzuoli, and as much 
 as twelve inches near Portici, and had not re- 
 turned to its former level on April 13. The 
 maximum activity conformed almost exactly 
 with full moon, and at the time the volcanoes of 
 the Phlegrrean Fields and of the islands re- 
 mained in their normal condition. Professor 
 de Lorenzo believes that this eruption of Vesu- 
 vius is greater than any of those recorded in 
 history with two exceptions — those of A. D. 79, 
 the historic eruption which destroyed Pompeii 
 and Herculaneum, and of 1631, when Torre del 
 Greco was overwhelmed and 4,000 persons per- 
 ished.” — Scientific Notes and News ( Science , 
 May 25, 1906). 
 
 West Indies: A. D. 1902 (May). — Of 
 Mont Pelee and La Souffriere, on the 
 islands of Martinique and St. Vincent. — 
 Destruction of the City of St. Pierre. — The 
 
 most appalling catastrophe in the annals of the 
 Western Hemisphere is that which burst from 
 the long torpid volcano of Mont Pelee, over- 
 looking the city of St. Pierre, on the French 
 island of Martinique, and from its slumbering 
 neighbor, La Souffriere, of the British island of 
 St. Vincent, on the morning of the 8th of May, 
 1902. The following particulars of the fright- 
 ful volcanic explosion are borrowed from a 
 graphic account prepared for The American 
 Review of Reviews by W J McGee, of the Smith- 
 sonian Institution. 
 
 “The outbreak of Mont Pelee seems to have 
 been second only to that of Krakatoa in explo- 
 sive violence in the written history of the 
 world. Nor was the catastrophe confined to a 
 mountain and a city, or even to an island : the 
 towns and villages of northern Martinique were 
 devastated or utterly destroyed as far south- 
 ward as Fort de France, while the scant 400 
 square miles of the whole island were at once 
 shaken from below and showered from above 
 with uncounted tons of hot rock-powder, scorch- 
 ing what it touched, and desolating the tropi- 
 cal luxuriance of one of the fairest among the 
 gems of the Antilles. At the same time the 
 
 Vulcanian spasm thrilled afar through subter- 
 ranean nerves and stirred into sympathetic re- 
 surrection other long-dead volcanoes; and one of 
 these, — La Souffriere, on the island of St. Vin- 
 cent, over a hundred miles away, — sprang into 
 baleful activity, poured out vast sheets of vis- 
 cid lava, showered laud and sea with its own 
 scorching rock-powder, devastated another gem 
 in the Antillean necklace, and slew its thou- 
 sands. The vigor of such volcanic outbursts as 
 those of Martinique and St. Vincent, and the 
 vastness of their products, are beyond realiza- 
 tion. The governor of Barbados, Sir Freder- 
 ick Hodgson, estimates that ‘two million tons 
 of volcanic dust’ fell on his island, which is 
 110 miles from La Souffriere, and still farther 
 from Mont Pelee. . . . 
 
 “About the middle of April of the present 
 year the inhabitants of Martinique and passing 
 seafarers began to note the appearance of 
 ‘smoke’ about the crest of the mountain; and 
 within a few days the report spread that Mont 
 Pelee was in an ugly mood. The smoky col- 
 umns and clouds increased at intervals, and 
 anxiety deepened both at St. Pierre and Fort 
 de France ; but as the days went by without 
 other manifestations, apprehension faded. On 
 May 5, detonations were heard and a tremor 
 shook St. Pierre, while a mass of mud was vio- 
 lently erupted from the old crater. The indi- 
 cations are that this eruption was occasioned by 
 the rise of viscous lava, accompanied by steam 
 and other gases attending its formation, prob- 
 ably through the old vent, in sufficient quantity 
 and with sufficient violence to blow the lake 
 out of the ancient crater and vaporize the water. 
 Portions of the lava were apparently blown into 
 dust by the flashing into steam of water im- 
 prisoned in its interstices, after the manner of 
 volcanic ejecta generally ; and this material 
 (better called ‘ lapilli ’ than ‘ashes’) hastened 
 condensation of the aqueous vapor in the air 
 already overcharged by the addition of that cast 
 up from the lake. The consequence was a 
 shower of mud, apparently of limited extent. 
 Some of the accounts indicate that the greater 
 part of this mud was not vomited into the air, 
 but that it welled up in such wise as to fill and 
 overflow the old crater, and send scalding 
 streams down the gorges seaming the rugged 
 sides of Mont Pelee; one of these flooded a 
 sugar factory and enveloped a score or more of 
 the employees ; others mingled with the rivers, 
 converting them into hot and muddy torrents, 
 carrying destruction down their channels to the 
 sea. ... So matters rested, with Pelee still 
 grumbling, until the evening and night of May 
 7, when the black vapor-clouds and subterra- 
 nean groanings grew more terrifying; but it 
 was too late to escape before another day. 
 
 ‘ ‘ About 7 :50 a. m. on May 8 came the great 
 shock, of which that of May 5 was the precursor ; 
 and within ten minutes St. Pierre and the smaller 
 towns of Martinique were in ruins. Few wit- 
 nesses were left to describe the event, and the 
 accounts of these vary so widely as to require 
 interpretation through the testimony of other 
 witnesses of similar eruptions elsewhere. 
 Briefly it seems evident that the lava mass, of 
 which the uppermost portion exploded on May 
 5, had continued to rise in the vent after the 
 temporary shock due to the recoil of the initial 
 explosion, and that by the morning of May 8 it 
 
 689 
 
VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS 
 
 VULGATE 
 
 had reached such a height in the throat as to find 
 relief from the stupendous pressure of the lower 
 earth-crust. Coming up with the high temper- 
 ature of subterranean depths, the mass was, like 
 other rocks in a state of nature, saturated with 
 water held in liquid state by the pressure, and 
 charged with other mineral substances ready to 
 flash into gas or to oxidize on contact with the 
 air; and these more volatile materials, being of 
 less density than the average, were more abun- 
 dant in the upper portions of the mass. 
 
 “As the viscid plug of red-hot rock forced its 
 way upward, the mighty mountain travailed, 
 the interior rocks were rent, and the groaning 
 and trembling were conveyed through the outer 
 strata to the surface and strange shakings of the 
 shores and quiverings of the sea marked the ap- 
 proach of the culmination. Then the plug 
 passed above the zone of rock-pressure great 
 enough to compress steam into water whatso- 
 ever the heat, — and with this relief the liquid 
 flashed into steam and the superheated rock- 
 matter into gases, while the unoxidized com- 
 pounds leaped into flame and smoke as they 
 caught the oxygen of the outer air. The lava 
 was probably acidic, and hence highly viscous; 
 and when the imprisoned droplets of water ex- 
 panded, they formed bubbles, or vesicles, often 
 much larger than the volume of rock-matter; 
 doubtless some of this matter remains in the 
 form of vesicular pumice; but unquestionably 
 immense quantities were blown completely into 
 fragments representing the walls of the bubbles 
 and the angular spicules and thickenings be- 
 tween bubbles. Of these fragments lapilli, or 
 so-called volcanic ashes, consists ; and the Mont 
 Pelee explosion was so violent that much of the 
 matter was dust-fine, and drifted hundreds 
 of miles before it settled from the upper air to 
 the sea or laud below. When the imprisoned 
 water burst into steam, the heavier gases were 
 evolved, also, with explosive violence; and 
 while the steam shot skyward, carrying lapilli 
 in vast dust-clouds, these gases rolled down the 
 slopes, burning (at least in part) as they went; 
 and at the same time the heavier lava frag- 
 ments, together with rock-masses torn from the 
 throat of the crater by the viscid flood, were 
 dropped for miles around. . . . 
 
 “Both press dispatches and physical princi- 
 ples indicate that it was the debacle of burning 
 gas that consumed St. Pierre even before the 
 red-hot rocks reached the roofs and balconies. 
 Meantime the aerial disturbance was marked by 
 electrical discharges, with continuous peal of 
 thunder and glare of lightning, while portions 
 of the hot rock-powder were washed down from 
 the clouds by scalding rains. The heat of mil- 
 lions of tons of red-hot lava and of the earth- 
 rending explosion, as well as of the burning 
 gases, fell on Martinique ; green things crum- 
 bled to black powder, dry wood fell into smoke 
 and ashes, clothing flashed into flame, and the 
 very bodies of men and beasts burst with the 
 fervent heat. Such, in brief, were the evil 
 events of Pelee and St. Pierre for May 8.” 
 
 Simultaneously, on St. Vincent’s Island, the 
 outbreak of La Souffriere occurred that day. 
 “The accounts are vague or conflicting as to the 
 hour and as to the precise nature of the initial 
 and later throes; yet it would appear, from the 
 burden of the testimony, that the outbreak 
 quickly succeeded that of Pelee. Apparently, 
 
 too, the extravasation of rock-matter, both of 
 liquid and lava, exceeded that of the northern 
 neighbor; yet the indications are that the explo- 
 sion was feebler, and that the formation of gases 
 was proportionately less abundant. Lapilli are 
 reported to cover the entire island to depths 
 ranging from an inch or more to several feet, 
 several roofs, —like those of Pompeii of old, — 
 being crushed in by the weight ; the estimates 
 of human mortality ranged from a few hundreds 
 in the early reports to over two thousand, and 
 were afterward slightly reduced, while the de- 
 struction of property seems to have been rela- 
 tively greater than on Martinique. So far as 
 the accounts of the two outbursts go, they indi- 
 cate that the Pelee eruption was primarily an 
 explosion due to the flashing of water and other 
 gases on relief from pressure, with attendant 
 heat and meteorologic disturbances, followed by 
 a limited and quiet outflow of lava from the 
 deeper and drier portion of the lava plug; but 
 that the upwelling lava of Souffriere was in 
 some way nearer equilibrium, — perhaps drier, 
 perhaps cooler, perhaps from less depth and 
 pressure, — and hence poured out in broad 
 sheets of viscid rock-matter, likened by some 
 observers to burning sealing wax. 
 
 “ Such, in brief, is the record of La Souffriere 
 on May 8, — a record that would have appalled 
 the nations had it not been eclipsed by the 
 ghastly tale of Mont Pelee and St. Pierre.” 
 
 In the case of St. Pierre almost the entire 
 population had remained in the town, not suffi- 
 ciently warned by the outbreak of May 5, and 
 was, in consequence, destroyed. It is estimated 
 that 30,000 people perished in or near that town 
 alone. Death came to them almost instantane- 
 ously, — not from the flow of lava or the show- 
 ers of hot ashes that fell to the depth of perhaps 
 two feet, but from such a fierce current of burn- 
 ing gases that men breathed flames instead of 
 air. 
 
 On the English island, there was no large 
 town close to the mountain, and therefore not 
 as great loss of life as in Martinique, but nearly 
 two thousand persons in the rural districts lost 
 their lives. These were burned to death by hot 
 sand or were killed by lightning, there being no 
 suffocation, as in St. Pierre. A layer of ashes 
 fell over the entire island, and in the northeast- 
 ern part the land was buried in ashes and stones 
 to the depth of eighteen inches. As a conse- 
 quence, all the crops were destroyed. 
 
 Repeated outbreaks of both Mont Pelee and 
 La Souffriere occurred at intervals during more 
 than a year following the great explosion, add- 
 ing much to the destruction of the means of liv- 
 ing on large parts of the islands and to the mis- 
 ery of the inhabitants remaining in the regions 
 affected, though not greatly to the loss of life. 
 Of the relief in money and supplies from all 
 sources that was poured into the two afflicted 
 islands no full reckoning can be obtained ; but 
 the Governor of the Windward Islands reported 
 to the Colonial Office at London on the 20th of 
 June, 1903, that total receipts for the Eruption 
 Fund to that date were £77,000, and expendi- 
 tures £42,787. “ I shall have sufficient funds 
 
 left in the Colony," he added, “to meet all pre- 
 sent needs, unless any further unforeseen mis- 
 fortune takes place.” 
 
 VULGATE, Revision of the. See (in this 
 
 vol.) Papacy: A. D. 1907-1909. 
 
 690 
 
WAGES AND COST OF LIVING 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 w. 
 
 WAGES AND COST OF LIVING. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Labor Remuneration: Wages, 
 &c. 
 
 WAI-WU-PU. See (in this vol.) China: 
 A. D. 1901-1908. 
 
 WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, PIERRE 
 MARIE : Resignation of Ministry. See 
 
 (in this vol. ) France : A. D. 1902 ( April- 
 Oct.). 
 
 WALLER, Dr. Augustus. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent : Opbonins. 
 
 WALL STREET INVESTIGATION, 
 The. See (in this vol.) Finance and Trade: 
 United States : A. D. 1909. 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR. 
 
 At Large : Contradictory Feeling and Ac- 
 tion in the World. — Its Causes. — Interna- 
 tional Barbarism with Inter-Personal Civili- 
 zation. — The Two Main Knots of Difficulty 
 in the Situation. — The British and the Ger- 
 man Posture. — There was never before in the 
 world so wide-spread and so passionate a hatred 
 of War, among civilized peoples, or so earnest 
 and determined an endeavor to supplant it by 
 rational methods of composing international dis- 
 putes. At the same time, there was never so 
 frenzied a rivalry of preparation among the 
 nations for Warfare, by monstrous accumula-’ 
 tion of its horrible engines and tools. How can 
 the glaring inconsistency be accounted for 
 without impeaching the general sanity of man- 
 kind ? 
 
 The strangeness of the situation was de- 
 scribed most graphically and feelingly, not 
 long since, by Lord Rosebery, in speaking at a 
 banquet given to the delegates attending the 
 British Imperial Press Conference, at London, 
 in June, 1909, and his own feeling that went 
 into the description of it affords an explanation 
 of the anomaly. “ I do not know,” said the 
 eloquent Earl, “ that in some ways I have ever 
 seen a condition of things in Europe so remark- 
 able, so peaceful, and in some respects so omi- 
 nous as the condition which exists at this mo- 
 ment. There is a hush in Europe, a hush in 
 which you may almost hear a leaf fall to the 
 ground. There is an absolute absence of any 
 questions which ordinarily lead to war. One 
 of the great Empires which is sometimes sup- 
 posed to menace peace is entirely engrossed 
 with its own internal affairs. Another great 
 Eastern empire which furnished a perpetual 
 problem to statesmen has taken a new lease of 
 life and youth in searching for constitutional 
 peace and reform. 
 
 “All forebodes peace; and yet at the same 
 time, combined with this total absence of all 
 questions of friction, there never was in the his- 
 tory of the world so threatening and so over- 
 powering a preparation for war. That is a sign 
 which I confess I regard as most ominous. For 
 40 years it has been a platitude to say that Eu- 
 rope is an armed camp, and for 40 years it has 
 been true that all the nations have been facing 
 each other armed to the teeth, and that has been 
 in some respects a guarantee of peace. Now, 
 what do we see? Without any tangible reason 
 we see the nations preparing new armaments. 
 They cannot arm any more men on land, so they 
 have to seek new armaments upon the sea, pil- 
 ing up these enormous preparations as if for 
 some great Armageddon — and that in a time 
 
 of profoundest peace. We live in the midst of 
 what I think was called by Petrarch tacens 
 helium — a silent warfare, in which not a drop 
 of blood is shed in anger, but in which, how- 
 ever, the last drop is extracted from the living 
 body by the lancets of the European statesmen. 
 There are features in this general preparation 
 for war which must cause special anxiety to 
 the friends of Great Britain and the British Em- 
 pire, but I will not dwell upon these. I will 
 only ask you who have come to this country to 
 compare carefully the armaments of Europe 
 with our preparations to meet them, and give 
 your impressions to the Empire in return. 
 (Cheers.) I myself feel confident in the resolu- 
 tion and power of this country to meet any 
 reasonable conjunction of forces. But when I 
 see this bursting out of navies everywhere, 
 when I see one country alone asking for 25 mil- 
 lions of extra taxation for warlike preparation, 
 when I see the absolutely unprecedented sacri- 
 fices which are asked from us on the same 
 ground, I do begin to feel uneasy at the out- 
 come of it all and wonder where it will stop, 
 or if it is nearly going to bring back Europe 
 into a state of barbarism, (hear, hear), or 
 whether it will cause a catastrophe in which the 
 working men of the world will say, ‘We will 
 have no more of this madness, this foolery 
 which is grinding us to powder.’ (Cheers.) 
 
 “We can and we will build Dreadnoughts — 
 or whatever the newest type of ship may be 
 (loud cheers) — as long as we have a shilling to 
 spend on them or a man to put into them. 
 (Loud cheers.) All that we can and will do; 
 but I am not sure that even that will be 
 enough, and I think it may be your duty to 
 take back to your young dominions across the 
 seas this message and this impression — that 
 some personal duty and responsibility for na- 
 tional defence rests on every man and citizen. 
 (Loud and prolonged cheers.) Yes, take that 
 message back with you. Tell your people — if 
 they can believe it — the deplorable way in 
 which Europe is lapsing into militarism and the 
 pressure which is put upon this little island to 
 defend its liberties — and yours. (Cheers.) But 
 take this message also back with you — that 
 the old country is right at heart, that there is 
 no failing or weakness in heart, and that she 
 rejoices in renewing her youth in her giant 
 dominions beyond the seas. (Loud cheers.) For 
 her own salvation she must look to herself, and 
 that failing her she must look to you. (Cheers.)” 
 Here, in the feeling of one superlatively civ- 
 ilized man, is the feeling of more than half the 
 world epitomized. It shrinks with horror from 
 
 691 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 the enormity of preparations that are “ as if for 
 some great Armageddon,” and shudders over 
 what seems to be “ nearly going to bring back 
 Europe into a state of barbarism ” ; but sus- 
 picion, distrust, fear impel it nevertheless, to 
 cry with Lord Rosebery : “We can and we will 
 build Dreadnoughts as long as we have a shill- 
 ing to spend on them or a man to put into them 
 — because others are building them who may 
 use them against us.” There is senselessness in 
 this predicament of mind, but it is the senseless- 
 ness of a persisting international barbarism, 
 which keeps nation-neighbors still standing in 
 attitudes toward one another which became fool- 
 ishness to individual neighbors a thousand years 
 ago. It means, simply, that the society of na- 
 tions is as barbaric as it was when Englishmen 
 and Normans fought at Senlac ; and that it is 
 only in little street-neighborhoods that men 
 have arrived at the rational relationships which 
 offer an appearance of civilization in some parts 
 of the world. 
 
 Two principal knots of difficulty must be cut 
 in some way, before an international civilization 
 can be developed, by the rational and moral 
 processes which have civilized us iuterpersonally 
 in some considerable degree. The hardest of 
 these knots is tightened upon England, by the 
 weight and the strain of her great world-wide 
 empire on the little island to which it is bound. 
 Not only the whole exterior fabric of British 
 Empire, but the bare subsistence of the people 
 of the small island at its center, depends on the 
 uninterrupted use of the surrounding seas for 
 trade and travel between its parts. To lose 
 freedom in that use means the downfall of Great 
 Britain, not merely as a militant power, but in 
 everything that could carry her past importance 
 into the future of the world. It means so much 
 as this, because the resources of the island-home 
 of the nation, within themselves, are so small. 
 There can be no wonder, then, that Englishmen 
 reckon nothing else so important to them as an 
 indisputable free use of the seas. Nor can there 
 be wonder that they learned in the past to look 
 on an indisputable free use of the seas as imply- 
 ing a mastery of the sea. Until within the last 
 generation or two this was the sole condition on 
 which there could be security in ocean trade 
 That it remains so still is the continued belief 
 of all the Governments which put millions on 
 millions into bigger and bigger steel-clad battle- 
 ships, and of the publics behind the Govern- 
 ments, which cry with Rosebery, “We can and 
 we will build Dreadnoughts as long as we have 
 a shilling to spend on them or a man to put into 
 them.” England differs from the rest only in 
 the imperativeness to her of what is simply im- 
 portant to them. If security in the use of the 
 seas is still impossible of attainment without the 
 supremacy over them of an irresistible sea- 
 power, then England has justifications for the 
 enormity of her naval armament which no other 
 nation can claim. 
 
 So long as a majority of Englishmen feel con- 
 strained to believe that their ocean trade is made 
 secure from hostile obstruction by nothing but 
 their naval strength, so long they will strive to 
 maintain a navy that shall be equal to the com- 
 bined navies of any other two Powers ; and so 
 long as that “ Two Power Standard ” of British 
 naval policy remains inflexible, it seems forbid- 
 ding to the hope of a common agreement among 
 
 the maritime nations to reduce their building of 
 battleships. With other Powers than Germany 
 there might be possibilitiesof such an agreement, 
 even subject to a concession of British naval su- 
 premacy, because of the exceptionality of cir- 
 cumstance in England’s case ; but it is here that 
 we come to the second of the two principal 
 knots of difficulty which hinder the interna- 
 tional civilization of the world, now so flagrantly 
 over-due. Germany, coming late, by a tardy 
 unification, into the national career which the 
 German people are entitled to, by their energy 
 of spirit and capacity of brain, is impatient in 
 the ambitions that were repressed so long. Her 
 industries, her commerce, her maritime under- 
 takings have been pushed in the last generation, 
 against the older competitions of Europe and 
 America, with an impassioned determination 
 that has won extraordinary triumphs on every 
 line. Here, again, as in the case of England, 
 there is an exceptional exposure of the nation to 
 those perils from war which the state of inter- 
 national barbarism still keeps in suspense. Ger- 
 many elbows so many close neighbors in Europe 
 that nothing but a perfectly trusting friendship 
 or a perfectly organized reign of law among 
 them can make safety for any. In the absence of 
 both friendly trust and authoritative law, they 
 stand on guard against each other in the twen- 
 tieth century as they did in the tenth; but with 
 arms a hundred-fold more hellish and a thou- 
 sand-fold more ruinous in cost. Under the pres- 
 sure of her long-pent ambitions and energies, Ger- 
 many has beaten all her neighbors in this as in 
 other fields of exertion. She commands the best 
 trained, the best organized, the best equipped 
 army in the world, and stands admittedly 
 the first among military Powers. But military 
 power does not give “ world power,” in the ac- 
 cepted meaning of that term, and Germany is 
 impelled by all the strong motives of our time to 
 acquire that. She is competing with England 
 in commerce, in shipping, in exploitations of en- 
 terprise, everywhere, and she manifestly hopes 
 yet to make good the lateness of her coming into 
 the field of colonial plantation. By everything 
 in the prevailing theories of statesmanship, this 
 calls for a development of naval power to mate 
 the military ; and Germany has been zealously 
 obedient to the call, —so zealously that England 
 has taken alarm. Since about the year 1900 a 
 German navy has been created so fast that the 
 “two power standard” of Great Britain has be- 
 gun of late to be a seriously difficult, because a 
 frightfully costly, naval standard to maintain. 
 Yet England more than ever believes that she 
 must maintain it at any cost ; because the stren- 
 uousness of the German navy-building inspires 
 her with a new distrust. Hence these two Pow- 
 ers are setting a new pace to the increase of naval 
 armament, all other Governments catching some 
 infection from the new’ temper of suspicion and 
 distrust which w’orks in theirs. 
 
 And this, mainly, at least, is why the world 
 is busier to-day than it was ever busy before in 
 building monstrous ships and guns and horrible 
 inventions of a thousand sorts for battle, while 
 it loathes battle and war as they were never 
 loathed by mankind before. 
 
 One of the most impressive of recent utter- 
 ances on this grave subject fell from the lips of 
 the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in the Govern- 
 ment of Great Britain, Sir Edward Grey, on the 
 
 692 
 
WAR, TIIE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, TIIE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 29tli of March, 1909, when he said in Parlia- 
 ment: “Sir, the martial spirit, I should be the 
 last to deny, has its place, and its proper place, 
 in the life of a nation. That the nation should 
 take pride in its power to resist force by force is 
 a natural and wholesome thing. It is a source 
 of perfectly healthy pride to have soundness of 
 wind and limb and physical strength, and it has 
 no unworthy part in the national spirit. That 
 I sympathize with entirely, but I would ask the 
 people to consider to what consequences the 
 growth of armaments has led. The great coun- 
 tries of Europe are raising enormous revenues 
 and something like oue-lialf of them is being 
 spent on naval and military preparations. You 
 may call it national insurance, that is perfectly 
 true ; but it is equally true that one-half of the 
 national revenue of the great countries in Eu- 
 rope is being spent on what are, after all, pre- 
 parations to kill each other. Surely the extent 
 to which this expenditure has grown really be- 
 comes a satire and a reflection upon civilization. 
 (Cheers.) Not in our generation, perhaps, but if 
 it goes on at the rate at which it has recently 
 increased, sooner or later I believe it will sub- 
 merge that civilization. The burden already 
 shows itself in national credit — less in our na- 
 tional credit than in the national credit of other 
 nations — but sooner or later, if it goes on at 
 this rate, it must lead to national bankruptcy. 
 Is it to be wondered that the hopes and aspira- 
 tions of the best men in the leading countries 
 are devoted to trying to find some means of 
 checking it? (Cheers.) Surely that is a state- 
 ment of the case in which, however attached a 
 man may be to what I may call the martial 
 spirit, he may at least see that the whole of Eu- 
 rope is in the presence of a great danger. But, 
 Sir, no country alone can save that.” 
 
 At Large : Lord Morley on the Responsi- 
 bility of the Press. — Speaking to the Impe- 
 rial Press Conference, at London, in June, 1909, 
 and referring to the “ rebarbarism of Europe — 
 the rattling back into arms and the preparation 
 to use arms,” Lord Morley said he thought the 
 Press was more answerable for this than all the 
 ministers, officers, and diplomatists taken to- 
 gether, and he pleaded for a systematic and per- 
 severing work on the part of newspapers in 
 behalf of peace among the nations. 
 
 Military: 
 
 Average Cost of the Armies of the Great 
 Military Powers. — In his report on the 
 French army budget of 1909 M. Gervais made 
 a calculation of the average military expenditure 
 of the six Powers — namely, Russia, Germany, 
 France, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Japan, 
 which can mobilize the largest armies, and found 
 the total amount spent annually to be no less 
 than 5,037 million francs (more than $1,000,000,- 
 000 ), and the number of men which they could 
 put into the field to be 31,700,000. The army 
 which England can mobilize comes seventh, and 
 is given as 555,000 men, though her average an- 
 nual expenditure is the same as that of France 
 — namely, 700 million francs ($140,000,000). 
 Comparing next the expenditure and the effect- 
 ives of France and Germany, the report states 
 that the German army estimates show an in- 
 crease in 1909 to 69 million francs, being fixed 
 at 1,067, 862, 437f., of which 838,037, 151f., be- 
 long to the ordinary budget and 229,825,226f. 
 to the extraordinary budget. The French army 
 
 estimates for the year were 742,443, 745f. ($150,- 
 000,000). The totals on either side were: Ger- 
 many, 34,118 officers and 602,670 men; France, 
 27,310 officers and 511,930 men. The average 
 cost per man in Germany is l,398f. and in 
 France l,150f. 
 
 Belgian Military Service Stiffened. — Sub- 
 stitution Abolished. — Personal Service Ex- 
 acted. — Conscription of a mild type has existed 
 in Belgium for some years, supplemented by 
 voluntary enlistments and ameliorated by hired 
 substitution, which released the well-to-do from 
 military service if they wished to escape it. The 
 Liberals and Socialists have for a long time 
 been advocating the abolition of the practice of 
 substitution in favor of a system of personal 
 and universal military service ; and, latterly they 
 were joined in the demand by a section of the 
 Catholics. The question became a dominant one 
 in politics, and brought about an extraordinary 
 session of the Belgian Chamber in October, 
 1909, for discussion of a comprehensive meas- 
 ure of military reform, for strengthening the 
 self-defense of the kingdom. It resulted in a de- 
 cision that “ general personal service restricted 
 to one son per family should be introduced, that 
 the annual contingent should be raised to 18,000 
 men, that the peace strength should stand at 
 48,400, and that the eventual war strength 
 should be 250,000 men. It was also agreed that, 
 the ecclesiastics should be exempt.” 
 
 Brazilian Military Service. — Service in the 
 Brazilian army was made obligatory by legisla- 
 tion in 1907. 
 
 The British Territorial Force. — The Re- 
 organization of 1907 - 8 . — Lord Roberts’ 
 Criticism. — His Bill for Compulsory Train- 
 ing. — The volunteer or militia forces of the 
 United Kingdom, for home service, underwent 
 an important reorganization in 1907, according 
 to the provisions of an Act entitled the “Terri- 
 torial and Reserve Forces Act,” the general 
 scheme of which may be learned from the fol- 
 lowing clauses, taken out of the text of the Act: 
 
 “ For the purposes of the reorganisation under 
 this Act of His Majesty’s military forces other 
 than the regulars and their reserves, and of the 
 administration of those forces when so reor- 
 ganised, and for such other purposes as are men- 
 tioned in this Act, an association may be estab- 
 lished for any county in the United Kingdom, 
 with such powers and duties in connection with 
 the purposes aforesaid as may be conferred on it 
 by or under this Act. Associations shall be con- 
 stituted, and the members thereof shall be ap- 
 pointed and hold office in accordance with 
 schemes to be made by the Army Council.” 
 
 “It shall be the duty of an association when 
 constituted to make itself acquainted with and 
 conform to the plan of the Army Council for the 
 organisation of the Territorial Force within the 
 county and to ascertain the military resources 
 and capabilities of the county, and to render ad- 
 vice and assistance to the Army Council and to 
 such officers as the Army Council may direct, 
 and an association shall have, exercise, and dis- 
 charge such powers and duties connected with 
 the organisation and administration of His Ma- 
 jesty’s military forces as may for the time being 
 be transferred or assigned to it by order of 
 His Majesty signified under the hand of a Secre- 
 tary of State or, subject thereto, by regulations 
 under this Act, but an association shall not have 
 
 693 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 any powers of command or training over any 
 part of Ills Majesty’s military forces.” 
 
 “ The Army Council shall pay to an associa- 
 tion, out of money voted by Parliament for army 
 services, such sums as, in the opinion of the 
 Army Council, are required to meet the neces- 
 sary expenditure connected with the exercise 
 and discharge by the association of its powers 
 and duties. 
 
 “All men of the Territorial Force shall be en- 
 listed by such persons and in such manner and 
 subject to such regulations as may be prescribed : 
 Provided that every man enlisted under this 
 Part of this Act — (a) Shall be enlisted for a 
 county for which an association has been estab- 
 lished under this Act and shall be appointed to 
 serve in such corps for that county or for an area 
 comprising the whole or part of "that county as 
 he may select, and, if that corps comprises more 
 than one unit within the county, shall be posted 
 to such one of those units as he may select: ( b ) 
 Shall be enlisted to serve for such a period as 
 may be prescribed, not exceeding four years, 
 reckoned from the date of his attestation : (c) 
 May be re-engaged within twelve months before 
 the end of his current term of service for such a 
 period as may be prescribed not exceeding four 
 years from the end of that term.” 
 
 “ Any part of the Territorial Force shall be 
 liable to serve in any part of the United King- 
 dom, but no part of the Territorial Force shall 
 be carried or ordered to go out of the United 
 Kingdom. Provided that it shall be lawful for 
 His Majesty, if he thinks fit, to accept the offer 
 of any part or men of the Territorial Force, sig- 
 nified through their commanding officer, to sub- 
 ject themselves to the liability to serve in any 
 place outside the United Kingdom.” 
 
 “Subject to the provisions of this section, 
 every man of the Territorial Force shall, by way 
 of annual training — (a) Be trained for not less 
 than eight nor more than fifteen, or in the case 
 of the mounted branch eighteen, days in every 
 year at such times and at such places in any 
 part of the United Kingdom as may be pre- 
 scribed, and may for that purpose be called out 
 once or oftener in every year: ( b ) Attend the 
 number of drills and fulfill the other conditions 
 relating to training prescribed for his arm or 
 branch of the service”: 
 
 “His Majesty in Council may — Order that 
 the period of annual training in any year of all 
 or any part of the Territorial Force be extended, 
 but so that the whole period of annual training 
 be not more than thirty days in any year.” 
 
 The King is empowered to make orders with 
 respect to pay and allowances of the Territorial 
 Force, as well as concerning its government and 
 discipline. 
 
 Under this Act the Territorial Force assumed 
 form on the 1st of April, 1908. The former or- 
 ganizations of Yeomanry and Volunteers were 
 given until 30th June to transfer to the new 
 Force. The strength of the Yeomanry and Vol- 
 unteers on 31st March had been 9,174 officers 
 and 241,085 men. On 1st July the strength of 
 the new Force, including both transfers and re- 
 cruits, was about 8,000 officers and 176,500 men. 
 Of these some 112,000 men had joined for one 
 year. 
 
 The latest published statement of the enroll- 
 ment in the Territorial Force (that can be re- 
 ferred to, here) was made on the 26th of April, 1909, 
 
 in the House of Lords, by Lord Lucas, speaking 
 for the Government, in reply to questions as to 
 “how many of the 315,000 men required to com- 
 plete the Territorial Force had been enrolled up 
 to date ; how many of these now serving in the 
 force were under 20 years of age ; what was the 
 lowest age at which they had been and were now 
 accepted ; and how many Territorials now serv- 
 ing had engaged for one year only.” The answer 
 was: “the strength of the Territorial Force on 
 the first of this month was 8,938 officers out of 
 an establishment of 11,267, or 79 percent. ; 254,- 
 524 men out of a strength of 302,047 ; or a total 
 of 263,462 out of an establishment of 313,314, 
 which came out at 84 per cent. In answer to 
 the second question he was sorry that they had 
 not got later particulars than October 1, 1908, 
 but on that day there were 188,785 men on the 
 strength of the Territorial Force of whom 62,- 
 288 were under 20. The answer to the third 
 question was that the limit of age for men was 
 17, and for boys 14. In answer to the fourth, 
 he could not give the noble earl the actual num- 
 ber of men serving at the present time for one 
 year, but the figures he could give would make 
 it pretty clear. They had last year 107,857 one- 
 year men serving in the force — Volunteers who 
 had transferred for one year. On April 1 last 
 out of these 107,857 men 56,238 had already re- 
 engaged for one year or more. That was to 
 say, that these men had signified their intention 
 of re engaging before their year was actually 
 up.” 
 
 Lord Roberts has no confidence in the effi- 
 ciency of the Territorial Force, as a voluntary 
 organization. In a letter read to the House of 
 Lords on the 17th of May, 1909, when a motion 
 expressive of this opinion was to be made and 
 he found himself unable to attend and support 
 it personally, he wrote: 
 
 “On July 10, 1905, I said that ‘I have no 
 hesitation in stating that our armed forces as a 
 body are as absolutely unfitted and unprepared 
 for war as they were in 1899-1900. Close upon 
 four years have passed since then, and I have 
 no hesitation in reaffirming my conviction.” 
 
 Subsequently Lord Roberts introduced in the 
 House of Lords a “National Service (Training 
 and Home Defence) Bill,” on which he spoke 
 with great earnestness on the 12th of July. His 
 Bill imposed on all male subjects the obligation 
 of serving in the Territorial Force between the 
 ages of 18 and 30, excepting officers of the Reg- 
 ular and Reserve Forces, naval and military, 
 and some others; but subject to this and other 
 modifications every person who came under 
 the Bill would be in the same position as a 
 person who voluntarily joins the existing Terri- 
 torial Force. The liability to training would 
 not extend over the whole term of service, but 
 be limited to four years. The Bill provided for 
 absolute equality of treatment of all classes, no 
 purchase of discharge or of exemption from ser- 
 vice beiug allowed ; but in the matter of train- 
 ing various exemptions were provided for. 
 
 The Bill encountered more opposition than 
 support in the debate on it, and did not secure a 
 second reading. 
 
 British Army Reorganization. — Creation 
 of a General Staff. — Result of the Report 
 of the Esher Army Commission. — Work of 
 the Defence Committee. — Speaking, in April, 
 at the Imperial Conference of 1907, Mr. llal- 
 
 694 
 
WAR, T1IE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 dane, the Secretary for War in the British Min- 
 istry, gave a brief but clear account of the 
 reforms in the organization of the Army which 
 had been in progress since 1904. “The effect of 
 the war in South Africa,” he said, “made a 
 profound impression on the minds of our ad- 
 visers here. We realized that we had gone into 
 the war without adequate preparation for war 
 on a great scale, and that we had never fully 
 apprehended the importance of the maxim that 
 all preparation in time of peace must be prepa- 
 ration for war ; it is of no use unless it is de- 
 signed for that; it is the only justification for 
 the maintenance of armies — the preparation for 
 war. In consequence, when the war was over, 
 the then Government set to work — and the 
 present Government has continued to work — 
 to endeavour to put the modern military organi- 
 zation into shape. In 1904 a very important 
 committee sat. It was presided over by a civ- 
 ilian who had given great attention to the study 
 of military organization, Lord Esher, and it 
 contained on it two very distinguished expo- 
 nents of naval and military views, Sir John 
 Fisher and Sir George Clarke, as its other mem- 
 bers. The committee reported, and its report 
 contained a complete scheme for the reorganiza- 
 tion of the War Office and of the Army. That 
 scheme was adopted by the late Government 
 and has been carried on by the present Govern- 
 ment. One broad feature is this, that our naval 
 organization has been the one with which we 
 have been conspicuously successful in the his- 
 tory of this country, as distinguished from our 
 military organization, and, therefore, as far as 
 was possible, the naval organization was taken 
 as a type. But the broad feature which emerged 
 with regard to military preparations was this — 
 Count Moltke was able to organize victory for 
 the Prussian and German armies in 1866, and 
 again in 1870, because he and the General Staff 
 working under him were free to apply their 
 minds wholly to war preparation. That he was 
 able to do this was due to the fact that the or- 
 ganization and business administration of the 
 Army in peace were kept entirely distinct from 
 the service which consisted in the study of war 
 problems and in the higher training of the Staff 
 and of the troops. That was the principle 
 recommended by the Esher Committee, and it 
 culminated in the provision of a brain for the 
 Army in the shape of a General Staff. That 
 General Staff we have been at work on for a 
 long time past in endeavouring to get together. 
 The task was not as difficult as it seemed at 
 first, because the effect of the war was to bring 
 to the front a number of young officers who had 
 shown remarkable capacity, and who consti- 
 tuted the nucleus of a serious and thoughtful 
 military school. They were got together under 
 the Esher reorganization, and virtually there 
 has been a General Staff in existence for some 
 time. But it was not until last September that 
 it received formal and complete shape in the 
 Army Order of that month.” 
 
 Besides this fundamental reform, the Esher 
 Commission pointed the way to other important 
 changes or effective improvements in the ad- 
 ministrative system of the Army. In place of 
 the commander-in-chief, a new post, that of 
 inspector-general, with a term of five years, was 
 proposed, the principal duty of the office being 
 to inspect and report on the efficiency of the 
 
 military forces. Earl Roberts had just retired 
 from the position of commander-iu-chief, and the 
 Duke of Connaught became inspector-general 
 under the new regime. The existing Defence 
 Committee, instituted in 1902, was to be en- 
 larged by the addition of a permanent secretary, 
 holding office for five years ; two naval officers, 
 selected by the admiralty ; two military officers, 
 chosen by the Viceroy of India ; and, if possi- 
 ble, other colonial representatives, holding office 
 for two years. 
 
 Of the importance of this Defence Committee, 
 and of its work, Prime Minister Asquith took 
 occasion to speak recently in Parliament (July 
 29, 1909). “Under the present Government,” 
 he said, “during the four years we have been 
 in office the full Committee constituted by my 
 predecessor, and which has since rendered the 
 same service to myself, has consisted of six 
 Cabinet Ministers in addition to the Prime Min- 
 ister — namely, the four Secretaries of State 
 other than the Home Secretary, the First Lord 
 of the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer. It has consisted next, as represent- 
 ing the Navy, of the First Sea Lord and the 
 Director of Naval Intelligence, and as represent- 
 ing the Army the Chief of the General Staff and 
 the Director of Military Operations ; and in 
 addition to these official members it has had the 
 services and the cooperation of the Inspector- 
 General of the Forces (Sir John French), who 
 occupies an independent position ; of Lord 
 Esher, who is a great expert in all these mat- 
 ters ; and latterly, at my nomination, Admiral 
 Sir Arthur Wilson. That has been the compo- 
 sition of the full Committee, but from time to 
 time we were able to add to it, and we ought to 
 add to it, members ad hoc. . . . 
 
 “The functions of the Defence Committee 
 arise out of the necessity felt, I think, in almost 
 all the great countries of the world, but which 
 is nowhere so pressing as it is here owing to our 
 geographical and economic conditions — the ne- 
 cessity of co-ordinating the work of the Navy 
 and Army. It is the primary business of the 
 Defence Committee to study and determine 
 what is the best provision that can from time 
 to time be made for the military and naval re- 
 quirements of the Empire as a whole, to keep 
 both naval and military requirements, and 
 their due relation to each other, constantly in 
 view.” Giving examples of the subjects which 
 the committee had discussed, he said they had 
 had under consideration the military needs of 
 the Empire with reference to recent changes in 
 Army organization; its military requirements 
 as affected by the defence of India ; the strategi- 
 cal aspects of the Firth of Clyde Canal ; aerial 
 navigation in view of the present and prospec- 
 tive developments; our policy in regard to the 
 Channel tunnel and to the means of transit 
 across the Channel ; the standard of fixed de- 
 fences and garrisons in various parts of the 
 Empire, and the scale of reinforcements. 
 
 “In 1905 Mr. Balfour, who was then Prime 
 Minister, made a statement of the highest im- 
 portance in regard to the possibility of an inva- 
 sion of these islands. Since then Lord Roberts 
 had asked for a reinvestigation of the problem 
 in the light of new facts and of the changed 
 situation, and in 1907 a special committee of the 
 Committee of Imperial Defence was appointed 
 to go into the whole matter. In arriving at 
 
 695 
 
WAR, T1IE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 their conclusion the committee conceded to 
 those who were apprehensive of invasion that it 
 would take place when our Regular Forces 
 were absent upon some foreign expedition and 
 that the attack might be a surprise attack. 
 The view unanimously arrived at was, in the 
 first place, that as long as the naval supremacy 
 of the country was adequately assured, invasion 
 on a large scale, involving the transport of 
 
 150.000 men, was an absolutely impracticable 
 operation. The committee held, on the other 
 hand, that if we were permanently to lose com- 
 mand of the sea, whatever might be the 
 strength and organization of our military forces 
 at the moment — even if we had an army like 
 that of Germany — the subjection of the coun- 
 try by the enemy would be inevitable. It fol- 
 lowed from this that it was the business of the 
 Admiralty to maintain our naval supremacy at 
 such a height as would enable us to retain com- 
 mand of the sea against any reasonably possible 
 combination. The second conclusion arrived at 
 was that we ought to have an Army for home 
 defence sufficient in numbers and organization 
 to repel raids and to compel an enemy who con- 
 templated invasion to embark a force so consid- 
 erable that it could not possibly evade our 
 Fleet. The belief of the Admiralty was that a 
 force of 70,000 men could not get through; but 
 an ample margin must be allowed for safety, 
 and it therefore became the business of the War 
 Office to see that we had a force capable of 
 dealing effectively with 70,000 men. For this 
 country, then, to be secure against invasion we 
 ought to have an unassailable supremacy at sea 
 and a home Army ready to cope with a force of 
 the dimensions he had named. It was upon 
 these conclusions that both the military and 
 naval policy of the country during his adminis- 
 tration would be carried on.” 
 
 Speaking in Parliament, in June, 1909, of the 
 peculiar character and efficient quality of the 
 Regular Army of Great Britain, Mr. Haldane, 
 the Secretary for War, described it as “an 
 Army of the kind which no other Power in the 
 world possesses to the same extent as we do. 
 It is customary,” he said, “to speak of the small 
 British Army ; hut what Power in the world has 
 
 80.000 white soldiers raised in their own coun- 
 try stationed in a country like India, and 40,000 
 in other parts of the Empire, and a further large 
 force at home which is tending to increase — 
 and more and more the overseas Dominions are 
 tending to undertake their own defence? Now 
 that force is not primarily for use at home, 
 though it may be used for that; its real purpose 
 is to work with the Navy overseas and to un- 
 dertake wars there. The great armies fof the 
 Continent can only be mobilized for a limited 
 time, and they cannot undertake wars which 
 last for two or five or ten years, as ours can 
 because it is a professional Army and leaves the 
 resources of the nation unaffected. That kind 
 of overseas Army is a peculiarity of the military 
 organization of this country, a peculiarity 
 wliich is too often overlooked, but which is just 
 as essential as the command of the sea.” 
 
 German Emperor’s Speech. — The following 
 speech by the Emperor William was made at 
 Karlsruhe, September 11, 1909, after a military 
 review in Baden: “We Germans are a people 
 glad to bear arms and proud of the game of war 
 ( kriegsspielfrcudiy ). We carry the burden of our 
 
 defence lightly and willingly, for we know that, 
 we must preserve and maintain our peace in 
 which alone our labour can prosper. At the re- 
 view from which I have just come I have seen 
 that portion of the warrior sons of our Father- 
 land which springs from the land of Baden. To- 
 day, under the command of their illustrious lord, 
 they have given me the most complete satisfac- 
 tion. So long as there are peoples there will be 
 enemies and envious folk ; and so long as there 
 are enemies and envious folk it will be neces- 
 sary to be on one’s guard against them. Con- 
 sequently there will continue to be prospects of 
 war, and even war itself, and we must be ready 
 for everything. Hence our army before all 
 forms the rocher de bronze on which the peace of 
 Europe is based and with which no one intends 
 to pick a quarrel. It is to preserve this peace, 
 to maintain the position in the world which is 
 our due, that our army serves; this also is the 
 aim of the strenuous days which are expected 
 of it. But I am firmly convinced that it will 
 stand its test successfully and that our German 
 Fatherland may rest in confidence that we are 
 on guard and that with God’s help and under 
 God’s protection nothing will befall us.” 
 
 Military and Naval ; 
 
 British Imperial Defence Conference of 
 1909 . — Its Agreements for an Imperial Sys- 
 tem. — Compulsory Military Training con- 
 templated in Australia. — In connection with 
 the doubts that were awakened in Great Brit- 
 ain, and throughout the British Empire, in 1909, 
 as to the adequacy of their general preparations 
 for defence, the Premier announced in the House 
 of Commons, on the 3d of May, that steps had 
 “been taken to ascertain whether the Govern- 
 ments of the self-governing Dominions are pre- 
 pared to favour a conference at an early date 
 for the discussion of Imperial co-operation for 
 defence. The Government had suggested, he 
 said, that the conference should be held this 
 summer — if possible, in July.” The proposal 
 was approved throughout the Empire, and dele- 
 gates to the Conference from each of the self- 
 governing Dominions came to London and held 
 sessions with representatives of the Home Gov- 
 ernment, beginning on the 28th of July. The 
 delegates in attendance were the following ; 
 
 Commonwealth of Australia. — Colonel J. F. 
 Foxton, Minister without portfolio, assisted by 
 Captain Creswell and Colonel Bridges, naval 
 and military experts. 
 
 New Zealand. — Sir Joseph Ward, Prime 
 Minister and Minister of Defence. 
 
 Canada. — Sir Frederick Borden, Minister of 
 Militia and Defence, Mr. L. Brodeur, Minister 
 of Marine and Fisheries, these Ministers being 
 assisted by Admiral Kingsmill and General Sir 
 Percy Lake, as naval and military advisers. 
 
 Newfoundland. — Sir E. P. Morris, Prime 
 Minister. 
 
 Cape Colony. — Mr. J F. X. Merriman, Prime 
 Minister. 
 
 Natal. — Mr. J. R. Moor, Prime Minister, 
 assisted by Colonel Greene, Minister of Rail- 
 ways. 
 
 The Transvaal. — General J. C. Smuts, Colo- 
 nial Secretary. 
 
 Orange River Colony. — General Hertzog, 
 Colonial Secretary. 
 
 The discussions of the Conference were unre- 
 ported, but on the 26th of August, after its ad- 
 
 696 
 
WAIl, TIIE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, TIIE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 journment, the Premier, in a statement to the 
 House of Commons, summarized its main con- 
 clusions as follows : “ First as regards military 
 defence : after the main Conference at the For 
 eign Ollice, a military Conference took place at 
 the War Office, and resulted in an agreement 
 on the fundamental principles set out in papers 
 which had been prepared by the General Staff 
 for consideration by the delegates. The sub- 
 stance of these papers, which will be included 
 among the papers to be published, was the re- 
 commendation that, without impairing the com- 
 plete control of the Government of each Domin- 
 ion over the military forces raised within it, 
 those forces should be standardized, the forma- 
 tion of units, the arrangements for transport, 
 the patterns of weapons, and so forth, being as 
 far as possible assimilated to those which have 
 been recently worked out for the British Army. 
 Thus while the Dominion troops would in each 
 case be raised for the defence of the Dominion 
 concerned, it would be made readily practicable 
 in case of need for that Dominion to mobilize 
 and use them for the defence of the Empire as 
 a whole. The military Conference then en- 
 trusted to a sub-Conference, consisting of mili- 
 tary experts at headquarters and from the 
 various Dominions, and presided over by Sir 
 William Nicholson, acting for the first time in 
 the capacity of Chief of the Imperial General 
 Staff, the duty of working out the detailed ap- 
 plication of these principles. I may point out 
 here that the creation early this year of an Im- 
 perial General Staff thus brought into active 
 working is a result of the discussions and reso- 
 lutions of the Conference of 1907. Complete 
 agreement was reached by the members of the 
 sub-Conference, and their conclusions were 
 finally approved by the main Conference and by 
 the Committee of Imperial Defence, which sat 
 for the purpose under the presidency of the 
 Prime Minister. The result was a plan for so 
 organizing the forces of the Crown wherever 
 they are that while preserving the complete au- 
 tonomy of each Dominion, should these Domin- 
 ions desire to assist in the defence of the Em- 
 pire, in a real emergency, their forces could be 
 rapidly combined into one homogeneous Impe- 
 rial Army. 
 
 “Naval defence was discussed at meetings of 
 the Conference held at the Foreign Office on 
 August 3, 5, and 6. The Admiralty memoran- 
 dum which had been circulated to the Dominion 
 representatives formed the basis of the prelim- 
 inary conference. The alternative methods 
 which might be adopted by Dominion Govern- 
 ments in co-operating in Imperial naval defence 
 were discussed. New Zealand preferred to 
 adhere to her present policy of contribution; 
 Canada and Australia preferred to lay the foun- 
 dation of fleets of their own. It was recognized 
 that in building up a fleet a number of condi- 
 tions should be conformed to. The fleet must 
 be of a certain size in order to offer a permanent 
 career to the officers and men engaged in the 
 service : the 'personnel should he trained and dis- 
 ciplined under regulations similar to those es- 
 tablished in the Royal Navy, in order to allow 
 of both interchange and union between the 
 British and the Dominion services, and with the 
 same object the standard of vessels and arma- 
 ments should be uniform. A remodelling of 
 the squadrons maintained in Far Eastern waters 
 
 was considered on the basis of establishing a 
 Pacific Fleet, to consist of three units in the 
 East Indies, Australia, and the China Seas. . . . 
 The generous offer of New Zealand and then of 
 the Commonwealth Government to contribute 
 to Imperial naval defence by the gift each of a 
 battleship was accepted with the substitution 
 of cruisers of the new ‘Indomitable’ type for 
 battleships, these two ships to be maintained 
 one on the China and one on the Australian 
 station. Separate meetings took place at the 
 Admiralty with the representatives of Canada, 
 Australia, and New Zealand, and general state- 
 ments were agreed to in each case for further 
 consideration by their respective Governments. 
 
 “As regards Australia, the suggested arrange- 
 ment is that with some temporary assistance 
 from Imperial funds the Commonwealth Gov- 
 ernment should provide and maintain the Aus- 
 tralian unit of the Pacific Fleet. The contribu- 
 tion of the New Zealand Government would be 
 applied towards the maintenance of the China 
 unit, of which some of the smaller vessels would 
 have New Zealand waters as their headquarters. 
 The New Zealand- armoured cruiser would be 
 stationed in China waters. As regards Canada, 
 it was considered that her double seaboard ren- 
 dered the provision of a fleet unit of the same 
 kind unsuitable for the present. It was pro- 
 posed according to the amount of money that 
 might be available that Canada should make a 
 start with cruisers of the ‘Bristol’ class and de- 
 stroyers of the improved ‘River’ class, a part 
 to be stationed on the Atlantic seaboard and a 
 part on the Pacific. In accordance with an ar- 
 rangement already made, the Canadian Govern- 
 ment would undertake the maintenance of 
 dockyards at Halifax and Esquimault, and it 
 was a part of the arrangement proposed by the 
 Australian representatives that the Common- 
 wealth Government should eventually undertake 
 the maintenance of the dockyard at Sydney. 
 Papers containing all the material documents 
 will be laid before Parliament in due course, 
 and it is hoped before the conclusion of the 
 Session.” 
 
 In Australia and New Zealand there had been 
 eagerness for some time to take a more effective 
 part in the defence of the Empire, their remote 
 position and their contiguity to swarming alien 
 populations giving their people some special 
 anxieties which are reasonable enough. They 
 are lonely communities of Europeans, planted 
 on the edge of the prodigious populations of the 
 Asiatic world. They have learned suddenly 
 that some, at least, of those populations can do 
 things, in war and otherwise, that were sup- 
 posed to be reserved especially for effective 
 performance by the white variety of the human 
 race. What disposition of mind will move the 
 Eastern folk in the exercise of these powers of 
 action — which are discoveries as new to them 
 as to us — has yet to be learned. It is doubtful 
 if they themselves know what the inclination of 
 their career will be, when they have really di- 
 gested the new contents of their minds and have 
 fully surveyed their new position in the world. 
 Meantime, Australia has good reason to think 
 anxiously of what Japan certainly and China 
 most probably can do, if they are moved by im- 
 perialistic ambitions to an aggressive career. 
 
 If anywhere in the British Empire there was 
 reason for the lively stir of increased preparation 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 for defence, it was Far East Australasia. New 
 Zealand, in March, had put a heavy strain on its 
 resources by offering to build a Dreadnought 
 for the Imperial Navy, and Australia had fol- 
 lowed quickly by the proffer of another. When, 
 subsequently, these projects were superseded by 
 the arrangement made at the London Conference, 
 funds raised by private subscription for the 
 Australian Dreadnought were applied partly to 
 the foundation of a naval college near Sydney 
 for the training of officers of the Australian 
 squadron, and partly to the establishment of at 
 least two farms for the training of young British 
 immigrants, who will be specially selected by 
 the county colonization societies. 
 
 In acting promptly to realize the plans of mili- 
 tary organization that were formed at the Lon- 
 don Conference, Australia went far beyond 
 anything that is likely to be done by any other 
 of the British Dominions, unless it may be New 
 Zealand; for that Commonwealth has undertaken 
 to organize a system of compulsory military 
 training. A Defence Bill introduced in the Fed- 
 eral Parliament on the 21st of September applies 
 compulsory training to all males from the age 
 of 12 to that of 20. “Junior cadets are to have 
 annually 120 hours’ physical drill, elementary 
 marching, and practice with miniature rifles, 
 for two years. Senior cadets will have 96 
 hours’ annually, including four whole-day 
 drills, elementary naval or military exercises, 
 and musketry practice at ranges up to 500 
 yards, for four years. The citizen forces are to 
 have 16 whole-day drills or their equivalent an- 
 nually, including eight days in camp for two 
 years. Those who are to undergo naval, ar- 
 tillery, and engineer training will have 25 
 days instead of 16. Males from the age of 20 
 to 26 will remain enrolled, attending only one 
 muster parade each year. Exemptions will be 
 made only on the ground of unfitness or in the 
 case of persons of non-European descent. The 
 latter, however, will be trained in non-combat- 
 ant duties. Sparsely populated districts may 
 be exempted temporarily. Persons failing to 
 attend the training will be fined from £5 to 
 £500 according to the culprit’s wealth, or may 
 be confined and trained till they have performed 
 the duties they have shirked. Persons failing to 
 reach efficiency must undergo another year’s 
 training. The cadet training begins in 19li, and 
 the citizen training in 1912. When the scheme 
 is in full working order it is estimated that it 
 will provide 40,000 junior cadets, 75,000 senior 
 cadets, and 55,000 citizen soldiers under 21. The 
 Militia, 25,000 strong, will thenceforth be re- 
 cruited only from the fully-trained, and will be- 
 come a corps d' elite.” 
 
 See, also, on this subject of British imperial 
 defence, British Empire: A. D. 1909. 
 
 New Zealand adoption of Compulsory 
 Military Training. — An Act which estab- 
 lishes compulsory military training in New 
 Zealand, on lines similar to that in Australia, 
 passed the colonial Parliament during its ses- 
 sion which closed Dec. 29, 1909. 
 
 Naval : 
 
 Brazil and Argentina in a “ Dreadnought ” 
 Competition. — “The controversy between 
 Brazil and Argentina about what is called 
 ‘equilibrium of armament’ is still carried on 
 with much animation in the Press of both coun- 
 tries, but apparently without producing any 
 
 effect, good or otherwise. The subject of dis- 
 cord is the Brazilian Government’s order for 
 three large battleships of the ‘Dreadnought’ 
 type, which is to be met by an Argentine triplet, 
 for which tenders are urgently called. Fortu- 
 nately these big ships take a long time to build, 
 and by the time they are ready the Press will 
 probably be commenting upon the entente cor- 
 diale in South America and the obsolescence of 
 floating engines of war ; but in the meantime 
 taxpayers in both countries are inclined to sup- 
 port the somewhat daring proposal from Buenos 
 Ayres that Brazil should keep the first ‘ Dread- 
 nought,’ cede the second to Argentina, and can- 
 cel the order for the third.” — Rio de Janeiro 
 Cor. London Times, Dec. 22, 1902. 
 
 Four months later the same correspondent tel- 
 egraphed, May 3, 1909, among other statements 
 quoted from the President’s Message to Con- 
 gress, that day : “In regard to the navy seven 
 vessels would be launched under the new pro- 
 gramme. Two-thirds of the total expenditure 
 of £4,500,000 had already been paid from ordi- 
 nary resources, and this proved that the reorgan- 
 ization of the navy would not be disastrous to 
 the national finances. Tenders would shortly be 
 invited for the construction of a new dry dock.” 
 British Navy War Council. — The follow- 
 ing is from an official statement issued by the 
 British Admiralty, Oct. 11, 1909: “In further 
 development of the policy which has actuated 
 the Board of Admiralty for some time past of 
 organizing a Navy War Council, it has been 
 decided to place on an established footing the ar- 
 rangements made in previous years for the study 
 of strategy and the consideration and working 
 out of war plans. A new department, called 
 the Naval Mobilization Department, has beei> 
 formed under the directorship of a flag officer, 
 and there is concentrated in it that part of the 
 business of the Naval Intelligence Department 
 and the Naval War College which related to 
 war plans and mobilization. Under the presi- 
 dency of the First Sea Lord, the officers direct- 
 ing the Naval Intelligence Department and the 
 Naval Mobilization Department, and the Assist- 
 ant Secretary of the Admiralty will form the 
 standing Navy War Council.” 
 
 The British “Two Power Standard.” — 
 During the debate in the British House on the 
 Navy Estimates, in the spring of 1909, the Pre- 
 mier, Mr. Asquith, was called on by the Oppo- 
 sition to define the Government's understanding 
 of the requirements of the “two Power stand- 
 ard” of naval strength, so called (see above). 
 In reply, he laid it down that in dealing with 
 this standard they must not merely take into 
 account the number of Dreadnoughts and ln- 
 vincibles, but the total effective strength of the 
 British for defensive purposes as compared with 
 the combined effective strength of any two 
 other navy Powers. That was the two-Power 
 standard as understood by successive Adminis- 
 trations, and the present Government had in this 
 matter in no way changed the policy pursued by 
 preceding Administrations. For the moment 
 this question was an academic one, because 
 whatever two Powers might he selected, their 
 combined effective strength for aggressive pur- 
 poses against Great Britain was far below the 
 defensive strength of the latter. The expression 
 “two-Power standard” was a purely empirical 
 generalization, a convenient rule of thumb, and 
 
 698 
 
WAIi, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 he should be very sorry to predict that this for- 
 mula would be an adequate or necessary formula 
 some years hence. In measuring the combined 
 effective strength of the two next strongest 
 fleets the power of one powerful homogeneous 
 fleet ought to be borne in mind. Further it had 
 been established that the rule only applied to 
 battleships and ships ejusdem generis. Then in 
 existing conditions “we ought not,” he said, 
 “ to limit our vision to Europe alone; but at the 
 same time, while considering the combined 
 effective strength of any other two Powers for 
 aggressive purposes against this country regard 
 should be had to geographical conditions.” 
 Supposing China had a fleet of Dreadnoughts, 
 no rational Minister would treat that fleet as 
 standing upon the same footing for the purpose 
 of the two-Power standard as the German or 
 French fleet. In the same way, the fleet of the 
 United States could not be put in the same 
 category with the fleets of France and Ger- 
 many. 
 
 Canadian Share of the Undertakings of 
 British Imperial Defence. — For performance 
 of the share assumed by Canada, of undertak- 
 ings of British imperial defence agreed to at the 
 Imperial Conference in London, July, 1909 (see 
 above), Sir Wilfrid Laurier brought forward a 
 Bill in the Dominion House of Commons, on the 
 12th of January, 1910, the essential provisions 
 of which he set forth in a speech from which 
 the following passages are taken ; 
 
 “The bill is entitled ‘An act respecting the 
 naval service of Canada.’ It provides for the 
 creation of a naval force to be composed of a 
 permanent corps, of a reserve force, and of a 
 volunteer force on the same pattern absolutely 
 as the present organization of the militia force. 
 
 . . . Every man who will be enrolled for naval 
 service in Canada will be enrolled by voluntary 
 engagement. There is no compulsion of any 
 kind, no conscription, no balloting. . . . ‘ Active 
 service ’ as defined by the act means service or 
 duty during an emergency, and emergency 
 means war, invasion or insurrection, real or ap- 
 prehended. The act provides also that at any 
 time when the Governor in Council deems it 
 advisable, in case of war, invasion, or insurrec- 
 tion, the force may be called into active service. 
 There is also an important provision that while 
 the naval force is to be under the control of the 
 Canadian Government, and more directly under 
 the control and administration of the Depart- 
 ment of Marine, yet in case of emergency the 
 Governor in Council may place at the disposal 
 of his Majesty for general service in the Royal 
 Navy the naval force or any part thereof, and 
 any ships or vessels of the naval service and any 
 officers or men serving on these vessels, or any 
 officers or men of the naval service. There is a 
 subsequent provision that if action is taken by 
 the Governor in Council at a time when Parlia- 
 ment is not sitting, Parliament shall immedi- 
 ately be called. . . . 
 
 “ Another important provision of the bill is 
 that it provides for the establishment of a naval 
 college on the pattern of the Military College 
 now in existence at Kingston.” 
 
 Coming to a statement of the armament con- 
 templated, the Premier said: “Two plans were 
 proposed and discussed, one involving the ex- 
 penditure of $2,000,000 a year and the other in- 
 volving an expenditure of $3,000,000. The first 
 
 one would have consisted of seven ships, the 
 second one would have consisted of eleven 
 ships, namely — four Bristols, one Boadicea, and 
 six destroyers. We have determined to accept 
 the second proposition, that is to say, the larger 
 one of eleven ships. That is the force which we 
 intend to create, and to start with four Bristols, 
 one Boadicea and six destroyers. Perhaps it will 
 be interesting to the House to understand what 
 is meant by a fleet unit, by a Bristol, a Boadicea, 
 and a destroyer. The fleet unit, which was sug- 
 gested and which has been accepted by Austra- 
 lia, and to which the government contributed a 
 certain sum per annum, is to be composed of one 
 armored cruiser of the type of the Indomitable, 
 three protected cruisers, six destroyers and three 
 submarines. Now the fleet which we have 
 agreed to accept is to be composed of four Bris- 
 tols, one Boadicea, and six destroyers. 
 
 “ A Bristol is a protected cruiser, which means 
 that it has a steel deck which protects all the 
 vital parts of the ship. It has a tonnage of 4,800 
 tons, with a speed of 25 knots. The number of 
 guns has not yet been determined, but the lar- 
 gest Indomitable carries eight guns. A Boadicea 
 carries six guns, so that it is probable that the 
 number of guns will be eight. It has a total 
 crew of 391 men, of which twenty are officers. 
 The Boadicea is an unarmored cruiser, with a 
 tonnage of 3,300 tons, and carries six 4-incli 
 guns. It has a crew of 278 men, of whom seven- 
 teen are officers. We are to build six destroyers 
 of what isknown as the improved river class. . . . 
 
 “ The total cost of these eleven ships will be, 
 according to the British figures, £2,338,000, ora 
 little more than $11,000,000. According to Cana- 
 dian prices, supposing the ships were to be built 
 in Canada, we would have to add at least 33 per 
 cent, to the cost just given. I may say that it is 
 our intention to start at the earliest possible mo- 
 ment with the construction of this fleet, and, if 
 possible, to have the construction done in Can- 
 ada.” 
 
 The leader of the Opposition, Mr. Borden, 
 who spoke after Mr. Laurier, endorsed fully the 
 purpose of the Bill, but criticised the proposals 
 of the Government as being inadequate. “ They 
 are," he said, “either too much or too little. 
 They are too much for carrying on experi- 
 ments in the organization of a Canadian naval 
 service ; they are too little for immediate and 
 effective aid, and it seems to me that the policy 
 of the Government will be attended with a very 
 great waste of money, with no immediate effec- 
 tive result.” 
 
 The Bill embodying the naval programme of 
 the Government, as set forth by the Prime Min- 
 ister, was enacted on the 11th of March, 1910, 
 by 119 votes to 78. 
 
 Chilian Navy -building. — It was reported 
 from Santiago de Chile to the English Press, 
 Oct. 21, 1909, that “the Government has de- 
 cided upon a naval expenditure of £4,000,000, 
 which includes a 20,000 ton battleship, two 
 ocean-going destroyers, and several submarines. 
 Instructions for tenders have been sent to the 
 Commission in London.” A later message to 
 the American Press, Nov. 12, stated that “the 
 naval building programme decided upon by the 
 Chilian government, provides for the construc- 
 tion of one battleship, four torpedo boat de- 
 stroyers, and two submarines at an expenditure 
 of $14,000,000.” 
 
 699 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 The Chinese Programme. — A Press mes- 
 sage from Peking, Oct. 11, 1909, announced 
 that a naval commission, consisting of Prince 
 Tsai-hsun, the Regent’s brother, Admiral Sa 
 Chen-ping, and Sir Chen Tung Liang Cheng, 
 who was secretary to the Special Chinese Em- 
 bassy to the Diamond Jubilee celebrations in 
 1897, left that day for Europe. This was under- 
 stood to be the first step toward the fulfilment 
 of China’s programme for the expenditure of 
 £40,000,000 on the rehabilitation of her army 
 and navy. 
 
 Denmark’s Fortification and Naval De- 
 fense. See (in this vol.) Denmark: A. D. 1905- 
 1909. 
 
 The “ Dreadnought ” Era. — Outclassing 
 of all Battleships built prior to 1906. — The 
 New Type. — Effects of its Introduction. — 
 
 The evolution of sea-fighting monstrosities re- 
 ceived a startling and revolutionizing impulsion 
 in 1906, when a new Dreadnought (replacing an 
 obsolete battleship of that name) was added to 
 the British navy. In size, plan and armament it 
 embodied naval teachings just taken from the 
 Russo-Japanese War, and was supposed to put 
 every other existing battle-ship into an inferior 
 second class. It brought suddenly a new stand- 
 ard into all comparativement measurements of 
 naval power, impairing seriously the worth of 
 the costly monsters then afloat. It signalled, in 
 fact, a start for entirely new racing among the 
 competitors for “sea-power,” since the prizesof 
 substantial fighting efficiency among the navies 
 must all be won over again, by the quickest 
 builders of the Dreadnought type of ship. Eng- 
 land had more reason than any other nation to 
 lament this happening, and her Lords of the 
 Admiralty have been sharply criticised for 
 bringing it about; though the new type of bat- 
 tle-ship would have had creation elsewhere (as 
 still newer types of monstrosity are being cre- 
 ated already) if English naval architects had not 
 produced it. Even Admiral Lord Charles Beres- 
 ford has lashed the naval authorities of his coun- 
 try for bringing on the Dreadnought craze. In a 
 speech at London within the past year he said 
 that “he did not object to Dreadnoughts or im- 
 provements in battleships ; what he did object 
 to was the advertisement connected with the 
 first Dreadnought. Then they had told another 
 nation that that ship would sink the whole of 
 its fleet, and the result was that that nation set 
 to work upon a definite naval programme of its 
 own. Having given that insane advertisement 
 of their Dreadnought, the British delayed ship- 
 building with the inevitable result that they 
 would have to pay a great deal more than if 
 they had kept up their yearly proportion of 
 ships. The command of the seas was their life, 
 and he believed that they would have to spend 
 £50,000,000 more than they need have spent 
 through that insane advertisement. It would be 
 absolutely impossible for Great Britain alone, 
 under present conditions, to keep up the two- 
 Power standard, and if there were no other al- 
 ternative, there could only be the prospect of 
 bankruptcy or defeat; but the two-Power stand- 
 ard could easily be kept up with an Imperial 
 Navy.” 
 
 Similar criticism appeared in a pamphlet pub- 
 lished last year by Mr. Carnegie; and when his 
 attention was called to the fact that both Japan 
 and Russia had bigger ships than the Dread- 
 
 nought on the stocks before the latter was begun, 
 he wrote: 
 
 “Britain, having so much larger a Navy com- 
 pared with any other Power or compared with 
 several other Powers together, should have 
 adopted the policy of waiting before building a 
 type that rendered most of her ships ineffect- 
 ive. She had nothing to fear from Japan, Rus- 
 sia, nor the United States, and could easily have 
 overtaken Germany if Germany began building 
 the new type. Britain made such a noise about 
 the Dreadnought as to attract the attention of 
 the whole world.” 
 
 The following account of the Dreadnought and 
 of the interest she had excited in naval circles 
 appeared in a prominent technical magazine 
 while the building of the ship was in progress: 
 “ Not for many years has the building of a man- 
 of-war excited such wide-spread interest as that 
 of H. M. S. Dreadnought. In many respects this 
 ship has assumed a sensational character; she is 
 the largest vessel ever constructed for any war 
 fleet; she was the first to be commenced after 
 the recent great struggle in the Far East ; her 
 design, which embodies many new features, has 
 hitherto been kept an official secret, and the 
 work of construction has been pressed forward 
 with so much success that it is hoped she will 
 be in commission within fourteen months of the 
 laying of the keel plates. All these facts have 
 contributed to arouse curiosity, particularly as 
 it is well known that British naval attaches 
 were accorded special privileges by the Japanese 
 and were enabled to watch the progress of the 
 war to greater advantage than the representa- 
 tives of other powers. Consequently, from the 
 day when the first whispers of the coming of 
 the Dreadnought were heard, an unusual amount 
 of interest has been taken in this ship, not only 
 in the United Kingdom, but in foreign countries, 
 and the influence of the design may be traced 
 in the new programmes of several rival Powers. 
 
 . . . The essential feature of the Dreadnought 
 which distinguishes her from all battleships 
 now in commission in the world’s fleets is that 
 she'is of huge size and mounts only one type of 
 gun for use in line of battle, instead of three 
 types, as in the * King Edward VII.’ class. 
 
 “ The war between Japan and Russia conclu- 
 sively showed that the intermediate armament 
 carried by the vessels flying European flags was 
 not effective at modern battle ranges. Even on 
 the partial evidence obtained by the French au- 
 thorities it has been calculated that the effective 
 ranges for battle have been raised from 3000 
 yards to 7000 or 8000 yards. Careful calculations 
 show that at such a distance the striking power 
 of 7.5-incli and 6-inch guns, which have been 
 the favourite intermediate weapons in the Brit- 
 ish Navy hitherto, are comparatively useless. 
 ... It is understood that originally the Dread- 
 nought was to have carried twelve guns of the 
 12-inch type, but difficulties arose in working 
 out the design, and it was eventually decided to 
 drop out two of these weapons in order to mount 
 effectively ten pieces of this colossal striking 
 power, so as to enable eight of them to fire on 
 the broadside, six ahead and four astern, without 
 endangering either the stability of the ship or 
 running any undue risks owing to the blast. . . . 
 With a broadside of eight 12-inch guns, the 
 Dreadnought is equivalent to any two battle- 
 ships built for the British fleet prior to the con- 
 
 700 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 struction of * King Edward VII.,’ and yet her 
 total cost, complete with guns, will be only 
 £1,797,497, while the shipsof the ‘ KingEdward 
 VII.,’ class, carrying only four 12-incli guns and 
 the same number of 9.2-inch guns, represent an 
 outlay of just under a million and a half ster- 
 ling.” — Cashier's Magazine, June, 1906. 
 
 The steadily increasing sine of the Dread- 
 nought ships is shown in the following, reported 
 from Portsmouth, England, Sept. 30, 1909 : 
 ‘‘Since the launch of the Dreadnought by the 
 King in February, 1906, each successive ship 
 which has taken the water at Portsmouth has 
 exceeded her predecessor in size. The weight 
 of the Neptune, successfully floated by the 
 Duchess of Albany to-day shows an advance of 
 no fewer than 1,500 tons upon that of the vessel 
 launched by his Majesty; and of 500 tons over 
 that of the St. Vincent, the preceding battleship 
 on the building slip. The ship which is to be 
 laid down next month will probably far exceed 
 the dimensions of the Neptune.” 
 
 England and Germany. — Their “Dread- 
 nought ” Building Compared. — The Ques- 
 tion in the British Parliament and the Hys- 
 teria in the Country. — An exciting period 
 of debate in Parliament and of discussion 
 throughout Great Britain was opened on the 
 17th of March, 1909, when the Navy estimates 
 for the coming year were submitted to the 
 House of Commons. In his speech on bring- 
 ing forward the Estimates, which contemplated 
 an expenditure of £35,142,700, being nearly 
 £3,000,000 in excess of the expenditures of the 
 current year, the First Lord of the Admiralty, 
 Mr. Reginald McKenna, explained the reasons 
 for the increase at length, saying in part : “We 
 cannot take stock of our Navy, and measure our 
 requirements except in relation to the strength 
 of foreign navies. I am, therefore, obliged to 
 refer to foreign countries in making estimates of 
 our naval requirements. Several of the Powers 
 are rapidly developing their naval strength at this 
 moment ; but none at a pace comparable with 
 that of Germany. If in what I have to say now 
 I select that Power as the standard by which to 
 measure our own requirements, the House will 
 understand that I do so only for what may be 
 called arithmetical purposes, and without pre- 
 suming upon the expression of any feeling or 
 opinion of my own — except it be one of re- 
 spectful admiration for administrative and pro- 
 fessional efficiency. . . . 
 
 “ When the Estimates were presented to Par 
 liament a year ago we had seven battleships of 
 the Dreadnought class and three cruisers of the 
 Invincible class, either afloat or in process of con- 
 struction. The whole of these were due for 
 completion by the end of 1910. At that time 
 Germany was building four Dreadnoughts and 
 one Invincible, of which two Dreadnoughts 
 were expected to be completed by the end of 
 this year, and the remaining three ships in the 
 autumn of 1910. Thus, at that time, we had a 
 superiority in these classes of shipsof ten to five 
 in course of construction, with the additional 
 advantage that the whole of ours were expected 
 to be completed some months in advance of the 
 last three of the German ships. The new Ger- 
 man Fleet Bill had at that time become law, 
 and according to our interpretation of its pro- 
 visions three Dreadnoughts and one Invincible 
 would be laid down in the course of the year 
 
 1908-9. The financial provisions of that Bill 
 were such as to lead us to the opinion that no 
 work would be commenced upon these four 
 ships until the month of August last year, and 
 that they would not be completed before Febru- 
 ary, 1911. This time last year, therefore, we 
 had to contemplate five German ships under 
 construction, three of which would be completed 
 in the autumn of 1910 and four more ships to be 
 commenced about August, 1908, and commis- 
 sioned in February, 1911. In view of this state 
 of affairs this House of Commons last year ap- 
 proved of a programme of two large ships to be 
 laid down at such a time as would give to this 
 country a total of 12 of these new ships, as 
 against a possible completed German total of 
 nine. In the face of last year’s programme no 
 one could with any fairness charge this Govern- 
 ment with having started upon a race of compet- 
 itive armaments. By example as well as by 
 precept we sought to check the rapid rate of 
 shipbuilding. We failed. . . . 
 
 “ The difficulty in which the Government find 
 themselves placed at this moment is that we do 
 not know — as we thought we did — the rate at 
 which German construction is taking place. We 
 know that the Germans have a law which, 
 when all the ships under it have been com- 
 pleted, will give them a navy more powerful 
 than any at present in existence. We know 
 that, but we do not know the rate at which 
 the provisions of this Act are to be carried 
 into execution. We now expect that the four 
 German ships of the 1908-9 programme will 
 be completed, not in February, 1911, but in 
 the autumn of 1910. I am informed, more- 
 over, that the collection of materials and the 
 manufacture of armaments, guns, and gun- 
 mountings have already begun for four more 
 ships which, according to the Navy Law, be- 
 long to the programme of 1909-10. Therefore 
 we have to take stock of the new situation, in 
 which we reckon not nine but 13 German ships 
 may be completed in 1911, and in 1912 such fur- 
 ther ships, if any, as may be begun in the 
 course of the next financial year, or laid down 
 in April, 1910. We may stop here and pay a 
 tribute to the extraordinary growth of the 
 power of constructing ships of the largest size 
 in Germany. Two years ago, I believe, there 
 were in Germany, with the possible exception 
 of one or two slips in private yards, no slip 
 capable of carrying a Dreadnought. To-day 
 they have actually no less than 14 such slips 
 and three more under construction. And what 
 is true of the hull of the ships is true also of the 
 guns, armour, and mountings. Two years ago 
 any one familiar with the capacity of Krupp’s 
 and other great German firms would have ridi- 
 culed the possibility of their undertaking the 
 supply of all the component parts of eight bat- 
 tleships in a single year. To-day this productive 
 power is a realized fact, and it will tax the re- 
 sources of our own great firms if we are to retain 
 the supremacy in rapidity and volume of con- 
 struction. 
 
 “ Having said so much on foreign naval de- 
 velopment, I turn to our own programme of 
 construction. As I have said, we shall have in 
 March, 1911, eight completed Dreadnoughts 
 and four Invincibles. We propose to lav down 
 two more Dreadnoughts in July of this year, 
 and the terms of the contracts will provide that 
 
 701 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 they shall be completed in July, 1911. . . . Two 
 more ships will be laid down in November this 
 year, to be completed in 1911, and in that year 
 our total strength in Dreadnoughts and Invinci- 
 bles will be 12 of the former and four of the 
 latter. The date, however, which we have to 
 bear in mind is that up to which the present 
 programme must provide — April, 1912. I have 
 shown that we shall in the course of 1911 have 
 16 of these modern ships, as against 13 ships for 
 which Germany is already making provision. 
 The German law provides for four more ships 
 to be laid down in 1910-11. But if the con- 
 struction of these ships is accelerated — as I un- 
 derstand was the case of the four ships of the 
 1909-10 programme — they would be completed 
 by April, 1912. Therefore on that date Ger- 
 many would have 17 Dreadnoughts and Invinci- 
 bles. But even if no acceleration takes place 
 before April, 1910, this number would be com- 
 pleted in the autumn of 1912. This is a contin- 
 gency which his Majesty’s Government have to 
 take into account. 
 
 “ We cannot afford to run risks. If we are 
 to be sure of retaining superiority in this by far 
 the most powerful types of battleships, the 
 Board of Admiralty must be in a position, if the 
 necessity arises, to give orders for guns, gun- 
 mountings, armour, and other materials at such 
 a time and to such an amount as will enable 
 them to obtain delivery of four more large ar- 
 moured ships by March, 1912. We should be 
 prepared to meet the contingency of Germany 
 having 17 of these ships in the spring of 1912 
 by our having 20, but we can only meet that 
 contingency if the Government are empowered 
 by Parliament to give the necessary orders in 
 the course of the present year. 1 can well 
 imagine that this method of calculating in 
 Dreadnoughts and Invincibles alone may seem 
 unsatisfactory, and even unfair to many per- 
 sons. They may say : ‘ What has become of 
 the Lord Nelsons, the King Edwards, the Dun- 
 cans, and the Formidables and the earlier battle- 
 ships on which our naval superiority has been 
 so constantly reckoned ? Is no account to be 
 taken of our powerful fleet of armoured cruis- 
 ers, numbering no less than 35?’ Yes; the 
 Board of Admiralty have not forgotten these 
 ships. They still constitute a mighty fleet. 
 The Dreadnought has not rendered them obso- 
 lete, and many of them would give a good ac- 
 count of themselves in the line of battle for 
 many years to come. But, though they have 
 not been rendered obsolete by the Dreadnoughts 
 and the Inv®Kbles, yet their life has been short- 
 ened. ... A battleship must be regarded as a 
 machine of which the output is fighting capa- 
 city. All improvements in the designs of ships 
 Which increase the fighting capacity necessarily 
 shorten the life of earlier battleships just as in 
 the case of any other machine. The greater the 
 value of the improvements, the sooner the ear- 
 lier ships become obsolete.” 
 
 Mr. McKenna’s reckoning of the comparative 
 numbers of Dreadnoughts that Great Britain and 
 Germany would have in 1912 was challenged at 
 once by the leader of the Opposition, Mr. Bal- 
 four, who said: “ On the two-years’ basis of 
 building we shall in December, 1910, as I calcu- 
 late, have ten, and only ten, Dreadnoughts. 
 But the Germans at that date, as I calculate, 
 will have 13. That assumes, of course, that I 
 
 am right in stating, and I do not think I shall 
 be contradicted, that the Germans anticipated 
 their programme by four months. If you work 
 that out, and assume that the German ships be- 
 gun last November, in anticipation by five 
 months of the ordinary date, are completed in 
 two years, then you will find that I am not 
 wrong in saying that in December, 1910, we 
 shall have only ten Dreadnoughts and the Ger- 
 mans will have 13. That danger period in 
 which, according to my calculation, the ratio of 
 British to German Dreadnoughts is as ten to 13 
 extends, on the basis of two years’ building, 
 from December, 1910, to the end of March, 1911. 
 On April 1, 1911, the Germans, as I understand 
 it, will have only 13 and we shall have raised 
 our number to 12. We should still, therefore, 
 on April 1, 1911, according to my calculation, 
 have one less than the Germans, and that 
 period of what I might call the 12 British to 13 
 Germans will last until July, 1911. Then we 
 shall have 14; but in the meanwhile the Ger- 
 mans, if they build their four ships this year, 
 in addition to the anticipated ships they laid 
 down in November, will have 17, as I under- 
 stand. We should still have 14 in July, 1911, 
 but the Germans would, as I make out, have 
 17.” 
 
 Mr. Balfour contended that the four ships 
 which, according to the German programme, 
 were to be laid down on the 1st of April coming 
 (1909) had been actually laid down in advance 
 of that time. He had information to that 
 effect ; whereas Mr. McKenna was informed 
 that materials for them had been collected in 
 advance, but that the construction was not be- 
 gun. Mr. Balfour contended stoutly for the 
 correctness of his own information, and argued : 
 “ If they [the four battleships supposedly wait- 
 ing to be laid down April 1, 1909] were laid 
 down in November, as I believe, that means 
 that the Germans laid down eight Dreadnoughts 
 last year. They may lay down no Dreadnoughts 
 this year, and they may say, ‘We anticipated 
 our four ships for 1909-10 ; we anticipated 
 them by laying them down in November; we 
 have no ships for this financial year.’ But 
 there are two other things to remember. Hav- 
 ing laid down eight ships last year, they may 
 lay down four ships this year, or they may lay 
 down eight ships this year. That the capacity 
 of their yards and their great engineering 3hops 
 renders that process perfectly feasible no one 
 now doubts. ... If the Germans go on at that 
 rate, w r hich is more than possible, the probabil- 
 ity is that they will have on April 1, 1912, 21 
 Dreadnoughts to our 20. The hypotheses, 
 then, ard^khese, and I want to make it clear to 
 the Government and to the House: — Eight 
 Dreadnoughts have been laid down in 1908 by 
 Germany. If four are laid down in 1909, there 
 will be 17 on April 1, 1912 ; if eight are laid 
 down — as eight have been laid down last year 
 — there will be 21 on April 1, 1912, to our 20; 
 and if the Germans imitate the policy of the 
 present Government and lay down not only 
 their eight in the financial year, but begin a 
 new group of four when the Government pro- 
 pose their group of four, on April 1, 12 months 
 lienee, they will t.liaAhave 25.” 
 
 Over this differa^l of information as to the 
 facts of German Di^Rinought-building, and con- 
 sequent differences of conclusion, controversy 
 
 702 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, TIIE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 raged throughout the kingdom for weeks. 
 The Prime Minister, Mr. Asquith, tried unavail- 
 ingly to moderate the impeachment of German 
 good faitli in the matter. “ It is fair and right 
 to the German Government that I should say,” 
 he remarked, “that we have had a most dis- 
 tinct declaration from them that it is not their 
 intention to accelerate their programme (cheers) 
 and we cannot possibly, as a Government, be- 
 lieving as we do most explicitly in the good 
 faith of those declarations (cheers), we cannot 
 possibly put before the House of Commons and 
 Parliament a programme based on the assump- 
 tion that a declaration of that kind will not be 
 carried out. Be it observed — I want to be 
 very careful in the language I use about this — 
 I am not saying that it is a pledge in the sense 
 of an agreement between the two countries. 
 Nothing of the kind. I should not accuse the 
 German Government of anything in the nature 
 of bad faith if they altered their intention. We 
 have been told by them expressly and explicitly 
 that that is their intention, an intention not to 
 accelerate, or in other words not to do what the 
 right hon. gentleman contemplates, when he cred- 
 its them with the intention possibly of doing — 
 namely, of laying down as many as eight ships 
 in one financial year. It is impossible in fram- 
 ing these Estimates to do so while at the same 
 time ignoring that declaration from the German 
 Government, and that is why I say in taking 
 this power to lay down if need be four ships on 
 April 1 next year we are making such provision 
 as prudence shows to be necessary for all the 
 contingencies which w r e can reasonably antici- 
 pate at the present moment.” 
 
 At the same time, Mr. Asquith made a state- 
 ment of importance in reply to the question, 
 Why should there be an increasing competition 
 in naval expenditure between these two coun- 
 tries ? “The question,” he said, “has been 
 raised by us, the British Government, more 
 than once, with a view to ascertaining whether 
 any proposal for a mutual reduction of expen- 
 diture for naval purposes would be accepted by 
 the German Government, but we have been as- 
 sured more than once, and in the most formal 
 manner, that their naval expenditure is gov- 
 erned solely by reference to their own needs, 
 and that their programme does not depend 
 upon ours. That is the statement which has 
 been made to us. They tell us quite plainly 
 that if we build 100 Dreadnoughts we must not 
 assume that they would add to their naval 
 programme, and, on the other hand, if we built 
 no Dreadnoughts at all they would go on with 
 their programme just as it is. If that is so, it 
 is perfectly clear that there is no possibility of 
 an arrangement for mutual reduction. I regret 
 it very much, but I do not complain. The Ger- 
 mans, like every other nation, are the best 
 judges of their own national requirements and 
 necessities.” 
 
 As will have been learned from Mr. Mc- 
 Kenna’s statement, quoted above, the Govern- 
 ment desired authority to begin construction of 
 two new Dreadnoughts in July and two in No- 
 vember, 1909, with contingent authority in ad- 
 dition to give orders during the year for four 
 more, if reasons for doin*gio appeared. This 
 did not satisfy the Oppoj^Mn, which insisted 
 that not less than eight the new type of 
 battle-ships should be built outright ; and a ver- 
 
 itable panic of public excitement on the subject 
 of German designs against England was created 
 in the country, by the combined agency of 
 speech and press and the melodramatic stage. 
 The Government was so little shaken by the 
 clamor that a motion of censure on its “ de 
 dared policy ” in the matter was defeated in the 
 House of Commons by a majority of 218. 
 Nevertheless, on the 26th of July, Mr. Mc- 
 Kenna made the following announcement of a 
 modification in its naval programme : 
 
 “After very anxious and careful examination 
 of the condition of shipbuilding in foreign 
 countries the Government have come to the 
 conclusion that it is desirable to take all the 
 necessary steps to ensure that the second four 
 ships referred to in this year’s programme 
 should be completed by March, 1912. They 
 propose to take all the necessary steps in the 
 way of preparation of plans, getting out of spe- 
 cifications, invitations to tender, and, finally, 
 the giving of orders which will procure the de- 
 livery of these ships at the time I have named. 
 As was said in the month of March, there will 
 be no need to lay the keels of these ships in the 
 course of the present financial year. It will be 
 quite time enough if the keels are laid in the 
 month of April next. . . . 
 
 “The examination of the state of foreign 
 shipbuilding programmes to which I have re- 
 ferred is bound to lead in the minds of most 
 members of the Committee to the conclusion 
 that the Government had no other course open 
 to them. The Committee had stated to them 
 last March very amply what was the condition 
 of foreign shipbuilding up to that date. Since 
 then the development of shipbuilding in foreign 
 countries has gone on apace. Two countries, 
 Italy and Austria, have now declared a definite 
 programme of four large armoured ships of the 
 latest type. In Italy one of those ships is al- 
 ready laid down, a second is to be laid down 
 immediately, and the remaining two are both 
 to be laid down in the course of the present 
 year. With regard to the Austrian programme, 
 sceptics might say they would never believe in 
 it until, as in the case of Italy, they saw the 
 keels actually laid down, but the fact is every 
 earnest has been given of the determination of 
 the Austrian Government, and two large slips 
 have been prepared for the construction of 
 battleships of the largest type.” 
 
 The English Naval Programme for 1910 . 
 
 — “ The navy estimates for 1910, which were 
 issued by the British Admiralty last night, pro- 
 vide for an expenditure of $203, MB, 500, an in- 
 crease of $27,805,000 over 1909. The increase 
 is almost wholly taken up by shipbuilding ar- 
 maments authorized by Parliament before disso- 
 lution. The new programme provides for fife 
 large armored ships, five protected cruisers, 
 twenty destroyers, and a considerable number 
 of submarines. By April 1 there will be under 
 construction seven battleships, three armored, 
 nine protected, and two unarmored cruisers, 
 thirty -seven destroyers, and nine submarines.” 
 
 — N. Y. Eve. Post. March 10, 1910. 
 
 The French Naval Administration. — 
 Alarming discovery of Bad Conditions. — 
 France was greatly startled and shocked in 
 March, 1909, by rumored scandals in naval ad- 
 ministration, uncovered by the investigations 
 of a Parliamentary Commission, but not yet 
 
 703 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 officially made known. The report of the 
 Commission was not published until late in 
 June, and when it appeared it confirmed, not 
 the worst of the state of things which rumor 
 had described, but enough to show an alarming 
 and unsuspected weakness of the nation on that 
 side of its armament for war. From the conclu- 
 sion of the elaborate report a few translated 
 passages will suffice to indicate some of the 
 conditions it brought to light. In this final 
 summary, the Commission states that the testi- 
 mony submitted by it establishes, among other 
 facts, the following: 
 
 “That during the last ten years Parliament 
 has been asked to authorize the construction of 
 ships for which in most cases the plans have 
 not been definitely (serieusement) fixed ; that 
 months, and most generally years, elapsed be- 
 tween the different contracts for the essential 
 parts of the ships, the hulls, the turrets, the 
 boilers, &c. , entailing considerable loss of time 
 and of money . . . ; that numerous and impor- 
 tant chauges were introduced in the course of 
 construction, . . . changes the chief inconven- 
 ience of which, apart from the increase of ex- 
 penditure and the retardation of construction, 
 is to impair that homogeneity which is the su- 
 preme quality of a squadron ; that most of these 
 defects are aggravated in the case of the six 
 battleships of the Danton type, the original 
 contract for which, signed at the end of Decem- 
 ber, 1906, has undergone hundreds of modifica- 
 tions which must now be placed on a proper 
 basis. . . . 
 
 “That the arsenals are not at present in a 
 state to carry out with the rapidity which is de- 
 sirable new constructions and repairs ; that the 
 mechanical equipment is in general inadequate 
 and out of date ; that the abolition of piece- 
 work, which has coincided with a reduction of 
 working hours and the diminution of the pow- 
 ers and authority of the superintendents in 
 charge, has resulted in a considerable lessening 
 of production ; and that lack of material some- 
 times entails a stoppage of work. . . . 
 
 “That the four divisions of battleships and 
 the cruiser division of the Mediterranean 
 Squadron have not the regulation supply of 
 steel shells, that the two divisions of armoured 
 cruisers of the Northern Squadron have only 
 one-third of their proper supply of steel shells, 
 and that for both squadrons the stores for re- 
 newing their supplies of steel shells are not 
 ready. 
 
 “ That the various branches of the adminis- 
 tration are wanting in unity of views and pur 
 pose, in method and in defined responsibility, 
 and that neglect, disorder, and confusion too 
 frequently prevail. . . . 
 
 “ In view of the fact that only a small part 
 of the scheme of 1901 for modernizing ports 
 and (lock yards in accordance with the require 
 ments of the construction programme of 1900 
 has been executed, and in view of the total 
 failure to provide docking accommodation for 
 the large battleships of the Danton class, the 
 Commission invites the Chamber to censure the 
 want of foresight and the indifference which 
 these lamentable discoveries disclose.” 
 
 French Naval Programme revised in 1909. 
 — Radical Changes in the Department of the 
 Marine. — A despatch from Paris, June 8, 
 1909, announced: “According to the Temps 
 
 this evening, the Navy Council has finally de- 
 cided to recommend that, in addition to 45 
 ships of the line, the fleet shall consist of 12 
 ‘ scout cruisers,’ 60 large destroyers, and 64 sub- 
 marines. The importance attached to an in- 
 crease in the number of capital ships, which is 
 the chief feature of the new proposals, is illus- 
 trated by a comparison with the so-called ‘pro- 
 grammes’ of 1900 and 1907. In 1900 it was de- 
 cided on paper that the fleet should consist of 
 28 battleships, 24 armoured cruisers, 52 de- 
 stroyers, 263 torpedo-boats, and 38 submarines 
 or submersibles. In 1907 the composition of 
 the fleet was changed to 38 battleships, 20 
 armoured cruisers, six scouts, 109 destroyers, 
 170 torpedo-boats, 82 submarines for offensive 
 purposes, and 49 defence submarines. 
 
 “ A comparison of these three ‘ programmes’ 
 shows an increase in the number of capital 
 ships and destroyers, the abolition of armoured 
 cruisers as a separate class and of torpedo-boats 
 in favour of destroyers, and a decrease in the 
 number of submarines. With regard to the 
 existing armoured cruisers, which the Navy 
 Council no longer regards as efficient fighting 
 units, it may be noted that two out of the four 
 14,000-ton Gambettas have not yet been com- 
 pleted. Given the age limit of armoured ships 
 as fixed at 20 years, only the six Danton and 
 the six Republique battleships would still fig- 
 ure on the effective list by 1925. In other words, 
 33 armoured ships would have to be completed 
 during the next 16 years. In addition, 12 scout 
 cruisers would have to be constructed, and, be- 
 sides a number of submarines, over 100 de- 
 stroyers would have to be laid down, since the 
 life of this class of vessel is fixed at 17 years.” 
 
 On the 29th of July the Paris correspondent 
 of the London Times wrote : “ It is semi officially 
 announced this evening that the Council of 
 Ministers at its meeting to-day approved a num- 
 ber of radical changes proposed by the new 
 Minister of Marine, among the higher ranks of 
 the personnel of the naval administration. All 
 the heads of departments at the Ministry of 
 Marine appointed under the old regime have 
 been removed and their places have been filled 
 by Admiral Bone de Lapeyr^re’s own nominees. 
 So complete a reconstruction of a public depart- 
 ment is without precedent in modern French 
 history. These changes, moreover, are supple- 
 mented by a number of new appointments in 
 the commands afloat.” 
 
 On the first of April, 1910, it was announced 
 from Paris that the Chamber of Deputies had 
 voted to lay dowm two battle-ships in the current 
 year, designed to equal the latest type added to 
 the navies of Great Britain and Germany. 
 
 French Naval Administration. — Parlia- 
 mentary Investigation. See (in this vol.) 
 France: A. D. 1909 (Marcii-June). 
 
 The German Emperor’s Statement of his 
 Peace Policy based on Preparation for War. 
 — In the spring of 1905, speaking at Bremen, 
 on the unveiling of a monument to his father, 
 the Emperor made an impressive statement of 
 his motives in striving for the creation in Ger- 
 many of a great naval and military power. lie 
 said that in boyhood he had been angered at the 
 weakness of the German navy, and that his pol- 
 icy had sprung from that feeling, not directed 
 toward aggression, but to the command of 
 respect from the rest of the w’orld. II is aim 
 
 704 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, TIIE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 was to “do everything possible to let bayonets 
 and cannon rest, but to keep the bayonets sharp 
 and the cannon ready, so that envy and greed 
 shall not disturb us in tending our garden or 
 building our beautiful house.’’ “I vowed,” he 
 said, “ never to strike for world-mastery. The 
 world-power that I then dreamed of was to 
 create for the German Empire on all sides the 
 most absolute confidence as a quiet, honest, and 
 peaceable neighbor. I have vowed that if ever 
 the time comes that history shall speak of a 
 German world-power, or a Hohenzollern world- 
 power, this should not be based upon conquest, 
 but should come through the mutual striving 
 of nations after common purposes.” 
 
 It is not difficult to believe in the perfect 
 truthfulness of this assertion of high motives, 
 and the perfect sincerity with which they have 
 been obeyed, while seeing at the same time how 
 much, in their working, they have threatened 
 the peace of the world. As the power of Ger- 
 many has grown under his hand, the Kaiser has 
 been tempted more and more to impose his will 
 on neighbors whose cannon were not as ready 
 or their sharpened bayonets as many as his. 
 The world-power of his desire has become more 
 and more a dictatorial power. The peace he 
 has preserved by it has been peace on his own 
 terms, more than once. The result has been to 
 excite throughout the world such a feeling of 
 being menaced by war as had not been known 
 since Napoleon’s day, and to impel among 
 nations, big and little, a more feverish and 
 competitive arming for war than ever busied 
 them before. As worked out by the man, the 
 Kaiser’s policy of peace-making by the tools of 
 war has certainly lost the innocence it had when 
 conceived by the boy. 
 
 The German Side of the Navy-building 
 Question. — When, in March, 1909, debate on 
 the Navy Estimates in England started excite- 
 ment over the rapidity with which Germany 
 seemed to have developed the building of 
 Dreadnoughts, Chancellor Billow, on the 29th of 
 that month, said in the Reichstag: “The Fed- 
 erated Governments entertain no thoughts of 
 entering into competition with British sea- 
 power by means of the construction of the Ger- 
 man navy. According to the provisions of the 
 Navy Law, the immovable purpose of German 
 naval policy is founded upon the fact that we 
 desire to create our naval armaments solely for 
 the protection of our coasts and our trade. It 
 is, moreover, an indisputable fact that the pro- 
 gramme of our naval construction lies open in 
 absolute publicity. We have nothing to keep 
 secret, nothing to hide, and it is not intended to 
 accelerate the carrying out of our construction 
 programme beyond the limits of time contem- 
 plated by the law {iiber die gesetzliclie Frist 
 hinaus zu beschleunigen). All rumours to the 
 contrary are false. In the autumn of 1912, at 
 the earliest, we shall have ready for service the 
 13 large new ships, including three armoured 
 cruisers, provided by law.” 
 
 This statement was supplemented by one 
 from Admiral Tirpitz, who said : “Now, as pre- 
 viously, we build all ships in about 36 months 
 — about 40 months in the small yards. To that 
 period are added trials, which last for several 
 months. Equally inaccurate is the assertion 
 that, with a view to more rapid construction, 
 the contracts for the newer ships are placed 
 
 sooner than is allowed by the estimates. All 
 that is true is the following : Subject to ap- 
 proval by the Reichstag, contracts for two ships 
 of the 1909 financial programme were last au- 
 tumn promised to two private yards at compara- 
 tively low prices. This was done because there 
 was a danger that, if orders for four ships were 
 placed at the same time at the beginning of 
 1909 there would be a considerable advance in 
 price. If orders for two ships were already 
 placed the Imperial Navy Office was in a much 
 more favourable position for placing orders for 
 the other two. We can put the Imperial yards 
 into competition with the private yards. The 
 Imperial yards cannot undertake more than two 
 ships at once. The private firms, therefore, will 
 be compelled to ask lower terms. If the matter 
 has been kept secret, that is solely because the 
 firms must not be made aware of the business 
 transactions of the Navy Office. Contracts for 
 the ships have not been placed ; assurances only 
 have been given. The contract is concluded 
 only after the voting of the estimate. The 
 period for delivery is 36 months from April 1, 
 1909. Not a penny is available for the ‘pro- 
 mised ’ ships before April 1. That must be clear 
 to everybody who knows the Parliamentary 
 conditions and our accounts system. Not even 
 indirectly has any money been procured from 
 banks for the yards in any way whatever by the 
 agency of the Navy Office. 
 
 “ In regard to the placing of the order for the 
 first of the two ships special account was taken 
 of the fact that the yard in question is princi- 
 pally engaged in the construction of this kind 
 of ship. Accelerated completion of these two 
 ships is neither asked for nor intended. The 
 firms get their money only in quarterly instal- 
 ments. Contracts for the two other ships of 
 this year’s programme are not to be placed until 
 some months after the conditions for tendering 
 are drawn up late in the summer. As the pri- 
 vate yards no more than the Imperial yards 
 know whether they will get the orders for these 
 ships, there can be no possibility of special pre- 
 paration of material. If there has been any 
 such accumulation, it is, presumably, due to 
 business reasons, certainly to no incentive of 
 ours. 
 
 “In conclusion, I repeat once more with 
 emphasis that, as the Imperial Chancellor has 
 already said, we shall have ready for use in 1912 
 ten Dreadnoughts and three Invincibles — in all 
 13, and not 17, large modern ships — and that 
 not in the spring, but in the autumn. How far 
 it is right to base comparisons of naval strength 
 upon the number of Dreadnoughts is a question 
 which I shall not here discuss.” 
 
 As to the suggested readiness and desire of 
 Great Britain to join in an international agree- 
 ment for the limiting of naval armaments, the 
 Germans have always had a rather reasonable 
 answer, which was phrased forcibly by one of 
 the Agrarian organs when it said : 
 
 “When the weaker promises the stronger 
 to abstain from all means of increasing his 
 strength, the strong man needs to make no fur- 
 ther effort to retain his relative preponderance 
 for ever. If the other naval Powers entered 
 into such an agreement, England, without tak- 
 ing upon herself any further burdens, would re- 
 tain mastery at sea before which all must bow. 
 Little need as we have to interfere with regard 
 
 705 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 to England’s programme, even so little need has 
 England to look askance upon our construction 
 of ships, not to attack England, but only in 
 order to have a naval power with which even 
 the strongest opponent will not light-heartedly 
 engage in battle. This good right of ours we 
 shall not surrender by any agreement.’’ 
 
 But a better view was that taken by one of 
 the German Conservative journals, the Kreuz 
 Zeitung , which said last summer: “First of all 
 we must complete our construction programme. 
 Before that we could not agree to any limita- 
 tion of naval armaments. Otherwise we should 
 not be able to create the navy of moderate size 
 which corresponds to our position as a seafaring 
 people. . . . Even after the completion of our 
 construction programme our navy will be but a 
 dwarf as compared with the British Navy. 
 Nevertheless, the moment ought then to have 
 arrived for entering into an international agree- 
 ment about limitation of armaments, and on the 
 part of Germany there will, presumably, be 
 readiness for it.” 
 
 Elasticity of the German Navy Law. — At 
 
 the annual meeting of the German Navy League 
 in June, 1909, Admiral Weber, speaking of the 
 German Navy Law, praised its elasticity. “ In 
 international relations,” he said, “ it had lately 
 proved to be a political instrument of equal 
 force with the American Monroe doctrine and 
 the English two-Power standard. In 1906 the 
 Reichstag had agreed to increase the size of 
 capital ships without altering the number. The 
 amending law of 1908 (which shortened the 
 ‘life’ of battleships) had rendered possible a 
 rational fulfilment of all immediate possibilities 
 with regard to battleships, small cruisers, tor- 
 pedo-boats, and submarines.” 
 
 Italian and Austrian Programmes of Naval 
 Construction. — A despatch from Rome in 
 May, 1909, announced that the minister of ma- 
 rine, Admiral Mirabello, had obtained the ap- 
 proval of the Cabinet to a naval programme 
 that provides for the construction within three 
 years at a total expense of $52,800,000 of four 
 “Dreadnoughts” and a number of fast scout 
 cruisers. A local paper stated that the decision 
 to build these vessels was reached after Italy 
 had learned that Austria-Hungary was going to 
 spend $40,000,000 on increased naval power. 
 
 Four months later, on the 1st of October, a 
 report came to the English Press from Rome 
 as follows: 
 
 “ The Minister of Marine announced in June 
 that the ships would be begun at once, and com 
 pleted before the middle of 1912. Only one, 
 the Dante Alighieri, has yet been laid down, 
 and owing to some blunder with regard to her 
 steel plates, no work has been done on her for 
 more than a month. The second is still await- 
 ing the completion of a building slip before it 
 can be laid down. As to the other two, accord- 
 ing to the Tribuna, the contracts, which ought 
 to have been concluded with two shipbuilding 
 firms last June, have not yet been even ex- 
 amined by the Council of State; consequently 
 neither firm has yet been able to begin the work 
 which will be necessary in its yards before the 
 ships can be laid down. The Tribuna throws 
 the blame upon the bureaucratic system.” 
 
 Italian Fighting Strength at the End of 
 1909.— Thcfighting strength of the Italian Navy 
 was reckoned by the Rome correspondent of 
 
 the London Times, in November, 1909, as fol- 
 lows: 
 
 “ Counting in all four of the San Giorgio- 
 cruisers [only two of which were then finished] 
 as forming part of the available navy at the end 
 of this year, and setting aside some 20 ships of 
 various kinds and 40 or 50 torpedo-boats, which 
 may, however, be of some secondary use, the 
 full fighting force of the Italian navy at the 
 beginning of 1910 should be six first-class battle- 
 ships, five second class battleships, seven first- 
 class armoured cruisers, three second-class ar- 
 moured cruisers, 19 destroyers, and 36 first-class 
 torpedo-boats. But it must be borne in mind 
 that eight of the first 21 fighting units — the- 
 five battleships and three armoured cruisers de- 
 scribed here as of the second class — are not very 
 modern ships. 
 
 “The shipbuilding programme of Admiral 
 Mirabello promises, besides other less important 
 vessels, four battleships of the Dreadnought 
 type. As far as one could learn at first these 
 ships were to be on much the same lines as the 
 Bellerophon, with a displacement of 18,200, and 
 an armament of ten 12in. guns. The chief ques- 
 tion then was, When would they be ready for 
 sea? Admiral Mirabello said in 1912. In order 
 to effect this he would have had to revolution- 
 ize the whole system of shipbuilding in the 
 Italian navy.” 
 
 Japan’s Armament, Present and Prospect- 
 ive. — The naval status of Japan in December, 
 1909, as ascertained and described by the Tokio 
 correspondent of The Times, London, was as 
 follows : 
 
 “ Ever since the Russo-Japanese War it has 
 been well-nigh impossible for the public to form 
 a clear idea of what steps were in progress 
 with regard to the expansion and maintenance 
 of the Japanese Navy. In the year before the 
 outbreak of the conflict — namely, 1903, a pro- 
 gramme of expansion was approved by the 
 Diet. It involved the building of three battle- 
 ships, three armoured cruisers, and two second- 
 class cruisers; that is to say, eight fighting ves- 
 sels, displacing 100,000 tons approximately. 
 The cost was set down as ten millions sterling, 
 and the programme was to have been spread 
 over a period of 11 years, ending in 1913. Sub- 
 sequently, however, owing to financial expedi- 
 ency, the time of completion was extended, first 
 to 1915, and thereafter to 1916, so that seven 
 years still remain. Knowing this and observing 
 carefully what ships were laid down from time 
 to time, there should have been, it will appear, 
 no difficulty in forming a clear perception of the 
 actual conditions at any moment. 
 
 “But naturally the war produced a radical 
 change in the plans of the Japanese Admiralty. 
 It became necessary at once to adopt special 
 measures for recouping the losses suffered in 
 battle, as well as for renewing armaments. Of 
 course the general public was not taken into 
 official confidence in such matters, and some 
 time elapsed before people became vaguely con- 
 scious that not one building programme only, 
 but three, had been taken in hand. Occasionally 
 announcements were made of the launch of 
 such-and-such a battleship or the laying down 
 of such-and-such a cruiser, but as to which ves- 
 sel belonged to which programme, and what 
 dimensions the several programmes were ulti- 
 mately to take, nothing could be clearly ascer- 
 
 706 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, TIIE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 tamed. Now, at length, this obscurity has 
 been removed. It is seen that two of the pro- 
 grammes were undertaken with funds included 
 in the war expenditures, and that, therefore, the 
 nation is not required to make any further provi- 
 sion of money on these accounts. These pro- 
 grammes are, first, an emergency programme, 
 carried out with what is called an ‘ implement- 
 ing fund,’ and, secondly, an emergency pro- 
 grammecarried out with an ‘adjustment fund.’ 
 Under the three programmes, respectively, the 
 following vessels have been bought, built, or 
 are building: — 
 
 Third Period Expansion Programme. 
 
 Tons. 
 
 Katori, battleship 15,950 
 
 Kashima, “ 16,400 
 
 Ibuki, armoured cruiser 14,600 
 
 Emergency Implementing Programme. 
 
 Aki, battleship 19,150 
 
 Satsuma, “ 19,150 
 
 Tsukuba, armoured cruiser 13,750 
 
 Ikoma, “ “ 13,750 
 
 Kurama, “ “ . . • 14,600 
 
 Tone, cruiser • 4,400 
 
 Yodo, despatch boat 1,250 
 
 Mogami, “ “ 1,350 
 
 Emergency Adjustment Programme. 
 
 Kawachi, battleship 21,000 
 
 Settsu, “ 21,000 
 
 “There is here a total of 13 ships displacing 
 176,000 tons, approximately, and to these have 
 to be added 29 destroyers built under the ‘ emer- 
 gency implementing programme.’ As for the 
 vessels which have still to be built, but which 
 have not yet been laid down, they are as 
 follows: — 
 
 Third Period Programme. 
 
 Battleship, 1 16,000 tons 
 
 Armoured cruisers, 2 11,000 tons each 
 
 Cruisers, 2 5,000 “ “ 
 
 Emergency Implementing Programme. 
 
 Armoured cruiser, 1 14,600 tons 
 
 Cruisers, 2 4,100 tons each 
 
 Destroyers, several 375 “ “ 
 
 Torpedo-boats, 6 120 “ “ 
 
 “These eight vessels, exclusive of torpedo 
 craft, aggregate over 70,000 tons, and if the two 
 lists be combined, we get a total of 21 ships dis- 
 placing 247,000 tons, approximately, apart from 
 about 35 destroyers and six torpedo boats. . . . 
 
 “ It may be mentioned that in February last 
 the ships on the active list of the Japanese Navy 
 were : — 
 
 Battleships 13 
 
 Armoured Cruisers 12 
 
 Other Cruisers • 43 
 
 Destroyers 59 
 
 Torpedo-boats 69 ” 
 
 Russian “Dreadnoughts” Building. — 
 
 “The keels of the four Dreadnoughts which are 
 to represent the nucleus of Russia’s future navy 
 were laid down in St. Petersburg this morning. 
 The materials to be employed will be through- 
 out Russian ; the designs and the supervision 
 will be British. It is an open secret that the Tsar 
 has taken a deep personal interest in arrange- 
 ments that have been made for placing the con- 
 tracts for the new ships.” — St. Petersburg Cor. 
 London Times, June 16, 1909. 
 
 The United States Navy in 1909. — As 
 summarized in the Annual Report of the Navy 
 Department for the fiscal year 1909, the United 
 
 States Navy was composed, on the 30th of June 
 in that year, of the following vessels : 
 
 Fit for Service, including those under Repair : 
 First-class battle ships, 25 ; second-class battle 
 ship, 1 ; armored cruisers, 12 ; armored ram, 1 ; 
 single-turret harbor-defense monitors, 4 ; double- 
 turret monitors, 6 ; protected cruisers, 22 ; un 
 protected cruisers, 3; scout cruisers, 3; gun- 
 boats, 9 ; light-draft gunboats, 3 ; composite 
 gunboats, 8; training ships, 3; training brigan- 
 tine, 1 ; special class (Dolphin, Vesuvius), 2 ; 
 gunboats under 500 tons, 12 ; torpedo boat de- 
 stroyers, 16 ; steel torpedo boats, 33 ; wooden 
 torpedo boat, 1 ; submarine torpedo boats, 12 ; 
 iron cruising vessels, steam, 5 ; wooden ditto, 
 
 5 ; wooden sailing vessels, 5 ; tugs, 44 ; auxiliary 
 cruisers, 5; converted yachts, 21; colliers, 8: 
 transport and supply ships, 8 ; hospital ships, 
 2 ; receiving ships, 4 ; prison ships, 3. Total, 
 292. 
 
 Under Construction: First-class battle ships, 
 
 6 ; torpedo boat destroyers, 20 ; submarine tor- 
 pedo boats, 16 ; tug, 1 ; colliers, 6. Total 49. 
 
 Authorized : First-class battle ships, 2 ; gun- 
 boat for Great Lakes, 1 ; submarine torpedo 
 boats, 4 ; colliers, 2. Total 9. 
 
 Unfit for Service : Of all descriptions, 12. 
 
 Grand Total, 362. 
 
 Since the above report, the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, by vote on the 8th of April, 1910, 
 authorized the building of two additional battle 
 ships of the first class, at a cost of 86,000,000' 
 each. 
 
 The World-round Cruise of the American 
 Battleship Fleet, 1907-1909. — On the 16th of 
 
 December, 1907, a fleet of battle-ships which, 
 comprised practically the whole available fight 
 ing force of the United States Navy steamed 
 away from Hampton Roads, on the longest and 
 most notable cruise ever made by so formidable 
 an assemblage of ships of war. Its primary ap- 
 pointment was to circuit the American conti- 
 nents from the Atlantic to the Pacific shores of 
 the United States, and the further direction of 
 the voyage was left for future decision. Ulti- 
 mately, invitations from foreign governments 
 drew the fleet to Australia, New Zealand, China 
 and Japan, and it returned from these visits in 
 the Far East by way of the Suez Canal and the 
 Mediterranean Sea. The duration of the long 
 voyage was a year, two months and six days, 
 and the total miles of ocean traversed were about 
 45,000. Many foreign ports were visited, South 
 American, Australasian, Asiatic and European, 
 and boundless hospitalities were bestowed every- 
 where on the fleet. Its stay of some days at San 
 Francisco, before leaving American waters, was 
 the grand event of the year to Americans of that 
 coast, and its call at Manila gave emphasis to 
 American authority in the Philippines. 
 
 Until it reached San Francisco the fleet was 
 under the command of Rear-Admiral Robley D. 
 Evans; but physical disabilities then compelled 
 the retirement of Admiral Evans, and he was 
 succeeded in the command by Rear-Admiral 
 Charles S. Sperry, under whom the remainder 
 of the voyage was made. The sixteen battle- 
 ships of the fleet were divided into two squadrons 
 and four divisions, each division consisting of 
 vessels of the same general type ; the first divi- 
 sion comprised the Connecticut, Admiral Evans’s 
 flag-ship, the Kansas, the Vermont, and the 
 Louisiana; the second included the Georgia, the 
 
 707 
 
WAR, THE PREPARATIONS FOR 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 New Jersey, the Rhode Island and the Virginia; 
 the third included the Minnesota, the Ohio, the 
 Missouri, and the Maine; the fourth contained 
 the Alabama, the Illinois, the Kearsarge, and the 
 Kentucky. The battle-ships were accompanied 
 by two supply-ships, a repair-ship, and a ten- 
 der, and were preceded from Hampton Roads by 
 a flotilla of six torpedo-boats and a squadron of 
 armored cruisers. 
 
 From San Francisco to New Zealand the voy- 
 age of 6000 miles was made with one stop, only, 
 at Honolulu, and so perfectly in order, it is said, 
 that only twice did any ship fall out of the line 
 ■of formation, in which the ships steamed steadily 
 together, two hundred and fifty yards apart. 
 This order, with time-table regularity of move- 
 ment, was maintained from beginning to end, 
 and when, on the 22d of February, 1909, Presi- 
 dent Roosevelt welcomed the return of the fleet 
 to Hampton Roads, he was able to say with just 
 pride: “This is the first battle fleet that ever 
 circumnavigated the globe. Those w T ho perform 
 the feat again can but follow your footsteps. 
 You have falsified every prediction of failure 
 made by the prophets. In all your long cruise 
 notan accident worthy of mention has happened 
 to a single battleship, nor yet to the cruisers or 
 torpedo-boats. You left this coast in a high state 
 of battle efficiency, and you return with your effi 
 ciency increased as a war machine, as the fleet 
 returns in better shape than when it left. In ad- 
 dition, you have shown yourselves the best of 
 all possible ambassadors and heralds of peace. 
 Wherever you have landed you have borne 
 yourselves so as to make us at home proud of 
 being your countrymen.” 
 
 Before the undertaking of this notable cruise 
 of a battle-ship fleet having no militant mission, 
 many political reasons for and against the move 
 ment were urged and discussed. From the 
 naval point of view, professionally, the true 
 motive of the project was stated undoubtedly 
 by Captain A. T. Mahan, in an article published 
 in the Scientific American, and it had no political 
 purpose whatever. “ A perfectly sufficient rea- 
 son,” said Captain Mahan, “is the experience to 
 be gained by the fleet in making a long voyage, 
 which otherwise might have to be made for the 
 first time under the pressure of war, and the 
 disadvantage of not having experienced at least 
 once the huge administrative difficulties con- 
 nected with so distant an expedition by a large 
 
 body of vessels dependent upon their own re- 
 sources. By ‘own resources ’ must be understood, 
 not that which each vessel carries in herself, 
 but self-dependence as distinguished from de- 
 pendence on near navy -yards - — the great snare 
 of peace times. The renewal of stores and coal 
 on the voyage is a big problem, whether the 
 supply vessels accompany the fleet or are di- 
 rected to join from point to point.” 
 
 The following statistics are given of the cost 
 of the cruise: “The fleet burned 400,320 tons 
 of coal, costing $1,078,994. The transportation 
 of this coal by naval and hired colliers cost 
 $1,463,825. The total coal bill was $2,646,069. 
 There were used on the engines and other ma- 
 chinery 125,000 gallons of oil costing $43,750. 
 No official statement has been made of the 
 cost of ammunition used in target and battle 
 practice. The figure is put at above a million 
 dollars, and $20,000,000 is estimated as the total 
 cost of the 14 months’ cruise.” 
 
 The World Naval Armament. — Fleets of 
 the Great Powers in March, 1910. — A British 
 Parliamentary Paper made public on the 29th 
 of April, 1910, gave statistics of the navies of 
 the greater Powers as they existed on the 31st 
 of March. The following summary of the fig- 
 ures appeared in the next issue of The Mail. 
 The letters at the heads of the columns signify 
 — E., England; F., France; R., Russia; G., 
 Germany; I., Italy ; U., United States ; and J., 
 Japan : — 
 
 Ships Built. 
 
 
 E. 
 
 F. 
 
 R. 
 
 G. 
 
 I. 
 
 u. 
 
 J. 
 
 Battleships 
 
 56 
 
 17 
 
 7 
 
 33 
 
 10 
 
 30 
 
 14 
 
 Arrnd. C. D. Vessels . 
 
 - 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 7 
 
 - 
 
 10 
 
 - 
 
 Amid. Cruisers . . . 
 
 38 
 
 20 
 
 4 
 
 9 
 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 12 
 
 Protected Cruisers, I . 
 
 18 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 
 - 
 
 _ 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 “ “ 11. 
 
 35 
 
 9 
 
 2 
 
 23 
 
 3 
 
 16 
 
 11 
 
 “ “ III 
 
 16 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 12 
 
 11 
 
 2 
 
 6 
 
 Unprotected Cruisers . 
 
 2 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 10 
 
 - 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 Scouts 
 
 8 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 3 
 
 - 
 
 Torpedo Vessels . . 
 T. B. Destroyers . . . 
 
 23 
 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 1 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 150 
 
 60 
 
 97 
 
 85 
 
 21 
 
 25 
 
 57 
 
 Torpedo Boats . . . 
 
 116 
 
 246 
 
 63 
 
 82 
 
 96 
 
 30 
 
 69 
 
 Submarines .... 63 56 30 
 
 Ships Building. 
 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 18 
 
 9 
 
 
 E. 
 
 F. 
 
 R. 
 
 G. 
 
 I. 
 
 U. 
 
 J. 
 
 Battleships 
 
 9 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 
 2 
 
 4 
 
 3 
 
 Armd. Cruisers . . . 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 2 
 
 — 
 
 1 
 
 Protected Cruisers, II. 
 
 9 
 
 _ 
 
 _ 
 
 5 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 3 
 
 Unprotected Cruisers . 
 
 2 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 - 
 
 T. B. Destroyers . . . 
 
 37 
 
 17 
 
 - 
 
 12 
 
 2 
 
 15 
 
 2 
 
 Submarines .... 11 23 3 
 
 * Number uncertain. 
 
 * 
 
 " 
 
 10 
 
 3 
 
 WAR, THE RE' 
 
 A. D. 1899-1909. — General Treaties of 
 Arbitration concluded since the First Peace 
 Conference at The Hague. — “ Arbitration in 
 the sense of the present day dates from Jay’s 
 Treaty of 1794, in which Great Britain and the 
 United States bound themselves to arbitrate 
 contested boundary claims (Article 5) ; claims 
 preferred by British creditors (Article 6) ; and, 
 more especially, the claims of American and 
 British creditors based upon ‘ irregular or illegal 
 captures or condemnations of their vessels and 
 other property’ (Article 7). . . . 
 
 “The first award under it [Jay’s Treaty] was 
 made in 1798, so that exactly one hundred years 
 elapsed until the call of the First Hague Con- 
 ference. Arbitrations in this period were very 
 
 7 
 
 OLT AGAINST. 
 
 frequent. Writers differ as to the exact num- 
 ber ; for example Dr. Darby instances no less 
 than 471 cases, but in his enthusiasm for the 
 peaceful settlement of international differences 
 he has included a large number of interstate ar- 
 rangements, which cannot be regarded as inter- 
 national arbitrations in the strict sense of the 
 word. Mr. Fried, in liis Handbook of the Peace 
 Movement, enumerates some 200. M. La Fon- 
 taine gives a list of 177 instances to the year 
 1900, which should be reduced to 171 arbitra- 
 tions or agreements to arbitrate before the meet- 
 ing of the First Conference in 1899. Professor 
 John Bassett Moore is more conservative and 
 enumerates 136 cases of international arbitration 
 during the nineteenth century, in 57 of which 
 
WAR, TIIE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 Ihe Uuited States was a party, with a like num- 
 ber of 57 to which Great Britain has been a 
 party. 
 
 “But, as happily said by M. Descamps, arbi- 
 tration is not a question of mathematics, and 
 whether the instances be 471, according to 
 Darby or 136, according to Professor Moore, the 
 recourse to arbitration bids fair to become a 
 habit with nations." — James Brown Scott, The 
 Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907, v. 1, 
 pp. 210 and 224-5. 
 
 Dr. Scott cites from M. La Fontaine a table 
 showing the participation of each State in arbi- 
 tration. Germany has no representation in the 
 table, either as a whole or by any of its parts ; 
 whereas every other nation of the least impor- 
 tance in the world appears as having arbitrated 
 some of its disputes, prior to the preparation of 
 this table. 
 
 At the First Peace Conference, of 1899, an at- 
 tempt, strongly supported, was made to frame 
 and secure the adoption of a treaty of arbitra- 
 tion by which the nations would bind themselves 
 to arbitrate a carefully selected list of subjects. 
 This failed, says Dr. Scott, in the work quoted 
 above, “owing to the opposition of Germany. 
 As a compromise, Article 19 of the convention 
 for the peaceful adjustment of international dif- 
 ferences was adopted : 
 
 “ ‘Independently of existing general or special 
 treaties imposing the obligation to have recourse 
 to arbitration on the part of any of the Signa- 
 tory Powers, these powers reserve to themselves 
 the right to conclude, either before the ratifica- 
 tion of the present convention or subsequent to 
 that date, new agreements, general or special, 
 with a view of extending the obligation to sub- 
 mit controversies to arbitration to all cases which 
 they consider suitable for such submission’ (re- 
 enacted in 1907 as Article 40). 
 
 “ The article did not seem at the time to be of 
 any special importance and it was generally 
 looked upon as useless because independent and 
 sovereign States possess the right without special 
 reservation to conclude arbitration agreements, 
 general or special, without being specifically 
 empowered to do so. The fact is, however, 
 that this article, insignificant and useless as it 
 may seem, marks, one may almost say, an era 
 in the history of arbitration. The existence of 
 the article has called attention to the subject of 
 arbitration and by reference to it many States 
 have negotiated arbitration treaties. It is true 
 that there is no legal obligation created by the 
 article and it is difficult to find a moral one, for 
 it is not declared to be the duty of any State to 
 conclude arbitration treaties. The moral effect 
 of the article has, however, been great and salu- 
 tary, and the existence of numerous arbitration 
 treaties based upon the reservation contained in 
 the article shows the attention and respect 
 which nations pay to the various provisions of 
 the Hague Conference.’’ 
 
 Dr. Scott adds to these remarks a list of 
 treaties, of the character contemplated, which 
 had been entered into since the First Hague 
 Conference, up to the time at which he wrote, 
 with appended notes describing briefly the na- 
 ture of the variously broadened or narrowed 
 reference clauses contained in them. A more 
 extended list has been published since by the 
 International Peace Bureau of Berne, Switzer- 
 land, for a copy of which I am indebted to Mr. 
 
 Frederick P. Keppel, Secretary of Columbia 
 University, New York. The list below is mainly 
 that of the International Peace Bureau, with the 
 addition of a few more recent treaties to which 
 the United States has been a party, obtained 
 from the State Department at Washington. 
 Some, but not all, of Dr. Scott’s notes have been 
 borrowed, with his permission. 
 
 In the list of treaties as they are given here 
 the date of signature is entered first, with the 
 prefix S. ; that of ratification follows, with the 
 prefix R. When two dates of ratification are 
 given, the first is that by the government named 
 first in the entry of the parties to the treaty in 
 question. 
 
 List of States between which Permanent 
 Treaties of Arbitration have been concluded 
 since the First Peace Conference at The 
 Hague, with the Dates of their Signature 
 and Ratification. 
 
 1. Brazil and Chile. — S. May 18, 1899. — R. 
 March 7, 1906, at Santiago. 
 
 2. Argentine and Uruguay. — S. June 8, 1899. 
 
 — R. December 21, 1901. Additional protocol 
 S. Dec. 21, 1901.— R. Dec. 18, 1901. 
 
 3. Argentine and Paraguay, — S. Nov. 6, 
 1899. — R. June 5, 1902. Additional protocol 
 S. Jan. 25, 1902. — R. June 5, 1902. . 
 
 4. Bolivia and Peru. — S. Nov. 21, 1901. — 
 R. Dec. 29, 1903. 
 
 5. Spain and Mexico. — S. Jan. 11, 1902. — 
 R. July 18, 1902. 
 
 6. Nicaragua, Salvador, Honduras, Costa 
 Rica. — S. Jan. 20, 1902. — [R. No date given.] 
 
 7. Argentine and Spain. — S. Jan. 28, 1902. — 
 [R. No date given.] 
 
 8. Spain and Salvador. — S. Jan. 28, 1902. — 
 R. July 18, 1902. 
 
 9. Spain and Dominican Republic. — S. Jan. 
 28, 1902. — R. July 18, 1902. 
 
 10. Spain and Uruguay. — S. Jan. 28, 1902. — 
 R. July 18, 1902. 
 
 11. Pan-American Treaty of obligatory arbi- 
 tration between Argentine, Bolivia, Guatemala, 
 Mexico, Paraguay. Peru, Dominican Republic, 
 Salvador, and Uruguay (for differences relating 
 to diplomatic privileges, rights of navigation, 
 questions of frontiers and interpretation and en- 
 forcement of treaties). 11 — S. Jan. 29, 1902, at 
 Mexico. — According to Art. 21 of the Treaty 
 it would become of force as soon as three States 
 among those which signed the Treaty should 
 make known their approbation to the govern- 
 ment of Mexico, which would communicate the 
 information to other governments. It has been 
 ratified by the governments of Salvador, May 
 28, 1902, of Guatemala, Aug. 25, 1902, and of 
 Uruguay, Jan. 31, 1903. 
 
 12. Special Treaty between the seventeen 
 States represented at the Pan-American Confer- 
 ence at Mexico, including the United States of 
 America, relating to the adjustment by means 
 of arbitration of difficulties resulting from finan- 
 cial questions. — S. Jan. 30, 1902, at Mexico. — 
 [R. No date given.] 
 
 13. Argentine and Bolivia. — S. Feb. 3, 1902. 
 
 — R. March 13, 1902. 
 
 14. Bolivia and Spain. — S. Feb. 17, 1902. — 
 R. Oct. 10, 1903. 
 
 15. Colombia and Spain. — S. Feb. 17, 1902 
 
 — R. July 18, 1902. 
 
 16. Spain and Guatemala. — S. Feb. 28, 1902. 
 
 — R. July 18, 1902. 
 
 709 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 17. Mexico and Persia. — S. May 14, 1902. — 
 [R. No date given.] 
 
 18. Argentine and Chile. E — S. May 28, 1902. 
 
 — R. July 30, 1902. 
 
 19. Germany and Venezuela. — S. May 7, 
 
 1903. — (R. La ratification n’a pas etc exigee.) • 
 
 20. Paraguay and Peru. — S. May 18, 1903. 
 
 — [R. No date given.] 
 
 21. France and Great Britain. 0 — S. Oct. 14, 
 
 1903. — R. Feb. 25, 1904. 
 
 22. Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras and 
 Salvador. — S. Nov., 1903. — [R. No date 
 given.] 
 
 23. France and Italy. 0 — S. Dec. 25, 1903. — 
 R. March 26, 1904-March 7, 1904. 
 
 24. Great Britain and Italy. 0 — S. Feb. 1, 
 
 1904. — Not ratified. 
 
 25. Denmark and The Netherlands.® — S. 
 Feb. 12, 1904. — R. March 8, 1906, at The Hague. 
 
 26. Spain and France. 0 — S. Feb. 26, 1904. 
 
 — It. March 7, 1904-Apr. 20, 1904. 
 
 27. Spain and Great Britain. 0 — S. Feb. 27, 
 
 1904. — R. March 7, 1904-March 16, 1904. 
 
 28. France and The Netherlands. 0 — S. Apr. 
 6, 1904. — R. July 5, 1905, at Paris. 
 
 29. Spain and Portugal. — S. May 31, 1904. 
 
 — Not ratified. 
 
 30. France and Sweden. 0 — S. July 9, 1904. 
 
 — R. Nov. 9, 1904. 
 
 31. France and Norway. 0 — S. July 9, 1904. 
 
 — R. Nov. 9, 1904. 
 
 32. Germany and Great Britain. 0 - — S. July 
 12, 1904. — Without reserve of ratification. 
 
 33. Great Britain and Sweden. 0 — S. Aug. 
 11, 1904. — R. Nov. 9, 1904. 
 
 34. Great Britain and Norway. 0 — S. Aug. 
 11, 1904. — R. Nov. 9, 1904. 
 
 35. The Netherlands and Portugal. — S. Oct. 
 1, 1904. — R. Oct. 29, 1908, at The Hague. 
 
 36. Spain and Nicaragua. — S. Oct. 4, 1904. 
 
 — R. March 19, 1908. 
 
 37. Belgium and Russia. A — S. Oct. 17/30, 
 1904. — R. Sept. 9/Aug. 27, 1905-July 27 /Aug. 
 9, 1905. 
 
 38. Belgium and Switzerland. A — S. Nov. 
 15, 1904. — R. Aug. 19, 1905. 
 
 39. Great Britain and Switzerland. 0 — S. 
 Nov. 16, 1904. — R. July 12, 1905. 
 
 40. Great Britain and Portugal. 0 — S. Nov. 
 16, 1904. — Not ratified. 
 
 41. Germany and The United States of Amer- 
 ica. — S. Nov. 22, 1904. — Not ratified. 
 
 42. Italy and Switzerland. 0 — S. Nov. 23, 
 1904. — R. Dec. 5, 1905. 
 
 43. Norway and Russia. A — S. Nov. 26/Dec. 
 9, 1904. — R. Feb. 27, 1905-Feb. 12/25, 1905. 
 
 44. Russia and Sweden. A — S. Nov. 26/Dec. 
 9, 1904. — R. Feb. 12/25-Feb. 27/14, 1905. 
 
 45. Belgium and Sweden. A — S. Nov. 30, 
 1904.— R. Aug. 11, 1905. 
 
 46. Belgium and Norway. A — S. Nov. 30, 
 1904. — R. Aug. 11, 1905-Oct. 30, 1906. 
 
 47. Austria-Hungary and Switzerland. 0 — S. 
 Dec. 3, 1904. — R. Oct 17, 1905, at Vienna. 
 
 48. France and Switzerland. 0 — S. Dec. 14, 
 1904. — R. July 13, 1905. 
 
 49. Sweden and Switzerland. A — S. Dec. 17, 
 1904. — R. July 13, 1905. 
 
 50. Norway and Switzerland. A — S. Dec. 17, 
 1904. — R. July 13, 1905. 
 
 51. Austria-IIungary and The United States 
 of America. — S. Jan. 6, 1905. — Not ratified. 
 
 52. Austria-Hungary and Great Britain. 0 — 
 
 7 
 
 S. Jan. 11, 1905. — R. May 17, 1905, at Loudon. 
 
 53. Spain and Sweden. — S. Jan. 23, 1905. — 
 R. March 20, 1905. 
 
 54. Spain and Norway. — S. Jan. 23, 1905. — 
 
 R. March 20, 1905. 
 
 55. Belgium and Spain. A — S. Jan. 23, 1905. 
 
 — R. Dec. 16- July 28, 1905. 
 
 56. Great Britain and The Netherlands. 0 — S. 
 Feb. 15, 1905. — R. July 12, 1905, at London. 
 
 57. Denmark and Russia. A — S. Feb. 16 /Mar. 
 
 1, 1905. — R. Apr. 11, 1905-Mar. 20/ Apr. 3, 
 
 1905. 
 
 58. Italy and Peru. — S. Apr. 18, 1905. — R. 
 Nov. 11, 1905. 
 
 59. Belgium and Greece. A — S. Apr. 19 /May 
 
 2, 1905. — R. July 9/22, 1905. 
 
 60. Belgium and Denmark. A — S. Apr. 26, 
 
 1905. — R. May 2, 1906. 
 
 61. Portugal and Sweden. 0 — S May 6, 1905. 
 
 — Not ratified. 
 
 62. Norway and Portugal. 0 — S. May 6, 1905. 
 
 — Not ratified. 
 
 63. Italy and Portugal. 0 — S. May 11, 1905. 
 
 — Not ratified. 
 
 64. Spain and Honduras. — S. May 13, 1905. 
 
 — R. July 16, 1906. 
 
 65. Belgium and Roumania. A — S. May 27/ 
 14, 1905. — R. Oct. 9/ Sept. 26, 1905. 
 
 66. Portugal and Switzerland. 0 — S. Aug. 18, 
 1905. — R. Oct. 23, 1908, at Berne. 
 
 67 Argentine and Brazil. — S. Sept. 7, 1905. 
 
 — R. Sept. 28, 1908 -Oct. 2, 1908. 
 
 68. Colombia and Peru. — S. Sept. 12, 1905. 
 
 — R. July 6, 1906, with the modus rivendi. 
 
 69. Denmark and France. 0 — S. Sept. 15, 
 
 1905. — R. May 31, 1906. 
 
 70. Denmark and Great Britain. 0 — S. Oct. 
 25, 1905. — R. May 4, 1906. 
 
 71. Norway and Sweden. A — S. Oct. 26, 1905. 
 
 — Without reserve of ratification. 
 
 72. Denmark and Spain. A — S. Dec. 1, 1905. 
 
 — R. May 10, 1906-May 14. 1906. 
 
 73. Denmark and Italy.® — S. Dec. 16, 1905. 
 
 — R. May 22 — Mar. 30, 1906. 
 
 74. Austria-Hungary and Portugal. 0 — S. 
 Feb. 13, 1906. —R. Oct. 16, 1908, at Vienna. 
 
 75. Belgium and Nicaragua. — S. Mar. 6, 
 
 1906. — Not ratified. 
 
 76. France and Portugal. 0 — S. July 29, 
 
 1906. — Not ratified. 
 
 77. Denmark and Portugal.® — S. Mar. 20, 
 
 1907. — R. Oct 26, 1908, at Copenhagen. 
 
 78. Nicaragua and Salvador. — S. Apr. 3, 
 
 1907. — Not ratified. 
 
 79. Spain and Switzerland. 0 — S. Slay 14, 
 1907. — R. July 9, 1907. 
 
 80. Argentine and Italy. — S. Sept. 18, 1907. 
 
 — Not ratified. 
 
 81. Italy and Mexico. — S. Oct. 16, 1907. — R. 
 Dec. 31, 1907. 
 
 82. Honduras, Guatemala, Salvador, Nicara- 
 gua and Costa Rica. — 8. Dec. 20, 1907, at 
 Washington. — R. March, 1908. 
 
 83. United States of America and France.® — 
 
 S. Feb. 10, 1908. — R. Mar. 12, 1908, at Wash 
 ington. 
 
 84. United States of America and Greece. — 
 S. Feb. 29, 1908. — Not ratified [?]. 
 
 85. United States of America and Switzer- 
 land.®— S. Feb. 29, 1908. — R. Dec. 23, 1908. 
 
 86. United States of America and Mexico.® 
 
 — S. Mar. 24, 1908. — R. June 27, 1908, at 
 Washington. 
 
WAR, TIIE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 87. United States of America and Italy. D — 
 S. Mar. 28, 1008. — It. Jan. 22, 1900. 
 
 88. United States of America and Great Brit- 
 ain. 0 — S. Apr. 4, 1008. — R. June 4, 1908, at 
 Washington. 
 
 89. United States of America and Norway. 0 
 
 — S. Apr. 4, 1908. — It. June 24, 1908, at Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 90. United States of America and Portugal. 0 
 
 — S. Apr. 0, 1908. — R. Nov. 14, 1908. 
 
 91. United States of America and Spain. 0 — 
 S. Apr. 20, 1908. — R. June 2, 1908, at Washing- 
 ton. 
 
 92. United States of Americaand Sweden. 0 — 
 S. May 2, 1908. — R. Aug. 18, 1908, at Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 93. United States of America and The Nether- 
 lands. 0 — S. May 2, 1908. —It. Mar. 25, 1909. 
 
 94. — United States of America and Japan. 0 
 
 — S. May 5, 1908. — R. Aug. 24, 1908, at Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 95. — Denmark and the United States of 
 America. 0 — S. May 18, 1908. — It. Mar. 29, 1909. 
 
 96. Denmark and Sweden. 0 — S. July 17, 
 1908. — Not ratified. 
 
 97. China and the United States of America. 0 
 
 — S. Oct. 8, 1908. — R. Apr. 6, 1909. 
 
 98. Denmark and Norway. — S. Oct. 8, 1908. 
 
 — Not ratified. 
 
 99. United States of America and Austria- 
 Hungary. 0 — S. Jan. 15, 1909, at Washington. 
 
 — R. May 13, 1909. 
 
 100. — United States of America and Peru. 0 
 
 — S. Dec. 5, 1908, at Washington. — R. June 
 29, 1909. 
 
 101. United States of Americaand Salvador. 0 
 
 — S. Dec. 21, 1908, at Washington. — R. July 
 3, 1909. 
 
 102. United States of America aud Costa 
 Rica.° — S. Jan. 13, 1909, at Washington. — R. 
 July 20, 1909, 
 
 Notes. 
 
 The treaties differ in the range given to the obliga- 
 tion imposed on the signatory parties, as to the nature 
 of the differences which they shall submit to arbitra- 
 tion. Most of them, however, are divisible in this re- 
 spect into three classes, distinguished above by the 
 reference letters “A,” “ 15,” and “ C,” and the distinc- 
 tion described in the following notes thus marked, 
 from Dr. Scott’s work. Treaties concluded by the 
 United States have an otherwise distinct character, as 
 explained in note “ D.” 
 
 A. — The article of reference in these treaties is sub- 
 stantially (when not identically) as follows : 
 
 “ The high contracting parties agree to submit to the 
 permanent Court of Arbitration established at The 
 Hague by the Convention of July 29, 1899, the differ- 
 ences which may arise between them in the cases 
 enumerated in Article 3, in so far as they affect neither 
 the independence, the honor, the vital interests, nor 
 the exercise of sovereignty of the contracting coun- 
 tries, and provided it has been impossible to obtain an 
 amicable solution by means of direct diplomatic nego- 
 tiations or by any other method of conciliation. 
 
 “1. In case of disputes concerning the application or 
 interpretation of any convention concluded or to be 
 concluded between the high contracting parties and 
 relating — a. To matters of international private law; 
 b. To the management of companies ; c. To matters of 
 procedure, either civil or criminal, and to extradition. 
 
 “2. In cases of disputes concerning pecuniary claims 
 based on damages, when the principle of indemnity 
 has been recognized by the parties. 
 
 “Differences which may arise with regard to the in- 
 terpretation or application of a convention concluded 
 or to be concluded between the high contracting par- 
 ties and in which third powers have participated or to 
 which they have adhered shall be excluded from settle- 
 ment by arbitration.” 
 
 “ B. The treaties of this noble class are the few thus 
 far concluded which pledge the parties engaged in 
 them to submit all differences that may arise between 
 
 them to pacific arbitration, reserving no dispute, of 
 any nature, to become a possible entanglement in war. 
 The formula of reference in them is substantially this: 
 
 “The high contracting parties agree to submit to the 
 permanent Court of Arbitration established at The 
 Hague by the Convention of July 29, 1899, all differ- 
 ences of every nature that may arise between them, and 
 which cannot be settled by diplomacy, and this even in 
 the case of such differences as have had their origin 
 prior to the conclusion of the present Convention.” 
 
 C. — The reference clause in these treaties is substan- 
 tially alike in all, to the following purpose : 
 
 “ Differences which may arise of a legal nature, or 
 relating to the interpretation of treaties existing be- 
 tween the two contracting parties, and which it may 
 not have been possible to settle by diplomacy, shall be 
 referred to the Permanent Court of Arbitration, estab- 
 lished at The Hague by the convention of the 29th July, 
 1899 ; provided, nevertheless, that they do not affect 
 the vital interests, the independence, or the honor of 
 the two contracting States, and do not concern the in- 
 terests of third parties.” 
 
 D. — In the treaties of arbitration negotiated by the 
 United States the article of reference is like that last 
 quoted, in Note C ; but the following is added to it: 
 
 “ In each individual case the High Contracting Par- 
 ties, before appealing to the Permanent Court of Arbi- 
 tration, shall conclude a special Agreement, defining 
 clearly the matter in dispute, the scope of the powers 
 of the arbitrators, and the periods to be fixed for the 
 formation of the Arbitral Tribunal and the several 
 stages of the procedure. It is understood that on the 
 part of the United States such special agreements will 
 be made by the President of the United States, by and 
 with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and 
 on the part of Costa Rica shall be subject to the pro- 
 cedure required by the Constitution and laws thereof.” 
 
 This was required by the United States Senate, which 
 rejected a number of earlier arbitration treaties, nego- 
 tiated by Secretary Hay, because they would have al- 
 lowed cases of controversy with other nations to be re- 
 ferred to The Hague Tribunal by the President without 
 specific consent from the Senate in each particular 
 case. This brings the general treaty of arbitration 
 down very close to absurdity, leaving almost nothing 
 of its intended pacific influence to act. 
 
 E. — See below : A. D. 1901 (Nov.), and 1902. 
 
 A. D. 1901 (Nov.). — Treaty of Unreserved 
 Arbitration for all Controversies between 
 Bolivia and Peru. — On the 21st of November, 
 1901, the republics of Bolivia and Peru set a 
 great example of trust in arbitration as a means 
 of settling controversies between nations, by 
 concluding a convention which pledged them 
 for ten years to submit every disagreement be- 
 tween themselves to that peaceful solution, 
 reserving no question whatsoever. Their ex- 
 ample, as will be seen, was remarkably imitated 
 among their Spanish-American neighbors in the 
 following year. The subjoined are the impor- 
 tant articles of their compact of peace: 
 
 “ Article 1. The high contracting parties 
 pledge themselves to submit to arbitration all 
 the controversies which have thus far been 
 pending, and those which, while the present 
 treaty is in force, may arise between them, 
 whatever may be their nature and causes pro- 
 vided that it has been found impossible to 
 settle them by direct negotiation. 
 
 “Art. 2. In each case that may arise the 
 contracting parties shall conclude a special 
 agreement with a view to determining the sub- 
 ject-matter of the controversy, to fixing the 
 points that are to be settled, the extent of the 
 powers of the arbitrators, and the procedure to 
 be observed. 
 
 “Art. 3. In case the high contracting par- 
 ties do not succeed in agreeing on the points re- 
 ferred to in the foregoing article, the arbitrator 
 shall be authorized to determine, in view of the 
 claims of both parties, the points of fact and of 
 law that are to be decided for the settlement of 
 the controversy, and to establish the mode of 
 procedure to be followed. 
 
 711 
 
WAR, TIIE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 “Art. 4. The high contracting parties agree 
 that the arbitrator shall be the permanent court 
 of arbitration that may be established in virtue 
 of the decisions adopted by the Pan-American 
 Conference now sitting in the City of Mexico. 
 
 “Art. 5. For these two cases: ( a ) If the 
 court l-eferred to in the foregoing article shall 
 not be created, and ( b ) if there is need of having 
 recourse to arbitration before that court shall be 
 created, the high contracting parties agree to 
 designate as arbitrator the Government of the 
 Argentine Republic, that of Spain, and that of 
 the United Mexican States for the perform- 
 ance of this duty, one to act in case of the disa- 
 bility of the other, and in the order in which 
 they are named. 
 
 “Art. 6. If, while the present treaty is in 
 force, and in the two contingencies referred to 
 in the foregoing article, different cases of arbi- 
 tration shall arise, they shall be successively sub- 
 mitted for decision to the aforesaid governments 
 in the order above established. 
 
 “ Art. 7. The arbitrator shall further be com- 
 petent: 1. To pass upon the regularity of his 
 appointment, the validity of the agreement, and 
 the interpretation thereof. 2. To adopt such 
 measures as may be necessary, and to settle all 
 difficulties that may arise in the course of the de- 
 bate. Concerning questions of a technical or 
 scientific character that may arise during the 
 debate, the opinion of the Royal Geographical 
 Society of London or that of the International 
 Geodetic Institute of Berlin shall be asked. 3. 
 To designate the time in which he shall perform 
 his arbitral functions. 
 
 “Art. 8. The arbitrator shall decide in strict 
 obedience to the provisions of international law, 
 and, on questions relating to boundary, in strict 
 obedience to the American principle of ‘uti 
 possedetis’ of 1810, whenever, in the agree- 
 ment mentioned in article 2 , the application of 
 the special rules shall not be established, or in 
 case the arbitrator shall (not ?) be authorized to 
 decide as an amicable referee. 
 
 “Art. 9. The decision shall decide, defi- 
 nitely, every point in dispute, stating the rea- 
 sons therefor. It shall be prepared in duplicate, 
 and notice thereof shall be given to each of the 
 parties through its representative before the 
 arbitrator. 
 
 “ Art. 10. The decision, legally pronounced, 
 shall decide, within the limits of its scope, the 
 contest between the parties. 
 
 “ Art. 11. The arbitrator shall fix, in his deci- 
 sion, the time within which said decision is to 
 be executed. 
 
 “Art. 12. No appeal from the decision shall 
 be allowed, and its execution is intrusted to the 
 honor of the nations that sign this treaty. 
 
 “Nevertheless, an appeal for revision to the 
 arbitrator who pronounced it shall be admis- 
 sible, provided that such appeal be taken before 
 the expiration of the time fixed for its execu- 
 tion, in the following cases: 1. If the decision 
 
 has been pronounced on the basis of a counter- 
 feit document, or of one that has been tampered 
 with. 2. If the decision has been, either in 
 whole or in part, the consequence of a fact re- 
 sulting from the proceedings or documents of 
 the case.” 
 
 A. D. 1902 . — Noble Treaties between Ar- 
 gentina and Chile for Obligatory Arbitration 
 of all Disputes, and f*r Restriction of Naval 
 
 Armaments. — Notwithstanding the fortunate 
 arrangement, in 1898, for arbitration of a serious 
 boundary dispute between the Argentine Repub- 
 lic and Chile (see, in Volume VI. of this work, 
 Argentine Republic), there continued to be 
 troublesome frictions between the two Spanish - 
 American neighbors, while awaiting the deci- 
 sion of the arbitrator, King Edward VII., which 
 was not rendered until Nov. 27, 1902. These 
 had led to a ruinous rivalry in naval armament. 
 Reporting on this state of affairs in May of 
 that year, Mr. William P. Lord, the American 
 Minister to the Argentine Government, wrote : 
 “ Both countries have incurred heavy expense 
 for the equipment and maintenance of largely 
 increased army and naval forces. Chile has re- 
 cently contracted for two formidable warships 
 involving a heavy cost with the object of put- 
 ting her navy upon an equality with the Argen- 
 tine navy, whereupon Argentina, not to be out- 
 done, contracted for two war ships larger in 
 size and perhaps more formidable at alike heavy 
 cost in order to continue and maintain her naval 
 superiority. The costly expenditure incurred 
 on account of war and naval preparations is 
 paralyzing industrial activity and commercial 
 enterprise. Both countries are largely in debt 
 and confronted with a deficit. Both have ap- 
 propriated their conversion funds which had 
 been set apart for a specific purpose, and which, 
 it would seem, should have been preserved in- 
 violable. Neither is able to make a foreign 
 loan without paying a high rate of interest and 
 giving guarantees to meet the additional ex- 
 penses which their war policy is incurring, and 
 both Governments know and their people know 
 that the only remedy to which either can resort 
 to meet existing financial conditions is to levy 
 fresh taxes of some description, notwithstanding 
 nearly everything that can be taxed is now taxed 
 to the utmost limit. The weight of taxation 
 already imposed bears heavily upon the ener- 
 gies and activities of the people. The outlook 
 is not promising, business being dull, wage em- 
 ployment scarce, and failures frequent.” 
 
 Happily, good sense prevailed over this folly 
 very soon after Minister Lord wrote his account 
 of it. On the 3d of June, 1902, the same writer 
 was enabled to forward to Washington the text 
 of four remarkable “peace agreements ” which 
 had been signed on the 28th of May, at the Chi- 
 lean capital, by the Chilean Minister of Foreign 
 Relations and the Argentine Minister Plenipo- 
 tentiary^ Chile, who had been brought to ne- 
 gotiations by the friendly mediation of Great 
 Britain. The four documents were : a political 
 convention declaring a common international 
 policy on the part of the two republics; a broad 
 treaty of general arbitration; an agreement for 
 the reducing of naval forces ; an agreement for 
 the conclusive marking of boundary lines by 
 the engineers of the arbitrator, King Edward. 
 The general arbitration treaty is no less unre- 
 served and comprehensive than that between 
 Peru and Bolivia and offers another Spanish- 
 American model for imitation in the interest of 
 peace. Its articles are as follows : 
 
 “Article 1. The high contracting parties 
 bind themselves to submit to arbitration every 
 difficulty or question of whatever nature that 
 may arise between them, provided such ques- 
 tions do not affect the precepts of the respect- 
 ive constitutions of the two countries, and that 
 
 712 
 
WAK, TIIE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 they can not be solved through direct negotia- 
 tion. 
 
 “ Aiit. 2. This treaty does not embrace those 
 questions that have given rise to definite agree- 
 ments between the two parties. In such cases 
 the arbitration shall be limited exclusively to 
 questions of validity, interpretation, or fulfill- 
 ment of these agreements. 
 
 “ Akt. 3. The high contracting parties desig- 
 nate as arbitrator the Government of His Bri- 
 tannic Majesty or, in the event of either of the 
 powers having broken off relations with the 
 British Government, the Swiss Government. 
 Within sixty days from the exchange of ratifi- 
 cations the British Government and the Swiss 
 Government shall be asked to accept the charge 
 of arbitrators. 
 
 “Art. 4. The points of controversy, ques- 
 tions or divergencies shall be specified by the 
 high contracting parties, who may determine 
 the powers of the arbitrator or any other cir- 
 cumstance connected with the procedure. 
 
 “Art. 5. In the case of divergence of opin- 
 ion, either party may solicit the intervention of 
 the arbitrator, who will determine the circum- 
 stances of procedure, the contracting parties 
 placing every means of information at the ser- 
 vice of the arbitrator. 
 
 “Art. 6. Either party is at liberty to name 
 one or more commissioners near the arbitrator. 
 
 “Art. 7. The arbitrator is qualified to decide 
 upon the validity of the obligation and its inter- 
 pretation, as well as upon questions as to what 
 difficulties come within the sphere of the arbi- 
 tration. 
 
 “Art. 8. The arbitrator shall decide in ac- 
 cordance with international law, unless the ob- 
 ligation involves the application of special rules 
 or he have been authorized to act as friendly 
 mediator. 
 
 “Art. 9. The award shall definitely decide 
 each point of controversy. 
 
 “Art. 10. The award shall be drawn up in 
 two copies. 
 
 “Art. 11. The award legally delivered shall 
 decide within the limits of its scope the ques- 
 tion between the two parties. 
 
 “Art. 12. The arbitrator shall specify in his 
 award the term within which the award shall 
 be carried out, and he is competent to deal with 
 any question arising as to the fulfillment. 
 
 “Art. 13. There can be no appeal from the 
 award, and its fulfillment is intrusted to the 
 honor of the signatory powers. Nevertheless, 
 the recourse of revision is admitted under the 
 following circumstances: 1. If the award be 
 given on the strength of a false document ; 2. If 
 the award be the result, either partially or to- 
 tally, of an error of fact. 
 
 “Art. 14. The contracting parties shall pay 
 their own expenses and each a half of the ex- 
 penses of the arbitration. 
 
 “Art. 15. The present agreement shall last 
 for ten years from the date of the exchange of 
 the ratifications, and shall be renewed for an- 
 other term of ten years, unless either party shall 
 give notice to the contrary six months before 
 expiry.” — Papers relating to the Foreign Rela- 
 tions of the United States, 1902, pp. 13-20. 
 
 In their convention on naval armaments the 
 two governments “renounced the acquisition 
 of the war vessels they have in construction 
 and the making for the present of any new ac- 
 
 quisitions,” agreeing to reduce their fleets to 
 “a prudent equilibrium.” 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Ten South and Central 
 American Nations join in Protocol of Con- 
 vention for Compulsory Arbitration. — “Ten 
 of the nineteen nations represented at the City 
 of Mexico [Second Pan-American Conference, 
 1902] united in the project of a treaty, to be rati- 
 fied by their respective governments, providing 
 for compulsory arbitration of all controversies 
 which, in the judgment of any of the interested 
 nations, do not affect either their independence 
 or national honor ; and it is prescribed that in 
 independence and national honor are not in- 
 cluded controversies concerning diplomatic 
 privileges, limits, rights of navigation, or the 
 validity, interpretation, and fulfillment of trea- 
 ties. Mexico became a party to this project, 
 but the United States declined ; thus showing an 
 entire change of attitude on the part of these 
 two nations since the Washington conference of 
 1890. Mexico had in the meantime adjusted its 
 boundary dispute with Guatemala. But since 
 Mr. Blaine’s ardent advocacy of compulsory 
 arbitration the Senate of the United States had 
 manifested its opposition to the policy by the 
 rejection of the Olney-Pauncefote arbitration 
 treaty of 1897, and it is to be inferred that the 
 Secretary of State did not think it wise to com- 
 mit our government to a measure which had 
 been disapproved of by the coordinate branch 
 of the treaty-making power.” — J. W. Foster, 
 Pan-American Diplomacy ( Atlantic Monthly , 
 April, 1902). See, also, American Republics. 
 
 A. D. 1902. — Central America. — Treaty 
 of Compulsory Arbitration between Nica- 
 ragua, Salvador, Honduras, Costa Rica, and 
 Guatemala. — A treaty of compulsory arbitra- 
 tion and obligatory peace, between four of the 
 States above named, in fulfillment of the agree- 
 ment at Mexico (see, in this vol. American 
 Republics : Second International Confer- 
 ence) was signed at Corinto on the 20th of 
 January, 1902. Its essential provisions were 
 the following: 
 
 “The Governments of Nicaragua, Salvador, 
 Honduras, and Costa Rica, desirous of contrib- 
 uting by all the means in their power to the 
 maintenance of the peace and good harmony 
 that exists and should exist among them, have 
 agreed to celebrate a convention of peace and 
 obligatory arbitration, and to that effect have 
 named as their respective plenipotentiaries: . . . 
 Who, after having presented their credentials 
 and the same being found in good and due form, 
 have agreed upon the following covenant: 
 
 “Article 1. It is declared that the present 
 convention has for object the incorporation in 
 form of public treaty the conclusions to which 
 have arrived their excellencies, the Presidents, 
 General Don J. Santos Zelaya, General Don 
 Tomas Regalado, General Don Terencio Sierra, 
 and Don Rafael Iglesias, in the several confer- 
 ences that have been held in this port with the 
 sole object of maintaining and assuring, by all 
 possible means, the peace of Central America. 
 
 “ Article 2. The contracting Governments 
 establish the principle of obligatory arbitration, 
 in order to adjust every difficulty or question 
 that might present itself between the contract- 
 ing parties, binding themselves in consequence 
 to submit them to a tribunal of Central Ameri- 
 can arbitrators. 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 “ Article 3. Each one of the contracting 
 parties shall name an arbitrator and a substitute 
 to constitute the tribunal. The terms of the 
 arbitrators shall be for one year, counting from 
 their acceptance, and then they may be re- 
 elected. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Article 4. The arbitrators of those states 
 among whom exists the disagreement shall not 
 form part of the tribunal for the consideration 
 of the concrete case, this remaining entirely 
 with the arbitrator or arbitrators of the remain- 
 ing states. 
 
 “ Article 5. If, through pairing, there 
 should be no decision, the tribunal shall select a 
 third among the substitutes. The third should 
 necessarily adhere to one of the views given 
 out. 
 
 “Article 6. As soon as a difficulty or ques- 
 tion presents itself between two or more states, 
 their respective Governments shall advise the 
 remaining signers of the present convention. 
 
 “ Article 7. The contracting Governments 
 establish and recognize the right of each one of 
 them to offer without delay, singly or con- 
 jointly, their good offices to the Governments 
 of the states that are in disagreement, even 
 without previous acceptation by them, and 
 though they should not have notified them of 
 the difficulty or question pending. 
 
 “Article 8. The friendly offices exhausted 
 without satisfactory result, the government or 
 governments that would have exercised them 
 shall notify the others, declaring at the proper 
 time arbitration proceedings. This declaration 
 shall be communicated with the greatest possible 
 brevity to the member of the tribunal corre- 
 sponding to the president of same, with the ob- 
 ject that within a period not exceeding fifteen 
 days the tribunal that is to know and decide the 
 case comes together. The installation of the 
 tribunal shall be communicated by telegi'aph to 
 the signing governments, demanding from the 
 contending parties the presentation of their 
 claims within the fifteen days following. 
 
 “Article 9. The tribunal shall give its 
 judgment within five days following the ex- 
 piration of the term which has been spoken of. 
 
 “Article 10. The difficulties that may arise 
 through questions of pending limits, or through 
 interpretation, or execution of treaties of limits, 
 shall be submitted by the governments inter- 
 ested to the knowledge and decision of a for- 
 eign arbitrator of American nationality. 
 
 “ Article 11. The Governments of the states 
 in dispute solemnly agree not to execute any 
 hostile act, warlike preparations, or mobiliza- 
 tion of forces, with the object of not impeding 
 the arrangement of the difficulty or question 
 through the means established by the present 
 agreement.” 
 
 On the 1st of March following the signing of 
 this peace treaty by the four Presidents named 
 above, the United States Minister to Costa 
 Rica, Mr. William Lawrence Merry, reported 
 to his Government that the President of Guate- 
 mala had added his signature to theirs. 
 
 A. D. 1903. — Gift of a Court House and 
 Library for the Permanent Court of Arbitra- 
 tion at The Hague. — By a deed signed Octo- 
 ber 7, 1903, Mr. Andrew Carnegie created a 
 foundation or trust under the Netherland law (a 
 Sticliting in the Dutch language), “for the pur- 
 pose of building, establishing, and maintaining 
 
 in perpetuity at The Hague a court-house and 
 library (temple of peace) for the permanent court 
 of arbitration established by the treaty of July 
 29, 1899.” As stated in the deed, “ the Netherland 
 Government, according to agreement, will see 
 to the appointment of a board of directors under 
 proper control, and draw up the rules accord- 
 ing to which the ‘ Sticliting’ shall be governed, 
 so as to ensure in perpetuity its maintenance and 
 efficiency. The words maintaining, mainte- 
 nance, in this agreement are not to be construed 
 as relieving the signatory powers to the treaty of 
 July 29, 1899, from the financial obligations in- 
 curred and so far discharged in connection with 
 the permanent court of arbitration. If at any 
 time the purpose for which the 1 Stichting’ was 
 founded should fail, the assets of the ‘Stichting’ 
 shall be employed for promoting the cause of 
 international peace and concord in such a man- 
 ner as shall be determined jointly by the sover- 
 eign of the Netherlands and the President of the 
 United States.” 
 
 A. D. 1904. — International Peace Con- 
 gresses. — The Thirteenth at Boston. — The 
 First International Peace Congress was held in 
 London in 1843, when men who could think of 
 the possibility of ending war were jeered at, 
 and little heed was given to their talk. In the 
 next ten years it had six successors, all in Eu- 
 rope, and three of them in Great Britain. Then 
 came the succession of wars in the fifties, six- 
 ties and seventies, which seemed to discourage 
 peace-dreams, and it was not until 1878, on the 
 occasion of the Paris Exposition, that an eighth 
 international gathering of the dreamers was 
 attempted. Then they waited eleven years for 
 hope and faith enough to draw them for a ninth 
 time together. After that date the series ran on 
 under grow’ing impulsions and encouragements, 
 and when Boston, in 1904, invited its moving 
 spirits to honor America, for the first time, with 
 their assemblage, the Congress gathered in that 
 city, in early October, was the Thirteenth of its 
 name and kind. It was given exceptional bril- 
 liancy by the attendance of many distinguished 
 people from abroad who had been drawn to the 
 United States that season by the Exposition at 
 St. Louis and the various conferences there. 
 
 A. D. 1904. — A Philosopher’s Plan for End- 
 ing War. — “Man lives inhabits, indeed, but 
 what he lives for is thrills and excitements. The 
 only relief from Habit’s tediousness is periodical 
 excitement. From time immemorial wars have 
 been, especially for non-combatants, the su 
 premely thrilling excitement. Heavy and drag- 
 ging at its end, at its outset every war means 
 an explosion of imaginative energy. The dams 
 of routine burst, and boundless prospects open. 
 The remotest spectators share the fascination. . . . 
 
 “This is the constitution of human nature 
 which we have to work against. The plain truth 
 is that people want war. They want it anyhow; 
 for itself ; and apart from each and every possi- 
 ble consequence. It is the final bouquet of life’s 
 fireworks. The born soldiers want it hot and ac- 
 tual. The non-combatants want it in the back- 
 ground, and always as an open possibility, to 
 feed imagination on and keep excitement go- 
 ing. . . . 
 
 “We do ill, I fancy, to talk much of universal 
 peace or of a general disarmament. We must go 
 in for preventive medicine, not for radical cure. 
 We must cheat our foe, politically circumvent 
 
 14 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 his action, not try to change his nature. In one 
 respect war is like love, though in no other. 
 Both leave us intervals of rest; and in the inter- 
 vals life goes on perfectly well without them, 
 though the imagination still dallies with their 
 possibility. . . . Let the general possibility of 
 war be left open, in Heaven’s name, for the im- 
 agination to dally with. Let the soldiers dream 
 of killing, as the old maids dream of marrying. 
 But organize in every conceivable way the prac- 
 tical machinery for making each successive 
 chance of war abortive. Put peace-men in 
 power ; educate the editors and statesmen to re- 
 sponsibility ; — how beautifully did their trained 
 responsibility in England make the Venezuela 
 incident abortive 1 Seize every pretext, however 
 small, for arbitration methods, and multiply the 
 precedents ; foster rival excitements and invent 
 new outlets for heroic energy ; and from one 
 generation to another, the chances are that irri- 
 tations will grow less acute and states of strain 
 less dangerous among the nations. Armies and 
 navies will continue, of course, and will fire the 
 minds of populations with their potentialities of 
 greatness. But their officers will find that some- 
 how or other, with no deliberate intention on 
 any one’s part, each successive ‘ incident ’ has 
 managed to evaporate and to lead nowhere, and 
 that the thought of what might have been re- 
 mains their only consolation.” — William James, 
 Remarks at the Peace Banquet ( Atlantic Monthly , 
 Bee., 1904). 
 
 A. D. 1904 - 1909 . — The Interparliamen- 
 tary Union. — The Interparliamentary Union, 
 composed of members of the parliamentary 
 bodies of many countries, had its origin in 1888, 
 when, on the 31st of October, thirty members 
 of the French Chamber of Deputies met with 
 ten members of the British Parliament, at Paris, 
 to discuss the practicability of cooperation in 
 efforts for the promotion of international peace. 
 William Randal Cremer, a labor union member 
 of Parliament, is credited with the conception 
 and the active agency which set the movement 
 on foot, and in 1903 he received the Nobel Prize 
 of 835,000, for distinguished service to the cause 
 of peace. He devoted the money to the same 
 cause. He received further honors from the 
 Government of France, which made him a Che- 
 valier of the Legion of Honor. The results of 
 the undertaking he led have already acquired 
 high importance, and exhibit more each year. 
 If the glorious dream of a World Parliament, 
 empowered to enact international law, is ever 
 realized, the realization may be a growth from 
 this seed. 
 
 Thus far, the growth has produced an Inter- 
 parliamentary Union composed of representa- 
 tives from the legislatures of every country in 
 Europe which has a really constitutional gov- 
 ernment, and from the United States. The 
 Congress of the latter became represented in the 
 Union in the winter of 1904, and the next meet- 
 ing of the Union was held at St. Louis that year, 
 while the Louisiana Purchase Exposition was in 
 progress. The membership of the Union had 
 then risen to about 2000 in number, drawn en- 
 tirely from the national law-making bodies of 
 the world, — elected representatives of many 
 millions of people, making up a powerfully 
 influential combination of experienced public 
 men. The St. Louis meeting was attended by 
 two hundred of these, including many of distin- 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 guished standing in the parliaments of their 
 several countries. This session of the Union 
 was under the presidency of the Hon. Richard 
 Bartholdt, Member of Congress from Missouri. 
 Its most important action was the adoption, by 
 unanimous vote, of the following resolution: 
 
 “ Whereas, Enlightened public opinion and 
 the spirit of modern civilization alike demand 
 that differences between nations should be ad- 
 judicated and settled in the same manner as dis- 
 putes between individuals are adjudicated — 
 namely, by the arbitrament of courts in accord- 
 ance with recognized principles of law ; 
 
 “The Conference requests the several govern- 
 ments of the world to send representatives to an 
 International Conference, to be held at a time 
 and place to be agreed upon by them, for the 
 purpose of considering — 
 
 “ First, the questions for the consideration of 
 which the Conference at The Hague expressed 
 a wish that a future conference be called ; 
 
 “Second, the negotiation of arbitration trea- 
 ties between the nations represented at the Con- 
 ference to be convened ; 
 
 “Third, the advisability of establishing an 
 International Congress to convene periodically 
 for the discussion of international questions ; 
 
 “And this Conference respectfully and cor- 
 dially requests the President of the United 
 States to invite all the nations to send repre- 
 sentatives to such a Conference.” 
 
 Subsequently, this resolution was presented 
 to the President, at Washington, by the mem- 
 bers of the Union, and his assent to the request 
 was received. Out of this came the train of 
 proceedings which brought about the Second 
 Peace Conference at The Hague. 
 
 In 1905 the meeting of the Interparliamentary 
 Union was held at Brussels; in 1906 at London; 
 in 1908 at Berlin. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — The First National Peace 
 Congress in the United States, assembled 
 at New York. — The Peace Congress assem- 
 bled at New York April 14, 1907, (the first Na- 
 tional assemblyof its character), on the initiative 
 of Andrew Carnegie, “surpassed expectation. 
 First of all, in numbers. Delegates registered 
 by the thousand. The best hall in the metro- 
 polis proved inadequate. Overflow and addi- 
 tional meetings were held in other halls and in 
 churches. For the first time in the history of 
 great conferences, two banquets were necessary 
 at the close, taking place coincidentally, with 
 some of the same speakers passing from one to 
 the other, no hotel accommodations being suffi- 
 cient for the function if all applicants were to 
 be housed in one place. Even with this dou- 
 bling the issuance of tickets had to be stopped. 
 
 “Secondly, the Congress was the first really 
 National peace meeting in America. In com- 
 parison, previous peace congresses have been 
 sectional. But at last week’s over thirty-five 
 States were represented by their Governors or 
 their representatives, by members of State tri- 
 bunals and State Legislatures, and by Mayors of 
 important cities. The Federal Government was 
 represented by members of the Hague Court, of 
 the Supreme, Circuit, and District Courts, and 
 of Congress. Thus the resultant body was a pe- 
 culiarly representative official gathering. . . . 
 
 “Still another striking feature of the Con- 
 gress lay in the prominent place given to the 
 representatives of labor and commerce, a fea- 
 
 715 
 
4 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 ture comprised in two meetings, addressed by 
 prominent leaders of the various industries. 
 The general position was well taken by Mr. 
 Samuel Gompers, President of the American 
 Federation of Labor : ‘ Not as workers will we 
 permit ourselves to be shot down in order to 
 conquer the markets of barbarians and savages. 
 I know of no gathering of labor in the last 
 twenty-five years which lias not declared itself 
 unequivocally for international brotherhood and 
 peace.’ ” 
 
 “A final and chief feature of interest lay in 
 the notably practical character of the vast ma- 
 jority of speakers and listeners. The Congress 
 was no ‘collection of cranks and fools,’ as a 
 hard-headed man of affairs dubbed it in passing 
 the hall, without looking in to verify his state- 
 ment. Neither was it a collection of white- 
 blooded, weak-kneed theorists, feebly appreciat- 
 ing the actual conditions that govern individual 
 passions and national prejudices. As one 
 glanced around, there were the faces of great 
 captains of industry, of practical leaders of 
 labor, of men who bulk large in commercial 
 enterprises, of trusted political leaders. Nor 
 was the Congress any mere anti-war affair : its 
 business was positive, not negative ; it was to 
 affirm the necessity of substituting reason for 
 passion. There was a general sentiment that it 
 ought to emphasize, not ‘rainbows ’’or distant 
 Utopias, but only practical plans certain of 
 realization, and of realization, too, not in the 
 far future, but in this very coming summer by 
 action at The Hague.” — The Outlook, April 27, 
 1907. 
 
 Among the prominent speakers were Mr. 
 Carnegie, who presided, Mr. Root, Secretary of 
 State, Governor Hughes, of New York, Ambas- 
 sador Bryce, Mr. William J. Bryan, Congress- 
 man Bartholdt, President of the American 
 group in the Inter-parliamentary Union, Profes- 
 sor Miinsterberg, President Eliot, Baron d’Es- 
 tournelles, the eminent peace advocate of 
 France, and Mr. W. T. Stead. Mr. Root pointed 
 out the great obstacle to arbitration — a fear 
 that the tribunals selected would not be impar- 
 tial, because arbitrators are thought often to 
 act diplomatically rather than judicially. “We 
 need,” he said, “for arbitrators, not distin- 
 guished public men concerned in all the interna- 
 tional questions of the day, but judges interested 
 only in the question appearing on the record be- 
 fore them. Plainly, this end is to be attained 
 by the establishment of a court of permanent 
 judges.” 
 
 Mr. Bryan made the excellent suggestion that 
 in ‘time of war money-lenders shall not be al- 
 lowed to wax fat by loans, taking advantage of 
 a nation’s weakness and urging it to continue 
 hostilities. A loan by the citizens of a neutral 
 nation, he pointed out, is practically a loan by 
 the nation itself, and should be objected to as 
 much as furnishing shot and shell. 
 
 Mr. Stead, writing of the Congress in the 
 American Review of Reviews, characterized it as 
 “in many respects the most notable Congress 
 of its kind that has ever been held in the Old 
 World or the New,” and as being “the pioneer 
 or John the Baptist of the Second International 
 Conference” soon to meet at The Hague. “ It 
 represented,” he said, “the first rudimentary, 
 crude, but nevertheless definite effort on the 
 part of the New World to impress its will on 
 
 the Old World.” But he thought the resolu- 
 tions of the Congress, “as a whole, were hardly 
 worthy of the importance of the occasion or the 
 representative character of the conference,” and 
 criticised the committee for taking “no steps 
 for pressing their adoption upon other govern- 
 ments than their own.” 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Second International Peace 
 Conference at The Hague : Its Conventions, 
 Declarations, and Recommendations. — Text 
 of the Convention for a Pacific Settlement of 
 International Disputes, and of the “ Final 
 Act,” with its recommended Draft Conven- 
 tion for the Creation of a Judicial Arbitra- 
 tion Court. — “Pursuant to a request of the 
 Interparliamentary Union, held at St. Louis in 
 1904, that a further peace conference be held, 
 and that the President of the United States in- 
 vite all nations to send representatives to such a 
 conference, the late Secretary of State, at the 
 direction of the President, instructed, on Octo- 
 ber 21, 1904, the representatives of the United 
 States accredited to each of the signatories to 
 the acts of The Hague Conference of 1889 to pre- 
 sent overtures for a second conference to the 
 ministers for foreign affairs of the respective 
 countries. 
 
 “ The replies received to this circular instruc- 
 tion of October 21, 1904, indicated that the pro- 
 position for the calling of a second conference 
 met with general favor. At a later period it was 
 intimated by Russia that the initiator of the First 
 Conference was, owing to the restoration of 
 peace in the Orient, disposed to undertake the 
 calling of a new conference to continue as well 
 as to supplement the works of the first. The 
 offer of the Czar to take steps requisite to con- 
 vene a second international peace conference 
 was gladly welcomed by the President, and the 
 Final Act of the Conference only recites in its 
 preamble the invitation of the President. 
 
 “ The Russian Government thus assumed the 
 calling of the Conference, and on April 12, 1906, 
 submitted the following programme, which was 
 acceptable to the Powers generally and which 
 served as the basis of the work of the Confer- 
 ence : 
 
 “1. Improvements to be made in the provi- 
 sions of the convention relative to the peaceful 
 settlement of international disputes as regards 
 the Court of Arbitration and the International 
 commissions of inquiry. 
 
 “2. Additions to be made to the provisions 
 of the convention of 1899 relative to the laws 
 and customs of war on land — among others, 
 those concerning the opening of hostilities, the 
 rights of neutrals on land, etc. Declaration of 
 1899. One of these having expired, question of 
 its being revived. 
 
 “3. Framing of a convention relative to the 
 laws and customs of maritime warfare, concern- 
 ing— 
 
 “ The special operations of maritime warfare, 
 such as the bombardment of ports, cities, and 
 villages by a naval force; the laying of torpe- 
 does, etc. 
 
 “The transformation of merchant vessels into 
 war ships. 
 
 “ The private property of belligerents at sea. 
 
 “The length of time to be granted to mer- 
 chant ships for their departure from ports of 
 neutrals or of the enemy after the opening of 
 hostilities. 
 
 716 
 
WAR, TIIE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 “The rights and duties of neutrals at sea, 
 among others the questions of eontraband, the 
 rules applicable to belligerent vessels in neutral 
 ports; destruction, in cases of vis major, of neu- 
 tral merchant vessels captured as prizes. 
 
 “In the said convention to be drafted there 
 would be introduced the provisions relative to 
 war on land that would be also applicable to 
 maritime warfare. 
 
 ‘ ‘ 4. Additions to be made to the convention 
 of 1899 for the adaptation to maritime warfare 
 of the principles of the Geneva Convention of 
 1864. 
 
 “The United States, however, reserved the 
 right to bring to discussion two matters of 
 great importance not included in the pro 
 gramme, namely, the reduction or limitation of 
 armaments and restrictions or limitations upon 
 the use of force for the collection of ordinary 
 public debts arising out of contracts. 
 
 “It was finally decided that the Conference 
 should meet at The Hague on the 15th day of 
 June, 1907, and thus the Conference, proposed 
 by the President of the United States, and con- 
 voked by Her Majesty the Queen of The Neth- 
 erlands upon the invitation of the Emperor of 
 All the Russias, assumed definite shape and 
 form. . . . 
 
 “In the circulars of October 21 and Decem- 
 ber 16, 1904, it was suggested as desirable to 
 consider and adopt a procedure by which States 
 nonsignatory to the original acts of The Hague 
 Conference may become adhering parties. This 
 suggestion was taken note of by the Russian 
 Government and invitations were issued to 
 forty-seven countries, in response to which the 
 representatives of forty-four nations assembled 
 at The Hague and took part in the Conference. 
 No opposition was made to the admission of 
 the nonsignatory States.” 
 
 The delegation of the United States to the 
 Conference was composed of the following 
 members: Commissioners plenipotentiary with 
 the rank of ambassador extraordinary : Joseph 
 H. Choate, of New York, Horace Porter, of 
 New York, Uriah M. Rose, of Arkansas; Com- 
 missioner plenipotentiary : David Jayne Hill, of 
 New York, envoy extraordinary and minister 
 plenipotentiary of the United States to the 
 Netherlands; Commissioners Plenipotentiary 
 with rank of minister plenipotentiary: Brig. 
 Gen. George B. Davis, Judge-Advocate-General, 
 U. S. Army, Rear-Admiral Charles S. Sperry, U. 
 8. Navy, William I. Buchanan, of New York; 
 Technical delegate and expert in international 
 law: James Brown Scott, of California ; Tech- 
 nical delegate and expert attache to the Com- 
 mission : Charles Henry Butler, of New York ; 
 Secretary to the Commission: Chandler Hale, 
 of Maine ; Assistant secretaries to the Commis- 
 sion : A. Bailly-Blanchard, of Louisiana, Wil- 
 liam M. Malloy, of Illinois. 
 
 “ The Dutch Government set aside for the 
 use of the Conference, the Binnenhof, the seat 
 of the States-General, and on the 15th day of 
 June, 1907, at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, the 
 Conference was opened by his excellency the 
 Dutch minister for foreign affairs in the pre- 
 sence of delegates representing forty-four na- 
 tions. ... At the conclusion of the address of 
 welcome his excellency suggested as president 
 of the Conference His Excellency M. Nelidow, 
 first delegate of Russia, and, with the unani- 
 
 mous consent of the assembly, M. Nelidow ac- 
 cepted the presidency and delivered an ad- 
 dress.” . . . 
 
 In accordance with the suggestion of the pre- 
 sident, an order of procedure, in twelve articles, 
 was adopted, and the Conference was divided 
 into four Commissions, between which the sub- 
 jects specified in the programme of the Confer- 
 ence were apportioned. “ The actual work of 
 the Conference was, therefore, done in commis- 
 sion and committee. The results, so far as the 
 several commissions desired, were reported to 
 the Conference sitting in plenary session for ap- 
 proval, and after approval, submitted to the 
 small subediting committee for final revision 
 which, however, affected form, not substance. 
 The results thus reached were included in the 
 Final Act and signed by the plenipotentiaries on 
 the 18th day of October, 1907, upon which date 
 the Conference adjourned.” — Report of the Dele- 
 gates of the United States (dOth Congress, 1st 
 Sess. Senate Doc. 444). 
 
 The results of the Conference are embodied in 
 fourteen Conventions duly formulated and 
 signed, and a 1 ‘ Final Act ” in which certain prin- 
 ciples are declared as being “ unanimously ad- 
 mitted.” Of the Conventions entered into, that 
 most important one which provides means for a 
 pacific solution of international conflicts is but a 
 revision of the Convention for the same purpose 
 which the Powers represented at the First Peace 
 Conference, of 1899, gave adhesion to, and the 
 full text of which is printed in Volume VI. of 
 this work (pp. 356-9). To a large extent the 
 articles of the Convention are unchanged, and 
 the changes made are mostly in the nature of an 
 amplification of provisions and prescriptions of 
 procedure for carrying out the agreements set 
 forth in the compact of 1899. This occurs es- 
 pecially in Part III., relating to “ International 
 Commissions of Inquiry,” the specifications for 
 which, merely outlined in six articles of the Con- 
 vention of 1899, were detailed with precision in 
 twenty -eight articles of the Convention of 1907. 
 A similar amplification was given to the chap- 
 ters on “The System of Arbitration ” and “ Ar- 
 bitral Procedure.” By a verbal change of some 
 significance, the parties to the Convention are 
 designated “Contracting Powers,” instead of 
 “ Signatory Powers,” as before. 
 
 Other important features of the revision are 
 noted in an article which the Hon. David Jayne 
 Hill, one of the American Commission at the 
 Conference, communicated to The American Re- 
 view of Reviews of December, 1907. Dr. Hill 
 wrote : 
 
 “With regard to good offices and mediation, a 
 slight step forward was taken by the acceptance 
 of the American proposition that the initiative 
 of powers foreign to the controversy in offer- 
 ing them is not only ‘useful’ but ‘desirable.’ 
 Greater precision has been given to the oper- 
 ation of commissions of inquiry, whose great 
 utility has already been tested, but it was de- 
 cided that the functions of such commissions 
 should be confined to a determination of facts 
 and should not extend to fixing responsibility. 
 As regards arbitration, while it was reasserted 
 that ‘ in questions of a legal character, and es- 
 pecially in the interpretation or application of 
 international conventions, arbitration is recog- 
 nized by the contracting powers as the most effi- 
 cacious and at the same time the most equitable 
 
 717 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 means of settling differences that have not been 
 adjusted by diplomacy,’ and, ‘in consequence, 
 it would be desirable that, in contentions of this 
 character, the powers should resort to arbitra- 
 tion,’ it was not found possible to render this 
 resort an obligation. 
 
 “It is necessary to state, however, that while 
 unanimity upon this proposal was not obtainable 
 — even for a convention that omitted all ques- 
 tions affecting ‘ the vital interests, independ- 
 ence, or honor ’of the contestants and included 
 only a meagre list of mainly unimportant sub- 
 jects — 32 powers voted in favor of it, only 9 
 were opposed, and 3 abstained from voting. As 
 practical unanimity was held to be necessary for 
 the inclusion of a convention in the final act, 
 even this very moderate attempt at obligatory 
 arbitration was unfruitful. Still, as this strong 
 manifestation of a disposition to make a definite 
 engagement could not conveniently be nullified 
 without being in some measure recognized, it 
 was resolved, with four abstentions, that the 
 first commission was : ‘ Unanimous (1) in recog- 
 nizing the principle of obligatory arbitration; 
 and (2) in declaring that certain differences, not- 
 ably those relative to the interpretation and 
 application of conventional stipulations, are sus- 
 ceptible of being submitted to obligatory arbi- 
 tration without restriction.’ 
 
 “Regarding this resolution as a retreat from 
 the more advanced position that had been taken 
 by 32 powers, the head of the American delega- 
 tion clearly explained its attitude and refrained 
 from voting. 
 
 “ It must, in justice, he added that some of 
 the powers voting against an obligatory arbitra- 
 tion convention probably did so chiefly for the 
 purpose of avoiding the isolation of others, and 
 that some of the powers most earnest in oppos- 
 ing the project not only have negotiated special 
 treaties of obligatory arbitration, but declare 
 their intention of negotiating many more. The 
 state of the question, then, is this : All accept 
 the principle of obligatory arbitration in certain 
 classes of cases, 32 powers are prepared to make 
 definite engagements with all the rest, 9 prefer to 
 make them only with states on whose responsi- 
 bility they can rely, and 3 decline at present to 
 commit themselves.” 
 
 On the part of the United States, when this 
 important Convention was submitted subse- 
 quently to the Senate, it was ratified condition- 
 ally, by the following resolution, adopted April 
 2, 1908. 
 
 “ Resolved (two-thirds of the Senators present con- 
 curring therein ), That the Senate advise and 
 consent to the ratification of a convention signed 
 by the delegates of the United States to the 
 Second International Peace Conference, held at 
 The Hague from June sixteenth to October eigh- 
 teenth. nineteen hundred and seven, for the pa- 
 cific settlement of international disputes, subject 
 to the declaration made by the delegates of the 
 United States before signing said convention, 
 namely: 
 
 “ ‘Nothing contained in this convention shall 
 be so construed as to require the United States 
 of America to depart from its traditional policy 
 of not intruding upon, interfering with, or en- 
 tangling itself in the political questions of policy 
 or internal administration of any foreign state ; 
 nor shall anything contained in the said conven- 
 tion he construed to imply a relinquishment by 
 
 the United States of its traditional attitude to- 
 ward purely American questions.’ 
 
 “ Resolved further, as a part of this act of rati- 
 fication, That the United States approves this 
 convention with the understanding that recourse 
 to the permanent court for the settlement of 
 differences can be had only by agreement thereto 
 through general or special treaties of arbitration 
 heretofore or hereafter concluded between the 
 parties in dispute; and the United States now 
 exercises the option contained in article fifty- 
 three of said convention, to exclude the formu- 
 lation of the ‘compromis’ by the permanent 
 court, and hereby excludes from the compe- 
 tence of the permanent court the power to frame 
 the ‘compromis’ required by general or special 
 treaties of arbitration concluded or hereafter to 
 be concluded by the United States, and further 
 expressly declares that the ‘compromis’ re- 
 quired by any treaty of arbitration to which the 
 United States may be a party shall he settled 
 only by agreement between the contracting 
 parties, unless such treaty shall expressly pro- 
 vide otherwise." 
 
 Of the other Conventions agreed to and signed 
 at the Conference it will be sufficient to give 
 here in part a summary statement of their ob- 
 jects and provisions which was prepared by the 
 Hon. James Brown Scott, one of the Technical 
 Delegates to the Conference from the United 
 States, originally for publication in The Ameri- 
 can Journal of International Law for Janu- 
 ary, 1908. They are described by Mr. Scott as 
 follows : 
 
 “The second is the convention restricting the 
 use of force for the recovery of contract debts. 
 This was introduced by the American delegation, 
 loyally and devotedly seconded by Doctor Drago, 
 who has battled for the doctrine to which he 
 has given his name. Without the support of 
 Doctor Drago, it is doubtful if Latin America 
 — for whose benefit it was introduced — would 
 have voted for this very important doctrine. 
 The proposition is very short; it consists of but 
 three articles, but we must not measure things 
 by their size. In full it is as follows; ‘In order 
 to avoid between nations armed conflicts of a 
 purely pecuniary origin arising from contractual 
 debts claimed from the government of one coun- 
 try by the government of another country to be 
 due to its nationals, the contracting powers 
 agree not to have recourse to armed force for 
 the collection of such contractual debts. 
 
 “ ‘ However, this stipulation shall not be ap- 
 plicable when the debtor state refuses or leaves 
 unanswered an offer to arbitrate, or, in case of 
 acceptance, makes it impossible to formulate the 
 terms of submission, or after arbitration, fails to 
 comply with the award rendered. 
 
 “‘It is further agreed that arbitration here 
 contemplated shall be in conformity, as to pro- 
 cedure, with Title IV, Chapter III of the con- 
 vention for the pacific settlement of interna- 
 tional disputes adopted at The Hague, and that 
 it shall determine, in so far as there shall be no 
 agreement between the parties, the justice, and 
 the amount of the debt, the time and mode of 
 payment thereof. ’ . . . 
 
 “ The third convention relates to the opening 
 of hostilities and provides, in Article I, that 
 the contracting powers recognize that hostilities 
 between them should not commence without 
 notice, which shall be either in the form of a 
 
 718 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 formal declaration of war or of an ultimatum in 
 the nature of a declaration of conditional war. 
 This is to protect belligerents from surprise and 
 bad faith. Article 11 is meant to safeguard the 
 rights of neutrals. The state of war should be 
 notified without delay to neutral powers, and 
 shall only affect them after the receipt of a 
 notification, which may be sent even by tele- 
 gram.’. . . 
 
 “The fourth convention concerns the laws 
 and customs of land warfare, [and is] a revision 
 of the convention of 1899. It is highly technical 
 and codifies in a humanitarian spirit the warfare 
 of the present. 
 
 “ The fifth convention attempts to regulate 
 the rights and duties of neutral powers and of 
 neutral persons in case of land warfare. Short, 
 but important, its guiding spirit is expressed in 
 the opening paragraph of the preamble, namely, 
 to render more certain the rights and duties of 
 neutral powers in case of warfare upon land 
 and to regulate the situation of belligerent refu- 
 gees in neutral territory. . . . 
 
 “The sixth is the convention concerning 
 enemy merchant ships found in enemy ports or 
 upon the high seas at the outbreak of hostilities. 
 Custom forbids the capture of enemy vessels 
 within the port of the enemy on the outbreak of 
 hostilities and allows them a limited time to dis- 
 charge or load their cargo and depart for their 
 port of destination. The attempt was made to 
 establish this custom or privilege as a right. 
 The proposition, however, met with serious op- 
 position and, instead of the right, the conven- 
 tion states that it is desirable that enemy ships 
 be permitted freely to leave the port. The con- 
 vention, therefore, was restrictive rather than 
 declaratory of existing international practice. 
 The same might be said of another provision of 
 the convention concerning the treatment of 
 enemy merchant ships upon the high seas. It 
 may be said that the expression of a desire is 
 tantamount to a positive declaration, but, strictly 
 construed, the convention is not progressive. 
 It lessens rights acquired by custom and usage, 
 although it does, indeed, render the privilege 
 granted universal. The American delegation, 
 therefore, refrained from signing the conven- 
 tion. 
 
 “The seventh convention deals with the 
 transformation of merchant ships into ships of 
 war, and it must be said that the positive re- 
 sults of this convention are of little or no prac- 
 tical value. The burning question was whether 
 merchant ships might be transformed into men- 
 of-war upon the high seas. As the transforma- 
 tion of merchant vessels into war vessels upon 
 the high seas caused an international commotion 
 during the recent Russo-Japanese war. Great 
 Britain and the United States insisted that the 
 transfer should only be allowed within the terri- 
 torial jurisdiction of the transforming power. 
 Some of the continental states, on the contrary, 
 refused to renounce the exercise of the alleged 
 right. The great maritime states were thus di- 
 vided, and as the question was too simple and 
 too plain to admit of compromise, it was agreed 
 to drop it entirely for the present. In order, 
 however, that something might remain of the 
 careful and elaborate discussions of the subject, 
 a series of regulations was drawn up regarding 
 the transformation of merchant ships into ves- 
 sels of war, declaratory of international custom. 
 
 1 
 
 . . . Indirectly, the rightfulness or wrongful- 
 ness of privateering was concerned, and inas- 
 much as the United States would not consent to 
 abolish privateering unless the immunity of 
 private property be safeguarded, the American 
 delegation abstained from signing the conven- 
 tion. 
 
 “The eighth convention relates to the placing 
 of submarine automatic mines of contact, a sub- 
 ject of present and special interest to belliger- 
 ents; while the interest of the neutral is very 
 general. . . . Mines break from their moorings 
 and endanger neutral life and property. The 
 conference, therefore, desires to regulate the use 
 of mines in such a way as not to deprive the 
 belligerents of a recognized and legitimate 
 means of warfare, but to restrict, as far as pos- 
 sible, the damage to the immediate belliger- 
 ents. . . . 
 
 “The ninth convention forbade the bombard- 
 ment by naval forces of undefended harbors, 
 villages, towns, or buildings. The presence, 
 however, of military stores would permit bom- 
 bardment of such ports for the sole purpose of 
 destroying the stores, provided they were not 
 destroyed or delivered up upon request. No- 
 tice, however, should be given of the intention 
 to bombard. In like manner, the convention 
 permitted the bombardment of such undefended 
 places if provisions were not supplied upon 
 requisition to the naval force. Bombardment, 
 however, was not allowed for the collection of 
 mere money contributions. . . . 
 
 “ The tenth convention adapted to maritime 
 warfare the principles of the Geneva Conven- 
 tion of 1906. . . . 
 
 “The eleventh convention relates to certain 
 restrictions in the exercise of the right of cap- 
 ture in maritime war. It is a modest document, 
 but is all that was saved from the wreck of the 
 immunity of private property. The American 
 delegation urged the abolition of the right of 
 capture of unoffending enemy private property 
 upon the high seas, but great maritime powers 
 such as Great Britain, France, Russia, and Japan 
 were unwilling to relinquish this means of 
 bringing the enemy to terms. . . . 
 
 “The twelfth convention sought to establish 
 an international court of prize, and there only 
 remains the ratification of this convention by 
 the contracting powers in order to call into 
 being this great and beneficent institution. For 
 years enlightened opinion has protested against 
 the right of belligerents to pass final judgment 
 upon the lawfulness of the capture of neutral 
 property, and it is a pleasure to be able to state 
 that the interests of the neutrals in the neutral 
 prize are henceforward to be placed in the 
 hands of neutral judges with a representation 
 of the belligerents, in order that the rights of 
 all concerned may be carefully weighed and 
 considered. . . . 
 
 “The thirteenth convention concerns and 
 seeks to regulate the rights and duties of neu- 
 tral powers in case of maritime war. This is an 
 elaborate codification of the rights and duties of 
 neutrals in which the conference essayed to gen- 
 eralize and define on the one hand the rights of 
 neutrals and the correlative duties of the bel- 
 ligerents, and in the second place to set forth in 
 detail the duties of neutrals, thus safeguarding 
 the rights of belligerents in certain phases of 
 maritime warfare. . . . The result, however, 
 
 9 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 was unsatisfactory to some of the larger mari- 
 time powers, which prefer their present regula- 
 tions on the subject of neutrality or which were 
 unwilling to accept the modifications proposed. 
 The United States was not satisfied with certain 
 provisions of the convention, and reserved the 
 right to study the project in detail before ex- 
 pressing a final opinion. It therefore abstained 
 from voting and signing. 
 
 “ The fourteenth convention is a reenactment 
 of the declaration of 1899 forbidding the launch- 
 ing of projectiles and explosives from balloons. 
 The original declaration was agreed to for a 
 period of five years, and as this period had ex- 
 pired the powers were without a regulation on 
 the subject. The reenactment provided that 
 the present declaration shall extend, not merely 
 for a period of five years, but to the end of the 
 Third Conference of Peace.” — Reprinted in 
 Senate Document No. 433, 60 th Congress, 1st 
 Session. 
 
 Appended to these Conventions are the Reso- 
 lutions or Declarations of accepted Principles 
 embodied in the “Final Act”; and these are 
 far from being the least important of the fruits 
 of the Conference. They need presentation in 
 full. 
 
 Final Act of the Second International 
 Peace Conference. — “ At a series of meetings, 
 held from the 15th .Tune to the 18th October, 
 1907, in which the above Delegates [named in a 
 preamble] were throughout animated by the 
 desire to realize, in the fullest possible measure, 
 the generous views of the august initiator of 
 the Conference and the intentions of their Gov- 
 ernments, the Conference drew up for submis- 
 sion for signature by the Plenipotentiaries, the 
 text of the Conventions and of the Declaration 
 enumerated below [named in their order, as 
 summarized above] and annexed to the present 
 Act: — 
 
 “ These Conventions and Declaration shall 
 form so many separate Acts. These Acts shall 
 be dated this day, and may be signed up to the 
 30th June, 1908, at The Hague, by the Plenipo- 
 tentiaries of the Powers represented at the Sec- 
 ond Peace Conference. 
 
 “The Conference, actuated by the spirit of 
 mutual agreement and concession characteriz- 
 ing its deliberations, has agreed upon the fol- 
 lowing Declaration, which, while reserving to 
 each of the Powers represented full liberty of 
 action as regards voting, enables them to affirm 
 the principles which they regard as unani- 
 mously admitted; — 
 
 “It is unanimous — 
 
 “1. In admitting the principle of compul- 
 sory arbitration. 
 
 “2. In declaring that certain disputes, in 
 particular those relating to the interpretation 
 and application of the provisions of Interna- 
 tional Agreements, may be submitted to com- 
 pulsory arbitration without any restriction. 
 
 “ Finally, it is unanimous in proclaiming 
 that, although it has not yet been found 
 feasible to conclude a Convention in this sense, 
 nevertheless the divergences of opinion which 
 have come to light have not exceeded the 
 bounds of judicial controversy, and that, by 
 working together here during the past four 
 months, the collected Powers not only have 
 learnt to understand one another and to draw 
 closer together, but have succeeded in the 
 
 course of this long collaboration in evolving a 
 very lofty conception of the common welfare of 
 humanity. 
 
 “The Conference has further unanimously 
 adopted the following Resolution : — 
 
 “The Second Peace Conference confirms the 
 Resolution adopted by the Conference of 1899 
 in regard to the limitation of military expendi- 
 ture ; and inasmuch as military expenditure has 
 considerably increased in almost every country 
 since that time, the Conference declares that it 
 is eminently desirable that the Governments 
 should resume the serious examination of this 
 question. 
 
 “ It has besides expressed the following opin- 
 ions : — 
 
 “ 1. The Conference calls the attention of the 
 Signatory Powers to the advisability of adopt- 
 ing the annexed draft Convention for the crea- 
 tion of a Judicial Arbitration Court, and of 
 bringing it into force as soon as an agreement 
 has been reached respecting the selection of the 
 Judges and the constitution of the Court. 
 
 “2. The Conference expresses the opinion 
 that, in case of war, the responsible authorities, 
 civil as well as military, should make it their 
 special duty to ensure and safeguard the main- 
 tenance of specific relations, more especially of 
 the commercial and industrial relations between 
 the inhabitants of the belligerent States and 
 neutral countries. 
 
 “3. The Conference expresses the opinion 
 that the Powers should regulate, by special 
 Treaties, the position, as regards military 
 charges, of foreigners residing within their ter- 
 ritories. 
 
 “4. The Conference expresses the opinion 
 that the preparation of regulations relative to 
 the laws and customs of naval war should fig- 
 ure in the programme of the next Conference, 
 and that in any case the Powers may apply, as 
 far as possible, to war by sea the principles of 
 the Convention relative to the Laws and Cus- 
 toms of War on land. 
 
 “ Finally, the Conference recommends to the 
 Powers the assembly of a Third Peace Confer- 
 ence, which might be held within a period cor- 
 responding to that which has elapsed since the 
 preceding Conference, at a date to be fixed by 
 common agreement between the Powers, and it 
 calls their attention to the necessity of prepar- 
 ing the programme of this Third Conference a 
 sufficient time in advance to ensure its delibera- 
 tions being conducted with the necessary au- 
 thority and expedition. 
 
 “In order to attain this object the Conference 
 considers that it would be very desirable that, 
 some two years before the probable date of the 
 meeting, a preparatory Committee should be 
 charged by the Governments with the task of 
 collecting the various proposals to be submitted 
 to the Conference, of ascertaining what subjects 
 are ripe for embodiment in an International 
 Regulation, and of preparing a programme 
 which the Governments should decide upon in 
 sufficient time to enable it to be carefully ex- 
 amined by the countries interested. This Com- 
 mittee should further be intrusted with the task 
 of proposing a system of organization and pro- 
 cedure for the Conference itself. 
 
 “In faith whereof the Plenipotentiaries have 
 signed the present Act and have affixed their 
 seals thereto. ” 
 
 720 
 
WAR, TIIE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 Draft Convention recommended for the 
 Creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court. 
 
 — The following are the more important pro- 
 visions of the ‘‘annexed draft Convention for 
 the creation of a Judicial Arbitration Court” 
 which the Signatory Powers are asked, in the 
 first of the “Opinions” expressed above, to 
 consider “ the advisability of adopting” : 
 
 “ Article I. With a view to promoting the 
 cause of arbitration, the Contracting Powers 
 agree to constitute, without altering the status 
 of the Permanent Court of Arbitration, a Ju- 
 dicial Arbitration Court, of free and easy access, 
 composed of Judges representing the various 
 juridical systems of the world, and capable of 
 insuring continuity in j urisprudence of arbitra- 
 tion. 
 
 “ Article II. The Judicial Arbitration Court 
 is composed of Judges and Deputy Judges 
 chosen from persons of the highest moral repu- 
 tation, and all fulfilling conditions qualifying 
 them, in their respective countries, to occupy 
 high legal posts, or be jurists of recognized 
 competence in matters of international law. 
 The Judges and Deputy Judges of the Court 
 are appointed, as far as possible, from the mem- 
 bers of the Permanent Court of Arbitration. 
 The appointment shall be made within the six 
 months following the ratification of the present 
 Convention. 
 
 “Article III. The Judges and Deputy 
 Judges are appointed for a period of twelve 
 years, counting from the date on which the 
 appointment is notified to the Administrative 
 Council created by the Convention for the 
 Pacific Settlement of International Disputes. 
 Their appointments can be renewed. Should a 
 Judge or Deputy Judge die or retire, the va- 
 cancy is filled in the manner iu which his ap- 
 pointment was made. In this case, the appoint- 
 ment is made for a fresh period of twelve years. 
 
 “Article IV. The Judges of the Judicial 
 Arbitration Court are equal and rank according 
 to the date on which their appointment was 
 notified. The Judge who is senior in point of 
 age takes precedence when the date of notifica- 
 tion is the same. The Deputy Judges are as- 
 similated, in the exercise of their functions, 
 with the Judges. They rank, however, below 
 the latter. 
 
 “Article V. The Judges enjoy diplomatic 
 privileges and immunities in the exercise of 
 their functions, outside their own country. Be- 
 fore taking their seat, the Judges and Deputy 
 Judges must swear, before the Administrative 
 Council, or make a solemn affirmation to exer- 
 cise their functions impartially and conscien- 
 tiously. 
 
 “ Article VI. The Court annually nominates 
 three Judges to form a special delegation and 
 three more to replace them should the necessity 
 arise. They may be re-elected. They are bal- 
 loted for. The persons who secure the largest 
 number of votes are considered elected. The 
 delegation itself elects its President, who, in 
 default of a majority, is appointed by lot. A 
 member of the delegation cannot exercise his 
 duties when the Power which appointed him, or 
 of which he is a national, is one of the parties. 
 The members of the delegation are to conclude 
 all matters submitted to them, even if the period 
 for which they have been appointed Judges has 
 expired. 
 
 “Article VII. A Judge may not exercise 
 his judicial functions in any case in which he 
 has, in any way whatever, taken part in the 
 decision of a National Tribunal, of a Tribunal 
 of Arbitration, or of a Commission of Inquiry, 
 or has figured in the suit as counsel or advocate 
 for one of the parties. A Judge cannot act as 
 agent or advocate before the Judicial Arbitra- 
 tion Court or the Permanent Court of Arbitra- 
 tion, before a Special Tribunal of Arbitration 
 or a Commission of Inquiry, nor act for one of 
 the parties in any capacity whatsoever so long 
 as his appointment lasts. . . . 
 
 “Article X. The Judges may not accept 
 from their own Government or from that of any 
 other Power any remuneration for services con- 
 nected with their duties in their capacity of 
 members of the Court. 
 
 “ Article XI. The seat of the Judicial Court 
 of Arbitration is at The Hague, and cannot be 
 transferred, unless absolutely obliged by cir- 
 cumstances, elsewhere. . . . 
 
 “Article XII. The Administrative Council 
 fulfills with regard to the Judicial Court of Ar- 
 bitration the same functions as to the Perma- 
 nent Court of Arbitration. 
 
 “Article XIV. The Court meets in session 
 once ayear. The session opens the third Wednes- 
 day in June and lasts until all the business on the 
 agenda has been transacted. . . . 
 
 “ Article XVII. The Judicial Court of Ar- 
 bitration is competent to deal with all cases 
 submitted to it, in virtue either of a general 
 undertaking to have recourse to arbitration or of 
 a special agreement. 
 
 “Article XXXII. The Court itself draws 
 up its own rules of procedure, which must be 
 communicated to the Contracting Powers. After 
 the ratification of the present Convention the 
 Court shall meet as early as possible in order to 
 elaborate these rules, elect the President and 
 Vice-President, and appoint the members of the 
 delegation. 
 
 “ Article XXXIII. The Court may propose 
 modifications in the provisions of the present 
 Convention concerning procedure. These pro- 
 posals are communicated through the Nether- 
 land Government to the Contracting Powers, 
 which will consider together as to the measures 
 to be taken.” 
 
 The sequent International Naval Confer- 
 ence at London in 1908-09. — The action of 
 the Peace Conference which contemplated the 
 establishment of an International Prize Court 
 (embodied in the Twelfth Convention described 
 above) had a sequel in the next year, resulting 
 from the suggestion by the British Government 
 that, preliminary to the creation of such a court, 
 the prior holding of an International Naval Con- 
 ference was desirable, for the purpose which it 
 explained in the following words: “Having re- 
 gard to the importance attached by his Ma- 
 jesty’s Government to the setting up of that 
 Court, they decided to take the initiative in in- 
 viting the co-operation of the Powers whose 
 belligerent rights would be most directly af- 
 fected, in formulating in precise terms a set of 
 rules relative to the law of prize, which should 
 be recognized as embodying doctrines held to 
 be generally binding as part of the existing law 
 of nations.” In connection with this suggestion 
 a list of questions was submitted to the sev- 
 eral Governments consulted, “on which his Ma- 
 
 721 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 jesty’s Government, after careful examination, 
 considered that an understanding should if pos- 
 sible be reached, and which would therefore 
 appropriately constitute the programme of a 
 special naval conference to meet in London.” 
 The questions were as follows : 
 
 “(a.) Contraband, including the circum- 
 stances under which particular articles can be 
 considered as contraband ; the penalties for their 
 carriage; the immunity of a ship from search 
 when under convoy ; and the rules with regard 
 to compensation where vessels have been seized 
 but have been found in fact only to be carrying 
 innocent cargo ; 
 
 “ (b.) Blockade, including the questions as to 
 the locality where seizure can be effected, and 
 the notice that is necessary before a ship can be 
 seized ; 
 
 “(c.) The doctrine of continuous voyage in 
 respect both of contraband and of blockade ; 
 
 “ (d.) The legality of the destruction of neu- 
 tral vessels prior to their condemnation by a 
 Prize Court; 
 
 “( e .) The rules as to neutral ships or persons 
 rendering ‘unneutral service’ (‘ assistance hos- 
 tile ’) ; 
 
 “ (/.) The legality of the conversion of a mer- 
 chant-vessel into a war-ship on the high seas ; 
 
 “(g.) The rules as to the transfer of mer- 
 chant-vessels from a belligerent to a neutral flag 
 during or in contemplation of hostilities; 
 
 “(A.) The question whether the nationality 
 or the domicile of the owner should be adopted 
 as the dominant factor in deciding whether 
 property is enemy property.” 
 
 Responses to the British invitation by the 
 greater naval Powers were favorable, and the re- 
 sulting International Naval Conference had sit- 
 tings in London from December 4, 1908, until 
 February 26, 1909. The Powers sending repre- 
 sentatives to take part in it were Great Britain, 
 France, Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary, 
 Italy, the United States, Japan, Spain, Holland. 
 A report of the proceedings and conclusions ar- 
 rived at was made public on the 22d of March. 
 On two, only, of the questions, proposed by 
 Great Britain, no agreement was reached, and 
 these were left open, — namely; “the legality 
 of the conversion of a merchant-vessel into a 
 war-ship on the high seas, and the question 
 whether the nationality or the domicile of the 
 owner should be regarded as the dominant 
 factor in deciding the character, neutral or 
 enemy, of property.” Original differences on 
 other questions were compromised. 
 
 A serious difficulty in the undertakings of the 
 Conference was occasioned by the fact that the 
 Constitution of the United States is held to pre- 
 clude any right of appeal from decisions of its 
 Supreme Court. What was done to overcome 
 this difficulty is explained in the report of the 
 British Delegates as follows: “The Confer- 
 ence was asked to express its acceptance of 
 the principle that, as regards countries in 
 which such constitutional difficulty arose, all 
 proceedings in the International Prize Court 
 should be treated as a rehearing of the case de 
 now, in the form of an action for compensation, 
 whereby the validity of the judgments of the 
 national courts would remain unaffected, whilst 
 the duty of carrying out a decision of the Inter- 
 national Court ordering the payment of compen- 
 sation would fall upon the government con- 
 
 cerned. The proposal was further coupled with 
 the suggestion that the jurisdiction of the Inter- 
 national Prize Court might be extended, by 
 agreement between two or more of the signatory 
 Powers, to cover cases at present excluded from 
 its jurisdiction by the express terms of the Prize 
 Court Convention, and that in the hearing of 
 such cases that court should have the functions, 
 and follow the procedure, laid down in the Draft 
 Convention relative to the creation of a Judicial 
 Arbitration Court, which was annexed to the 
 Final Act of the Second Peace Conference of 
 1907. 
 
 ‘ ‘ Great hesitation was felt in approaching 
 these questions. It was undeniable that they 
 lay wholly outside the programme which the 
 Conference had been invited to discuss, and to 
 which the Powers accepting the invitation had 
 expressly assented. It was, however, not dis- 
 puted that so much of the United States propo- 
 sal as related to the difficulties in the way of 
 the ratification of the Prize Court Convention 
 was in so far germane to the labours of the Con- 
 ference, as these also were avowedly directed to 
 preparing the way for the more general accept- 
 ance of the Prize Court Convention. As it must 
 clearly be desired by all countries interested in 
 the establishment of the International Prize 
 Court that the United States should be one of 
 the Powers submitting to its jurisdiction and 
 bound by its decisions, the Conference thought 
 it right, notwithstanding its lack of formal au- 
 thority, to go so far as to express the wish 
 (‘voeu’) which stands recorded in the final Pro- 
 tocol of its proceedings, and of which the sub- 
 stance is that the attention of the various Gov- 
 ernments represented is called by their delegates 
 to the desirability of allowing such countries as 
 are precluded by the terms of their constitution 
 from ratifying the Prize Court Convention in its 
 present form, to do so with a reservation in the 
 sense of the first part of the United States pro- 
 posal. On the other hand, the question of setting 
 up the Judicial Arbitration Court, which seemed 
 to have no necessary connexion with the Prize 
 Court Convention, was decided by all the dele- 
 gations, except that which had brought it for- 
 ward, to be one which the Conference could not 
 discuss .” — Parliamentary Papers, 1909: Papers 
 by Command, 4554. — Also, London Times, March 
 22, 1909. 
 
 Central American Peace Conference at 
 Washington. — General Treaty of Peace and 
 Amity. — Convention establishing a Central 
 American Court of Justice. See (in this vol.) 
 Central America : A. I). 1907. 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1908 . — Waning of the Military 
 Passion in France. — Two very striking indi- 
 cations of the cooling in the French people of 
 the militant passion which made them in former 
 times one of the most warlike of the European 
 races have been afforded within the past three 
 years. The first appeared in the winter of 1907, 
 when a Paris newspaper of great circulation 
 collected votes from its readers on the question, 
 “Who was the Greatest Frenchman of the Nine- 
 teenth Century ? ” Much interest in the query 
 was excited, and more than 15,000,000 were said 
 to have been cast. From any prior generation 
 the answer of a big majority would undoubtedly 
 have been, “Napoleon Bonaparte”; but the 
 French of the Twentieth Century have devel- 
 oped so different an estimate of human greatness 
 
 722 
 
WAR, TIIE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 that Louis Pasteur, the Man of Science, led the 
 poll, receiving 1,838,103 votes; while Victor 
 Hugo came next below him, by somewhat more 
 than a hundred thousand votes, and Gambetta 
 was put third in the list. Napoleon received only 
 the fourth place of honor in the estimate of fif- 
 teen millions of the French of these days. 
 
 About a year later the same change was beto- 
 kened in a hardly less significant way, by a 
 speech from the Prime Minister of France. The 
 occasion of the address was the inauguration of 
 a monument to M. Scheurer-Ivestner, who had 
 been vice-president of the French Senate when 
 the Dreyfus iniquities began to be dragged out 
 of darkness into light, and who was one of the 
 few men in public life then who strove hero- 
 ically to have the truth ascertained and justice 
 done. Scheurer-Kestner was an Alsatian, and 
 this fact gave Premier Clemenceau an oppor- 
 tunity to break silence on the sore subject of the 
 loss of Alsace, which French statesmen have 
 not ventured to refer to since the heart-breaking 
 surrender of 1871. His breaking of that silence 
 was meant to break, and assuredly does break, 
 the long brooding of revengefulness in French 
 hearts which has been a menace to the peace of 
 Europe for nearly 40 years. 
 
 “ I do not fear,” he said, “to call up the mem- 
 ory of that bloody past. I am mindful of the re- 
 sponsibility which belongs to my office, and I can 
 speak without constraint of events which have 
 entered into history. I can proclaim feelings 
 which we cannot repudiate — which we cannot 
 even hide without lowering ourselves.” And 
 this is his open proclamation of the feeling to 
 which France has come, in its thought of Alsace: 
 
 “We received France issuing from frightful 
 trial. To rebuild her in her legitimate power of 
 expansion as well as in her dignity as a great 
 moral person, we have no need either to hate or 
 to lie, nor even to recriminate. We look to the 
 future. Sons of a great history, jealously care- 
 ful of the lofty impulses native to us, in which 
 the civilizing virtue of France was fashioned, 
 we can look in quiet of soul on the descendants 
 of strong races which for centuries have meas- 
 ured themselves with the men of our lands in 
 battlefields beyond numbering. Two such great 
 rival peoples, for the very honor of their rivalry, 
 have a like interest to keep their respect, the 
 one for the other.” 
 
 A. D. 1907 - 1909 . — German Opposition to 
 the “Navy Fever,” in High Circles as well 
 as Low. — Views of Herr Von Holstein and 
 Admiral Galster. — How far the naval ambitions 
 and costly naval policy of Germany are sup- 
 ported by public opinion is much of a question. 
 It is certain that they are a cause of wide dis- 
 content in the industrial classes, and no less cer- 
 tain that the weightiest influence behind them is 
 that of the Emperor, who stimulates the exer- 
 tions of a powerful Navy League. That there is 
 an effective disapproval of the policy in high 
 political circles has been shown lately by the 
 publication of some expressions on the subject 
 by the late Herr von Holstein, who was for 
 many years the chief of the Political Depart- 
 ment of the German Foreign Office, — the men- 
 tor and prompter from behind the scenes of sev- 
 eral successive Chancellors of the Empire. In 
 some reminiscences of this important official, by 
 an intimate friend, Herr von Rath, who pub- 
 lished them in September, 1909, he is quoted as 
 
 having, in 1907, denounced what he called “navy 
 fever” in Germany in these strong words; 
 
 “This dangerous disease is fed upon the fear 
 of an attack by England, which is not in accord- 
 ance with facts. The effect of the ‘navy fever ’ 
 is pernicious in three directions — in domestic 
 politics on account of the intrigues of the Navy 
 League, which also produce the greatest ill-feel- 
 ing in South Germany; in the finances on ac- 
 count of the prohibitive expenditure ; in foreign 
 politics on account of the mistrust which these 
 armaments awake. England sees in them a 
 menace which keeps her bound to the side of 
 France At the same time, even with taxation 
 strained to the utmost limit, the construction of 
 a fleet able to cope with the united fleets of Eng- 
 land and France is entirely out of the question. 
 From the menace which everybody in England 
 sees in German naval construction the present 
 Liberal Government in England will not draw 
 serious conclusions. It will be different when 
 the Conservatives come into power. The dan- 
 ger of war between Germany on the one hand 
 and England and France on the other is even to- 
 day playing a part in the political calculations 
 of other countries. Against armaments on land 
 nobody will offer any objection, because they 
 are justified by the needs of defence. In our 
 naval armaments several Powers see a perpetual 
 menace. 
 
 “Even among Parliamentary Deputies there 
 are many who condemn the ‘navy fever,’ but 
 no one of them will take the responsibility of 
 refusing to vote ships, a responsibility which 
 would recoil upon him in the event of a defeat 
 at sea. Anybody who to-day makes a stand 
 against the prevailing ‘ navy fever’ is attacked 
 from all sides as wanting in patriotism, but a 
 few years hence the justice of my opinion will 
 be established.” 
 
 According to Herr von Rath, Herr von Hol- 
 stein declared in February, 1909, three months 
 before his death, that the navy question tran- 
 scended all others in importance. He is said to 
 have watched with approval the campaign 
 which is still more or less vigorously carried on 
 by Vice-Admiral Galster and others against the 
 “ big ship policy,” and to have said, with refer- 
 ence to one of Admiral Galster’s pamphlets: — 
 “The main thing is to expose the lying and 
 treacherous fallacy expressed in the statement 
 that every fresh ship is an addition to the power 
 of Germany — when every fresh ship causes 
 England, to say nothing of France, to build two 
 ships.” 
 
 The Vice-Admiral Galster here referred to 
 contends that submarines are more effective for 
 defence than Dreadnoughts, and he labors to per- 
 suade his fellow countrymen to be satisfied with 
 defensive armament, repudiating what creates 
 suspicion of offensive designs. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — School Peace League, The 
 American. — “ The American School Peace 
 League [organized in 1908] aims to secure the 
 cooperation of the educational public of Amer- 
 ica in the project for promoting international 
 j ustice and equity. ... It is hoped that every 
 teacher in the country will subscribe to the 
 purposes of the League by becoming a member. 
 Much of the work will be done by committees, 
 five of which have been organized up to the 
 present time. . . . 
 
 “ The Committee on Meetings and Discussion 
 
 723 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 aims to induce educational associations through- 
 out the country to place the subject of interna- 
 tionalism on their programs. It also seeks to 
 stimulate literary and debating societies, in 
 colleges and schools, to study the subject. The 
 ■Committee recommends to educational associa- 
 tions the establishment of International Com- 
 mittees, or Departments, for the purpose of mak- 
 ing a detailed study of the relation of the Inter- 
 national Movement to school instruction. 
 
 “The Committee on Publications intends to 
 build up a body of literature, dealing with the 
 interrelation between peoples and nations along 
 political, industrial, and social lines. To this 
 end, the Committee purposes to issue, directly 
 or indirectly, a series of publications for the 
 young, that may be used in the geography, 
 history, science, and literature classes ; it also 
 intends to make a collection of the present songs 
 which illustrate the peace sentiment, and to 
 stimulate the writing of new ones. 
 
 “The Press Committee, which comprises 
 some of the leading educational editors of the 
 country, is prepared to acquaint teachers with 
 the work of the League through the columns of 
 the educational magazines. 
 
 “ The Committee on Teaching History will 
 study the textbooks with reference to the space 
 devoted respectively to war and to peace. It 
 hopes to develop among teachers a sentiment 
 which shall lay emphasis on the arts of peace, 
 and on the industrial and social conditions of 
 the people, rather than on campaigns, battles, 
 and other military details. It further aims to 
 arrange, if possible, courses in history to be 
 given at summer schools and teachers’ institutes, 
 with special attention to the growth of interna 
 tional friendship. 
 
 “ The International Committee intends to 
 make a constructive study of international co- 
 operation in activities which particularly affect 
 educational work.” — Objects of the American 
 School Peace League, by Mrs. Fannie Fern An 
 drews, Secretary. 
 
 A. D. 1908 . — Evasion of the Conscription 
 in Russia. — According to statistics published 
 in the spring of 1909 by the military organ, the 
 Russky Invalid, the conscription of 1908 took 
 place in the following circumstances. The an- 
 nual contingent had been fixed by the Duma at 
 456,481 men. Altogether 1,281,655 conscripts 
 were called up for examination. Of this huge 
 number 80,165 men failed to appear, including 
 20,693 Jews, out of a total of 64,005 Jews con- 
 scripted. The largest number of absentees was 
 in the provinces of Suwalki, Lomja, Plotzk, and 
 Kovno. It is from these provinces that a gen 
 eral exodus of Polish, Lithuanian, and Jewish 
 youths to America is noticeable. The actual 
 number found to be fit for military service in 
 1908 was 17,926 short of the contingent fixed 
 by the Duma. This deficiency was composed 
 of 943 Russians, 5,154 other Christians, 10,677 
 Jews, 1,082 Maliomcdans, and 70 other non- 
 Christians. The recruiting stations noted a 
 general falling off in the physique of the con- 
 scripts. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — Changed Conditions in 
 Europe making for Peace. See (in this vol.) 
 Europe: A. D. 1909. 
 
 International School of Peace. — Mr. Ginn’s 
 Great Fund for Peace Propagandism. — 
 
 Members of the various Boston peace organi- 
 
 zations took part last evening [December 15] 
 in the formation of an International School of 
 Peace. The idea originated with Edwin Ginn, 
 the publisher, and the ‘house warming’ took 
 place at No. 29 Beacon Street, where a room was 
 appropriately adorned for the occasion with the 
 flags of many nations and large portraits of 
 Sumner and Cobden and other great interna- 
 tional leaders. 
 
 “Mr. Ginn welcomed the company in a speech 
 wherein the motives and experience which 
 prompted him to found the school were set 
 forth. He explained what he hoped of the or- 
 ganization, how he had for years appealed to 
 various millionaires to unite with him in some 
 larger provision than any which existed for the 
 systematic education of the people in peace prin- 
 ciples, the response to which had been disap- 
 pointing. 
 
 ‘‘Mr. Ginn felt that some large beginning 
 must be made by somebody ; and so he had ap- 
 propriated §50,000 a year to the work from now 
 on, and provided in his will that the bulk of his 
 estate, after proper provision for family and 
 friends, should go to this cause, which he felt to 
 be the greatest and most necessary cause in the 
 world. This action had brought him multitudes 
 of letters, he said, and clearly awakened much 
 interest; and if it prompted others to do much 
 more than he could do, that was what he wanted. 
 The friends of the cause, especially its wealthy 
 friends, had been strangely asleep to the press- 
 ing need for this work of popular education. It 
 must be thoroughly organized to reach the 
 schools and colleges, the churches and news- 
 papers and business men. He gave illustrations 
 of the awful cost and waste of the present mili- 
 tary system, which he said violated every princi- 
 ple of good business, political economy, and 
 common sense. . . . 
 
 ‘ The room is not only a bureau for the office 
 force, but a reading-room and library, where 
 the latest information touching the progress of 
 the movement will always be furnished to 
 teachers, preachers, and all who are interested. 
 Regular conferences upon the different aspects 
 of the movement will also be held there.” — 
 The Boston Transcript, Dec. 16, 1909. 
 
 A. D. 1909 . — The Second National Peace 
 Congress in the United States, assembled at 
 Chicago. — The Second National Peace Con- 
 gress in the United States held its session in 
 Chicago, May 3-5, 1909. The attendance was 
 large, the speaking of high quality and the pre- 
 vailing spirit earnest in its repudiation of all 
 reasoning or feeling that is tolerant of the bar- 
 barism of war. Respectful attention was given 
 to an address by the German Ambassador to 
 the United States, Count Bernstorff, who de- 
 fended the attitude of his Government on the 
 question of a limitation of armaments, but the 
 expressions of the Congress on the subject were 
 not toned to agreement with his plea. Among 
 its resolutions was the following: 
 
 “ Resolved, That no dispute between nations, 
 except such as may involve the national life and 
 independence, should be reserved from arbitra- 
 tion, and that a general treaty of obligatory ar- 
 bitration should be included at the earliest pos- 
 sible date. Pending such a general treaty, we 
 urge upon our government, and the other lead- 
 ing Powers, such broadening of the scope of 
 their arbitration treaties as shall provide, after 
 
 724 
 
WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 WAR, THE REVOLT AGAINST 
 
 the example of the Danish Netherlands treaty, 
 for the reference to the Hague Court of all dif- 
 ferences whatever not settled otherwise by 
 peaceful means.” 
 
 A. D, 1909. — The Annual Lake Mohonk 
 Peace Conferences in the United States. — 
 The annual Peace Conferences at Lake Mohonk, 
 in the United States, have been held with regu- 
 larity. At the Fifteenth, convened in May, 
 1909, a strong resolution was adopted, asking 
 the Government of the United States to con- 
 sider “ whether the peculiar position it occupies 
 among the nations does not afford it a special 
 opportunity to lead the way towards . . . car- 
 rying into effect the strongly expressed desire 
 of the two Peace Conferences at The Hague, 
 that the governments examine the possibility 
 of an agreement as to the limitation of armed 
 forces by land and sea, and of war budgets.” 
 
 Privately during the Conference there was 
 discussion of the suggestion that if four or five 
 of the great Powers — England, Germany, 
 France, Italy, the United States, and Japan, and 
 perhaps Spain and Russia — could join in estab- 
 lishing a Supreme Court of the nations, to which 
 they would refer their difficulties, other nations 
 would be compelled by the course of events to 
 accept the tribunal and its decisions, and to 
 come into participation in it on such terms as 
 might later be agreed upon. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Exchange of Parliamentary 
 Visits between France and Sweden. — 
 Seventy-six members of the French Parliament, 
 representing the international arbitration group, 
 visited Stockholm in July, 1909, under the 
 leadership of Baron d’Estournelles de Constant. 
 The visit was paid in return for one made by 
 the members of the three Scandinavian Parlia- 
 ments to Paris some time before. 
 
 A. D. 1909. — A World Petition for a 
 General Treaty of Obligatory Arbitration. — 
 At the annual meeting of the International 
 Peace Bureau at Brussels, October 9, 1909, the 
 following resolution was adopted, expressing ap- 
 proval of the world-petition to the third Hague 
 Conference in favor of a general treaty of obliga- 
 tory arbitration: “Whereas, Public opinion, if 
 recorded, will prove an influential factor at the 
 third Hague Conference; and Whereas, The 
 ‘ world-petition to the third Hague Conference ’ 
 has begun to successfully establish a statistical 
 record of the men and women in every country 
 who desire to support the governments in their 
 efforts to perfect the new international order 
 based on the principle of the solidarity of all 
 nations ; Resolved, That the Commission and 
 the General Assembly of the International Peace 
 Bureau, meeting at Brussels October 8 and 9, 
 1909, urgently recommend the signing of the 
 ‘ world-petition to the third Hague Confer- 
 ence.’ ” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Evasion of Military Ser- 
 vice in France. — Spread of Anti-Milita- 
 rism. — According to returns of the recruiting 
 for the French Army, published in the summer 
 of 1909, there appears to be a steady increase in 
 the evasion of service by young men at the 
 times they are required by law to enter it. 
 “ Since 1906, when the number of refractory re- 
 cruits amounted to 4,567, the figures have slowly 
 risen, until they have now reached 11,782. The 
 soldat insoumis may be punished in France by 
 imprisonment of from one month to one year. 
 
 But on about an average of every two years dur- 
 ing the last 20 years Parliament has regularly 
 voted an Amnesty Bill in favour of deserters 
 and recalcitrant recruits or reservists.” This is 
 one supposed cause of the increasing evasions ; 
 but a more important influence working with it 
 is the propagandism of anti -military doctrines, 
 preached passionately by Gustav Herve, ac- 
 cepted widely, it is said, among the primary 
 teachers of the country, as well as in the ranks 
 of the workingmen. The General Confedera- 
 tion of Labor is reported to be distributing an- 
 nually some thousands of “soldiers’ manuals” 
 in which desertion is urged as a duty to hu- 
 manity at large. 
 
 A. D. 1909 (Oct.). — American Proposal that 
 the Prize Court now established be also a 
 Court of Arbitral Justice. — By reference to 
 the proceedings of the Second Peace Confer- 
 ence at The Hague, as set forth above, it will be 
 seen that the Conference gave favorable consid- 
 eration to a draft Convention for the creation 
 of a “ Judicial Arbitration Court” (the text of 
 which draft is given at the end of said proceed- 
 ings), and that the Conference went so far as to 
 declare the “ advisability of adopting . . . and 
 of bringing it into force as soon as an agree- 
 ment has been reached respecting the selection 
 of the judges and the constitution of the 
 Court.” It will be seen, also, that the Confer- 
 ence adopted measures for the creation of an 
 International Prize Court, preliminary to which 
 an International Naval Conference was held in 
 London from December 4, 1908, until February 
 26, 1909. At that Conference a suggestion was- 
 made that “the jurisdiction of the Interna- 
 tional Prize Court might be extended, by 
 agreement between two or more of the signa- 
 tory Powers, to cover cases at present excluded 
 from its jurisdiction by the express terms of 
 the Prize Court Convention, and that in the 
 hearing of such cases that Court should have 
 the functions and follow the procedure laid 
 down in the draft Convention relative to the 
 creation of a J udicial Arbitration Court, which 
 was annexed to the Final Act of the Second 
 Peace Conference, of 1907.” 
 
 In line with this suggestion, it was made 
 known, in the later part of the past year, that 
 the Government of the United States, through 
 its State Department, had proposed in a circu- 
 lar note to the Powers, that the Prize Court 
 should be invested with the jurisdiction and 
 functions of the proposed Judicial Arbitration 
 Court. The difficulties in selecting judges for 
 that contemplated Court, which caused the cre- 
 ation of it to be postponed in 1907, would thus 
 be happily surmounted, and, as remarked by 
 Secretary Knox, there would be at once given 
 “to the world an international judicial body to 
 adjudge cases arising in peace, as well as con- 
 troversies incident to war.” 
 
 A. D. 1909. — Attitude of the Working- 
 men. — At the Twentieth International Con- 
 gress of Miners, held in Berlin, in May, 1909, 
 there were strong declarations for disarmament, 
 and one Belgian delegate, M. Maroille, said 
 significantly : If it were better organized the 
 International Federation of Miners could by 
 itself render wars impossible. They need not 
 do anything violent or illegal ; they had only to 
 remain quiet, so very quiet that war could not 
 be carried on. 
 
 725 
 
WAR 
 
 WEAVER 
 
 WAR. See, also, Red Cross Society. 
 
 WARD, Sir Joseph George: Prime Minis- 
 ter of New Zealand. See (in this vol.) New 
 Zealand • A. D. 1906-1909. 
 
 At the Imperial Conference of 1907. See 
 British Empire: A. D. 1907. 
 
 Testimony on the Working of Woman 
 Suffrage in New Zealand. See Elective 
 Franchise : Woman Suffrage. 
 
 WARSAW, Disturbances in. See (in this 
 vol.) Russia: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905 (Feb.- 
 Nov.). 
 
 WASHBURN, Rev. Dr. George: Presi- 
 dent of Robert College. See (in this vol.) Ed- 
 ucation: Turkey, &c. 
 
 WASHINGTON, Booker T.: His work at 
 Tuskegee Institute. See (in this vol.) Edu- 
 cation: United States: A. D. 1906. 
 
 WASHINGTON: A. D. 1908. — Meeting 
 of International Congress on Tuberculosis. 
 See (in this vol.) Public Health. Tubercu- 
 losis. 
 
 WASHINGTON MEMORIAL INSTI- 
 TUTION, The. See (in this vol.) Educa- 
 tion: United States : A. D. 1901. 
 
 WATER POWER TRUST: Threatened 
 in the United States. — Precautionary Meas- 
 ures taken. See (in this vol.) Combina- 
 tions, Industrial, &c. : United States: A. D. 
 1909. 
 
 WATERS AND WATER POWER, 
 Conservation of. See (in this vol.) Conserva- 
 tion of Natural Resources. 
 
 WATERS-PIERCE OIL COMPANY. 
 See (in this vol.) Combinations, Industrial, 
 &c. : United States: A. D. 1904-1909. 
 
 WATERWAYS COMMISSION AND 
 WATERWAYS TREATY. See (in this 
 vol.) Canada: A. D. 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 WATKINS, Thomas H.: On the Anthra- 
 cite Coal Strike Arbitration Commission. 
 See (in this vol.) Labor Organization : United 
 States: A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 WATSON, J. C.: Premier of Australia. 
 See (in this vol.) Australia: A. D. 1903-1904. 
 
 WATSON, Thomas E.: Nomination for 
 President of the U. S. See (in this vol.) 
 United States: A. D. 1904 (March-Nov.), 
 and 1908 (March-Nov.). 
 
 WAZEER, Grand. See (in this vol.) Mo- 
 rocco: A. D. 1903. 
 
 WEALTH: Its Concentration in Great 
 Britain. — In a speech made in Parliament, on 
 amotion to graduate the Income Tax, March 24, 
 1909, Mr. Chiozza-Money, who speaks with 
 considerable authority on such subjects, made 
 the following statements: “ Statistics were avail- 
 able in Somerset House showing the product of 
 the graduated scale of death duties imposed by 
 Sir William Harcourt in 1894. Of the 700,000 
 persons who died annually, only about 80,000 
 left sufficient property to need an inquisition 
 by Somerset House. Out of the 80,000 persons 
 nearly the whole of the property was left by 
 27,000 persons ; and £200,000,000 worth of pro- 
 perty was left by about 4,000 persons each year. 
 This was not only a curious fact, but it was a 
 constant fact in relation to this problem. He also 
 showed that there had arisen a tendency among 
 rich persons to devise part of their property be- 
 fore death in order to escape the death duties, 
 with the result that a good deal of wealth did 
 not come under the review of Somerset House. 
 
 What he described as his own conservative esti- 
 mate of the wealth of the United Kingdom was 
 a total of about £11,500,000,000. Of that sum 
 five millions of persons owned £10,900,000,000. 
 One-ninth of the population owned 95 per cent, 
 of the entire capital stock of the United King- 
 dom. Thus the whole of the country regarded 
 as a business undertaking was in the hands of a 
 handful of people. Taking the income of the 
 country at 1,800 millions a year, there were 
 about five million persons who took one-half 
 and 39 millions the other half. Of the five mil- 
 lion persons who took 900 millions of income 
 about 1£ million persons, or 250,000 families, 
 took 600 millions out of the 900 millions. From 
 this state of facts the most terrible inequalities 
 resulted, evidences of which could be seen 
 along the Embankment and other parts of 
 Westminster almost within a stone’s throw of 
 that House.” 
 
 WEALTH PROBLEM, The. — The 
 Question of a Progressive Taxation. — “At 
 
 this moment we are passing through a period of 
 great unrest — social, political and industrial 
 unrest. It is of the utmost importance for our 
 future that this should prove to be not the un- 
 rest of mere rebelliousness against life, of mere 
 dissatisfaction with the inevitable inequality of 
 conditions, but the unrest of a resolute and eager 
 ambition to secure the betterment of the indi- 
 vidual and the nation. ... It is a prime ne- 
 cessity that if the present unrest is to result in 
 permanent good tile emotion shall be translated 
 into action, and that the action shall be marked 
 by honesty, sanity, and self-restraint. There is 
 mighty little good in a mere spasm of reform. 
 The reform that counts is that which comes 
 through steady, continuous growth; violent 
 emotionalism leads to exhaustion. 
 
 “It is important to this people to grapple 
 with the problems connected with the amassing 
 of enormous fortunes, and the use of those for- 
 tunes, both corporate and individual, in busi- 
 ness. We should discriminate in the sharpest 
 way between fortunes well won and fortunes ill 
 won; between those gained as an incident to 
 performing great services to the community as 
 a whole, and those gained in evil fashion by 
 keeping just within the limits of mere law-hon- 
 esty. Of course no amount of charity in spend- 
 ing such fortunes in any way compensates for 
 misconduct in making them. As a matter of 
 personal conviction, and without pretending to 
 discuss the details or formulate the system, I 
 feel that we shall ultimately have to consider 
 the adoption of some such scheme as that of a 
 progressive tax on all fortunes, beyond a cer- 
 tain amount, either given in life or devised or 
 bequeathed upon death to any individual — a 
 tax so framed as to put it out of the power of 
 the owner of one of these enormous fortunes to 
 hand on more than a certain amount to auy one 
 individual; the tax, of course, to be imposed by 
 the National and not the State Government. 
 Such taxation should, of course, be aimed 
 merely at the inheritance or transmission in 
 their entirety of those fortunes swollen beyond 
 all healthy limits.” — President Roosevelt, Ad- 
 dress at the Laying of the Corner Stone of the 
 Office- Biiildinq of the House of Representatives , 
 April 14, 1906. 
 
 WEAVER, John: Mayor of Philadelphia. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Municipal Government. 
 
 726 
 
WEEKLY REST DAY 
 
 WHITE SLAVE TRADE 
 
 WEEKLY REST DAY. See (in this vol.) 
 Sunday Ouskuvanck. 
 
 “WE FREES.” See (in this vol.) Scot 
 land: A. D. 1904-1905. 
 
 WEI-HAI-WEI : Strategic Worthless- 
 ness of the Port. See (in this vol.) England: 
 A. I). 1902 (Feb.). 
 
 WEKERLE, Alexander: Prime Minister 
 of Hungary. See (in this vol.) Austria Hun- 
 gary : A. D. 1905-1906, and 1908-1909. 
 
 WELSH COERCION ACT. See (in this 
 vol.) Education: England: A. D. 1902. 
 
 WERMUTH, Herr : Secretary of the Ger- 
 man Imperial Treasury. See (in this vol.) 
 Germany : A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 WEST AFRICA : White Colonization 
 impossible in Present Conditions. See (in 
 this vol.) Africa. 
 
 WEST INDIES, Danish: Failure of 
 
 Projected Sale to the United States. See 
 (in this vol.) Denmark: A. D. 1902. 
 
 WESTERN FEDERATION OF MIN- 
 ERS. See (in this vol.) Labor Organization. 
 United States: A. D. 1899-1907. 
 
 WET, C. R. de. See (in this vol.) South 
 Africa : A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 WEYLER, General y Nicolau : Suppres- 
 sion of Strike at Barcelona. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Organization : Spain. 
 
 Spanish Minister of War. See Spain : 
 A. D. 1901-1904. 
 
 WHITE, Henry: American Delegate to 
 the Algeciras Conference' on the Morocco 
 Question. See (in this vol.) Europe : A. D. 
 1905-1906. 
 
 WHITE HOUSE, The : Its Restoration. 
 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1902 
 (May-Nov.). 
 
 WHITE MOUNTAIN FOREST, Pre- 
 servation of the. See (in this vol.) Conserva- 
 tion of Natural Resources: United States. 
 
 WHITE SLAVE TRADE, Movement 
 for the Suppression of the. — The movement 
 for the suppression of what is now described as 
 the White Slave Traffic, and which has grown 
 into an important international organization, 
 appears to have had its beginning in the for- 
 mation of a committee at London, in 1880, “ for 
 the purpose of exposing and suppressing the 
 [then] existing traffic in English, Scotch and 
 Irish girls for foreign prostitution.” This com- 
 mittee presented a memorial on the subject to 
 Lord Granville, then Secretary for Foreign Af- 
 fairs, setting out a statement of facts which 
 “ revealed the existence of systematic abduction 
 to Brussels, and elsewhere on the Continent of 
 Europe, of girls who were English subjects, 
 and who, having been induced to go abroad 
 under promise of obtaining employment or re- 
 spectable situations, were on arrival taken to 
 the office of the ‘ Police des Mceurs ’ for registra- 
 tion as prostitutes.” The memorialists craved 
 Lord Granville’s influence “in favour of meas- 
 ures which would render it impossible that 
 British subjects, however humble, should in 
 the future be subjected to such infamy and de- 
 gradation, including the loss of their personal 
 liberty ” 
 
 Such measures were taken, Parliament pass- 
 ing an Act which became law in 1885, with so 
 much effectiveness that “the traffic was at once 
 checked. The miscreants who were engaged in 
 it were dismayed by its provisions, and within 
 
 five years after the Act had come into operation 
 the Burgomaster of Brussels, which had been 
 the head-quarters of the trallic, questioned as to 
 the effect produced by that measure, in April 
 1890 wrote as follows: 1 Comme suite & votre 
 lettre du 15 courant, j’ai l’houneur de vous faire 
 connaitre que depuis 1880 aucune fille de na- 
 tionalite Auglaise n’a ete inscrite aux registres 
 de Bruxelles.’ While, however, the traffic, so 
 far as the United Kingdom was concerned, was 
 thus almost extinguished, it seems to have in- 
 creased and spread in certain districts of East- 
 ern Europe to an extent which attracted the 
 serious and alarmed attention of the Govern- 
 ments and public authorities of the countries 
 immediately concerned. About the year 1898 
 the National Vigilance Society, headed by the 
 late Duke of Westminster, then its President, 
 resolved ‘ to open definite measures for its miti- 
 gation — if possible, its suppression.’ This or- 
 ganization was fortunate in having for its Sec- 
 retary and chief administrative officer Mr. 
 William Alexander Coote, a man of remarkable 
 energy and determination .” — Parliamentary 
 Papers, 1907 (Cd. 3453). 
 
 Mr. Coote went on a mission to the Continent 
 and aroused the interest of the Governments 
 most concerned. International conferences on 
 the subject were held, in London, 1899, at 
 Paris, 1902, and again at Paris in 1906, produ- 
 cing concerted action. In 1904 an International 
 Agreement was signed at Paris, May 18, by the 
 plenipotentiaries of Great Britain, Germany, 
 Belgium, Denmark, Spain, France, Italy, the 
 Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and 
 Norway, and Switzerland, the first two articles 
 of which were as follows: “Article 1. Each of 
 the Contracting Governments undertakes to es- 
 tablish or name some authority charged with 
 the co-ordination of all information relative to 
 the procuring of women or girls for immoral 
 purposes abroad ; this authority shall be em- 
 powered to correspond direct with the similar 
 department established in each of the other Con- 
 tracting States. Article 2. Each of the Gov- 
 ernments undertakes to have a watch kept, 
 especially in railway stations, ports of embarka- 
 tion, and en route , for persons in charge of wo- 
 men and girls destined for an immoral life. 
 With this object instructions shall be given to 
 the officials and all other qualified persons to 
 obtain, within legal limits, all information likely 
 to lead to the detection of criminal traffic. The 
 arrival of persons who clearly appear to be the 
 principals, accomplices in, or victims of, such 
 traffic shall be notified, when it occurs, either to 
 the authorities of the place of destination, or to 
 the Diplomatic or Consular Agents interested, 
 or to any other competent authorities.”- — Par- 
 liamentary Papers, 1905, Treaty Series No. 24 
 (Cd. 2689). 
 
 Meantime, in the United States, due attention 
 was not given to the matter, until it was found 
 that the abominable traffic had become organized 
 to an appalling extent in the country, especially 
 in connection with its foreign immigration, and 
 had a principal seat in New York, with a sus- 
 pected connivance on the part of men having 
 political influence, if not official power. An in- 
 vestigation of the facts became one of the main 
 objects of the Congressional Immigration Com- 
 mission which pursued inquiries in Europe and 
 America in 1909, and was the leading subject of 
 
 727 
 
WHITE SLAVE TRADE 
 
 WOMEN 
 
 the preliminary report made public by the Com- 
 mission, December 10. In this report the Com- 
 mission says that the white slave traffic is the 
 most pitiful phase of the immigration question. 
 The business has assumed large proportions, 
 and has exerted an evil influence upon the 
 country. The inquiry covered the cities of New 
 York, Chicago, San Francisco, Seattle, Portland, 
 Salt Lake, Ogden, Butte, Denver, Buffalo, Bos- 
 ton, and New Orleans. No attempt was made 
 to investigate conditions in every important 
 city. But the commission believes that enough 
 evidence with reference to women of different 
 races and nationalities, living under different 
 conditions has been obtained from localities suf- 
 ficiently scattered to warrant the reports being 
 used as a basis for official action. 
 
 Among other recommendations of the Com- 
 mission is one that the transportation of persons 
 from one State, Territory, or district, to another 
 for the purpose of prostitution be forbidden 
 under heavy penalties. The commission also 
 expresses the opinion that the Legislatures of 
 the several States should consider the advisabil- 
 ity of enacting more stringent laws regarding 
 prostitution. It is suggested that the Illinois 
 statute regarding pandering be carefully consid- 
 ered. A number of suggestions of administra- 
 tive changes and more rigid enforcement of 
 existing regulations by the Department of Com- 
 merce and Labor, particularly by the Bureau of 
 Immigration, and amendments of the Immigra- 
 tion act itself are submitted by the commission. 
 
 Legislation on the lines recommended is now 
 pending in Congress and in New York and other 
 States, while the alleged organization of the 
 traffic in the city of New York is being investi- 
 gated by a special grand jury of one of the 
 State Courts. 
 
 WICKERSHAM, George W. : Attorney- 
 General. See (in this vol. ) United States : 
 A. D. 1909 (March). 
 
 WIJU. See (in this vol.) Japan: A. D. 
 1904 (Feb. -July). 
 
 WILLIAM II., German Emperor: State- 
 ment of his Peace Policy based on Prepara- 
 tion for War. See (in this vol.) War, The 
 Preparations for. 
 
 His speech at Tangier. See Europe : A. 
 D. 1905-1906. 
 
 His published Interview with an English- 
 man and its Effect. See Germany: A. D. 
 1908 (Nov.). 
 
 WILSON, James: Secretary of Agricul- 
 ture. See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 
 1901-1905 ; 1905-1909; and 1909 (March). 
 
 WILSON, General John M. : On the An- 
 thracite Coal Strike Arbitration Commis- 
 sion. See (in this vol.) Labor Organiza- 
 tion: United States: A. D. 1903-1903. 
 
 WILSON, Woodrow: President of Prince- 
 ton University. See (in this vol.) Educa- 
 tion: United States: A. D. 1901-1909. 
 
 WINE-GROWERS’ REVOLT, in 
 France. See (in this vol.) France: A. D. 
 1907 (May-July). 
 
 WINNIPEG: A. D. 1909 . — Meeting of 
 British Association for the Advancement of 
 Science. See (in this vol.) Science and In- 
 vention, Recent: Physical. 
 
 WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY. See (in 
 this Volume and in Volume VI.) Science, Re- 
 cent : Electrical. 
 
 WISCONSIN: A. D. 1900 - 1909 . — Gov- 
 ernor and Senator La Follette. — The recog- 
 nized ‘‘new movement'’ in American politics 
 which has been putting a distinctive mark on 
 the last decade, directed towards the emancipa- 
 tion of parties from a selfishly organized system, 
 or "machine,” had nowhere in the West a 
 more vigorous starting than in Wisconsin; and 
 nobody can doubt that the initial force given to 
 it there came mostly from the energy of the 
 leader it found in Robert Marion La Follette. 
 He had entered politics when he entered the 
 profession of law, in 1880. From 1889 to 1901 
 lie was a representative in Congress. At the 
 end of that period he had been elected Governor 
 of his State, and he held the office for three 
 terms, resigning it in 1905 to accept a seat in 
 the Senate of the United States, where he exer- 
 cises a degree of independence not common in 
 that assembly. All this advancement in public 
 service has gone with a personal leadership in 
 politics, resisted unavailingly by the old party 
 organization. 
 
 A. D. 1907 . — Enactment of Public Utili- 
 ties Law. See (in this vol.) Public Utilities. 
 
 WISCONSIN STATE UNIVERSITY :. 
 Its Legislative Reference Department and 
 Municipal Reference Bureau. See (in this vol.). 
 Municipal Government. 
 
 WITBOIS, The. See (in this vol.) Africa r 
 A. D. 1904-1905, and Germany : A. D. 1906- 
 1907. 
 
 WITTE, Sergius Yulievitch: As Russian 
 Finance Minister and practically as Premier. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Russia: A. D. 1901-1904, and 
 1904-1905. 
 
 Withdrawal from Premiership. See Russia : 
 A. D. 1906. 
 
 Memorial to the Tsar on Religious Liberty 
 and the Bondage of the Church to the State. 
 See Russia : A. D. 1905 (April-Aug.). 
 
 Russian Plenipotentiary for negotiating 
 Treaty of Peace with Japan. See Japan : A. 
 D. 1905 (June-Oct.). 
 
 WOLF’S HILL, The Capture of. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1904-1905 (May-Jan.)- 
 
 WOMAN SUFFRAGE. See Elective 
 Franchise. 
 
 WOMEN, International Council of: A. D. 
 1909 . — Proceedings at Toronto. • — The Inter- 
 national Council of Women was assembled at 
 Toronto, Canada, in June, 1909, being then in 
 the twenty-fifth year of its existence. Its large- 
 gatherings are undertaken but once in five years, 
 executive meetings being held in years between. 
 The Toronto session was opened on the 17th 0 $* 
 June, and was prolonged interestingly for ten 
 days. The delegates attending numbered 160, 
 from all parts of Europe, America and Austra- 
 lasia, Great Britain sending the largest number. 
 Germany comes next with 19, Sweden sends 7, 
 Denmark 4, Italy 3, Austria-Hungary 5, Norway 
 10, Belgium 4, Greece 3, the Netherlands 11, 
 Australasia 11, the United States 16, and Can- 
 ada 11 . 
 
 Lady Aberdeen, the President of the Council, 
 in her opening remarks, indicated the breadth of 
 the ideas of service to the world which this in- 
 ternational organization contemplates, when she 
 said : “ Having proved that we arc truly repre- 
 sentative of the women workers of the world 
 and that within our various councils we have 
 gathered organizations of women of all races. 
 
 728 
 
WOMEN 
 
 WORLD MOVEMENTS 
 
 creeds, classes, and parties, what is the out- 
 come ? What do we stand for ? What practical 
 contribution can we offer to the world’s wel- 
 fare ? ” Turning to the Canadian delegates, she 
 answered these questions by alluding to the sym- 
 pathy that the National Council of Canada had 
 created between the women of the different pro- 
 vinces and the way in which it had made them 
 recognize their true relationship to their coun- 
 try and the world. From this Lady Aberdeen 
 went on to say : — “Our International Council 
 must indeed be of necessity the strongest peace 
 society that can exist, for if the homes of the 
 different countries of the world are brought in 
 touch with one another and understand and 
 believe in one another, there can be no more 
 war. Again, the health movement which our 
 national councils’ reports show us is going on in 
 all countries of the world is one that has within 
 itself potentialities far beyond the immediate 
 objects it aims at. What are these medical and 
 scientific congresses, these international confer- 
 ences on tuberculosis, infant mortality, school 
 hygiene, temperance, and the like doing ? Are 
 they not bringing the world’s thinkers and work- 
 ers into line for the preservation of life, for the 
 furtherance of a high and vigorous type of life 
 based on knowledge, principle, and self-control, 
 for international action in the interests of the 
 world’s health ? Here is work which concerns 
 all women in all countries, and in which every 
 society has an interest. . . . But . . . the key- 
 note of our success and influence must always 
 lie in the fact that we lay stress in being more 
 than doing, in the spirit of our work more 
 than the work itself, in the motive underly- 
 ing our union, rather than in our actual federa- 
 tion.” 
 
 Peace and Arbitration, Woman Suffrage (fa- 
 vored by a majority of the delegates in attend- 
 ance), the “White Slave Traffic,” so-called, 
 Public Health, Education, Immigration, cheap- 
 ened International Postage, were among the 
 principal subjects of discussion taken up on suc- 
 cessive days. 
 
 The next quinquennial council was appointed 
 to be held at Rome, in 1914, with executive 
 meetings in Sweden in 1911 and in the Nether- 
 lands in 1913. Lady Aberdeen was reelected 
 President. 
 
 WOMEN WORKERS: Legal Regulation 
 of Hours and Conditions. See (in this vol.) 
 Labor Protection: Hours of Labor. 
 
 WOOD, General Leonard: Military Gov- 
 ernor of Cuba. See (in this vol.) Cuba: A. D. 
 1901-1902. 
 
 WOODWARD, Dr. Robert S. : President 
 of the Carnegie Institution of Washington. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Science and Invention: 
 Carnegie Institution. 
 
 WORKMEN. See (in this vol.) Labor Or- 
 ganization. 
 
 WORKMEN’S COMPENSATION 
 ACT, British. See (in this vol.) Labor Pro- 
 tection. 
 
 WORLD MOVEMENTS: Fichte’s 
 Prophecy of a World Commonwealth. — The 
 Progress of a Century toward its Fulfilment. 
 
 — “Fichte says: ‘It is the vocation of our 
 
 race to unite itself into one single body, all the 
 parts of which shall be thoroughly known to 
 each other, and all possessed of similar culture. 
 Nature, and even the passions and vices of men 
 
 have, from the beginning, tended towards this 
 end : a great part of the way towards it is al- 
 ready passed, and we may surely calculate that 
 this end, which is the condition of all further 
 progress, will in time be attained. . . . Until 
 the existing culture of every age shall have 
 been diffused over the whole inhabited globe, 
 and our race become capable of the most unlim 
 ited inter-communication with itself, one nation 
 or one continent must pause on the great com- 
 mon path of progress, and wait for the advance 
 of the others ; and each must bring as an offer- 
 ing to the universal commonwealth, for the sake 
 of which alone it exists, its ages of apparent 
 immobility, or retrogression. When that first 
 point shall have been attained, when every use- 
 ful discovery made at one end of the earth shall 
 be at once made known and communicated to 
 all the rest, then, without further interruption, 
 without halt or regress, with united strength 
 and equal step, humanity shall move onward to 
 a higher culture, of which we can at present 
 form no conception.’ 
 
 “This was an end-of-the-eighteenth-century 
 utterance, and events have followed it as if it 
 were a resistless fiat compelling its own fulfil- 
 ment, rather than the dictum of a philosopher. 
 The nations have striven fiercely to carry for- 
 ward the work which the great Seer pointed to 
 as the essential condition of the higher progress. 
 Inspired by varied aims, and carried forward 
 by diverse means, the end has been ever the 
 same. The missionary with his religious man- 
 date, the devil-may-care adventurer seeking ex- 
 citement, the restless military caste craving 
 advancement, the trader thirsting for gain, all 
 promote the ‘Divine plan.’ . . . 
 
 “The pride of independent nationality must 
 gradually give way to the pride of being mem- 
 bers of the great confederations. The transi- 
 tion from Nationalism to internationalism will 
 be brought about by a threefold pressure, and 
 will be rendered easy by the system we have 
 evolved with our great Colonies. There will 
 be the pressure of the higher organisation on 
 the lower, the larger upon the less ; there will 
 be racial pressure, as yellow and black begin to 
 feel their power ; and there will be commercial 
 pressure. This irresistible pressure will be 
 gradually recognised as a benevolent despotism 
 forcing the practical recognition of the brother- 
 hood of man. 
 
 “With regard to commercial pressure. A 
 glance ahead will show that the Western na- 
 tions, in forcing their trade on yellow and black 
 races, are educating the latter into formidable 
 competitors. Like the Japs they will better the 
 instruction, and, with their more favourable 
 economic conditions, will flood the Western 
 world with commodities at prices it cannot com- 
 pete with. To avoid being dragged down to 
 their lower level of subsistence the great world- 
 powers will be compelled to draw a ring-fence 
 of tariffs round their possessions. In our case 
 the British Empire contains nearly all climates 
 and resources that will enable it to be entirely 
 self-contained and self-supporting. The com- 
 parative free trade within the fence will starve 
 isolated countries to come in. 
 
 “There is no reason why an Empire such as 
 ours should not be much more truly happy and 
 prosperous than it has yet been, if we organise 
 it scientifically. The loss of our abnormal posi- 
 
 729 
 
WORLD MOVEMENTS 
 
 WORLD MOVEMENTS 
 
 tion in foreign trade will be a blessing if we ex- 
 ercise foresight. In the furtherance of the 
 World-purpose it was necessary that the pro- 
 gressive nations should for a time worship for- 
 eign trade as a fetich, and as the chief means of 
 prosperity. Nothing else would have given 
 them the needed stimulus, and forced them to 
 such Herculean efforts to conquer and keep for- 
 eign markets. But when all foreign markets 
 have been opened up, and we have unintention- 
 ally educated other races, not only to supply 
 their own wants, but to swamp us with their 
 manufactures, then we must readjust our ideas, 
 and adopt less one-sided aims. In our ambition 
 to be the Cheap John of the world, we have de- 
 veloped some of our resources abnormally, and 
 neglected others. To foster foreign trade we 
 converted a large part of our island home into 
 black country, we have been prodigally waste- 
 ful of our mineral resources, and have neglected 
 our agriculture. In striving for foreign markets 
 we have neglected the best market in the world 
 — the Home market — and have left ourselves 
 miserably dependent on the foreigner. This is 
 really incipient heart disease of the Empire. 
 
 “It was providential that we adopted ‘free 
 trade’ when we did, as it gives a moral justifi- 
 cation for our annexations which no protective 
 nation can show ; but as the other great Powers 
 extend their sway, and their tariff barriers, we 
 shall cease to need our free trade justification. 
 Then we can reconsider the case." — E. W. 
 Cook, The Organisation of Mankind ( Contempo- 
 rary Review , Sept . , 1901). 
 
 The Making of a World Constitution and 
 the development of World Legislation. — 
 “ In the relations of nations to one another, as 
 proved by their treaties and code of interna- 
 tional law, certain truths are recognized which 
 involve the very nature of mankind as a created 
 whole. That is, there is a world-constitution, 
 unwritten, not called by that name, but exist- 
 ing as truly as the animal creation existed be- 
 fore it was named by man, and as independent 
 of his recognition and his naming as the animal 
 creation was independent of human recogni- 
 tion. Though that world-constitution has re- 
 mained obscure and unrecognized, yet world- 
 progress toward its formal expression has been 
 wonderfully rapid in recent years. 
 
 “ In the first place that constitution is bring- 
 ing about the formal existence of an organ for 
 the use and for the expression of the intelli- 
 gence and the will of the world. Nations, re- 
 peatedly, in separate congresses, upon special 
 subjects, have expressed their intelligence and 
 their will, and have entrusted to the nations 
 severally the duty of carrying out that will, as 
 is most perfectly illustrated in the case of the 
 Universal Postal Union. That is, the nations 
 are creating a world legislative department. 
 
 “ In the next place, the establishment of the 
 Hague Court of Arbitration is doubtless the be- 
 ginning of the establishment of a judicial de- 
 partment which will include other duties than 
 the settlement of causes dangerous to the peace 
 of nations. Lastly, the formal establishment of 
 some world-executive will not long lag behind 
 the creation of the legislative and judicial de- 
 partments. The world is moving rapidly to- 
 ward political organization as one body, and 
 the situation must soon reveal itself to present 
 doubters.” — R. L. Bridgman, 'World-Organiza- 
 
 tion secures World-Peace ( Atlantic Monthly, 
 Sept., 1904). 
 
 “At the session of the Massachusetts Legis- 
 lature of 1902 a petition was presented in favor 
 of a world-legislature. That petition was re- 
 ferred to the Legislature of 1903 in order that 
 the subject might receive further public con- 
 sideration, and the chairman of the committee 
 which heard the petitioners said, in each branch 
 respectively, that the proposal was meritorious. 
 According to the report, the petition is pending 
 before the Legislature of 1903, with hundreds 
 of signers, including some of the best citizens. 
 The American Peace Society, by vote of its 
 directors, signed the petition, while it also pre- 
 sented another petition of its own, asking for a 
 movement for a world-conference or congress, 
 with recommendatory powers, to meet at stated 
 intervals, say once in seven years. Thus the 
 proposal of world-organization is formally be- 
 fore the public. 
 
 “ Since the first petition was presented re- 
 peated instances have occurred to support the 
 main argument for it, — that business exigen- 
 cies of the world were becoming so urgent that 
 world-organization, as a necessity, would pre- 
 cede the efforts of pure philanthropy or states- 
 manship for the same end. Early in the year 
 came the Pan-American Congress. Among its 
 proposals, suited for a world-scale, were these : 
 a Pan-American bank; a custom-house con- 
 gress, and an international customs commis- 
 sion ; a statistical bureau of international scope ; 
 an international copyright law ; an interna- 
 tional commission to codify international law ; 
 international regulations to cover inventions 
 and trademarks ; a common treaty of extradi- 
 tion and protection against anarchy ; interna- 
 tional regulations for the world- wide practice 
 of the liberal professions; an international 
 archaeological commission ; an international 
 office as depositary of the archives of interna- 
 tional conferences ; an international regulation 
 granting equal rights to all foreigners from any 
 of the signatory countries, and some minor plans. 
 
 “Other world-propositions which developed 
 during the year included (in January) the 
 organization of the International Banking Cor- 
 poration, with power, under a Connecticut 
 charter, of doing business all over the world ; 
 (early in the year) circulation by the Manches- 
 ter (England) Statistical Society of a pamphlet 
 advocating an international gold coinage ; (in 
 July) suggestion by Russia of an international 
 conference to protect the nations against trusts 
 and other private operations of capital ; (in 
 July) another plan for an international bank; 
 (in August) meeting of the International Con- 
 gress on Commerce and Industry ; and (in De- 
 cember) the meeting of the International Sani- 
 tary Conference in Washington ; to which may 
 be added (in January, 1903) the meeting in New 
 York of the International Customs Congress. 
 For one year that is a notable record of progress 
 toward world-organization in matters of busi- 
 ness, not as matters of theory or of pure plii- 
 lanthropliy. These instances illustrate the truth, 
 which many persons still fail to realize, that 
 the world is getting together at a rapid rate, 
 and that, as a matter of self-interest, the nations 
 must soon have a permanent legislative body 
 as a means of establishing regulations for the 
 benefit of all. 
 
 730 
 
WORLD MOVEMENTS 
 
 WYNNE 
 
 “ Pertinent to the ease is the fact that world- 
 legislation has occurred repeatedly, though no 
 world-legislature has been organized. ... In 
 the case of the International Postal Union we 
 have absolute world-legislation. . . . That is 
 the most conspicuous and most successful illus 
 tration of world-legislation, because it embraces 
 organized mankind, and because it is so emi- 
 nently successful. . . . 
 
 “Mention may be made of the International 
 Conference in Washington, in 1885, for the 
 establishment of a common prime meridian, at 
 which twenty-six nations were represented. At 
 the International Sanitary Conference in Vienna 
 in 1892, fifteen nations were represented. At 
 the Dresden International Sanitary Conference 
 in 1893, nineteen nations were represented.” — 
 R. L. Bridgman, A World- Legislature ( Atlantic 
 Monthly, March, 1903). 
 
 The Passing of the Age of Colonial Do- 
 minion. — The Coming of the Epoch of the 
 “Open Door.” — The old notions of colonial 
 dominion, which had pricked the ambition of 
 nations since the sixteenth century, came prac- 
 tically to the end of their working in the last 
 years of the nineteenth. The European parti- 
 tioning of Africa, in the decade after 1884, the 
 scramble for footings in China between 1897 and 
 the Boxer rising, and the Spanish-American War 
 of 1898, may be looked upon as the expiring 
 operations of statesmanship on lines of “colo- 
 nial policy,” in the acquisitive sense. As cer- 
 tainly as anything in politics can be certain, 
 the epoch of the founding and spreading of co- 
 lonial dominions came then to its close. 
 
 The colonial policy of that epoch meant co- 
 lonial dominion necessarily, for the reason that 
 the commerce-spreading nations of the West 
 could not think of agreeing to open doors of 
 trade with the feebler or more backward folk of 
 the East. Each could make sure of marts in the 
 great orient and oceanic region only by seizing 
 and walling them in, behind well-locked doors, 
 to keep the others out. Now, however, they 
 have arrived at a state of things in the world 
 which compels them to think of the “open 
 door ” for commerce, as a substitute for the co- 
 lonial dependency, held under lock and key. 
 Several changes have worked together in bring- 
 ing this new situation about. 
 
 Principally, of course, it results from the near 
 approach to an exhaustion of the territory avail- 
 able for easy conquest and colony-making. 
 Africa and the great archipelagos of the South 
 Sea have all been divided up. Japan, with 
 China making ready to stand with her, has un- 
 dertaken a policing of Eastern Asia, to stop the 
 staking out of lawless claims there. Moreover, 
 confidence in the stability as well as belief 
 in the usefulness of colonial dominion is much 
 shaken of late, by increasing signs of relaxing 
 bonds in the great British Empire, without 
 much sign of harm to the prosperity or the 
 power of the imperial nation itself. Several of 
 the outlying dependencies of the British crown 
 have grown to so much of independence that 
 they have taken the doorkeeping of their com- 
 merce into their own hands and the sovereign 
 mother country makes no objection or complaint. 
 
 For many years past the commercial experi- 
 ence of England has been furnishing proof that 
 trade and dominion, under the conditions of the 
 present day, have little of necessary connection 
 with each other ; and now the Germans, within 
 later years, have been adding to that proof. The 
 few colonies they have laid hands on, in Africa 
 and Oceanica, have been of less profit than ex- 
 pense to them ; but, more rapidly than any 
 other people, they have pushed their trade in 
 regions where they have no political influence 
 or control, by sheer energy and careful learning 
 of the conditions to be met. 
 
 The commercial mind, which has always dic- 
 tated the policies of government, is being thus 
 compelled to turn its thought to the “open 
 door," and that, as a commercial aim, will evi- 
 dently extinguish colonial undertakings here- 
 after. It ruled the settlement of the Chinese 
 troubles of 1900 (thanks to John Hay); it has 
 gone into the recent treaties of Japan with Eng- 
 land, Russia and France; it gave a practicable 
 solution to the Morocco problem, at the Algeci- 
 ras conference ; it furnished the ground in 1907 
 for an arrangement of long-troubled relations 
 between England and Russia in Persia, Tibet, 
 and Afghanistan. 
 
 Manifestly, the commercial policy of the fu- 
 ture is to be, not the policy of colonial depend- 
 encies, but the policy of open doors. Even the 
 imperialists and the stand-patters of the United 
 States will have to accept it ; and in due time 
 the tariff-walled nations, after practicing them- 
 selves sufficiently in the dictatorial opening of 
 other people’s doors, will be ready to unlock 
 their own. 
 
 For and against War. See (in this vol.) 
 War, The Preparations for, and War, The 
 Revolt against. 
 
 World’s Prohibition Confederation. See 
 
 (in this vol.) Alcohol Problem; Interna- 
 tional Congress. 
 
 WOS Y GIL, General : Revolutionary 
 President of San Domingo. See (in this vol.) 
 San Domingo: A. D. 1904-1907 
 
 WRIGHT, Dr. A. E., and Dr. Douglas; 
 The Discoverers of Opsonins. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention, Recent . Op- 
 sonins. 
 
 WRIGHT, Carroll D. : On the Anthracite 
 Coal Strike Arbitration Commission. See 
 (in this vol.) Labor Organization : United 
 States; A. D. 1902-1903. 
 
 WRIGHT, General Luke E.: Secretary of 
 War. See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 
 1905-1909. 
 
 WRIGHT, Orville and Wilbur. See (in this 
 vol.) Science and Invention, Recent : Aero- 
 nautics. 
 
 WURTEMBERG: A. D. 1906 . —Displace- 
 ment of Privileged Members from the Parlia- 
 ment. See (in this vol.) Elective Franchise ; 
 Germany: A. D. 1906. 
 
 WYNDHAM, G.: Chief Secretary for Ire- 
 land. See (in this vol.) England : A. D. 1902 
 (July). 
 
 WYNNE, Robert J. : Postmaster-General. 
 
 See (in this vol.) United States: A. D. 1901- 
 1905. 
 
 731 
 
YALU 
 
 ZULUS 
 
 Y. 
 
 YALU, Battles at the. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July). 
 
 YAMAGATA, Prince Aritomo. See (in 
 
 this vol.) Japan : A. D. 1903 (Jone) and 1909 
 (Oct.). 
 
 YANGTZULING, Battle of. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan: A. D. 1904 (July-Sept.). 
 
 YASHIMA, Sinking of the. See (in this 
 vol.) Japan • A. D. 1904 (Feb. -Aug.). 
 
 YASS-CANBERRA.— Chosen Site of 
 the Capital of Australia. See (in this vol.) 
 Australia: A. D. 1905-1906. 
 
 YELLOW FEVER. See Public 
 Health. 
 
 YOUNG EGYPT. See (in this vol.) Egypt. 
 A. D. 1909 (Sept.). 
 
 YOUNG FINNS: See (in this vol.) Fin- 
 land: A. D. 1908-1909. 
 
 YOUNG TURKS. See (in this vol.) 
 Turkey: A. D. 1908 (July-Dec.), and after. 
 
 YOUNGHUSBAND, Colonel George J. : 
 Mission to Tibet. See (in this vol.) Tibet : 
 A. D. 1902-1904. 
 
 YOUSSUF IZEDDIN. See (in this vol.) 
 Turkey: A. D. 1909 (Jan. -May). 
 
 YUAN SHIH-KAI: His abrupt Dismissal 
 from Office. See (in this vol.) China: A. D. 
 1909 (Jan.). 
 
 YUKON DISTRICT, The: Census, rpoi. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Canada: A. D. 1901-1902. 
 
 YUSHIN-KAI. See (in this vol.) Japan: 
 A. D. 1909. 
 
 z. 
 
 ZAHLE MINISTRY. See (in this vol.) 
 Denmark: A. D. 1905-1909. 
 
 ZAIMIS, M., . High Commissioner of 
 Crete. See (in this vol.) Crete : A. D. 1905- 
 1906. 
 
 ZAMENHOF, Dr.: Inventor of Esperanto. 
 
 See (in this vol.) Science and Invention, Re- 
 cent : Esperanto. 
 
 ZANARDELLI, Giuseppe: Premier of 
 Italy. See (in this vol.) Italy : A. D. 1901 and 
 1903. 
 
 ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1903. — Practical 
 Ending of Slavery. — The following remarks 
 are from reports made by British consular offi- 
 cers in 1903. By decree of the Sultan of Zanzi- 
 bar the legal status of slavery was annulled in 
 1897 : “ As I have anticipated in my former Re- 
 ports, the number of slaves who have thought 
 fit to present themselves for freedom to the 
 Zanzibar Government has been very small. . . . 
 It is as well known as ever throughout the Is- 
 land of Zanzibar that a slave has only to appear 
 and ask for freedom and it is immediately 
 granted. But the slaves have long since dis 
 covered that freedom is not such ‘a bed of 
 roses’ as was anticipated. They have learnt 
 that practically they lose far more than they 
 gain by leaving their owners to get freedom, 
 and then having to find a new home and sup- 
 port themselves.” 
 
 “The slavery question may be said to be at 
 
 an end in Pemba. Those slaves who still re- 
 main in a state of servitude are slaves only in 
 name, and they continue to be so of their own 
 free will, for there is not a man or a woman at 
 this time in the island unaware of the fact that 
 any slave can obtain manumission for the ask- 
 ing. A small number of slaves do apply for 
 and obtain their freedom month by month, but 
 the bulk of the servile population in Pemba ap- 
 pear to be content with their existing status.” 
 
 ZASULICH, General. See (in this vol.) 
 Japan: A. D. 1904 (Feb. -July). 
 
 ZAYISTAS. See (in this vol.) Cuba: A. D. 
 1906-1909. 
 
 ZEEMAN, Peter. See Nobel Prizes. 
 
 ZELAYA, Jose Cantos: President of Ni- 
 caragua. See (in this vol.) Central Amer- 
 ica: Nicaragua: A. D. 1909. 
 
 ZEMSTVOS, Russian. See (in this vol.) 
 Russia: A. D. 1904-1905, and 1905-1907. 
 
 ZEPPELIN, Count. See (in this vol.) 
 Science and Invention, Recent: Aeronau- 
 tics. 
 
 ZICHY, Count. See (in this vol.) Austria- 
 Hungary: A. D. 1904; 1905-1906. 
 
 ZIEGLER ARCTIC EXPEDITIONS. 
 See (in this vol.) Polar Exploration. 
 
 ZIL-ES-SULTAN. See (in this vol.) 
 Persia: A. D. 1907-1908 (Sept. -June). 
 
 ZULUS, The : Their revolt in 1906. See 
 (in this vol.) South Africa. 
 
 732 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING 
 
 PREPARED by C. W. CHASE 
 
 As an aid to those possessors of this work who may wish to pursue in it regular courses of read- 
 ing or study, the following directory, as it may be called, has been prepared by a gentleman whose 
 acquaintance with the contents of the volumes and with their arrangement is very thorough, and 
 whose equipment of historical knowledge is large. This responds to a great number of requests 
 and suggestions that have been coming to the publishers of “ History for Ready Reference,” ever 
 since it began to make itself known as the best of compilations for “Topical Reading” in history, 
 as well as for “Ready Reference,” because drawn from the best historical writers in their own ex- 
 act words. 
 
 Those who make use of these “ Studies” should bear in mind that the first five volumesof “His- 
 tory for Ready Reference” cover all times, from the earliest, down to its publication in 1895, and 
 are under one comprehensive arrangement, for which reason the numbering of pages in those vol- 
 umes is consecutive from the first to the last; whereas Volumes VI. and VII. deal with two suc- 
 ceeding periods, of Recent History, and have separately numbered pages. Hence reference in the 
 “ Studies ” to pages in the first five volumes is without mention of the number of the volume. 
 
 On revision of the original five-volume work in 1901 some rearrangement of matter occurred 
 which changed the page numbers. This necessitates the giving of both new and old numbers in 
 the reference to every matter within those volumes. For copies of the work purchased before 1901 
 the numbers are in parenthesis, and those for the later edition precede them. 
 
 The following is a subject index to the “Studies” appended: 
 
 Alexander’s Conquests : Study X. 
 
 America : Study XXIII. (See, also, United 
 States, Canada, and Spanish America.) 
 Austria-Hungary : Studies XIV., XV., XXVII., 
 XXXIV., XXXV., XXXVI. 
 
 Babylonia and Assyria: Study IV. 
 
 Canada : Study XLIX. 
 
 China: Studies VII., LI. 
 
 Christianity: Studies XVIII., XIX., XX., 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 Crusades: Study XXV. 
 
 Egypt, Ancient - Study V. 
 
 England: Studies XXVIII., XXIX., XXX., 
 XXXI., XXXII., XXXIII., XXXV., 
 XXXVI., XLII., XLVIII. 
 
 Europe at Large: Studies XII., XIII., XIV., 
 XVIII., XIX., XX., XXII., XXIII., XXIV., 
 
 XXV. , XXVII., XXXIV., XXXV., XXXVI. 
 France: Studies XIII., XIV., XVI., XXIII., 
 
 XXIV., XXV., XXXIV., XXXV., XXXVI., 
 XLIII. 
 
 French Revolution and Napoleon : Studies 
 XXXV XXXVI 
 
 Germany :' Studies XIII., XIV., XV., XXIII., 
 XXIV., XXVII., XXXIV., XXXV., 
 XXXVI., XLIV. 
 
 Great Britain. See England. 
 
 Greece, Ancient: Studies VIII., IX., X. 
 
 History and its Study: Study I. 
 
 India, Ancient : Study VII. 
 
 Italy, Mediaeval and Modern: Studies XIV., 
 XVII., XXIII., XXXV., XXXVI., LV. 
 
 Japan : Study L. 
 
 Jews: Study VI. 
 
 Middle Ages: Studies XIII., XIV., XV., XVI., 
 XVII. 
 
 Mohammedanism : Studies XXI., XXII. 
 Monasticism : Study XX. 
 
 Netherlands : Study XXVI. 
 
 Papacy : Study XIX., XXIV., XXV. 
 
 Primitive Peoples: Studies II., III. 
 
 Reformation, Protestant: Studies XXIV., XXV. 
 Renaissance: Study XXIII. 
 
 Rome, Ancient: Studies XI., XII., XIII. 
 
 Russia: Study LII. 
 
 Spain: Studies XXVI., XXXVI. 
 
 Spanish America: Study LIV. (See, also, Amer- 
 ica.) 
 
 Turkish Empire: Study LIII. 
 
 United States of Am.: Studies XXXVII., 
 XXXVIII., XXXIX., XL., XLI., XLV., ' 
 XLVI., XL VII. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY OR READING 
 
 Note. — The text of “ History for Ready Reference’’ is made up of matter taken from the best 
 writers aud special students of all ages and all nations. Under the various topics in these Studies, 
 therefore, the historical works referred to are those from which the matter of the text is taken ; the 
 figures following each citation indicating the pages in “ History for Ready Reference ” where the 
 matter may be found, — the figures inclosed in parentheses showing where the same matter may.be 
 found in the first (1895) edition of the work. These extracts vary from a quarter of a column to five 
 or six columns in length. 
 
 STUDY I. 
 
 HISTORY AND ITS STUDY. 
 
 “ It is seldom appreciated what a very large share of 
 the world’s literature is history of some sort. The prim- 
 itive savage is probably the only kind of a man who 
 takes no interest in it. But as soon as a spark of civil- 
 ization illumines this primitive darkness men begin to 
 take interest in other men, — not only beyond their im- 
 mediate surroundings, but beyond the limits of their 
 own generation. Interest in the past and provision for 
 the future are perhaps essential differences between 
 the civilized man and the savage. Accordingly as this 
 care for the past and future increases, all literature 
 divides itself into that which concerns the forces of 
 nature, and that which concerns the history of man.” 
 Professor J. P. Mahaffy. 
 
 1. Various Views as to what History is : 
 
 R. Fliut : History of the Philosophy of History, 
 
 1686-7 (1648-9). 
 
 “ With us the word ‘ History,’ like its equivalents in 
 all modern languages, signifies either a form of literary 
 composition, or the appropriate subject matter of such 
 composition, — either a narrative of events, or events 
 which may be narrated.” R. Flint. 
 
 2. The Proper Subjects and Objects of His- 
 tory: 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Practical Bearings of European 
 History, 1687-8 (1648-9). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : History (Essays), 1692 (1658). 
 
 “The perfect historian is he in whose work the char- 
 acter and spirit of an age is exhibited in miniature. . . 
 
 By judicious selection, rejection, and arrangement, he 
 gives to truth those attractions which have been 
 usurped by fiction. . . . He shows us the court, the 
 camp, and the senate But he also shows us the na- 
 tion. He considers no anecdote, no peculiarity of man- 
 ner, no familiar saying, as too insignificant for his no- 
 tice, which is not too insignificant to illustrate the 
 operation of laws, of religion, and of education, and 
 to mark the progress of the human mind.” T. B. Ma- 
 caulay. 
 
 3. The Philosophy of History : 
 
 R. Flint: Philosophy of History, 1688 (1649). 
 
 4. History as a Science ; and History as the 
 Root of All Science : 
 
 H.T. Buckle: History of Civilization in England, 
 
 1688 (1649). 
 
 J. G. Droysen: Outline of the Principles of His- 
 tory, 1689 (1650). 
 
 T. Carlyle: On History (Essays), 1689-90 (1650-1). 
 
 “ There is, I speak humbly, in common with Natural 
 Science, in the study of living History, a gradual ap- 
 proximation to a consciousness that we are growing 
 
 735 
 
 into a perception of the workings of the Almighty ruler 
 of the world. . . . The study of History is in this re- 
 spect, as Coleridge said of Poetry, its own great reward, 
 a thing to be loved and cultivated for its own sake. . . . 
 For one great, insoluble problem of astronomy or geol- 
 ogy, there are a thousand insoluble problems in the life, 
 in the character, in the face of every man that meets you 
 in the street. Thus, whether we look at the dignity of 
 the subject matter, or at the nature of the mental ex- 
 ercise which it requires, or at the nature of the field 
 over which the pursuit ranges, History, the knowledge 
 of the adventures, the development, the changeful ca- 
 reer, the varied growths, the ambitions, aspirations, 
 and, if you like, the approximating destinies of man- 
 kind, claims a place second to none in the roll of Sci- 
 ences.” Bishop Stubbs. 
 
 5. How to Study History : 
 
 A. B. Hart : How to Study History, 1693 (1654). 
 
 6. The Educational and Practical Value 
 of History ; Its Moral Lessons : 
 
 J. A. Froude: Short Studies on Great Subjects, 
 1690 (1651). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky : The Political Value of History, 
 1690 (1651). 
 
 C. K. Adams: Manual of Historical Literature, 
 1690-1 (1651-2). 
 
 W. Stubbs : The Study of Modern History, 1691 
 (1652). 
 
 “The effectof historical reading is analogous, in many 
 respects, to that produced by foreign travel. The stu- 
 dent, like the tourist, is transported into a new state of 
 society. He sees new fashions. He hears new modes 
 of expression. His mind is enlarged by contemplating 
 the wide diversities of laws, of morals, and of man- 
 ners.” T. B. Macaulay. 
 
 7. The Province and Value of the Histori- 
 cal Romance : 
 
 G. H. Lewes: Historical Romance, 1692-3(1653-4). 
 A. Thierry: The Merovingian Era, 1693 (1654). 
 J. R. Seeley: History and Politics, 1693 (1654). 
 
 “ To say that there is more real history in his (Scott’s) 
 novels on Scotland and England than in the philo- 
 sophically false compilations which still possess that 
 great name, is not advancing anything strange in the 
 eyes of those who have read and understood ‘ Old 
 Mortality,’ ‘ Waverley,’ ‘ Rob Roy,’ the ‘ Fortunes of 
 Nigel,’ and the * Heart of Midlothian.’ ” A. Thierry. 
 
 “ We can hardly read the interesting Life of Lord 
 Macaulay without perceiving that the most popular his- 
 torical work of modern times owes its origin in a great 
 measure to the Waverley Novels. Macaulay grew up in 
 a world of novels: his youth and early manhood wit- 
 nessed the appearance of the Waverley Novels them- 
 selves. He became naturally possessed by the idea 
 which is expressed over and over again in his Essays, 
 and which at last he realized with such wonderful suc- 
 cess, the idea that it was quite possible to make history 
 as interesting as romance.” J. R. Seeley. 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 8. The Impohtance of a Knowledge of Uni- 
 versal History: 
 
 O. Browning : The Teaching of History in 
 Schools, 1604 (1655). 
 
 “ To know History is impossible; not even Mr. Free- 
 man, not Professor Ranke himself, can be said to know 
 history. . . . No one, therefore, should be discouraged 
 from studying History. Its greatest service is not so 
 much to increase our knowledge as to stimulate thought 
 and broaden our intellectual horizon, and for this pur- 
 pose no study is its equal.” W. P. Atkinson. 
 
 * STUDY II. 
 
 THE DAWN OF HISTORY ; PRIMITIVE 
 PEOPLES. 
 
 I. The Three Marked Divisions of the Hu- 
 man Race when the Earliest Historic 
 Record begins: 
 
 (a) The Aryan : 144, 145 (137, 138) and Ap- 
 pendix A., Vol. V. (Yol. I). 
 
 ( b ) The Semitic : 2963-2966 (2886-2889). 
 
 (c) The Turanian: 3245, 1740, 2265 (3129, 
 1701, 2221). 
 
 2 These Divisions were not properly Ra- 
 cial, but Linguistic, though Usage has 
 given them a Racial Significance : 
 
 “ Aryan in Scientific language is utterly inapplicable 
 to race. It means language, and nothing but language 
 ... I have declared again and again that if I say 
 ‘ Aryas,’ I mean simply those who speak the ‘Aryan’ 
 language.” Max Muller. 
 
 “ The 1 Semitic race ’ owes its name to a confusion of 
 ethnology and philology. A certain family of speech, 
 composed of languages closely related to one another, 
 and presupposing a common mother tongue, received 
 the title of ‘ Semitic ’ . . . But whatever justification 
 there may have been for speaking of a Semitic family 
 of languages, there was none for speaking of a Semitic 
 race.” A. H. Sayce. 
 
 3. Birthplace of the Aryans : 
 
 C. F. Keary: The Dawn of History, 144-5 
 (137-8). 
 
 J. N. Larned : A Historical Sketch of Europe, 
 1018 (990). 
 
 J. Rhys: Race Theories, 145 (138). 
 
 4. Early Aryan Migrations : 
 
 (a) To India. 
 
 W. W. Hunter: History of India, 1740-1 
 (1701-2). 
 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 1741-2 
 (1702-3). 
 
 M. Williams: Religious Thought in India, 1742 
 (1703). 
 
 (b) To Greece. 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 2603 (2535). 
 
 C. W. C. Oman : History of Greece, 1604-5 
 (1566-7). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1019-21 (991-3). 
 
 D. G. Hogarth : Authority and Archaeology, Yol. 
 VI., 23-5. 
 
 (c) To Italy. 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 1016-17, 1845 
 (988-9, 1805). 
 
 F. Haverfield: Authority and Archaeology, Vol. 
 VI., 25. 
 
 (d) To Western Europe. 
 
 J. Rhys : Celtic Britain, 412 (402). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1019 (991). 
 
 (e) In General. 
 
 Appendix A. at end of Volume V. (Volume I.). 
 Ethnological Map, before Title Page, Volume I. 
 
 5. Origin of the Semitic Peoples : 
 
 George Adam Smith: Historical Geography of 
 the Holy Land, 2964-5 (2887-8). 
 
 6. The Various Divisions of the Semites : 
 
 (a) In General. 
 
 J. F. McCurdy : History, Prophecy, and the 
 Monuments, 2963-4 (2886-7). 
 
 ( b ) The Babylonian. 
 
 J F. McCurdy : History, Prophecy, and the 
 Monuments, 2965-6 (2888-9). 
 
 Z. A. Ragozin: The Story of Chaldea, 246-7 
 (239-40). 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Recent Discoveries in Babylonia, 
 Vol. VI., 14-15. 
 
 (c) The Canaanitic and Phoenician. 
 
 F. Lenormant : Ancient History of East, 2598-9 
 (2530-1). 
 
 (d) The Hebraic. 
 
 A. Kuenen : Religion of Israel, 1936 (1895). 
 
 H. Ewald: History of Israel, 1937 (1896). 
 
 S. R. Driver: Authority and Archaeology, Vol. 
 VI., 12. 
 
 7. Distinctive Characteristics of Semites, 
 and their Contribution to the World 
 Civilization : 
 
 A. H Sayce : Babylonian Literature, 246 (239). 
 
 E. Renan: Studies in Religious History, 2965 
 (2888). 
 
 “ We owe to the Semitic race neither political life, 
 art, poetry, philosophy, nor Science. What, then, do 
 we owe to them ? We owe to them Religion. The whole 
 world, if we except India, China, Japan, and tribes al- 
 together savage, has adopted the Semitic religion.” E. 
 Renan. 
 
 8. Relation between the Early Semites 
 and the Primitive Chinese: 
 
 R. K. Douglas: China, 430-2 (416-18). 
 
 T. de Lacouperie: History of Chinese Civiliza- 
 tion, 246 (239). 
 
 9. Origin and Racial Connections of the 
 Primitive Egyptian Peoples: 
 
 H. Brugsch Bey : Egypt under the Pharaohs, 
 777 (750). 
 
 G. Rawlinsou. History of Ancient Egypt, 777 
 (750). 
 
 W. M. F. Petrie: Recent Research in Egypt, 
 Vol. VI., 18-20. 
 
 10. The Earliest Semites known to His- 
 tory : 
 
 J. F. McCurdy: History, Prophecy, and the 
 Monuments, 2965-6 (2888-9). 
 
 Max Muller: The Enormous Antiquity of the 
 East, 2966 (2889). 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Babylonian Literature, 246 (239). 
 
 “ The Babylonians were . . . the first of the Semites 
 to enter the arena of history, and they did so by virtue 
 of the civilization to which they attained in and 
 through their settlement on the lower Euphrates and 
 Tigris.” J. F. McCurdy. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study 1. 
 
 ♦STUDY III. 
 
 THE LIFE OF PRIMITIVE PEOPLES; 
 ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH. 
 
 1. General Character of Work of Exca- 
 vation of Buried Cities : 
 
 W. M. F. Petrie. The Story of a “Tell,” 782(755). 
 
 73G 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 G. Smith: Assyrian Discoveries, 149-50 (143). 
 
 H. V. Hilprecht : Recent Research in Bible 
 Lands, Vol. VI., 12. 
 
 : Sunday School Times, Vol. VI., 13. 
 
 2. Prehistoric Culture and Civilization: 
 
 (a) Babylonia. 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Babylonian Literature, 246 (239). 
 J. F. McCurdy: History, Prophecy, and The 
 Monuments, 2965-6 (2888-9). 
 
 S. R. Driver : Authority and Archaeology, Vol. 
 VI., 12. 
 
 Perrot and Chipiez : Art in Chaldaea and Assyria, 
 2969 (2892). 
 
 “ When civilization makes up its mind to reenter upon 
 that country, nothing more will be needed for the re- 
 awakening in it of life and reproductive energy, than 
 the restoration of the great works undertaken by the 
 contemporaries of Abraham and Jacob.” Perrot and 
 Chipiez. 
 
 (b) Egypt. 
 
 H. G. Tomkins: Studies on Times of Abraham, 
 778-9 (751-2). 
 
 W. M. F. Petrie : Recent Egyptian Exploration, 
 Vol. VI., 20, 21. 
 
 ( c ) Greece. 
 
 C. W. C. Oman : History of Greece, 1605, last 
 column, (1567). 
 
 P. Gardner: New Chapters in Greek History, 
 1605-6 (1567-8). 
 
 S. H. Butcher: Aspects of Greek Genius, 1675 
 (1636). 
 
 A. J. Evans : London Times, Vol. VI., 23, 24. 
 
 A. L. Frothingham : Archaeological Progress, 
 Vol. VI. , 25. 
 
 (d) Italy and Rome. 
 
 Padre de Cara: The Academy, 1845 (1805). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1020-1 (992-3). 
 
 F. de Coulanges: The Ancient City, 2731 (2657). 
 Goldwin Smith : The Greatness of the Romans, 
 2732-3 (2658-9). 
 
 “ It may seem a paradox, but we suspect that in their 
 imperial ascendency is seen one of the earliest and not 
 least important steps in that gradual triumph of intel- 
 lect over force, even in war, which has been an essential 
 part of the progress of civilization. The happy day may 
 come when Science in the form of a benign old gentle- 
 man with a bald head and spectacles on nose, holding 
 some beneficent compound in his hand, will confront a 
 standing army, and the standing army will cease to 
 exist. That will be the final victory of intellect. But 
 in the meantime, our acknowledgments are due to the 
 primitive inventors of military discipline. They shiv- 
 ered Goliath’s spear.” Goldwin Smith. 
 
 (e) India. 
 
 W. W. Hunter: History of Indian People, 1740-1 
 (1701-2). 
 
 If) China. 
 
 R. K. Douglas : China, 430-2 (416-18). 
 
 3. Early Language and Literature : 
 
 (a) Babylonia and Assyria. 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Fresh Light from the Monuments, 
 150, 245-6, 664-5 (143, 238-9, 641-2). 
 
 : Social Life of Assyrians and Babylonians, 
 
 2044 (2000). 
 
 : Races of the Old Testament, 2963 (2886) 
 
 A. Lef^vre: Race and Language, 2971 (2894). 
 
 (b) Egypt. 
 
 H. Brugsch-Bey: History of Egypt, 777 (750). 
 
 M. Duncker : History of Antiquity, 777 (750). 
 
 E. A. W. Budge : The Mummy, 1684-5 (1645-6). 
 A. Mariette-Bey: Monuments of Upper Egypt, 
 2826 (2752). 
 
 (c) Phoenicia. 
 
 Perrot and Chipiez : Art in Phoenicia, 2601 end 
 of last column, (2533). 
 
 {d') Greece 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 1674-5 (1635-6). 
 W. E. Gladstone : Homer, 1699-1700 (1660-1). 
 W. Leaf: Companion to the Iliad, 1700 (1661). 
 
 A. Lang : Homer and the Epic, 1700 (1661). 
 
 D. G. Hogarth: Authority and Archa:ology, 
 Vol. VI., 25. 
 
 ( e ) Italy and Rome. 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 1845 (1805). 
 
 G. A. Simcox : History of Latin Literature, 2734 
 (2660). 
 
 (/) India. 
 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 1741-2 
 (1702-3). 
 
 M. Williams: Religious Thought in India, 1742 
 (1703). 
 
 4. Education : 
 
 (a) Babylonia and Assyria. 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Babylonian Literature, 246, 697-8 
 (239, 674-5). 
 
 : Social Life among the Babylonians, 698 
 
 (675). 
 
 : Fresh Light from the Monuments, 150 
 
 (143). 
 
 “ The primitive Chaldeans were preeminently a lit- 
 erary people, and it is by their literary relics, by the 
 scattered contents of their libraries, that we can know 
 and judge them. As befitted the inventors of a sys- 
 tem of writing, like the Chinese they set the highest 
 value on education, even though examinations may 
 have been unknown among them. Education, how- 
 ever, was widely diffused.” A. H. Sayce. 
 
 (b) Egypt. 
 
 G. Maspero : Life in Ancient Egypt, 697 (674). 
 
 H. Brugsch-Bey : History of Egypt, 697 (674). 
 
 “ In the education of youth the Egyptians were partic- 
 ularly strict; and ‘they knew,’ says Plato, ‘that chil- 
 dren ought to be early accustomed to such gestures, 
 looks, and motions, as are decent and proper; and not 
 to be suffered either to hear or learn any verses and 
 songs other than those which are calculated to inspire 
 them with virtue.’ ” J. G. Wilkinson. 
 
 ( c ) Greece. 
 
 (1) Athenian. 
 
 Plato: Protagoras, 701 (678). 
 
 Aristotle: Politics, 701-2 (678-9). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy : Old Greek Education, 703 (680). 
 
 J. A. St. John: The Hellenes, 703-4 (680-681). 
 W. W. Capes: University Life in Ancient 
 Athens, 5 (5). 
 
 Guhl and Koner : Life of Greeks and Romans, 
 1657 (1619). 
 
 (2) Spartan. 
 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 704-5 (681-2). 
 
 (d) Alexandria. 
 
 J. H. Newman: Historical Sketches, 708 (685). 
 
 (e) Rome. 
 
 J. J. Dollinger: Gentile and Jew, 708-9 (685-6). 
 (/) Judcea. 
 
 E. Schilrer : History of Jewish People, 700 (677). 
 H. Graetz : History of the Jews, 700-1 (677-8). 
 
 (g) China. 
 
 W. A. P. Martin: The Chinese, 698-9 (675-6). 
 
 (A) Persia. 
 
 G. Rawlinson: The Five Great Monarchies, 
 699-700 (676-7). 
 
 5. Religion: 
 
 (a) China. 
 
 R. K. Douglas : China, 432-3 (418-19). 
 
 (b) Egypt. 
 
 A. B. Edwards: The Academy, 305 (296). 
 
 (c) Greece. 
 
 C. C. Felton : Greece, Ancient and Modern, 804-5, 
 2453 (777-8, 2401). 
 
 T61 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 E. Curtins: History of Greece, 2452 (2400). 
 
 W. M. Leake: Topography of Athens, 2451 
 (2399). 
 
 C. Tliirlwall: History of Greece, 2451 (2399). 
 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 680 (657). 
 
 (d) India. 
 
 M. Williams: Religious Thought in India, 1742 
 (1703). 
 
 : Hinduism, 1743-4 (1704-5). 
 
 J. T. Wheeler: History of India, 406 (396). 
 
 (e) Persia. 
 
 G. Rawlinson : Religions of the Ancient World, 
 3788-9 (3666-7). 
 
 M. Haug : Lectures on Zoroaster, 3790 (3668). 
 
 (/) Rome. 
 
 T. Arnold : History of Rome, 2981 (2903). 
 
 H. Macmillan: Roman Mosaics, 2981 (2903). 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 195 (188). 
 
 W. Ramsay: Roman Antiquities, 196-7(189-90). 
 Guhl and Kouer: Greeks and Romans, 3743 
 (3623). 
 
 N. Hawthorne: The Marble Faun, 2476 (2417). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 Note. — In nearly all cases, in the Studies that 
 follow, all chronological divisions previous to the 
 sixth or seventh centuries b. c. must be regarded 
 as approximate only. The dates given are those 
 generally accepted by the best scholars of the 
 present day. 
 
 * STUDY IY. 
 
 BABYLONIA AND ASSYRIA. 
 
 1. Geography: 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Five Great Monarchies, 2198 
 (2154). 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History of the East, 2964 
 (2887). 
 
 G. Adam Smith: Historical Geography of the 
 Holy Land, 2964 (2887). 
 
 2. Chaldea-Babylonia: 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Fresh Light from the Monuments, 
 245-6 (239), and following authorities. 
 
 3. The Accadians, Sumerians, Elamites, and 
 Cushites : 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Babylonian Literature, 246, 698 
 (239, 675). 
 
 : Fresh Light from the Monuments, 150, 246 
 
 (143, 239). 
 
 : Races of the Old Testament, 2963 (2886). 
 
 Z. A. Ragozin: Story of Chaldea, 795(768). 
 
 J. F. McCurdy : History, Prophecy, and Monu 
 ments, 2965-6 (2888-9). 
 
 Dr. Tiele : History of Babylonia, 2967 (2890). 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient Historv of the East, 
 128-9 (121-2). 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Contemporary Review, Vol. VI., 
 14. 
 
 4. The Era of City States (5000 to 3800 b. c.): 
 Z. A. Ragozin: Story of Chaldea, 246-7 (239-40). 
 
 5. Conquests of Sargon I. (3750 b. c.): 
 
 Dr. Tiele : History of Babylonia, 2967 (2890). 
 
 F. Max Muller: EnormouS Antiquity of the 
 
 East, 2966 (2889). 
 
 Z. A. Ragozin : Story of Chaldea, 247 (240). 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Contemporary Review, Vol. VI., 
 13, 14. 
 
 6. Hammurabi establishes the First Baby- 
 lonian Empire (2250 b. c.): 
 
 E. J. Simcox: Primitive Civilizations, 2967(2890). 
 J. F. McCurdy : History, Prophecy, and the- 
 Monuments, 2967 (2890). 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Ancient Empires of the East, 247 
 (240). 
 
 7. The City of Babylon: 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Ancient Empires of the East, 247 
 (240). 
 
 G. Rawlinson : Herodotus, 245 (238). 
 
 W. B. Wright: Ancient Cities, 2969-70 (2893). 
 
 B. T. A. Evetts: New Light on the Bible and 
 Holy Land, 2970-1 (2893-4). 
 
 8. The Kassite Empire and Egyptian Inva- 
 sions (1800-1250 b. c.): 
 
 J. F. McCurdy: History, Prophecy, and the 
 Monuments, 2967 (2890). 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Higher Criticism and Verdict of 
 the Monuments, 2968 (2891). 
 
 A. Lefevre : Race and Language, 2968 (2891). 
 
 G. Rawlinson : History of Ancient Egypt, 779- 
 80 (752-3). 
 
 9. Assyria gains and holds Supremacy (1250- 
 600 b. c.): 
 
 Perrot and Chipiez : History of Art in Chaldea 
 and Assyria, 2968-9 (2891-2). 
 
 L. von Ranke: Universal History, 2969 (2892). 
 
 10. The City of Nineveh: 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Higher Criticism and the Monu- 
 ments, 2967-8(2891.) 
 
 : Fresh Light from the Monuments, 150' 
 
 (143). 
 
 Z. A. Ragozin: Story of Chaldea, 2415 (2363). 
 Perrot and Chipiez : History of Art in Chaldea 
 and Assyria, 2969 (2892). 
 
 11. The Last Babylonian Empire (625-536> 
 b. c.): 
 
 E. A. W. Budge: Babylonian Life and History, 
 2969 (2892). 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Ancient Empires of East, 247 (240).. 
 
 : Introduction to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, 
 
 and Esther, 2577-8 (2510-11). 
 
 : Ancient Empires of the East, 2577 (2510). 
 
 12. Babylonian and Assyrian Life : 
 
 (a) Literature. 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Fresh Light from the Monuments, 
 245-6(238-9). 
 
 : Babylonian Literature, 246, 697-8 (239, 
 
 674-5). 
 
 : Social Life among the Babylonians, 698- 
 
 (675). 
 
 A. V. Hilprecht : Sunday School Times, Vol. 
 VI., 15-16. 
 
 ( b ) Education. 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Babylonian Literature, 698 (675). 
 
 : Social Life Among the Babylonians, 698 
 
 (675). 
 
 : Contemporary Review, Vol. VI., 14. 
 
 (c) Trade and Commerce. 
 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 3207-8 (3697). 
 
 E. J. Lubbock : History of Money, 2243 (2199). 
 Sir J. Simcox : Primitive Civilizations, 2243-4 
 
 ( 2200 ). 
 
 (d) Treatment of Diseases. 
 
 G. Rawlinson : Herodotus, 2166 (2122). 
 
 F. Lenormant : Chaldean Magic, 2166-7 (2122-3).. 
 
 738 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 13. The Pre-eminent Figures in Babylonian 
 and Assyrian History : 
 
 Sargon I b. c. 3750 
 
 Hammurabi 2250 
 
 Tiglathpileser 1 1110-1090 
 
 Tiglatlipileser III. . . . 745-727 
 
 Sargou II 722-705 
 
 Sennacherib 705-681 
 
 Assurbanipal (Sardanapalus) 668-626 
 Nebuchadnezzar .... 605-562 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY V. 
 
 EGYPT. 
 
 1. Origin op the Name and People : 
 
 H. Brugsch-Bey : History of Egypt, 776 (749). 
 
 R. S. Poole : Cities of Egypt, 776 (749). 
 
 G. Rawlinson : History of Ancient Egypt, 777 
 
 (750) . 
 
 M. Duncker : History of Antiquity, 777 (750). 
 
 A. H. Keane : The African Races, 17 (19). 
 
 2. Historical Antiquity: 
 
 H. Brugsch-Bey • History of Egypt, 776-7 (750). 
 W. M. F. Petrie : History of Egypt, 777 (3743). 
 : Address, Yol. VI., 20-1. 
 
 3. Prehistoric Civilization : 
 
 W. M. F. Petrie : Recent Egyptian Exploration, 
 Yol. VI., 20. 
 
 4. The Old and Middle Empires (4700-2750 
 b. c.); 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History, 777-8, 2127 
 (750-1, 2083). 
 
 W. M. F. Petrie: Recent Research in Egypt, 
 Vol. VI., 18-19. 
 
 : History of Egypt, 777-8 (750-1). 
 
 R. S. Poole: Cities of Egypt, 2196, 3189 (2152, 
 3104). 
 
 5. The Pyramids, and the Obelisks; “Cleo- 
 patra’s Needles 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History, 777 (750). 
 
 G. Rawlinson : Ancient Egypt, 780 (753). 
 
 6. TheHyksos, or Shepherd Kings (2150-1700 
 b. c.), and Sojourn op Abraham: 
 
 G. Rawlinson: History of Ancient Egypt, 778 
 
 (751) . 
 
 E. Wilson: The Egypt of the Past, 778 (751). 
 
 E. A. W. Budge : The Dwellers on the Nile, 1937 
 (1896). 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Ancient Egypt, 1937 (1896). 
 
 E. Renan : The People of Israel, 1937-8 (1896-7). 
 A. H. Sayce: The Hittites, 116,1695 (109, 1656). 
 
 H. Brugsch-Bey : Egypt under the Pharaohs, 779 
 
 (752) . 
 
 7. The Eighteenth Dynasty ; the New Em- 
 pire (1600-1300 b. c.): 
 
 G. Rawlinson ; History of Ancient Egypt, 779- 
 80 (752-3). 
 
 C. Bezold: Oriental Diplomacy, 781 (754). 
 
 A. Lefeivre: Race and Language, 2968 (2891). 
 
 8. Israel in Egypt (1750-1300 b. c.): 
 
 E. A.W. Budge: Dwellers on the Nile, 1937 (1896). 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Ancient Egypt, 1937 (1896). 
 
 H. Brugsch-Bey: Egypt under the Pharaohs, 
 1937 (1896). 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History, 782 (755). 
 
 R. S. Poole : Ancient Egypt, 782 (755). 
 
 9. Decline op Empire op the Pharaohs ; 
 Assyrian Conquest (1200-525 b. c.): 
 
 G. Rawlinson : History of Ancient Egypt, 782-3 
 (755-6). 
 
 -. Five Great Monarchies, 783 (756). 
 
 10. The Persian Conquest (525-332 b. c.): 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Five Great Monarchies, 784 (757). 
 P. Smith: Ancient History, 784 (757). 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Int. to Books of Ezra, Nehemiah, 
 and Esther, 2578 (2511). 
 
 11. Ancient Egyptian Life and Culture: 
 
 (a) Literature and Art. 
 
 A. B. Edwards : The Academy, 305 (296). 
 Edinburgh Review : The Tel El-Amarna Tablets, 
 780 (753). 
 
 C. Bezold : Oriental Diplomacy, 781 (754). 
 
 W. M. F. Petrie : Recent Egyptian Exploration, 
 Vol. VI., 20-1. 
 
 ( b ) Education. 
 
 J. G. Wilkinson, and others, 696-7 (673-4). 
 
 ( c ) Trade and Commerce. 
 
 Earliest Records of Trade, 3207 (3696). 
 
 Sir J. Lubbock: History of Money, 2243 (2199), 
 
 E. J. Simcox : Primitive Civilizations, 2244 (2200), 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 2600 (2532). 
 
 F. Lenormant: History of the East, 129 (122). 
 
 P. Gardner : New Chapters in Greek History, 
 
 785-6 (758-9). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 3211-13 
 (3700-2). 
 
 (d) Treatment of Diseases. 
 
 G. Rawlinson and others, 2164-6 (2120-22). 
 
 12. The Conquest of Alexander and the 
 Kingdom of the Ptolemies (332-30 b. c.): 
 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 785 (758). 
 
 J. P. Maliaffy : Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 2103 (2059). 
 
 A. H. L. Heeren: Ancient History, 2104 (2060). 
 T. Timayenis: History of Greece, 2106 (2062). 
 
 S. Sharpe : History of Egypt, 785, also 786 (758, 
 759). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 786 (759). 
 
 13. The City op Alexandria : 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy : The Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 44-5 (37-8). 
 
 A. Hirtius: The Alexandrian War, 46 (39). 
 
 J. J. Dollinger: History of the Church, 2295-6 
 (2247-8). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall of Roman Empire, 
 46, also 47 (39, 40). 
 
 H. H. Milman: History of Latin Christianity, 
 47 (40). 
 
 Sir W. Muir: Annals of the Early Caliphate, 
 2115 (2070). 
 
 E. Kirkpatrick: Development of Superior In- 
 struction, 707-8 (684^5). 
 
 Fraser’s Magazine: Historical Researches on the 
 Burning of the Library of Alexandria by Sara- 
 cens, 2047-8 (2003-4). 
 
 The American Journal of Archaeology, Vol. VI., 
 28. 
 
 14. The Moslem Conquest (640-646 a. d.) : 
 
 Sir W. Muir: Annals of the Early Caliphate, 
 
 2114-15 (2069-70). 
 
 15. Egypt and the Crusades (1216-1254 a.d.): 
 G. Procter: The Crusades, 656-7 (633-4). 
 
 T. L. Kington: History of Frederick II., 657 
 (634). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 F. P. Guizot. History of France, 657-8 (634-5). 
 
 16. Tiie Ottoman Conquest (1517 a. d.) : 
 
 S. Lane-Poole : The Story of Turkey, 3254 (3138). 
 
 17. Overthrow of tiie Ottoman Power by 
 Napoleon (1798): 
 
 W. Massey : History of England, 1354-5 (1321-2). 
 J. G. Lockhart: Life of Napoleon, 1357-9(1324-6). 
 
 18. Overthrow of French Power by Eng- 
 land, and Restoration of Egypt to Tur- 
 key (1801-2 a.d.): 
 
 J. R. Green: History of English People, 1368-9 
 (1335-6). 
 
 19. Bankruptcy of the State and English 
 Occupation (1875-1883): 
 
 H. Yogt: The Egyptian War of 1882, 792 (765). 
 J. E. Bowen: Conflict of East and West in 
 Egypt, 792-4 (765-7). 
 
 E. Dicey. Egypt, Vol. VI., 198. 
 
 20. The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium (1899) : 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command; Egypt, 
 
 Vol. VI., 201-3. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY VI. 
 
 THE JEWS. 
 
 1. The National Names : 
 
 H. Ewald : History of Israel, 1936 (1895). 
 
 A. P. Stanley : History of Jewish Church, 1936 
 (1895). 
 
 2. The Origin of the People and their 
 Racial Connections: 
 
 Geo. Adam Smith : Hist. Geography of the Holy 
 Land, 2964-5 (2887-8). 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Races of the Old Testament, 2963 
 (2886). 
 
 J. F. McCurdy : History, Prophecy, and the 
 Monuments, 2963-4 (2886-7). 
 
 A. LefSvre: Race and Language, 2971 (2804). 
 
 3. The Migration of Abraham (2200 b. c.) : 
 E. A. W. Budge : Dwellers on the Nile, 1937 
 
 (1896). 
 
 E. Wilson : Egypt of the Past, 778 (751). 
 
 H. Ewald : History of Israel, 1937 (1896). 
 
 4. The Principal Nations with whom Israel 
 came in Contact: 
 
 (a) The Canaanites. 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Fresh Light from the Monuments, 
 365 (355). 
 
 A Kuenen : The Religion of Israel, 1936 (1895). 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History of East, 2599 
 (2531). 
 
 (b) The Hittites. 
 
 A. H. Sayce: The Hittites, 1695 (1656). 
 
 Padre de Cara: Civilita Cattolica, 1845 (1805). 
 
 (c) The Amorites. 
 
 A. H. Sayce: The Hittites, 116 (109). 
 
 (d) The Moabites. 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Fresh Light from the Monuments, 
 2237 (2193). 
 
 (e) The Philistines. 
 
 F. W. Newman : History of the Hebrew Mon- 
 archy, 2598 (2530). 
 
 Geo. Adam Smith : Hist. Geography of the Holy 
 Land, 2598 (2530). 
 
 5. The Sojourn of Israel in Egypt (1750-1300 
 b. c.) : 
 
 II. Brugsch-Bey: Egypt under the Pharaohs, 
 779, 1937 (752, 1896). 
 
 E. A. W. Budge: Dwellers on the Nile, 1937 
 (1896). 
 
 E. Iienan: The People of Israel, 1937-8(1896-7). 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Ancient Egypt, 1937 (1896). 
 
 6. The Exodus and the Settlement in Ca- 
 naan (1300-1230 B. C.) : 
 
 E. Naville: The Store-City Pithom, 1938 (1897). 
 
 F. Lenormant : History of the East, 782 (755). 
 
 It. S. Poole : Ancient Egypt, 782 (755). 
 
 E. Naville : Route of the Exodus, 1938-9 
 (1897-8). 
 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 1939-40 
 (1898-9). 
 
 7. The Judges (1250-1075 b. c.) : 
 
 Dean Stanley : Lectures on Jewish Church, 1940 
 (1899). 
 
 S. Sharpe: History of the Hebrew Nation, 1940-1 
 (1899-1900). 
 
 W. Robertson Smith: The Prophets of Israel, 
 1941 (1900). 
 
 Dean Stanley: Lectures on Jewish Church, 701 
 (678). 
 
 8. Jerusalem the National Capital : 
 
 T. Lewin : Jerusalem, 1921 (1880). 
 
 F. W. Newman: History of the Hebrew Mon- 
 archy, 1922 (1881). 
 
 Josephus : Antiquities, 1922 (1881). 
 
 L. von Ranke : Universal History, 1942 (1901). 
 
 9. The Single Monarchy (1075-950 b. c.) : 
 
 L. von Ranke : Universal History, 1941-2 (1900- 
 1901). 
 
 H. Graetz : History of the Jews, 1943 (1902). 
 
 E. Renan : The People of Israel, 1943-4 (1902-3). 
 H. Ewald ; History of Israel, 3210 (3699). 
 
 10. The Divided Kingdom ; Israel, Judah 
 (950-730 b. c.): 
 
 Dean Stanley: Lectures on the Jewish Church, 
 
 1944 (1903). 
 
 W. Robertson Smith : The Prophets of Israel, 
 
 1945 (1904). 
 
 J. Wellhausen: History of Israel and Judah, 
 
 1945 (1904). 
 
 A. H. Sayce : Life and Times of Isaiah, 1945 
 (1904). 
 
 Dean Stanley : Lectures on the Jewish Church, 
 
 1946 (1905). 
 
 11. Samaria, the Capital City of Israel : 
 Dean Stanley: Lectures on Jewish Church, 1944 
 
 (1903). 
 
 W. Robertson Smith: The Prophets of Israel, 
 1944 (1904). 
 
 H. Ewald : History of Israel, 2871 (2796). 
 
 H. Graetz : History of the Jews, 2871-2 (2796-7). 
 H. H. Milman : History of the Jews, 2872 (2797). 
 
 12. The Kingdom of JuDAn (724-598 b. c.): 
 
 M. Arnold: Isaiah of Jerusalem, 1946 (1905). 
 
 J. Wellhausen: Israel and Judah, 1946 (1905). 
 
 S. R. Driver: Isaiah, 1946-7 (1905-6). 
 
 C. G. Montefiore : Lectures on Religion, 1947-8 
 (1906-7). 
 
 A. Kuenen : Religion of Israel, 1948 (1907). 
 
 J. Wellhausen : Israel and Judah, 1945 (1904). 
 
 13. The Exile and the Restoration (598- 
 332 b. c.): 
 
 II. II. Milman : History of the Jews, 1948-9 
 (1907-8). 
 
 740 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 A. Kuenen : Religion of Israel, 1949 (1908). 
 
 1'. H. Hunter : After the Exile, 1949-50 (1908-9). 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 1950-1 
 (1909-10). 
 
 J. J. DOllinger: Gentile and Jew, 1952 (1911). 
 H. H. Milman : History of the Jews, 1952(1911). 
 A. H. Sayce: Ancient Empires of the East, 2577 
 (2510). 
 
 : Introduction to Books of Ezra, etc. , 2577-8 
 
 (2510-11). 
 
 14. The Gkeek Dominion and tiie Macca- 
 bean War (332-40 b. c.): 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy : Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 2102-3 (2058-9). 
 
 G. Rawliuson : Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy, 
 2960 (2883). 
 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 2960 (2883). 
 
 H. Ewald : History of Israel, 1953 (1912). 
 
 J. J. Dollinger : Gentile and Jew, 1954 (1913). 
 E. H. Palmer : History of Jewish Nation, 1954 
 (1913). 
 
 W. D. Morrison: Jews under Roman Rule, 
 1954-5 (1913-14). 
 
 J. H. Allen : Hebrew Men and Times, 1955 (1914). 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 1956 (1915). 
 
 E. Schilrer : History of Jewish People, 1957 
 (1916). 
 
 T. Keim : History of Jesus of Nazara, 1958 (1917). 
 E. Schilrer, History of the Jewish People, 1677-8 
 (1638-9). 
 
 15. Herod and the Herodians ; Roman Su- 
 premacy (b. c. 40-a. d. 44) : 
 
 T. Keim : History of Jesus of Nazara, 1958-9 
 (1917-18). 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 1960 (1919). 
 
 H. H. Milman : History of the Jews, 1960 (1919). 
 
 16. The Birth of Jesus and the Fall of 
 Jerusalem (b. c. 8-a. d. 70) : 
 
 T. Keim : History of Jesus of Nazara, 1960-1 
 (1919-20). 
 
 E. de Pressense: Jesus Christ, 1961-2 (1920-21). 
 C. Merivale : History of the Romans, 1962 (1921). 
 Besant and Palmer : Jerusalem, 1962-3 (1921-2). 
 H. H. Milman: History of the Jews, 1963(1922). 
 
 “ Nations that are fitted to play a part in universal 
 history must die first that the world may live through 
 them.' A people must choose between the prolonged 
 life, the tranquil and obscure destiny of one who lives 
 for himself, and the troubled, stormy career of one who 
 lives for humanity. The nation which revolves within 
 its breast social and religious problems is always weak 
 politically. Thus it was with the Jews, who in order to 
 make the religious conquest of the world must needs 
 disappear as a nation. They lost a material city; they 
 opened the reign of the Spiritual Jerusalem.” Renan. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY VII. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF INDIA AND 
 CHINA. 
 
 A. INDIA. 
 
 I. The Name, and Original Inhabitants : 
 
 J. R. Seeley : The Expansion of England, 1739- 
 40 (1701). 
 
 H. G. Keene: History of Hindustan, 1740 (1701). 
 C. F. Keary: Dawn of History, 144-5 (137-8). 
 W. W. Hunter: History of Indian People, 1740-1 
 (1701-2). 
 
 See Maps of India, 1748 (1708). 
 
 2. The Aryan Conquest (b. c. 1500-1400 (?)): 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 1741-2' 
 
 (1702-3). 
 
 M. Williams : Religious Life in India, 1742(1703). 
 
 3. Tiie Invasion and Conquests of Alexan- 
 der the Great (b. c. 327-322) : 
 
 J. T. Wheeler : History of India, 1742-3(1703^4), 
 C. A. Fyffe : History of Greece, 2103 (2059). 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy, 
 2960 (2883). 
 
 4. The Spread of Buddhism (b. c. 312-): 
 
 M. Williams : Hinduism, 1743-4 (1704-5). 
 
 V. Smith: London Times, Vol. VI., 57-8. 
 
 5. Trade and Commerce : 
 
 Mrs. Manning : Ancient and Mediaeval India, 
 3208 (3697). 
 
 M. Duncker : History of Antiquity, 3208 (3697). 
 
 B. CHINA. 
 
 1. The Name and Geography of the 
 Country: 
 
 H. Yule: Cathay, 428 (416). 
 
 E. Reclus : The Earth and its Inhabitants, 428-30. 
 
 2. The Origin and Early History of the 
 People: 
 
 T. de Lacouperie : Babylonia and China, 246 
 (239). 
 
 : History of Chinese Civilization, 246 (239). 
 
 R. K. Douglas : China, 431-2 (416-18). 
 
 3. Life of the Early People : 
 
 (a) Religion. 
 
 R. K. Douglas : China, 432-3 (418-19). 
 
 T. W. Rhys Davids : Buddhism, 433 (419). 
 
 (b) Education. 
 
 W. A. P. Martin : The Chinese, 699 (675-6). 
 
 (c) Trade and Commerce. 
 
 Sir J. Lubbock : History of Money, 2244-5 
 ( 2200 - 01 ). 
 
 E. J. Simcox : Primitive Civilizations, 3215 
 (3704). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY VIII. 
 
 EARLY GREECE AND THE PERSIAN 
 WARS. 
 
 “ Our interest in Ancient history, it may be said, lies 
 not in large masses. It matters little how' early the Ar- 
 cadians acquired a political unity or what Nabis did to 
 Mycenae; that which interests us is the Constitution of 
 Athens, the repulse of Persia, the brief bloom of 
 Thebes.” S. H. Botcher. 
 
 1. The Land, and its Influence upon the 
 People : 
 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 3192 (3107). 
 
 E. Reclus: The Earth and its Inhabitants, 1603 
 (1565). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : Practical Bearings of European 
 History, 1604 (1566). 
 
 F. B. Jevons : History of Greek Literature, 1676-7 
 (1637-8). 
 
 C. A. Fyffe : History of Greece, 1606 (1568). 
 
 E. Abbott : History of Greece, 1606 (1568). 
 
 2. The Earliest Inhabitants : 
 
 (a) In General. 
 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 2562-3 (2496-7). 
 E. Abbott : History of Greece, 2563 (2497). 
 
 741 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 C. F. Keary : The Dawn of History, 145 (138). 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 1674-5 (1635-6). 
 
 (b) The Pelopids and Mycenae. 
 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 2563 (2497). 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 2563 (2497). 
 
 P. Gardner: New Chapters of Greek History, 
 1605-6 (1567-8). 
 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 3241-2 (3125-6). 
 The Nation: Dr. Schliemann’s Work, 3242(3126). 
 
 (c) The Cretans and Knossos. 
 
 G. Schomann : Antiquities of Greece, 647 (624). 
 A. J. Evans: London Times, Vol. VI., 23-4. 
 
 D. G. Hogarth: Authority and Archaeology, Vol. 
 VI., 24-5. 
 
 A. L. Frothingham: Archaeological Progress, 
 Vol. VI., 25. 
 
 3. Early Migrations: 
 
 (a) In General. 
 
 C. W. C. Oman : History of Greece, 1605 (1567). 
 
 E. Abbott : History of Greece, 146-7 (139-40). 
 (5) Dorians and Ionians. 
 
 C. O. Muller : History of Dorian Race, 687, 1682 
 (664, 1643). 
 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 687 (664). 
 
 G. Schomann : Antiquities of Greece, 687 (664). 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 3100 (3018). 
 
 : , 194-5 (187-8). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1020-21 (992-3). 
 
 (c) JEolians. 
 
 G. Schomann: Antiquities of Greece, 9-10. 
 
 E. Abbott : History of Greece, 146-7 (139-40). 
 
 4. The Early City States, and Political 
 Institutions : 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: History of Greece, 1606 (1568). 
 Thucydides : History, 151-3 (144-6). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1019 (991). 
 
 Z. A. Ragozin: Story of Chaldea, 246-7 (239-40). 
 
 L. von Ranke: Universal History, 1607 (1569). 
 Perrot and Chipiez : Chaldea and Assyria, 2968, 
 
 top of second column, (2891). 
 
 F. B. Jevons: History of Greek Literature, 1676, 
 second column, (1637). 
 
 P. Gardner: New Chapters in Greek History, 
 189, second column, (182). 
 
 M. Duncker: History of Greece, 3189-90 (3105). 
 
 5. The Renowned Lawgivers : 
 
 {a) Lycurgus. 
 
 E. Abbott History of Greece, 3100-2 (3018-20). 
 C. H. Hanson : The Land of Greece, 3103 (3021). 
 
 (b) Draco. 
 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 153 (146). 
 
 (c) Solon. 
 
 C. F. Hermann : Political Antiquities of Greece, 
 155 (148). 
 
 W. Wachsmutli: Historical Antiquities of the 
 Greeks, 155-6 (148-9). 
 
 G. Grote: History of Greeks, 673 (649-50). 
 
 6. The Rise of Athens: 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 194-5 (187-8). 
 Thucydides : History, 151-3 (144—6). 
 
 W. W. Leake: Topography of Athens, 151 (144). 
 See Maps, 152 (145). 
 
 E. Bulwer-Lytton: Athens, 154 (147). 
 
 7. The Pisistratid/K and Constitution of 
 Cleisthenes (560-507 b. c.) : 
 
 E. Abbott: History of Greece, 156 (149). 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greece, 156-7 (149-50). 
 
 8. Contest with Sparta for Supremacy (509- 
 506 b. c.): 
 
 C. H. Hanson: The Land of Greece, 3102 (3021). 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greece, 156-7 (149-50). 
 C. W. Cox : The Greeks and Persians, 157 (150). 
 
 9. The Ionian Revolt and Persian Wars 
 (b. c. 500-479): 
 
 (а) In General. 
 
 Herodotus: Story of the Persian War, 1607-8 
 (1569-70). 
 
 P. Smith: Ancient History of the East, 2579 
 (2512). 
 
 : History of the World, 1609 (1571). 
 
 L. von Ranke: Universal History, 157-9 (150-2). 
 G. Rawlinson: Ancient History, 258b (2513). 
 
 (б) Marathon. 
 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 1609 (1571), 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 1609-10(1571-2). 
 
 (c) Thermopylae. 
 
 Herodotus: History, 1610-11 (1572-3). 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr : Ancient History, 160-1 (153—4). 
 
 (d) Platcea and Mycale. 
 
 Herodotus: History, 1612, 1613 (1574, 1575). 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 1613 (1575). 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr : Ancient History, 160-1 (153-4). 
 
 10. The Confederacy of Delos and End of 
 Persian Wars (b. c. 477-461): 
 
 G. W. Cox : History of Greece. 1613 (1575). 
 
 W. W. Lloyd : The Age of Pericles, 1614 (1576). 
 T. Keightley : History of Greece, 164 (157). 
 
 J. Fiske: Greek Federations, 1137 (1109). 
 
 11. Political Results of Persian Wars : 
 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 163 (155-6). 
 Aristotle : Constitution of Athens, 163-4 (156-7). 
 
 “ None of these men were enervated by wealth or 
 hesitated to resign the pleasures of life. . . .And when 
 the moment came they were minded to resist and suffer, 
 rather than to fly anil save their lives; they ran away 
 from the word of dishonor, but on the battlefield their 
 feet stood fast, and in an instant, at the height of 
 their fortune, they passed away from the scene, not of 
 their fear, but of their glory. Such was the end of these 
 men; they were worthy of Athens; and the living may 
 not desire to have a more heroic spirit although they 
 may pray for a less fatal issue. . . . The sacrifice which 
 they collectively made was individually repaid to them; 
 for they received again each one for himself a praise 
 which grows not old, and the noblest of all sepulchers — 
 1 speak not of that in which their remains are laid, but 
 of that in which their glory survives, and is proclaimed 
 always and on every fitting occasion both in word and 
 deed' For the whole earth is the sepulcher of famous 
 men; not only are they commemorated by columns and 
 inscriptions in their own country, but in' foreign lands 
 there dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, 
 graven not on stone, but in the hearts of men.” From 
 the Funeral Oration of Pericles, pages 175-8 (168-71). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY IX. 
 
 THE GOLDEN AGE OF GREECE. 
 
 “ To Greece we owe the love of Science, the love of Art, 
 the love of Freedom; not Science alone, Art alone, or 
 Freedom alone, but these vitally correlated with one an- 
 other and brought into organic union. And in this union 
 we recognize the distinctive features of the West. The 
 Greek genius is the European genius in its first and 
 brightest bloom. From a vivifying contact with the 
 Greek spirit Europe derived that new and mighty im- 
 pulse which we call Progress.” S. H. Butcher. 
 
 I. Athens after the Persian Wars : 
 
 (a) The Rebuilding of the City. 
 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 161-2 (154-5). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1022-3 (994-5). 
 
 (b) The Enlargement of the Democracy. 
 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 162-3 (155-6). 
 
 9 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 Aristotle : The Constitution of Athens, 163-4 
 (156-7). 
 
 A. J. Grant : The Age of Pericles, 1615 (1577). 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 132 (125). 
 
 (c) Quarrels with Sparta. 
 
 C. W. C. Oman : History of Greece, 165-6 (158-9). 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 166-7 (159-60). 
 A. J. Grant : Age of Pericles, 1614 (1576). 
 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 1615-16 (1577-8). 
 
 2. The Rise of Pericles (b. c. 466-429): 
 
 C. W. C. Oman: History of Greece, 165-6 (158-9). 
 
 A. J. Grant : The Age of Pericles, 1615 (1577). 
 
 3. The Age of Pericles (b. c. 445^129) : 
 
 (a) The Splendor of Athens. 
 
 E. Abbott: Pericles, 167-8 (160-1). 
 
 E. Bulwer-Lyttou Athens, 168 (161). 
 
 (b) Art and the Domestic Life. 
 
 E. E. Viollet-le-Duc: Habitations of Man in All 
 Ages, 168-9 (161-2). 
 
 R. C. Jebb : Influence of Classical Greek Poetry, 
 1676 (1637). 
 
 (c) Education and Literature. 
 
 Plato: Protagoras, 701 (678). 
 
 Aristotle: Politics, 702 (679). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Old Greek Education, 702-3 
 (679-80). 
 
 O. Browning: Educational Theories, 703 (680). 
 
 J. A. St. John: The Hellenes, 703^4 (680-1). 
 
 F. B. Jevons: History of Greek Literature, 1676-7 
 (1637-8). 
 
 S. H. Butcher: Some Aspects of Greek Genius, 
 1675 (1636). 
 
 (d) Law and its Administration. 
 
 Sir H. S. Maine: Ancient Law, 170 (163). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Social Life in Greece, 170-1 
 (163^4). 
 
 (e) The Political Life. 
 
 E. A. Freeman : Athenian Democracy, 172 (165). 
 : Comparative Politics, 171-2 (164-5). 
 
 S. H. Butcher: Some Aspects of Greek Genius, 
 172 (165). 
 
 J. S. Blackie: What does History Teach, 173 
 (166). 
 
 Pericles: Funeral Oration, 175-8 (168-71). 
 
 4. The Great Plague and Death of Pericles 
 (b.c. 430-429): 
 
 Thucydides: History, 178 (171). 
 
 5. The Rise of the Demagogues (429^421 b. c.) : 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 178-9 (171-2). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Historical Essays, 179 (172). 
 
 6. Socrates as Soldier and Citizen : 
 
 F. J. Church : Trial and Death of Socrates, 179- 
 80 (172-3). 
 
 E. Zeller : Socrates, 705-6 (682-3). 
 
 7. The Peloponnesian War (b. c. 431-404) : 
 (a) First Period (431-421) to Peace of Nicias. 
 
 Thucydides : History, 1620 (1582). 
 
 W. Mitford : History of Greece, 1620-1 (1582-3). 
 C. *W. C. Oman : History of Greece, 1622 (1584). 
 
 T. Timayenis: History of Greece, 1623-4(1585-6). 
 C. W. C. Oman : History of Greece, 181 (174). 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 181 (174). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1023 (995). 
 
 Ip) Alcibiades ; The Sicilian Expedition (b. c. 
 415^413). 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr: Ancient History, 1624-5 (1586-7). 
 Y. Duruy : History of Greek People, 182 (175). 
 E. A. Freeman : Story of Sicily, 182-3 (175-6). 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 1625-7 (1587-9). 
 T. N. Talfourd: History of Greece, 1629 (1591). 
 
 W. Wachsmutli: Antiquities of the Greeks, 
 184-5 (177-8). 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 185 (178). 
 
 (c) Battle of AEgospotami ; Overthrow of Athens 
 (405 b. c.). 
 
 G. Grote: History of Greece, 185 (178). 
 
 G. W. Cox: Athenian Empire, 1629-30 (1591-2). 
 
 8. The Overthrow of Democracy : 
 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 185-6 (178-9). 
 
 9. Expedition of Cyrus; Retreat of the 
 “ Ten Thousand ” (b. c. 401^400) : 
 
 E. Curtius : History of Greece, 2581 (2514). 
 
 10. The Supremacy of Thebes (b. c. 379-362) : 
 
 E. Curtius: History of Greece, 1631-2 (1593-4). 
 Xenophon : Hellenica, 1632 (1594). 
 
 C. Sankey : The Spartan and Theban Suprema- 
 cies, 1632-4 (1594-6). 
 
 11. Ch^ronea; End of Greek Independence 
 (b. c. 338) : 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr : Ancient History, 1634-6 (1596-8). 
 W. W. Fowler : The City State, 186-7 (179-80). 
 P. Gardner: Greek History, 189, first column, 
 (182). 
 
 12. Hellenic Genius, Culture, and Influ- 
 ence : 
 
 The Funeral Oration of Pericles, 175-8 (168-71). 
 P. Gardner: New Chapters in Greek History, 
 189-90 (182-3). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy : Greek Life and Thought, 188, 189, 
 706 (181, 182, 683). 
 
 T. Davidson : Aristotle, 704 and 705 (681, 682). 
 J. P. Mahaffy : Old Greek Education, 702-3 
 (679-80). 
 
 O. Browning : Educational Theories, 703 (680). 
 The Nation : Free Schools in Greece, 705 (682). 
 W. W. Capes: University Life in Ancient Ath- 
 ens, 706-7 (683-4). 
 
 S. II. Butcher: Some Aspects of Greek Genius, 
 1675 (1636). 
 
 R. C. Jebb: Growth and Influence of Classical 
 Greek Poetry, 1675-6 (1636-7). 
 
 F. B. Jevons : History of Greek Literature, 1676-7 
 (1637-8). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: The Greek World under Roman 
 Sway, 1680 (1641). 
 
 L. E. Upcott: Introduction to Greek Sculpture, 
 2956-7. 
 
 J. A. St. John : The Hellenes, 1657 (1819). 
 
 W. M. Leake : Topography of Athens, 1657 
 (1619). 
 
 W. W. Capes: University Life in Ancient Ath- 
 ens, 5 (5). 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 1679 second 
 column, (1640). 
 
 “ So long as Greece was free and the spirit of freedom 
 animated the Greeks, so long their literature was cre- 
 ative and genius marked it. When liberty perished, 
 literature declined. The field of Chaeronea was fatal 
 alike to the political liberty and to the literature of 
 Greece.” F. B. Jevons. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY X. 
 
 THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER! 
 THE GREAT. 
 
 1. Macedonia and its Early History : 
 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 2101 (2057). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 P. Smith : Ancient History of East, 2579 (2512). 
 G. Grote : History of Greece, 1631 (1593). 
 
 2. Rise and Cakeer of Philip of Mace- 
 don (b. c. 359-336) : 
 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 1634 (1596). 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr: Ancient History, 1634-6(1596-8). 
 
 E. Curtins: History of Greece, 1636 (1598). 
 
 W. W. Fowler: The City-State, 186-7 (179-80). 
 
 A. H. L. Heeren : Politics of Ancient Greece, 
 188 (181). 
 
 “ No alliance could save Greece from the Macedonian 
 power, as subsequent events plainly showed. What 
 was needed was a real federal union between the lead- 
 ing states, with a strong central controlling force; and 
 Demosthenes’ policy was hopeless just because Athens 
 could never be the center of such a union, nor could 
 any other city. Demosthenes is thus the last, and in 
 some respects the most heroic champion of the old 
 Greek instinct for autonomy. He is the true child of 
 the City-State, but the child of its old age and decrepi- 
 tude.” W. W. Fowler. 
 
 3. The Career of Alexander the Great 
 (b. c. 336-323) : 
 
 L. von Ranke: Universal History, 1637 (1599). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy : Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 2102-3 (2058-9). 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: History of Greece, 2103 (2059). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Alexander, 2103-4 (2059-60). 
 
 J. T. Wheeler: History of India, 1742-3(1703-4). 
 See Maps, 2106-7 (2062-3). 
 
 4. The Effects of the Macedonian Con- 
 quests: 
 
 E. Zeller: Stoics, Epicureans, and Sceptics, 188 
 (181). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Greek Life and Thought, 188-9 
 (181-2). 
 
 P. Gardner: New Chapters in Greek History, 
 189-90 (182-3). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy; Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 1640, first column, (1602). 
 
 F. B. Jevons: History of Greek Literature, 
 1676-7 (1637-8). 
 
 R. S. Poole: Cities of Egypt, 44 (37). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 44-5 (37-8). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1023-4 (995-6). 
 
 5. The Division of Alexander’s Empire: 
 
 (a) Preliminary Struggles to Battle of Ipsus 
 (b.c. 323-301). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 1639-40 (1601-2). 
 
 T. Keightley: History of Greece, 1637-9 (1599- 
 1601). 
 
 A. H. L. Heeren: Ancient History, 2104 (2060). 
 W. C. Taylor: Ancient History, 2104-5 (2060-1). 
 T. T. Timayenis: History of Greece, 2105-6 
 
 (2061-2). 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greece, 2106-7 (2062-3). 
 
 ( b ) The Seleucidce. 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy, 
 2960 (2883). 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greece, 2960 (2883). 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr: Ancient History, 2960-1 (2883-4). 
 P. Smith: History of the World, 2961-3 (2884—6). 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall of Roman Empire, 
 
 2959-60 (2882-3). 
 
 (c) The Ptolemies. 
 
 8. Sharpe: History of Egypt, 785 (758). 
 
 P. Gardner: New Chapters in Greek History, 
 785-6 (758-9). 
 
 J. H. Newman: Historical Sketches, 707-8 
 (684-5). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 44-5 (37-8). 
 
 6. The Achaian League (e. c. 280-146): 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Federal Government, 1640-1 
 (1602-3). 
 
 • , 1136 (1108). 
 
 John Fiske: American Political Ideas, 1137 (1109). 
 
 7. The Gallic Invasion (b. c. 280-279): 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 1448-9 
 (1415-16). 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greece, 1449 (1416). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 1442 (1409). 
 
 8. The Roman Conquest (b. c. 214-146): 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greeee, 1641 (1603). 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 191 (184). 
 
 E. S. Shuckburgh: History of Rome, 2752-3 
 (2678-9). 
 
 R. C. Jebb : Influence of Classical Greek Poetry, 
 1678 (1639). 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 1680 (1641). 
 
 “ So too it was with Greece. As a people she ceased to 
 be. When her freedom was overthrown at Clneronea, 
 the page of her history was to all appearance closed. 
 Yet from that moment 'she was to enter on a larger life 
 and on universal empire. . . . As Alexander passed con- 
 quering through Asia, he restored to the East, as gar- 
 nered grain, that Greek civilization whose seeds had long 
 ago been received from the East. Each conqueror in 
 turn, the Macedonian and the Roman, bowed before con- 
 quered Greece and learnt lessons at her feet. To the 
 modern world too Greece has been the great civilizer, 
 the oecumenical teacher, the disturber and regenerator 
 of slumbering societies. She is the source of most of 
 the quickening ideas which remake nations and reno- 
 vate literature and art. If we reckon up our secular 
 possessions, the wealth and heritage of the past, the 
 large share may be traced back to Greece. One half of 
 life she has made her domain, — all, or well-nigh all, that 
 belongs to the present order of things, and to the visible 
 world. S. H. Butcher : Some Aspects of Greek Genius, 
 p. 1675 (1636). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XI. 
 
 RISE OF ROME AND CONQUEST OF 
 THE WORLD. 
 
 1. Origin of the Roman People : 
 
 C. F. Keary : Dawn of History, 144-5 (137-8). 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 37-8, 1844-5, 
 2731 (30-1, 1804-5, 2657). 
 
 A Tighe : Roman Constitution, 1455-6 (1422-3). 
 
 H. G. Liddell : History of Rome, 1456 (1423). 
 
 F. de Coulanges: The Ancient City, 2731(2657). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : European History, 2731-2 (2658). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1024 (996). 
 
 H. G. Liddell - History of Rome, 2861 (2787). 
 
 Padre de Cara: Civilita Cattolica, 1845 (1805). 
 
 Appendix A, 3793-4 (End Yol. I.). 
 
 2. Latium and the Latin Name : 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 37-8, 1998(30-1, 
 1954). 
 
 T. Arnold: History of Rome, 1997-8 (1953-4). 
 
 3. The Founding of Rome, and its Civiliza- 
 tion (b. c. 753-) : 
 
 Sir H. Nicholas : Chronology of History, 2734 
 (2660). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : European History, 2731-2 (2658). 
 
 Goldwin Smith : Greatness of the Romans, 2733 
 (2659). 
 
 G. A Simcox : History of Latin Literature, 2734 
 (2660). 
 
 4. The Patrioans and Plebs: 
 
 E. A. Freeman: European History, 2732 (2658). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 A. Tighe: The Roman Constitution, 505 (491). 
 
 F. cle Coulanges: The Ancient City, 2738 (2(504). 
 
 5. Okiginand Development of Political In- 
 stitutions : 
 
 (a) The King. 
 
 Sir G. C. Lewis: Early Roman History, 2734-5 
 (2660-1). 
 
 W. W. Fowler: The City-State, 2735 (2661). 
 
 II. F. Pelham, Roman History, 2735-6 (2661-2). 
 
 (b) The Comitia Curiata, Comitia Centuriata, 
 and Comitia Tributa. 
 
 A. Tighe : The Roman Constitution, 504, 505 
 (490, 491). 
 
 H. G. Liddell : History of Rome, 2739 (2665). 
 W. Ihne : History of Rome, 2739 (2665). 
 
 (c) The Senate. 
 
 A. Tighe : The Roman Constitution, 2971 (2894). 
 H. G. Liddell : History of Rome, 2971-2 (2894-5). 
 
 (d) TheConsuls and Praetors. 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 2737 (2663). 
 
 A. Tighe: Roman Constitution, 633-4 (610-11). 
 W. Ihne: History of Rome, 634, 2744 (611, 2670). 
 
 (e) The Censors. 
 
 T. Arnold: History of Rome, 412 (402-3). 
 
 (/) The Tribunes. 
 
 R. F. Horton : History of Romans, 2737-8, 2739 
 (2663-4, 2665). 
 
 W. Ihne : History of Rome, 634, 2738, 2739 (611, 
 2664, 2665). 
 
 F. de Coulanges : The Ancient City, 2738 (2664). 
 
 6. TnE Legendary Period of the Kings (b. c. 
 753-510) : 
 
 Sir G. C. Lewis : Early Roman History, 2734-5 
 (2660-1). 
 
 T. Livy : History of Rome, 2735 (2661). 
 
 H. F. Pelham : Roman History, 2735-6 (2661-2). 
 A. J. Church : Stories from Livy, 2736-7 (2662-3). 
 
 7. Rise of the Republic (b. c. 509-) : 
 
 (a) Struggle between Patricians and Plebeians 
 (b. c. 509-286). 
 
 R. F. Horton : History of Romans, 2738 (2664). 
 F. de Coulanges : Ancient City, 2738 (2664). 
 
 J. Hadley : Int. to Roman Law, 673 (650). 
 
 J. L. Strachan-Davidson : Plebeian Privilege at 
 Rome, 2740 (2666). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1025 (997). 
 
 ( b ) Laics establishing Privileges of the People. 
 
 (1) The Valerian Laws (b. c. 509). 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 2737 (2663). 
 
 W. Ihne: History of Rome, 2737 (2663). 
 
 (2) The Publilian Laws (b. c. 472). 
 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2739 (2665). 
 
 W. Ihne: History of Rome, 2739 (2665). 
 
 (3) The Icilian Law (b. c. 456). 
 
 J. L. Strachan-Davidson: Plebeian Privilege at 
 Rome, 2740 (2666). 
 
 (4) The Terentilian Law and The Twelve 
 
 f r p 451 44Q1 
 
 W. Ihne : History of Rome, 2740-1 (2666-7). 
 
 H. S. Maine: Ancient Law, 2741 (2667). 
 
 (5) The Valerio-Horatian Laws (b. c. 440). 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2741(2667). 
 
 (6) The Canuleian Law (b. c. 445). 
 
 V. Duruy: Hist, of Rome, 2741-2 (2667-8). 
 
 (7) The Licinian Laws (b. c. 376-367). 
 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2743 (2669). 
 
 A. Stephenson: Agrarian Laws of Roman Re- 
 public, 2743-4 (2669-70). 
 
 (8) The Publilian Laws (b. c. 340). 
 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2745 (2671). 
 
 (9) The Ilortensian Laws (b. c. 286). 
 
 II. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2747 (2673). 
 
 H. F. Pelham: Roman History, 2747-8 (2673-4). 
 T. Arnold: History of Rome, 673 (650). 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 2727-8 (2653-4). 
 
 8. The Expansion of Rome : 
 
 W. Ihne: History of Rome, 2739 (2665). 
 
 R. F. Horton: History of Romans, 2739, 2742 
 (2665, 2668). 
 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2743 (2669). 
 
 J. Michelet: The Roman Republic, 2744-5 (2671). 
 W. Ihne: History of Romans, 2745 (2671). 
 
 F. de Coulanges: The Ancient City, 2745 (2671). 
 W. Ihne: History of Rome, 2746-7 (2672-3). 
 
 T. Arnold: History of Rome, 2748 (2674). 
 
 9. Gallic Invasion and Destruction of the 
 City (b. c. 390) : 
 
 J. Rhys: Celtic Britain, 412 (402). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 1448-9 
 (1415-16). 
 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2743 (2669). 
 
 10. Union of Italy under tiie Republic 
 (b. c. 275): 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 2748-9 (2674^5). 
 J. N. Larned. Europe, 1025 (997). 
 
 11. The Punic Wars (b. c. 264-202): 
 
 M. Duncker: History of Antiquity, 402 (392). 
 
 G Grote: History of Greece, 403 (393). 
 
 T. Arnold: History of Rome, 2749 (2675). 
 
 W. B. Boyce: Int. to Study of History, 2750 
 (2676). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Outlines of History, 2750 (2676). 
 M. Creighton: History of Rome, 2750-1 (2676-7). 
 R. F. Horton: History of Romans, 2751 (2677). 
 R. F. Leighton: History of Rome, 2751-2 
 (2677-8). 
 
 R. B. Smith: Carthage and the Carthaginians, 
 403-4, 2687-90, 2752 (393-4, 2614-17, 2678). 
 
 H. F. Pelham: Roman History, 2754 (2680). 
 
 12. Decline of the Republic (b. c. 200-45) : 
 E. S. Shuckburgh : History of Rome, 2752-3 
 
 (2678-9). 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 2753-4 (2680). 
 H. F. Pelham : Roman History, 2754-5 (2680). 
 W. T. Arnold : Roman Administration, 2755 
 (2681). 
 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2971-2 (2894-5). 
 M. Creighton : History of Rome, 2756-7 (2682-3). 
 
 13. Attempts at Reform ; Agrarian Laws ; 
 The Gracchi : 
 
 G. Long: Decline of Roman Republic, 27 (20). 
 
 H. G. Liddell : History of Rome, 27 (20). 
 
 A. Stephenson: Agrarian Laws, etc., 2743—4 
 (2669-70). 
 
 H. F. Pelham : Roman History, 2755 (2681). 
 
 G. Long: Decline of Roman Republic, 2755-6 
 (2681-2). 
 
 C. Merivale: Fall of Roman Republic, 2756 
 (2682). 
 
 14. The Social and Civil Wars (b. c. 90^5) : 
 W. Ihne : History of Rome, 2757-8 (2683-4). 
 
 G. Long: Decline of Roman Republic, 2758-9 
 (2684-5). 
 
 C. Merivale : Roman Triumvirates, 2759-60 
 (2685-6). 
 
 W. Forsyth : Life of Cicero, 2762 (2688). 
 
 15. Julius Caesar ; Qu/Estor to Imperator 
 (b. c. 69—45) : 
 
 W. W. Fowler: Julius Caesar, 2761-2 (2687-8). 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 2762-3 (2688-9). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 J. C<Bsar : Gallic Wars, 1444-5 (1411-12). 
 
 11. F. Horton : History of Romans, 2763^4 (2690). 
 Plutarch: Caesar, 2764-5 (2690-1). 
 
 C. Merivale : History of Romans, 2767-8 (2693-4). 
 
 V. Duruy : History of Rome, 2768-9 (2694-5). 
 
 J. A. Froude: Caisar, 2770-1 (2696-7). 
 
 Goldwin Smith: Last Republicans of Rome, 
 
 2771 (2697). 
 
 16. The Triumvirates; Rise of the Empire 
 (b. c. 44-31): 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 2772-3 
 (2698). 
 
 W. W. Capes: The Early Empire, 2773-5 (2699- 
 2701). 
 
 H. F. Pelham : Roman History, 2775 (2701). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 355 (345). 
 
 17. Conquest of the World : 
 
 G. Long: Decline of Roman Republic, 3053 
 (2973). 
 
 J. Caesar : Gallic War, 1444-5 (1411-12). 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greece, 1641 (1603). 
 
 P. Smith : History of the World, 2961-3 (2884-6). 
 R. F. Horton: History of Romans, 2236-7 (2192-3). 
 
 A. Hirtius : The Alexandrian War, 46 (39). 
 
 J. Caesar: Gallic War, 329 (319). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 329-31, 
 1463-4 (319-21, 1430-1). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XII. 
 
 DECLINE AND FALL OF THE ROMAN 
 EMPIRE. 
 
 1. Transition from the Republic to the 
 Empire : 
 
 W. W. Capes: The Early Empire, 2773-5 (2699- 
 2701). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of Romans, 196, 355 (189, 
 345). 
 
 W. Ramsay: Roman Antiquities, 196 (189). 
 
 J. N. Earned: Europe, 1032 (1004). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of Romans, 2773 (2699). 
 
 2. The Rising Influence of the Prjstorian 
 Guards : 
 
 W. Ihne: History of Rome, 2040 (1996). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2040 (1996). 
 
 W. Ramsay: Roman Antiquities, 2655 (2583). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of Romans, 2655 (2583). 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr: History of Rome, 2776 (2702). 
 
 3. The Julian and Christian Era: 
 
 Sir II. Nicholas: Chronology of History, 357-8 
 (347-8) 
 
 W. Hales: Analysis of Chronology, 358, 1011 
 (348, 984). 
 
 T. Keim: Jesus of Nazara, 1960-1 (1919-20). 
 
 4. TnE Julian Line (b. c. 31-a. d. 70): 
 
 T. De Quincey: The Caesars, 2782 (2708). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 1975 (1934). 
 
 B. G. Niebuhr: History of Rome, 2775-6 (2701-2). 
 Suetonius: Lives of the Twelve Caesars, 2776-7 
 
 (2702-3). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of Romans, 2777-9 (2703-5). 
 T. Keightley: Roman Empire, 2779-80 (2705-6). 
 
 5. Nero ; The Burning of Rome and Perse- 
 cution of Christians (a. d. 64-8): 
 
 T. De Quincey: The Caesars, 2780-1 (2706-7). 
 
 F. W. Farrar: Early Days of Christianity, 2781-2 
 (2707-8). 
 
 6. The Flavian Line (a. d. 69-192) : 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 1159 (1129). 
 
 (a) Vespas ia n~Do mi t ia n (69-96) : 
 
 Y. Duruy: History of Rome, 2783-5 (2709-11). 
 Besant and Palmer: Jerusalem, 1962-3 (1921-2). 
 H. H. Milman: History of the Jews, 1963(1922). 
 C. Merivale: History of Romans, 2632-3 (2560-1). 
 
 E. Edwards: Memoirs of Libraries, 2049-50 
 (2005-6). 
 
 ( b ) Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian (a. d. 96-138). 
 
 R. W. Browne : History of Rome, 2785-7 (2713). 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 1963-4 (1922-3). 
 
 (c) The Antonines (138-192). 
 
 F. W. Farrar: Seekers after God, 2787-8 (2714). 
 E. Renau: English Conferences, 2788 (2714). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2788-9 (2714-15). 
 
 “ If a man were called to fix the period in the history 
 of the world during which the condition of the human 
 race was most happy and prosperous, he would, with- 
 out hesitation, name that which elapsed from the death 
 of Domitian to the accession of Commodus. The vast 
 extent of the Roman Empire was governed by absolute 
 power, under the guidance of virtue and wisdom. The 
 armies were restrained by the firm but gentle hand of 
 four successive Emperors whose characters and author- 
 ity commanded involuntary respect.” E. Gibbon. 
 
 7. Commodus to Constantine (a. d. 192-305): 
 T. Keightley: Outlines of History, 2789-90 (2716). 
 J. C. Robertson: History of Christian Church, 
 
 2790 (2716). 
 
 W.C. Taylor: Ancient History, 2790-1 (2716-17). 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall" 2472-3 (2413-14). 
 B. F. Westcott: History of Religious Thought, 
 454 (440). 
 
 G. Uhlhorn: Conflict of Christianity with Hea- 
 thenism, 456 (442). 
 
 8. The Constantines (a. d. 305-361): 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2793^, 2795-6 
 (2719-20, 2721-2). 
 
 Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History, 2794 (2720). 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Constantine the Great, 2795 (2721). 
 
 9. Christianity becomes the State Religion 
 (a. d. 323-): 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Constantine the Great, 2794-5 
 (2720-1). 
 
 A. Neander; History of Christian Religion. 2795 
 (2721). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of Roman Empire, 2795 
 (2721). 
 
 G. P. Fisher: The Christian Church, 465 (451). 
 A. Carr: Christianity and Roman Empire, 465-6 
 (451-2). 
 
 IT. H. Milman: History of Christianity, 467 (453). 
 J. N. Lamed : Europe, 1035-6 (1007-8). 
 
 “Shortly after the beginning of the fourth century 
 there occurred an event which, had it been predieted iii 
 the days of Nero or even of Decius, would have been 
 deemed a wild fancy. It was nothing less than the con- 
 version of the Roman Emperor to the Christian faith. 
 It was an event of momentous importance in the his- 
 tory of the Christian religion. The Roman Empire, 
 from being the enemy and persecutor of the Church, 
 thenceforward became its protector and patron. The 
 Church entered into an alliance with the State, which 
 was to prove fruitful of consequences, both good and 
 evil, in the subsequent history of Europe. Christianity 
 was now to reap the advantages and incur the dangers 
 arising from the friendship of earthly rulers, and 
 from a close connection with the civil authority.” 
 
 G. P. Fisher. 
 
 “ This important crisis in the history of Christianity 
 almost forcibly arrests attention to contemplate the 
 change wrought in Christianity by its advancement 
 into a dominant power in the State. By ceasing to 
 exist as a separate community, and by advancing its 
 
 :6 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 I ntensions to influence the general government of man- 
 [iiul, Christianity, to a certain extent, forfeited its in- 
 dependence. It was no longer a republic, governed 
 exclusively — as far, at least, as its religious concerns — 
 by its own internal policy. The interference of the civil 
 power in some of its most, private affairs, the promul- 
 gation of Its canons and even, In some cases, the elec- 
 tion of its bishops, hv the State, was the price which it 
 must inevitably pay for its association with the ruling 
 power.” H. H. Milman. 
 
 10. The New Capital of tiie Empire (a. d. 
 330): 
 
 E. L. Cutts : Constantine the Great, 519 (505). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 520-1 (506-7). 
 
 G. Finlay: Greece under Romans, 521 (507). 
 
 11. Julian, to the Division of the Empire 
 (a. d. 361-395) : 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 2796 (2722). 
 
 P. Godwin : History of France, 1445 (1412). 
 
 G. Rawlinson : Seventh Oriental Monarchy, 2582 
 (2515). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Fall of Roman Empire, 2799 
 (2724-5). 
 
 T. Hodgkin : Dynasty of Theodosius, 2799-2800 
 (2725-6). 
 
 12. Revival and Final Overthrow of Pagan- 
 ism (a. d. 361-395): 
 
 G. Uhlhorn: Conflict of Christianity and Hea- 
 thenism, 2796-8 (2722-4). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 2800-1 (2726-7). 
 
 J. B. Carwithen : History of Christian Church, 
 2801 (2727). 
 
 13. The Divided Empire (a. d. 395-) : 
 
 T. Hodgkin : Italy and Her Invaders, 2801 (2727). 
 R. H. Wrightson: Respublica Romana, 2801-2 
 (2727-8). 
 
 G. Finlay: Greece under the Romans, 2803-4 
 (2729-30). 
 
 J. N. Lamed : Europe, 1037 (1009). 
 
 14. The Barbarian Invasions (a. d. 400-) : 
 
 W. Smith : Note to Decline and Fall, 1591-2 
 (1553-4). 
 
 T. Hodgkin : Italy and Her Invaders, 1592 (1554). 
 J. G. Sheppard : Fall of Rome, 3714-15 (3594-5). 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 1592-3 (1554-5). 
 
 C. A. Scott : Ulfilas, 1594 (1556). 
 
 J. C. L. de Sismondi : Fall of Roman Empire, 
 1595 (1557). 
 
 W. C. Perry ; The Franks, 1431 (1397-8). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 1431 (1398). 
 
 J. B. Bury : Later Roman Empire, 2805 (2731). 
 E. A. Freeman : European History, 2805-6 
 (2731-2). 
 
 F. Guizot : History of Civilization, 2806 (2732). 
 C. J. Stille : Mediaeval History, 2806-7 (2732-3). 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Fall of Roman Empire, 2807-8, 
 2808-9 (2733-4. 2734-5). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 2808 (2734). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of Middle Ages, 2809 
 (2735). 
 
 J. Bryce : Holy Roman Empire, 2809-10 (2735-6). 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1038-40 (1010-12). 
 
 15. Causes and Significance of the Fall of 
 the Western Empire : 
 
 G. B. Adams: Civilization during Middle Ages, 
 2807 (2733). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of Middle Ages, 2810 
 (2736). 
 
 J. R. Seeley: Roman Imperialism, 2810-11 
 (2736-7). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of Romans, 2811-12 (2738). 
 A. Thierry: Merovingian Era, 2812 (2738). 
 
 W. Stewart: The Church in Fourth Century, 
 470-1 (456-7). 
 
 C. Merivale: Epochs of Church History, 471 
 (457). 
 
 E. Hatch: Organization of Christian Churches, 
 471 (457). 
 
 16. Civilization of the Later Republic and 
 Empire : 
 
 (a) Education. 
 
 J. J. I. Dollinger: Gentile and Jew, 708-9 (685-6). 
 
 E. Kirkpatrick: Development of Superior Edu- 
 cation, 709-10 (686-7). 
 
 F. Guizot: History of Civilization, 710-11 (688). 
 E. Edwards: Memoirs of Libraries, 2048-9(2005). 
 Guhl and Koner: Life .of Greeks and Romans, 
 
 2049 (2005). 
 
 T. H. Horne: Study of Bibliography, 2050 (2006). 
 Historic Researches regarding Library of Alex- 
 andria, 2047-8 (2003-4). 
 ip) Religion. 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 195 (188). 
 
 W. Ramsay: Roman Antiquities, 196-7 (189-90). 
 
 (c) Laic. 
 
 E. Reich: Graeco-Roman Institutions, 2726-7, 
 2728-9 (2652-3, 2655). 
 
 Sir F. Pollock: Oxford Lectures, 2728 (2654). 
 
 T. W. Dwight: Int. Maine’s Ancient Law, 2727 
 (2653). 
 
 J. Austin: Lectures on Jurisprudence, 2728-9 
 (2654^5). 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 2727-8 (2653-4). 
 J. Hadley: Int. to Roman Law, 673 (650). 
 
 (d) Trade and Commerce. 
 
 C. Merivale: History of Rome, 3211-13 (3702). 
 
 H. Pigeonneau: History of French Commerce, 
 3213-15 (3702-4). 
 
 H. Fox Bourne: Romance of Trade, 2245-6 
 (2201-2). 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 2248 (2204). 
 
 (e) Medical Science. 
 
 Pliny : Natural History, 2171-2 (2127-8). 
 
 W. Whewell: Inductive Sciences, 2172-3 (2129). 
 Roswell Park: History of Medicine, 2173(2129). 
 (/) Slavery. 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 2753^4 (2680). 
 W. R. Brownlow: Slavery and Serfdom, 2990 
 (2912). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XIII. 
 
 FROM THE BARBARIAN INVASIONS 
 TO CHARLEMAGNE (A. D. 400-800). 
 
 1. Origin and Migrations of the Barbaric 
 Nations: 
 
 C. F. Keary : Dawn of Civilization, 14A-5 (137-8). 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 42, 483 (35, 469). 
 T. Smith: Arminius, 1464-5 (1431-2). 
 
 Appendix A., 3793-6 (End of Vol. I.). 
 
 2. Gaul and the Gauls : 
 
 J. Rhys: Celtic Britain, 412 (402). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of Romans, 1448-9 (1416). 
 H. G. Liddell: History of Rome, 2743 (2669). 
 
 W. Ihne : History of Rome, 2746-7 (2672-3). 
 
 C. Thirl wall: History of Greece, 1449 (1416). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Story of Alexander’s Empire, 
 1442 (1409). 
 
 J. Caesar: Gallic Wars, 1444^5 (1411-12). 
 
 747 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 1445, 1448 (1412, 
 1415). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 1445-6 (1412-13). 
 
 II. Pigeonneau: History of French Commerce, 
 3213-15 (3702^4). 
 
 3. The Goths : 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and her Invaders. 1592 (1554). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 1592-3 (1554-5). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1593 (1555). 
 
 C. A. A. Scott: Ulfilas, 1594 (1556). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 1595-6 (1557-8). 
 
 G. Finlay: Greece under the Romans, 1596-7 
 (1558-9). 
 
 (a.) The Ostrogoths and Theodoric. 
 
 H. Bradley: Story of the Goths, 1594 (1556). 
 
 J. G. Sheppard: Fall of Rome. 1728 (1689). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1598(1560). 
 
 H. Bradley: Story of the Goths, 1598-9 (1560-1). 
 
 : , 2812-13 (2738-9). 
 
 V. Duruy: History of Rome, 2813 (2739). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 2814-15 
 (2740-1). 
 
 J. G. Sheppard : Fall of Rome, 1600 (1562). 
 
 ( b ) The Visigoths and Alaric. 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of Roman Empire, 1594^5 
 (1556-7). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1594, 1595 
 (1556, 1557). 
 
 H. Bradley: Story of the Goths, 1597 (1559). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Fall of Roman Empire, 2807-8 
 (2733-4). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 1597 (1559). 
 
 H. Bradley: Story of the Goths, 1598, 1599 (1560, 
 1561). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of Roman Empire, 1598 
 (1560). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of Middle Ages, 1599- 
 1600 (1561-2). 
 
 4. Breaking of the Rhine Barrier (a. d. 
 406-500): 
 
 J. B. Burju Later Roman Empire, 2805 (2731). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: European History, 2805-6 
 (2731—2) 
 
 F. Guizot: History of Civilization, 2806 (2732). 
 
 C. J. Stille: Mediaeval History, 2806-7 (2732-3). 
 
 G. B. Adams: Civilization during Middle Ages, 
 2807 (2733). 
 
 5. The Huns and Attila • 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1726 (1687). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of Roman Empire, 1594^5 
 (1556-7). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of the Middle Ages, 
 1726 (1687). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1727 (1688). 
 
 J. G. Sheppard: Fall of Rome, 1727 (1688). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 1727 (1688). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1727-8 
 (1689) 
 
 Sir E. Creasy: Fifteen Decisive Battles, 1728 
 (1689). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1728-9 
 (1689-90). 
 
 6. The Vandals and Genseric : 
 
 J. G. Sheppard: Fall of Rome, 3714-15 (3594-5). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 1445-6, 3053-4, 
 3715 (1412-13, 2973-4, 3595). 
 
 G. Finlay : Greece under the Romans, 3716 (3596). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 3716 (3596). 
 
 7. The Franks and Clovis : 
 
 W. C. Perry: The Franks, 1430-1 (1397-8). 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 1431 (1398). 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 1445 (1412). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 3207 (3121). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: French under the Merovin- 
 gians, 1432 (1399). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 42-3 (35-6). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of Middle Ages, 1432 
 (1399). 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 1433 (1400). 
 
 S. Baring Gould: The Church iu Germany, 472 
 (458). 
 
 8. The Reign of Justinian (a. d. 527-565): 
 
 G. Finlay : Greece Under the Romans, 2814 (2740). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 2814r-15 
 (2740-1). 
 
 J. Hadley: Introduction to Roman Law, 637-8 
 (614-15) 
 
 9. The Merovingian Dynasty (a. d. 448-752) : 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : The French under the Mero- 
 vingians, 1432 (1399). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of the Middle Ages, 
 1432 (1399). 
 
 W. C. Perry: The Franks, 202, 1432-3(195, 1399- 
 1400). 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 202 (195). 
 
 T. Smith: Arminius, 1465-6 (1432-5). 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 1466 (1435). 
 
 A. Thierry: The Merovingian Era, 1446 (1413). 
 
 10. The Lombards: 
 
 J. G. Sheppard: Fall of Rome, 2076 (2032). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismoudi: Fall of Roman Empire, 2077 
 (2033). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2077 (2033). 
 
 P. Godwin : History of France, 2077-8 (2033^4). 
 
 11. Civilization at Beginning of the Middle 
 Ages : 
 
 (a) Political and Social. 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 2224 (2180). 
 
 G. B. Adams: Civilization during the Middle 
 Ages, 2224^5 (2180-1). 
 
 B. Bosanquet: Civilization of Christendom, 2225 
 (2181). 
 
 A. Thierry: Formation of the Tiers Etat, 1446-8 
 (1413-15). 
 
 W. Robertson: Charles the Fifth, 2990-1 (2913). 
 (i) Religion. 
 
 W. Stewart: Church of the Fifth Century, 470-1 
 (456-7). 
 
 C. Merivale : Early Church History, 471 (457). 
 
 E. Hatch : Organization of Christian Churches, 
 471 (457). 
 
 G. Stokes: The Celtic Church, 472 (458). 
 
 M. Creighton: The Papacy, 2818 (2744). 
 
 I. Gregory Smith: Christian Monasticism, 2239- 
 40 (2195-6). 
 
 Count de Montalembert: Monks of the West, 
 2240-1 (2196-7). 
 
 (c) Education. 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 710 (687). 
 
 F. Guizot: History of Civilization, 710—11 (687-8). 
 
 A. T. Drane: Christian Schools, 711-12 (688-9). 
 
 12. The Rise of Feudalism : 
 
 W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England, 
 1145-6 (1117-18). 
 
 E. Emerton’ The Middle Ages, 1146 (1118). 
 
 Schroder: Deutschen Rechtsgeschiclite, 1146-7. 
 
 J. N. Larncd : Europe, 1047-8 (1019-20). 
 
 A. Thierry: Formation of the Tiers fitat, 1446-8 
 (1413-15). 
 
 • See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 748 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 * STUDY XIV. 
 
 THE RISE OF THE MODERN NATIONS. 
 
 1. The Franks : 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of the Middle Ages, 
 1432 (1399). 
 
 T. Smith: Arminius, 1465-6 (1432-5). 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 1466 (1435). 
 
 F. Guizot: History of Civilization. 2163 (2119). 
 W. C. Perry: The Franks, 1432-3 (1399-1400). 
 
 S. Baring Gould: The Church in Germany, 472 
 (458). 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Charlemagne, 472-3 (458-9). 
 
 2. The Burgundians : 
 
 J. G. Sheppard: The Fall of Rome, 3714^15 
 (3594L5). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 338 (328). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: The French under the Me- 
 rovingians, 339 (329). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 339 (329). 
 
 3. The Saxons: 
 
 W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England, 
 2884r-5 (2809-10). 
 
 R. G. Latham: The Germany of Tacitus, 2885 
 (2810). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 2885 (2810). 
 
 4. The Empire of Charlemagne (a. d. 800- 
 814): 
 
 C. J. Stille: Mediaeval History, 1467-8 (1436-7). 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of the Middle Ages, 
 1434 (1401). 
 
 E. Emerton: Study of the Middle Ages, 1434—5 
 (1401-2). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1435(1402) 
 Sir J. Stephen: History of France, 1436 (1403). 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1468 (1437). 
 A. T. Drane: Christian Schools and Scholars, 
 712 (689). 
 
 F. Guizot: History of Civilization, 2911 (2836). 
 Eginhard: Life of Charlemagne, 474 (460). 
 
 J. B. Mullinger: Schools of Charles the Great, 
 474 (460). 
 
 “ Gibbon has remarked, that of all the heroes to whom 
 the title of ‘The Great’ has been given, Charlemagne 
 alone has retained it as a permanent addition to his 
 name. The reason may perhaps be that in no other man 
 were ever united, in so large a measure, and in such 
 perfect harmony, the qualities, which, in their combina- 
 tion, constitute the heroic character, — such as energy, 
 or love of action ; ambition, or the love of power ; curios- 
 ity, or the love of knowledge ; and sensibility, or the love 
 of pleasure. Not, indeed, the love of forbidden, unhal- 
 lowed, or of enervating pleasure, but the keen relish for 
 those blameless delights by which the burdened mind 
 and jaded spirits recruit and renovate their powers. . . . 
 His lofty stature, his open countenance, his large and 
 brilliant eyes, and the dome-like structure of his head, 
 imparted, as we learn from Eginhard, to all his atti- 
 tudes the dignity which becomes a King, relieyed by the 
 graceful activity of a practised warrior. . . . Whether he 
 was engaged in a frolic or a chase — composed verses or 
 listened to homilies — fought or negotiated — cast down 
 thrones or built them up — studied, conversed, or legis- 
 lated, it seemed as if he, and he alone, were the one 
 wakeful and really living agent in the midst of an inert, 
 visionary, and somnolent generation.” Sir James 
 Stephen. 
 
 5. The Beginnings of Austria-Hungary : 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History, 3245 (3129). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1726 (1687). 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Fall of Roman Empire, 1594-5 
 (1556-7). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 1728-9 
 (1689-90). 
 
 J. G. Sheppard: Fall of Rome, 242-3 (235-6). 
 
 G. P. R. James: History of Charlemagne, 243 
 (236). 
 
 L. Leger: History of Austro- Hungary, 205 (198). 
 
 6. Dissolution of the Carolingian Empire 
 (a. D. 814-877): 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1436-8 
 (1403-5). 
 
 H. H. Milrnau: History of Latin Christianity, 
 
 1468 (1437). 
 
 S. Menzies: History of Europe, 1468-9 (1437-8). 
 
 7. The Treaty of Verdun (a. d. 843): 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 3735 (3615). 
 
 H. Hallam: Middle Ages, 3736 (3616). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Hist. Geography of Europe, 
 
 1469 (1438). 
 
 J. Brvce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1436-8 
 (1403-5). 
 
 8. The Beginnings of the Modern European 
 Nations (a. d. 843-1000): 
 
 (a) France. 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 1187 (1157). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Franks and Gauls, 1187 
 (1157). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1187-8 (1157-8). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1188 (1158). 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1436-8 
 (1403-5). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Franks and Gauls, 1438 
 (1405). 
 
 SirF. Palgrave: History of Normandy and Eng- 
 land, 1188 (1158). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1188-9 
 (1158-9). 
 
 E. de Bonnechose: History of France, 1189(1159). 
 E. A. Freeman: The Franks and Gauls, 1189 
 (1159). 
 
 E. Lavisse : Political History of Europe, 1189 
 (1159). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 3274(3158). 
 
 ( b ) Germany. 
 
 T. Smith: Arminius, 1464-5 (1431-2). 
 
 C. J. Stille: Mediaeval History, 1467-8 (1436-7). 
 
 R. W. Church : Beginnings of Middle Ages, 
 1434 (1401). 
 
 E. Emerton : Study of Middle Ages, 1434 (1401). 
 J. Bryce : The Holy Roman Empire, 1436-8 
 (1403-5). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : Franks and Gauls, 1438 (1405). 
 : Hist. Geography of Europe, 1469 (1438). 
 
 H. Hallam : The Middle Ages, 1470 (1439). 
 
 A. W. Griibe: Heroes of History, 1470 (1439). 
 
 C. W. Koch : The Revolutions of Europe, 1470-1 
 
 (1439-40). 
 
 L. Ranke : History of Reformation, 1471-2 
 (1440-1). 
 
 (c) Italy. 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2816 (2742). 
 
 J. G. Sheppard: Fall of Rome, 2076 (2032). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Fall of Roman Empire, 2077 
 (2033). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 2077 (2033). 
 
 P. Godwin : History of France, 2077-8 (2033-4). 
 
 S. Menzies: History of Europe, 1468-9(1437-8). 
 J. Bryce : The Holy Roman Empire, 1847-8 
 
 (1807-8). 
 
 A. F. Villemain: Life of Gregory VII., 2820 
 (2746). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 1848 (1808). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Italian Republics, 1848 (1808). 
 E. A. Freeman: Hist. Geography of Europe, 
 1849 (1809). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 749 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 * STUDY XV. 
 
 GERMANY TO THE END OF THE 
 MIDDLE AGES (A. D. 1000-1450). 
 
 1. General Conditions at Close of tue 
 Tenth Century : 
 
 J. I. von Ddllinger: European History, 2820-1 
 (2746-7). 
 
 Cardinal J. H. Newman : Essays, 2485-6 (2426-7). 
 W. B. Boyce: Int. to the Study of History, 
 1472-3 (1441-2). 
 
 S. A. Dunham : History of the Germanic Em- 
 pire, 2730 (2656). 
 
 H. Hallam : The Middle Ages, 2730 (2656). 
 
 J. H. Allen : Christian History, 1473 (1442). 
 
 2. Beginning of the Contest between the 
 Empire and the Papacy : 
 
 G. B. Adams: Civilization during the Middle 
 Ages, 1473^4 (1442-3). 
 
 Count de Montalembert : Monks of the West, 
 2486-7 (2427-8). 
 
 J. Alzog : Manual of Church History, 2487 (2428). 
 Hinschius: Investiturstreit, 2488-9 (3794-6). 
 
 W. R. W. Stephens: Hildebrand, 396-7 (386-7). 
 C. T. Lewis: History of Germany, 2887 (2812). 
 J. H. Allen : Christian History, 1474 (1443). 
 
 J. J. I. Dollinger: History of the Church, 1474^5 
 (1443-4). 
 
 3. Rise of the College of Electors (a. d. 
 1125-1272): 
 
 K. Lamprecht : History of Germany, 1475-6 
 (3759-60). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Frederick the Great, 1476-7 (1445). 
 
 : , 316-17 (306). 
 
 4. The Disintegration of the Empire : 
 
 J. Jastrow: Deutschen Einheitstraum, 1477-8 
 (3761-2). 
 
 C. Beard: Martin Luther, 487 (473). 
 
 W. J. Wyatt: History of Prussia, 487-8 (473-4). 
 
 5. Rise of the Hohenstaufen ; the Guelfb 
 and Ghibellines: 
 
 U. Balzani: The Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
 1478 (1445). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1652 (1614). 
 
 P. M. Thornton: The Brunswick Accession, 
 1652-3 (1614-15). 
 
 A. Gallenga: Italy, 1014-15 (986-7). 
 
 Sir A. Haliiday: Annals of the House of Han- 
 over, 2888 (2813). 
 
 T. A. Trollope: Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1857-8 (1817-18). 
 
 6. TnE Two Great Fredericks : 
 
 (a) Fi-ederick I . , Barbarossa (a. d. 1152-1190). 
 O. Browning: Guelphs and Ghibellines, 1478-9 
 
 (1445-6). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: The Italian Republics, 1851-2 
 (1811-12). 
 
 U. Balzani : The Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
 1852 (1812). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: The Italian Republics, 1852 
 (1812). 
 
 U. Balzani: The Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
 1852-3 (1812-13). 
 
 W. Menzel: History of Germany, 1853 (1813). 
 
 M. Creighton: History of the Papacy, 2492-3 
 (2432-3). 
 
 The Republic of Venice, 3726 (3606). 
 
 ( b ) Frederick the Second (a. d. 1220-1250). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: European History 1480 (1447). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1854(1814). 
 A. B. Pennington: Emperor Frederick II., 1854-5 
 (1814-15). 
 
 T. L. Kington: Frederick the Second, 1855-6 
 (1815-16). 
 
 G. Procter; History of the Crusades, 657, first 
 column, (634). 
 
 Besantand Palmer: Jerusalem, 1926, second col- 
 umn, (1885). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1481-2 
 (1448-9). 
 
 “ We have seen the Roman Empire revived in a. d. 
 800, by a prince whose vast dominions gave ground to 
 his claim of universal monarchy ; again erected, in a. d. 
 962, on the narrower but firmer basis of the German 
 Kingdom. We have seen Otto the Great and his succes- 
 sors during the three following centuries, a line of 
 monarchs of unrivalled vigor and abilities, strain every 
 nerve to make good the pretensions of their office 
 against the rebels in Italy and the ecclesiastical power. 
 The Roman Empire might, and, so far as practical util- 
 ity was concerned, ought now to have been suffered to 
 expire; nor could it have ended more gloriously than 
 with the last of the Hohenstaufen. That it did not so 
 expire, but lived on 600 years more, till it became a 
 piece of antiquarian ism hardly more venerable than 
 ridiculous, — till, as Voltaire said, all that could be said 
 about it was that it was neither Holy, nor Roman, nor an 
 Empire, — was owing partly indeed to the belief, still 
 unshaken, that it was a necessary part of the world’s 
 order, yet chiefly to its connection, which was by this 
 time indissoluble, with the German Kingdom. The 
 Germans had confounded the two characters of their 
 sovereign so long, and had grown so fond of the style 
 and pretensions of a dignity whose possession appeared 
 to exalt them above the other peoples of Europe, that 
 it was now too late for them to separate the local from 
 the universal monarch.” James Bryce. 
 
 7. The Hanseatic League (about a. d. 1250) : 
 History of the Hanseatic League, 1663 (1626). 
 
 R. Schrbder: Der Deutschen Rechtsgescliichte, 
 1663-4. 
 
 K. Lamprecht: Deutsche Geschichte, 1664-5. 
 
 8. The Rise of the Hapsburgs: 
 
 Sir R. Comyn: History of the Western Empire, 
 1482-3 (1449-50). 
 
 W. Coxe: History of the House of Austria, 206 
 (199). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1481-2 
 (1448-9). 
 
 Sir R. Comyn: The Western Empire, 206-7 (199— 
 
 200 ). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1710 (1671). 
 
 The Legend of Tell and Riitli, 3127, first column, 
 (3043). 
 
 9. A Century of Confusion: 
 
 C. T. Lewis: History of Germany, 1484 (1451). 
 
 S. A. Dunham: The Germanic Empire, 1484-5 
 (1451-2). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1485-6 (1452-3). 
 
 L. von Ranke: The Reformation in Germany, 
 1486 (1453). 
 
 10. The. Holy Roman Empire; 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1435 and 
 2725 (1402 and 2652). 
 
 L. von Ranke: History of the World, 2725-6. 
 
 W. von Giesebrecht: The German Empire, 2726. 
 F. A. Gregorovius: History of Rome, 2726. 
 
 C. W. Koch: Revolutions of Europe, 1471, sec- 
 ond column, (1440). 
 
 L. von Ranke: History of the Reformation, 1471-2 
 (1440-1). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1481-2 
 (1448-9). 
 
 L. von Ranke: History of the Reformation, 1486 
 (1453). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1541 (1507). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 "On August 1, the French Envoy at Regensburg an- 
 nounced to the Diet that his master, who had consented 
 to become Protector of the Confederate princes, no 
 longer recognized the existence of the Empire. Fran- 
 cis II. resolved at once to anticipate this new Odoacer, 
 and by a declaration, dated August 6, 1800, resigned the 
 imperial dignity. . . . Throughout, the term German 
 Empire (deutsches Reich) is employed. Unt it was the 
 crown of Augustus, of Constantine, of Charles, of Maxi- 
 milian, that Francis of Hapsburg laid down, and a new 
 era in the world’s history was marked by the fall of its 
 most venerable institution. One thousand and six 
 years after Leo, the Pope, had crowned the Frankish 
 King, eighteen hundred and fifty-eight years after 
 CiESar had conquered at Pharsalia, tne Holy Roman 
 Empire came to its end.” James Bkyce. 
 
 • See important note at head of Study /. 
 
 * STUDY XYI. 
 
 FRANCE TO THE CLOSE OF THE 
 MIDDLE AGES (A. D. 1000-1453). 
 
 1. General Conditions at the Beginning 
 of the Period (about a. d. 1000): 
 
 E. deBounechose: History of France, 1189(1159). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Franks and the Gauls, 
 1189 (1159). 
 
 E. Lavisse: Political History of Europe, 1189 
 (1159). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: France under the Feudal 
 System, 1189-90 (1159-60). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1190 (1161). 
 M. Arnold: Schools and Universities, 717-18 
 
 (694-5). 
 
 2. The Rise of Free Cities and of the Com- 
 munes: 
 
 Achille Luchaire: The French Communes, 1190-8 
 (3748-50). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England, 
 505-6 (491-2). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 506 (492). 
 
 3. Consolidation and Expansion of the King- 
 dom (a. d. 1100-1225): 
 
 C. M. Yonge: History of France, 1193 (1162). 
 Mrs. J. R. Green: Henry the Second, 826 (799). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1193^4 (1162). 
 
 E. Smedley: History of France, 2551 (2485). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Constitutional History of England, 
 828 (801). 
 
 See Maps between pages 1200-1201 (1168-9). 
 
 4. The Notable Reign of Saint Louis, Louis 
 IX. (1226-1270): 
 
 G. Masson: St. Louis, 1194 (1163). 
 
 A. L. la Marche: France under Saint Louis, 
 1194-6 (3750-3). 
 
 Saint Louis of France, 1196 (1164). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1197 (1165). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 1197 (1165). 
 
 F. P. Guizot; History of France, 657-8 and 658-9 
 (634—5 and 635-6). 
 
 Origin of the Houses of Valois and Bourbon, 1197, 
 3714 (1165, 3594). 
 
 Due d’Aumale: The House of Conde, 314 (304). 
 
 “ St Louis struck at the spirit of the Middle Age, and 
 therein insured the downfall of its forms and whole 
 embodiment. . . . He undermined Feudalism, because 
 he hated injustice; he warred with the Middle Age, be- 
 cause he could not tolerate its disregard of human 
 rights; and he paved the way for Philip-le-Bel’s struggle 
 with the Papacy, because he looked upon religion 
 and the Church as instruments for man’s salvation, 
 not as tools for worldly aggrandizement. The first calm, 
 deliberate, consistent opposition to the centralizing 
 power of the great See was that offered by its truest 
 
 friend and honest ally, Louis of France. . . . He is per- 
 haps the only monarch on record who failed in most of 
 what he undertook of active enterprise, who was under 
 the control of the prejudices of his age, who was a true 
 conservative, who never dreamed of effecting great 
 social changes, — and who yet, by his mere virtues, his 
 sense of duty, his power of conscience, made the most 
 mighty and vital reforms.” 
 
 5. Philip IV. and the Struggle with the 
 Papacy (a. d. 1285-1314): 
 
 G. M. Bussey: History of France, 1198 (1166). 
 
 G. Trevor: Fall of the Western Empire, 2494-5 
 (2434-5). 
 
 A. It. Pennington: The Church in Italy, 2495 
 (2435). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 3177 (3092). 
 
 6. The Parliament of Paris and the States 
 General: 
 
 Sir James Stephen: History of France, 2554^5 
 (2488-9). 
 
 Lord Brougham : History of England and France, 
 2555 (2489). 
 
 Sir James Stephen: History of France, 3108-9 
 3026-7). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 3109 (3027). 
 
 A. Thierry: The Tiers £tat, 1202-3 (1170-1). 
 
 7. The Accession of Philip of Valois, Philip 
 VI. (A. D. 1328): 
 
 J. Michelet: History of France. 1200 (1168). 
 
 E. de Bonnechose : History of France, 1200 (1168). 
 J. Michelet: History of France, 1200 (1168). 
 
 8. The One Hundred Years War (a. d. 1327- 
 1435): 
 
 (a) TheFirst Period (1327-1380). 
 
 J. Froissart: Chronicles, 1200-01 (1168-9). 
 
 H. Hallam: Middle Ages, 1201 (1169). 
 
 F. Guizot: History of Civilization, 2868 (2794). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 2868 (2794). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 2868 (2794). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1201 (1169). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1201 (1169). 
 
 J. Michelet: History of France, 1201-2 (1169-70). 
 A. Thierry: The Tiers fetat, 1202-3 (1170-1). 
 Prof, de Vericour: The Jacquerie, 1204 (1172). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 1204 (1172). 
 
 E. Bonnechose: History of France, 1205 (1173). 
 
 ( b ) The Second Period (1415-1435). 
 
 A. J. Church: Henry the Fifth, 1205-6 (1173-4). 
 C. M. Yonge: English History, 1206 (1174). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 1207 (1175). 
 
 9. Mission of the Maid of Orleans (a. d. 
 1429-31) ; 
 
 A. de Lamartine: Joan of Arc, 1207-8 (1175-6). 
 
 S. Luce: Jeanne d’Arc, 1208 (3755). 
 
 A. de Lamartine : Joan of Arc, 1208-9 (1175-6). 
 Lord Mahon: Historical Essays, 1209 (1177). 
 
 J. O’Hagau: Joan of Arc, 1209 (1177). 
 
 T. de Quincey: Joan of Arc, 1209-10 (1177-8). 
 
 “ Her ways and habits during the year she was in arms 
 are attested by a multitude of witnesses. Dunois and 
 the Duke of Alenf on bear testimony to what they term 
 her extraordinary talents for war, and to her perfect 
 fearlessness in action; but in all other things she was 
 the most simple of creatures. She wept when she first 
 saw men slain in battle, to think that they should have 
 died without confession. She wept at the abominable 
 epithets w'hich the English heaped upon her; but she 
 was without a trace of vindictiveness. ... In her diet 
 she was abstemious in the extreme, rarely eating until 
 evening, and then for the most part, of bread and water, 
 sometimes mixed with wine. In the field, she slept in 
 her armor; but when she came into a city, she always 
 sought out some honorable matron, under whose pro- 
 tection she placed herself; and there is wonderful ev- 
 idence of the atmosphere of purity which she diffused 
 around her. her very presence banishing from men’s 
 hearts all evil thoughts and wishes. Her conversation, 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 when not of war, was entirely of religion. She confessed 
 often, and received communion twice in the week.” 
 
 J. O’Hagan. 
 
 10. The Effects of the One Hundred Years 
 War: 
 
 E. E. Crowe: History of France, 1210 (1178). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1211 (1179). 
 
 C. W. Oman: Warwick the King-Maker, 846-7 
 (819-20). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1065-8 (1037-40). 
 
 11. The Pragmatic Sanction of Charles VII. 
 (a. d. 1438): 
 
 R. C. Trench: Church History, 2500 (2440). 
 
 M. Creighton: History of the Papacy, 1210-11 
 (1178-9). 
 
 “ Such were the chief reforms of its own special 
 grievances which France wished to establish. It was 
 the first step in the assertion of the rights of National 
 Churches to arrange for themselves the details of their 
 own ecclesiastical organizations.” M. Creighton. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XVII. 
 
 ITALY TO THE END OF THE MID- 
 DLE AGES (A. D. 1000 - 1450 ). 
 
 1. General Conditions at the Close of 
 the Tenth Century : 
 
 J. Bryce : The Holy Roman Empire, 1848 (1808). 
 A. F. Villemain: Life of Gregory VII., 2820 
 (2746). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 2820 (2746). 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: The Italian Republics, 1848 
 (1808). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1848-9 (1808-9). 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 2725 (2652). 
 L. von Ranke: History of the World, 2725-6. 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 2078, first 
 
 column, (2034). 
 
 2. The Norman Settlements (a. d. 1000-1100): 
 A. Thierry : Conquest of England, 2418 (2366). 
 Sir F. Palgrave: History of Normandy, etc., 
 
 2419-20 (2367-8). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 2421-2 
 (2369-70). 
 
 Sir F. Palgrave: History of Normandy, 2422 
 (2370). 
 
 C. Thirlwall : History of Greece, 2981-2(2903-4). 
 E. A. Freeman: Story of Sicily, 2983 (2905). 
 
 G. Finlay : The Byzantine Empire, 2984 (2906). 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2984(2906). 
 
 J. Michelet: History of France, 1849 (1809). 
 
 G. Procter: History of Italy, 1849-50 (1809-10). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 2821 (2747). 
 A. H. Johnson: The Normans in Europe, 1850-1 
 
 (1810-11). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1051 (1023). 
 
 3. Rise of the Free Cities : 
 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 2077-8 (2033-4). 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: The Italian Republics, 1850 
 (1810). 
 
 Hinschius: Investiturstreit, 2488-9 (3794-6). 
 
 H. E. Napier: Florentine History, 3273 (3157). 
 
 (a) Milan. 
 
 W. Ihne : History of Rome, 2746-7 (2672-3). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2226 (2182). 
 
 G. B. Testa: War of Frederick I. against Lom- 
 bardy, 2226 (2182). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 2226-7 
 
 (2182-3). 
 
 (b) Florence. 
 
 H. E. Napier: Florentine History, 1160 (1130). 
 T. A. Trollope: Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1160-1 (1130-1). 
 
 B. Duffy: The Tuscan Republics, 1161 (1131). 
 
 (c) Pavia. 
 
 G. B Niebuhr: History of Rome, 2070 (2026). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2077 (2033). 
 
 (d) Pisa. 
 
 L. Pignotti: History of Tuscany, 2605-6(2537-8). 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Italian Republics, 2606-7 
 
 (2538-9). 
 
 (e) Venice. 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 3722 (3602). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 3722 (3602). 
 
 G. Finlay: Byzantine Empire, 3722-3 (3602-3). 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Italian Republics, 3724-5 
 
 (3604-5. 
 
 4. Establishment of the States of the 
 Church : 
 
 J. N. Murphy: The Chair of Peter, 2492 (2432). 
 
 H. E. Napier: Florentine History, 3273 (3157). 
 
 M. Creighton: History of the Papacy, 2493(2433). 
 
 5. Conditions in Rome . 
 
 J. I. Dollinger: European History, 2821 (2747). 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 2821 (2747). 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2822 (2748). 
 
 6. Struggle of the Italian Republics with 
 the Emperors : 
 
 (a) With Frederick I. , Barbarossa (a. d. 1154- 
 1183). 
 
 O. Browning: Guelphs and Ghibellines, 1478-9 
 (1445-6). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: The Italian Republics, 1851-2 
 (1811-12). 
 
 U. Balzani: The Popes and the Holienstaufen, 
 1852 (1812). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: The Italian Republics, 1852 
 (1812). 
 
 U. Balzani : The Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
 1852-3 (1812-13). 
 
 W. Menzel: History of Germany, 1853 (1813). 
 
 ( b ) With Frederick the Second (a. d. 1220-1250). 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1854 (1814). 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Italian Republics, 1137-8 
 
 (1109-10). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: European History, 1479 (1446). 
 
 : Frederick the Second, 1480, first column 
 
 (1447). 
 
 J. A. Symonds: The Revival of Learning, 720 
 (697). 
 
 (c) The Results of the Contest. 
 
 J. Burckhardt: The Renaissance in Italy, 1856-7 
 (1816-17). 
 
 O. Browning : Guelfs and Ghibellines, 1856 (1816). 
 E. Smedley: History of France, 1858-9(1818-19). 
 J. A. Symonds: Florence and the Medici, 1163 
 (1133). 
 
 7. The Guelfs and Ghibellines : 
 
 U. Balzani: The Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
 1478 (1445). 
 
 H. Hallam : Middle Ages, 1652 (1614). 
 
 Sir A. Halliday: Annals of House of Hanover, 
 1652 (1614). 
 
 T. A. Trollope: Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1857-8 (1817-18). 
 
 R. W. Church: Dante, 1858 (1818). 
 
 N. Machiavelli : History of Florence, 1161-2 
 (1131-2). 
 
 752 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 •O. Browning: Guelphs and Ghibellines, 1162 
 (1132). 
 
 T. A. Trollope: The Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1162-3 (1132-3). 
 
 8. Tjik Age of tiie Despots (a. d. 1250-1500): 
 
 J. Burckhardt: The Renaissance in Italy, 1856-7 
 
 (1816-17). 
 
 T. A. Trollope: The Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1857-8 (1817-18). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Hist. Geography of Europe, 
 1859 (1819). 
 
 J. A. Symonds: The Renaissance in Italy, 1859 
 (1819). 
 
 J. Yeats: Growth of Commerce, 2249, second 
 column, (2205). 
 
 A. von Reumont: Lorenzo de’ Medici, 2250 (2206). 
 
 T. A. Trollope: Commonwealth of Florence, 
 2250 (2206). 
 
 J. A. Symonds: The Renaissance, 24634. 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 107445 (1046-7). 
 
 9. Continued Contests between the Guelfs 
 and Ghibellines : 
 
 W. Hunt: History of Italy, 1860-1 (1820-1), 
 
 H. E. Napier: Florentine History, 1861 (1821). 
 
 G. Procter: History of Italy, 1862-3 (1822-3). 
 
 10 Rienzi; the Last of the Tribunes (a. d. 
 1347-54): 
 
 Prof, de Vericour: Rienzi, 2822-4 (2748-50). 
 
 W. W. Story: The Castle of St. Angelo, 2824-5 
 (2750-1). 
 
 11. The Infamous “Free Companies” (about 
 a. d. 1340-90): 
 
 T. A. Trollope: Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1865-6 (1825-6). 
 
 W. P. Urquhart: Life of F. Sforza, 1866 (1826). 
 
 Sir John Hawkwood, 1866 (1826). 
 
 12. Development of the City Principalities: 
 (a) Florence. 
 
 (1) The Passing of the Republic. 
 
 J. A. Symonds : Florence and the Medici, 1163 
 (1133). 
 
 C. Balbo : Life of Dante, 1164 (1134). 
 
 W. P. Urquhart: Life of F. Sforza, 1165 (1135). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : Machiavelli, 1166 (1136). 
 
 G. Boccaccio : The Decameron, 1166 (1136). 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers : History of Agriculture, 292-3 
 (283-4). 
 
 T. A. Trollope: Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1166-7 (1136-7). 
 
 H. E. Napier: Florentine History, 1167 (1137). 
 
 (2) The Medici. 
 
 J. A. Symonds : Florence and the Medici, 1167-8 
 (1137-8). 
 
 T. A. Trollope : Commonwealth of Florence, 
 1168-9 (1138-9). 
 
 W. B. Scaife : Florentine Life, 1169 (1139). 
 
 W. Hunt : History of Italy, 1169 (1139). 
 
 A. von Reumont: Lorenzo de’ Medici, 1169-70 
 (1139-40). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Italian Republics, 1170-1 
 (1140-1). 
 
 P. Villari : Machiavelli, 1171-2 (1141-2). 
 
 Mrs. Oliphant: Makers of Florence, 1172 (1142). 
 
 H. A. Taine: Italy, Florence, and Venice, 1172-3 
 (1142-3). 
 
 (3) Savonarola. 
 
 O. T. Hill : Savonarola’s Triumph of the Cross, 
 1173-5 (1143-5). 
 
 H. E. Napier: Florentine History, 1176 (1146). 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Studies in Italy, 1176-7 (1146-7). 
 
 Mrs. Oliphant: Makers of Florence, 1172 (1142). 
 
 “ Florence was as near a pagan city as it was possible 
 for its rulers to make it. . . . Society had never been 
 more dissolute, more seltish, or more utterly deprived 
 of any higher aim. Barren scholarship, busy over gram- 
 matical questions, and elegant philosophy, snipping 
 and piecing its logical systems, formed the top-dressing 
 to that half-brutal, hall-superstitious ignorance of the 
 poor. The dilettante world dreamed hazily of a restora- 
 tion of the worship of the pagan gods; Cardinal Bembo 
 bade his friend beware of reading St. Paul’s Epistles, 
 lest their barbarous style should corrupt his taste. . . . 
 Thus limited intellectually, the age of Lorenzo was still 
 more hopeless morally, full of debauchery, cruelty and 
 corruption, violating oaths, betraying trusts, believing 
 in nothing but Greek manuscripts, coins, and statues, 
 caring for nothing but pleasure. This was the world in 
 which Savonarola found himself.” Mrs. Oliphant. 
 
 ( b ) Milan. 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Italian Republics, 1851, sec- 
 ond column, (1811). 
 
 : , 1852, second column, (1812). 
 
 J. A. Symonds : Age of Despots, 2227-8 (2183-4). 
 W. Robertson : Charles the Fifth, 2228 (2184). 
 
 A. von Reumont: Lorenzo de’ Medici, 2228-9 
 (218445). 
 
 (c) Pisa. 
 
 J. T. Bent : Genoa, 2606-7 (2538-9). 
 
 J. A. Symonds : Studies in Italy, 50-1 (43-4). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 522-3 (508-9). 
 
 G. Procter : History of Italy, 1862-3 (1822-3). 
 W. Hunt: History of Italy, 1868 (1828). 
 
 J. N. Murphy: The Chair of St. Peter, 2498 
 (2438). 
 
 ( d ) Genoa. 
 
 J. T. Bent: Genoa, 1452-3, 2606-7 (1419-20, 
 2538-9). 
 
 J. A. Symonds : Renaissance in Italy, 2227, 
 second column, (2183). 
 
 J. T. Bent: Genoa, 1454, 2251-2 (1421, 2207-8). 
 G. B. Malleson: Genoese History, 1454 (1421). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Venice and Genoa, 3220 (3709). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Italian Republics, 1454(1421). 
 
 (e) Venice. 
 
 G. Finlay : Byzantine and Greek Empires, 3726 
 (3606). 
 
 The Republic of Venice, 3726 (3606). 
 
 E. Pears: The Fall of Constantinople, 3726 (3606). 
 W. C. Hazlitt : The Venetian Republic, 3727 
 
 (3607). 
 
 J. Yeats: The Growth of Commerce, 3727 (3607). 
 G. Finlay : Byzantine and Greek Empires, 
 523-4 (509-10). 
 
 F. A. Parker : Fleets of the World, 3728 (3608). 
 J. T. Bent : Genoa, 3729 (3609). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : Italian Republics, 1869(1829). 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XVIII. 
 
 THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CHURCH : 
 FROM PENTECOST TO GREGORY 
 THE GREAT (A. D. 30(?)-6oo). 
 
 1. JUD.EA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE CHRIS- 
 TIAN Era: 
 
 E. de Pressense: Jesus Christ, 1961-2 (1920-1). 
 E. Schiirer: The Jewish People, 1678 (1639). 
 
 A. Edersheim: Life of Jesus, 446 (432). 
 
 H. W. Hulbert: Historical Geography, 446 (432). 
 
 2. Herod and the Herodians (b. c. 40-a. d. 
 44): 
 
 T. Keim: Jesus of Nazara, 1958-9 (1917-18). 
 
 T. Mommsen : History of Rome, 1960 (1919). 
 
 753 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 H. H. Milman: History of the Jews, 1960 (1919). 
 
 3. Tiie Birth of Jesus : 
 
 T. Keim: Jesus of Nazara, 1960-1 (1919-20). 
 
 W. Hales: Analysis of Chronology, 1011 (984). 
 
 4. Pentecost, and the Establishment ok 
 the First Churches: 
 
 G. Y. Lechler: The Apostolic Times, 447 (433). 
 
 A. Sabatier: The Apostle Paul, 447 (433). 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot: The Apostolic Age, 448 (434). 
 
 W. Moeller : The Christian Church, 448 (434). 
 
 J. E. Wiltsch: Statistics of the Church, 448 
 
 (434) . 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot: The Apostolic Age, 449 (435). 
 W. Moeller: The Christian Church, 449 (435). 
 
 5. The Apostolic Period (a. d. 30(?)-100): 
 
 (a) The Church at Antioch. 
 
 C. Thirlwall: History of Greece, 2107, 2960 
 (2063, 2883). 
 
 W. Moeller : The Christian Church, 448 (434). 
 
 J. J. von DOllinger: European History, 449 
 
 (435) . 
 
 W. M. Ramsay: The Church in the Roman 
 Empire, 449 (435). 
 
 W. Moeller: The Christian Church, 449 (435). 
 
 B. Weiss: Int. to the New Testament, 450 (436). 
 G. B. Brown: From Schola to Cathedral, 450 
 
 (436) . 
 
 ( b ) The Missions of St. Paul. 
 
 G. P. Fisher: The Christian Church, 450 (436). 
 
 A. Sabatier; The Apostle Paul, 450-1 (436-7). 
 
 : , 451, second column, (437). 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot: Biblical Essays, 451 (437). 
 
 W- M. Ramsay: The Church in the Roman 
 Empire, 451 (437). 
 
 C. T. Cruttwell : Literary History of Early 
 Christianity, 191-2 (184-5). 
 
 (c) The Church at Rome. 
 
 W. Moeller: The Christian Church, 453 (439). 
 
 G. Salmon: Infallibility of the Church, 2476 
 (2417). 
 
 J. J. I. Dollinger: History of the Church, 2476-7 
 (2417-18). 
 
 F. W. Farrar: Early Days of Christianity, 2781-2 
 (2707-8). 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot : The Apostolic Age, 453 (439). 
 
 (d) The Church at Alexandria. 
 
 R. S. Poole : The Cities of Egypt, 44 (37). 
 
 E. Kirkpatrick: Development of Superior Edu- 
 cation, 708 (685). 
 
 A. Neander; History of the Christian Church, 
 452 (438). 
 
 J. P. Mahaffy: Alexander’s Empire, 2973 (2896). 
 
 (e) The Destruction of Jerusalem. 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot: The Apostolic Age, 449 (435). 
 C. Merivale : History of the Romans, 1962 (1921). 
 Besant and Palmer: Jerusalem, 1963 (1922). 
 
 H. H. Milman: History of the Jews, 1963 (1922). 
 J. B. Lightfoot : The Apostolic Age, 461 (447). 
 
 (/) St. John, and the Church at Ephesus. 
 
 E. Abbott: History of Greece, 146, second col- 
 umn, (139). 
 
 J. T. Wood: Discoveries at Ephesus, 1008-9 
 (981-2) 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 1009 (982). 
 J. B. Lightfoot; Biblical Essays, 451-2 (437-8). 
 
 “ For Christians are not distinguished from the rest 
 of mankind either in locality or in speech, or in cus- 
 toms. . . . They dwell in their own countries as the lot 
 of each is cast, but only as sojourners; they bear their 
 share in all things as citizens, and they endure all hard- 
 ships as strangers. Every foreign country is a father- 
 land to him and every fatherland is foreign. . . . 
 Their existence is on earth, but their citizenship is in 
 
 heaven. They obey the established laws, and they sur- 
 pass the laws in their own lives. They love all men, and 
 they are persecuted by all. War is urged against them 
 as aliens by the Jews, and persecution is carried on 
 against them by the Greeks, and yet those that hate 
 them cannot tell the reason of their hostility. ” The 
 Epistle to JDiognetus (about a. d. 150). 
 
 6. TnE Period of Church Development (a. d. 
 100-312): 
 
 G. B. Brown: From Schola to Cathedral, 455 
 
 (441) . 
 
 B. F. Westcott: Religious Thought in the West, 
 453-4, 454 (439-40, 440). 
 
 J. F. Hurst: History of the Christian Church, 
 454 (440). 
 
 G. Uhlhorn: Conflict of Christianity with Hea- 
 thenism, 454 (440). 
 
 W. M. Ramsay: The Church in the Roman Em- 
 pire, 455 (441). 
 
 J. H. Kurtz : Church History, 457 (443). 
 
 G. A. Jackson: The Fathers of the Third Century, 
 457 (443). 
 
 See Map between pages 446-7 (432-3), and Ap- 
 pendix D, 3806-10 (End of Vol. I.). 
 
 7. Characteristics of Early Church and 
 Christians : 
 
 G. Uhlhorn: Conflict of Christianity with Hea- 
 thenism, 454 (440). 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot: Trans. Epistle to Diognetus, 
 454 (440). 
 
 R. W. Church: Gifts of Civilization, 455 (441). 
 J. B. Lightfoot: Apostolic Age, 457 (443). 
 
 G. P. Fisher : Christian Church, 459 (445). 
 
 W. M. Ramsay: The Church in the Roman Em- 
 pire, 456 (442). 
 
 H. Hayman: Diocesan Synods, 456 (442). 
 
 W. Moeller: Hist, of the Christian Church, 457 
 
 (443) . 
 
 G. A. Jackson : Fathers of the Third Century, 
 457 (443). 
 
 J. H. Kurtz : Church History, 459 (445). 
 
 8. The Rise of Ecclesiasticism : 
 
 W. D. Killen: The Old Catholic Church, 458 
 
 (444) . 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot: The Apostolic Age, 458 (444). 
 
 C. Gore: The Mission of the Church, 458 (444). 
 A. Neander: The Christian Religion, 458 (444). 
 
 9. Growth of Great Church Centres : 
 
 F. W. Puller: Primitive Saints, 458 (444). 
 
 {a) Alexandria. 
 
 C. T. Cruttwell: Literary History of Early Chris- 
 tianity, 459-460 (445-6). 
 
 J. B. Heard: Alexandrian Theology, 460 (446). 
 W. Moeller: Christian Church, 460 (446). 
 
 C. Bigg: The Christian Platouists, 460-1 (446-7). 
 
 F. C. Baur: Church of the First Three Centuries, 
 1589 (1551). 
 
 (b) Rome. 
 
 W. Moeller: The Christian Church, 462 (448). 
 
 R. Lanciani: Pagan and Christian Rome, 462-3 
 (448-9). 
 
 E. de Pressense: Early Years of Christianity, 
 463 (449). 
 
 (c) Carthage. 
 
 C. T. Cruttwell: Literary History of Early Chris- 
 tianity, 461-2 (447-8). 
 
 J. I. von DOllinger: European History, 462 (448). 
 
 10. TnE Persecutions : 
 
 G. Uhlhorn: The Conflict of Christianity with 
 Heathenism, 456 (442). 
 
 G. B. Brown: From Schola to Cathedral, 455 
 
 (442) . 
 
 754 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 (а) Under Nero (a. d. 64-8). 
 
 F. W. Farrar: Early Days of Christianity, 2781-2 
 (2707-8). 
 
 (б) Under Domitian (a. d. 93-6). 
 
 V. Duruy: History of Rome, 2784 (2710). 
 
 (c) Under Trajan (a. d. 112-16). 
 
 R. W. Browne : History of Rome, 2786, first col- 
 umn, (2712). 
 
 ( d ) Under Marcus Aurelius (a. d. 175-8). 
 
 F. W. Farrar: Seekers after God, 2788 (2714). 
 
 (e) Under Decivs (about a. d. 250). 
 
 J. C. Robertson: History of Christian Church, 
 2790 (2716). 
 
 (/) Under Diocletian (a. d. 303-5). 
 
 S. Eliot: History of the Early Christians, 2792-3 
 (2718-19). 
 
 The Ante-Nicene Churches, Appendix D, 3806 
 (End of Vol I.). 
 
 11. The Church Fathers : 
 
 J. F. Hurst: History of the Christian Church, 
 454 (440). 
 
 W. Moeller: The Christian Church, 456-7 (442-3). 
 J. H. Kurtz: Church History, 457 (443). 
 
 G. A. Jackson: Fathers of the Third Century, 
 457 (443). 
 
 W. Moeller: The Christian Church, 460 (446). 
 
 A. Plummer: Church of the Early Fathers, 461 
 (447). 
 
 J. I. von Dollinger: European History, 462 (448). 
 E. de Pressense: Early Years of Christianity, 
 463 (449). 
 
 W. Stewart: Church in the Fourth Century, 468 
 
 (454) . 
 
 G. T. Stokes: The Celtic Church, 472 (458). 
 
 W. Stewart: Church in the Fourth Century, 471 
 (456-7). 
 
 T. W. Allies: The Holy See, 2482 (2423). 
 
 12. The Christian Church becomes the 
 Church of the Empire (a. d. 323) : 
 
 G. P. Fisher: History of the Christian Church, 
 465 (451). 
 
 A. Carr: The Church and the Roman Empire, 
 465-6 (451-2). 
 
 Eusebius: Ecclesiastical History, 2794 (2720). 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Constantine the Great, 2794-5 (2721). 
 A. Neander: History of the Christian Church, 
 2795 (2721). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 2795 (2721). 
 
 H H. Milman: History of Christianity, 466-7, 
 467-8 (452-3, 453-4). 
 
 13. The Eastern, or Greek Church : 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Constantine the Great, 519 (505). 
 
 G. Finlay: Greece under the Romans, 520 (506). 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 2801 (2727). 
 
 H. F. Tozer: The Church and the Eastern Em- 
 pire, 468-9 (454-5). 
 
 R. W. Church: The Gifts of Civilization, 469 
 
 (455) . 
 
 J. C. Lees: The Greek Church, 470 (456). 
 
 14. The Arian Controversy, and Council of 
 NiCyEa (a. d. 325): 
 
 The Councils of the Church, 644 (621). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 138 (131). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 138-9 (131-2). 
 
 R. W. Bush: St. Athanasius, 2411 (2359). 
 
 W. Moeller: Christian Church, 466 (452). 
 
 T. Hodgkin: The Dynasty of Theodosius, 2799, 
 second column, (2725). 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Charlemagne, 1150 (1120). 
 
 P. Schaff: History of Christian Church, 1150 
 
 ( 1120 ). 
 
 15. The Revival of Paganism, and Formal 
 Establishment of Christianity (a. d. 361- 
 395): 
 
 G. Uhlhorn: Conflict of Christianity with Hea- 
 thenism, 2796-8 (2722—4). 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi: Fall of the Roman Empire, 
 2798, first column, (2724). 
 
 J. B. S. Carwithen: History of the Christian 
 Church, 2801 (2727). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2800-1 (2726-7). 
 
 16. The Spread of Christianity in the 
 Provinces : 
 
 E. de Pressense: Early Years of Christianity, 
 463 (449). 
 
 C. A. A. Scott: Ulfilas, 464, 1594 (450, 1556). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of the Middle Ages, 
 1432 (1399). 
 
 S. Baring-Gould; The Church in Germany, 472 
 (458). 
 
 C. Merivale : Church History, 464 (450). 
 
 R. W. Church: Gifts of Civilization, 465(451). 
 
 A. Plummer: Church of the Early Fathers, 464 
 (450). 
 
 Appendix D, 3S07-10 (End of Yol. I.). 
 
 17. The Fall of Imperial, Rise of Ecclesi- 
 astical Rome : 
 
 J. Watt : The Latin Church, 471 (457). 
 
 C. Merivale : Early Church History, 471 (457). 
 
 E. Hatch: Organization of the Christian 
 
 Churches, 471 (457). 
 
 G. T. Stokes: The Celtic Church, 472 (458). 
 
 J. J. I. von Dollinger: History of the Church, 
 2481 (2421-2). 
 
 C. Gore : Leo the Great, 2481 (2422). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XIX. 
 
 THE ESTABLISHMENT AND 
 GROWTH OF THE PAPACY. 
 
 1. The Roman Church Claim of Descent 
 from St. Peter : 
 
 G. Salmon: Infallibility of the Church, 2476 
 (2417). 
 
 J. J. I. von Dollinger; History of the Church, 
 
 2476- 7 (2417-18). 
 
 Cardinal Gibbons: The Faith of Our Fathers, 
 
 2477- 8 (2418-19). 
 
 Abbe Guettee: The Papacy, 2478-9 (2419-20). 
 
 S. Cheetham: History of the Church, 2480 (2421). 
 G. F. Seymour: Christian Unity, 2480 (2421). 
 
 E. de Pressense: Early Years of Christianity. 
 463 (449). 
 
 2. The Rise of the Episcopate : 
 
 W. D. Killen: The Old Catholic Church, 458 
 (444). 
 
 C. Gore : Mission of the Church, 458 (444). 
 
 J. B. Lightfoot; The Apostolic Age, 458 (444). 
 A. Neander : The Christian Religion, 458 (444). 
 E. Hatch: Organization of the Christian 
 Churches, 471 (457). 
 
 C. Gore: Leo the Great, 2481 (2422). 
 
 3. The Patriarchates : 
 
 J. H. Egar: Christendom ; Ecclesiastical and 
 Political, 466 (452). 
 
 755 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 J. E. T. Wiltsch: Statistics of the Church, 466 
 (452). 
 
 J. C. Lees: The Greek Church, 470, first column, 
 (456). 
 
 C. Merivale: Early Church History, 471 (457). 
 
 4. The Early Bishops of Rome (a. d. 42-600): 
 J. J. I. von Dollinger: History of the Church, 
 
 2480-1 (2421-2). 
 
 C. Gore : Leo the Great, 2481 (2422). 
 
 .T. H. Egar: Ecclesiastical and Political Christen- 
 dom, 476 (462). 
 
 Y. Duruy : Middle Ages, 476 (462). 
 
 5. Origin of the Papal Title : 
 
 A. P. Stanley: The Eastern Church, 2480 (2421). 
 
 R. W. Bush: St. Athanasius, 2411 (2359). 
 
 6. Causes that led to the Supremacy of 
 the Roman Church : 
 
 J. Watt: The Latin Church, 471 (457). 
 
 C. Merivale: Church History, 471 (457). 
 
 E. Hatch: The Christian Churches, 471 (457). 
 
 C. Gore : Leo the Great, 2481 (2422). 
 
 S. Cheetliam : The Christian Church, 2479, last 
 column, 2480 (2421). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1045 (1017). 
 
 7. Gregory the Great (a. d. 590-604): 
 
 Y. Duruy: The Middle Ages, 475-6 (461-2). 
 
 J. Barrnby: Gregory the Great, 2481-2 (2422-3). 
 
 T. W. Allies: The Holy See, 2482 (2423). 
 
 M. Creighton : History of the Papacy, 2818 
 (2744). 
 
 C. Merivale : Early Church History, 476 (462). 
 V. Duruy: The Middle Ages, 476-7 (462-3;. 
 
 J. F. Rowbotham: History of Music, 2280-1. 
 
 8. From Gregory to Charlemagne (a. d. 600- 
 800): 
 
 The Succession of Popes, 2482-3 (2423-4). 
 
 (a) The Rise of Papal Sovereignty at Rome. 
 
 G. Finlay: The Byzantine Empire, 2483 (2424). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2483 (2424). 
 
 J. E. Darras : History of the Catholic Church, 
 2483 (2424). 
 
 P. Godwin : History of France, 2483 (2424). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 2483 (2424). 
 C. J. Stille; Mediajval History, 1467, second 
 column, (1436). 
 
 (b) The Iconoclastic Controversy . 
 
 J. L. vou Moslieim: Ecclesiastical History, 1732 
 (1692-3). 
 
 J. C. Lees: The Greek Church, 470 (456). 
 
 (c) The Forged Donation of Constantine, and 
 False Decretals. 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2484 (2425). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 2484 (2425). 
 J. Alzog : Manual of Church History, 2484 (2425). 
 J. E. Riddle: History of the Papacy, 2485(2426). 
 
 9. The Alliance between the Papacy and 
 the Franks : 
 
 J. Bryce : The Holy Roman Empire (1846-1806). 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of the Middle Ages, 
 1846-7 (1806-7). 
 
 C. J. Stille: Studies in Mediaeval History, 1467-8 
 (1436-7). 
 
 E.Emerton:The Middle Ages, 1434—5 (1401-2). 
 
 10. From Charlemagne to Hildebrand; 
 Degradation of the Holy See (a. d. 300- 
 1073): 
 
 Cardinal J. H. Newman: Essays, 2485-6 (2426-7). 
 A. F. Villemain : Life of Gregory VII., 2820 
 (2746). 
 
 Abbe J. E. Darras: The Catholic Church, 2820 
 (2746). 
 
 C. W. Koch: The Revolutions of Europe, 1471 
 (1439-40). 
 
 J. I. von Dbllinger: European History, 2820-1 
 (2746-7). 
 
 J. H. Allen: Christian History, 1473 (1442). 
 
 G. B. Adams: Civilization during Middle Ages, 
 1473-4 (1442-3). 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Charlemagne, 1150 (1120). 
 
 P. Schaff; History of the Christian Church, 1150 
 
 ( 1120 ). 
 
 “ Such are a few of the most prominent features of the 
 ecclesiastical history of these dreadful times, when, in 
 the words of St. Bruno, * the world lay in wickedness, 
 holiness had disappeared, justice had perished, and 
 truth had been buried; Simon Magus lording it over 
 the Church, whose bishops and priests were given to 
 luxury and fornication. ’ Had we lived in such deplorable 
 times .... we should have felt for certain, that if 
 it was possible to retrieve the Church, it must be by 
 some external power; she was helpless and resourceless; 
 and the civil (lower must interfere, or there was no 
 hope.” Cardinal J. H. Newman. 
 
 11. Hildebrand and Reform (a. d. 1073- 
 1086) : 
 
 Count de Montalembert: Monks of the West, 
 2486-7 (2427-8). 
 
 J. Alzog : Manual of History, 2487-8 (2428). 
 
 G. B. Adams: Civilization during Middle Ages, 
 1473-4 (1442-3). 
 
 J. N. Murphy: The Chair of Peter, 2492 (2432). 
 
 (а) Papal Elections. 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 2491-2 (2431-2). 
 
 (б) Celibacy. 
 
 Sir James Stephen: Hildebrand, 2488 (2429). 
 
 (c) Investitures. 
 
 Hinschius: Investiturstreit, 2488-9 (3794-6). 
 
 ( d ) At Canossa. 
 
 W. Moeller: The Christian Church, 2490 (2430). 
 W. R. W. Stephens: Hildebrand and His Times, 
 396-7 (386-7). 
 
 W. S. Lilly: The Turning-Point of the Middle 
 Ages, 2490-1 (2430-1). 
 
 J. H. Allen: Christian History, 1474 (1442). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 2821 (2747). 
 
 (e) The Concordat of Worms. 
 
 J. Sime: History of Germany, 1474 (1443). 
 
 J. J. I. Dollinger: History of the Church, 1474-5 
 (1443-4). 
 
 R. C. Trench: Mediaeval Church History, 2491 
 (2431). 
 
 12. The Popes and the Hohenstaufen (a. d. 
 1138-1250): 
 
 J. C. L. Sismondi : The Italian Republics, 1850 
 (1810). 
 
 M. Creighton : History of the Papacy, 2492-3 
 (2432-3). 
 
 H. Hallam : The Middle Ages, 2493-4 (2433-4). 
 
 U. Balzani: The Popes anil the Hohenstaufen, 
 1478 (1445). 
 
 O. Browning: Guelphs and Ghibellines, 1478-9 
 (1445-6). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: European History, 1479 (1446). 
 
 : Frederick the Second, 1479-80 (1446-7). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1854 (1814). 
 T. L. Kington: Frederick the Second, 1855-6 
 (1815-16). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1050 and 1054(1022, 1026). 
 
 13. TnE “ Babylonish Captivity ” (a. d. 1294- 
 1378): 
 
 G. Trevor : Rome, 2494-5 (2434—5). 
 
 L. Pastor: History of the Popes, 2495-6 (2435-6). 
 
 M. Creighton : History of the Papacy, 2496 (2436). 
 
 756 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 14. The “Ghkat Schism ” (a. d. 1378-1417): 
 
 W. W. Story : Castle St. Angelo, 2497 (2437). 
 
 J. N. Murphy : The Chair of Peter, 2498 (2438). 
 
 L. Pastor: History of the Popes, 2498 (2438). 
 
 J. Alzog: Manual of Church History, 2498-9 
 (2438-9). 
 
 15. The Darkest Age of the Papacy (a. d. 
 1417-1517): 
 
 R. C. Trench: Mediaeval Church History, 2500 
 (2440). 
 
 R. L. Poole : Wycliffeand Reform Movements, 
 2501 (2441). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2501 (2441). 
 
 H. A. Taine : English Literature, 2501-2 (2441-2). 
 
 J. A. Symonds : Renaissance in Italy, 2502, 2503 
 (2442, 2443). 
 
 16. Eve of TnE Great Reformation; 
 
 T. Kolde: Martin Luther, 2504. 
 
 L. Ranke: History of the Reformation, 2504-5 
 (2443-4). 
 
 G. P. Fisher: The Reformation, 2505 (2444). 
 
 Cardinal N. Wiseman: Lectures on Catholic 
 Church, 2505-6 (2444-5). 
 
 J. N. M. D’Aubigue: Story of the Reformation, 
 2506 (2445). 
 
 17. The Inquisition (a. d. 1203-1525) : 
 
 J. A. Symonds: The Catholic Reaction, 1789-91 
 (1750-2). 
 
 • See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XX. 
 
 MONASTICISM AND THE RELIGIOUS 
 ORDERS. 
 
 1. Monasticism : 
 
 I. Gregory Smith: Christian Monasticism, 468 
 (454). 
 
 E. Schiirer: The Jewish People, 1014 (3745). 
 Charles Kingsley : The Hermits, 119-20(112-13). 
 
 1. Gregory Smith: Christian Monasticism, 2239- 
 40 (2195-6). 
 
 Count de Montalembert : Monks of the West, 
 2240-1 (2196-7). 
 
 A. Jessop : The Coming of the Friars, 2241-2 
 (2197-8). 
 
 Count de Montalembert: Monks of the West, 
 2050-1 (2006-7). 
 
 F. Madan : Books in Manuscript, 2051-2 (2007-8). 
 F. Guizot : History of Civilization, 711 (688). 
 
 A. T. Drane : Christian Schools, 711-12 (688-9). 
 
 2. The Benedictines (abodt a. d. 500) : 
 
 (a) The Original Order. 
 
 C. J. Stille : Mediaeval History, 288 (279). 
 
 (b) The Congregations of Clung. 
 
 R. C. Trench : Mediaeval History, 495 (481). 
 
 3. The Carthusians (about a. d. 1075): 
 
 J. E. Darras : The Catholic Church, 405 (395). 
 M. A. Schimmelpenninck : La Grande Char- 
 treuse, 405 (395). 
 
 4. The Cistercians (about a. d. 1100): 
 
 (a) The Original Order. 
 
 K. Norgate: England under the Angevin Kings, 
 487 (472-3). 
 
 C. J. Stille : Mediaeval History, 491-2 (477-8). 
 
 H. Stebbing : The Universal Church, 492 (478). 
 
 G. W. Cox : The Crusades, 653 (630). 
 
 (b) The Trappists (about 1150). 
 
 C. Lancelot: La Grande Chartreuse, 3237-8 
 (3121-2). 
 
 (c) Port Royal (a. d. 1204-1710). 
 
 J. Tulloch: Pascal, 2637 (2565). 
 
 J. B. Perkins: France under Mazarin, 2637-9 
 (2565-7). 
 
 H. Martin: History of France, 2639 (2567). 
 
 Duke of Saint Simon: Memoirs, 2640 (2568). 
 
 J. J. I. Dollinger: European History, 2640 
 (2568). 
 
 5. The Augustinians, or Austin Canons 
 (about a. d. 1150): 
 
 K. Norgate : England under the Angevin Kings, 
 197 (190). 
 
 E. L. Cutts: Middle Ages, 2656 (2584). 
 
 6. The Carmelite Friars (about a. d. 1150): 
 J. L. von Mosheim: Ecclesiastical History, 401 
 
 (391). 
 
 7. The Dominicans (about a. d. 1200) : 
 
 J. Alzog : Manual of Church History, 2196 (2152). 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 1789-91 
 (1750-2). 
 
 8. The Franciscans (about a. d. 1225): 
 
 J. Alzog : Manual of Church History, 2196. 
 (2152). 
 
 E. L. Cutts : Middle Ages, 2196 (2152). 
 
 A. M. F. Robinson : End of the Middle Ages, 
 285 (276). 
 
 J. L. von Mosheim . Ecclesiastical History, 286 
 (277). 
 
 M. Creighton: The Papacy, 2493, first column, 
 (2433). 
 
 See “ The Recollects,” 2700 (2627). 
 
 9. The Capuchins (about a. d. 1500): 
 
 J. Alzog: Manual of Church History, 399 (389). 
 
 10. The Theatines (about a. d. 1525): 
 
 A. W. Ward: The Counter -Reformation, 3189 
 (3104). 
 
 L. von Ranke : History of the Popes, 3189 (3104). 
 
 11. The Lazarists (about a. d. 1625): 
 
 J. Alzog: Universal History, 2039 (1995). 
 
 12. Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusa- 
 lem (a. d. 1118—) : 
 
 T. Keightley: The Crusaders, 1701-2 (1662-3). 
 
 F. C. Woodhouse: Military Religious Orders, 
 1702 (1663). 
 
 G. Finlay: The Byzantine and Greek Empires, 
 1702 (1663). 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Reign of Philip II., 1703-4 
 (1664-5). 
 
 F. C. Woodhouse; Military Religious Orders, 
 1704-5 (1665-6). 
 
 13. The Knights Templars (about a. d. 1120) : 
 T. Keightley: The Crusaders, 3176 (3091). 
 
 C. G. Addison: The Knights Templars, 3176 
 (3091). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 3177 (3092). 
 A. P. Marras: Secret Fraternities of the Middle 
 
 Ages, 1438-9 (1405-6). 
 
 R. A. Vaughn: Hours with the Mystics, 2826-7 
 (2752-3). 
 
 14. The Teutonic Knights (about a. d. 1190): 
 
 F. C. Woodhouse: Military Religious Orders, 
 3185-6 (3100-01). 
 
 G. F. Maclear: Apostles of Mediaeval Europe, 
 2684-5 (2612-13). 
 
 757 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 15. The Society of Jesus (a. d. 1540-): 
 
 (a) Loyola, and the Founding of the Order. 
 
 L. Hausser: The Reformation, 1928-9 (1887-8). 
 G. B. Nicolini: The Jesuits, 1929 (1888). 
 
 A. T. Drane: Christian Schools, 731 (708). 
 
 G. Compayre: History of Pedagogy, 731-2 
 (708-9). 
 
 O. Browning: Educational Theories, 732 (709). 
 
 ( b ) Early Jesuit Missions. 
 
 A Historical Sketch of the Jesuits, 1929-30 
 (1888-9). 
 
 'W. P. Greswell: The Dominion of Canada, 1930 
 (1889). 
 
 F. Parkman : The Jesuits in North America, 
 1930-1 (1889-90). 
 
 R. Mackenzie : America, 371-2 (361-2). 
 
 The Hundred Years of Christiauity in Japan, 
 1915-16 (1875-6). 
 
 D. Murray: The Story of Japan, 1916 (1876). 
 
 (c) Changes in the Statutes of the Order. 
 
 L. von Ranke : History of the Popes, 1931-2 
 (1890-1). 
 
 {d) Expulsion of the Order from France (a. d. 
 1595). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 1246, first column, 
 (1214). 
 
 (e) Controversy with the Jansenists (a. d. 1653- 
 1715). 
 
 J. B. Perkins : France and Mazarin, 2637-9 
 (2565-7). 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 2639 (2567). 
 
 (/) General Suppression of the Society through- 
 out Europe (a. d. 1757-1775). 
 
 H. M. Stephens : The Story of Portugal, 1932-3 
 (1891-2). 
 
 W. H. Jervis: History of the Church of France, 
 1933-4 (1892-3). 
 
 ( g) Suppression of the Order by the Pope (a. d. 
 1773), and Restoration (a. d. 1814). 
 
 The Jesuits and Their Expulsion, 1934-5, and 
 1935 (1893-4, and 1894). 
 
 Clement XIV. and the Jesuits, 1935 (1894). 
 
 “ Himself without home or country, and not holding 
 the doctrines of any political party, the Disciple of 
 Jesus renounced everything which might alienate him 
 among varying nationalities, pursuing various political 
 aims. Then he did not confine his labors to the pulpit 
 and the confessional ; he gained an influence over the 
 rising generation by a systematic attention to educa- 
 tion, which had been shamefully neglected by the other 
 orders. It is a true saying, that ‘ he who gains the youth 
 possesses the future ’ ; and by devoting themselves to 
 the education of youth, the Jesuits secured a future to 
 the Church more surely than by any other scheme that 
 could have been devised. What the schoolmasters were 
 for the youth, the confessors were for those of riper 
 years ; what the clerical teachers were for the common 
 people, the spiritual directors and confidants were for 
 great lords and rulers— for the Jesuits aspired to a 
 lace at the side of the great, and at gaining the con- 
 dence of Kings.” L. Hausser. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXL 
 
 THE RISE AND CONQUESTS OF 
 MOHAMMEDANISM. 
 
 1. Arabia and the Arabs; the Saracens; 
 
 A. H. Sayce ; Races of the Old Testament, 2963 
 (2886). 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Notes to Herodotus, 128 (121). 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History. 128-9 (121-2). 
 A. H. Sayce: Ancient Arabia, 129-30 (122-3). 
 
 E. Gibbon; Decline and Fall, 2878 (2803). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Note to Gibbon, 2878 (2803). 
 
 H. Yule: Cathay, 3215-16, and 3216-17 (3704r-5, 
 and 3705-6). 
 
 2. The Birth and Career of Mohammed 
 (a. d. 570-632): 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Conquests of the Saracens, 2112 
 (2067). 
 
 Sir W. Muir : Life of Mahomet, 2112-13 (2067-8). 
 J. W. H. Stobart ■ Islam and Its Founder, 1843 
 (1803). _ 
 
 Sir H. Nicholas: Chronology of History, 1011 
 (984). 
 
 S. Lane-Poole: Studies in a Mosque, 2194 (2150). 
 
 3. The First Caliphate ; from Abu Beer to 
 Ali (a. d. 632-661); 
 
 See Caliph, 363 (353). 
 
 R. D. Osborn : Islam under the Khalifs, 1735 
 (1696). 
 
 (а) Conquest of Syria. 
 
 Geo. Adam Smith : Geography of Holy Land, 
 3141-2 (3057-8). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2113-14 (2068-9). 
 W. Irving: Mahomet and His Successors, 1923 
 (1882). 
 
 (б) Conquest of Persia. 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Seventh Oriental Monarchy, 2114 
 (2069). 
 
 (c) Conquest of Egypt. 
 
 Sir W. Muir: Annais of Early Caliphate, 2114-15 
 (2069-70). 
 
 Researches on Burning of Library of Alexan- 
 dria, 2047-8 (2003-4). 
 id) Conquest of Northern Af rica. 
 
 T. Mommsen: History of Rome, 2442 (2390) 
 
 H. E. M. Stutfield: El Maghreb, 2133-4(2089-90). 
 E. A. Freeman: Conquest of Saracens, 21 15 (2070). 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 2115 (2070). 
 
 4. The Omeyyad Caliphate (a. d. 661-750)- 
 E. A. Freeman: Conquests of the Saracens, 2116 
 
 (2071). 
 
 Sir W. Muir : Annals of the Early Caliphate, 
 2116-17 (2071-2). 
 
 5. The Subjugation of the Turks (a. d. 710): 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 3246 (3130). 
 
 : , 2117 (2072). 
 
 6. The Conquest of Spain (a. d. 711-13), and 
 Battle of Tours (732) : 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginning of the Middle Ages, 
 1599-1600 (1561-2). 
 
 H. Coppee: The Conquest of Spain, 3054(2974). 
 P. Godwin: History of France, 2117-18, 2119 
 (2072-5, 2076). 
 
 7. The Divided Caliphate ; the Omeyyads 
 and Abbassides (a. d. 715): 
 
 Sir W. Muir : Annals of the Early Caliphate, 
 2118 (2075). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : Conquests of the Saracens, 2119, 
 2120 (2076, 2077). 
 
 E. H. Palmer: Haroun Alraschid, 2119 (2076). 
 
 T. Nbldeke : Eastern History, 2120 (2077). 
 
 8. TuRiasn Supremacy, and Establishment 
 of the Sultanate (a. d. 1000-): 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall. 3247 (3131). 
 
 A. Vambery: History of Bokhara, 3247, 3249 
 (3131, 3133). 
 
 R. D. Osborn: Islam under Khalifs of Bagdad, 
 3247-8 (3131-2). 
 
 E. Pears The Fall of Constantinople, 3248 (3132). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 G. Finlay: The Byzantine and Greek Empires, 
 3348 (3133). 
 
 9. Risk ok the Ottoman Empire (a. d. 1250-) ; 
 Besant and Palmer: Jerusalem, 3867 (3793-3). 
 
 J. F. Michaud: History of the Crusades, 3867 
 
 (3793). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 3349-50 (3133-1). 
 
 10. Civilization of the Saracens: 
 
 (a) Education. 
 
 J. W. Draper. Intellectual Development of Eu- 
 rope, 713 (690). 
 
 Westminster Review : Intellectual Revival, 713— 
 14 (690-1). 
 
 (b) Medical Science. 
 
 J. H. Baas : History of Medicine, 3173-4 (3130). 
 
 G. F. Fort: Medical Economy of Middle Ages, 
 3174 (3130). 
 
 P. Y. Renouard : History of Medicine, 3174 
 (2130). 
 
 (c) Commerce. 
 
 H. Yule : Cathay, 3215-17 (3704^6). 
 
 G. Finlay: The Byzantine Empire, 3217-18 
 (3706-7). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXII. 
 
 THE CRUSADES. 
 
 “ ‘You,’ continued the eloquent pontiff [Urban II.], 
 ‘ you, who hear me, and who have received the true 
 faith, and been endowed by God with power, and 
 strength, and greatness of soul, — whose ancestors have 
 been the prop of Christendom, and whose Kings have 
 put a barrier against the progress of the infidel, — I call 
 upon you to wipe off these impurities from the face of 
 the earth, and lift your oppressed fellow Christians from 
 the depths into which they have been trampled.’ Pales- 
 tine was, he said, a land flowing with milk and honey, 
 and precious in the sight of God, as the scene of the 
 grand events which have saved mankind. That land, he 
 promised, should be divided among them. Moreover, 
 they should have full pardon for all their offenses against 
 God or man. • Go then,’ he added, ‘ in expiation of your 
 sins; and go assured that, after this world shall have 
 passed away, imperishable glory shall be yours in the 
 world to come.’ The enthusiasm was no longer to be re- 
 strained, and loud shouts interrupted the speaker; the 
 people exclaiming as with one voice, ‘ Dieu le veult ! 
 Dieu le veult 1 ’” C. Mackay. 
 
 1. Causes of the Movements: 
 
 W. Irving; Mahomet and His Successors, 1923 
 (1882). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Conquests of the Saracens, 2120 
 (2077). 
 
 G. Finlay: Byzantine and Greek Empires, 649 
 (626). 
 
 2. Preaching of Pope Urban II., and Peter 
 the Hermit : 
 
 C. Mackay: Popular Delusions, 649-50 (626-7). 
 E. Gibbon; Decline and Fall, 650 (627). 
 
 3. The First Crusade (a. d. 1096-1099): 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 650-1 (627-8). 
 Besant and Palmer: Jerusalem, 1923—1 (1882-3). 
 T. Keightley: The Crusaders, 651-2 (628-9). 
 
 H. F. Brown: Venice, 3725-6 (3605-6). 
 
 4. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (a. d. 
 1099-1291): 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 1924 (1883). 
 
 T. Keightley: The Crusaders, 1924 (1883). 
 
 C. Mills: The Crusades, 1924^5 (1883-4). 
 
 G. W. Cox: The Crusades, 1925 (1884). 
 
 5. The Second Crusade (a. d. 1 147—49) : 
 
 H. von Sybel: The Crusades, 652-3 (629-30). 
 
 G. W. Cox: The Crusades, 653 (630). 
 
 C. M. Yonge: History of France, 1193 (1161-2). 
 K. Norgate: England under the Angevin Kings, 
 127-8 (120-1). 
 
 6. The Third Crusade (a. d. 1188-92): 
 
 J. F. Michaud: The Crusades, 653 (630). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 653-4 (630-1). 
 
 G. W. Cox: The Crusades, 654 (631). 
 
 7. The Fourth and Fifth Crusades (a. d. 
 1196-1203): 
 
 G. W. Cox: The Crusades, 654 (631). 
 
 E. Pears: The Fall of Constantinople, 654^5 
 (631-2). 
 
 8. The Conquest of Constantinople (a d. 
 1204): 
 
 G. Finlay: The Byzantine and Greek Empires, 
 3726 (3606). 
 
 E. Pears: The Fall of Constantinople, 3726, and 
 350-1 (3606 and 340-1). 
 
 G. Finlay: History of Greece, 351 (341). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 351-2 (341-2). 
 
 G. Finlay: History of Greece, 6 and 2730 (6 and 
 2656). 
 
 : Byzantine and Greek Empires, 1649-50 
 
 (1611-12). 
 
 9. Minor Crusading Movements : 
 
 (а) The Children’s Crusade (a. d. 1212). 
 Besant and Palmer: Jerusalem, 655-6 (632-3). 
 
 (б) Against the Albigenses (A. d. 1209-1229). 
 
 G. Rawlinson: Seventh Oriental Monarchy, 
 2127-8 (2083-4). 
 
 J. L. Mosheim: Christianity. 2128 (2084). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 39 (32). 
 
 J. Alzog : Manual of Church History, 39 (32). 
 Sir J. Stephen : History of France, 39 (32). 
 
 E. Smedley: History of France, 39-40 (32-3). 
 
 Sir James Stephen: History of France, 40 and 
 41 (33 and 34). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Hist. Geography of Europe, 
 40-1 (33^). 
 
 (c) Against the Livonians (about a. d. 1200). 
 G. F. Maclear: Apostles of Mediaeval Europe, 
 
 2075 (2031). 
 
 (d) Against the Prussians (about a. d. 1250-). 
 
 G. F. Maclear : Apostles of Mediaeval Europe, 
 2684-5 (2612-13). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Frederick the Great, 2685 (2613). 
 
 («) Against the Almohades (a. d. 1212). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : Conquest of the Saracens, 49 
 (42.) 
 
 H. Coppee: Conquest of Spain by the Moors, 
 3058 (2977). 
 
 10. The Sixth Crusade (a. d. 1216-29): 
 
 G. Procter : The Crusades, 656-7 (633-4). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Emperor Frederick the Second, 
 1480 (1446-7). 
 
 Besant and Palmer : Jerusalem, 1926 (1885). 
 
 11. The Seventh Crusade (a. d. 1248-54): 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 657-8 (634-5). 
 J. F. Michaud : The Crusades, 658 (635). 
 
 12. Final Movements (a. d. (1270-99): 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 658-9 (635-6). 
 
 G. Procter: The Crusades, 1927-8 (1886-7). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Mediaeval and Modern History, 
 1928 (1887). 
 
 C. G. Addison: The Knights Templars, 659 
 (636). 
 
 759 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDT 
 
 13. The Effects of tiie Crusades; 
 
 E. Gibbon; Decline and Fall, 659 (636). 
 
 H. Ilallam; The Middle Ages, 659 (636). 
 
 W. Robertson ; Progress of Society in Europe, 
 659 (636). 
 
 W. Stubbs; Mediaeval and Modem History, 660 
 637). 
 
 F. Guizot: History of Civilization, 660-1 (637-8). 
 “The principle of the Crusades was a savage fanati- 
 cism ; and the most important effects were analogous 
 to the cause. Each pilgrim was ambitious to return 
 with his sacred spoils, the relics of Greece and Pales- 
 tine; andeach relic was preceded and followed by a train 
 of miracles and visions. The belief of the Catholics was 
 corrupted by new legends, their practice by new super- 
 stitions; and the establishment of the inquisition, the 
 mendicant orders of monks and friars, the last abuse of 
 indulgences, and the final progress of idolatry, flowed 
 from the baleful fountain of tne holy war.” 
 
 E. Gibbon. 
 
 * See important note at head of Stxidy I. 
 
 * STUDY XXIII. 
 
 THE RENAISSANCE— THE BIRTH 
 OF THE MODERN AGE (A. D. 1400-1500). 
 
 1. The General Meaning of the Term: 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 2703-4 
 (2630-1). 
 
 P. Villari: Niccolo Machiavelli, 2704 (2631). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1077-9 (1049-51). 
 
 2. The Leading Influence of Italy in the 
 Awakening : 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 1872-3, 
 1874-5 (1832-3, 1834-5). 
 
 Vernon Lee: Euphorion, 1874 (1834). 
 
 H. A. Taine: Italy, Florence, and Venice, 1173 
 (1143). 
 
 “ When Machiavelli called Italy 1 the corruption of 
 the world,’ he did not speak rhetorically. An impure 
 and worldly clergy; an irreligious, though superstitious, 
 laity; a self-indulgent and materialistic middle class: 
 an idle aristocracy, excluded from politics and unused 
 to arms; a public'given up to pleasure and money get- 
 ting; a multitude of scholars, devoted to trifles, and 
 vitiated by studies which clashed with the ideals of 
 Christianity — from such elements in the nation pro- 
 ceeded a widely spread and ever-increasing degeneracy. 
 . . . Religion expired in laughter, irony, and license. 
 Domestic simplicity yielded to vice, whereof the 
 records are precise an'd unmistakable. The virile vir- 
 tues disappeared. What survived of courage assumed 
 the forms of ruffianism, ferocity, and treasonable dar- 
 ing. Still, simultaneously with this decline in all the 
 moral qualities which constitute a powerful people, 
 the Italians brought their arts and some departments 
 of their literature to a perfection that can only be paral- 
 leled by Ancient Greece. The anomaly implied in this 
 statement is striking; but it is revealed to us by evi- 
 dence too overwhelming to be rejected. 
 
 J. A. Symonds. 
 
 3. Other Greatly Contributing Causes : 
 
 (a) The Capture of Constantinople by the Turks 
 
 (A. d. 1453): 
 
 C. C. Felton : Greece, Ancient and Modern, 524 
 (510). 
 
 Demetrios Bikelas: The Byzantine Empire, 352 
 (342). 
 
 J. N. Larned: The Greek Revival, 1077-8(1050). 
 
 (5) The Invention of Printing (a. d. 1456). 
 
 J. N. Larned: The Invention of Printing, 1077 
 (1049). 
 
 H. Bouchot: The Printed Book, 2660 (2588). 
 
 W. Blades: Books in Chains, 2660-1 (2588-9). 
 
 (c) The Marvelous Results of Exploration and 
 Discovery. 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1078-9 (1050-1). 
 
 J. A. Blanqui: Hist, of Political Economy,. 
 3730-1 (3610-11). 
 
 (1) The Early Successes of the Portuguese. 
 C. R. Markham : The Sea Fathers, 2644 (2572). 
 
 J. Y eats : Growth of Commerce, 2644-5 (2572-3). 
 J. W. Draper: Intellectual Development of 
 
 Europe, 2645 (2573). 
 
 (2) The Spanish Discoveries. 
 
 H. H Bancroft: History of the Pacific States, 
 55 (48). 
 
 Sir A. Helps: The Spanish Conquest, 55-6 (48-9). 
 
 C. R. Markham : The Sea Fathers, 56 (49). 
 
 W. Irving : Life of Columbus, 57-8 (50-1). 
 
 J. Fiske: The Discovery of America, 60 (53). 
 
 J. Winsor : Narrative and Critical History of 
 America, 61-2 (54-5). 
 
 (3) The English Discoveries. 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the United States, 58 
 (51). 
 
 H. Harrisse : Discovery of North America, 59. 
 
 : , 61 (3678). 
 
 4. The Effects of the Renaissance: 
 
 (a) In Italy. 
 
 H. A. Taine: History of English Literature, 
 2502 (2442). 
 
 W. Hunt: History of Italy, 1870 (1830). 
 
 Mrs. Oliphant: Makers of Florence, 1172 (1142). 
 H. A. Taine: Italy, Florence, and Venice, 1172-3 
 (1142-3). 
 
 ( b ) In France. 
 
 J. A Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 1872-3 
 (1832-3). 
 
 Mrs. Mark Pattison : The Renaissance of Art, 
 1216-17 (1184-5). 
 
 A. Tilley: Literature of the French Renaissance, 
 1217 (1185). 
 
 (c) In Germany. 
 
 M. Arnold: Schools on the Continent, 727 (704). 
 
 (d) In England. 
 
 H. A. Taine : English Literature, 851-2 (824^5). 
 J. A. Symonds: Shakspere’s Predecessors, 852-3 
 (825-6). 
 
 5. The Influence of the Renaissance: 
 
 (a) Upon Art. 
 
 R. N. Wornum: Epochs of Painting, 2462-3. 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 2463-4. 
 
 R. Westmacott: Handbook of Sculpture, 2957-8. 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 3732(3612). 
 W. B. Scaife: Florentine Life, 1169 (1139). 
 
 (b) Upon Education. 
 
 G. Compayre : History of Pedagogy, 725 (702). 
 M. Arnold : Schools on the Continent, 727 (704). 
 
 D. Campbell : The Puritan in Holland, etc., 728-9 
 (705-6). 
 
 A. Lang : Oxford, 729-30 (706-7). 
 
 (c) Upon Music. 
 
 W. J. Henderson: The Story of Music, 2284. 
 
 H. G. B. Hunt : A History of Music, 2284. 
 
 (d) Upon the Foundation of Libraries. 
 
 J. A. Symonds: The Renaissance in Italy, 2052-3 
 (2008-9). 
 
 G. W. Greene : Historical Studies, 2053 (2009). 
 
 E. Edwards: Statistics of Libraries, 2054 (2010). 
 
 (e) Upon Trade and Commerce. 
 
 J. N. Larned: Modern Trade Routes, etc., 3224-8 
 (3713-17. 
 
 J. A. Blanqui: History of Political Economy, 
 3730-1 (3610-11). 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, 2299 
 (2251). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 760 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 * STUDY XXIV. 
 
 THE GREAT REFORMATION 
 (A. D. 1517-). 
 
 1. State op Religion at tiie Close op the 
 Fifteenth Century : 
 
 Vernon Lee: Euphorion, 1874 (1834). 
 
 R. L. Poole : Wyclif and Reform, 2501 (2441). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2501 (2441). 
 
 II. A. Taine : English Literature, 2502 (2442). 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 2502(2442). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1081-2 (1053^1). 
 
 2. Reformers before tiie Reformation : 
 
 (a) The Albigenses (a. d. 1209-1229). 
 
 (1) Tlieir Origin and Beliefs. 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 2561 (2495). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 39 (32). 
 
 A. Neander: The Christian Church, 39 (32). 
 
 Sir J. Stephen: History of France, 39 (32). 
 
 R. C. Trench : Medimval Church, 409 (399). 
 : , 3762-3 (3641-2). 
 
 (2) Their Extermination. 
 
 E. Smedley : History of France, 39-40 (32-3). 
 Sir J. Stephen : History of France. 40 (33). 
 
 E. E. Crowe : History of France, 41 (34). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : Historical Geography of Europe, 
 41 (34). 
 
 Sir J. Stephen: History of France, 41 (34). 
 
 (5) Wyclif and the Lollards (about a. d. 1375- 
 1400). 
 
 A. M. F. Robinson: End of Middle Ages, 285 
 (276). 
 
 C. Ullmann; Reformers before the Reformation, 
 285-6 (276-7). 
 
 B. Herford : Story of Religion in England, 841-2 
 (814-15). 
 
 R. L. Poole: Wyclif and Reform, 842 (815). 
 
 J. A. Froude: History of England, 842 (815). 
 
 J. Gairdner : English History, 842 (815). 
 
 C. H. Pearson : English History, 843-4 (816-17). 
 J. R. Green : History of English People, 844 (817). 
 
 (c) Hus and the Bohemian Reformation (a. d. 
 (1405-1434). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1072-3 (1044-5). 
 
 R. C. Trench: Mediteval Church, 296-7 (287-8). 
 
 B. Taylor: History of Germany, 297-8 (288-9). 
 
 (d) Savonarola (a. d. 1490-1498). 
 
 Mrs. Oliphant : Makers of Florence, 1172 (1142). 
 O. T. Hill: Int. to Savonarola’s Triumph of the 
 Cross, 1173-5 (1143-5). 
 
 3. The Immediate Causes of the Reform 
 Outbreak: 
 
 G. P. Fisher : The Christian Church, 1489-90 
 (1456-7). 
 
 L. Ranke: History of Reformation, 2504-5 
 (2443-4). 
 
 G. P. Fisher : The Reformation, 2505 (2444). 
 Cardinal Wiseman: Doctrines of Catholic Church, 
 2505-6 (2444-5). 
 
 T. Kolde: Martin Luther, 2503-4. 
 
 J. N. M. D’Aubigne: Story of the Reformation, 
 2506 (2445). 
 
 4. Luther’s Protest and the Awakening of 
 Germany (a. d. 1517): 
 
 F. Seebohm: The Protestant Revolution, 2506-7 
 (2445-6). 
 
 L. Ranke: History of the Reformation, 2507 
 2446). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1081-2 (1053-4). 
 
 5. The Ninety-Five Theses: 
 
 Full Text of Luther’s Manifesto, 2507-9 (2446-8). 
 6 Luther burns the Papal Bull (1520); the 
 Diet at Worms (1521) : 
 
 S. Baring-Gould; The Church in Germany, 1490 
 (1457). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2509-11 (2448-50). 
 J. A. Froude: Luther, 2512-13 (2451-2). 
 
 “ The presence in which he [Luther, at the Diet] found 
 himself would have tried the nerves of the bravest of 
 men; the Emperor, sternly hostile, with his retinue of 
 Spanish priests and nobles ; the Archbishops and bish- 
 ops, all of the opinion that the stake was the only fit- 
 ting place for so insolent a heretic; the dukes and 
 barons, whose stern eyes were little likely to reveal 
 their sympathy, if sympathy any of them felt. Only 
 one of them, George of Frundsberg, had touched Luther 
 on the shoulder as he passed through the ante-room. 
 
 ‘ Little monk, little monk,’ he said, ‘ thou hast work be- 
 fore thee that I, and many a man whose trade is war, 
 never faced the like of. If thy heart is right, and thy 
 cause good, go on, in God’s name. He will not forsake 
 thee.’ . . . There was a pause, and then Eck said that be 
 had spoken disrespectfully; his heresies had already 
 been condemned at the Council at Constance; let him 
 retract on these special points, and he should have 
 consideration for the rest. He required a plain Yes or 
 No from him ‘ without horns.’ The taunt roused Lu- 
 ther’s blood. His full brave self was in the reply. ‘ I will 
 give you an answer,’ he said, ‘ which has neither horns 
 nor teeth. Popes have erred and Councils have erred. 
 Prove to me out of Scripture that I am wrong, and I 
 submit. Till then my conscience binds me. Here I stand. 
 I can do no more. God help me. Amen.’ All day long 
 the storm raged. Night had fallen, and torches were 
 lighted before the sitting closed. Luther was dismissed 
 at last. When he had reached his lodging again, he 
 flung up his hands. • I am through! ’ he cried. 1 1 am 
 through! If I had a thousand heads they should be 
 struck off one by one before I would retract.’ ” J. A. 
 Froude. 
 
 7. ZWINGLI, AND THE REFORMATION IN SWITZ- 
 ERLAND (a. d. 1519-1531): 
 
 G. Waddington: The Reformation, 2511 (2450). 
 Hug and Stead: Switzerland, 2511-12 (2450-1). 
 
 : , 3130-1 (3046-7). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1087-8 (1059-60). 
 
 8. The Reformation Movement in France: 
 M. Creighton: The Papacy, 1210-11 (1178-9). 
 
 A. Tilley: The French Renaissance, 1217 (1185). 
 G. P. Fisher: The Reformation, 2513-14 (2452-3). 
 R. Heath: The Reformation in France, 2514 
 
 (2453). 
 
 9. TnE Revolt in the Netherlands: 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers: The Story of Holland, 2302 
 (2254). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2302-3 (2254^5). 
 
 C. Ullmann: Reformers before the Reformation, 
 326 (316). 
 
 W. E. Griffis : Influence of the Netherlands, 326 
 (316). 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 728-9 
 (705-6). 
 
 G. P. Fisher : The Reformation, 2303 (2255). 
 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 2303-4 
 (2255-6). 
 
 10. Growth of the Lutheran Movement in 
 Germany (a. d. 1522-9): 
 
 W. Coxe : House of Austria, 2515-16 (2454-5). 
 
 G. P. Fisher: The Reformation, 2516 (2455). 
 
 11. Origin of the Name “ Protestant” (a. d. 
 1529) : 
 
 P. Bayne : Martin Luther, 2516-17 (2455-6). 
 
 12. The Final Breach ; the “ Augsburg Con- 
 fession” (a. d. 1530): 
 
 J. Michelet: Life of Luther, 2517 (2456). 
 
 J. Alzog : Manual of Church History, 2517-18 
 (2456-7). 
 
 761 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 W. Robertson : Charles V., 1493^4 (1460-1). 
 
 J. N. Earned : Europe, 1086-7 (1058-9). 
 
 13. Calvin, and his Ecclesiastical State : 
 
 J. Tulloch: Leaders of the Reformation, 1450 
 
 (1417). 
 
 R. Heath : Reformation in France, 2514 (2453). 
 L. Htlusser : The Reformation, 1451-2 (1417-19). 
 
 14. The Beginning of the Counter-Refor- 
 mation (about a. d. 1535): 
 
 “ I intend to use this term Counter-Reformation to 
 denote the reform of the Catholic Church, which was 
 stimulated by the German Reformation, and which, 
 when the Council of Trent had fixed the dogmas and 
 discipline of Latin Christianity, enabled the Papacy to 
 assume a militant policy in Europe, whereby it regained 
 a large portion of the provinces that had previously 
 lapsed to Lutheran and Calvinistic dissent. . . . The 
 centre of the world-wide movement which is termed the 
 Counter-Reformation was naturally Rome. Events had 
 brought the Holy See once more into a position of prom- 
 inence. It was more powerful as an Italian State now, 
 through the support of Spain and the extinction of na- 
 tional independence, than at any previous period of 
 history.” J. A. Symonds. 
 
 J. A. Symonds : The Italian Renaissance, 1883-4 
 (1843^4). 
 
 A. W. Ward: The Counter-Reformation, 2518 
 (2457). 
 
 J. A. Symonds; The Catholic Reaction, 2518-19 
 (2457-8). 
 
 15. Two Effective Agents of the Roman 
 Church: 
 
 (a) The Council of Trent (a. d. 1545-1563). 
 
 L. Hausser: The Reformation, 2519-20 (2458-9). 
 L. von Ranke: History of the Popes, 2520-1 
 (2459-60). 
 
 A. W. Ward: The Counter-Reformation, 2521 
 (2460). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1092 (1064). 
 
 ( b ) The Society of Jems (a. d. 1540-). 
 
 L. Hausser: The Reformation, 1928-9 (1887-8). 
 G. B. Nicolini: History of the Jesuits, 1929 (1888). 
 L. von Ranke: History of the Popes, 1931-2 
 (1890-1). 
 
 16. Progress of Lutheranism .in Germany 
 (a. d. 1530-1620) : 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1086-7 (1058-9). 
 
 W. Robertson : Charles V., 1493-4 (1460-1). 
 
 S. A. Dunham : The Germanic Empire, 1494-5 
 (1461-2). 
 
 S. Baring-Gould: The Story of Germany, 118-9 
 ( 111 - 12 ). 
 
 17. War with the Emperor (a. d. 1546-1561): 
 C. D. Yonge: Three Centuries of Modern His- 
 tory, 1495-6 (1462-3). 
 
 J. Alzog : Universal Church History, 1496-7 
 (1463-4). 
 
 W. Menzel: History of Germany, 1497-8 (1464-5). 
 
 18. Internal Dissensions and the Catholic 
 Reaction : 
 
 W. Zimmerman: History of Germany, 1498-9 
 (1465-6). 
 
 O. Kammel : German History, 2521-2 (3766-7). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXV. 
 
 THE REFORM MOVEMENT AND RE- 
 LIGIOUS WARS IN FRANCE. 
 
 1. The Comparative Independence of the 
 Gallican Church : 
 
 H. Hallam ; The Middle Ages, 1197 (1165). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Latin Christianity, 1197 (1165). 
 M. Creighton : The Papacy, 1210-11 (1178-9). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 1219-20 (1187-8). 
 W. H. Jervis: The Church of France, 1220(1188). 
 
 “ The long contest for Gallican rights had lowered the 
 prestige of the popes in France, but it had not weak- 
 ened the Catholic Church, which was older than the 
 monarchy itself, and, in the feelings of the people, was 
 indissolubly associated with it. The College of the 
 Sorbonne, or the Theological Faculty at Paris, and the 
 Parliament, which had together maintained Gallican 
 liberty, were united in stern hostility to all doctrinal 
 innovations.” G. P. Fisher. 
 
 2. Beginning of the Protestant Reform 
 Movement (about a. d. 1520): 
 
 A. Tilley: The French Renaissance, 1217 (1185). 
 
 G. P. Fisher . The Reformation, 2513-14 (2452-3). 
 
 R. Heath : The Reformation in France, 2514 
 (2453). 
 
 W. Hanna: The Wars of the Huguenots, 2292-3 
 (2244-5). 
 
 E. de Bonnechose. History of France, 1225-6 
 (1193-^4). 
 
 3. The Rise of the Huguenots (about a. d. 
 1560): 
 
 L. Hausser: The Reformation, 1229 (1197). 
 
 H. M. Baird: The Rise of the Huguenots, 1230 
 (1198). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1089 (1061). 
 
 4. Beginning of the Civil Wars ; the Guises, 
 
 CoNDES, ET AL. : 
 
 G. Masson: The Huguenots, 1230 (1198). 
 
 W. Besant: Gaspard de Coligny, 1230-2 (1198- 
 
 1200 ). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1097-8 (1069-70). 
 
 5. Rochelle, and Henry of Navarre: 
 
 W. Hanna: The Wars of the Huguenots, 2292-3 
 (2244-5). 
 
 : , 1232-3 (1200-1). 
 
 L. Hausser: The Reformation, 1233-4 (1201-2). 
 
 6. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew’s Day 
 (a. d. 1572): 
 
 J. A. Froude: History of England, 1236 (1204). 
 
 T. Wright: History of France, 1236 (1204). 
 
 7. The Fourth and Fifth Civil Wars (a. d. 
 1572-1576): 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 1236-7 (1204-5). 
 E. E. Crowe: History of France, 1237-8 (1205-6). 
 
 S. A. Dunham: History of Poland, 2615-16 (2547). 
 
 8. The Catholic League and the Pope’s 
 Bull (a. d. 1576): 
 
 W. H. Jervis: The Church of France, 1238-9 
 (1206-7). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1239 (1207). 
 
 9. Henry of Navarre, and the Battle of 
 Coutras (a. d. 1584-1589): 
 
 Due d’Aumale: Princes of Conde, 1240-1 (1209). 
 W. Hanna: Wars of the Huguenots, 1241 (1209). 
 V. Duruy: History of France, 1241-2 (1209-10). 
 
 “ The struggle lasted but an hour, yet within that 
 hour the Catholic army lost 3000 men, more than 400 of 
 whom were members of the first families in the King- 
 dom; 3000 men were made prisoners. Not more than a 
 third part of their entire army escaped. The Huguenots 
 lost only about 200 men. . . . Before night fell Navarre 
 wrote a few lines to the French King, which ran thus: 
 
 ‘ Sire, my Lord and Brother, — Thank God, 1 have beaten 
 your enemies and your army.' It was but too true that 
 the poor King’s worst enemies were to be found in the 
 very armies that were marshalled in his name.” 
 
 W. Hanna. 
 
 10. Henry becomes Henry IV. of France; 
 the Battle of Ivry (a. d. 1589): 
 
 Henry the Fourth of France, 1242-3 (1210-11). 
 
 762 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 “ My friends, if you share my fortune this day, I share 
 yours. I am resolved to roiujuor or to die with you. 
 Keep your ranks tlrmly, I beg; if the heat of the combat 
 compels you to quit them, think always of the rally; it 
 is the gaining of the battle. If you lose your ensigns, 
 pennons, anu banners, do not lose sight of my white 
 plume; vou will find it always on the road of honor and 
 victory. ’ Henry of Navarre. 
 
 11. Henry’s Abjuration of Protestantism 
 (a. d. 1593): 
 
 Due d’Aumale: The Princes of Conde, 1244-5 
 (1212-13). 
 
 H. M. Baird: The Huguenots, 1245 (1213). 
 
 Sir J. Stephen : History of France, 1245 (1213). 
 
 12. The Siege of Paris ; Interference of 
 Philip II. (a. d. 1590-1598): 
 
 J. L. Motley: The United Netherlands, 1243-4 
 ( 1211 - 12 ). 
 
 T. H. Dyer; Modern Europe, 1245-7 (1213-15). 
 
 13. From the Edict of Nantes (1598) to As- 
 sassination of the King (1610): 
 
 H. M. Baird: The Huguenots, 1247-8 (1215-16). 
 W. Hanna: Wars of the Huguenots, 1248 (1216). 
 A. de Bonnechose ; History of France, 1248 (1216). 
 
 “ For the benefit of the Protestants the cardinal con- 
 cession of the Edict was liberty to dwell anywhere in 
 the royal dominions, without being subjected to in- 
 quiry, vexed, molested, or constrained to do anything 
 contrary to their conscience. As respects public wor- 
 ship, while perfect equality was not established, the 
 dispositions were such as to bring it within the power 
 of a Protestant in any part of the Kingdom to meet his 
 fellow-believers for the holiest acts, at least from time 
 to time. . . . Scholars of both religions were to be ad- 
 mitted without distinction of religion to all universi- 
 ties, colleges, and schools throughout France. The same 
 impartiality was to extend to the reception of the sick 
 in the hospitals, and to the poor in the provision made 
 for this relief. More than this, the Protestants were 
 permitted to establish schools of their own in all places 
 where their worship was authorized.” H. M. Baird. 
 
 14. The Rise of Richelieu, and Distraction 
 of the Kingdom : 
 
 Voltaire: Ancient and Modern History, 1248-9 
 (1216-17). 
 
 J. B. Perkins: France under Mazarin, 1251 (1219). 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1251-2 (1220). 
 
 15. The Huguenot Revolt (a. d. 1627-1628): 
 C. D. Yonge: France under the Bourbons, 1252-3 
 
 (1220-1). 
 
 A. D. White: The Statesmanship of Richelieu, 
 1253 (1221). 
 
 R. Heath: The Reformation in France, 1253 
 
 ( 1221 ). 
 
 16. Accession of Louis XIV., and Renewed 
 Persecution of the Huguenots (a. d. 1661); 
 
 J. C. Morison: Reign of Louis XIV., 1265 (1233). 
 
 S. Smiles: The Huguenots, 1265-6 (1233-4). 
 
 17. Revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685), 
 and Exodus of the Huguenots (1681-8): 
 
 A. de Lamartine: Memoirs of Celebrated Charac- 
 ters, 1269 (1237). 
 
 R. L. Poole: Huguenots of the Dispersion, 1269- 
 70 (1237-8). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXVI. 
 
 SPAIN AND THE NETHERLANDS — 
 THE INQUISITION. 
 
 1. Conquest of Spain by the Arab Moors 
 (a. d. 711-13): 
 
 H. Coppee: Conquest of Spain, 3054 (2974). 
 
 S. A. Dunham: History of Spain, 3056-7 (2976-7). 
 
 2. Rise of the Christian States : 
 
 H. Coppee: Conquest of Spain, 3055 (2975). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Conquest of the Saracens, 3055 
 (2975). 
 
 S. A. Dunham : History of Spain, 2291 and 3056 
 (2243, 2976). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Hist. Geog. of Europe, 3058 
 (2977). 
 
 3. Union of Castile and Aragon: 
 
 E. E. Hale : The Story of Spain, 3060 (2979). 
 
 C. H. Pearson : English History, 3061-2 (2980-1). 
 
 H. Hallam: Middle Ages, 3062-3 (2981-2). 
 
 4. Rise and Fall of the Moorish Kingdom 
 of Granada: 
 
 C. M. Yonge : The Christians and Moors of 
 Spain, 3059-60 (2978-9). 
 
 H. Coppee : Conquest of Spain, 3061 (2980). 
 
 : , 3063—4 (2982-3). 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Ferdinand and Isabella, 3064 
 (2983). 
 
 5. The Early Spanish Cortes and the Santa 
 Hermandad : 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Ferdinand and Isabella, 639-40 
 (616-17). 
 
 H. Hallam : Middle Ages, 640-1 (617-18). 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Ferdinand and Isabella, 1698-9 
 (1659-60). 
 
 6. Establishment of the Inquisition : 
 
 J. A. Symonds : Renaissance in Italy, 1789-91 
 (1750-2). 
 
 J. I. von Dollinger : The Jews in Europe, 1966 
 (1925). 
 
 H. T. Buckle : History of Civilization, 2270-1 
 (2226-7). 
 
 7. Early History of the Netherlands : 
 
 J. L. Motley: Rise of the Dutch Republic, 2298 
 (2250). 
 
 W. T. McCullagh: The Free Nations, 2298-9 
 (2250-1). 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 
 2299 (2251). 
 
 C. M. Yonge : Cameos of History. 2300 (2252). 
 
 8. Relations with Burgundy ; the States 
 General ; 
 
 C. M. Davies: History of Holland. 2300 (2252). 
 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 2300-01 
 (2252-3). 
 
 9. Marriage of Mary of Burgundy to Max- 
 imilian of Austria (a. d. 1477): 
 
 Philip de Commines: Memoirs, 2301 (2253). 
 
 C. M. Davies: History of Holland, 2301-2 (2254). 
 
 10. Rise of the Austro-Spanish Dynasty: 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Ferdinand and Isabella, 3065-6 
 
 (2984-5). 
 
 J.E.T. Rogers : The Story of Holland, 2302 (2254). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2302-3 (2254^5). 
 
 J. Bigland : History of Spain, 3066 (2985). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 3066-7 (2985-6). 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Philip II., 3067 (2986). 
 
 11. Beginning of the Reformation in the 
 Netherlands: 
 
 G. P. Fisher : The Reformation, 2303 (2255). 
 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 2303-4 
 (2255-6). 
 
 12. The Accession and Horrible Character 
 of Philip II. (a. d. 1555) : 
 
 C. M. Davies : History of Holland, 2304 (2256). 
 
 763 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 T. C. Grattan: History of the Netherlands, 2304-5 
 (2256-7). 
 
 C. Gayarre: Philip II., 2305, 3068 (2257, 2987). 
 
 13. Philip II. and the Catholic Reaction : 
 G. Procter : History of Italy, 2520 (2459). 
 
 L. von Ranke: History of the Popes, 2520-1 
 (2459-60). 
 
 O. Kilmmel: History of Germany, 2521-2. 
 
 14. Beginning op Organized Resistance to 
 the Tyranny of Philip (a. d. 1562): 
 
 W. H. Prescott: The Reign of Philip II., 2305-6 
 (2257-8). 
 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 2306 (2258). 
 T. C. Grattan: History of the Netherlands, 2306-7 
 (2258-9). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 2307 (2259). 
 
 F. Schiller: The Revolt of the Netherlands, 2307 
 (2259). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1094-5 (1066-7). 
 
 15. The Duke of Alva and his Council of 
 Blood (a. d. 1567) : 
 
 L. Hausser: The Reformation, 2307-8 (2259-60). 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 2309-10 
 (2261-2). 
 
 16. The Stupendous Death-Sentence (a. d. 
 1568): 
 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 2310 (2262). 
 
 “ Upon the 16th February, 1568, a sentence of the 
 Holy Office condemned all the inhabitants of the Neth- 
 erlands to death as heretics. From this universal doom 
 only a few persons, especially named, were excepted. 
 A proclamation of the King, dated ten days later, con- 
 firmed this decree of the Inquisition, and ordered it to 
 be carried into instant execution, without regard to 
 age, sex, or condition. This is probably the most con- 
 cise death-warrant that was ever framed. Three mil- 
 lions of people, men, women, and children, were sen- 
 tenced to the scaffold in three lines ; and as it was well 
 known that these were not harmless thunders, like some 
 bulls of the Vatican, but serious and practical measures 
 which it was intended should be enforced, the horror 
 which they produced may be easily imagined.” J. L. 
 Motley. 
 
 17. Beginning of the Forty Years’ War 
 (a. d. 1568): 
 
 C. D. Yonge: Modern History, 2310-11 (2262-3). 
 J. L. Motley: Tbe Dutch Republic, 2311-12 
 (2263-4). 
 
 A. Young: History of the Netherlands, 2312-13 
 (2264-5). 
 
 18. The Recall of Alva, and the Siege of 
 Leyden (a. d. 1573-4): 
 
 C. M. Davies: History of Holland, 2313-14 
 (2265-6). 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 729 
 (706). 
 
 19. The Pacification of Ghent, and the 
 Union of Brussels (a. d. 1575-7): 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2314-16 (2266-8). 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers: The Story of Holland, 2316-17 
 (2268-9). 
 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 2317-18 
 (2269-70). 
 
 20. The Assassination of William of Or- 
 ange, and Birth of the Republic (a. d. 
 1584^5): 
 
 T. Grattan: History of the Netherlands, 2318 
 (2270). 
 
 J. L. Motley: The United Netherlands, 2318-20 
 (2270-2). 
 
 “ Thus constituted was the commonwealth upon the 
 death of William the Silent. The gloom produced by 
 
 that event was tragical. Never in human history was a 
 more poignant and universal sorrow for the death of any 
 individual. The despair was, for a brief season, abso- 
 lute; but it was soon succeeded by more lofty senti- 
 ments. . . . Even on the very day of the murder, the 
 Estates of Holland, then sitting at Delft, passed a res- 
 olution ‘ to maintain the good cause, with God’s help, 
 to the uttermost, without sparing gold or blood.’ . . . 
 The next movement, after the last solemn obsequies 
 had been rendered to the Prince, was to provide for the 
 immediate wants of his family. For the man who had 
 gone into the revolt with almost royal revenues, left his 
 estate so embarrassed that his carpets, tapestries, house- 
 hold linen — nay, even his silver spoons, and the very 
 clothes of his wardrobe — were disposed of at auction 
 for the benefit of his creditors.” J. L. Motley. 
 
 21. The Downfall of Antwerp (a. d. 1585): 
 J. L. Motley: The Dutch Republic, 125 (118). 
 
 G. L. Craik: History of British Commerce, 3107 
 
 (3025). 
 
 J. N. Lamed: The Flemings and Dutch, 3226-7 
 (3715-6). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2320 (2272). 
 
 22. The United Provinces and Elizabeth of 
 England: 
 
 Sir T. E. May: Democracy in Europe, 2320-1 
 (2272-3). 
 
 J. A. Froude: History of England, 2321-2(2274). 
 C. M. Davies: History of Holland, 2322 (2274). 
 
 23. Steady Decline of Spanish Power, and 
 Death of Philip II. (a. d. 1590-98) : 
 
 Sir E. Cust: The Thirty Years’ War, 2322-3 
 (2274-5). 
 
 Sir T. E. May: Democracy in Europe, 2323^4 
 (2275-6). 
 
 24. Rise of Dutch Commerce ; the East India 
 Company (a. d. 1595-1620) : 
 
 W. T. McCullagh: Industrial History, 2324 
 (2276). 
 
 F. H. H. Guillemard: Malaysia, 2124. 
 
 J. N. Larned: The Flemings and the Dutch, 
 3226-8 (3715-17). 
 
 25. John Barneveldt, and the Arminian 
 Controversy (a. d. 1600-1620): 
 
 C. M. Yonge: Cameos from English History, 
 2324-6 (2276-8). 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 729 
 (706). 
 
 26. Final Establishment of Peace between 
 Spain and the United Provinces (a. d. 
 1648): 
 
 J. B. Perkins : France under Mazarin, 2329-30 
 (2281-2). 
 
 J. Geddes: John De Witt, 2330 (2282). 
 
 27. Prosperity of the Dutch Republic, 
 which becomes Holland (about a. d. 1660): 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc. , 2332-3 
 (2284-5). 
 
 O. Airy. The English Restoration, 2333 (2285). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study 1. 
 
 ♦STUDY XXVII. 
 
 THE THIRTY YEARS’ WAR (A. D. 
 1618-1648). 
 
 ‘‘The Thirty Years’ War was the last struggle which 
 marked the progress of the Reformation. This war, 
 whose direction and object were equally undetermined, 
 may be divided into four distinct portions, in which the 
 Elector Palatine, Denmark, Sweden, and France played 
 
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 in succession the principal part. It became more and 
 more complicated until it spread over the whole of 
 Europe. It was prolonged imlc iinituly by varioih causes. 
 
 I. The intimate union lietween the two branches of the 
 house of Austria and of the Catholic party, — their op- 
 ponents, on the other hand, were not homogeneous. 11. 
 The inaction of England, the tardy intervention of 
 France, the poverty of Denmark and Sweden, etc. The 
 armies which took part in the Thirty Years’ War were 
 no longer feudal militias, they were permanent armies, 
 and lived at the expense of the countries which they laid 
 waste.” J. Michelet. 
 
 1. Conditions which led up to the War : 
 
 O. Kftmmel : History of Germany, 2521-2 (3767). 
 
 E. L. Godkin: History of Hungary, 1717, first 
 column, (1678). 
 
 W. Zimmerman: History of Germany, 1498-9 
 (1465-6). 
 
 F. Schiller: The Thirty Years’ War, 301-2 (293). 
 J. Sime: History of Germany, 1499-1500 (1466-7). 
 J. Michelet: Modern History, 1500 (1467). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1099-1100 (1071-2). 
 
 2. The Prostration of Protestantism (a. d. 
 1618-1626): 
 
 F. Kohlrausch: History of Germany, 1500-1501 
 (1467-8). 
 
 B. Chapman: Gustavus Adolphus, 1501-2(1469). 
 
 S. R. Gardiner: Thirty Years’ War, 1502 (1469). 
 W. Coxe: House of Austria, 1502-4 (1469-71). 
 
 3. The Suppression of Bohemia (a. d. 1621- 
 48): 
 
 L. Hausser: The Great Reformation, 302 (293). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1100 (1072). 
 
 “ No succor reached the unfortunate people ; but 
 neither did the victors attain their end. Protestantism 
 and Hussite memories could not be slain, and only out- 
 ward submission was extorted. . . . But a desert was 
 created; the land was crushed for a generation. Before 
 the war Bohemia had 4,000,000 inhabitants, and in 1648 
 there were but 700,000 or 800,000. In some parts of the 
 country the population has not attained the standard of 
 1620 to this day.” L. Hausser. 
 
 4. The Rise of Prussia : 
 
 C. F. Johnstone: Historical Abstracts, 318 (308). 
 H. von Treitschke: History of Germany, 2685-6 
 
 (3768-9). 
 
 5. The Growing Power of Sweden : 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2893-4 (2818-19). 
 C. R. L. Fletcher: Gustavus Adolphus, 2894-6 
 
 (2819-21). 
 
 J. L. Stevens: Gustavus Adolphus, 2896-7 (2822). 
 
 6. The Supremacy of Wallenstein (a. d. 
 1625-30): 
 
 G. B. Malleson: Battlefields of Germany, 1504-5 
 (1471-2). 
 
 J. Mitchell: Life of Wallenstein, 1505-6 (1472-3). 
 
 G. P. R. James: Dark Scenes of History, 1506-7 
 (1473-4). 
 
 7. The Advent of Gustavus Adolphus (a. d. 
 1630-1632): 
 
 C. T. Lewis: History of Germany, 1507-8 (1475). 
 
 F. Schiller: The Thirty Years’ War, 1508(1475). 
 C. R. L. Fletcher: Gustavas Adolphus, 1508-9 
 (1475-6). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1100-01 (1072-3). 
 
 8. The Decisive Battle at Leipsig (Breiten- 
 feld ) (a. d. 1631): 
 
 B. Chapman : Gustavus Adolphus, 1509-10(1477). 
 
 C. R. L. Fletcher: Gustavus Adolphus, 1510 
 (1477). 
 
 “ The battle of Breitenfeld was an epoch in war, it 
 was an epoch in history. It was an epoch in war, because 
 first in it was displayed on a great scale the superiority 
 of mobility over weight. It was an epoch in history, 
 
 because it broke the force upon which the revived Ca- 
 tholicism had relied for the extension of its empire over 
 Europe. Germany might tear herself to pieces for yet 
 another half-generation, but the actual result of the 
 Thirty Years’ War was as good as achieved.” C. R. L. 
 Fletcher. 
 
 9. Recall of Wallenstein ; the Battle of 
 Lutzen; Death of Gustavus (a. d. 1632): 
 
 C. M. Yonge: English History, 1510-11 (1477-8). 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1511-12 (1478-9). 
 C. T. Lewis: History of Germany, 1512 (1479). 
 
 10. Richelieu becomes an Active Factor in 
 the War : 
 
 J. Mitchell: Life of Wallenstein, 1512-13 (1480). 
 
 H. M. Hozier: Turenne, 1513 (1480). 
 
 G. B. Malleson : Battlefields of Germany, 1513-14 
 (1480-1). 
 
 11. Successes of the Swedish Army under 
 Torstenson (a. d. 1640-2): 
 
 L. Hausser: The Reformation, 1514-15 (1481-2). 
 
 12. The Final Campaigns of the War (a. d. 
 1645-8) : 
 
 H. M. Hozier: Turenne, 1515-16 (1482-3). 
 
 T. O. Cockayne: Life of Turenne, 1516 (1483). 
 
 F. Schiller : The Thirty Years’ War, 1516-17 
 (1483-4). 
 
 13. The Horrors of the Thirty Years’ War : 
 
 R. C. Trench: Gustavus Adolphus, 1517-18 
 (1484-5). 
 
 H. von Z-Siidenhorst: History of Germany, 1518 
 (3770). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1101 (1073). 
 
 “ This, which had been a civil war at the first, did not 
 continue such for long, or rather it united presently all 
 the dreadfulness of a civil war and a foreign. It was 
 not long before the hosts which trampled the German 
 soil had in large part ceased to be German ; every region 
 of Europe sending of its children, and, as it would 
 seem, of those whom it must have been gladdest to be 
 rid of, to swell the ranks of the destroyers. . . . Under 
 conditions like these it is not wonderful that the fields 
 were left untilled; for who would sow, what he could 
 never reap? What wonder that famine, thus invited, 
 should before long have arrived? . . . Persons were 
 found dead in the fields with grass in their mouths, 
 while the tanner’s and knackers’ yards were beset for 
 the putrid carcasses of beasts. Men climbed up the gib- 
 bets and tore down the bodies which were suspended 
 there, and devoured them. Prisoners were killed that 
 they might be eaten. Children were enticed from home. 
 . . . Putting all together, it is not too much to say 
 that the crowning horrors of Samaria, of Jerusalem, 
 of Saguntum, found their parallels, and often worse 
 than their parallels, in Christian Germany only two 
 centuries ago. ... Of the population it was found 
 that three-fourths, in some parts a far larger propor- 
 tion, had perished ... or fled to Switzerland, to Hol- 
 land, and to other countries never to return from them 
 again.” R. C. Trench. 
 
 14. The Peace of Westphalia (a. d. 1648); 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1518-19 (1486). 
 A. Gindely: The Thirty Years’ War, 1519(1486). 
 F. Kohlrausch: History of Germany, 1519-20 
 
 (1486-7). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1101 (1073). 
 
 15. Results of the Peace of Westphalia : 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1520 (1487). 
 
 S. A. Dunham: The Germanic Empire, 1520-1 
 (1487-8). 
 
 S. E. Turner: The Germanic Constitution, 683-4 
 (660-1). 
 
 S. A. Dunham: The Germanic Empire, 684 (661). 
 See Map of Germany at Peace of Westphalia, 
 1518-19 (1486-7). 
 
 “ Both Lutherans and Calvinists were declared free 
 from all jurisdiction of the Pope or any Catholic prelate. 
 Thus the last link which bound Germany to Rome was 
 
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 snapped, the last of the principles by virtue of which the 
 Empire had existed was abandoned. . . . The Peace 
 of Westphalia was therefore an abrogation of the sov- 
 ereignty of Rome, and of the theory of Church and 
 State with which the name of Rome was associated. . . . 
 The Peace of Westphalia is an era in imperial history 
 not less clearly marked than the Coronation of Otto the 
 Great, or the death of Frederick II. . . . Properly, in- 
 deed, it was no longer an Empire at all, but a Confed- 
 eration, and that of the loosest sort. . . . There were 
 300 petty principalities between the Alps and the Baltic, 
 each with its own laws, and its own courts, its little 
 armies, its separate coinage, its tolls and custom-houses 
 on the frontier, its crowd of meddlesome and pedantic 
 officials. This vicious system, which paralyzed the 
 trade, the literature, and the political thought of Ger- 
 many, had been forming itself for sometime, but did not 
 become fully established until the Peace of Westphalia, 
 by emancipating the princes from imperial control, had 
 made them despots in their own territories.” James 
 Bryce. 
 
 16. The Relations of Austria, Germany, 
 and France after the Thirty Years’ War: 
 H. von Treitschke: History of Germany, 1521-2 
 (3770-1). 
 
 L. Hiiusser: History of Germany, 1522 (3771). 
 
 H. von Sybel: The French Revolution, 1522-3 
 (1488-9). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXVI 1 1. 
 
 THE MAKING OF ENGLAND (A. D. 
 449-1200). 
 
 1. Britain : 
 
 C. F. Keary: Dawn of History, 144-5 (137-8). 
 
 T. Wright: Celt, Roman, and Saxon, 329 (319). 
 J. Ciesar: Gallic War, 329 (319). 
 
 C. Merivale: History of the Romans, 329-31 
 (319-21). 
 
 H. M. Scarth: Roman Britain, 331 (321). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 332 (322). 
 
 J. R. Green: The Making of England, 332 (322). 
 
 2. England : 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. Hist, of England, 121 (114). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 121 (114). 
 T. Hodgkin: Italy and Her Invaders, 2885 (2810). 
 W. Stubbs: Const. Hist, of England, 806 (779). 
 E. A. Freeman: The English People, 807 (780). 
 J. R. Green: The Making of England, 807-8 
 (780-1). 
 
 3. Ireland : 
 
 M. Haverty: History of Ireland, 1794-5 (1754-5). 
 E. Lawless: The Story of Ireland, 1795 (1755). 
 T. Wright: Celt, Roman, and Saxon, 1795 (1755). 
 
 4. Scotland : 
 
 W. F. Skene: Celtic Scotland, 2913-14 (2838-9). 
 J. Rhys: Celtic Britain, 2914 (2839). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 2914 
 (2839). 
 
 W. F. Skene: Celtic Scotland, 2914-15 (2839-40). 
 
 5. The Anglo-Saxon Conquest (a. d. 470-630): 
 
 F. Palgrave: The Anglo-Saxons, 808 (781). 
 
 J. M. Lappenberg: England under the Anglo- 
 Saxon Kings, 808-9 (781-2). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : Old English History, 809 (782). 
 Thomas Fuller: Church History of Britain, 810 
 (782-3). 
 
 G. F. Maclear: The Conversion of the West, 810 
 (783). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : The Norman Conquest, 810 (783). 
 
 J. R. Green: The Making of England, 811 (784). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1042 (1014). 
 
 6. The Conversion of Ireland ; its Schools 
 and Missionaries : 
 
 Sir C. G. Duffy: Irish History, 1795-6 (1755-6). 
 Count de Montalembert: Monks of the West, 
 1796 (1756). 
 
 G. F. Maclear: Conversion of theWest, 474 (460). 
 
 R. C. Trench: Mediaeval Church History, 474-5 
 (460-1). 
 
 J. E. T. Wiltsch: Statistics of the Church, 475 
 (461). 
 
 A. T. Drane: Christian Schools, 711-12 (688-9). 
 
 “ The rapid extension of the monastic institute in 
 Ireland, and the extraordinary ardour with which the 
 Irish coenobites applied themselves to the cultivation 
 of letters, remain undisputed facts. ‘ Within a century 
 after the death of St. Patrick,’ says Bishop Nicholson, 
 ‘ the Irish seminaries had so increased that most parts 
 of Europe sent their children to be educated here, and 
 drew thence their bishops and teachers.’ The whole 
 country for miles round Leighlin was denominated the 
 ‘land of Saints and Scholars.’ By the ninth century 
 Armagh could boast of 7000 students, and the schools 
 of Cashel, Dindaleathglass, and Lismore vied with it in 
 renown.” A. T. Drane. 
 
 7. The Saxon Heptarchy: 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 811 
 (784). 
 
 F. Gneist: The English Constitution, 811 (784). 
 E. A. Freeman : Old English History, 812 (785). 
 W. F. Skene: Celtic Scotland, 291^15 (2839-10). 
 
 8. The Danish Invasions, and Alfred the 
 Great : 
 
 R. G. Latham: Nationalities of Europe, 2891 
 (2816). 
 
 A. Thierry: Conquest of England by the Nor- 
 mans, 2418 (2366). 
 
 G. W. Dasent: The Story of Burnt Njal, 2418 
 (2366). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 812-13 
 (785-6). 
 
 M. J. Guest: History of England, 813 (786). 
 Thomas Hughes: Alfred the Great, 813-14 
 (786-7). 
 
 S. R. Gardiner: English History, 815-16 (788-9). 
 J. A. Giles: Alfred the Great, 713 (690). 
 
 “ Alfred is the most perfect character in history. . . . 
 No other man on record has ever so thoroughly united 
 all the virtues both of ruler and of the private inan. In 
 no other man on record were so many virtues disfigured 
 by so little alloy. A saint without superstition, a scholar 
 without ostentation, a warrior all whose wars were 
 fought in the defense of his country, a conqueror whose 
 laurels were never stained by cruelty, a prince never 
 cast down by adversity, never'lifted up to insolence in 
 the day of triumph — there is no other name in history 
 to compare with his. . . . The virtue of Alfred, like the 
 virtue of Washington, consisted in no marvelous dis- 
 plays of superhuman genius, but in the simple, straight- 
 forward discharge of the duty of the moment.” E. A. 
 Freeman. 
 
 9. The Danish Conquest (a. d. 970-1042) : 
 
 Sir E. S. Creasy: History of England, 816 (789). 
 Gardiner and Mullinger: History of England, 
 
 816 (789). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. History of England, 817 (790). 
 M. Haverty: History of Ireland, 1796 (1756). 
 
 S. Bryant: Celtic Ireland, 1796-7 (1756-7). 
 
 T. D. McGee: History of Ireland, 1797 (1757). 
 
 10. TnE Saxon Restoration to the Norman 
 Conquest (a. d. 1042-1066): 
 
 A. H. Johnson: The Normans in Europe, 817-18 
 (790-1). 
 
 R. Vaughan: Revolutions of English History, 
 819 (792). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 819 (792). 
 
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 11. Formation of tiie Scottish Kingdom, 
 and its Relation to England : 
 
 \V. F. Skene: Celtic Scotland, 2915 (2840). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 2916 
 (2840-1). 
 
 W. F. Skene: Celtic Scotland, 2916 (2841). 
 
 12. William of Normandy, and his Claims 
 to the English Crown: 
 
 J. R. Green : The Conquest of England, 2417 
 (2365). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 2417 
 (2365). 
 
 A. H. Johnson: The Normans in Europe, 818 
 (791). 
 
 Sir F. Palgrave: Normandy and England, 818 
 (791). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: William the Conqueror, 818 (791). 
 
 13. The Battle of Hastings (a. d. 1066) and 
 Norman Conquest : 
 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 
 819 (792). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Norman Conquest, 820 
 (793). 
 
 A. Thierry : The Conquest of England, 820 
 (793). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages. 820-1 (793-4). 
 
 C. Kingsley: Hcreward the Wake, 821 (794). 
 
 14. The Domesday Book (a. d. 1086): 
 
 E. Fischel: The English Constitution, 821 (794). 
 
 T. Taswell-Langmead : English Constitutional 
 History, 821-2 (794—5). 
 
 Stuart Moore : A Study of Domesday Book, 822 
 (795). 
 
 I. Taylor: Domesday Survivals, 822 (795). 
 
 15. Scotland and the Conquest : 
 
 J. H. Burton : History of Scotland, 2916-17 
 (2841-2). 
 
 Sir Walter Scott: Tales of a Grandfather, 2917 
 (2842). 
 
 16. Reigns of the Sons of the Conqueror 
 (a. d. 1087-1154): 
 
 S. Turner: History of England, 823-4 (796-7). 
 
 C. H. Pearson: England during the Middle 
 Ages, 824 (797). 
 
 J. H. Round: Geoifrey de Mandeville, 824-5 
 (797-8). 
 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 3106-7 
 (3024-5). 
 
 E. W. Robertson : Scotland’s Early Kings, 2918 
 (2842-3). 
 
 17. The Angevin Kings (Plantagenets) ; 
 Henry II. (a. d. 1154^-89): 
 
 Sir F. Palgrave : England and Normandy, 121-2 
 (114-15). 
 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 
 122 (115). 
 
 K. Norgate: England under the Angevins, 
 127-8 (120-1). 
 
 Mrs. J. R. Green: Henry II., 826 (799). 
 
 K. Norgate: England under the Angevins, 826 
 (799). 
 
 C. H. Pearson: England during the Middle 
 Ages, 1798-9 (1758-9). 
 
 18. Henry’s Conflict with the Church; 
 Becket (a. d. 1162-70): 
 
 J. Campbell : Lives of the Lord Chancellors, 
 826-7 (799-800). 
 
 F. W. Maitland : Henry II. and the Criminous 
 Clerks, 827 (800). 
 
 A. P. Stanley : Memorials of Canterbury, 827-8 
 
 (800-1). 
 
 II. C. Lea: Studies in Church History, 289 (280). 
 Pollock and Maitland: English Law, 1975. 
 
 J. B. Thayer: Older Modes of Trial, 2000-1 
 
 (1956-7). 
 
 W. Forsyth : Trial by Jury, 2001 and 2002 
 
 (1957-8). 
 
 “ He [Henry II.] was a foreign King who never spoke 
 the English tongue, who lived and moved for the most 
 part in a foreign camp, surrounded with a motley host 
 of Brabanyons and hirelings. . . . It was under the rule 
 of a foreigner such as this, however, that the races of 
 conquerors and conquered in England first learnt to 
 feel that they were one. It was by his power that Eng- 
 land, Scotland, and Ireland were brought to some 
 vague acknowledgment of a common suzerain lord, 
 and the foundations laid of the United Kingdom of 
 Great Britain and Ireland. It was he who abolished 
 feudalism as a system of government, and left it little 
 more than a system of land tenure. It was he who 
 defined the relations established between Church and 
 State, and decreed that in England churchman as well 
 as baron was to be held under the common law. . . . His 
 reforms established the judicial system whose main 
 outlines have been preserved to our own day. It was 
 through his ‘Constitutions’ and his ‘Assizes’ that it 
 came to pass that over all the world the English-speak- 
 ing races are governed by English and not by Roman 
 law. It was by his genius for government that the ser- 
 vants of the royal household became transformed into 
 Ministers of State. It was he who gave England a for- 
 eign policy which decided our continental relations for 
 seven hundred years. The impress which the personal- 
 ity of Henry II. left upon his time meets us wherever 
 we turn.” Mrs. J. R. Green. 
 
 19. Richard Cceur de Lion (a. d. 1189-1199): 
 M. Burrows : History of England, 828 (801). 
 
 W. Stubbs : Const. Hist, of England, 828 (801). 
 J. F. Michaud: The Crusades, 653 (630). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 653-4 (630-1). 
 
 G. W. Cox: The Crusades, 654 (631). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study 1. 
 
 * STUDY XXIX. 
 
 ENGLAND FROM MAGNA CARTA TO 
 ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS (A. D. 
 1215-1485). 
 
 1. King John and Magna Carta (a. d. 1215): 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1193-4 (1162). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. Hist, of England, 828 (801). 
 M. A. Hookham: Margaret of Anjou, 122-3 (116). 
 J. F. Bright : History of England, 828-9 (801-2). 
 
 2. The Battle of Bouvines (a. d. 1214): 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 315 (305). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 315 (305). 
 
 3. Magna Carta (a. d. 1215, June 15): 
 
 S. Turner: England during the Middle Ages, 
 824 (797). 
 
 J. R. Green: The English People, 829 (802). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. History of England, 829-30 
 (802-3). 
 
 R. Gneist: The English Constitution, 834, first 
 column, (807). 
 
 T. P. Taswell-Langmead : English Constitution, 
 888 
 
 Full Text of the Great Charter, 830-4 (803-7). 
 
 “ The Great Charter although drawn up in the form 
 of a royal grant, was really a treaty between the King 
 and his subjects. . . . It is the collective people who 
 really form the other high contracting party in the 
 great capitulation. . . . The Great Charter is'the first 
 great public act of the nation, after it has realized its 
 identity. . . . The whole of the constitutional history 
 
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 of England is little more than a commentary on Magna 
 Carta.” \V. Stubbs. 
 
 4. The Evolution op the English Parlia- 
 ment (a. d. 1216—) : 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Growth of the English Consti- 
 tution, 2552-3 (2486-7). 
 
 (a) Under Henry III. (a. d. 1216-1272). 
 
 R. Gneist: The English Constitution, 834 (807). 
 Simon de Montfort, 834-6 (807-9). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. Hist, of England, 836 (809). 
 
 (b) Under Edward I. (a. d. 1272-1307). 
 
 5. R. Gardiner: English History, 836 (809). 
 
 W. Stubbs : The Early Plantagenets, 836-7 
 (809-10). 
 
 T. F. Tout : Edward the First, 837 (810). 
 fj. Boutmy : The English Constitution, 837-8 
 (810-11) 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1061-2 (1033^). 
 
 5. Growth op the Common Law under Henry 
 III. and Edward I. : 
 
 T. P. Taswell-Langmead : English Constitution, 
 838 (811). 
 
 See Law, Common, 2005-7 (1960-3). 
 
 6. Conquest op Scotland and Wales by 
 Edward I.: 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 
 2919-20 (2844-5). 
 
 W. Stubbs: The Early Plantagenets, 3764-5 
 (3643-4). 
 
 7. Resistance to Papal Aggressions (a. d. 
 1200-1400) : 
 
 C. H. Pearson: England during Middle Ages, 
 838 (811). 
 
 T. P. Taswell-Langmead : English Constitution, 
 838 (811). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. Hist, of England, 838-9 
 (811-12). 
 
 8. Renewal op the Wars with Scotland ; 
 Bannockburn (a. d. 1314): 
 
 M. MacArthur: History of Scotland, 2920(2845). 
 J. H. Burton : History of Scotland, 2920-1 
 (2845-6). 
 
 W. Denton: England in the 15th Century, 2921-2 
 (2846-7). 
 
 P. F. Tytler : History of Scotland, 2922 (2847). 
 
 9. The Notable Reign op Edward III. (a. d. 
 1327-1377) : 
 
 (a) His Wars with the Scots. 
 
 W. Robertson : History of Scotland, 2922 (2847). 
 Sir Walter Scott: History of Scotland, 2922-3 
 (2847-8). 
 
 W. Warburton: Edward III., 2923-4 (2848—9). 
 Sir Walter Scott: Tales of a Grandfather, 2924 
 (2849). 
 
 J. R. Green: The English People, 291 (282). 
 
 ( b ) The One Hundred Tears War (a. d. 1337- 
 1453). 
 
 J. Froissart: Chronicles, 1200-01 (1168-9). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1201 and 2868 
 (1169, 2794). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin; History of France, 1201 (1169). 
 
 H. Hallam: Middle Ages, 1201 (1169). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 1204 (1172). 
 
 C. II. Pearson: English History, 839 (812). 
 
 (c) The Black Death (a. d. 1348-9). 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers: History of Agriculture, 292-3 
 and 1970 (283-4 and 1929). 
 
 G. Boccaccio: The Decameron, 1166 (1136). 
 
 J. Michelet: History of France, 1201-2 (1169-70). 
 J. E. T. Rogers: History of Agriculture, 840 
 (813). 
 
 10. Chaucer, and the New English Lan- 
 guage (a. d. 1340-1400): 
 
 B. Ten Brink: English Literature, 840-1 (813-14). 
 G. P. Marsh : History of the English Language, 
 
 841 (814). 
 
 11. Wyclif, and the Translation op the 
 Bible (a. d. 1384): 
 
 J. A. Froude: History of England, 842 (815). 
 
 J. Gairdner: English History, 842 (815). 
 
 12. The Lollards, and Wat Tyler Rebel- 
 lion (a. d. 1375-) : 
 
 C. Ullmann : Reformers before the Reformation, 
 285-6 (276-7). 
 
 B. Herford: Story of Religion in England, 841-2 
 (814-15). 
 
 S. R. Gardiner : English History, 842-3 (815-16). 
 J. Gairdner: Houses of Lancaster and York, 
 
 843 (816). 
 
 C. H. Pearson: English History, 843^1 (816-17). 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 
 
 844 (817). 
 
 Prof, de Vericour: Wat Tyler, 844 (817). 
 
 J. N. Larned: England under Richard II., 1068-9 
 (1040-1). 
 
 13. The House op Lancaster (a. d. 1399-1471) : 
 J. Gairdner: The Houses of Lancaster and York, 
 
 844-5 (817-18). 
 
 J. H. Burton: History of Scotland, 2925 (2850). 
 J. Gairdner: Houses of Lancaster and York, 3765 
 (3644). 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. Hist, of England, 845 (818). 
 
 14. Henry V. (1413-1422) and Agincourt: 
 
 A. J. Church: Henry the Fifth, 1205-6(1173-4). 
 C. M. Yonge: English History, 1206-7 (1174-5). 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 1207 (1175). 
 
 A. J. Church: Henry the Fifth, 1207 (1175). 
 
 15. Henry YI. (1422-1471) and End op Hun- 
 dred Years’ War: 
 
 A. de Lamartine : Joan of Arc, 1207-8 and 1208-9 
 (1175-6). 
 
 Lord Mahon: Historical Essays, 1209 (1177). 
 
 J. O’Hagan: Joan of Arc, 1209 (1177). 
 
 E. E. Crowe: History of France, 1210 (1178). 
 
 C. W. Oman: Warwick, the Kingmaker, 846-7 
 (819-20). 
 
 16. The Wars op the Roses (a. d. 1455-1485): 
 Mrs. Hookham: Life of Margaret of Anjou, 847 
 
 (820). 
 
 J. S. Brewer: Reign of Henry YIII., 848 (821). 
 W. Denton: England in the 15th Century, 848 
 
 (821). 
 
 E. Boutmy: The English Constitution, 848(821). 
 J. Gairdner: Henry VII., 1801 (1761). 
 
 17. The House op York (a. d. 1461-85); toe 
 “ New Monarchy ” : 
 
 Sir J. Mackintosh: History of England, 848-9 
 (821-2). 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 849 
 
 (822). 
 
 C. M. Yonge: English History. 849 (822). 
 
 J. Gairdner: Life of Richard III., 849-50(822-3). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1069-71 (1041-3). 
 
 18. Advance in Civilization, 14th to 16tii 
 Centuries: 
 
 (a) The Renaissance in England. 
 
 II. A. Taine : English Literature, 851-2 (824-5). 
 J. A. Symonds : Slrakespere’s Predecessors, 852-3 
 (825-6). 
 
 768 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 A. Lang: Oxford, 729-30(706-7). 
 
 (6) Trie State of Learning. 
 
 B. Ten Brink : English Literature, 840-1 (813-14). 
 H. C. M. Lyte : The University of Oxford, 722 
 
 (699). 
 
 A. Lang: Oxford, 722-3 (699-700). 
 
 V. A. Huber: English Universities, 723-4(700-01). 
 J. Mullinger: The University of Cambridge, 724 
 
 (701). 
 
 W. Everett : On the Cam, 724 (701). 
 
 F. Seebohm : The Oxford Reformers, 730-1 
 (707-8). 
 
 C. Knight : History of England, 2009 (1965). 
 
 (c) Caxton, and the Introduction of Printing. 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 
 
 2662-3 (2590-1). 
 
 J. II. Slater: Book Collecting, 2663 (2591). 
 
 T. A. Romer : Copyright Law, 2009-10 (1965-6). 
 
 (d) Trade and Commerce. 
 
 L. Levi : British Commerce, 3222 (3711). 
 
 W. Cunningham: Growth of English Industry, 
 3222 (3711). 
 
 J. Michelet: History of France, 1156 (1126). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXX. 
 
 ENGLAND: THE TUDORS (A. D. 1485- 
 1603). 
 
 1. The Accession of the Tudors; Henry 
 VII. (a. D. 1485-1509) : 
 
 J. Forster: Historical Essays, 850 (823). 
 
 J. Gairdner: Henry the Seventh, 853 (826). 
 
 J. H. Burton : History of Scotland, 2926-7 
 (2851-2). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1089 (1061). 
 
 2. The First English Voyages of Discov- 
 ery (a. d. 1497-8): 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the United States, 58 
 (51). 
 
 H. Harrisse : The Discovery of America, 61 (3678). 
 “The discovery of the continent of North America 
 
 and the first landing on its east coast were accom- 
 plished, not by Sebastian Cabot, but by his father John, 
 in 1197, under the auspices of King Henry VII. . . . 
 The voyage of 1498, also accomplished under the Brit- 
 ish flag, was likewise carried out by John Cabot per- 
 sonally . . . and the exploration embraced the north- 
 east coast of the present United States, as far as 
 Florida.” Henry Harrisse. 
 
 “ Under this patent John Cabot, taking with him his 
 son Sebastian, embarked in quest of new islands and a 
 passage to Asia by the northwest. On the 24th day of 
 June (1497], almost fourteen months before Columbus 
 came in sight of the main, and more than two years be- 
 fore Amerigo Vespucci sailed west of the Canaries, he 
 discovered the western Continent, probably in the lati- 
 tude of about 56°, among the dismal cliffs of Labrador. 
 He ran along the coast for many leagues, it is said for 
 even 300, and landed on what he considered to be the 
 territory of the Grand Cham.” George Bancroft. 
 
 3. Henry VIII. (1509-1547) and Cardinal 
 Wolsey : 
 
 SirR. Comyn: The Western Empire, 1218 (1186). 
 M. Creighton: Cardinal Wolsey, 854 (827). 
 
 4. The Field of the Cloth of Gold (a. d. 
 1520) : 
 
 J. Michelet : Modern History, 1222 (1190). 
 
 J. S. Brewer: Henry VIII., 1148 (1119). 
 
 5. Henry VIII., and the Divorce Question: 
 G. P. Fisher : The Christian Church, 854-5 
 
 (827-8). 
 
 Sir J. Mackintosh : 8ir Thomas More, 855-6 
 (828-9). 
 
 : History of England, 858-9 (831-2). 
 
 6. The Reformation in England (a. d. 1530—) : 
 
 (а) Origin of the Term “ Protestant." 
 
 P. Bayne : Martin Luther, 2516-17 (2455-6). 
 
 (б) Henry’s Rupture with Rome. 
 
 G. P. Fisher: The Christian Church, 855 (828). 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1089-90 (1061-2). 
 
 ( c ) 'The Establishment of the Church of Eng- 
 land. 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : History of England, 856 (829). 
 J. Tullocli: Christian Philosophy, 856-7 (829-30). 
 
 G. G. Perry : The Reformation in England, 857 
 (830). 
 
 “ The Reformation in England was singular amongst 
 the great religious movements of the sixteenth century. 
 It was the least heroic of them all — the least swayed by 
 religious passion, or moulded and governed by spiritual 
 and theological necessities. From a general point of 
 view, it looks at first little more than a great political 
 change. The exigencies of royal passion, and the dubi- 
 ous impulses of statecraft, seem its moving and really 
 powerful springs. . . . The lust and avarice of Henry, 
 the policy of Cromwell, and the vacillations of the lead- 
 ing clergy, attract prominent notice ; but there may be 
 traced beneath the surface a widespread evangelical fer- 
 vour amongst the people, and, above all, a genuine spirit- 
 ual earnestness and excitement of thought at the uni- 
 versities. These higher influences preside at the first 
 birth of the movement. They are seen in active opera- 
 tion long before the reforming task was taken up by the 
 Court and the bishops.” J. Tulloch. 
 
 (d) The Suppression of the Monasteries. 
 
 H. Hallam: History of England, 857-8 (830-1). 
 G. G. Perry: Reformation in England, 858(831). 
 F. A. Gasquet: Henry VIII. and the Monasteries, 
 
 858 (831). 
 
 ( e ) The Reaction; The “ Six Articles." 
 
 J. F. Bright : History of England, 859 (832). 
 
 (/) The Establishment of Protestantism under 
 Edward VI. (a. d. 1547-1553). 
 
 D. Hume : History of England, 859-60 (832-3). 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 860 
 (833). 
 
 7. The Foreign Relations of Henry VIII. : 
 
 (a) Scotland. 
 
 J. H. Burton : History of Scotland, 2926-7 
 (2851-2). 
 
 J. F. Bright : History of England, 2927 (2852). 
 Sir W. Scott : History of Scotland, 2927 (2852). 
 D. Hume: History of England, 2927-8 (2852-3). 
 
 D. Wilson : Memories of Edinburgh, 2928 (2853). 
 
 (b) Ireland. 
 
 M. Haverty : History of Ireland, 2471 (2412). 
 
 J. A. Froude : History of England, 1801-2 
 (1761-2). 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 
 1802-3 (1762-3). 
 
 (c) France. 
 
 W. Robertson : Reign of Charles V., 1880-2 
 (1840-2). 
 
 F. P. Guizot : History of France, 1225 (1193). 
 
 E. de Bonnechose : History of France, 1225-6 
 (1193-4). 
 
 8. The Reformation in Scotland : 
 
 W. Robertson: History of Scotland, 2928-9 
 (2853-4). 
 
 L. von Ranke: History of England, 2929-30 
 (2854-5). 
 
 J. Cunningham: Church History of Scotland, 
 2930 (2855). 
 
 M. Creighton : The Age of Elizabeth, 2930-1 
 (2855-6). 
 
 769 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 9. “ Bloody ” Mary, and Catholic Ascend- 
 ency (a. d. 1553-1558): 
 
 Sir J. Mackintosh: History of England, 860-1 
 (833-4). 
 
 T. Fuller: Church History of Britain, 861 (834). 
 
 R. Southey : Book of the Church, 861-2 (834—5). 
 Sir J. Mackintosh: History of England, 862 
 
 (835). 
 
 J. A. Froude: History of England, 862 (835). 
 
 H. Hallam : Const. Hist, of England, 862 (835). 
 W. H. Jervis: History of France, 1228 (1196). 
 
 10. The Accession of Elizabeth ; the Eliza- 
 bethan age (a. d. 1558-1603) : 
 
 (a) The Final Establishment of Protestantism. 
 
 D. Hume : History of England, 862-3 (835-6). 
 
 C. Beard : The Reformation, 863 (836). 
 
 (b) The Civil Government. 
 
 M. Burrows: History of England, 863 (836). 
 
 H. Hallam: Const. Hist, of England, 863-4 
 (836-7). 
 
 E. Fischel: The English Constitution, 2993 (2915). 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 2027 
 (1983). 
 
 Austin Abbott: Capital Punishment, 2027 (1983). 
 
 (c) The State of Literature. 
 
 W. Hazlitt: Literature of the Age of Elizabeth, 
 864 (837). 
 
 J. A. Symonds: Elizabethan and Victorian 
 
 Poetry, 864-5 (837-8). 
 
 (d) The Rise of the Great Schools of England. 
 H. Coleridge: Biographia Borealis, 731 (708). 
 
 F. Seebohm: The Oxford Reformers, 730-1 
 (707-8). 
 
 T. Hughes: The Public Schools of England, 
 733-5 (710-12). 
 
 Our Public Schools — Their Discipline, 735 (712). 
 
 (e) Trade and Commerce. 
 
 C. Gross: The Gild Merchant, 2197 (2153). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Commercial Progress, 3228-9 (3718). 
 Lord Mahon: History of England, 1748-9 (1710). 
 
 11. The Act of Supremacy, and Act of Uni- 
 formity : 
 
 M. Burrows: History of England, 865 (838). 
 
 D. Neal: History of the Puritans, 865-6 (838-9). 
 
 12. The Rise of Puritanism (about a. d. 1560) : 
 J. A. Froude: History of England, 866 (839). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : History of England, 866-7 (840). 
 H. O. Wakemau : The Church and the Puritans, 
 
 867 (840). 
 
 13. First Use of the Term “Protestant” 
 (a. d. 1564) : 
 
 T. Fuller: Church History of Britain, 867 (840). 
 P. Heylyn : Ecclesia Restaurata, 867 (840). 
 
 14. Elizabeth and the Catholics: 
 
 H. Hallam : Const. Hist, of England, 867 (840). 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 867-8 (840-1). 
 J. L. Motley : The United Netherlands, 868 (841). 
 
 15. Mary Queen of Scots : 
 
 D. Wilson: Memorials of Edinburgh, 2928 (2853). 
 M. Mac Arthur: History of Scotland, 2931-2 
 
 (2856-7). 
 
 E. S. Beesly : Queen Elizabeth, 2932 (2857). 
 
 J. Skelton: Historical Essays, 2932-3 (2857-8). 
 T. F. Henderson: The Casket Letters, 2933 
 
 (2858). 
 
 S. H. Burke: Historical Portraits, 2933-4 
 (2858-9). 
 
 A. C. Swinburne: Mary Queen of Scots, 2934 
 (2859). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1095-6 (1067-8). 
 
 16. Mary and the Catholic Conspiracies; 
 her Execution (a. d. 1587): 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 868-9 
 (841-2). 
 
 J. A. Froude : History of England, 869 (842). 
 
 17. The Effect of Mary’s Execution ; the 
 Spanish Armada (a. d. 1588) : 
 
 R. Southey: Lives of British Admirals, 869 (842). 
 
 S. A. Dunham : Spain and Portugal, 869 (842). 
 J. L. Motley: The United Netherlands, 869-70 
 
 (842-3). 
 
 H. R. Clinton: From Crecy to Assye, 870-1 
 (843-4). 
 
 W. Camden : History of Queen Elizabeth, 871-2 
 (844-5). 
 
 “ The flame of patriotism never burnt purer; all Eng- 
 lishmen alike, Romanists, Protestant Episcopalians, 
 and Puritans, were banded together to resist the in- 
 vader. Every hamlet was on the alert for the beacon- 
 signal. . . . Philip’s preparations had been commen- 
 surate with the grandeur of his scheme. ... A vast 
 armament, named, as if to provoke Nemesis, the ‘ Invin- 
 cible Armada,’ on which for three years the treasures 
 of the American mines had been lavished, at length rode 
 the seas, blessed with Papal benediction and under the 
 patronage of the Saints. . . . The 129 vessels were armed 
 with 2430 brass and iron guns of the best manufacture, 
 and carried 5000 seamen. Parma’s army amounted to 
 30,000 men — Spaniards, Portuguese, Italians, and Wal- 
 loons; and 19,000 Castilians and Portuguese, with 1000 
 gentlemen volunteers, were coming to meet him. . . . 
 The overthrow of this armament was effected by the 
 navy and the elements. 1 . . . More than two-thirds of 
 the expedition perished; and of the remnant that again 
 viewed the hills of Spain all but a few hundred returned 
 only to die.” H. R. Clinton. 
 
 18. Progress of the Reformation in Scot- 
 land: 
 
 M. C. Taylor: John Knox, 2934 (2859). 
 
 T. Carlyle : Heroes and Hero Worship, 2934-5 
 (2859-60). 
 
 J. Tulloch: John Knox, 2935 (2860). 
 
 W. Robertson: History of Scotland, 2935 (2860). 
 J. Cunningham: Church History of Scotland, 
 
 2935- 6 (2860-1). 
 
 T. M’Crie: Scottish Church History, 2936 (2861). 
 J. Cunningham : Church History of Scotland, 
 
 2936- 7 (2861-2). 
 
 Sir W. Scott : History of Scotland, 2937 (2862). 
 
 19. The Accession of the Stuarts; James I. 
 (a. d. 1603): 
 
 J. Forster: Historical Essays, 872 (845). 
 
 “ His [James’] mother was Marie Stuart, or Mary, 
 Queen of Scots, born of her marriage with Lord Darn- 
 ley. He came to the English throne at a time when the 
 autocratic spirit of the Tudors, making use of the pe- 
 culiar circumstances of their time, had raised the royal 
 power and prerogative to their most exalted pitch; and 
 lie united the two Kingdoms of Scotland and England 
 under one sovereignty. The noble inheritance fell to a 
 race who, comprehending not one of the conditions by 
 which alone it was possible to be retained, profligately 
 misused until they lost it utterly. . . What is called 
 the Great Rebellion can have no comment so pregnant 
 as that which is suggested by the character and previous 
 career of the first of the Stuart Kings.” J. Forster. 
 
 •See Important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXXI. 
 
 ENGLAND: JAMES I. AND CHARLES 
 
 I.; THE GREAT REBELLION (A. D. 
 1603-1649). 
 
 I. The Accession of the Stuarts (a. d. 1603): 
 
 J. H. Burton: History of Scotland, 2925 (2850). 
 
 770 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 M.' Noble: Genealogy of the House of Stuart, 
 2925 (2850). 
 
 J. Forster: Historical Essays, 872 (845). 
 
 T. P. Taswell-Langmead: Eng. Const. History, 
 3107 (3025). 
 
 A. V. Dicey: The Privy Council, 3107-8 
 (3025-6). 
 
 2. The Reign op James I. (a. d. 1603-25) : 
 
 T. McCrie : Scottish Church History, 872-3 
 (845-6). 
 
 D. Hume: History of England, 873 (846). 
 
 H. Hallam: Const. Hist, of England, 874 (847). 
 J. Cunningham : Church History of Scotland, 
 2937 (2862). 
 
 3. The Settlements in America : 
 
 (а) In Virginia (a. d. 1606-). 
 
 John Fiske: Beginnings of New England, 3748 
 (3627). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the United States, 3748-9 
 (3627-8). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: English Colonies in America, 3749 
 (3628). 
 
 (б) The Independents or Separatists. 
 
 J. A. Goodwin: The Pilgrim Republic, 2690-1 
 (2617-18). 
 
 G. Punchard: History of Congregationalism, 2691 
 (2618). 
 
 J. Hunter : The Founders of New Plymouth, 
 1737 (1698). 
 
 D. Masson : Life of John Milton, 1737 (1698). 
 
 (c) The Plymouth, Massachusetts, Colony (a. d. 
 1620). 
 
 J. Fiske : The Beginnings of New England, 1738 
 (1699). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the United States, 1738-9 
 (1699-1700). 
 
 F. B. Dexter: The Pilgrim Church, 2141-2 
 (2097-8). 
 
 (d) The Massachusetts Bay Company (a. d. 
 1630). 
 
 J. B. Moore : Governors of Massachusetts Bay, 
 2145-6 (2101-2). 
 
 S. A. Drake : Around the Hub, 2146-7 (2102-3). 
 R. C. Winthrop : Boston Founded, 2147 (2103). 
 
 4. Charles I. (a. d. 1625-1649) ; the Great 
 Rebellion : 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 874 (847). 
 C. D. Yonge: History of France, 1252-3 (1220-1). 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 1805 (1765). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1103-4 (1075-6). 
 
 “ He [Charles I.] seems to have learned from the 
 theologians whom he most esteemed that between him 
 and his subjects there could be nothing of the nature 
 of mutual contract ; that he could not, even if he would, 
 divest himself of his despotic authority; and that, in 
 every promise which he made, there was an implied 
 reservation that such promise might be broken in case 
 of necessity, and that of the necessity he was the sole 
 judge.” T. B. Macaulay. 
 
 5. The Petition of Right (a. d. 1628) : 
 
 H. Hallam: Const.Hist. of England, 874 and 875 
 (847, 848). 
 
 Full Text of the Petition of Right, 875-6 (848-9). 
 
 “Our English Constitution was never made, in the 
 sense in which the Constitutions of many other coun- 
 tries have been made. There never was any moment 
 when Englishmen drew out their political system in 
 the shape of a formal document, whether as the carry- 
 ing out of any abstract political theories or as the imi- 
 tation of the past or present system of any other nation. 
 There are indeed certain great political documents, 
 each of which forms a land mark in our political his- 
 tory. There is the Great Charter [1215], the Petition of 
 Right [1628], and the Bill of Rights [1689]. But not 
 one of these gave itself out as the enactment of any- 
 thing new. All claimed to set forth, with new strength, 
 
 it might be, and with new clearness, those rights of 
 Englishmen which were already old. . . . The life and 
 soul of English law has ever been precedent; we have 
 always held that whatever our fathers once diil their 
 sons have a right to do again.” E. A. Freeman. 
 
 “ Lord Chatham called these three [Magna Carta, the 
 Petition of Right, and the Bill of Rights] ‘ The Bible of 
 the English Constitution,’ to which appeal is to be 
 made on every grave political question.” Sir E. S. 
 Creasy. 
 
 6. The Burning Question of Taxation : 
 
 T. Carlyle: Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches, 
 877 (850). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : Essays. — Hampden, 878-9 
 (851-2). 
 
 7. Buckingham and Laud: 
 
 C. M. Yonge: English History, 876-7 (849-50). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: The English Revolution, 877-8 
 (850-1). 
 
 8. Presbyterians and Independents : 
 
 J. Rushworth: Historical Collections, 879 (852). 
 W. Godwin: History of the Commonwealth, 
 879 (852). 
 
 D. Masson : Life of John Milton, 1737 (1698). 
 
 9. The Scottish National Covenant (a. d. 
 1638) : 
 
 T. Fuller : Church History of Britain, 2937-8 
 (2862-3). 
 
 J. H. Burton: History of Scotland, 2938 (2863). 
 J. Taylor: The Scottish Covenanters, 2938 
 (2863). 
 
 A. P. Stanley: The Church of Scotland, 2938-9 
 (2863-4). 
 
 Full text of the National Covenant, 2939-42 
 (2864-7). 
 
 10. The Bishops’ Wars: 
 
 M. MacArthur: History of Scotland, 2942-3 
 (2867-8). 
 
 T. Carlyle : Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches, 
 879-80 (852-3). 
 
 11. Wentworth’s System of “Thorough”: 
 R. Hassencamp: History of Ireland, 1805-6 
 
 (1765-6). 
 
 R. Browning: Thomas Wentworth, 1806 (1766). 
 
 12. The Long Parliament (1640-1); Execu- 
 tion of Strafford: 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: Essays. — Hampden, 880 (853). 
 
 G. B. Smith: History of the Eng. Parliament, 
 2553 (2487). 
 
 J. R. Green : The English People, 880-1 (853-4). 
 
 H. D. Traill: Lord Strafford, 881 (854). 
 
 R. Browning : Thomas Wentworth, 881-2 (855). 
 Text of the Articles of Impeachment of Straf- 
 ford, 882 (855). 
 
 13. Rise of Permanent Parties ; Cavaliers 
 and Roundheads : 
 
 T. B. Macaulav : History of England, 882-3 
 (855-6). 
 
 D. Masson : Life of John Milton, 2828 (2754). 
 
 14. The Grand Remonstrance (a. d. 1641) : 
 D. Masson : Life of John Milton, 883 (856). - 
 J. Forster : Historical Essays, 883 (856). 
 
 Full Text of the Grand Remonstrance, 883-893 
 (856-866). 
 
 15. The Beginning of Civil War (a. d. 1642): 
 D. Hume: History of England, 893-4 (866-7). 
 T. Carlyle : Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, 
 
 894 (867). 
 
 D. Masson: Life of John Milton, 894-5 (867-8). 
 F. Harrison: Oliver Cromwell, 895 (868). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1104-5 (1076-7). 
 
 771 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 16. Early Engagements and Cromwell’s 
 Ironsides ; 
 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 895-6 (868-9). 
 T. Carlyle : Letters and Speeches of Cromwell, 
 896 (869.) 
 
 F. Harrison: Oliver Cromwell, 896 (869). 
 
 “ These were the men who ultimately decided the 
 war, and established the Commonwealth. On the field 
 of Marston, Rupert gave Cromwell the name of Iron- 
 side, and from thence this famous name passed to his 
 troopers. There are two features in their history 
 which we need to note. They were indeed ‘such men 
 as had some conscience in their work ’ ; but they were 
 also much more. They were disciplined and trained 
 soldiers. They were the only body of * regulars ’ on 
 either side. The instinctive genius of Cromwell from 
 the very first created the strong nucleus of a regular 
 army, which at last in discipline, in skill, in valor, 
 reached the highest perfection ever attained by soldiers 
 either in ancient or modern times.” Frederic Har- 
 rison. 
 
 17. The Westminster Assembly, and Solemn 
 League and Covenant (a. d. 1643) : 
 
 D. Masson: Life of Milton, 896-7 (869-70). 
 
 J. Forster: Statesmen of the Commonwealth, 
 897-8 (870-1). 
 
 Text of the Solemn League and Covenant, 898-9 
 (871-2). 
 
 18. The Catholic Rising and Massacres in 
 Ireland (a. d. 1641): 
 
 L. von Ranke: History of England, 1806-7 
 (1766-7). 
 
 W. A. O’Connor: The Irish People, 1807 (1767). 
 
 M. Hickson: Ireland in 17th Century, 1807 (1767). 
 
 N. L. Walford: Parliamentary Generals, 896 (869). 
 J. R. Green : English People, 896 (869). 
 
 19. Progress of the War; Marston Moor 
 (a. d. 1644): 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : History of England, 899 (872). 
 Earl of Clarendon: History of the Rebellion, 899- 
 900 (872-3). 
 
 N. L. Walford: Parliamentary Generals, 900 (873). 
 C. R. Markham: Life of Lord Fairfax, 900 (873). 
 C. Knight: The History of England, 900 (873). 
 
 20. From Marston Moor to Naseby: 
 
 F. Harrison: Oliver Cromwell. 901 (874). 
 
 H. Hallam: Const. Hist, of England, 901 (874). 
 N. L. Walford : Parliamentary Generals, 901 (874). 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 902 (875). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Cromweil’s Letters and Speeches, 902 
 
 (875) 
 
 21. Closing Events of the War (a. d. 1645- 
 1648): 
 
 H. Hallam: Const. Hist, of England, 902 (875). 
 C. R. Markham: Life of Lord Fairfax, 903 (876). 
 W. Chambers: Stories of Old Families, 2943 
 (2868). 
 
 B. M. Cordery: King and Commonwealth, 903 
 
 (876) . 
 
 J. A. Picton: Oliver Cromwell, 903-4 (876-7). 
 
 J. K. Hosmer: Life of Sir Henry Vane, 904-5 
 (877-8). 
 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 905 
 
 (878) . 
 
 22. TnE Second Civil War, and Battle of 
 Preston (a. d. 1648) : 
 
 F. Harrison: Oliver Cromwell, 906 (879). 
 
 H. Hallam : Const. Hist, of England, 906 (879). 
 F. P. Guizot: The English Revolution, 906 
 
 (879) . 
 
 23. Pride’s Purge, and the Rump Parlia 
 ment: 
 
 W. Godwin : History of the Commonwealth, 
 906-7 (879-80). 
 
 J. K. Hosmer: Life of Sir Henry Vane, 907 
 
 (880). 
 
 D. Neal: History of the Puritans, 907 (880). 
 
 24. Trial and Execution of Charles I. 
 (a. d. 1649) : 
 
 C. Knight : History of England, 907-8 (880-1). 
 F. Harrison: Oliver Cromwell, 908 (881). 
 
 W. Godwin : History of the Commonwealth, 
 908-9 (881-2). 
 
 S. R. Gardiner : History of the Great Civil War, 
 909 (882). 
 
 Text of the Act arraigning the King, 909-10 
 (882-3). 
 
 “ As the head of the King rolled on the scaffold the 
 old Feudal Monarchy expired forever. In January, 
 1049, a great mark was set in the course of the national 
 life — the Old Rule behind it, the New Rule before it. 
 Parliamentary government, the consent of the Nation, 
 equality of rights, and equity in the law — all date from 
 this great New Departure. The Stuarts indeed returned 
 for one generation, but with the sting of the old mon- 
 archy gone, and only to disappear almost without a 
 blow. The Church ot England returned ; but not the 
 Church of Laud or of Charles. The peers returned, but 
 as a meek House of Lords with their castles razed, their 
 feudal rights and their political power extinct. It is 
 said that the regicides killed Charles I. only to make 
 Charles 11. King. It is not so. They killed the old Mon- 
 archy ; and the restored monarch was by no means its 
 heir, but a royal Stadtholder or Hereditary President.” 
 Frederic Harrison. 
 
 25. The Eikon Basilike (February, 1649): 
 
 D. Masson: Life of John Milton, 910 (883). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Life, by Froude, 910-11 (883-4). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXXII. 
 
 ENGLAND: FROM THE COMMON- 
 
 WEALTH TO CLOSE OF STUART 
 DYNASTY (A. D. 1649-1714). 
 
 1. The Establishment of the Common- 
 wealth (a. d. 1649): 
 
 D. Masson: Life of John Milton, 910 (883). 
 
 : , 2043 (1999). 
 
 J. A. Picton: Oliver Cromwell, 2043 (1999). 
 
 2. Cromwell in Ireland (a. d. 1649-1650): 
 
 N. L. Walford: Parliamentary Generals, 1807-8 
 
 (1767-8). 
 
 B. M. Cordery: King and Commonwealth, 1808 
 (1768). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches, 
 
 1808- 9 (1768-9). 
 
 J. P. Prendergast: The Cromwellian Settlement, 
 
 1809- 10 (1769-70). 
 
 3. The Scottish Revolt; Dunbar and Wor- 
 cester (a. d. 1650-1): 
 
 J. H. M. d’Aubigne: The Protector, 2943-4 
 (2868-9). 
 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 2944 (2869). 
 
 C. Knight: History of England, 2945 (2870). 
 
 D. Hume: History of England, 2945 (2870). 
 
 F. P. Guizot : Oliver Cromwell, 2945-6 (2870-1). 
 
 4. Passage of the Navigation Acts (a. d. 
 1651): 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 
 2332-3 (2284-5). 
 
 G. L. Craik: British Commerce, 2293 (2245). 
 
 E. G. Scott: Const. Liberty in English Colonies, 
 3286-7 (3170-1). 
 
 772 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 5. War witii the Dutch Republic (a.d. 
 
 1668 - 4 ): 
 
 D. Hume: History of England, 911-12 (884-5). 
 J. F. Blight: History of England, 912 (885). 
 
 6. Cromwell and the Parliaments (a. d. 
 1651-3): 
 
 J. R. Green: Short History of England, 911 (884). 
 
 F. Harrison: Oliver Cromwell, 912-13 (885-6). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Cromwell’s Letters and Speeches, 913 
 
 ( 886 ). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: Oliver Cromwell, 913 (886). 
 
 7. The Protectorate (a. d. 1653-1660): 
 
 Full Text of the Instrument of Government, 914- 
 18 (887-891). 
 
 D. Masson: Life of John Milton, 913-14(886-7). 
 F. Harrison: Oliver Cromwell, 918 (891). 
 
 H. Hallam: Const. Hist, of England, 918 (891). 
 
 B. M. Cordery: King and Commonwealth, 919 
 (892). 
 
 “ His [Cromwell’s] wish seems to have been to govern 
 constitutionally, and to substitute the empire of the 
 laws for that of the sword. But he soon found that, 
 hated as he was, both by Royalists and Presbyterians, 
 he could be safe only by being absolute. . . . Those sol- 
 diers who would not suffer him to assume the kingly 
 title, stood by him when he ventured on acts of power 
 as high as any English King has ever attempted. The 
 government, therefore, though in form a republic, was 
 in truth a despotism, moderated only by the wisdom, 
 the sobriety, and the magnanimity of the despot.” 
 
 T. B. Macaulay. 
 
 8 The Restoration; Charles II. (a. d. 1660- 
 1685): 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 919-20 
 (892-3). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: The Restoration, 920 (893). 
 
 C. Dickens: History of England, 920-1 (893-4). 
 H. Martin: History of France, 921 (894). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1105-6 (1077-8). 
 
 J. Lingard: History of England, 1810 (1770). 
 
 9. The State of the Church following 
 the Restoration: 
 
 O. Airy: The English Restoration, 921 (894). 
 
 J. Stoughton: History of Religion, 921 (894). 
 
 J. Lingard: History of England, 921-2 (894—5). 
 
 E. Calamy: The Nonconformist’s Memorial, 922 
 (895). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 2946(2871). 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 2946 (2871). 
 
 10. The Wars with Holland (a.d. 1665-78): 
 O. Airy: The English Restoration, 2333 (2285). 
 
 G. P. R. James. Life of Louis XIV., 2333-4 
 (2285-6). 
 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 
 2334 (2286). 
 
 J. Lingard : History of England, 2335 (2287). 
 
 C. M. Yonge: Landmarks of History, 2335-6 
 (2287-8). 
 
 O. Airy: The English Restoration, 2336 (2288). 
 J. R. Brodhead: History of New York, 2336-7 
 (2288-9). 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 2414 (2362). 
 
 J. A. Stevens: The English in New York, 2383 
 (2330-1). 
 
 J. R. Brodhead: History of New York, 2384-5 
 (2332-3). 
 
 11. Catholicism and the Test Act (a. d. 
 1673): 
 
 J. Lingard: History of England, 922-3 (895-6). 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 
 923-4 (896-7). 
 
 J. Stoughton: History of Religion, 924 (897). 
 
 12. Titus Oates, and the Alleged Popish 
 Plot (a. d. 1678-9): 
 
 A. B. Buckley: History of England, 924 (897). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 924 (897). 
 A. Carrel : The Counter-Reformation, 925 (898). 
 
 C. Butler: Memoirs of English Catholics, 925 
 (898). 
 
 H. Hallam : Const. Hist, of England, 930 (903). 
 
 13. The Habeas Corpus Act (a. d. 1679): 
 
 D. Hume: History of England, 925 (898). 
 
 E. Fischel: The English Constitution, 925-6 
 (898-9). 
 
 W. Blackstone: Commentaries, 2014 (1970). 
 
 Full Text of the Act, 926-9 (899-902). 
 
 14. Whigs and Tories (about a. d. 1680): 
 
 D. Hume : History of England. 930 (903). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky : History of England, 2698 (2625). 
 
 G. Burnet : History of My Own Time, 3772 (3651). 
 
 15. James II. (a. d. 1685-9); The Revolution: 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 930 
 
 (903). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 931(904). 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 931 (904). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : History of England, 931-2 
 (904-5). 
 
 Sir J. Mackintosh: History of the Revolution, 
 932 (905). 
 
 16. The Revolution : 
 
 W. H. Torriano : William the Third, 933 (906). 
 Sir J. Mackintosh : History of the Revolution, 
 933-4 (906-7). 
 
 R. Vaughan: England under the Stuarts, 934-5 
 (907-8). 
 
 17. William and Mary (a. d. 1689-1702): 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 934 
 (907). 
 
 Sir J. Mackintosh : History of the Revolution, 
 934 (907). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1106-7(1078-9). 
 
 H. D. Traill : William the Third, 934 (907). 
 
 H. Hallam : Const. Hist, of England, 935-6 
 (908-9). 
 
 Full Text of the Bill of Rights, 987-9 (910-12). 
 
 18. The War in Ireland; the Battle of 
 the Boyne and Peace of Limerick: 
 
 E. Hale: The Fall of the Stuarts, 1810-11 (1770-1). 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 1811(1771). 
 W. H. Torriano : William the Third, 1811—12 
 
 (1771-2). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 1812-13 
 (1772-3). 
 
 W. K. Sullivan : Two Centuries of Irish History, 
 1813-14 (1773-4). 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 
 1814 (1774). 
 
 19. The Church and the Revolution : 
 
 J. Rowlev : The Settlement of the Constitution, 
 936 (909). 
 
 E. Hale : The Fall of the Stuarts, 2948-9 (2873-4). 
 J. Cunningham : Church History of Scotland, 
 2949 (2874). 
 
 20. War with France ; Beachy Head, and 
 La Hogue (a. d. 1690-2): 
 
 W. H. Torriano: William the Third, 939 (912). 
 T. B. Macaulay : History of England, 939 (912). 
 H. Martin : History of France, 939-40 (912-13). 
 G. P. R. James : Life of Louis XIV. , 1275 (1243). 
 J. W. Gerard : The Peace of Utrecht, 1275-6 
 (1243-4). 
 
 773 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 21. Founding of the Bank of England (a. d. 
 1694) : 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 2253-4 
 (2209-10). 
 
 W. Bagehot: Lombard Street, 2254-5 (2210-11). 
 
 11 It was indeed not easy to guess that a bill, which 
 purported only to impose a new duty on tonnage for 
 the benefit of such persons as should advance money 
 towards carrying on the war was really a bill creating 
 the greatest commercial institution that the world had 
 ever seen.” T. B. Macaulay. 
 
 22. TnE Act of Settlement (a. d. 1701): 
 
 J. Rowley: Settlement of the Constitution, 940-1 
 (913-14). 
 
 H. Hallam : Const. Hist, of England, 941 (914). 
 
 “ According to the tenor and intention of the Act of 
 Settlement all prior claims of inheritance, save that of 
 the issue of King William and the Princess Anne, being 
 set aside and annulled, the Princess Sophia became the 
 source of a new royal line. The throne of England and 
 Ireland, by virtue of the paramount will of Parliament, 
 stands entailed upon the heirs of her body, being pro- 
 testants. In them the right is as truly hereditary as it 
 ever was in the Plantagenets or the Tudors. But they 
 derive it not from those ancient families. The blood 
 indeed of Cerdic and of the Conqueror flows in the 
 veins of his present majesty [George IV.]. Our Ed- 
 wards and Henries illustrate the almost unrivalled 
 splendor and antiquity of the house of Brunswick. But 
 they have transmitted no more right to the allegiance 
 of England than Boniface of Este or Henry the Lion. 
 That rests wholly on the Act of Settlement, and re- 
 solves itself into the sovereignty of the legislature.” 
 
 H. Hallam. 
 
 23. The Reign of Queen Anne (a. d. 1702-14): 
 H. D. Traill: William the Third, 941 (914). 
 
 L. Stephen: English Thought in 18th Century, 
 941-2 (914-15). 
 
 E. Gosse : Eighteenth Century Literature, 942 
 (915). 
 
 24. The Wars of the Spanish Succession 
 (1702-1714): 
 
 Earl Stanhope : Reign of Queen Anne, 3074 
 (2993). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 3074-5 (2993-4). 
 
 J. W. Gerard : The Peace of Utrecht, 1526(1492). 
 G. B. Malleson : Prince Eugene of Savoy, 1526 
 (1492). 
 
 A. Alison : Life of Marlborough, 1526-7 (1492-3). 
 G. Saintsbury: Marlborough, 2341 (2293). 
 
 G. B. Malleson : Eugene of Savoy, 2341-2 
 (2293-4). 
 
 L. Creighton : Life of Marlborough, 2342 (2294). 
 G. Saintsbury: Marlborough, 2342-3(2294-5). 
 
 R. Johnson : History of the French War, 2362 
 (2314). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the United States, 379-80 
 (369-70). 
 
 W. Russell : History of Modern Europe, 3712-13 
 (3592-3). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1110-11 (1082-3). 
 
 25. The Union of England and Scotland 
 (a. d. 1707): 
 
 Earl Stanhope : History of England, 2952-3 
 (2877-8). 
 
 Sir W. Scott: Tales of a Grandfather, 2953 
 (2878). 
 
 J. Rowley: Settlement of the Constitution, 
 2953-4 (2878-9). 
 
 26. Fall of the Whigs and Marlborough 
 (a. D. 1710-12): 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 
 
 943- 4 (916-17). 
 
 R. B. Brett : Footprints of Statesmen, 944 (917). 
 W. E. H. Lecky: England in the 18th Century, 
 
 944- 5 (917-18). 
 
 27. End of the Stuart Line (a. d. 1714): 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 945 (918). 
 E. E. Morris : The Early Hanoverians, 945-6 
 
 (918-19). 
 
 28. Beginnings of English Commercial Su- 
 premacy : 
 
 D. Campbell : The Puritan in Holland, etc., 
 2332-3 (2284-5). 
 
 R. L. Poole : The Huguenots, 1270 (1238). 
 
 Earl Stanhope : History of England, 1748-9 
 (1709-10). 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers : Economic Interpretation of 
 History, 3228-30 (3717-19). 
 
 E. Eggleston : Commerce in the Colonies, 3230 
 (3719). 
 
 Lord Campbell: Lives of the Chief Justices, 
 2017 (1973). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXXIII. 
 
 ENGLAND: FROM GEORGE I. TO THE 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION. 
 
 1. Accession of George I. (a. d. 1714): 
 
 L. Mariotti: Italy, 1014-15 (986-7). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1652 (1614). 
 
 P. M. Thornton : The Brunswick Accession, 
 1652-3 (1614-15). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 945 (918). 
 E. E. Morris : The Early Hanoverians, 946 (919). 
 
 2. The Establishment of Parliamentary 
 Government : 
 
 J. Morley: Walpole, 946-7 (919-20). 
 
 J. F. Bright : History of England, 947 (920). 
 
 3. The Evolution of the Cabinet : 
 
 A. C. Ewald : The Crown and Its Advisers, 
 2681 (2609). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 354 (344). 
 John Morley : Walpole, 354 (344). 
 
 A. Y. Dicey : The Privy Council, 354-5 (344-5). 
 
 “ George I. cared very little for his new Kingdom, 
 and knew very little about its people or its institutions. 
 . . . His expeditions to Hanover threw the management 
 of all domestic affairs almost without control into the 
 hands of his English ministers. If the two first Han- 
 overian Kings had been Englishmen instead of Ger- 
 mans, if they had been men of talent and ambition, or 
 even men of strong and commanding will without much 
 talent, Walpole would never have been able to lay the 
 foundations of government by the House of Commons 
 and by Cabinet so firmly that even the obdurate will of 
 George III. was unable to overthrow it. Happily for 
 the system now established, circumstances compelled 
 the first two sovereigns of the Hanoverian line to strike 
 a bargain with the English Whigs, and it was faithfully 
 kept until the accession of the third George. The King 
 was to manage the affairs of Hanover, and the Whigs 
 were to govern England. It was an excellent bargain 
 for England.” John Morley. 
 
 4. The South Sea Bubble, and the Mississippi 
 Scheme: 
 
 Lord Mahon: History of England, 3051-2 
 (2971-2). 
 
 J. W. Monette : The Valley of the Mississippi, 
 2089 (2045). 
 
 5. A. Drake: Making of the Great West, 2089-90 
 (2045-6). 
 
 Viscount. Bury: Exodus of the Western Nations, 
 1279-80 (1247-8). 
 
 L. Stephen: Swift, 1816 (1776). 
 
 774 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 5. Troubles wrrn Spain (a. d. 172(5-31): 
 
 C. W. Koch: Revolutions of Europe, 3079 
 (2998). 
 
 T. II. Dyer: Modern Europe, 3079-80 (2998-9). 
 
 6. Accession op George II. (1727); Walpole’s 
 Administration : 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers: Historical Gleanings, 947-8 
 (920-1). 
 
 W. E. II. Lecky : History of England, 948 (921). 
 
 7. The War op Jenkins’ Ear (a. d. 1739-^1): 
 
 E. E. Morris: Early Hanoverians, 949 (922). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 949 (922). 
 
 8. Tiie Rise op Pitt, — Lord Chatham: 
 
 Sir E. Creasy: Eminent Etonians, 950 (923). 
 
 R. B. Brett: Footprints of Statesman, 950 (923). 
 
 9. War op the Austrian Succession (a. d. 
 1740-48): 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 225 (218). 
 
 J. Graham: History of the United States, 2362-3 
 (2314-15). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the United States, 2363-4 
 (2315-16). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey: History of New England, 2364 
 (2316). 
 
 T. C. Haliburton: English in America, 2364-5 
 (2316-17). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of Europe, 951 (924). 
 
 : , 28-9 (21-2). 
 
 H. Tuttle: History of Prussia, 29 (22). 
 
 10. The Last Rising of the Jacobites (a. d. 
 1745-6) : 
 
 J. R. Green : History of the English People, 2954 
 (2879). . 
 
 11. Adoption op the Gregorian Calendar 
 (a. d. 1751) : 
 
 W. Hales : Analysis of Chronology, 357 (347). 
 
 Sir H. Nicholas : Chronology of History, 357 
 (347). 
 
 12. The Seven Years’ War (a. d. 1754-1763) : 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 951-2 (924—5). 
 
 A. R. Ropes: Causes of the Seven Years’ War, 
 952 (925). 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale: The Old Northwest, 2445-6 
 (2393-4). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the United States, 3755 
 (3634). 
 
 T. J. Chapman : The French in the Allegheny 
 Valley, 2446-7 (2394-5). 
 
 C. B. Brackenbury : Frederick the Great, 1529 
 (1495). 
 
 T. Carlyle : Friedrich II. of Prussia, 1529 (1495). 
 
 Lord Mahon : History of England, 1529-30 
 (1495-6). 
 
 Justin McCarthy: The Four Georges, 952 (925). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : William Pitt, 952-3 (925-6). 
 
 F. W. Longman: The Seven Years’ War, 954 
 (927). 
 
 C. B. Brackenbury : Frederick the Great, 1535-6 
 (1501-2). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2975 (2898). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Friedrich II. of Prussia, 2975-6 
 (2898-9). 
 
 Frederick II. : The Seven Years’ War, 2976 (2899). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1114-15 (1086-7). 
 
 13. Accession of George III. (a. d. 1760) : 
 
 J. Fiske: The American Revolution, 954-5 
 (927-8). 
 
 Sir T. E. May : Const. Hist, of England, 955-6 
 (928-9). 
 
 77 
 
 14. The Great Struggle op the People with 
 Absolutism : 
 
 (a) The Fight for the Freedom of the Press. 
 
 C. II. Timperley : Encyclopedia of Typography, 
 2667-8 (2595-6). 
 
 J. Grant: The Newspaper Press, 2668 (2596). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 2669 
 (2597). 
 
 C. II. Timperley: Encyclopaedia of Typography, 
 2671-2 (2599-2600). 
 
 (1) The Case of John Wilkes. 
 
 W. Massey: History of England, 956-7 (930). • 
 W. F. Rae: John Wilkes, 958-9 (931-2). 
 
 (2) The Junius Letters. 
 
 Lord Mahon : History of England, 959-60 (933). 
 Cushing: Initials and Pseudonyms, 960 (933). 
 
 J. W. Ross Brown : Criminal Law of Libel, 
 2028-9 (1984-5). 
 
 “ It may be doubted whether Junius had any confi- 
 dant or trusted friend. When dedicating his collected 
 letters to the English people, he declares: ‘I am the 
 sole depository of my own secret, and it shall perish 
 with me.’ ” Lord Mahon. 
 
 (3) The Surrender of Parliament. 
 
 W. Massey : History of England, 961-2 (934r-5). 
 T. P. Taswell-Langmead : Eng. Const. History, 
 962 (935). 
 
 ( b ) Remarkable Increase of Capital Offenses. 
 
 Sir T. E. May : Const. Hist, of England, 2028 
 
 (1984). 
 
 J. F. Dillon: Jurisprudence of England, 2029 
 (1985). 
 
 (c) Arbitrary Taxation. 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the United States, 3295 
 (3178-9). 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale : The American Government, 
 3295 (3179). 
 
 J. Fiske : War of Independence, 3297-8 (3182). 
 J. Morley : Edmund Burke, 3298 (3182). 
 
 (d) The Stamp Act. 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : History of New England, 3299 
 (3183). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the United States, 3303 
 (3186-7). 
 
 W. Wirt : Life of Patrick Henry, 3303-5 (3189). 
 J. Fiske : The American Revolution, 3305-6 
 (3189-90). 
 
 (e) Declaration of Rights of Stamp Act Congress. 
 R. Frothingliam: Rise of the Republic, 3306-7 
 
 (3190-91). 
 
 Full Text of the Stamp Act, 3299-3302 (3183-6). 
 
 15. The Ministry op Lord North ; the 
 American War: 
 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 960-1 (933-4). 
 W. E. H. Lecky : History of England, 962-3 
 (935-6). 
 
 J. Morley : Edmund Burke, 963 (936). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The English People, 963 (936). 
 
 16. Early War Measures: 
 
 H. S. Randall: Life of Jefferson, 3346-7 (3230-1). 
 Lord Mahon : History of England, 3347 (3231). 
 E. J. Lowell: Hessians in the Revolution, 3347-8 
 
 (3231-2). 
 
 For Details of the American War, see Study 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 17. Catholic Relief and the Gordon Riots 
 (a. d. 1778-80): 
 
 J. G. Bourinot: Const. Hist, of Canada, 388-9 
 (378-9). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky : History of England, 963-4 
 (936-7). 
 
 Sketches of Popular Tumults, 964-5 (937-8). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky : History of England, 1818-19 
 (1778-9). 
 
 18. Legislative Independence for Ireland 
 (a. d. 1782) : 
 
 J. H. McCarthy: Ireland since the Union, 1817 
 (1777). 
 
 W. F. Collier : History of Ireland, 1817-18 
 (1777-8). 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers : Ireland, 1818 (1778). 
 
 19. Tiie Fall of Lord North’s Ministry: 
 
 J. Fiske : American Revolution, 965 (938). 
 
 W. Massey : History of England, 965-6 (938-9). 
 
 H. O. Wakeman: Life of Fox, 966-7 (939-40). 
 
 20. Close of American War ; the Treaty of 
 Paris (a. d. 1783) : 
 
 The Diplomacy of the United States, 3398-9 
 (3282-3). 
 
 E. Fitzmaurice : The Earl of Shelburne, 3399- 
 3400 (3283^). 
 
 John Fiske: Critical Period, 3400-1 (3284-5). 
 
 J. Q. Adams : Life of John Adams, 3401-2 
 (3285-6). 
 
 F. Wharton: Revolutionary Diplomatic Corre- 
 spondence, 3402 (3286). 
 
 J. Bigelow: Life of Franklin, 3402-3 (3286-7). 
 Text of the Treaty of Peace, 3403-4 (3287-8). 
 
 21. British Rule in India: 
 
 (a) Establishment of the Empire. 
 
 J. M. Ludlow : British India, 1752 (1713). 
 
 H. Martineau: British Rule in India, 1752-3 
 (1713-14). 
 
 J. Mill : British India, 1753-4 (1714-15). 
 
 J. R. Seeley: Expansion of England, 1754(1715). 
 
 “ The words ‘ wonderful,’ ‘ strange,’ are often applied 
 to great historical events, and there is no event to 
 which they have been applied more freely than to our 
 [the English] conquest of India. But the event was not 
 wonderful in a sense that it is difficult to discover ade- 
 quate causes by which it could have been produced. If 
 we begin by remarking that authority in India had 
 fallen on the ground through the decay of the Mogul 
 Empire, that it lay there waiting to be picked up bv 
 somebody, and that all over India in that period ad- 
 venturers of one kind or another were founding Em- 
 pires, it is really not surprising that a mercantile cor- 
 poration which had money to pay a mercenary force 
 should be able to compete with other adventurers, nor 
 yet that it should outstrip all its competitors by bring- 
 ing into the field English military science and general- 
 ship, especially when it was backed over and over again 
 by the whole power and credit of England and directed 
 by English statesmen. . . . England did not, in a strict 
 sense, conquer India; but certain Englishmen, who 
 happened to reside in India at the time when the Mogul 
 Empire fell, had a fortune like that of Hyder Ali or 
 Runjeet Singh and rose to supreme power there.” 
 
 J. R. Seeley. 
 
 (b) The Administration of Clive. 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: Lord Clive, 1754-6 (1715-17). 
 
 C. Knight: History of England, 1756 (1717). 
 
 Sir W. Hunter: India, 1756-8 (1717-19). 
 
 (c) Passing of the East India Company; War- 
 ren Hastings. 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 1759-60 
 (1720-1). 
 
 H. Martineau: British Rule in India, 1760-1 
 (1721-2). 
 
 Sir A. Lyall: Warren Hastings, 1761 (1722). 
 
 Sir J. Strachey : Hastings and the Rohillas, 1762 
 (1723). 
 
 L. J. Trotter: Warren Hastings, 1762-3(1723-4). 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 1763-4 
 (1724-5). 
 
 Sir A. Lyall: British Dominion in India, 1764-5 
 (1725-6). 
 
 7 
 
 ( d ) The Permanent Settlement. 
 
 J. M. Ludlow: British India, 1765 (1726). 
 
 Sir J. Strachey: India, 1765-6 (1726-7). 
 
 (e) The Impeachment of Warren Hastings. 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: Warren Hastings, 1766-8 
 (1727-9). 
 
 Sir A. Lyall: Warren Hastings, 1768 (1729). 
 
 22. Rise of the Younger Pitt: 
 
 Lord Rosebery: Pitt, 968 (941). 
 
 W. Bagehot: William Pitt, 968-9 (941-2). 
 
 Sir T. E. May : Const. Hist, of England, 969 (942). 
 
 23. Popular Feeling toward the French 
 Revolution: 
 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 969- 
 70 (942-3). 
 
 Gold win Smith: Three English Statesman, 970 
 (943). 
 
 G. W. Cooke: History of Party, 970 (943). 
 
 24. A Period of Revolutionary Invention: 
 S. Walpole: History of England, 643-4 (620-1). 
 
 S. Smiles: Lives of Boulton and Watt, 3109-10 
 (3027-8). 
 
 Life of James Watt, 3110-11 (3028-9). 
 
 25. The Rise of the Press: 
 
 1. Thomas: Printing in America, 2669-70 (2598). 
 G. Bancroft: History of the United States, 2670 
 (2598). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: Life of Addison, 2670 (2598). 
 
 E. Gosse: Eighteenth Century Literature, 2670-1 
 (2598-9). 
 
 A. Dobson : Eighteenth Century Essays, 2671 
 (2599). 
 
 F. Hudson: Journalism in the United States, 
 2672 (2600). 
 
 C. Pebody: English Journalism, 2672-3 (2601). 
 * See important note at head of Study J. 
 
 ♦STUDY XXXIV. 
 
 EUROPE: FROM THE PEACE OF 
 
 WESTPHALIA (1648) TO THE 
 FRENCH REVOLUTION (1789). 
 
 1. The General Situation at Close of Thirty 
 Years’ War : 
 
 A. Gindely: The Thirty Years’ War, 1519 (1486). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1520 (1487). 
 
 S. A. Dunham : The Germanic Empire, 1520-1 
 (1487-8). 
 
 H. von Treitschke: History of Germany, 1521-2 
 (3770-1). 
 
 J. B. Perkins: France under Mazarin, 2329-30 
 (2281-2). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1101 (1073). 
 
 See Map between pages 1518-19 (1486-7). 
 
 2. The Rise of Prussia : 
 
 T. Carlyle: Frederick the Great, 316-17 (306-7). 
 
 H. Tuttle: History of Prussia, 317-18 (307-8). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Frederick the Great, 2684-5 (2613). 
 
 C. F. Johnstone: Historical Abstracts, 318 (308). 
 
 G. B. Malleson : The Battlefields of Germanv, 
 318-20 (308-10). 
 
 H. von Treitschke: History of Germany, 2685-6 
 (3768-9). 
 
 H. Martin: History of France, 2686 (2613). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1107-8 (1079-80). 
 
 6 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 3. The Wars of the Fronde in France: 
 
 J.B. Perkins: France under Mazarin, 1258 (1226). 
 H. M. Hozier : Turenne, 1258-9 (1226-7). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1260 (1228). 
 
 C. M. Yonjje: English History, 1260-2 (1228-30). 
 J. B. Perkins: France under Mazarin, 306 (297). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1102 (1074). 
 
 4. The Treaty of the Pyrenees (a. d. 1659): 
 T. Wright: History of France, 1262 (1230. 
 
 T. 0. Cockayne: Life of Turenne, 1262-3 (1231). 
 O. Airy: The English Restoration, 1263 (1231). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: History of France, 1263-4 
 (1231-2). 
 
 J. Dunlop: Memoirs of Spain, 1264(1232). 
 
 5. Louis XIV. assumes the Government of 
 France (a. d. 1661): 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 1255, second 
 column, (1223). 
 
 Sir J. Stephen : History of France, 1257-8 
 (1225-6). 
 
 J. C. Morison: Reign of Louis XIV., 1264^5 
 (1232-3). 
 
 “ What the age of Pericles was in the history of the 
 Athenian Democracy, what the age of the Scipios was 
 in the history of the Roman Republic, that was the 
 reign of Louis' XIV. in the history of the old monarchy 
 of Prance. ... It is not only the most conspicuous 
 reign in the history of France — it is the most con- 
 spicuous reign in the History of Monarchy in general. 
 
 . . . His court was an extraordinary creation. He 
 made it the microcosm of all that was most brilliant 
 and prominent in France. Every order of merit was 
 invited there and received courteous welcome. . . . 
 But Louis XIV. ’s reign has better titles than the adu- 
 lations of courtiers and the eulogies of wits and poets 
 to the attention of posterity. It marks one of the most 
 memorable epochs in the annals of mankind. It 
 stretches across history like a great mountain range, 
 separating ancient France from the France of modern 
 times. On the farther slope are Catholicism and Feu- 
 dalism in their various stages of splendor and decay — 
 the France of crusade and chivalry, of St. Louis and 
 Bayard. On the hither side are free-thought, industry, 
 and centralization — the France of Voltaire, Turgot, 
 and Condorcet. When Louis came to the throne, the 
 Thirty Years’ War still wanted six years of its end, and 
 the heat of theological strife was at its intensest glow. 
 When he died, the religious temperature had cooled 
 nearly to the freezing point, and a new vegetation of 
 science and positive inquiry was overspreading the 
 world.” J. C. Morison. 
 
 6. The Administration of Colbert (a. d. 
 1661-83): 
 
 (a) Some other Tariff Measures. 
 
 J. A. Blanqui : Hist, of Political Economy, 
 3730-1 (3610-11). 
 
 W. T. McCullagh : Industrial History, 3147-8 
 (3063^). 
 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 
 2332-3 (2284-5). 
 
 M. Chamberlain : The Revolution Impending, 
 3286-7 (3170-1). 
 
 [h) The System, of Colbert. 
 
 Lady Dilke : France under Colbert, 1266-7 
 (1234-5). 
 
 J. A. Blanqui : Hist, of Political Economy, 
 3148-9 (3064-5). 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 1267-8 (1235-6). 
 
 7. The Dutch Republic : 
 
 A. L. Pontalis : John de Witt, 2330-2 (2282-4). 
 D. Campbell: The Puritan in Holland, etc., 
 2332-3 (2284-5). 
 
 O. Airy : The English Restoration, 2333 (2285). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1106-7 (1078-9). 
 
 8. Wars wiTn France and England: 
 
 T. B Macaulay : Sir William Temple, 2335 
 (2287). 
 
 J. Lingard : History of England, 922-3 (895-6). 
 C. M. Yonge: Landmarks of History, 2335-6 
 (2287-8). 
 
 O. Airy : The English Restoration, 2336 (2288). 
 
 J. Ii. Brodhead : History of New York, 2336-7 
 (2288-9). 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 2337-8 (2289-90). 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1109-10 (1081-2). 
 
 9. The Peace of Nimeguen (a. d. 1678-9) : 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 2414 (2362). 
 
 O. Airy : The English Restoration, 2414^15 
 (2362-3). 
 
 J. C. Morison : Reign of Louis XIV. , 2338 (2290). 
 
 10. French Absorption of Alsace and Lor- 
 raine (a. d. 1679-81) : 
 
 G. B. Malleson : Battlefields of Germany, 1513-14 
 (1480-1). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin : History of France, 1518-19 
 (1485-6). 
 
 W. Coxe : House of Austria, 1519 (1486). 
 
 J. B. Perkins : France under Mazarin, 2086-7 
 (2042-3). 
 
 H. Martin: History of France, 1268-9 (1236-7). 
 
 11. Lotjis XIV. ’s Persecution of the Hugue- 
 nots : 
 
 S. Smiles: History of the Huguenots, 1265-6 
 (1 233—4). 
 
 A. de Lamartine : Bossuet, 1269 (1237). 
 
 R. L. Poole: Huguenots of the Dispersion, 1270 
 (1237-8). 
 
 12. War of the League of Augsburg (A. D. 
 1689-97): 
 
 E. Hale : Fall of the Stuarts, 1271 (1239). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : History of England, 1271 
 (1239). 
 
 W. K. Sullivan : Irish History, 1813 (1773). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 1271-2 (1239-40). 
 H. D. Traill: William the Third, 1272-3(1240-1). 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 1273-4 
 (1241-2). 
 
 G. P. R. James: Life of Louis XIV., 1275 
 (1243). 
 
 13. The Peace of Ryswick (A. D. 1697) : 
 
 J. W. Gerard : The Peace of Utrecht, 1275-6 
 (1243^). 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 1276 (1244). 
 
 14. The War of the Spanish Succession 
 (A. D. 1702-14): 
 
 See Study XXXII. 
 
 15. Further Religious Persecutions: 
 
 (a) The Camisards. 
 
 H. M. Baird : The Camisard Uprising, 1276 
 (1244-5). 
 
 (b) The Port Royalists. 
 
 J. Tulloch : Pascal, 2637 (2565). 
 
 J. B. Perkins: France under Mazarin, 2637-9 
 (2565-7). 
 
 H. Martin: History of France, 2639 (2567). 
 
 Duke of Saint Simon : Memoirs, 2639-40 (2568). 
 J. I. von Dbllinger: European History, 2640 
 (2568). 
 
 16. The Papacy: 
 
 L. von Ranke: History of the Popes, 2524-5 
 (2462-3). 
 
 A. R. Pennington : Epochs of the Papacy, 2525-6 
 (2463-4). 
 
 17. Death of Louis XIV., and state of the 
 Kingdom (a. d. 1715) : 
 
 A. Thierry : The Tiers Ftat, 1278 (1246). 
 
 777 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 Y. Duruy : History of France, 1278-9 (1246-7). 
 
 “ When the reign, which was to crown . . . the as- 
 cendant march of the French monarchy, had falsified 
 the unbounded hopes which its commencement had 
 excited; when in the midst of fruitless victories and 
 continually increasing reverses, the people beheld pro- 
 gress in all the branches of public economy changed 
 into distress, — the ruin of the finances, industry, and 
 agriculture — the exhaustion of all the resources of 
 the country, — the impoverishment of all classes of the 
 nation, the dreadful misery of the population, they 
 were seized with a bitter disappointment of spirit, 
 which took the place of the enthusiasm of their confi- 
 dence and love." A. Thierry. 
 
 “ Succeeding generations have remembered only the 
 numerous victories, Europe defied, France for twenty 
 years preponderant, and the incomparable splendor of 
 the Court of Versailles, with its marvels of letters and 
 arts, which have given to the 17th century the name of 
 the age of Louis XIV. It is for history to show the price 
 which France has paid for her King’s vain attempts 
 abroad to rule over Europe, and at home to enslave the 
 wills and consciences of men. . . . The weight of the 
 authority of Louis XIV. had been crushing during his 
 last years. When the nation felt it lifted, it breathed 
 more freely; the court and the city burst into disre- 
 spectful demonstrations of joy; the very coffin of the 
 great King was insulted.” V. Duroy. 
 
 18. Accession and Character of Louis XV. 
 (a. d. 1715-1774) ; 
 
 V. Duruy : History of France, 1278-9 (1246-7). 
 
 W. Smyth; The French Revolution, 1280 (1248). 
 J. B. Perkins : France under the Regency, 1280-1 
 
 (1248-9). 
 
 19. Poland ; 
 
 S. A. Dunham : History of Poland, 2613 (2545). 
 
 E. Gibbon : Decline and Fall, 2100 (2056). 
 
 W. Koch: Revolutions in Europe, 2613-14 
 (2545-6). 
 
 Poland: Her History and Prospects, 2614-15 
 (2546-7). 
 
 : , 2616-17 (2548-9). 
 
 History of Poland, 2619-20 (2551-2). 
 
 20. Russia: 
 
 V. Thomsen : Russia and Scandinavia, 2829 
 (2755). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Hist. Geog. of Europe, 2830 
 (2756). 
 
 C. F. Johnstone: Historical Abstracts, 2830-2 
 (2756-8). 
 
 A. Leroy-Beaulieu : Empire of the Tsars, 2832 
 (2758). 
 
 H. S. Edwards: The Romanoffs, 2832-3 (2758-9). 
 
 A. Rambaud : History of Russia, 2833 (2759). 
 Voltaire: History of Charles XII., 2835 (2761). 
 
 21. Sweden: 
 
 (a) Early History. 
 
 H. H. Howorth: History of Sweden, 2890(2815). 
 R. G. Latham: Nationalities of Europe, 2890-1 
 (2825-16). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Hist. Geog. of Europe, 2891-2 
 (2816-17). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Early Kings of Norway, 2892 (2817). 
 T. II. Dyer: Modern Europe, 2893-4 (2818-19). 
 C. R. Fletcher: Gustavus Adolphus, 289<M5 
 
 (2819-21). 
 
 J. L. Stevens : Gustavus Adolphus, 2897 (2822). 
 
 (b) From the Thirty Years’ War. 
 
 J. Mitchell: Life of Wallenstein, 1505-6 (1473). 
 G. P. R. James: Wallenstein. 1506-7 (1473-4). 
 
 F. Schiller: The Thirty Years’ War, 1507-8 (1475). 
 
 B. Chapman: Gustavus Adolphus, 1509-10(1477). 
 
 C. M. Yonge : English History, 1510—11 (1478). 
 L. Hiiusser : The Reformation, 1514-15 (1481-2). 
 E. C. Otte: Scandinavian History, 2897-9 (2824). 
 
 22. Wars of Charles XII. of Sweden: 
 Voltaire: History of Charles XII., 2899-2900 
 
 (2824-5). 
 
 A. Crichton : Scandinavia, 2900-1 (2825-6). 
 
 W. C. Taylor : Modern History, 2901-3 (2826-8). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 2903 (2828). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1111-12 (1083-4). 
 
 23. Rapid Advance of Prussia : 
 
 T. B. Macaulay : Frederic the Great, 1524 (1490). 
 
 H. von Sybel: Founding of the German Empire, 
 152445 (1490-1). 
 
 L. P. Segur: Frederic William II., 1528 (1494). 
 
 24. War of the Austrian Succession (a. d. 
 1740-48) : 
 
 See Study XXXIII. 
 
 25. The Seven Years’ War (a. d. 1754-63): 
 
 See Study XXXIII. 
 
 26. The Partition of Poland : 
 
 G. W. Kitchin : History of France, 2621 (2553). 
 
 H. von Sybel: First Partition of Poland, 2621-3 
 (2553-5). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Frederick the Great, 2623 (2555). 
 
 Sir J. Mackintosh: The Partition of Poland, 
 2623-4 (2555-6). 
 
 A. Rambaud : History of Russia, 2624-5 (2556-7). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1115-16 (1087-8). 
 
 See Maps between pages 1114-15 and 2622-3 
 (1086-7 and 2554-5). 
 
 27. The General Attack upon the Jesuit 
 Order : 
 
 II. M. Stephens : The Story of Portugal, 1932-3 
 (1891-2). 
 
 W. H. Jervis: The Church of France, 1933-4 
 (1892-3). 
 
 Clement XIV. and the Jesuits, 1934r-5 (1893-4). 
 
 28. Europe on the Eve of the French Revo- 
 lution : 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1116-17 (1088-9). 
 
 A. Sorel: Europe and the French Revolution, 
 1283-4 (3755-6). 
 
 E. J. Lowell: Eve of the French Revolution, 
 1286-7 (1253-4). 
 
 Sarah Tytler: Marie Antoinette, 1287-8 (1254-5). 
 
 F. A. Mignet: The French Revolution, 1288-9 
 (1255-6). 
 
 W. Bagehot : William Pitt, 968-9 (941-2). 
 
 T. E. May : Const. Hist, of England, 969 (942). 
 
 C. T. Lewis : History of Germany, 1536-7 (1503). 
 
 I. Butt: History of Italy, 1892-3 (1852-3). 
 
 A. Sorel: Europe and the French Revolution, 
 3081-2 (3804-5). 
 
 C. E. Mallet: The French Revolution, 228-9 
 (221-2). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXXV. 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (A. D. 
 1789-1796). 
 
 1. The Government of Louis XVI.: 
 
 A. Thiers : The French Revolution, 1285-6 
 (1252-3). 
 
 E. J. Lowell : Eve of the French Revolution, 
 1286-7 (1253-4). 
 
 Sarah Tytler: Marie Antoinette, 1287-8 (125445). 
 
 2. The French People at Tiie Outbreak of 
 the Revolution : 
 
 II. A. Taine: Ancien Regime, 1289-91 (1256-8). 
 
 778 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 T. H. Huxley: The Revolutionary Spirit, 1291 
 (1258). 
 
 Chancellor Pasquier : Memoirs, 1291-2 (1258-9). 
 H. von Holst : The French Revolution, 1292 
 (3757). 
 
 M. do la liocheterie: Marie Antoinette, 1292 
 (1259). 
 
 “ 1 lam miserable because too much is taken from me. 
 Too much is taken from me because not enough is taken 
 from the privileged. Not only do the privileged force 
 me to pay in their place, but, again, they previously 
 deduct from my earnings their ecclesiastical and feudal 
 dues. When, out of my income of 100 francs, I have 
 parted with 58 francs, or more, to the collector, I am 
 obliged again to give 14 francs to the seignior, also more 
 than 14 for tithes, and, out of the remaining 18 or 19 
 francs I have additionally to satisfy the exciseman.’ . . . 
 These, in precise terms, are the vague ideas beginning 
 to ferment in the popular brain and encountered on 
 every page of the records of the States-General. . . . 
 The privileged wrought their own destruction.” 
 
 H. A. Taine. 
 
 “ In 1791, long before the inauguration of the Reign of 
 Terror, there were in a population of 650,000 [in Paris], 
 118,000 paupers. Under the' ancien regime ’ the immi- 
 grant proletariat from the country was by the law barred 
 out from all ways of earning a livelihood except as 
 common day laborers, and the wages of these were in 
 1788, on an average, 26 cents for men and 15 for women, 
 while the price of bread was higher than in our times. 
 What a gigantic heap of ferment ! ” H. von Holst. 
 
 3. The States-General : 
 
 Sir J. Stephen : History of France, 3108-9 (3027). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: History of France, 3109 (3027). 
 Lord Brougham: History of England and France, 
 2555 (2489). 
 
 Bussey and Gaspey: History of France, 1197, sec- 
 ond column, (1165). 
 
 A. Thierry: Formation of the Tiers Etat, 1202-3 
 (1170-1). 
 
 Voltaire: Modern History, 1249, first column, 
 (1216). 
 
 F. A. Mignet : The French Revolution, 1288-9 
 (1255-6). 
 
 H. von Sybel: The French Revolution, 1292-3 
 (1259-60). 
 
 4 The Third Estate ; the National Assem- 
 bly (June, 1789): 
 
 W. Stubbs: Const. Hist, of England, 1014 (986). 
 
 A. Thierry: Formation of the Third Estate, 1014 
 (986). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 1293-4 
 (1260-1). 
 
 5. The Mob in Arms ; Fall of the Bastille 
 (July 14, 1789) : 
 
 Chambers’ Miscellany: History of the Bastille, 
 280 (271). 
 
 H. A. Taine: The French Revolution, 1294-5 
 (1261-2). 
 
 Chancellor Pasquier: Memoirs, 1295-6 (1262-3). 
 
 6. The Work of the Assembly ; the Declara- 
 tion of Rights : 
 
 B. Tuckerman : Life of Lafayette, 1296-7(1264). 
 H. M. Stephens: The French Revolution, 1297-8 
 
 (1264-5). 
 
 G. H. Lewes: Life of Robespierre, 1298-9 
 (1265-6). 
 
 : , 1656 (1618). 
 
 7. The Attack of the Women on Versailles: 
 T. Carlyle : The French Revolution, 1299-1300 
 
 (1266-7). 
 
 F. A. Mignet: The French Revolution, 1300-01 
 (1267-8). 
 
 8. The New Constitution (1789-91) : 
 
 Sir T. E. May : Democracy in Europe, 1301 (1268). 
 
 W. O’C. Morris: The French Revolution, 1301-2 
 (1268-9). 
 
 9. The Emigration of the Nobility: 
 
 Chancellor Pasquier: Memoirs, 1297 (1264). 
 
 W. O’C. Morris: The French Revolution, 1302, 
 first column, (1269). 
 
 10. The Rise of the Clubs: 
 
 F. A. Mignet : The French Revolution, 1302 
 (1269). 
 
 H. von Sybel : The French Revolution, 1302 
 (1269). 
 
 G. H. Lewes: Life of Robespierre, 1302-3 (1270). 
 
 J. Michelet: The French Revolution, 1303 (1270). 
 
 11. The Attitude of Foreign Powers ; Flight 
 of the King (1791): 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1303-4 (1270-1). 
 
 H. von Sybel: The French Revolution, 1304-5 
 (1271-2). 
 
 12. The Girondists: 
 
 H. Van Laun: The Revolutionary Epoch, 1306 
 (1273). 
 
 A. de Lamartine: The Girondists, 1306 (1273). 
 
 H. von Sybel: The French Revolution, 1306-7 
 (1273^1). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 1307 
 (1274). 
 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 1307-8 (1274-5). 
 
 13. War with Austria and Prussia ; Mob Rule 
 in Paris (1792) : 
 
 A. Griffiths: Revolutionary Generals, 1308-9 
 (1275-6). 
 
 B. M. Gardiner: The French Revolution, 1309-10 
 (1276-7). 
 
 H. M. Stephens: The French Revolution, 1310-12 
 (1277-9). 
 
 14. The September Massacres (1792) : 
 
 A. de Lamartine: The Girondists, 1312—13 (1280). 
 
 H. A. Taine: The French Revolution, 1313-14 
 (1280-1). 
 
 15. TnE Proclamation of the Republic (Sep- 
 tember 21, 1792) : 
 
 Sir A. Alison : History of Europe, 1314-16 (1283). 
 
 C. MacFarlane: The French Revolution, 1332 
 (1299). 
 
 H. M. Stephens: The French Revolution, 1332 
 (1299). 
 
 16. First Successes of the Republican Army: 
 
 C. F. Johnstone : Historical Abstracts, 2345-6 
 
 (2297-8). 
 
 C. E. Mallet : The French Revolution, 228-9 
 ( 221 - 2 ). 
 
 H. von Sybel: The French Revolution, 1537-9 
 (1503-5). 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 1316-17 (1283-4). 
 
 17. The Trial, Sentence, and Execution of 
 Louis XVI. (January, 1793): 
 
 F. A. Mignet: The French Revolution, 1317-18 
 (1284-5). 
 
 W. O’C. Morris: The First Empire, 1318 (1285). 
 
 T. Carlyle : The French Revolution, 1319-20 
 (1286-7). 
 
 18. Increasing Anarchy; the Revolution- 
 ary Tribunal : 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 1320-1 (1287-8). 
 
 H. M. Stephens : The French Revolution, 1322-4 
 (1289-91). 
 
 19. The Insurrection in La Vendee (1793): 
 
 A. Thiers : The French Revolution, 1321-2 
 
 (1288-9). 
 
 779 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 A. de Lamartine : The Girondists, 1324-5 (1292). 
 
 F. A. Mignet : The French Revolution, 1325 
 (1292). 
 
 : , 1327-8 (1294-5). 
 
 20. Formation op European Coalition 
 against France : 
 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 
 969-70 (942-3). 
 
 Goldwin Smith : Three English Statesmen, 970 
 (943). 
 
 G. W. Cooke : History of Party, 970 (943). 
 
 H. von Sybel : The French Revolution, 1318 
 (1285). 
 
 J. R. Green-. History of the English People, 
 1318 (1285). 
 
 Sir A. Alison : History of Europe, 1324 (1291). 
 
 21. TnE Committee op Public Safety 
 (August, 1793): 
 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 1325-6 (1292-3). 
 
 L. Gronlund : Ca Ira, 1326 (1293). 
 
 22. Charlotte Corday; the Assassination 
 of Marat : 
 
 B. M. Gardiner: The French Revolution, 1326-7 
 (1293-4). 
 
 23. The “Reign of Terror”; Execution of 
 Marie Antoinette, and Mme. Roland 
 
 (1793): 
 
 H. Martin: History of France, 1329-31 (1296-8). 
 H. M. Stephens : The French Revolution, 1331-2 
 (1298-9). 
 
 Sir T. E. May : Democracy in Europe, 1333 
 (1300). 
 
 T. Carlyle: The French Revolution, 1333-4 
 (1300-1). 
 
 J. N. Larned : Europe, 1119-20 (1091-2). 
 
 24. Abandonment of Christianity; the 
 WoRsniP of Reason : 
 
 C. MacFarlane: The French Revolution, 1332 
 (1299). 
 
 W. H. Jervis : The Gallican Church, 1332-3 
 (1299-1300). 
 
 John Morley ; Robespierre, 1334-5 (1301-2). 
 
 “ Before the year ended [1793] the legislators of Paris 
 voted that there was no God, and destroyed or altered 
 nearly everything that had any reference to Christian- 
 ity. ... They decreed that on the 10th of November 
 the ‘Worship of Reason’ should he inaugurated at 
 Notre Dame. A temple dedicated to ‘ Philosophy ’ was 
 erected on a platform in the middle of the choir. A 
 motley procession of citizens of both sexes, headed by 
 the constituted authorities, advanced towards it; on 
 their approach, the Goddess of Reason, impersonated 
 by a well known figurante of the opera, took her seat 
 upon a grassy throne in front of the temple; a hymn, 
 composed in her honor by the poet Chenier, was sung 
 by a body of young girls dressed in white and bedecked 
 with flowers; and the multitude bowed the knee before 
 her in profound adoration. It was the ‘ abomination of 
 desolation sitting in the holy place.’ . . . The example 
 set by Paris, was faithfully repeated, if not surpassed 
 in atrocity, throughout the provinces. Religion was 
 proscribed, churches closed, Christian ordinances in- 
 terdicted; the dreary gloom of atheistical despotism 
 overspread the land.” VV. H. Jervis. 
 
 25. Progress of the War against the Co- 
 alition (1793-4): 
 
 W. O’C. Morris: The French Revolution 1328 
 (1295). 
 
 Sir A. Alison : History of Europe, 1328-9 (1296). 
 W. Massey : History of England, 1336-7 (1303-4). 
 
 26. The Climax of the “ Reign of Terror” 
 (1794) ; the 22d Praihtal ; 
 
 John Morley: Robespierre, 1337-8 (1304-5). 
 
 H. von Sybel: The French Revolution, 1338 
 (1305). 
 
 A. Thiers: The French Revolution, 1338 (1305). 
 H. A. Taine : The French Revolution, 1338 (1305). 
 
 “ It is estimated that, in the eleven western depart- 
 ments, the dead of both sexes and of all ages exceeded 
 400,000. Considering the programme and principles of 
 the Jacobin sect, this is no great number; they might 
 have killed a good many more. But time was wanting; 
 during their short reign they did what they could with 
 the instrument in their hands.” H. A. Taine. 
 
 27. Fall of Robespierre; End of the “Reign 
 of Terror” (July, 1794): 
 
 J. E. Symes: The French Revolution, 1338-9 
 (1305-6). 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: Barere’s Memoirs, 1340 (1307). 
 H. Martin: History of France, 1340 (1307). 
 Sergent Marceau : Reminiscences of a Regicide, 
 1340 (1307). 
 
 B. M. Gardiner : The French Revolution, 1340-1 
 (1307-8). 
 
 28. Progress of the Foreign Wars: 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1341-2 (1308-9). 
 H. Van Laun: The Revolutionary Epoch, 1342-3 
 (1309-10). 
 
 H. Martin: History of France, 1345-6(1312-13). 
 Sir A. Alison : History of Europe, 1346 (1313). 
 
 29. The Constitution of the Year III. (1795): 
 F. A. Mignet: The French Revolution, 1343-4 
 
 (1310-11). 
 
 A. Thiers: The French Revolution, 1344-5 
 (1311-12). 
 
 30. Napoleon Bonaparte ; the Directory 
 (1795): 
 
 J. G. Lockhart: Life of Napoleon, 1346-7 (1314). 
 E. de Bonnechose: History of France, 1347(1314). 
 
 “Within five days from the ‘Day of the Sections’ 
 Buonaparte was named second in command of the army 
 of the interior; and shortly afterwards, Barras finding 
 his duties as Director sufficient to occupy his time, gave 
 up the command-in-chief of the same army to his ‘ little 
 Corsican officer.’ ” J. G. Lockhart. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXXVI. 
 
 FRANCE UNDER NAPOLEON (A. D. 
 1795-1815). 
 
 1. Napoleon in Command (a. d. 1795): 
 
 J. G. Lockhart: Life of Napoleon, 1346-7 
 (1313-14). 
 
 E. de Bonnechose : History of France, 1347 (1314). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1120 (1092). 
 
 2. The Italian Campaign (1796-7) : 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 1347-9 (1314-16). 
 Count de Melito: Memoirs, 1349 (1316). 
 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 1349-50 (1316—17). 
 
 3. TnE State of England: 
 
 A. Alison: History of Europe, 970-1 (943-4). 
 
 T. Wright: History of France, 1349 (1316). 
 
 W. Bagehot: Lombard Street, 2255 (2211). 
 
 4. The Overthrow of Venice; Peace of 
 Campo Formio : 
 
 T. Mitchell: Rise of Napoleon, 1350-1 (1317-18). 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 1351-2 (1318-19). 
 See Map between pages 2622-3 (2554-5). 
 
 5. TnE Coup d’IStat of the 18™ Fructidor 
 (1797): 
 
 E. de Bonnechose: History of France, 1352-3 
 (1319-20). 
 
 780 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 A. Thiers: The French Revolution, 1353 (1320). 
 Chevalier O’Clery: The Italian Revolution, 
 1353-4 (1320-1). 
 
 6. The United States and the Revolution ; 
 the X. Y. Z. Letters : 
 
 E. Everett : Life of Washington, 3422 (3306). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: George Washington, 3422 (3306). 
 T. W. Higginson: The United States, 3431 (3315). 
 
 “ The plan of this covert intercourse came through 
 the private Secretary of M. de Talleyrand, then French 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs ; and the impudence of 
 these three letters of the alphabet went so far as to pro- 
 pose a bribe of 1,200,000 francs. * You must pay money, 
 a great deal of money,’ remarked Monsieur Y. The 
 secret of these names was kept, but the diplomatic 
 correspondence was made public, and created much 
 wrath in Europe, as well as in America. ... At last 
 the insults passed beyond bearing, and it was at this 
 time that ‘ millions for defense, not one cent for 
 tribute,’ first became a proverbial phrase, having been 
 originally used by Charles C. Pinckney.” T. W. Hig- 
 ginson. 
 
 7. The Helvetic Republic: 
 
 H. Zschokke : History of Switzerland, 3133—4 
 (3049-50). 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 3134-5 (3050-1). 
 Sir A. Alison : History of Europe, 3135 (3051), 
 
 8. Napoleon in Egypt (1798-1799) ; Battle of 
 the Nile : 
 
 W. Massey: History of England, 1354-5 (1321-2). 
 J. G. Lockhart : Life of Napoleon, 1357-9 (1326). 
 
 9. The Second European Coalition (1798-9): 
 H. VanLaun: The Revolutionary Epoch, 1355-7 
 
 (1322-4). 
 
 T. Wright : History of France, 1359-60 (1326-7). 
 Sir A. Alison: History of Europe, 1360-1 
 (1327-8). 
 
 Sir W. Scott: Life of Napoleon, 1361 (1328). 
 
 F. C. Schlosser: The Eighteenth Century, 1361-2 
 (1328-9). 
 
 J. Adolphus: History of England, 1362 (1329). 
 
 10. End of the First Republic; Napoleon 
 First Consul (1799) : 
 
 C. K. Adams : Democracy in France, 1362-4 
 (1329-31). 
 
 F. A. Mignet: The French Revolution, 1364 
 (1331). 
 
 F. C. Schlosser: The Eighteenth Century, 1364-5 
 (1331-2). 
 
 11. The Second Conquest of Italy ; Peace 
 of Luneville (1800-1801): 
 
 R. H. Horne: Napoleon Bonaparte, 1365-6 
 (1332-3). 
 
 W. O’C. Morris: The French Revolution, 1366-7 
 (1333-4). 
 
 Sir W. Scott: Life of Napoleon, 1367 (1334). 
 
 Sir A. Alison : History of Europe, 1539-40 
 (1505-6). 
 
 C. T. Lewis: History of Germany, 1540 (1506). 
 
 12. Louisiana wrested from Spain and sold 
 to the United States (1802-3) : 
 
 M. Thompson: The Story of Louisiana, 2093-4 
 (2049-50). 
 
 C. F. Robertson : The Louisiana Purchase, 2094 
 (2050). 
 
 H. von Holst : Const. Hist, of the United States, 
 3443 (3327). 
 
 T. M. Coolev : The Acquisition of Louisiana, 
 3443-4 (3327-8). 
 
 Henry Adams: History of the United States, 
 5444 (3328). 
 
 13. The “ Continental System ’’ ; Napoleon’s 
 Domestic Policies : 
 
 J. R. Green: The English People, 1368-9 
 (1335-6). 
 
 L. Levi: British Commerce, 1379-80 (1346-7). 
 Captain A. T. Mahan: Influence of Sea Power, 
 
 1380-1 (1347-8). 
 
 H. Martin: History of Europe, 1369-70 (1336-7). 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 1370-1 (1337-8). 
 
 P. Lanfrey: History of Napoleon, 1371 (1338). 
 
 M. Arnold : Schools on the Continent, 738-9 
 (715-16). 
 
 “The significance of the Peace of Luneville lay in 
 this, not only that it was the close of the earlier revo- 
 lutionary struggle in Europe; . . . but that it marked 
 the concentration of all her energies in a struggle with 
 Britain for the supremacy of the world. . . . The 
 country [Britain] stood utterly alone while the Peace 
 of Luneville secured France from all hostility on the 
 Continent. ... To strike at England’s wealth had 
 been among the projects of the Directory ; it was now 
 the dream of the First Consul. . . . Her carrying trade 
 must be annihilated if he closed every port against her 
 ships. It was this gigantic project of a * Continental 
 System ’ that revealed itself as soon as Buonaparte be- 
 came master of France.” J. R. Green. 
 
 14. War declared by Great Britain; Na- 
 poleon becomes Emperor: 
 
 H. Martineau : History of England, 1371-3 
 (1338-40). 
 
 J. R. Seeley: History of Napoleon I., 1373-4 
 (1340-1). 
 
 Chancellor Pasquier: Memoirs, 1374 (1341). 
 
 Sir W. Scott : Life of Napoleon, 1374-5 (1341-2). 
 
 15. Third European Coalition; Trafalgar 
 and Austerlitz (1805) : 
 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 1375 (1342). 
 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 1375-6 
 (1342-3). 
 
 W. O’C. Morris: Napoleon, 1376-7 (1343-4). 
 
 16. The Campaign against Prussia and Rus- 
 sia (1806-7) : 
 
 W. Menzel : History of Germany, 1540-1 (1506-7). 
 J. Bryce: Holy Roman Empire, 1541 (1507). 
 
 J. G. Lockhart: Life of Napoleon, 1542-4 (1510). 
 Sir A. Alison: History of Europe, 1544-5 (1511). 
 H. Martin: History of France, 1545-6 (1511-12). 
 A. Rambaud: History of Russia, 1546-7 (1513). 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 1547 (1513). 
 
 C. Joyneville: Life of Alexander I., 1547-8(1514). 
 
 17. The Character of Napoleon’s Empire 
 and Rule : 
 
 W. O ’C. Morris: The French Revolution, 1381-2 
 (1348-9). 
 
 P. Lanfrey: History of Napoleon, 1382 (1349). 
 Sir H. L. Bulwer: Historical Characters, 1382-3 
 (1349-50). 
 
 Sir A. Alison : History of Europe, 1383—4 (1350-1). 
 H. Martin: History of France, 2526 (2464). 
 
 Sir A. Alison: History of Europe, 2526-7 (2464^5). 
 M. Talleyrand: Memoirs, 2527-8 (2465-6) 
 
 18. The Peninsular War (a. d. 1808-1814): 
 M. M. Busk : History of Portugal, 2647-8 (2576). 
 J. R. Seeley : Napoleon I., 3082-3 (3000-1). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 3083-4 (3001-2). 
 P. Lanfrey : History of Napoleon I., 1384(1351). 
 H. R. Clinton: The War in the Peninsula, 3084 
 (3002). 
 
 C. Knight : History of England, 3084r-5 (3002-3). 
 H. R. Clinton : War in the Peninsula, 3087 (3005). 
 The Times : Memoir of W ellington, 3087-9 (3007). 
 T. Hamilton : The Peninsular Campaigns, 
 3089-90 (3907-8). 
 
 P. Lanfrey : History of Napoleon L, 3091 (3009). 
 
 781 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 General Vane : The Peninsular War, 3092 (3010). 
 J. F. Bright : History of England, 3092-3 
 (3010-11). 
 
 J. N. Larncd: Europe, 1123(1095). 
 
 19. TnE Russian Campaign (a. d. 1812): 
 
 J. R. Seeley: History of Napoleon, 1385-6 (1353). 
 P. Lanfrey: History of Napoleon I., 1386 (1353). 
 
 E. Labaume : The Campaign in Russia, 1386 
 (1353). 
 
 A. Rambaud: History of Russia, 2842-3 (2768-9). 
 
 L. Tolstoi: The Russian Campaign, 2843-4 
 (2769-70). 
 
 A. Thiers: History of the Empire, 2844^5 (2771). 
 
 V. Duruy : History of France, 2845-6 (2771-2). 
 Sir R. Wilson : The Invasion of Russia, 2846-7 
 
 (2772-3). 
 
 E. Labaume : The Campaign in Russia, 2847 
 (2773). 
 
 A. Thiers : History of the Empire, 1387 (1354). 
 
 20. The Germanic Uprising ; Battle of Leip- 
 sic (a. d. 1812-13) : 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 1555-6 (1521-2). 
 
 W. Menzel : History of Germany, 1556 (1522). 
 
 J. Mitchell : The Fall of Napoleon, 1557-8 
 
 (1523-4). 
 
 J. G. Lockhart : Life of Napoleon, 1558-9 (1525). 
 R. H. Horne : History of Napoleon, 1560 (1526). 
 
 C. T. Lewis : History of Germany, 1561-2(1528). 
 W. Hazlitt : Life of Napoleon, 1562-3 (1528-9). 
 A. Thiers : History of the Empire, 1563 (1529). 
 Sir A. Alison: History of Europe, 1563^1 (1530). 
 
 21. Invasion of the Allies; Abdication of 
 Napoleon (a. d. 1814): 
 
 A. Rambaud: History of Russia, 1387-9(1354—6). 
 J. Mitchell : The Fall of Napoleon, 1389-91 
 (1356-8). 
 
 Sir A. Alison: History of Europe, 1895 (1855). 
 W. R. Thayer: Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 1895-6 (1855-6). 
 
 I. Butt: History of Italy, 1896-7 (1856-7). 
 
 “The act of abdication was worded in the following 
 
 terms : 1 The Allied Powers having proclaimed that the 
 Emperor Napoleon is the sole obstacle to the re-estab- 
 lishment of peace in Europe, the Emperor Napoleon, 
 faithful to his oath, declares that he is ready to descend 
 from the throne, to quit France, and even to relinquish 
 life, for the good of the country, which is inseparable 
 from the rights of his son, from those of the regency in 
 the person of the Empress, and from the maintenance of 
 the laws of the Empire. Done at our palace of Fontain- 
 bleau, 4th April, 1814. Napoleon.’ ” J. Mitcuell. 
 
 22. The Pope and the Jesuits: 
 
 M. Talleyrand : Memoirs, 2527-8 (2465-6). 
 Fraser’s Magazine : The Jesuits, 1935 (1894). 
 
 23. The Congress of Vienna (September, 
 1814): 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 3745-7 (3624-6). 
 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 3747 (3626). 
 
 24. The New Government ; Louis XVIII. : 
 
 H. Martin : History of France, 1391-2 (1358-9). 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1392 (1359). 
 
 25. The “One Hundred Days”; Waterloo 
 (a. d. June 18, 1815): 
 
 G. Hooper: Waterloo, 1392-4 (1359-61). 
 
 H. R. Clinton: Wellington’s Campaigns, 1394—6 
 (1361-3). 
 
 G. Hooper: Waterloo, 1396-7 (1363-4). 
 
 Baron de Jomini: The Campaign of Waterloo, 
 1397-8 (1364-5). 
 
 J. R. Seeley: Napoleon I., 1398-9 (1365-6). 
 
 Sir A. Alison: History of Europe, 1399-1400 
 (1366-7). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XXXVII. 
 
 THE AMERICAN COLONIES. 
 
 1. The Discovery of North America (a. d. 
 1498): 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 58 (51). 
 
 H. Harrisse: Discovery of North America, 59 
 (3678). 
 
 : , 61 (3678). 
 
 2. The Aborigines: 
 
 D. G. Brinton : The Lenape, 84 (77). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey: History of New England, 84-5 
 (77-8). 
 
 J. W. Powell: Ethnological Report, 85 (78). 
 
 J. R. Brodhead: History of New York, 85 (78). 
 
 3. Earliest English Ventures: 
 
 E. J. Payne : Elizabethan Seamen, 74-5, 76 (67-9). 
 
 E. Hayes: Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 76 (69). 
 
 I. N. Tarbox: Sir Walter Raleigh, 77 (70). 
 
 J. A. Doyle: English in America, 76-7 (69-70). 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 77-8 (70-1). 
 J. G. Palfrey: History of New England, 78-9 
 
 (71-2). 
 
 4. The Virginia Company and Colony: 
 
 J. Fiske: Beginnings of New England, 3748 
 (3627). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of U. S., 3748-9 (3627-8). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: The English Colonies, 3749 (3628). 
 R. A. Brooke : Virginia, 3749-50 (3628-9). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S. , 3751 (3630). 
 C. Campbell: The Colony of Virginia, 3751-2 
 
 (3630-1). 
 
 H. B. Adams: College of William and Mary, 
 749-50 (726-7). 
 
 5. Virginia under the Stuarts : 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 3752 (3631). 
 
 R. Beverley: History of Virginia, 3752-3 (3632). 
 J. E. Cooke : Virginia, 3753 (3632). 
 
 W. Ware: Nathaniel Bacon, 3753-5 (3632-4). 
 
 6. The Mayflower and the Plymouth Col- 
 ony (a. d. 1620) : 
 
 C. Deane: New England, 2141 (2097). 
 
 F. B. Dexter: The Pilgrim Church, 2141-2 
 (2097-8). 
 
 Goldwin Smith : The American Colonies, 2142 
 (2098). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey: History of New England, 2143 
 (2099). 
 
 W. T. Davis. Ancient Plymouth, 2144-5 (2100-1). 
 
 7. The Massachusetts Bay Company : 
 
 H.C. Lodge: English Colonies, 2145 (2101). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey: History of New England, 2145 
 
 ( 2101 ). 
 
 J. B. Moore : Governors of New Plymouth, 2146 
 ( 2101 - 2 ). 
 
 J. Fiske: Beginnings of New England, 2148 
 (2104). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 2148-9 12104-5). 
 
 8. Founding of Boston (a. d. 1630): 
 
 S. A. Drake: Around the Hub, 2146-7 (2102-3). 
 R. C. Winthrop: Boston Founded, 2147 (2103). 
 G. G. Bush: Harvard, 751 (728). 
 
 The Oldest School in America, 750-1 (727-8). 
 
 9. Early Religious Conditions ; 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : New England, 2147 (2103). 
 
 J. Fiske: Beginnings of New England, 2147 
 (2103). 
 
 G. E. Ellis: Early Massachusetts, 2147-8 (2103-4). 
 
 782 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 J. A. Doyle : The American Colonies, 2149 (2105). 
 J. S. Barry: Massachusetts, 2149 (2105). 
 
 G. E. Ellis : Early Massachusetts, 2149-50 
 (2105-6). 
 
 C. F. Adams: Massachusetts, 2150-1 (2106-7). 
 
 10. The Dotcii Settlements : 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 79-80 (72-3). 
 E. B. O’Callaghan : New Netherlands, 2377 (2325). 
 J. R. Brodhead : History of New York, 2377-8 
 (2325-6). 
 
 G. W. Schuyler : Colonial New York, 2378-9 
 (2326-7). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of U. S., 677 (654). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: English Colonies, 2379-80 (2327-8). 
 J. W. Gerard: William Kieft, 2380 (2328). 
 
 S. S. Randall : History of New York, 2380 (2328). 
 H. R. Stiles : History of Brooklyn, 2381 (2329). 
 Mrs. M. J. Lamb: The City of New York, 2379, 
 2382 (2327, 2330). 
 
 11. The Beginnings op Connecticot (a, d. 
 1634) : 
 
 (a) The First Settlements. 
 
 B. Trumbull : History of Connecticut, 510 (496). 
 
 C. W. Bowen : Boundary Disputes, 510 (496). 
 
 A. Johnston : Connecticut, 510 (496). 
 
 J. Fiske : The Beginnings of New England, 
 510-11 (496-7). 
 
 R. Hildreth : History of the U. S., 513 (499). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : History of New England, 513 
 (499). 
 
 A. Johnston: A New England State, 514^15 
 (500-1). 
 
 (b) Constitution Making. 
 
 A. Johnston : A New England State, 511 (497). 
 Public Records of Colony of Connecticut, 511-13 
 (497-9). 
 
 Full Text of the Fundamental Orders, 511-13 
 (497-9). 
 
 (c) The Fundamental Agreement , and the 
 “ Blue Laws." 
 
 J. A. Doyle: The Puritan Colonies, 513-14 
 (499-500). 
 
 C. H. Levermore: New Haven, 514 (500). 
 
 J. H. Trumbull : The True Blue Laws, 514 
 (3691-2). 
 
 12. Roger Williams, and the Providence 
 Plantations : 
 
 (a) The Persecution of Williams. 
 
 S. G. Arnold : History of Rhode Island, 2707 
 (2634). 
 
 T. Durfee: Historical Discourse, 2707-8 (2634-5). 
 J. L. Diman: Orations and Essays, 2708-9 (2636). 
 J. R. Bartlett : Letters of Roger Williams, 2709 
 
 (2636). 
 
 W. Gammell : Life of Roger Williams, 2709-10 
 (2636-7). 
 
 J. D. Knowles : Memoir of Roger Williams, 
 2710-11 (2637-8). 
 
 (b) Constitution of Providence Plantation. 
 
 G. W. Greene: Rhode Island, 2712 (2639). 
 Stephen Hopkins : The Planting of Providence, 
 
 2712-14 (2639^1). 
 
 (c) First Baptist Church. 
 
 W. R. Staples : The Town of Providence, 2714 
 (2641). 
 
 13. The Founding of Rhode Island : 
 
 R. Hildreth : History of the U. S., 2711-12 
 (2638-9). 
 
 O. S. Straus: Roger Williams, 2712(2639). 
 
 14. Lord Baltimore, and Maryland: 
 
 (a) The Planting of the Colony. 
 
 J. McSherry: History of Maryland, 2135 (2091). 
 
 J. L. Bozman: Maryland, 2135-6 (2091-2). 
 
 J. G. Shea : Catholic Church in Colonial Days, 
 2136-7 (2092-3). 
 
 G. B. Keen: New Albion, 2353 (2305). 
 
 (b) Religious Troubles, and Toleration. 
 
 J. A. Doyle : English in America, 2137-8 (2093-4). 
 G. L. Davis: American Freedom, 2138 (2094). 
 W. II. Browne: Maryland, 2138 (2094). 
 
 II. C. Lodge : The English Colonies, 2138-9 
 (2094^5). 
 
 15. The Swedish Settlement in Delaware : 
 J. R. Brodhead : History of New York, 677 (654). 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 677 (654). 
 
 B. Ferris: Settlements on the Delaware, 677-8 
 (654-5). 
 
 G. W. Schuyler : Colonial New York, 678(655). 
 E. H. Roberts: New York, 678-9 (655-6). 
 
 16. Early History op Pennsylvania : 
 
 (a) Rival Claims to Territory. 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 2354 (2306). 
 W. H. Browne: Maryland, 2135-6 (2091-2). 
 
 C. H. Levermore: Republic of New Haven, 
 2368 (2319). 
 
 J. R. Brodhead : History of New York, 2384-5 
 (2332-3). 
 
 (b) The Territory and Government of Penn. 
 Susan Coolidge : History of Philadelphia, 2564-5 
 
 (2498-9). 
 
 Scharf and Westcott: Philadelphia, 2565 (2499). 
 
 T. Clarkson: Memoirs of Penn, 2565 (2499). 
 
 W. H. Dixon : History of Penn, 2566-7 (2500-1). 
 B. A. Hinsdale : Old Northwest, 2567 (2501). 
 
 J. Dunlop: Controversy between Penn and 
 Baltimore, '2567-8 (2501-2). 
 
 B. Fernow : The Middle Colonies, 2568-9 (2502-3). 
 
 17. General Review op the Settlement of 
 the Colonies, and their Relation to the 
 Mother Country, 3281-6 (3165-70). 
 
 18. First Confederation of Colonies (a. d. 
 1643) : 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 2357-8 
 (2309-10). 
 
 19. New Amsterdam becomes New York 
 (a. d. 1664): 
 
 J. A. Stevens: The English in New York, 
 2382-3 (2330-1). 
 
 R. L. Fowler : History of New York, 2383(2331). 
 B. Tuckerman : Peter Stuyvesant, 2384 (2332). 
 
 J. R. Brodhead : History of New York, 2384-5 
 (2332-3). 
 
 : , 2336-7 (2288-9). 
 
 20. Attempted Overthrow of Charters ; 
 Andros; the Charter Oak : 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : History of New England, 2385 
 (2333). 
 
 G. L. Austin : History of Massachusetts, 2153-4 
 (2109-10). 
 
 Brooks Adams : Emancipation of Massachusetts, 
 2154-5 (2110-11). 
 
 H. C. Lodge : The English Colonies, 2155-6 
 ( 2111 - 12 ). 
 
 J. S. Barry : History of Massachusetts, 2156-7 
 (2112-13). 
 
 G. H. Hollister : History of Connecticut, 515 
 (501). 
 
 E. B. Sanford : History of Connecticut, 515-16 
 (501-2). 
 
 A. Johnston: Connecticut, 516 (502). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 516-17 (502-3). 
 
 783 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 21. King Philip’s War (a. d. 1674-8): 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 2358-9 
 (2310-11). 
 
 C. W. Elliott : New England History, 2359 
 (2311). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 2359-60 
 (2311-12). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : History of New England, 2360 
 (2312). 
 
 J. Fiske : Beginnings of New England, 2360 
 (2312). 
 
 22. First Colonial Congress (a. d. 1690), and 
 King William’s War : 
 
 R. Frothingham : Rise of the Republic, 3287-8 
 (3171-2). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 376-7 (366-7). 
 J. G. Palfrey : History of New England, 377 
 (367). 
 
 J. 8. Barry: History of Masaschusetts, 377-8 
 (367-8). 
 
 23. The Salem Witchcraft Madness (a. d. 
 1692-3) : 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : History of New England, 2157-8 
 (2113-14). 
 
 C. W. Elliott : New England History, 2158-9 
 (2114-15). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 2159 (2115). 
 C. W. Upharn : Salem Witchcraft, 2159 (2115). 
 J. R. Lowell: Witchcraft, 2159 (2115). 
 
 24. The Carolinas and Georgia : 
 
 J. A. Doyle: English in America, 76-7 (69-70). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 77-8 (70-1). 
 F. X. Martin : History of N. Carolina, 81 (74). 
 
 J. H. Wheeler : North Carolina, 2424 (2372). 
 
 F. L. Hawks: History of N. Carolina, 2424-5 
 (2372-3). 
 
 W. G. Simms : History of S. Carolina, 2425 
 (2373). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 2425-6 
 (2373-4). 
 
 J. A. Doyle : English in America, 2426 (2374). 
 W. G. Simms : History of S. Carolina, 3047 
 (2967). 
 
 R. Mackenzie : America, 1457 (1424). 
 
 25. The Intercolonial Wars ; Louisburg : 
 
 R. Johnson : The French War, 2362 (2314). 
 
 J. Grahame : History of the U. S., 2362-3 
 (2314-15). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 2363-4 
 (2315-16). 
 
 T. C. Haliburton: The English in America, 
 2364-5 (2316-17). 
 
 26. The Struggle for the Ohio Valley : 
 
 R. G. Thwaites : The Colonies, 3290 (3174). 
 Viscount Bury : Exodus of Western Nations, 
 
 3290 (3174). 
 
 F. Parkman : Montcalm and Wolfe, 3290-1 
 (3174-5). 
 
 II. Hale : Iroquois Book of Rites, 2444-5(2392-3). 
 B. A. Hinsdale: The Old Northwest, 378-9 
 (368-9). 
 
 - — : , 2445-6 (2393-4). 
 
 .1. Winsor : Nar. and Crit. History, 2446 (2394). 
 It. Mackenzie: America, 2446-7 (2394-5). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 2975 (2898). 
 
 27. The Congress at Ai.bany (a. d. 1754): 
 
 B. Franklin: Autobiography, 3291 (3175). 
 
 W. E. Foster: Stephen Hopkins, 3291 (3175). 
 Full Text Representation of the Present State 
 
 of the Colonies, 3291-3 (3175-7). 
 
 Text of the Plan of Union, 3293-4 (3177-8). 
 
 28. Mason and Dixon’s Line: 
 
 W. H. Dixon : William Penn, 2566-7 (2500-1). 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 2571 (2505). 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale : The Old Northwest, 2571 (2505). 
 
 29. The Scotch-Irish : 
 
 W. W. Henry : The Scotch-Irish, 2912-13 
 (2837-8). 
 
 T. Roosevelt : Winning of the West, 2913 (2838). 
 
 “ Full credit has been awarded the Roundhead and 
 the Cavalier for their leadership in our history; nor 
 have we been altogether blind to the deeds of the Hol- 
 lander and the Huguenot; but it is doubtful if we have 
 wholly realized the importance of the part played by 
 that stern and virile people, the Irish whose preachers 
 taught the creed of Knox and Calvin. These Irish re- 
 presentatives of the Covenanters were in the West al- 
 most what the Puritans were in the Northeast, and more 
 than the Cavaliers were in the South. . . . That these Irish 
 Presbyterians were a bold and hardy race is proved hy 
 their at once pushing past the settled regions, ana 
 plunging into the wilderness as the leaders of the white 
 advance. . . . They were fitted to be Americans from 
 the very start; they were kinsfolk of the Covenanters; 
 they deemed it a religious duty to interpret their own 
 Bible, and held for a divine right the election of their 
 clergy. For generations, their whole ecclesiastic and 
 scholastic systems had been fundamentally democrat- 
 ic.” T. Roosevelt. 
 
 30. Early Western Settlements: 
 
 (a) The Northwest Territory. 
 
 T. Roosevelt : Winning of the West, 2429 (2377). 
 W. F. Poole : The West from 1763 to 1783, 
 2429-30 (2377-8). 
 
 (5) The Wyoming Valley. 
 
 A. Jolmston : Connecticut, 2569-70 (2503-4). 
 
 (c) Transylvania and Daniel Boone. 
 
 N. S. Shaler: Kentucky, 1981-2 (1939—40). 
 
 (d) The Watauga Commonwealth. 
 
 T. Roosevelt: Winning of the West, 3179-80 
 (3094-5). 
 
 (e) The State of Franklin, and Sevier. 
 
 J. B. McMaster: History of the U. S., 3181-2 
 (3096-7). 
 
 W. H. Carpenter: History of Tennessee, 3182 
 (3097). 
 
 31. Colonial Life: 
 
 (a) Religion. 
 
 J. G. Palfrey: History of New England, 2147 
 
 (2103). 
 
 G. E. Ellis: Early Massachusetts, 2147-8 (2104). 
 J. A. Doyle: American Colonies, 2149 (2105). 
 
 G. E. Ellis : Early Massachusetts, 2149-50 
 (2105-6). 
 
 C. F. Adams: Massachusetts, 2150-1 (2106-7). 
 
 J. Fiske : Beginnings of New England, 2151 
 
 and 2153 (2107, 2109). 
 
 ; , 309 (299). 
 
 W. R. Staples: The Town of Providence, 2714 
 (2641). 
 
 D. Weston : Early Baptists, 266-7 (3690). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 2568 (2502). 
 G. L. Davis : American Freedom, 2138 (2094). 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 3755-6 (3635). 
 J. A. Russell: Catholic Church in the U. S., 
 2526 (2464). 
 
 ( b ) Education. 
 
 II. B. Adams : College of William and Mary, 
 749-50 (726-7). 
 
 The Oldest School in America, 750-1 (727-8). 
 
 G. G. Bush : Harvard, 751 (728). 
 
 R. G. Boone: Education in the U. S., 751-2 
 (728-9). 
 
 J. L. Stewart: The University of Pennsylvania, 
 752 (729). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : History of New England (Yale), 
 752-3 (729-30). 
 
 784 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 The College of New Jersey, 753 (3799). 
 Columbia College Handbook, 753-4 (730-1). 
 
 G. T. Curtis : Dauiel Webster (Dartmouth), 
 754-5 (3741-2). 
 
 R. A. Guild: Rhode Island College (Brown), 
 755 (3693). 
 
 (c) Printing and the Press. 
 
 C. R. Hildebum : Printing in New York, 2668-9 
 (2596-7). 
 
 I. Thomas: History of Printing, 2669-70 (2598). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 2670 (2598). 
 : , 2387 (2335). 
 
 F. Hudson: Journalism in the U. S., 2672 (2600). 
 
 J. Parton: Life of Franklin, 2061-2 (2017-18). 
 B. Samuel : The Father of American Libraries, 
 
 2062-3 (2018-19). 
 
 (d) Money and Banking. 
 
 W. B. Weeden : Indian Money, 2252-3 (2208-9). 
 J. R. Snowden : Description of Coins, 2253 
 (2209). 
 
 J. J. Knox : United States Notes, 2255-6 (2212). 
 W. G. Sumner: History of American Currency, 
 2256 (2212). 
 
 John Fiske : American Revolution, 2256 (2212). 
 
 (e) Trade and Commerce. 
 
 J. E. T. Rogers: Economic Interpretation of 
 History, 3229-30 (3718-19). 
 
 E. Eggleston : Commerce in the Colonies, 3230 
 (3719). 
 
 M. Chamberlain: Revolution Impending, 3286-7 
 (3170-1). 
 
 J. L. Bishop: American Manufactures, 3289 
 (3173). 
 
 G. L. Beer: Commercial Policy of England, 
 3296-7 (3180-1). 
 
 John Morley: Edmund Burke, 3298 (3182). 
 
 (/) Slavery. 
 
 E. J. Payue : Elizabethan Seamen, 74-5 (67-8). 
 G. W. Williams: Negro Race in America, 2998 
 (2920). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3751 (3630). 
 E. Washburn: Slavery in Massachusetts, 2998-9 
 (2920-1). 
 
 G. W. Greene : Rhode Island, 2715 (2642). 
 
 W. E. Foster : Stephen Hopkins, 3002 (2924). 
 
 J. A. Doyle : English in America. 3047-8 (2968). 
 G. Bancroft: History of U. S., 3048 (2968). 
 
 T. Clarkson : Abolition of the Slave Trade,” 
 3000 (2922). 
 
 J. Fiske : Critical Period, 3001 (2923). 
 
 T. Jefferson : The State of Virginia, 3001 (2923). 
 J. E. Cooke: Virginia, 3001 (2923). 
 
 E. B. Sanford : Connecticut, 3001-2 (2923-4). 
 
 W. F. Poole: Anti-Slavery Opinions, 3002 (2924). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study /. 
 
 * STUDY XXXVIII. 
 
 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 
 
 1. Relations between the Colonies and 
 the Crown on the Eve of the Revolu- 
 tion: 
 
 M. Chamberlain: Revolution Impending, 3286-7 
 (3170-1). 
 
 G. L. Craik: British Commerce, 2293 (22451. 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3288 (3172). 
 
 H. W. Preston : American History, 3288-9 
 (3172-3). 
 
 J. L. Bishop: History of American Manufac- 
 tures, 3289 (3173). 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale: The American Government, 
 3295 (3179). 
 
 G. L. Beer: Commercial Policy of England, 
 3296-7 (3180-1). 
 
 John Morley: Edmund Burke, 3298 (3182). 
 
 “ Historians, in treating of the American rebellion, 
 have confined their arguments too exclusively to the 
 question of internal taxation, and the right or policy 
 of exercising this prerogative. The true source of the 
 rebellion lay deeper, in our traditional colonial policy. 
 Just as the Spaniards had been excited to the discovery 
 of America by the hope of obtaining gold and silver, 
 the English merchants utilized the discovery by the 
 same fallacious method, and with the same fallacious 
 aspirations. . . . They only saw that a colonial trade 
 had sprung up, and their jealousy blinded them to the 
 benefits that accrued to themselves as a consequence 
 of it. Their folly found them out. . . . The result of 
 the whole transaction was the birth of a very strong 
 sense in the minds of the colonists that the mother 
 country looked upon them as a sponge to be squeezed. 
 This conviction took more than a passing hold upon 
 them. It was speedily inflamed into inextinguishable 
 heat, first by the news that they were to be taxed with- 
 out their own consent, and next by the tyrannical and 
 atrocious measures by which it was proposed to crush 
 their resistance.” John Morley. 
 
 2. The Question of Taxation: 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3294-5 
 (3178-9). 
 
 W. Tudor: Life of James Otis, 3295-6 (3179-80). 
 J. Fiske: The War of Independence, 3297-8 
 (3181-2). 
 
 T. Hutchinson: Province of Massachusetts Bay, 
 3298-9 (3182-3). 
 
 3. The Stamp Act, and the Stamp Act 
 Congress (a. d. 1765): 
 
 J. G. Palfrey: History of New England, 3299 
 (3183). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3303 (3187). 
 W. Wirt: Life of Patrick Henry, 3303-5(3187-9). 
 W. W. Henry: Patrick Henry, 3305 (3189). 
 
 J. A. Stevens: The Stamp Act, 3305 (3189). 
 John Fiske: The American Revolution, 3305-6 
 (3189-90). 
 
 E. B. Sanford: History of Connecticut, 517 
 (503). 
 
 R. Frothingham: Rise of the Republic, 3306-7 
 (3190-1). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 3317-19 
 (3201-3). 
 
 Full Text of the Stamp Act, 3299-3302 (3183-6). 
 
 “ It was in the midst of this magnificent debate, 
 while he [Patrick Henry] was descanting on the tyranny 
 of the obnoxious act, that he exclaimed in a voice of 
 thunder, and with the look of a god : ‘ Caesar had his 
 Brutus — Charles the First his Cromwell — and George 
 the Third — (“ Treason ! ” cried the speaker. “ Treason, 
 treason! ” echoed from every part of the house. It was 
 one of those trying moments that is decisive of char- 
 acter. Henry faltered not for an instant; but rising to 
 a loftier attitude, and fixing on the speaker an eye of 
 the most determined fire, he finished his sentence with 
 the firmest emphasis) — may profit by their example. If 
 this be treason, make the most of it.’ ” W. Wirt. 
 
 4. Examination of Franklin by the House 
 of Commons (a. d. 1766) : 
 
 J. Bigelow: Life of Beniamin Franklin, 3317 
 (3201). 
 
 Full Text of the Questions and Answers from 
 the “ Parliamentary History of England,” 
 3308-3317 (3192-3201). 
 
 “ What used to be the pride of the Americans ?” 
 
 “To indulge in the fashions and manufactures of 
 Great Britain.” 
 
 “ What is now their pride ? ” 
 
 “ To wear their old clothes over again, until they can 
 make new ones.” 
 
 785 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 5. The “ Boston Massacre,” and its Results 
 (a. D. 1770): 
 
 J. K. Hosmer: Samuel Adams, 311 (301). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky : History of England, 311-12 
 (301-2). 
 
 R. Frothingham: Rise of the Republic, 3321 
 (3205). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3321 (3205). 
 
 6. The Townshend Acts, and the “Boston 
 Tea Party”: 
 
 J. K. Hosmer: Samuel Adams, 3319 (3203). 
 
 C. J. Stille: Life of John Dickinson, 3319-20 
 (3203-4). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3321-2 (3206). 
 
 J. Fiske : War of Independence, 3322 (3206). 
 
 J. K. Hosmer : Samuel Adams, 3322-3 (3206-7). 
 
 : , 3324-5 (3208-9). 
 
 A. Gilman: The Story of Boston, 312 (302). 
 
 7. The Boston Port Bill and its Effects 
 (a. d. 1774): 
 
 W. M. Sloane : The French War and the Revo- 
 lution, 3325 (3209). 
 
 R. Frothingham : The Siege of Boston, 313-14 
 (303-4). 
 
 E. G. Scott: Development of Constitutional 
 Liberty, 3325-6 (3209-10). 
 
 8. Examination of Gov. Hutchinson by 
 King George (a. d. 1774): 
 
 Diary of Thomas Hutchinson, 3326-30 (3210-14). 
 
 Full Text of the Conversation. 
 
 9. The First Continental Congress (a. d. 
 1774) : 
 
 R. Frothingham: Rise of the Republic, 3330 
 (3214). 
 
 J. C. Hamilton: History of the U. S., 3330-1 
 (3214-15). 
 
 P. L. Ford: The First Congress, 3331-2 (3215-16). 
 
 M. Chamberlain : John Adams, 3332 (3216). 
 
 H. von Holst : Const. Hist, of the U. S. , 3332-3 
 (3216-17). 
 
 10. The General Situation in the Colo- 
 nies, and in Parliament: 
 
 R. Frothingham : The Siege of Boston, 3333 
 (3217). 
 
 H. B. Carrington : The American Revolution, 
 3333 (3217). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 3334 (3218). 
 
 Edmund Burke: His Great Speech in the House 
 of Commons, 3334-7 (3218-21). 
 
 G. Pellew: John Jay, 2388-9 (2336-7). 
 
 B. J. Lossing: Life of Philip Schuyler, 2389-90 
 (2337-8). 
 
 M. L. Booth: History of New York, 2390-1 
 (2338-9). 
 
 H. S. Randall: Life of Jefferson, 3756 (3635). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 3049 (2969). 
 
 11. The Beginning of the War (April, 1775): 
 
 R. Frothingham: The Siege of Boston, 2160-1 
 
 (2116-17). 
 
 T. W. Higginson: History of the U. S., 3338 
 (3222). 
 
 G. E. Ellis: Battle of Bunker’s Hill, 3338^0 
 (3222-4). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3340-1 (3225). 
 
 J. Sparks: Life of Ethan Allen, 3341 (3225). 
 
 C. W. Elliott: New England History, 3341-2 
 (3225-6). 
 
 A. Johnston: History of the U. S., 3343 (3227). 
 
 J. Winsor: Nar. and Crit. History, 3343 (3227). 
 
 G. E. Ellis: The Battle of Bunker’s Hill, 3343-^4 
 (3227-8). 
 
 “ Allen sought and found the Commander’s bed-room, 
 and when Captain Delaplace waked he . . . opened the 
 door, with trousers in hand, and there the great gaunt 
 Ethan stood, with a drawn sword in his hand. ‘ Sur- 
 render!’ said Ethan. ‘To you?’ asked Delaplace. 
 ‘Yes, to me, Ethan Allen.’ ‘By whose authority?’ 
 asked Delaplace. Ethan was growing impatient, and 
 raising his voice, and waving his sword, he said : ‘ In 
 the name of the Great Jehovah, and of the Continental 
 Congress.’ Delaplace little comprehended the words, 
 hut surrendered at once. Thus, on the morning of 10th 
 of May, the strong fortress of Ticonderoga was taken by 
 the border-men, and with it 44 prisoners, 120 iron can- 
 non, with swivels, muskets, balls, and some powder, 
 without the loss of a single man. The surprise was 
 planned and paid for by Connecticut, and was led by 
 Allen, a Connecticut-born man, but was carried out by 
 the ‘ Green Mountain Boys.’ ” C. W. Elliott. 
 
 12. Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the 
 Continental Army: 
 
 W. Irving: Life of Washington, 3342 (3226). 
 
 E. Everett: Life of Washington, 3345 (3229). 
 
 E. E. Hale: Naval History of the Revolution, 
 3345-6 (3229-30). 
 
 13. War Measures of Parliament ; the Hes- 
 sians : 
 
 H. S. Randall: Life of Jefferson, 3346 (3230). 
 Earl Stanhope: History of England, 3347 (3231). 
 E. J. Lowell: Hessians in the Revolution, 3347-8 
 
 (3231-2). 
 
 14. Independence declared (July 4, 1776): 
 
 L. Sabine: Biographical Sketches, 3337-8(3222). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 3340-1 (3225), 
 
 H. S. Randall: Life of Jefferson. 3347 (3231). 
 
 J. Q. Adams: Life of John Adams, 3348-9 
 (3232-3). 
 
 J. T. Morse, Jr. : Thomas Jefferson, 3349-50 
 (3233-4). 
 
 ,T. Fiske: American Revolution, 3350 (3234). 
 
 II. von Holst: Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3352 
 (3236). 
 
 Text of the Declaration, and Signers, 3351-2 
 (3235-6). 
 
 15. The War in New York and New Jersey 
 (a. d. 1776-7): 
 
 B. J. Lossing: History of the U. S., 3352-3 (3237). 
 H. C. Lodge : George Washington, 3353-4 (3238). 
 J. Fiske : War of Independence, 3354-6 (3238-40). 
 H. P. Johnston : Campaign of 1776, 3356 (3240). 
 
 E. Lawrence : New York in the Revolution, 
 3356-7 (3240-1). 
 
 16. The Campaign on the Delaware (a. d. 
 1777): 
 
 F. D. Stone: The Struggle for the Delaware, 
 3361-2 (3245-6). 
 
 G. Washington: Writings, 3362-3 (3246-7). 
 
 F. Kapp: Life of von Steuben, 3363-4 (3247-8). 
 
 17. The Struggle for Tns Hudson ; Sur- 
 render of Burgoyne (Oct. 15, 1777): 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 3365-6 
 (3249-50). 
 
 Sir E. Creasy: Fifteen Decisive Battles, 3366-8 
 (3250-2). 
 
 E. Everett: Life of Washington, 3368 (3252). 
 
 G. Washington: Writings, 3368 (3252). 
 
 18. Formation of State Governments, and 
 Articles of Confederation : 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S. , 3360-1 (3244-5). 
 J. Story: Commentaries on the Constitution, 
 
 3368-9 (3252-3). 
 
 H. von Holst: Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3372 
 (3256). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 Full Text of the Articles of Confederation, 
 3369-72 (3253-0). 
 
 19. The French Alliance • 
 
 F. Wharton: Diplomatic Correspondence of the 
 U. S., 3357 (3241). 
 
 J. T. Morse, Jr.: Benjamin Franklin, 3357-8 
 (3241-2). 
 
 J. Marshall: Life of Washington, 3358 (3242). 
 W. G. Sumner: Finances of American Revolu 
 tion, 3359-60 (3243-4). 
 
 B. Tuckerman : Life of Lafayette, 3364-5 (3249). 
 
 G. Bancroft : History of the U. S., 3372-3 (3257). 
 
 S. Eliot: History of the U. S. , 3376-7 (3260-1). 
 
 F. Wharton: Diplomatic Correspondence of U. S., 
 3380-1 (3264-5). 
 
 20. Indian Troubles ; Clark’s Conquest of 
 the Northwest (1778-9)- 
 
 E. H. Roberts: New York, 3374 (3258). 
 
 E. Cruikshank: Story of Butler’s Rangers, 3374-5 
 (3258-9). 
 
 A. F. McDavis : Border Warfare of the Revolu 
 tion, 3375-6 (3259-60). 
 
 W. L. Stone: Life of Joseph Brant, 3376 (3260). 
 
 T. - Roosevelt: Winning of the West, 2429 (2377). 
 O. Turner: History of Pioneer Settlement, 3382-3 
 
 (3266-7). 
 
 A. T. Norton: Sullivan’s Campaign against the 
 Iroquois, 3383-4 (3267-8). 
 
 21. The War in the South (1778-80): 
 
 W. Irving: Life of Washington, 3381 (3265). 
 
 C. B. Hartley : Life of Gen. Marion, 3384-5 
 (3268-9). 
 
 G. Tucker: History of the U. S., 3286-7 (3270-1). 
 G. W. Greene : Life of Nathanael Greene, 3389-90 
 
 (3273-4). 
 
 W. G. Simms : History of South Carolina, 3390 
 (3274). 
 
 J. Fiske: War of Independence, 3390-1 (3274-5). 
 
 22. Washington's Anxieties and Movements 
 (1778-80): 
 
 W. Irving : Life of Washington, 3377 (3261). 
 
 G. Washington : Writings, 3377-8 (3261-2). 
 
 G. W. Greene : Life of Nathanael Greene, 3378-9 
 (3262-3). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: George Washington, 3381-2 
 
 (3265-6). 
 
 W. Irving: Life of Washington, 3385-6(3269-70). 
 W. G. Sumner: History of American Currency, 
 3386 (3270). 
 
 “ At the end of 1779 Congress was at its wit’s end for 
 money. Its issues had put specie entirely out of reach, 
 and the cause of the Revolution was in danger of being 
 drowned under the paper sea. ... In the spring or 
 1780 the bills were worth two cents on the dollar, and 
 then ceased to circulate. The paper was now worth 
 more for an advertisement or a foke than for anv pros- 
 pect of any kind of redemption. A barber’s s'hop in 
 Philadelphia was papered with it; and a dog, coated 
 with tar, and with the bills stuck all over him, was pa- 
 raded in the streets.” W. GI. Sumner. 
 
 23. The Arrival of Rochambeau (1780) : 
 
 J. C. Hamilton : History of the U. 8., 3387 (3271). 
 T. Balch : The French in America, 3387-8 
 (3271-2). 
 
 24. The Treason of Arnold ; and Mutiny 
 of Pennsylvania Troops : 
 
 R. Hildreth : History of the U. S. , 8388-9 
 (3272-3). 
 
 H. B. Carrington : Battles of the Revolution, 
 3391-2 (3275-6). 
 
 25. The Virginia Campaign (a. d. 1781) : 
 
 B. Tuckerman: Life of Lafayette, 3392-3 
 (3276-7). 
 
 H. P. Johnston : The Yorktown Campaign, 
 8393 (3277). 
 
 H. B. Carrington : The American Revolution, 
 3393-4 (3277-8). 
 
 R. C. Wiuthrop: Address at Yorktown, 3394-5 
 (3278-9). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 3395-6 
 (3279-80). 
 
 26. The Cession of Western Territory to 
 the Union : 
 
 A. Johnston: The United States, 3396 (3280). 
 
 H. B. Adams : Laud Cessions to the U. 8., 3396-7 
 (3280-1). 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale : The Northwest, 3397 (3281). 
 
 27. Peace Negotiations : 
 
 J. Marshall: Life of Washington, 3397-8(3281-2). 
 Diplomacy of the United States, 3398-9 (3282-3). 
 E. Fitzmaurice : Life of the Earl of Shelburne, 
 3399-3400 (3283-4). 
 
 E. B. Andrews : History of the U. S. , 3400 (3284). 
 J. Fiske: The Critical Period, 3400-1 (3284-6). 
 J. Q. Adams : Life of John Adams, 3401-2 
 
 (3285-6). 
 
 F. Wharton : Revolutionary Diplomatic Corre- 
 spondence, 3402 (3286). 
 
 J. Bigelow : Life of Franklin, 3402-3 (3286-7). 
 
 28. The Definitive Treaty of Peace (Sep- 
 tember, 1783): 
 
 H. W. Preston : Documents of American History, 
 3403-4 (3287-8). 
 
 T. Pitkin : Political History of the U. S., 3409-11 
 (3293-5). 
 
 T. Roosevelt: Winning of the West, 3411-12 
 (3295-6). 
 
 29. The Dissolution of the Continental 
 Army : 
 
 G. T. Curtis: The Constitution of the U. S., 
 3403 (3287). 
 
 J. B. McMaster : History of the U. S., 3404-5 
 (3288-9). 
 
 30. General Conditions following the War: 
 G. E. Ellis : Loyalists and their Fortunes, 3202-3 
 
 (3116-17). 
 
 J. B. McMaster: History of the U. S., 3405-6 
 (3289-90). 
 
 A. Hamilton : The Federalist, 3406-7 (3290-1). 
 
 A. Johnston : History of American Politics, 3407 
 
 (3291). 
 
 J. R. Soley : Maritime Industries of America, 
 3408 (3292). 
 
 W. B. Weeden : Economic Hist, of New England, 
 
 3408 (3292). 
 
 W. G. Sumner : Finances of the Revolution, 
 
 3409 (3293). 
 
 J. Scliouler : History of the U. S., 2161 (2117). 
 
 “ Four years only elapsed, between the return of 
 peace ana the downfall of a government which had 
 been framed with the hope and promise of perpetual 
 duration. . . . But this brief period was full of suffer- 
 ing and peril. There are scarcely any evils or dangers, 
 of a political nature, and springing from political and 
 social causes, to which a free people can be exposed, 
 which the people of the United States did not experi- 
 ence during that period.” G. T. Curtis. 
 
 “ It is not too much to say that the period of five years 
 following the peace of 1783 was the most critical mo- 
 ment in all the history of the American people.” John 
 Fiske. 
 
 31. Plans for Settlement of the Northwest 
 Territory : 
 
 J. B. McMaster: History of the U. S., 2430-1 
 (2378-9). 
 
 T. Donaldson : The Public Domain, 2431 (2379) 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 R. King : Ohio, 2431 (2379). 
 
 J. Winsor: Nar. and Crit. History, 2431-2 (2380). 
 T Donaldson : The Public Domain, 2434-5 
 (2382-3). 
 
 Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787, 2432-4 (2382). 
 
 • See important note at head of Study /. 
 
 ♦STUDY XXXIX. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES: UNION UN- 
 DER THE CONSTITUTION; ADMIN- 
 ISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON 
 AND ADAMS. 
 
 1. Federal Government : 
 
 E. A. Freeman : History of Federal Government, 
 1136 (1108). 
 
 A. B. Hart : The Study of Federal Government, 
 1136 (1108). 
 
 J. N. Dalton : Federal States of the World, 
 1138-9 (1110-11). 
 
 2. The Weakness of the Confederation : 
 
 J. B. McMaster: History of the U. S., 3405-6 
 
 (3289-90). 
 
 Alexander Hamilton : The Federalist, 3405-6 
 (3290-1). 
 
 A. Johnston . History of American Politics, 3407 
 (3291). 
 
 Text of the Articles of Confederation, 3369-72 
 (3253-6). 
 
 3. The Making of the Constitution (a. d. 
 1787) : 
 
 J. S. Landon : Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3412-13 
 (3296-7). 
 
 K. M. Rowland: Life of George Mason, 3413 
 (3297). 
 
 W. C. Rives : Life of James Madison, 3413-14 
 (3297-8). 
 
 James Madison : Letters and Writings, 3414-15 
 (3298-9). 
 
 S. H. Gay : James Madison, 3415-16 (3299-3300). 
 
 John Fiske : The Critical Period, 3416 (3300). 
 
 A. B. Hart : Formation of the Union, 3416-17 
 (3300-1). 
 
 4. Ratification of the Constitution, and 
 Election of President (a. d. 1789) : 
 
 J S. Landon : Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3417-18 
 (3301-2). 
 
 W. Irving : Life of Washington, 3418 (3302). 
 
 Text of the Constitution, with all Amendments, 
 619-25 (596-602). 
 
 5. Organization of the Government ; For- 
 mation of Parties : 
 
 A Johnston: History of American Politics, 
 3418-19 (3302-3). 
 
 Thomas Jefferson : Writings, 3419-20 (3303-4). 
 
 H. C. Lodge : Life of George Cabot, 3420-1 
 (3304-5). 
 
 6. The First Census (a. d. 1790), 3421 (3305). 
 
 7. Organization of the Supreme Court 
 (a. d. 1789) : 
 
 J. S. Landon: Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3122-3 
 (3039-40). 
 
 J. Bryce: The American Commonwealth, 3123 
 (3040). 
 
 E. A. Freeman : The English People, 3123 (3040). 
 
 “ It [the Supreme Court] is, I believe, the only na- 
 tional tribunal in the world which can ait in judgment 
 on a national law, and can declare an act of all the 
 three powers of the Union to be null and void. No such 
 power does or can exist in England. Any one of the 
 three powers of the State, — King, Lords, or Commons, 
 — acting alone, may act illegally, the three acting to- 
 ether cannot act illegally. An act of Parliament is 
 nal; it may be repealed by the power which enacted 
 it; it cannot be questioned by any other power. For 
 in England there is no written constitution; the pow- 
 ers of Parliament, — of King, Lords, and Commons, 
 acting together, — are literally boundless. But in your 
 Union, it is not only possible that President, Senate, or 
 House of Representatives, acting alone, may act ille- 
 gally; the three acting together may act illegally. 
 
 . . . Congress may pass, the President may assent to 
 a measure which contradicts the terms of the Con- 
 stitution. If they so act, they act illegally, and the 
 Supreme Court can declare such an act to be null and 
 void. This difference flows directly from the differ- 
 ence between a written and unwritten constitution.” 
 
 E. A. Freeman. 
 
 8. The First Tariff Measure, and First 
 Bank of the U. S. : 
 
 J. T. Morse, Jr. : Life of Alexander Hamilton, 
 3150 (3066). 
 
 A. Hamilton : Report on Manufactures, 3150-2 
 (3066-8). 
 
 H. W. Domett : The Bank of New York, 2256 
 
 ( 2212 ). 
 
 J. A. Stevens: Albert Gallatin, 2257-8 (2213-14). 
 
 9. Founding of the Federal Capital (a. d. 
 1791): 
 
 A. Johnston: History of American Politics, 
 3419 (3303). 
 
 J. Schouler: History of the U. S. , 3767-3 (3646-7). 
 
 10. Admission of New States to the Union: 
 
 (a) Vermont (a. d. 1791). 
 
 B. J. Lossing : Life of Philip Schuyler, 3736-7 
 (3616-17). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 3737 (3617). 
 Z. Thompson : History of Vermont, 3737-8 
 
 (3617-18). 
 
 R. Hildreth : History of the U. S., 3738-9 
 (3618-19). 
 
 ( b ) Kentucky (a. d. 1792). 
 
 N. S. Shaler : Kentucky, 1981-2 (1939-40). 
 
 W. B. Allen : History of Kentucky, 1982-3 
 (1940-1). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 1983 (1941). 
 
 ( c ) Tennessee (a. d. 1796). 
 
 T. Roosevelt: Winning of the West, 3179-80 
 (3094-5). 
 
 J. Phelan : History of Tennessee, 3180-1 
 (3095-6). 
 
 J. B. McMaster: History of the U. S., 3181-2 
 (3096-7). 
 
 W. H. Carpenter: History of Tennessee, 3182 
 (3097). 
 
 11. Slavery ; the first Fugitive Slave Law 
 (a. d. 1793): 
 
 H. G. McDougall : Fugitive Slaves, 3421-2 
 (3305-6). 
 
 William Jay : Letter to Josiah Quincy, 3422 
 (3306). 
 
 J. W. Draper : History of the Civil War, 3422-3 
 (3306-7). 
 
 H. Von Holst: Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3431-2 
 (3315-16). 
 
 12. Relations with France; “Citizen” Ge- 
 net ; the X. Y. Z. Letters : 
 
 E. Everett: Life of Washington, 3422 (3306). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: George Washington, 3422 (3306). 
 T. W. Higginson : History of the U. S., 3431 
 (3315). 
 
 788 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 13. The Whiskey Insurrection (a. d. 1794): 
 George Tucker: History of the U. S., 2572-3 
 
 (2506-7). 
 
 14. Strained Relations with Great Britain; 
 the Jay Treaty (a. d. 1794-5): 
 
 G. Pellew : John Jay, 3423-4 (3307-8'l. 
 
 H. von Holst: Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3424 
 (3308). 
 
 15. Third Presidential Election; Washing- 
 ton’s Farewell Address (a. d. 1796): 
 
 H. von Holst : Const. Hist, of the U. S. , 3430-1 
 (3314-15). 
 
 W. Irving: Life of Washington, 342443 (3308-9). 
 Full Text of the Farewell Address, 3425-30 
 (3309-14). 
 
 11 In offering to you, ray countrymen, these counsels 
 of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they 
 will make the strong and lasting impression I could 
 wish; that they will control the usual current of the 
 passions, or prevent our nation from running the course 
 which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But 
 if I may even flatter myself that they may he produc- 
 tive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that 
 they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of 
 party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign in- 
 trigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended 
 patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the 
 solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dic- 
 tated. . . . Though, in reviewing the incidents of my 
 administration, lam unconscious of intentional error, 
 I am, nevertheless, too sensible of my defects not to 
 think it probable that I may have commited many er- 
 rors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the 
 Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they 
 may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my 
 Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; 
 and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to 
 its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompe- 
 tent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself 
 must soon be to the mansions of rest.” George Wash- 
 ington, Farewell Address. 
 
 16. The Death of Washington (December 
 14, 1799): 
 
 H. C. Lodge : George Washington, 3439. 
 
 17. The Alien and Sedition Laws (a. d. 1798): 
 J. S. Landon: Const. Hist, of the U. S., 3432 
 
 (3316). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: Alexander Hamilton, 3434-5 (3319). 
 Text of the Naturalization Act, 3432 (3316). 
 Texts of the Alien Acts, 3432-3434 (3316-18). 
 Text of the Sedition Act, 3434 (3318). 
 
 18. The Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions: 
 E. D. Warfield: The Kentucky Resolutions, 3435 
 
 (3319). 
 
 S. H. Gay: James Madison, 3438-9 (3322-3). 
 
 J. B. McMaster : History of the U. S. , 3439 (3323). 
 Text of the Kentucky Resolutions, 3435-7 (3321). 
 Text of the Virginia Resolutions, 3437-8 (3321-2). 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XL. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES: THE THREE 
 DEMOCRATIC ADMINISTRATIONS 
 (A. D. 1801-25). 
 
 1. The Fourth Presidential Election; 
 
 Thomas Jefferson President : 
 
 W. Whitelock : Life of John Jay, 3440 (3324). 
 Goldwin Smith : The United States, 3440-1 
 (3324-5). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 3441 (3325). 
 
 A. Bradford : Federal Government, 3441-2 
 
 (3325-6). 
 
 2. John Marshall Chief Justice : 
 
 A. B. Magruder: John Marshall, 3442-3 (3326-7). 
 
 3. War with tee Barbary States: 
 
 E. Schuyler: American Diplomacy, 272 (263). 
 
 J. Schouler: History of the U. S., 272-3 (263-4). 
 Henry Adams : History of the U. S. , 273 (264). 
 
 S. Lane Poole: The Barbary Corsairs, 273-4 
 (264-5). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 274 (265). 
 
 4. Ohio admitted to the Union (a. d. 1802): 
 
 T. Roosevelt: Winning of the West, 2429 (2377). 
 H. Hale: The Iroquois Book of Rites, 2444-5 
 
 (2392-3). 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale: The Old Northwest, 2445-6 
 (2393^4). 
 
 B. King : Ohio, 2431 (2379). 
 
 J. Winsor : Nar. and Crit. History, 2431-2 (2380). 
 
 T. Donaldson : The Public Domain, 2434-5 (2383). 
 Full Text of the Ordinance of 1787, 2432-4 
 (2380-2). 
 
 5. The Louisiana Purchase (a. d. 1803) : 
 
 C. Gayarre : Louisiana, 2090 (2046), 
 
 Waring and Cable • New Orleans, 647 (624). 
 
 G. Bancroft: History of the U. S., 2091 (2047). 
 
 G. W. Cable : The Creoles of Louisiana, 2091-2 
 (2047-8). 
 
 T. M. Cooley : The Acquisition of Louisiana, 
 2092-3 (2048-9). 
 
 M. Thompson : The Story of Louisiana, 2093-4 
 (2049-50). 
 
 C. F. Robertson : The Louisiana Purchase, 2094 
 (2050). 
 
 H. von Holst : Const. History of the U. S., 3443 
 (3327). 
 
 Henry Adams : History of the U. S., 3444 (3328). 
 See maps between pages 3342-3 (3326-7). 
 
 6. Federalist Secession Movement (a. d. 1804): 
 T. M. Cooley : The Acquisition of Louisiana, 
 
 3444 (3328). 
 
 C. F. Robertson : The Louisiana Purchase, 3445 
 (3329). 
 
 “ The purchase, according to the Federal view of the 
 Constitution, was perfectly legitimate. . . But the 
 
 Federalists in general took narrow and partisan views, 
 and in order to embarrass the administration resorted 
 to quibbles which were altogether unworthy the party 
 which had boasted of Washington as its chief and 
 Hamilton as the exponent of its doctrines. . . . The 
 Federal leaders did not stop at cavils; they insisted that 
 the unconstitutional extension of territory was in effect 
 a dissolution of the Union, so that they were at liberty 
 to contemplate and plan for a final disruption.” Jodge 
 T. M. Cooley. 
 
 7. The British Impressment of Seamen: 
 
 G. Tucker: History of the U. S., 3444 (3328). 
 Henry Adams : History of the U. S., 3444(3328). 
 Goldwin Smith: The United States, 3444-5 
 
 (3328-9). 
 
 8. The Impeachment of Judge Chase (a. d. 
 1804-5): 
 
 Henry Adams : John Randolph, 3445-6 (3330). 
 J. Q. Adams : Memoirs, 3446 (3330). 
 
 J. Schouler : History of the U. S., 3446-7 (3331). 
 
 9. The Lewis and Clark Expedition (a. d. 
 1804-5): 
 
 The Nation : Review of Dr. Coues’ History, 
 3447-8 (3331-2). 
 
 10. Aaron Burr’s Filibustering Scheme 
 (a. d. 1806-7): 
 
 J. D. Hammond : History of Political Parties, 
 3450-1 (3334-5). 
 
 789 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 11. The Question of the Slave Trade : 
 
 W. F. Poole : Anti-Slavery Opinions, 3002(2924). 
 
 John Fiske: The Critical Period, 3002-3 (2924—5). 
 
 C. P. Lucas : The British Colonies, 3003 (2925). 
 
 E. Quincy: Life of Josiah Quincy, 3451-2 (3336). 
 
 12. Troubles with Great Britain (a. d. 
 1804-1810): 
 
 J. B. McMaster: History of the U. S., 3448-9 
 (3332-3). 
 
 S. H. Gay : James Madison, 3449-50 (3333-4). 
 
 Henry Adams: History of theU. S., 3450(3334). 
 
 : , 3452-3 (3336-7). 
 
 Goldwin Smith : The United States, 3453 (3337). 
 
 G. L. Rives : Thomas Barclay, 3454 (3338). 
 
 13. Sixth Presidential Election ; James 
 Madison President (a. d. 1808) : 
 
 J. Schouler: History of the United States, 3453 
 (3337). 
 
 14. The Third Census (a. d. 1810), 3454 (3338). 
 
 15. Louisiana admitted to the Union (a. d. 
 1812): 
 
 Waring and Cable: New Orleans, 2095 (2051). 
 
 L. Carr : Missouri, 2095 (2051). 
 
 J. W. Monette : The Valley of the Mississippi, 
 2095 (2051). 
 
 R. Hildreth : History of the U. S., 1182-3(1153). 
 
 16. Beginning of the War with Great 
 Britain (a. d. 1812): 
 
 C. Schurz : Life of Henry Clay, 3455 (3339). 
 
 R. Johnson : The War of 1812, 3456-7 (3340-1). 
 
 T. W. Higginson : History of the U. S., 3457-8 
 (3341-2). 
 
 R. Hildreth : History of the U. S., 3458 (3342). 
 
 J. Schouler : History of the U. S. , 3458-9 
 (3342-3). 
 
 17. Condition, and Early Successes, of 
 the Navy: 
 
 J. A. Stevens: Second War with Great Britain, 
 3459 (3343). 
 
 J. R. Soley : Wars of the U. S., 3459-60 (3343-4). 
 
 18. Perry’s Victory on Lake Erie (a. d. 1813) : 
 
 J. Schouler: History of the U. S., 3460-2 (3344-6). 
 
 T. Roosevelt : The Naval War, 3462 (3346). 
 
 19. The Burning of Toronto, and Buffalo 
 (a. d. 1813): 
 
 G. Bryce : History of Canada, 3462-3 (3346-7). 
 
 J. T. Headley: Second War with England, 3463-4 
 (3347-8). 
 
 R. Johnson: The War of 1812, 3464-5 (3348-9). 
 
 20. The Creek War; Jackson’s First Cam- 
 paign : 
 
 A. S. Gatschet : The Creek Indians, 102 (95). 
 
 A. Gallatin : Synopsis of Indian Tribes, 102 (95). 
 
 W. G. Sumner: Andrew Jackson, 3465 (3349). 
 
 21. Lundy’s Lane, and Lake Champlain 
 (a. d. 1814) : 
 
 S. Perkins : History of the Late War, 3466-7 
 (3350-1). 
 
 W. Dorsheimer: Buffalo iu the War of 1812, 
 3467-8 (3351-2). 
 
 T. Roosevelt: The Naval War of 1812, 3469-70 
 (3353-4). 
 
 22. The Capture of Washington; Burning 
 of Public Buildings (a. d. 1814) : 
 
 A. Johnston: The United States, 3465 (3349). 
 
 C. B. Todd: The Story of Washington, 3468 
 (3352). 
 
 G. R. Gleig: Campaigns of the British Army, 
 3468 (3352). 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S. , 3468-9 (3352-3). 
 
 23. The Last Battles of the War : 
 
 J. R. Soley : The Boys of 1812, 3474 (3358). 
 
 J. Schouler : History of the U. S. , 3474-5 (3358-9) . 
 
 24. The Treaty of Peace (a. d. 1814) : 
 
 J. T. Morse, Jr. : John Quincy Adams, 3470-1 
 (3354-5). 
 
 T. Wilson: The Treaty of Ghent, 3471 (3355). 
 Full Text of the Treaty, 3471-4 (3355-8). 
 
 25. Incorporation of the Second Bank of 
 the U. S. (a. d. 1817): 
 
 D. Kinley : The Treasury of the U. S., 2258-9 
 (2214-15). 
 
 W. G. Sumner: Andrew Jackson, 2259 (2215). 
 
 A. Johnston : History of American Politics, 2259 
 (2215). 
 
 26. The Eighth Presidential Election; 
 James Monroe elected (a. d. 1816): 
 
 N. Sargent: Public Men and Events, 3475-6 
 (3359-60). 
 
 E. Stanwood : Presidential Elections, 3476 (3360). 
 
 27. The First Move toward “Internal Im- 
 provements ” (a. d. 1816-17) : 
 
 A. B. Hart: Formation of the Union, 3476 (3360). 
 C. Colton : Life of Henry Clay, 3476 (3360). 
 
 28. Admission of New States to the Union : 
 
 (a) Indiana (a. d. 1816). 
 
 T. Donaldson : The Public Domain, 2434-5 
 (2382-3). 
 
 J. W. Monette: The Mississippi Valley, 1787-8 
 (1748-9). 
 
 (b) Mississippi (a. d. 1817). 
 
 J. W. Monette: The Mississippi Valley, 2233 
 (2189). 
 
 T. Donaldson . The Public Domain, 2094 (2050). 
 J. Schouler: History of the U. S., 2233 (2189). 
 
 (c) Illinois (a. d. 1818). 
 
 J. Wallace : History of Illinois, 1734 (1695). 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale : The Old Northwest, 3379-80 
 (3263-4). 
 
 J. B. McMaster: History of the U. S., 2430-1 
 (2378-9). 
 
 J. W. Monette : The Mississippi Valley, 1787-8 
 (1748-9). 
 
 R. G. Th waites : The Boundaries of Wisconsin, 
 3776 (3655). 
 
 (d) Alabama (a. d. 1819). 
 
 W. Brewer : Alabama, 30 (32). 
 
 ( e ) Maine (a. d. 1820). 
 
 C. W. Tuttle : Captain John Mason, 2354-5 
 (2306-7). 
 
 C. W. Elliott: New England History, 2122-3 
 (2079-80). 
 
 G. L. Austin: History of Massachusetts, 2123 
 (2080). 
 
 W. D. Williamson: History of Maine, 2123 (2080). 
 
 29. The Seminole Wars: 
 
 A. S. Gatschet : The Creek Indians, 108 (101). 
 
 D. G. Brinton : The Floridian Peninsula, 108-9 
 (101-2). 
 
 Bryant and Gay: History of the U. S., 1183 (1153). 
 W. G. Sumner : Andrew Jackson, 1183-4 (1154). 
 T. Roosevelt: Life of Benton, 1184 (1154). 
 
 30. The Dartmouth College Case (a. d. 1819): 
 G. T. Curtis: Life of Daniel Webster, 754-5 
 
 (3741-2). 
 
 790 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 81. Tiie Beginning of Ocean Navigation: 
 
 F. E. Chadwick: Development of the Steamship, 
 3115-16 (3033-4). 
 
 32. Ninth Presidential Election ; the “ Era 
 of Good Feeling" (a. d. 1820): 
 
 J. Schooler: History of the U. S., 3478 (3362). 
 T. W. Iligginson: History of the U. S., 3478 
 (3362). 
 
 “ Monroe like Washington was re-cliosen President 
 by a vote practically unanimous. One, however, of the 
 232 electoral votes cast was wanting to consummate this 
 exceptional honor; for a New Hampshire elector, with 
 a boldness of discretion which, in our days and espe- 
 cially upon a close canvass, would have condemned him 
 to infamy, threw away upon John Quincy Adams the 
 vote which belonged like those of his colleagues to 
 Monroe, determined, so it is said, that no later mortal 
 should stand in Washington’s shoes. Of America’s 
 Presidents elected by virtual acclamation history 
 furnishes but these two examples ; and as between the 
 men honored by so unapproachable a tribute of confi- 
 dence, Monroe entered upon his second term of office 
 with less of real political opposition than Washington.” 
 
 J. Schouler. 
 
 33. The Fourth Census (1820), 3478 (3362). 
 
 34. The First Great Conflict over Slavery; 
 the Missouri Compromise (a. d. 1818-21): 
 
 Waring and Cable: New Orleans, 2095 (2051). 
 
 L. Carr : Missouri, 2095 (2051). 
 
 Carl Schurz : Life of Henry Clay, 3476-7 (3360-1). 
 J. A. Woodburn: The Missouri Compromise, 
 3477-8 (3361-2). 
 
 35. The Monroe Doctrine (a. d. 1823): 
 
 T. W. Higginson: History of the U. S., 3478-9 
 (3362-3). 
 
 D. C. Gilman: James Monroe, 3479 (3363). 
 
 36. Tariff Legislation ; “The American 
 System ” (a. d. 1816-24) : 
 
 O. L. Elliott: The Tariff Controversy, 3153-4 
 (3069-70). 
 
 T. H. Benton: Thirty Years’ View, 3154 (3070). 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XLI. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES FROM THE 
 ELECTION OF ADAMS (1825) TO 
 THE COMPROMISE OF 1850. 
 
 L Tenth Presidential Election (a. d. 1824): 
 
 J. Quincy: Life of J. Q. Adams, 3479-80(3364). 
 
 J. P. Kennedy: Life of William Wirt, 3480 
 (3364). 
 
 Goldwin Smith: The United States, 3480-1 
 (3364-5). 
 
 2. Reconstruction of Parties: 
 
 T. H. Benton: Thirty Years’ View, 3481 (3365). 
 
 A. Johnston: History of Am. Politics, 3481-2 
 (3365-6). 
 
 3. Tariff Changes ; “The Bill of Abomi- 
 nations ” : 
 
 T. H. Benton: Thirty Years' View, 3154 (3070). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: Daniel Webster, 3154 (3070). 
 
 W. G. Sumner: Andrew Jackson, 3154-5(3071). 
 
 C. Schurz : Life of Henry Clay, 3155 (3071). 
 
 4. Eleventh Presidential Election ; An- 
 drew Jackson (a. d. 1828) : 
 
 W. G. Sumner: Andrew Jackson, 3482 (3366). 
 
 T. H. Benton : Thirty Years’ View, 3482 (3366). 
 
 5. Nullification and Disunion Sentiment : 
 
 S. H. Gay : James Madison, 3438-9 (3322-3). 
 
 T. M. Cooley: The Acquisition of Louisiana, 
 3443-4 (3327-8). 
 
 A. Johnston: American Politics, 3470 (3354). 
 
 H. von Holst: Const. Hist. 3470 (3354). 
 
 Texts of Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, 
 3435-8 (3319-22). 
 
 6. Nullification Ordinance of South Car- 
 olina ; Webster-Hayne Debate: 
 
 G. T. Curtis: Life of Daniel Webster, 3482-3 
 (3366-7). 
 
 C. Schurz: Life of Henry Clay, 3483 (3367). 
 
 G. Hunt: The Nullification Struggle, 3483-4 
 (3367-8). 
 
 Text of Ordinance of Nullification, 3485 (3369). 
 
 7. The Beginning of the “Spoils System ” : 
 John Fiske: Civil Gov’t, in the U. S., 490. 
 
 8. Rise of the Abolitionists : 
 
 H. von Holst : Const. Hist., 3005-6 (2927-8). 
 
 B. Tuckerman: William Jay, 3485-6 (3369-70). 
 Goldwin Smith : William Lloyd Garrison, 3486 
 
 (3370). 
 
 J. F. Clarke: Anti-Slavery Days, 3487 (3370-1). 
 
 “ The 1 Liberator’ was a weekly journal, bearing the 
 names of William Lloyd Garrison and Isaac Knapp as 
 publishers. Its motto was, ‘ Our Country is the world, 
 Our Countrymen are Mankind,’ a direct challenge to 
 those whose motto was the Jingo cry of those days, ‘ Our 
 Country, right or wrong ! ’. . . The salutatory" of the 
 ‘ Liberator ’ avowed that its editor meant to speak out 
 without restraint. ‘ I will be as harsh as truth and as 
 uncompromising as justice. On this subject [.Slavery] 
 I do not wish to think, or speak, or write with modera- 
 tion. No ! No ! Tell a man whose house is on fire to give 
 a moderate alarm; tell him to moderately rescue his 
 wife from the hands of the ravisher; tell the mother to 
 radually extricate her babe from the fire into which it 
 as fallen — but urge me not to use moderation in a cause 
 like the present. I am in earnest— I will not equivo- 
 cate— I will not excuse— I will not retreat a single 
 inch — I will be heard.’ This promise was amply kept.” 
 
 Goldwin Smith. 
 
 9. The Fifth Census (a. d. 1830), 3487 (3371). 
 
 10. The First Railroads : 
 
 W. J. M. Rankine: The Steam Engine, 3111-12 
 (3029-30). 
 
 S. Smiles: Life of George Stephenson, 3112 
 (3030). 
 
 C. F. Adams, Jr. : Railroads, 3112-13 (3030-1). 
 
 11. Jackson and the United States Bank: 
 
 D. Kinley: The Independent Treasury, 2258-9 
 (2214-15). 
 
 W. G. Sumner: Andrew Jackson, 2259 (2215). 
 A. Johnston: American Politics, 2259 (2215). 
 
 J. Parton: Life of Jackson, 3487-8 (3371-2). 
 UJSchurz : Life of Clay, 3488 (3372). 
 
 12. Birth of the Whig Party (a. d. 1834): 
 
 E. Stanwood: Presidential Elections, 3488 
 (3372). 
 
 G. T. Curtis: Life of Webster, 3488-9 (3372-3). 
 
 13. Slavery in the District of Columbia ; 
 The Right of Petition : 
 
 N. Sargent: Public Men and Events, 3489 (3373). 
 J. F. Clarke: Anti-Slavery Days, 3490 (3374), 
 3494 (3378). 
 
 Bryant and Gay: History of the U. S., 3490 
 (3374). 
 
 T. H. Benton: Thirty Years’ View, 3492 (3376). 
 
 14. Thirteenth Presidential Election 
 (a. d. 1836) : 
 
 A. D. Morse: Political Influence of Jackson, 
 3490-1 (3374-5). 
 
 G. Bancroft: Martin Van Buren, 3491 (3375). 
 
 791 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 15. The Financial Panic of 1837: 
 
 A. Johnston: American Politics, 2259 (2215). 
 
 E. M. Shepard : Martin Van Buren, 3489 (3373). 
 
 A. Johnston: History of the U. S., 3774 (3653). 
 
 Century Magazine: Cheap Money Experiments, 
 2259-60 (2215-16). 
 
 T. M. Cooley: Michigan, 2260 (2216). 
 
 E. G. Spaulding: 100 Years of Banking, 2260 
 (2216). 
 
 A. S. Bolles: Financial Hist., 3491 (3375). 
 
 16. Admission of New States; Arkansas, 
 Michigan: 
 
 T. Donaldson: The Public Domain, 2094 (2050). 
 
 J. W. Monette : The Mississippi Valley, 140 (133), 
 1787-8 (1748-9). 
 
 R. G. Thwaites: The Boundaries of Wisconsin, 
 2223-4 (2179-80). 
 
 17. The Sixth Census (a. d. 1840), 3493 (3377). 
 
 18. The Harrison-Tylek Administration 
 (a. d. 1841-5) : 
 
 N. Sargent: Public Men and Events, 3493 (3377). 
 
 A. Johnston : American Politics, 3493-4 (3377-8). 
 
 J. F. Clarke: Anti-Slavery Days, 3494 (3378). 
 
 A. S. Bolles: Financial Hist., 3158 (3074). 
 
 J. Schouler: History of the U. S., 3494-5(3378-9). 
 
 19. The Polk Administration (a. d. 1845-9): 
 
 W. Wilson: Division and Reunion, 3495 (3379). 
 
 E. M. Shepard: Martin Van Buren, 3496 (3380). 
 
 20. The “Walker Tariff” (a. d. 1846): 
 
 A. L. Perry Political Economy, 3159 (3075). 
 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years in Congress, 3159-60 
 (3075-6). 
 
 21. Admission of New States to the Union ; 
 Florida, Texas, Iowa, Wisconsin: 
 
 R. Hildreth: History of the U. S., 1184 (1154). 
 
 T. Roosevelt: Life of Benton, 1184 (1154). 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 3495-6 (3379-80). 
 
 J. W. Monette: The Mississippi Valley, 3186 
 (3101). 
 
 C. Schurz: Life of Clay, 3187 (3102). 
 
 J. W. Draper: American Civil War, 3187-8 
 (3102-3). 
 
 R. G. Thwaites - Boundaries of Wisconsin, 3776 
 (3655). 
 
 See Maps between 3442-3 (3326-7). 
 
 22. The War with Mexico (a. d. 1846-8) : 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 2217 (2173). 
 
 J. W. Draper: American Civil War, 2217-18 
 (2173-4). 
 
 A. H. Noll: History of Mexico, 2218 (2174). 
 
 Bryant and Gay: History of the U. S., 2218 (2174). 
 
 J. R. Soley: Wars of the U. S., 2218-19 (2174-5). 
 
 II. O. Ladd: War with Mexico, 2219-20(2175-6). 
 
 23. The Free Soil Party ; Sixteenth Presi- 
 dential Election (a. d. 1848): 
 
 E. M. Shepard: Martin Van Buren, 3498 (3382). 
 
 C. F. Adams: Richard Henry Dana, 3498 (3382). 
 
 C. Colton: Life of Clay, 3498 (3382). 
 
 24. The Seventh Census (a. d. 1850), 3499 
 (3383). 
 
 25. Conquest of California; Discovery of 
 Gold: 
 
 J. Royce: California, 358 (348). 
 
 E. E. Dunbar: Romance of the Age, 359-60 
 (349-50). 
 
 J. S. Hittell : Discovery of Gold, 360 (350). 
 
 J. E. Caimes: Political Economy, 2261 (2217). 
 
 26. Aggression of the Slave Power; Web- 
 ster’s “ Seventh of March” Speech (a. d. 
 1850): 
 
 J. S. Landon: Const. Hist. 3499 (3883). 
 
 F. W. Seward: Seward at Washington, 3499-3500 
 (3883-4). 
 
 Daniel Webster: Works, 3500-03 (3384r-7). 
 
 H. C. Lodge: Daniel Webster, 3503 (3387). 
 
 J. F. Rhodes: History of the U. S., 3503 
 (3387). 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 1685 (1646). 
 
 “ When Seward came to the territorial question, his 
 words created a sensation. ‘ We hold,’ he said, ‘ no ar- 
 bitrary authority over anything, whether acquired law- 
 fully or seized by usurpation. The Constitution regu- 
 lates our stewardship; the Constitution devotes the 
 domain (i. e. the territories not formed into States) to 
 union, to justice, to defense, to welfare, and to liberty. 
 But there is a higher law than the Constitution, which 
 regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes 
 it to the same noble purposes. The territory is a part, 
 no inconsiderable part, of the common heritage of 
 mankind, bestowed upon them by the Creator of the 
 Universe. We are His stewards, and must so discharge 
 our trust as to secure in the highest attainable degree 
 their happiness.’ This remark about ‘ a higher law ’ 
 . . . was destined to have a transcendent moral in- 
 fluence. A speech which can be condensed into an 
 aphorism is sure to shape convictions.” J. F. Rhodes. 
 
 27. The Fugitive Slave Law ; “Compromise 
 of 1850 ”: 
 
 M. G. McDougall: Fugitive Slaves, 3421-2 
 (3305-6) 
 
 W. R. Houghton: American Politics, 3503-4 
 (3387-8). 
 
 J. F. Rhodes : History of the U. S. , 3504 (3388) 
 C. Schurz : Life of Clay, 3504 (3388). 
 
 Text of Fugitive Slave Law, 3504-7 (3388-91). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XLII 
 
 ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND 
 IRELAND) FROM THE FALL OF NA- 
 POLEONTOTHE DEATHOF QUEEN 
 VICTORIA. 
 
 1. England at the Close of the Napoleonic 
 Wars: 
 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 975-6(948-9). 
 
 J. McCarthy: Sir Robert Peel, 977-8 (950-1). 
 
 H. Ashworth: Richard Cobden, 3152-3 (3068-9). 
 
 2. Agitation for Parliamentary Reform 
 (a. d. 1816-) : 
 
 C. Knight: History of England, 976-7 (949-50). 
 
 J. McCarthy : Sir Robert Peel, 977-8 (950-1). 
 
 3. Removal of Disabilities from Dissenters 
 (a. d. 1827): 
 
 J. R. Green: History of the English People, 
 923-4 (896-7): 
 
 J. Stoughton: Religion in England. 924 (897). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: History of England, 944-5 
 (917-18). 
 
 S. Walpole: England from 1815, 979 (952). 
 
 4. Union of Great Britain and Ireland ; 
 Catholic Emancipation: 
 
 J. H. McCarthy : Ireland since the Union, 1817 
 (1777). 
 
 W. F. Collier: History of Ireland, 1817-18 (177S). 
 
 W. A. O’Connor: The Irish People, 1818 (1778). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky : History of England, 1818-19 
 (1778-9); 1822-3 (1782-4). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 W. Massey : Reign of George III., 1821-2 (1782). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky : Leaders of Public Opinion, 
 1824-5 (1784-5). 
 
 J. A. Hamilton: Daniel O'Connell, 1825 (1785). 
 
 5. Pakty Divisions: 
 
 R. Burnet: Hist, of My Own Time, 3772 (3651). 
 
 R. Chambers: Annals of Scotland, 3772-3(3652). 
 
 D. Hume: History of England, 930 (903). 
 
 I. Jennings : The Croker Papers, 518 (504). 
 
 6. The Great Reform of Representation 
 (a. d. 1830-2) : 
 
 W. Heaton: Three Reforms of Parliament, 980-2 
 (953-5). 
 
 Sir T. E. May: Const. Hist., 982-3 (955-6). 
 
 J. N. Lamed : Europe, 1126 (1098). 
 
 7. Suppression of Slave Trade ; Abolition 
 of Colonial Slavery (a. d. 1792-1833). 
 
 C. P. Lucas : British Colonies, 3003 (2925), 3006 
 (2928). 
 
 L. Herstlet : Treaties and Conventions, 3003 
 (2925). 
 
 J. McCarthy: Epoch of Reform, 983 (956). 
 
 8. The Oxford, or Tractarian Movement 
 (1833-) : 
 
 II. O. Wakeman : Religion in England, 2459-60 
 (2407-8). 
 
 S. Walpole: History of England, 2460 (2408). 
 
 9. Commercial Supremacy ; Free Trade Agi- 
 tation : 
 
 H. deB. Gibbins: British Commerce, 3230-1 
 (3719-20). 
 
 A. J. Wilson: British Trade, 3231-2 (3720-1). 
 
 A. L. Bowley . Foreign Trade, 3232 (3721). 
 
 H. Ashworth: Recollections of Cobden, 3152-3 
 (3068-9). 
 
 John Morley: Life of Cobden, 3156-7 (3072-3). 
 
 10. Factory Legislation : 
 
 G. Howell: Conflicts of Capital and Labor, 1133-4 
 (1105-6). 
 
 C. D. Wright: Factory Legislation, 1134 (1106). 
 
 11. Accession and Marriage of Queen Vic- 
 toria (a. d. 1837, 1840) : 
 
 A. H. McCalman : History of England, 984 (957). 
 
 J. McCarthy: Sir Robert Peel, 985 (958). 
 
 : Hist, of Our Own Times, 988-9 (959-60). 
 
 12. The Chartist Agitation (a. d. 1838-48): 
 
 C. Knight: History of England, 987 (960). 
 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 987-8 
 (960-1). 
 
 J. F. Bright: History of England, 990 (963). 
 
 13. The Opium War (a. d. 1839-42): 
 
 S. Walpole: England from 1815, 435-7 (421-3). 
 
 C. Knight: History of England, 437 (423). 
 
 S. W. Williams: The Middle Kingdom, 437 
 (423). 
 
 14. Adoption of Penny Postage (a. d. 1840) : 
 
 C. Knight: History of England, 988 (961). 
 
 W. N. Molesworth : Hist, of England, 988 (961). 
 
 15. Affairs in Ireland (a. d. 1840-1850) : 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1130-1 (1102-3). 
 
 (а) Agitation for Repeal of the Union. 
 
 Sir C. G. Duffy: Irish History, 1825-7 (1785-7). 
 
 E. Lawless: The Story of Ireland, 1827-9 
 (1787-9). 
 
 (б) The Maynootli Or ant. 
 
 S. Walpole: History of England, 1829-30 (1790). 
 (c) The Great Famine (a. d. 1845-7). 
 
 A. M. Sullivan: New Ireland, 1830-1 (1790-1). 
 
 L. Levi: British Commerce, 1831 (1791). 
 
 Sir R. Blennerhassett: Ireland, 1832 (1792). 
 
 T. P. O’Connor: The Parnell Movement, 1832 
 (1792). 
 
 16. Bank of England ; Charter Act of 
 1844: 
 
 T. B. Macaulay: History of England, 2253^4 
 (2209-10). 
 
 W. Bagehot: Lombard Street, 2254-5 (2210-11). 
 W. C. Taylor: Sir Robert Peel, 2260 (2216). 
 
 F. C. Montague: Life of Peel, 2260-1 (2216-17). 
 
 17. Repeal of the Corn Laws (a. d. 1846); 
 Perfected Free Trade: 
 
 F. G. Montague: Sir Robert Peel, 3157-8 (3073-4). 
 L. Levi: Hist, of British Commerce, 3158-9 
 (3074-5). 
 
 H. Martineau: History of Thirty Years' Peace, 
 3159 (3075). 
 
 W. N. Molesworth : History of England, 2293-4 
 (2245-6). 
 
 J. McCarthy : Epoch of Reform, 3160 (3076). 
 
 A. Mongredien: Free Trade Movement, 3160-1 
 (3076-7). 
 
 18. Overthrow of Peel; Advent of Disraeli 
 (a. d. 1846) • 
 
 J. McCarthy : Epoch of Reform, 989 (962). 
 
 J. A. Froude: Lord Beaconsfield, 989-90(982-3). 
 
 19. Civil Service Reform (a. d. 1853-5) : 
 
 D. B. Eaton: Civil Service in Great Britain, 
 489-90 (475-6). 
 
 20. The Crimean War (a. d. 1853-6): 
 
 S. Walpole: Foreign Relations, 2848-9 (2774-5). 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 2849-50 
 (2775-6). 
 
 J. F. Bright: Hist, of England, 2850-1 (2776-7). 
 W. N. Molesworth: England, 2851-2(2777-8). 
 
 21. Anglo-French War with China (a. d. 
 1856-60) : 
 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 439-41 
 (425-7). 
 
 22. Sepoy Mutiny in India (a. d. 1857-1858): 
 W. W. Hunter : Brief Hist, of Indian People, 
 
 1779 (1740) 
 
 Lord Lawrence: Speech, 1779-80 (1740-1). 
 
 II. S. Cunningham: Earl Canning, 1780 (1741). 
 Sir O. T. Burne: Clyde and Strathnairn, 1780-2 
 (1741-3). 
 
 J. T. Wheeler: Short History, 1782-3 (1743-4). 
 
 R. B. Smith: Lord Lawrence, 1783-4 (1744-5). 
 W. N. Molesworth: Hist, of England, 1784-5 
 (1745-6). 
 
 S Walpole: History of England, 1785-6 (1746-7). 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 1786 
 (1747). 
 
 23. Attitude toward the American Civil 
 War (a. d. 1861-5): 
 
 The Queen’s Proclamation of Neutrality, 3544 
 (3428). 
 
 Proclamation of President Lincoln, 3544 (3428). 
 The Case of the United States at Geneva, 3544-5 
 (3428-9). 
 
 J. Jay : The Great Conspiracy, 3545 (3429). 
 
 J. Watts : Facts of the Cotton Famine, 993^4 
 (966-7). 
 
 24. Further Parliamentary Reform (a. d. 
 1865-8): 
 
 A. H. McCalman: History of England, 994-5 
 (967-8). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 B. C. 3kottowe ; History of Parliament, 995-6 
 (968-9). 
 
 D. W. Rannie: The English Constitution, 996 
 (969). 
 
 R. Wilson, Queen Victoria, 997 (970). 
 
 25. Mr. Gladstone’s First Irish Measures 
 (a. d. 1868-70) : 
 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 996-7 
 (969-70). 
 
 26. Treaty of Washington ; Geneva Arbi- 
 tration (a. d. 1869-72) : 
 
 B. J. Lossing: The Civil War, 30-1 (23—4). 
 
 Case of the U. S. Before Tribunal of Arbitra- 
 tion, 31 (24). 
 
 C. Cushing: The Treaty of Washington, 34(27); 
 35-6 (28-9). 
 
 Treaties and Conventions between U. S. and 
 Other Powers, 34-5 (27-8). 
 
 27. Irish Politics; The Home Rule Party; 
 Parnell; Coercion. — Phoenix Park Mur- 
 ders (a. d. 1873-1882). 
 
 J. H. McCarthy : Irish History, 1835-6(1795-6). 
 
 : England Under Gladstone, 1836-7 (1797). 
 
 Summaries from The Times, 1837 (1797). 
 
 W. M. Pimblett: Political History, 1837—8 (1798). 
 Cassell’s History of England, 1838 (1798). 
 
 28. England in South Africa (a. d. 1877-81) : 
 A. Trollope: South Africa, 3039-40 (2961-2). 
 
 J. H. McCarthy : England Under Gladstone, 
 
 3040-02 (2962-4). 
 
 J. F. Bright: Hist, of England, 3042-3 (2964-5). 
 J. S. Keltie: Partition of Africa, 3043-5 (2967). 
 
 29. The War in Egypt (a. d. 1882-): 
 
 J. C. McCoan : Egypt, 788-9 (761-2). 
 
 H. Vogt: The Egyptian War, 790-2 (763-5). 
 
 J. E. Bowen: Conflict in Egypt, 792-4 (765-7). 
 A. E. Hake : Story of “ Chinese” Gordon, 794-5, 
 (767-8). 
 
 30. The Partition of Africa (a. d. 1884-91) : 
 A. S. White: Development of Africa, 21-3 (17-19). 
 
 31. TnE Third Reform Bill (a. d. 1884-5): 
 W. Heaton : Three Reforms of Parliament, 999- 
 
 1000 (972-3). 
 
 R. Gneist: Parliament in Transformation, 1000 
 (973). 
 
 W. A. Holdsworth: New Reform Act, 1005(978). 
 Text of Third Reform Act, 1884, 1000-1004 
 (973-7). 
 
 32. Gladstone’s Home Rule Bill for Ire- 
 land (a. d. 1885-6): 
 
 G. B. Smith: Prime Ministers of Queen Victoria, 
 1005 (978). 
 
 P. W. Clayden: England Under the Coalition, 
 1005-7 (978-80) ; 1839-40 (1799-1800). 
 
 J. Bryce : The Irish Question, 1838-9 (1798-9). 
 R. Johnston: The Queen’s Reign, 1840 (1800). 
 
 33. Retirement of Gladstone (a. d. 1892-4): 
 Irish Home Rule Bill, 1007-8 (980-1). 
 
 Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister, Vol. VI., 
 203-4. 
 
 34. Venezuela Boundary Dispute (a. d. 1895): 
 (See Study XLVI.) 
 
 35. Diamond Jubilee of the Queen (a. d. 
 1897): 
 
 The Message of the Queen to her Subjects, Vol. 
 VI., 207-8. 
 
 COURSES FOR STU l b’ 
 
 36. Death of Gladstone (May 19, V J): 
 Tributes of Lords Salisbury and Rose ,ery, and 
 
 Mr. Balfour, Vol. VI., 209-10. 
 
 “The most distinguished political name of the cen- 
 tury has been withdrawn from the roll of Englishmen.” 
 
 Lord Salisbury.' 
 
 “This country, this nation, loves brave men. Mr. 
 Gladstone was the bravest of the brave. There was no 
 cause so hopeless that he was afraid to undertake it; 
 there was no amount of opposition that would cowe 
 him when once he had undertaken it.” Lord Rose- 
 bery. 
 
 37. The Great Boer War (a. d. 1899-1902): 
 [The treatment of this subject in volumes VI. and 
 
 VII. of History for Ready Reference covers sixty-five 
 of its large double-column pages (456-517 in Vol. 6 and 
 620-624 in Vol. 7), and is the most complete statement 
 of all the causes that led up to that conflict that can be 
 found in any work. The scope of these Studies does not 
 admit of a detailed analysis of this material, nor is such 
 an analysis necessary; as all the despatches, State 
 papers, and descriptive matter are arranged in such an 
 orderly manner, under the general head of “ South Af- 
 rica,” that one needs no aid in studying the subject.] 
 
 38. Death of Queen Victoria (Jan. 28, 1901): 
 Detailed Account of her last illness, Vol. VI., 
 
 212-13. 
 
 Tributes of leading Statesmen, Vol. VI., 213-16. 
 
 “ The simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this 
 realm, in that she could never fail, because it arose 
 from her inherent sense of the fitness of things. It was 
 no trapping put on for office, and therefore it was that 
 this dignity, this Queenly dignity, only served to throw 
 into a brighter light those admirable virtues of the 
 wife, the mother, and the woman, with which she was 
 so richly endowed.” A. J. Balfour, Leader of the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 “ But have you realized what the personal weight of 
 the late Queen was in the councils of the world ? She 
 was by far the senior of all the European Sovereigns. 
 The German Emperor was her grandson by birth. The 
 Emperor of Russia was her grandson by marriage. She 
 had reigned eleven years when the Emperor of Austria 
 came to his throne. She had seen two dynasties pass 
 from the throne of France. She had seen, as Queen, 
 three Monarchs' of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the 
 House of Savoy in Italy. . . . Can we not realize, then, 
 what a force the personal influence of such a Sovereign 
 was in the troubled councils of Europe? And when, 
 as we know, that influence was always given for pence, 
 for freedom, and for good government, we feel that 
 not merely ourselves but all the world has lost one of 
 its best friends.” Lord Rosebery. 
 
 39. Victorian Age in Literature: 
 
 J. McCarthy: Literature of t^e Victorian Reign, 
 985 (958). 
 
 R. Garnett: Reign of Queen Victoria, 986 (959). 
 G. L. Craik: Hist, of Eng. Literature, 986(959). 
 J. A. Symonds: Elizabethan and Victorian Po- 
 etry, 986-7 (959-60). 
 
 T. D. Robb: Elizabethan Drama and Victorian 
 Novel, 987 (960). 
 
 * See important note at head of Study /. 
 
 * STUDY XLIII. 
 
 FRANCE FROM THE FALL OF NA- 
 POLEON TO A. D. 1910 . 
 
 1. Treaty of Paris; New Boundaries (a. d. 
 1814): 
 
 II. Martin: Hist, of France, 1391-2 (1358-9). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1392 (1359). 
 
 2. Congress of Vienna (a. d. 1814): 
 
 C. A. Fyffe- Modern Europe, 3745-7 (3625-6). 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 3747 (3626). 
 
 3. The Holy Alliance (a. d. 1815—): 
 
 M. E. G. Duff: European Politics, 1697 (1658). 
 E. Hertslet: Europe by Treaty, 1697 (1658). 
 
 794 
 
)L IISES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 W. R. Ti . : Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 1607-8 ( j8-9). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1124 (1096). 
 
 4. Restok :d Monarchy; Louis XVIII (a. d. 
 1815-24): 
 
 J. H. Rose: Century of Continental History, 
 1401 (1368). 
 
 5. Congress of Verona (a. d. 1822): 
 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 3741 (3621). 
 
 F. II. Hill: George Canning, 3741 (3621). 
 li. Bell. Life of Canning, 3741-2 (3621-2). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 112^5 (1096-7). 
 
 6. French Invasion ok Spain: 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 3094-6 (3012-14) . 
 
 7. Charles X; Revolution of 1830; Louis 
 Philippe (a. d. 1824-1830): 
 
 J. H. Rose: Century of Continental History, 
 1401-2 (1368-9); 1402 (1369). 
 
 T. W. Knox: Decisive Battles, 1645-6 (1607-8). 
 W. Muller: Political History, 1402-3 (1369-70). 
 
 8. Revolt of Belgium (a. d. 1830-2). 
 
 S. Walpole: England from 1815,2348-50 (2302). 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 2350 (2302). 
 
 9. Conquest of Algiers (a. d. 1830-) . 
 
 T. W. Knox : Decisive Battles, 275 (266). 
 
 T. Wright: History of France, 275-6 (266-7). 
 
 J. II. Morell : Algeria, 276-7 (267-8). 
 
 10. Revolution of 1848: 
 
 J. Macdonnell: France since the First Empire, 
 1404 (1371). 
 
 R. Mackenzie : The Nineteenth Century, 1404-5 
 (1371-2). 
 
 11. Second Republic; Louis Napoleon: 
 
 N. W. Senior: Journals, 1405-6 (1372-3). 
 
 E. S. Cayley : Revolution of 1848, 1406-8 (1373-5). 
 
 12. French Intervention at Rome (a. d. 1849): 
 W. Muller: Political History, 1901-3 (1861-3). 
 W. R. Thayer: Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 
 1903 (1863). 
 
 13. The Coup d’etat of 1851: 
 
 A. W. Kinglake : Invasion of the Crimea, 1408-10 
 (1375-7). 
 
 H. Murdock: Reconstruction of Europe, 1410-11 
 (1377-8). 
 
 14. The Second Empire Ordained (a. d. 
 1851-2): 
 
 H. Martin: Hist, of France, 1411-12 (1378-9). 
 
 15. Crimean War; Peace Congress of Paris; 
 “Declaration of Paris” (a. d. 1853-1856): 
 
 S. Walpole: Foreign Relations, 2848-9 (2774-5); 
 2853-5 (2779-81). 
 
 J. McCarthy: Our Own Times, 2849-50 (2775-6). 
 J. F. Bright: Hist, of England, 2850-1 (2776-7). 
 W. N. Molesworth: England, 2851-2 (2777-8). 
 E. Schuyler : American Diplomacy, 675-6(652-3). 
 
 16. Alliance with Sardinia ; War with Aus- 
 tria (a. d. 1859): 
 
 J. W. Probyn : Italy, 1815-1890, 1903-5 (1863-5). 
 H. Murdock: The Reconstruction of Europe, 
 1905-6 (1865-6). 
 
 17. With the English in China (a. d. 
 1856-60) : 
 
 J. McCarthy : Our Own Times, 439-41 (425-7). 
 
 18. The Cobden-Chevalier Commercial 
 Treaty (a. d. 1860): 
 
 C. F . Bastable : The Commerce of Nations, 3161 
 (3077). 
 
 L. Levi: Treaties of Commerce, 3161-2 (3077-8). 
 
 19. The French in Mexico (a. d. 1861-7): 
 
 A. H. Noll: History of Mexico, 2221, first col- 
 umn (2177). 
 
 J. McCarthy : History of Our Own Times, 2221-2 
 (2177-8). 
 
 20. French Withdrawal from Rome: 
 
 G. S. Godkin: Victor Emmanuel II., 1906-8 
 (1866-8). 
 
 J. Marriott: Modern Italy, 1908-9 (1868-9). 
 
 21. Declaration of War against Prussia 
 (a. d. 1870): 
 
 E. B. Washburne: Recollections, 1413 (1380-1). 
 
 W. Maurenbrecher: The German Empire, 
 1413-14. 
 
 22. Disasters of the War; Sedan: 
 
 W. Muller: Political History, 1414-15 (1381-2). 
 
 G. Hooper: Campaign of Sedan, 1415 (1382). 
 
 W. O’C. Morris - Sedan, 1415-16 (1382-3). 
 
 H. M. Hozier: Franco Prussian War, 1416-17 
 (1383-4). 
 
 E. W. Latimer: France in the 19th Century, 1418 
 (1384^5). 
 
 German Official Account, 1418 (1385). 
 
 23. Collapse of the Empire (a. d. 1870) : 
 
 H. Vizetelly: Paris in Peril, 1418-19 (1385-6). 
 
 E. Simon: Emperor William, 1419-20 (1386-7). 
 
 24. Capitulation of Paris ; Treaty of 
 Frankfort (a. d. 1871) : 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 1420-2 (1387-9). 
 
 H. Murdock: Reconstruction of Europe, 1422 
 (1389). 
 
 C. Lowe: Prince Bismarck, 1422-3 (1389-90). 
 
 25. The Commune; Second Siege of Paris 
 (a. d. 1871): 
 
 H. Martin • History of France, 1423-4 (1390-1). 
 
 G. L. Dickinson: Revolution and Reaction, 
 1424-5 (1391-2). 
 
 26. Establishment of the Third Republic 
 (a. d. 1871-6): 
 
 P. de Remusat: Thiers, 1425 (1392). 
 
 G. M. Towle: Modern France, 1425-7 (1392-4). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1129 (1101). 
 
 Text of the Constitution of the Third Republic, 
 558-67 (538-47). 
 
 27. Strengthening of Constitutional Gov- 
 ernment (a. d. 1875-89): 
 
 V. Duruy : History of France, 1427-9 (1394-6). 
 
 The Assassination of President Carnot, 1429 
 (1396). 
 
 Census of the Republic (1896), Yol. VI., 225. 
 
 28. Conquests in Cochin-China : 
 
 V. Duruy: History of France, 1428 (1395). 
 
 A. H. Keane: Eastern Geography, 3201 (3115). 
 
 t. Reclus: Asia, 3201-2 (3115-16). 
 
 29. The Panama Canal Scandal • 
 
 L. F. Vernon-Harcourt: Achievements in Engi- 
 neering, 2474 (2415). 
 
 Quarterly Reg. of Current History, 2475 (2416). 
 
 P. de Coubertin: The Evolution of France, 2475 
 (2416). 
 
 30. The Dreyfus Affair: 
 
 Sir G. Lushington: Full detailed Review, Vol. 
 VI., 225-33. 
 
 31. The Regulation of Religious Orders 
 (a. d. 1901): 
 
 M. Waldeck-Rousseau: A Bill on Associations, 
 Vol. VI., 236-8. 
 
 795 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 Text of the Principal Sections of the Bill, Vol. 
 
 VI. , 238. 
 
 Closing of unauthorized Schools, Vol. VII., 275. 
 
 32. Separation of Church and State (a. d. 
 1905-1907) : 
 
 J. Legrand : Church and State in France, Vol. 
 
 VII. , 275-6. 
 
 J. A. Bain : The New Reformation, Vol. VII., 
 276-7. 
 
 R. Wallier: Le VingtiOme Sificle Politique, Vol. 
 VII., 277-8. 
 
 F. W. Parsons : Separation of Church and State, 
 Vol. VII., 278-9. 
 
 O. Guerlac: Separation of Church and State, 
 Vol. VII., 281-2. 
 
 J. F. Boyd: French Ecclesiastical Revolution, 
 Vol. VII., 282-3. 
 
 S. Dewey : The Year [1906] in France, Vol. VII., 
 283. 
 
 F. Klein: Present Difficulties of the Church, 
 Vol. VII., 284. 
 
 Papal Encyclical Vehementer Nos, Vol. VII., 
 472-4. 
 
 33. The Morocco Question ; Conference at 
 Algeciras (a. d. 1904-1906) : 
 
 Text of the Anglo-French Agreements of 1904, 
 Vol. VII., 249-50. 
 
 A. Tardieu : France and the Alliances, Vol. VII., 
 249, 252-3. 
 
 British Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 1952, April, 
 1904), 251-2. 
 
 W. C. Dreher : The Year [1906] in Germany, 
 Vol. VII., 253. 
 
 B. Meakin : The Algeciras Conference, Vol. 
 VII., 254. 
 
 34. Political Parties in France (a. d. 1906- 
 1909): 
 
 R. Dell: France, England and Mr. Bodley, Vol. 
 VII., 280. 
 
 S. Dewey: The Year [1906] in France, Vol. 
 VII., 281. 
 
 35. Labor Organization in France : 
 
 The London Times: The Syndicalist Movement, 
 Vol. VII., 376-8. 
 
 : Strike of Government Employes (1909), 
 
 378-80. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XLIY. 
 
 GERMANY. 
 
 I. In Roman Times (b. c. 12-a. d. 752): 
 Tacitus: Germany, 1462-3 (1429-30). 
 
 C. Merivale: Hist, of the Romans, 1463^1 
 (1430-1). 
 
 T. Smith : Arminius, 1464-5 (1431-2). 
 
 T. Mommsen : Hist, of Rome, 42 (35). 
 
 W. C. Perry: The Franks, 1430-1 (1397-98), 
 1432-3 (1399-1400). 
 
 J. N. Larned- Europe, 1043-4 (1015-6). 
 
 J. B. Bury: The Later Roman Empire, 2805 
 (2731). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Chief Periods, European Hist., 
 2805-6 (2731-2). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: Hist, of Civilization, 2806 (2732). 
 
 G. B. Adams: Civilization, Middle Ages, 2807 
 (2733). 
 
 2. Mediaeval Germany; Charlemagne’s Em- 
 pire, and After (a. d. 768-). 
 
 R. W. Church: Beginnings of the Middle Ages, 
 1434 (1401). 
 
 E. Emerton : Introduction to the Middle Ages, 
 1434-5 (1401-2). 
 
 J. Bryce: The Holy Roman Empire, 1435 (1402), 
 1436-8 (1403-5). 
 
 H. H. Milman: Hist, of Latin Christianity, 1468 
 (1437). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Historical Geography' of Europe, 
 1469 (1438). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1470 (1439), 1481 
 (1448). 
 
 L. von Ranke: Reformation in Germany, 1471-2 
 (1440-1). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1050 (1022), 1053-5 
 (1025-7). 
 
 M. Creighton : Hist, of the Papacy, 2492-3 
 (2432-3). 
 
 I. Jastrow : Geschichte des deutschen Einheits- 
 traumes, 1477-8 (1445). 
 
 U. Balzani: The Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
 1478 (1445). 
 
 O. Browning: Guelphs and Ghibellines, 1478-9 
 (1445-6). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Sketch of European Hist., 1479 
 (1446). 
 
 : Emperor Frederick II., 1479-80 (1446-7). 
 
 3. Under the House of Austria (a. d. 1272- 
 
 } 1519): 
 
 J. Bryce- The Holy Roman Empire, 1481-2 
 (1448-9). 
 
 W. Coxe: The House of Austria, 206 (199). 
 
 Sir R. Comyn: Hist, of Western Empire, 206-7 
 (199-200), 1482-3 (1449-50). 
 
 V. Duruy : Hist, of the Middle Ages, 208 (201). 
 
 H. Hallam: The Middle Ages, 1485-6 (1452-3). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1083-4 (1055-6). 
 
 L. von Ranke: Latin and Teutonic Nations, 
 210-12 (203-5). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Hist, of Modern Europe, 1490-1 
 (1457-8). 
 
 4. Rise of Brandenburg and Prussia; The 
 Hohenzollerns (a. d. 1142-1688): 
 
 T. Carlyle: Friedrich II., called the Great, 316- 
 17 (306-7), 1696 (1657). 
 
 H. Tuttle: Hist, of Prussia, 317-18 (307-8). 
 
 L. von Ranke: House of Brandenburg, 1486-7 
 (1453-4). 
 
 C. F. Johnstone: Historical Abstracts, 318 (308). 
 
 G. B. Malleson: Battle fields of Germany, 319- 
 20 (309-10). 
 
 5. Luther and the Reformation (a. d. 1517— 
 1600) : 
 
 (See Study XXIV.) 
 
 6. The Thirty Years War (a. d. 1618-1648): 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1099-1101 (1071-3). 
 
 G. B. Malleson: Battle-fields of Germany, 1504-5 
 (1471-2). 
 
 J. Mitchell: Life of Wallenstein, 1505-6(1472-3). 
 
 C. T. Lewis: Hist, of Germany, 1507-8 (1474-5). 
 
 F. Schiller: The Thirty Years War, 1508 (1475). 
 
 R. C. Trench: Gustavus Adolphus, 1517—18 
 
 (1484-5). 
 
 A. Gindely: The Thirty Years War, 1518-9 
 (1485-6) 
 
 II. von Treitsclike: Deutsche Geschichte, 1521-2. 
 
 7. Wars of the 18tii Century; Frederick 
 the Great (a. d. 1701-1763). 
 
 Lord Macaulay : Essays, 1524 (1490). 
 
 796 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 H. von Sybel: Founding of the German Empire, 
 1525 (1491). 
 
 (a) War of the Spanish Succession. 
 
 Lord Macaulay: Essays, 3073 (2992). 
 
 C. W. Koch: Revolutions of Europe, 3073^4 
 (2992-3). 
 
 W. Russell: Hist, of Modern Europe, 3712-13 
 (3592-3). 
 
 (b) War of the Austrian Succession. 
 
 W. Coxe: The House of Austria, 218-19 (211-2). 
 Lord Mahon: Hist, of England, 219 (212). 
 Frederick the Great- My Own Times, 220 (213). 
 Lord Macaulay: Essays, 220-1 (213-4). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Friedrich II., 221 (214). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1113 (1085). 
 
 (c) The Seven Years War. 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 951-2 (924-5), 
 2975 (2898). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1114-15 (1086-7). 
 
 T. Carlyle: Friedricli II., 2975-6 (2898-9). 
 Friedrich II. : Posthumous Works, 2976 (2899). 
 
 8. Struggles with Revolutionary France 
 and Napoleon (a. d. 1792-1814): 
 
 C. E. Mallet . The French Revolution, 228-9 
 (221-2). 
 
 R. Lodge: Hist, of Modern Europe, 1308(1275). 
 
 A. Griffiths: French Revolutionary Generals, 
 1308-9 (1275-6). 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 1316-17 (1283^4). 
 A. Alison: Europe, 1324 (1291). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1341-2 (1308-9). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1120-21 (1092-3). 
 
 A. Weir: Historical Basis of Modern Europe, 
 229-31 (222-4). 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 1541-2 (1507-8). 
 J. G. Lockhart - Life of Napoleon, 1542-4(1510). 
 J. R. Seeley: Life and Times of Stein, 1548 
 (1514). 
 
 • Prussian History, 1548-9(1514-5). 
 
 9. The Teutonic Awakening : 
 
 J. R. Seeley: Life of Stein, 1549-51 (1515-17). 
 
 H. Martin : Hist, of France, 1555-6 (1521-2). 
 
 W. Menzel : Hist, of Germany, 1556 (1522). 
 
 10. The Germanic Confederation (a. d. 
 1814-20): 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 3745-7 (3624-6). 
 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 3747 (3626). 
 
 M. E. G. Duff : European Politics, 1565-6 
 (1531-2). 
 
 11. Tendencies toward Union ; The Zoll- 
 verein : 
 
 G. Krause: Growth of German Unity, 1566 
 (1532). 
 
 Bruno-Gebhart: German History, 1566 (3775). 
 W. Maurenbrecher : The German Empire, 1567 
 (3775). 
 
 The Edinburgh Review : The Zollverein, 3155-6 
 (3071-2). 
 
 12. Revolutionary Movements (a. d. 1848): 
 
 B. Taylor: Hist, of Germany, 1567-8 (1532-3). 
 
 E. S. Cayley: Revolutions of 1848, 1568-9(1534). 
 J. Sime. Hist, of Germany, 235(228). 
 
 J. H. Rose: Centurv of Continental History, 
 235-7 (228-30). 
 
 E. L. Godkin: Hist, of Hungary, 1722 (1683-5). 
 
 C. M. Yonge : Landmarks of History, 1724 (1685). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1126-7 (1098-9). 
 
 13. Reaction ; Failure of Movement for 
 Unity (a. d. 1848-50): 
 
 W. Muller : Political History, 1569-71 (1534-6). 
 
 T. S. Fay: The Three Germanys, 1571-2 (1537). 
 
 F. H. Geffcken: Unity of Germany, 237 (230). 
 M. E. G. Duff: European Politics, 237-8 (231). 
 
 14. Schleswig-Holstein Question (a. d. 1848- 
 62): 
 
 S. Walpole: Life of Lord John Russell, 2908-9 
 (2833-4). 
 
 Sir A. Alison: Hist, of Europe, 2909 (2834). 
 
 15. William I. and Bismarck; “Blood and 
 Iron” (a. d. 1861): 
 
 W. Maurenbrecher: Founding of the German 
 State, 1572-3 (3777-9). 
 
 A. Forbes: William of Germany, 1574^5 (1539). 
 
 “It is a fact, the great self-assertion of individuality 
 among us makes constitutional government very hard in 
 Prussia. . . . We are perhaps too ‘ cultured ’ to tolerate 
 a constitution ; we are too critical ; the ability to pass 
 judgment on measures of the government or acts of 
 the legislature is too universal ; there is a large num- 
 ber of 1 Catilinarian Characters ’ in the land whose 
 chief interest is in revolutions. People are too sensitive 
 about the faults of government. . . Our blood is too 
 hot, we are fond of wearing an armor too large for our 
 small body; now let us utilize it. . . . Prussia must 
 consolidate its might and hold it together for the favor- 
 able moment, which has been allowed to pass unheeded 
 several times. Prussia’s boundaries, as determined by 
 the Congress of Vienna, are not conducive to its 
 wholesome existence as a sovereign state. Not by 
 speeches and resolutions of majorities the mighty 
 problems of the age are solved — that was the mis- 
 take of 1848 and 1849 — but by Blood and Iron.” 
 
 Bismarck. 
 
 16. Formation of the Social Democratic 
 Party (a. d. 1862-4) : 
 
 L. J. Huff ; Ferdinand Lasalle, 3027-8 (2950). 
 
 R. T. Ely: French and German Socialism, 3028 
 (2950). 
 
 17. The Seven Weeks War (a. d. 1866): 
 
 S. Baring-Gould : Story of Germany, 239 (232). 
 W. Zimmermann : Hist, of Germany, 1577 (1541). 
 H. von Sybel: Founding of the German Empire 
 
 1577 (1541). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1128-9 (1100-01). 
 
 18. Completion of Germanic Confederation 
 (a. d. 1866-70): 
 
 G. Krause: Growth of German Unity, 1577-9 
 (1541-3). 
 
 E. Simon: The Emperor William, 1579 (1543). 
 
 19. “The Hohenzollern Incident” ; War 
 with France (a. d. 1870) 
 
 E. B. Washburne: Recollections, 1413(1380-1). 
 W. Maurenbrecher: Founding of the German 
 State, 1413-14. 
 
 W. Muller: Political History, 1414-15 (1381-2). 
 W. O’C. Morris : Campaign of Sedan, 1415-16 
 (1382-3). 
 
 H. M. Hozier: Franco-Prussian War, 1416-17 
 (1383-4). 
 
 E. W. Latimer: France in the 19th Century, 
 1417-18 (1384-5). 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern History, 1420-2 (1387-9). 
 H. Murdock: Reconstruction of Europe, 1422 
 (1389). 
 
 C. Lowe: Prince Bismarck, 1422-3 (1389-90). 
 
 20. King William becomes Emperor (a. d. 
 1871): 
 
 A. Forbes: William of Germany, 1579-80 (1544). 
 R. Rodd: Frederick, Crown Prince, 1580 (1544). 
 
 21. The Constitution of the New Empire : 
 Proclamation by the Emperor, April 16, 1871, 
 
 1580 (1544). 
 
 Text of the Constitution, 567-75 (547-54). 
 
 797 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 22. Establishment ok Uniform Gold Coinage 
 (a. d. 1871-3): 
 
 J. L. Laughlin: History of Bimetallism, 2264-5 
 (2220-1). 
 
 23. Government op Alsace-Lorraine: 
 
 C. Lowe: Prince Bismarck, 1580-1 (1544-5). 
 
 24. The Culturkampf : 
 
 J.N. Murphy: The Chair of Peter, 1581-2(1546). 
 
 S. Baring-Gould : Germany, 1582 (1546). 
 
 C. Bulle: History of Our Time, 2542-3(3779-91). 
 The Political Speeches of Prince Bismarck, 
 2543-6 (3781-4). 
 
 “ There is therefore great importance for the German 
 Empire in the character that is given to our diplomatic 
 relations with the head of the Roman Church, wielding, 
 as he does, an influence in this country unusually ex- 
 tensive for a foreign potentate. I scarcely believe, 
 considering the spirit dominant at present in the lead- 
 ing circles of the Catholic Church, that any Ambassa- 
 dor of the German Empire could succeed ... by per- 
 suasion in exerting an influence to bring about a 
 modification of the position assumed by His Holiness 
 the Pope toward things secular. The dogmas of the 
 Catholic Church recently announced and publicly pro- 
 mulgated make it impossible for any secular power to 
 come to an understanding with the Church without 
 its own effacement, which the German Empire, at least, 
 cannot accept. Have no fear; we shall not go to Can- 
 ossa, either in body or in spirit.” Bismarck. 
 
 25. Adoption of the Protective Policy: 
 
 H. Villard : German Tariff Policy, 3162-3 (3079). 
 C. F. Bastable : Commerce of Nations, 3166 (3082). 
 
 26. Increasing Strength of Socialistic 
 Parties : 
 
 £. de Laveleye: Socialism of To-day, 3031-2 
 (2953-4). 
 
 R. T. Ely : French and German Socialism, 3032 
 (2954). 
 
 J. Rae: Contemporary Socialism, 3032 (2954). 
 
 W. H. Dawson : German Socialism, 3032-3 (2955). 
 
 . Bismarck and State Socialism, 3033-4 
 
 (2955-6). 
 
 27. Accession of William II. (a. d. 1888); 
 Rupture with Bismarck : 
 
 The Times: Eminent Persons, 1582 (1546). 
 Fortnightly Review: Change of Gov’t in Ger 
 many, 1583 (1547). 
 
 Hans Blum: The German Empire, 1583-4 (1548). 
 
 28. German Colonization in Africa: 
 
 A. S. White: Development of Africa, 21-3 (19). 
 
 29. Organization of the German Empire: 
 
 I. Jastrow: Geschichte des deutschen Einheits- 
 traumes, 1584-6 (3785-7). 
 
 Diplomatic Reports: Tariff Changes, Vol. VI., 
 239-40; Vol. VII., 639-40. 
 
 30. The Emperor and the Social Democrats 
 (a. d. 1894-5). 
 
 Speeches of the Emperor, Vol. VI., 240-1. 
 
 “ You have, my children, sworn allegiance to me. That 
 means that you have given yourselves to me body and 
 soul. You have only one enemy, and that is my enemy. 
 With the present socialist agitation, I may order you — 
 which God forbid !— to shoot down your brothers, and 
 even your parents, and then you must obey me without 
 a murmur.” The Emperor, to the Foot Guards. 
 
 “ Even the word 1 opposition ’ has reached my ears. 
 Gentlemen, an Opposition of Prussian noblemen, di- 
 rected against their King, is a monstrosity. . . . 1, in my 
 turn, like my imperial grandfather, hold my Kingship 
 as by the grace of God. ... To you, gentlemen, I ad- 
 dress my summons to the fight for religion, morality, 
 and order against the parties of revolution. Even as the 
 ivy winds round the gnarled oak, and, while adorning 
 it with its leaves, protects it when storms are raging 
 through its topmost branches, so does the nobility of 
 Prussia close round my house. May it, and with it, the 
 
 whole nobility of the German nation, become a brilliant 
 example to those sections of the people who still hesi- 
 tate. Let us enter into this struggle together. Forward 
 with God, and dishonor to him who deserts his King.” 
 Emperor William if. 
 
 31. The Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal: 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports, Vol. VI., 241. 
 
 32. TnE Agrarian Protectionists: 
 
 Annual Register, Vol. VI., 242. 
 
 T. Burtli: Political Germany, Vol. VI., 242-3. 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports Sugar Bounties, Vol. 
 VI., 243, Vol. VII., 635. 
 
 33. German Action in China (a. d. 1897-): 
 Naval Expeditions to China, Vol.VI., 244. 
 
 U. S. Bureau of Statistics. Seizure of Kiao- 
 Cliau, Vol. VI., 80. 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol VI., 
 80-1, 85. 
 
 34. State System of Workingmen’s Insur- 
 ance (a. d. 1897-): 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports, etc.: Vol. VI. 244-5; 
 Vol. VII., 396, 509-11. 
 
 35. Foreign Interests of the German 
 People : 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports, 1899, Vol. VI., 247. 
 
 36. German Colonies and Colonial Policy : 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 
 248. 
 
 W. C. Dreber: The Year [1907] in Germany, 
 Vol. VII., 290-1. 
 
 37. Introduction of the Civil Code (a. d. 
 1900): 
 
 R. Sohm: The Civil Code of Germany, Vol. 
 
 VI. , 248-9. 
 
 38. Census and Statistics of the Empire 
 (a. d. 1900-1907) : 
 
 W. C, Dreher: Atlantic Monthly, Vol. VI., 
 251—2 
 
 World’s Work, Vol. VI., 252. 
 
 London Times, Vol. VII., 292. 
 
 39. Germanizing the Polish Provinces- 
 
 E. Givskov: Germany and her Subjected Races, 
 Vol. VII., 288-9. 
 
 R. Blennerhassett. The Polish Question, Vol. 
 
 VII. , 293-4. 
 
 40. Present Political Parties ; the Social- 
 ists: 
 
 E. Sellers: August Bebel, Vol. VII.. 289. 
 Election Reports, 1907, 1909, Vol. VII., 291,297. 
 
 41. Chancellor Bulow’s “Bloc”: 
 
 The occasion of the “ Bloc," Vol. VII., 290-2. 
 The Breaking of the “Bloc,” Vol. VII., 295-7. 
 
 42. The Morocco Question: 
 
 The Kaiser’s Speech at Tangier, and after, Vol. 
 VII., 252-5. 
 
 43. The Trials of Editor Harden : 
 
 The Outlook: Summary of Facts. Vol. VII., 
 292-3. 
 
 44. Emperor’s Interview with an English- 
 man: 
 
 Digest of Press reports, Vol. VII., 294-5. 
 
 45. Building of Dreadnoughts; The Naval 
 Programme : 
 
 British Parliament- Debate; Vol. VII. , 701-3. 
 German Reichstag: Speeches, Vol. VII., 705. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 798 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 * STUDY XLV. 
 
 THE UNITED STATES FROM COM- 
 PROMISE OF 1850 TO CLOSE OF THE 
 CIVIL WAR. 
 
 1. Seventeenth Presidential Election 
 (a. d. 1852): 
 
 A. Johnston: American Politics, 3507 (3391). 
 
 G. E. Baker: W. H. Seward, 3507-8 (3391-2). 
 
 E. Stanwood : Presidential Elections, 3508 (3392). 
 
 2. Appearance of Uncle Tom’s Cabin (a. d. 
 1852) : 
 
 J. F. Rhodes: Hist, of the U. S., 3508 (3392). 
 
 C. F. Briggs: Uncle Tomitudes, 3508-9 (3392-3). 
 Mrs. F. T. McCray: Uncle Tom's Cabin, 3509 
 (3393). 
 
 “ It is but nine months since this Iliad of the blacks, 
 as an English reviewer calls 1 Uncle Tom,’ made its ap- 
 pearance among books, and already its sale has ex- 
 ceeded a million of copies; author and publisher have 
 made fortunes out of it. and Mrs. Stowe, who was be- 
 fore unknown, is as familiar a name in all parts of the 
 civilized world as that of Homer or Shakespeare. . . . 
 The book was published on the 20th of last March. . . . 
 and the publishers have paid to the author $20,300 as 
 her share of the profits on the actual cash sales for the 
 first nine months. But it is in England where Uncle 
 Tom has made his deepest mark. . . . We know of 
 twenty rival editions in England and Scotland, and 
 that millions of copies have been produced. . . . Uncle 
 Tom was not long in making his w-ay across the British 
 Channel, and four rival editions are claiming the atten- 
 tion of the Parisians, one under the title of ‘lePfere 
 Tom,’ and another ‘ la Case de l’Oucle Tom.’” C. F. 
 Briggs, in Putnam's Magazine, January, 1853. 
 
 “Of translations into different languages there are 
 nineteen, viz: Armenian, one; Bohemian, one; Flemish, 
 one; French, eight distinct versions, and two dramas; 
 German, five distinct versions, and four abridgments; 
 Hungarian, one complete version, one for children, and 
 one versified abridgment; Illyrian, two distinct ver- 
 sions; Italian, one; Polish, two distinct versions; Portu- 
 guese, one; Roman, or modern Greek, one; Russian, 
 two distinct versions; Spanish, six distinct versions; 
 Swedish, one; Wallachian, two distinct versions; 
 Welsh, three distinct versions.” Mrs. F. T. McCray. 
 
 3. Kansas-Nebraska Bill; “ Squatter Sov- 
 ereignty ” (a. d. 1854) : 
 
 G. E. Baker: W. H. Seward, 3509-10 (3393-4). 
 
 S. A. Douglas: Treatise Upon the Constitution, 
 3510-11 (3394-5). 
 
 B. Tuckerman : William Jay, 3511 (3395). 
 
 4. Birth of the Republican Party (a. d 
 1854): 
 
 H. Wilson : The Slave Power, 3511-12 (3395-6). 
 Nicolay and Hay: Abraham Lincoln, 3512(3396). 
 
 5. Struggle for Kansas: 
 
 A. Johnston : American Politics, 1977-8 (1936-7). 
 J. F. Rhodes: Hist, of the U. S., 3515 (3398-9). 
 
 6. The Dred Scott Case : 
 
 W. A. Larned: Negro Citizenship, 3516 (3400). 
 Goldwin Smith: The United States, 3517 (3401). 
 Text of the Decision of Chief Justice Taney, 
 3516-17 (3400-01). 
 
 7. The Mormon Rebellion in Utah (a. d. 
 1857-9) ■ 
 
 T. Ford: Hist, of Illinois, 2277 (2233). 
 
 J. Remy: Journey to Great Salt Lake, 2277-8 
 (2233^). 
 
 H. H. Bancroft: The Pacific States, 2278 (2234), 
 3709-10 (3589-90). 
 
 J. Schouler : Hist, of the U. S., 3710-11 (3591). 
 
 8. The Lincoln and Douglas Debate (a. d. 
 1858): 
 
 9. Oregon admitted to TnE Union (a.d. 1859;: 
 T. Roosevelt: Life of Benton, 2454r-5 (2402-3). 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 2455 (2403). 
 
 10. The Underground Railroad (a. d. 
 1840-60): 
 
 11. Wilson: The Slave Power, 3007 (2929). 
 
 11. John Brown at Harper’s Ferry (a. d. 
 1859) : 
 
 H. Greeley: The American Conflict, 3519-20 
 (3404). 
 
 II. von Holst: John Brown, 3520 (3404). 
 
 11. D. Thoreau; Last Daysof John Brown, 3520 
 (3404). 
 
 “ At the last, when John Brown, wounded and a pris- 
 oner, lay waiting his death ... he writes, 1 My health 
 improves slowly, and I am quite cheerful concerning 
 my approaching end, since I am convinced that I am 
 worth infinitely more on the gallows than I could be 
 anywhere else.’ . . . One year after the execution of 
 Brown, on the 20th of December, 1860, South Carolina 
 declared its secession from the Union, and on May 11, 
 1861, the Second Massachusetts Regiment of Infantry 
 was raised, which was first to sing on its march South, 
 — ‘ John Brown’s body lies mouldering in the grave. 
 His Soul goes marching on.’ ” H von Holst. 
 
 12. The Eighth Census( a. d. 1860), 3521 (3405). 
 
 13. Nineteenth Presidential Election ; 
 Abraham Lincoln (a. d. 1860) : 
 
 J. T. Morse, Jr. . Abraham Lincoln, 3522 (3406). 
 E. Stanwood: Presidential Elections, 3522 
 
 (3406). 
 
 14. Attitude of the South; South Carolina 
 secedes : 
 
 J. F. Claiborne: Life of Quitman, 3522 (3406). 
 
 H. S. Foote: War of the Rebellion, 3523 (3407). 
 Text of the Ordinance of Secession, and Decla- 
 ration of Causes, 3523^-5 (3407-9). - 
 
 15. President Buchanan’s Disunion Mes- 
 sage; the Crittenden Compromise: 
 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years in Congress, 3526 
 (3410). 
 
 J. W. Draper- The American Civil War, 3526-7 
 (3410-11). 
 
 16. Treachery in the Cabinet; Seizure of 
 Forts, Arsenals, etc. : 
 
 S. L. Woodford: Story of Fort Sumter, 3527-8 
 (3411-12). 
 
 E. McPherson: Pol. Hist., 3528 (3412). 
 
 H. Greeley: The American Conflict, 3529 (3413) 
 
 17. “ The Confederate States of America ”: 
 E. A. Pollard: First Year of the War, 3529 
 
 (3413). 
 
 A. H. Stephens: Speech Against Secession, 
 3529 (3413). 
 
 J. W. Draper: American Civil War, 3531 (3415). 
 J. L. M. Curry: The Southern States, 3531-2 
 (3415-16). 
 
 A. H. Stephens: Const. View of the War, 3532 
 (3416). 
 
 J. E. Cooke : Virginia, 3759 (3638). 
 
 V. A. Lewis: West Virginia, 3759 (3638). 
 
 18. Inauguration of President Lincoln . 
 
 I. N. Arnold: Life of Lincoln, 3533 (3417). 
 
 Carl Schurz : Abraham Lincoln, 3536-7 (3420-1). 
 Full Text of the Inaugural Address, 3533-6 
 
 (3417-20). 
 
 (Note: The Story of the Civil War in “History for 
 Ready Reference ” covers more than 140 of its large, 
 double-column pages. This matter would make an oc- 
 tavo volume, similar to the standard historical works, 
 of nearly 600 pages. The plan of these Studies will not 
 admit of a detailed analysis of all this material, so that 
 
 W. H. Herndon: Lincoln, 3517-19 (3401-3). 
 
 799 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 only the most significant, or pivotal topics will be 
 treated. The development of the history is so clearly 
 presented in Volume V. that a guide is hardly needed 
 if one wishes to study the subject as a whole; while 
 each individual topic may readily be found in the usual 
 manner.) 
 
 19. Attack on Fort Sumter (April 12, 1861) : 
 Governor Pickens: Official Records, 3532(3416). 
 Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works, 3537-8 
 
 (3421-2). 
 
 J. G. Holland; Life of Lincoln, 3538-9 (3422-3). 
 
 “ The fall of Sumter was the resurrection of patriot- 
 ism. The North needed just this. Such a universal burst 
 of patriotic indignation as ran over the North under the 
 influence of this insult to the national flag has never 
 been witnessed. It swept away all party lines as if it 
 had been flame and they had been flax.” 
 
 J. G. Holland. 
 
 20. President Lincoln’s Call to Arms 
 (April 15, 1861) ; 
 
 Nicolay and Hay: Abraham Lincoln, 3539^0 
 (3423^4). 
 
 Goldwin Smith: United States, 3540 (3424). 
 
 B. J. Lossing: The Civil War, 3540-1 (3424-5). 
 Text of the Call to Arms, 3539 (3423). 
 
 21. The Morrill, and the War Tariffs: 
 
 F. W. Taussig: Tariff Hist., 3164-5 (3080-1). 
 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years in Congress, 3165 
 (3081). 
 
 22. Monarchical Cravings in S. Carolina: 
 W. H. Russell: Letter to London Times, 3542 
 
 (3426). 
 
 23. Attitude of Great Britain: 
 
 Case of the U. S. before Tribunal of Arbitration 
 at Geneva, 3544-5 (3428-9). 
 
 John Jay: The Great Conspiracy, 3545 (3429). 
 Text of the Queen’s Neutrality Message, 3544 
 (3428). 
 
 J. Watts: The Cotton Famine, 993-4 (966-7). 
 
 24. First Battle of Bull Run: July 21, 
 1861: 
 
 W. J. Tenney: Hist, of the Rebellion, 3549 
 (3433). 
 
 R. M. Hughes: General Johnston, 3549-50 
 ((3433-4). 
 
 J. H. Stine: Army of the Potomac, 3550 (3434). 
 Gen. McDowell: Report, 3550-1 (3434-5). 
 
 R. Johnson: War of the Rebellion, 3551 (3435). 
 Gen. Beauregard: Report, 3551 (3435). 
 
 Comte de Paris: Hist, of the Civil War, 3552 
 
 (3436). 
 
 Gen. Slocum: Military Lessons of the War, 3552 
 (3436). 
 
 25. The Trent Affair: 
 
 G. E. Baker: W. H. Seward, 3560 (3444). 
 
 W. H. Seward : Despatch to Lord Lyons, 3560-1 
 (3444-5). 
 
 26. The Monitor and the Merrimac: 
 
 S. Eardley-Wilmot : Development of Navies, 
 3570 (3454). 
 
 C. B. Boynton : Hist, of the Navy, 3570 (3454). 
 
 F. B. Butts: The Monitor and the Merrimac, 
 
 3570-1 (3454-5). 
 
 J. T. Wood: First Fight of Iron Clads, 3571-2 
 (3455-6). 
 
 “No battle was ever more widely discussed or pro- 
 duced a greater sensation. It revolutionized the navies 
 of the world. . . . In this battle old things passed away, 
 and the experience Of a thousand years was forgotten. 
 The effect of the news was best described by the London 
 ‘ Times,’ which said : ‘ Whereas we had available for im- 
 mediate purposes 149 first class war ships, we have now 
 two, these two being the Warrior and her sister Iron- 
 side. There is not now a ship in the English navy apart 
 
 from these two that it would not bo madness to trust to 
 an engagement with that little Monitor.’ The Admi- 
 ralty at once proceeded to reconstruct the navy.” 
 
 J. T. Wood. 
 
 27. Farragut’s Capture of New Orleans 
 (April, 1862): 
 
 E. Shippen: Naval Battles, 3574-5 (3458-9). 
 
 L. Farragut: Life of Farragut, 3575-6 (3459-60). 
 
 D. D. Porter: Naval Hist, of the Civil War, 3576 
 (3460). 
 
 M. Thompson: Story of Louisiana, 3576-7 
 (3460-1). 
 
 C. C. Chesney : Military Biography, 3577 (3461). 
 
 28. The Homestead Act (a. d. 1862) : 
 
 T. Donaldson: The Public Domain, 3579-80 
 (3463-4). 
 
 29. Preliminary Proclamation of Emanci- 
 pation (September, 1862) : 
 
 J. A. Garfield : Works, 3596-7 (3480-1). 
 
 G. S. Boutwell: Abraham Lincoln, 3597 (3481). 
 
 G. Welles: Lincoln and Seward, 3597-8 (3481—2). 
 Text of Preliminary Proclamation, 3598 (3482). 
 
 30. The Final Proclamation of Emancipa- 
 tion (Jan. 1, 1863): 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 3604 (3488). 
 Nicolay and Hay : Abraham Lincoln, 3604(3488). 
 Text of the Final Proclamation, 3603-4 (3487-8). 
 
 31. President Lincoln and the Copper- 
 heads: 
 
 J. T. Morse : Abraham Lincoln, 3612-13 (3497). 
 Abraham Lincoln, Complete Works, 3613-15 
 (3497-9). 
 
 32. Turning Point of the War; Vicksburg, 
 Gettysburg : 
 
 U. S. Grant: The Siege of Vicksburg, 3612(3496). 
 W. J. Tenney: Military and Naval Hist., 3615 
 
 (3499). 
 
 J. E. Cooke: Life Gen. R. E. Lee, 3616 (3500). 
 Gen. Doubleday: Gettysburg, 3617-19(3503). 
 
 33. President Lincoln’s Gettysburg Ad- 
 dress ; The Amnesty Proclamation : 
 
 Nicolay and Hay: Abraham Lincoln, 3630-1 
 (3514-15). 
 
 Abraham Lincoln: Complete Works, 3632-3 
 (3516-17). 
 
 Text of the Amnesty Proclamation, 3632 (3516). 
 
 34. General Grant in General Command: 
 Nicolay and Hay: Abraham Lincoln, 3636-7 
 
 (3520-1). 
 
 35. Twentieth Presidential Election (a. d. 
 1864) : 
 
 H. J. Raymond: Life of Lincoln, 3648-9(3533). 
 
 E. Stanwood : Presidential Elections, 3649 (3533). 
 
 36. Destruction of the Alabama : 
 
 Senate Executive Document No. 31, 42d Cong., 
 31 (24). 
 
 E. A. Pollard: The Lost Cause, 31-2 (24-5). 
 
 The Rebellion Record, 32 (25). 
 
 37. Sherman’s March to the Sea : 
 
 U. S. Grant: Personal Memoirs, 3659 (3543). 
 Nicolay and Hay: Abraham Lincoln, 3659-60 
 (3543-4). 
 
 A. G. Bennett: Report, 3663 (3547). 
 
 A. Badeau: U. S. Grant, 3663-4 (3547-8). 
 
 38. Lincoln’s Second Inaugural; His Last 
 Public Address : 
 
 CarlSchurz: Abraham Lincoln, 3665-6(3549-50). 
 
 800 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 Text of the Inaugural Address, 3(566 (3660). 
 Text of Ills Last Address, on Reconstruction, 
 8668-9 (3562-3). 
 
 39. Richmond Abandoned ; Surrender at 
 Appomattox : 
 
 A. L. Long: Memoirs of R. E. Lee, 3669-70 
 (3553-4). 
 
 F. Lee : General Lee, 3670 (3554). 
 
 B. J. Lossing: The Civil War, 3670-1 (3554-5). 
 
 40. Assassination of President Lincoln 
 (April 14, 1865) : 
 
 Nicolay and Hay: Abraham Lincoln, 3671-3 
 (3555-7). 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 3673 (3557). 
 
 G. W. Julian: Political Recollections, 3673(3557). 
 
 41. End of the Rebellion ; Statistics of 
 the War: 
 
 Nicolay and Hay: Abraham Lincoln, 3673-4 
 (3557-8) ; 3676 (3560). 
 
 U. S. Grant: Personal Memoirs, 3674 (3558). 
 
 H. Greeley: The American Conflict, 3674 (3558). 
 J. D. Cox : Surrender of Johnston, 3675 (3559). 
 Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 3675 (3559). 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years of Congress, 3675-6 
 
 (3559-60). 
 
 J. T. Scliarf: The Confederate Navy, 3676(3560). 
 Y. Mott: Report of U. S. Sanitary Commission, 
 2679 (2607). 
 
 A. Spencer: Narrative of Andersonville, 2679-80 
 (2607-8). 
 
 Southern Historical Society Papers, 2680 (2608). 
 A. H. Stephens: War between the States, 2680 
 (2608). 
 
 *See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY XL VI 
 
 UNITED STATES FROM THE CIVIL 
 WAR TO THE WAR WITH SPAIN. 
 
 1. President Lincoln’s Views of Recon- 
 struction : 
 
 A. Lincoln: Complete Works, 3631-3(3515-17); 
 3667-9 (3552-3). 
 
 G. W. Julian: Political Recollections, 3673(3557). 
 “I spent most of the afternoon [on the day of John- 
 son’s inauguration] in a political caucus, held for the 
 purpose of considering the necessity for a new Cabinet, 
 and a line of policy less conciliatory than that of Mr. 
 Lincoln ; and while everybody was shocked at his mur- 
 der, the feeling was nearly universal that the accession 
 of Johnson to the Presidency would prove a godsend to 
 the country. Aside from Mr. Lincoln’s known policy 
 of tenderness to the Rebels, which now so jarred upon 
 the feelings of the hour, his well-known views on the 
 subject of reconstruction were as distasteful as possi- 
 ble to radical Republicans.” G. W. Jollan. 
 
 2. Accession of Vice-President Johnson: 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power in America, 3673 
 (3557). 
 
 3. Conditions at the South ; First Recon- 
 struction Measures : 
 
 Reports of Gen. Grant and Carl Schurz on Re- 
 bellious States, 3678-9 (3562-3). 
 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years of Congress, 3676-8 
 (3560-2). 
 
 4. End of Slavery ; The Freedmen’s Bureau : 
 
 G. W. Julian: Political Recollections, 3662 
 (3546). 
 
 O. J. Hollister: Schuyler Colfax, 3662 (3546). 
 
 H. Wilson : The Slave Power, 3665 (3549). 
 
 G. W. Williams: The Negro Race, 3679 (3563). 
 O. Skinner: American Politics, 3679-80 (3565-4). 
 
 5. Reconstruction Question in Congress; 
 
 the Civil Rights Bill : 
 
 5. S. Cox : Federal Legislation, 3680 (3564). 
 
 W. H. Barnes: The 39th Congress, 3680-1 
 (3564-5); 3681 (3565). 
 
 6. Reconstruction before the People ; the 
 Fourteenth Amendment : 
 
 W. H. Barnes : The 39th Congress, 3682 (3566). 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years of Congress, 3682 
 (3566). 
 
 H. A. Herbert: Why the Solid South? 3682-3 
 (3566-7). 
 
 A. Badeau: Grant in Peace, 3683 (3567). 
 
 7. Restoration of Tennessee (a. d. 1866) : 
 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years of Congress, 3184 
 (3099). 
 
 W. H. Barnes: The 39th Congress, 3184 (3099). 
 
 8. The Tenure of Office Bill: 
 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years of Congress, 3683 
 (3567). 
 
 W. H. Barnes: The 39th Congress, 3683 (3567). 
 
 9. The Fenian Movement (a. d. 1866): 
 
 J. McCarthy: History of Our Own Times, 1833- 
 4 (1793-4). 
 
 G. Bryce: The Canadian People, 393-4 (383-4). 
 
 10. The Ku-klux Elan (a. d. 1866-71): 
 
 S. S. Cox: Federal Legislation, 3683-4 (3567-8) 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 3684 (3568). 
 
 11. Purchase of Alaska (a. d. 1867): 
 
 W. H. Dali: Tribes of the Northwest, 88 (81). 
 
 H. Rink: The Eskimo, 93 (86). 
 
 H. H. Bancroft: The Pacific States, 37 (30). 
 
 12. Military Reconstruction Acts : 
 
 O. J. Hollister: Schuyler Colfax, 3685 (3569). 
 
 W. H. Barnes: The 39th Congress, 3685 (3569). 
 
 P. H. Sheridan: Personal Memoirs, 2095-6 (2052). 
 
 13. Impeachment of President Johnson (a. d. 
 1868) : 
 
 T. P. Taswell-Langmead: English Const. Hist., 
 1735-6 (1696-7). 
 
 J. Forster: Historical Essays, 845 (818). 
 
 H. McCulloch : Men and Measures, 3685-6 (3570). 
 J. G. Blaine: Twenty Years of Congress, 3686 
 (3570). 
 
 14. Twenty-First Presidential Election; 
 Choice of General Grant (a. d. 1868) : 
 
 E. Stanwood: Presidential Elections, 3686 (3570). 
 
 15. Completed Reconstruction (a. d. 1868-70): 
 W. Allen: Gov. Chamberlain in S. Carolina, 
 
 3050-1 (2970-1). 
 
 H. Wilson : The Slave Power, 3687 (3571). 
 
 16. National Bank System; Gold Specula- 
 tion; Black Friday (a. d. 1869) : 
 
 H. W. Richardson: The National Banks, 2263-4 
 (2219-20). 
 
 W. G. Sumner: Hist, of Am. Currency, 2264 
 
 ( 2220 ). 
 
 A. S. Bolles: Financial Hist, of the U. S., 2264 
 
 ( 2220 ). 
 
 W. R. Hooper: Black Friday, 2399-2401 (2349). 
 
 17. The Fifteenth Amendment ; Suppression 
 of Colored Vote: 
 
 H. Wilson: The Slave Power, 3687 (3571). 
 
 J. Bryce: The American Commonwealth, 3688 
 (3572). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 18. The Ninth Census (a. d. 1870), 3689 (3573). 
 
 19. Treaty of Washington, and Geneva Ar- 
 bitration (a. d. 1869-72): 
 
 B. J. Lossing: The Civil War, 30-1 (23-4). 
 
 Case of the U. S., 31 (24). 
 
 R. Johnson: The War of Secession, 32-3 (25—6). 
 
 Argument of the U. S., 33-4 (26-7). 
 
 Summary of the Treaty of Washington, 34-5 
 (27-8). 
 
 C. Cushing: The Treaty of Washington, 34 (27) ; 
 35-6 (28-9). 
 
 20. Civil Service Reform : 
 
 J. Fiske: Civil Government in the U. S., 490 
 (476). 
 
 H. Lambert: Progress of Civil Service Reform, 
 490-1 (476-7). 
 
 G. W. Curtis: Address, 491 (477). 
 
 21. Twenty-second Presidential Election 
 (a. d. 1872) : 
 
 A. Johnston : American Politics, 3689-90 (3574). 
 
 E. Stanwood : Presidential Elections, 3690 (3574). 
 
 22. The “Demonetization of Silver;” 
 Panic of 1873: 
 
 J. L. Laughlin: Bimetallism in the U. S., 3690 
 (3574). 
 
 L. R. Ehrich : The Question of Silver, 2261 (2217). 
 
 Banker’s Magazine : The Panic of 1873, 3690-02 
 (3574M5). 
 
 23. The Sioux War; Death of Gen. Custer 
 (1876): 
 
 A. Gallatin: Synopsis of Indian Tribes, 110-11 
 (103-4). 
 
 F. Whittaker: Life of Custer, 3692 (3576). 
 
 24. The Centennial Exhibition (a. d. 1876): 
 
 C. B. Norton: World’s Fairs, 3692-3 (3576-7). 
 
 25. Twenty-third Presidential Election ; 
 the Electoral Commission (a. d. 1876): 
 
 E. Stanwood: Presidential Elections, 3693-4 
 (3577-8). 
 
 J. Fiske: Civil Government, 3697. 
 
 The Electoral Count Act (a. d. 1887), 3699. 
 
 26. The Bland Silver Bill (a. d. 1878) : 
 
 F. W. Taussig: The Silver Situation, 3694-5 
 (3578-9). 
 
 L. R. Ehrich: The Question of Silver, 2262 
 (2218). 
 
 27. Twenty-fourth Presidential Election ; 
 Assassination of Garfield: 
 
 E. McPherson: Handbook of Politics, 3695 
 (3579). 
 
 J. C. Ridpath: Life of Garfield, 3696 (3580). 
 
 28. The Tenth Census (a. d. 1880), 3695 (3579). 
 
 29. Twenty-fifth Presidential Election; 
 the “Mugwumps” (a. d. 1884): 
 
 E. McPherson: Handbook of Politics, 3697 
 (3581). 
 
 J. Bryce: The American Commonwealth, 3697 
 (3581). 
 
 30. The Bering Sea Controversy: 
 
 American History Leaflets, 3698 (3581-2). 
 
 The Bering Sea Arbitration, 3698-9 (3582). 
 
 Messages of the President, Vol. VI., 51. 
 
 Treaty of Arbitration, Vol. VI., 51-2. 
 
 The Joint High Commission, Vol. VI., 63-4. 
 
 31 The Inter-State Commerce Act (a. d. 
 1887), 3699. 
 
 32. Attempted Tariff Revision ; the “Mills 
 Bill” (a. d. 1887-8): 
 
 O. H. Perry : Proposed Tariff Legislation, 3167- 
 8 (3083^). 
 
 President Cleveland’s Tariff Message, 3168-9 
 (3084-5). 
 
 33. Twenty-sixth Presidential Election 
 (a. d. 1888): 
 
 Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia, 3699 (3582). 
 
 34. Opening of Oklahoma; Admission of 
 Seven New States (a. d. 1889-90): 
 
 D. H. Montgomery : Leading Facts of Am. Hist., 
 3699-3700 (3582-3). 
 
 F. N. Thorpe: Recent Constitution- making, 3700 
 (3583). 
 
 35. The McKinley Tariff Act (a. d. 1890): 
 
 F. W. Taussig: Tariff History. 3169-70 (3086). 
 Report of Committee on Ways and Means, 3170 
 
 (3086). 
 
 Political Science Quarterly, 3170-01 (3086-7). 
 
 36. The Eleventh Census (a. d. 1890), 3700 
 (3583). 
 
 37. Financial Panic ; Repeal of the Sher- 
 man Act (a. d. 1893) : 
 
 F. W. Taussig: The Silver Situation, 3701 
 (3584). 
 
 Political Science Quarterly, 3701 (3584). 
 
 H. A. Pierce: Review of Finance, 3702 (3585). 
 Message of the President, 2262 (2218). 
 
 38. The Chinese Exclusion Act; the 
 “ Geary Act” (a. d. 1892): 
 
 E. McPherson: Handbook of Politics, 3702 
 (3585). 
 
 39. Twenty- seventh Presidential Election 
 (a. d. 1892): 
 
 Appleton’s Annual Encyclopedia, 3702 (3585). 
 Political Science Quarterly, 3702-3 (3585-6). 
 
 40. TnE Wilson Tariff Bill (a. d. 1894): 
 Political Science Quarterly, 3171-2 (3087-8). 
 
 H. A. Pierce: Review of Finance, 3173 (3088). 
 
 41. The Income Tax (a. d. 1895) : 
 
 Political Science Quarterly, 3172, first column 
 (3088). 
 
 Decision of the Supreme Court, Vol. VI., 554-7. 
 
 42. The Venezuela Boundary Dispute (a. d. 
 1895): 
 
 Despatch of Sec. Olney to Ambassador Bayard,. 
 Vol. VI , 684-7. 
 
 Reply of Lord Salisbury, Vol. VI., 687-8. 
 
 The Message of President Cleveland, Vol. VI., 
 689-90. 
 
 Commission to determine the Boundary, Vol. 
 VI., 090. 
 
 Text of Arbitration Treaty, Vol. VI., 691-2. 
 Text of the Decision of the Tribunal, Vol. VI., 
 692-3. 
 
 J Bryce: British Feeling, Vol. VI., 559-60. 
 
 A. Carnegie: The Venezuelan Question, Vol. 
 VI., 560. 
 
 43. Serious Financial Difficulties of 1895-6: 
 Messages and Documents, Vol. VI., 560-2. 
 Political Science Quarterly, Vol. VI., 562. 
 
 44. Twenty-eighth Presidential Election 
 (a. d. 1896): 
 
 Conditions preceding, Vol. VI., 563-4. 
 
 Full Texts of Party Platforms, Vol. VI., 564-73. 
 The Campaign, and Results, Vol. VI., 573^. 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 45. President Cleveland’s Veto of the Im- 
 migration Bill (a. d. 1897) : 
 
 Text of the President’s Message, Vol. VI., 574-6. 
 
 46. Indianapolis Monetary Commission (a. d. 
 1896-8) : 
 
 Proceedings, Jan. 12, 1897, Vol. VI., 576. 
 
 Hostile Attitude of the U. S. Senate, Vol. VI., 
 576. 
 
 47. Inauguration of President McKinley 
 (a. d. 1897): 
 
 The Inaugural Address, Vol. VI., 580-1. 
 
 His Cabinet, Vol. VI., 581. 
 
 48. The Dingley Tariff Act (a. d. 1897) : 
 
 Extra Session of Congress, Vol. VI., 581. 
 
 Analysis of the Bill, Vol. VI., 581-2. 
 
 F. W. Taussig: Tariff Hist., Vol. VI., 582. 
 
 49. First Arbitration Treaty with Great 
 Britain (a. d. 1897). 
 
 Text of the Treaty, Vol. VI., 577-9. 
 
 Action of the Senate; Popular Indignation, 
 Vol. VI., 579-80. 
 
 * See important Note at head of Study I. 
 
 STUDY XLVII. 
 
 {Entirely in Vols. VI. and VII.) 
 
 THE UNITED STATES FROM THE 
 OUTBREAK OF WAR WITH SPAIN 
 (1898) TO 1910. 
 
 1. Causes of the War: 
 
 U. S. Senate Doc., 54th Congress: Cuban Insur- 
 rection, a. D. 1895, Vol. VI., 171-3. 
 Captain-General Weyler: Concentration Orders, 
 Vol. VI., 173. 
 
 President Cleveland: Message, a. d. 1896, Vol. 
 VI., 173-4. 
 
 Text of Constitution granted by Spain to Cuba 
 and Porto Rico, Vol. VI., 175-80. 
 
 Gen. F. Lee: Cuba and her Struggle, Vol. VI., 
 180, 181. 
 
 Senator Proctor: Speech in Congress, Vol. VI., 
 181-2. 
 
 President McKinley: Message on the Destruction 
 of the Maine, Vol. VI., 583-4. 
 
 . Message on the Cuban Situation, Vol. VI., 
 
 585-90. 
 
 Resolutions of Congress and Declaration of War, 
 Vol. VI., 590-1. 
 
 2. Operations and Events of the Spanish 
 American War (a. d. 1898) : 
 
 [The naval and military operations, engagements and 
 other events, of the war, are narrated very fully and 
 consecutively in about forty pages (591-638) of Volume 
 VI., mostly in quotations from the reports of the offi- 
 cers who conducted them. This account covers the cir- 
 cumstances which brought the Filipino insurgents 
 under Aguinaldo into connection with the American 
 forces sent to lay siege to Manila, and the subsequent 
 breach with them, when Aguinaldo was declared Presi- 
 dent of a Philippine Republic. It covers, also, the ne- 
 gotiation at Paris of the treaty of peace, the text of the 
 treaty, and, in part, the debate and action of the U. S. 
 Senate on the ratification of the treaty.] 
 
 3. Establishment of American Authority in 
 the Philippines : 
 
 Report of General Otis, August, a. d. 1899, Vol. 
 VI., 371-2. 
 
 F. H. Sawyer: Inhabitants of the Philippines, 
 Vol. VII., 372-3. 
 
 J. Foreman: Will the United States withdraw ? 
 Vol. VI., 373. 
 
 Official and other Reports and Statements, Vol. 
 VII., 373-5. 
 
 Instructions by the President of the United States 
 to the Military Governor, Vol. VI., 375-6. 
 Proclamation and Report of Military-Gov. Otis, 
 Vol. VI., 376-7. 
 
 Counter Proclamation of Aguinaldo, Vol. VI., 
 377-8. 
 
 President McKinley : Instructions to First Com- 
 mission to the Philippines, Vol. VI., 378-9. 
 Philippine Information Society : Publication No. 
 7, Vol. VI., 379-80. 
 
 Reports of Philippine Commission, U. S. Sec. 
 of War, Military-Gov. Otis, and others, a. d. 
 1899-1900, Vol. VI.. 380-9. 
 
 Instructions to the Second Commission, Vol. VI., 
 389-92 
 
 Appeal of Citizens of Manila, Vol. VI., 392-3. 
 Reports of the U. S. Sec. of War and of the 
 Second Commission on the Civil Government 
 of the Islands, Vol. VI., 393-6. 
 
 The Problem of the Friars, Vol. VI., 396-9. 
 Congressional grant of powers for Philippine 
 Government, Vol. VI., 399-401. 
 
 Senator Hoar: Speech against the Subjection of 
 the Philippines, Vol. VI., 641-5. 
 
 Organization of Provincial Governments, Vol. 
 VI., 401-2. 
 
 Capture of Aguinaldo, Vol. VI., 402-3. 
 
 4. Establishment of the Gold Standard of 
 Value (March 14, a. d. 1900): 
 
 Report of the Sec. of the Treasury, Vol. VI. » 
 639-40. 
 
 5. Presidential Election of 1900: 
 
 Party Platforms and Nominations: Re-election 
 of President McKinley, Vol. VI., 646-66. 
 Inaugural Address of President McKinley, Vol. 
 
 VI. , 680-2. 
 
 6. Constitutional Status of the New Pos- 
 sessions : 
 
 Supreme Court Decisions, Vol. VI., 668-74, 683. 
 
 7. Increase of the Standing Army (a. d. 
 1901): 
 
 Act of Congress, Vol. VI., 678-80, 682. 
 
 8. Twelfth Census (a. d. 1900) : 
 
 Statement of Population, Vol. VI., 645-6. 
 Apportionment of Representatives, Vol. VI., 
 
 674-8. 
 
 9. Assassination of President McKinley ; 
 Accession of Vice-President Roosevelt 
 (a. d. 1901): 
 
 Message of President Roosevelt to Congress, 
 Vol. VII., 665-6. 
 
 President Roosevelt’s Cabinet, Vol. VII., 666. 
 W. Wellman: Narrative of the Tragedy, Vol. 
 
 VII. , 59-61. 
 
 10. Attitude in the Case of Venezuela 
 vs. Germany, et al (a. d. 1901-1904): 
 
 U. S. Report on Foreign Relations, Vol. VII., 684. 
 Message of President Roosevelt, Vol. VII., 684-5. 
 H. W. Bowen: Queer Diplomacy with Castro, 
 Vol. VII., 685. 
 
 11. Conferences of American Republics 
 (a. d. 1901-2 and 1906): 
 
 Reports of American Delegates, Vol. VII., 20-25. 
 Secretary Root: Address at Rio Janeiro, Vol. 
 VII., 24-25. 
 
 Bureau of American Republics, Vol. VII., 25. 
 
 803 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 12. The Undertaking of the Panama Canal : 
 First Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, Vol. VI., 69-70. 
 Second Ditto, Vol. VII., 466-7. 
 
 Messages of the President and Official Reports, 
 Vol. VII., 467-71. 
 
 13. Measures for the Regulation of Great 
 Corporations : 
 
 [The first Federal legislation regulative of the rail- 
 way service of commerce between the States, creating 
 the Interstate Commerce Commission, in 1887, is briefly 
 noted in Vol.V., p. 3699 (3582). In six and one half pages 
 of Vol. VI., under the heading “ Trusts ” (pp. 529-36), 
 the rise of the great industrial and commercial com- 
 binations, which began at about the beginning of the 
 present century to cause serious anxiety in the coun- 
 try, is related quite fully, from the report of the U. S. 
 Industrial Commission created by Congress in 1898, and 
 from other sources. In Vol. VII., under the two head- 
 ings of “ Combinations, Industrial and Commercial ” 
 (pp. 116-135), and “Railways” (pp. 547-558), an ex- 
 tended history of the vigorous proceedings of Govern- 
 ment, between 1900 and 1910, to restrain wrong uses of 
 the power which great corporate combinations of capi- 
 tal can acquire, is compiled. The particulars, of legis- 
 lation, executive prosecution and judicial decision, are 
 too numerous to be detailed here.] 
 
 14. National Movement for the Conser- 
 vation of Natural Resources (a. d. 1901- 
 1910). 
 
 President Roosevelt’s Messages, etc., Vol. VII., 
 145-8. 
 
 Conference of Governors: Declaration, Vol. VII., 
 148-9. 
 
 National Conservation Commission: Report, Vol. 
 VII., 149-51. 
 
 President Taft’s Recommendations, Vol. VII., 
 152. 
 
 15. Civil Service Reform under President 
 Roosevelt : 
 
 A notable record, Vol. VII., 104-8. 
 
 16. Establishment of the Republic of Cuba 
 (a. d. 1902): 
 
 Senate Doc. 312, 58th Cong., 2d Sess., etc., Vol. 
 VII., 174-7. 
 
 17. Restoration of the White House (a. d. 
 1902) : 
 
 Charles Moore : Restoration of the White House, 
 Vol. VII., 667-8. 
 
 18. Settlement of Alaska Boundary Ques- 
 tion (a. d. 1903)- 
 
 President Roosevelt: Message, Vol. VII., 9. 
 
 F. B. Tracy: Tercentenary Hist, of Canada, 
 Vol. VII., 9. 
 
 19. Financial Crisis (a. d. 1903-1904): 
 
 N. Y. Evening Post, Vol. VII., 263. 
 
 20. Frauds in Land Office (a. d. 1903-1906): 
 Indictments and Prosecutions, Vol. VII., 669. 
 
 21. Presidential Election (a. d. 1904): 
 Parties, Candidates and Platforms; Result, Vol. 
 
 VII., 669-71. 
 
 22. Arbitration of Newfoundland Fisher- 
 ies Questions (a. d. 1905-1909) : 
 
 Correspondence and Agreement, Vol. VII., 
 446-8. 
 
 23. Financial Assistance to San Domingo : 
 President Roosevelt : Message, Vol. VII., 583-4. 
 Bureau of Insular Affairs: Report, Vol. VII., 
 
 584-5. 
 
 24. Mediation between Japan and Russia 
 (a. d. 1905) : 
 
 President Roosevelt’s Proffer, and the Replies, 
 Vol. VII., 356-7. 
 
 F. De Martens: The Portsmouth Peace Confer- 
 ence, Vol. VII., 357. 
 
 E. J. Dillon: Story of the Peace Negotiations, 
 Vol. VII., 357-8. 
 
 Text of the Treaty of Portsmouth, Vol. VII . 
 358-60. 
 
 25. Venezuelan Complications: 
 
 An extended Account, Vol. VII., 684-8. 
 
 26. Central American Mediation, with 
 Mexico (a. d. 1906): 
 
 Text of the resulting Treaty, Vol. VII., 77-9. 
 
 27. National Pure Food Law (a. d. 1906) : 
 
 U. S. Dep’t. of Ag., Bureau of Chemistry: Bul- 
 letin 104, Vol. VII., 520-2. 
 
 28. At the Algeciras Conference (a. d. 1906) .- 
 U. S. Sec. of State: Instructions to Delegates, 
 
 Vol. VII. , 254. 
 
 29. Re-establishment of the Cuban Repub- 
 lic (a. d. 1906-1909) : 
 
 U. S. Papers Relating to Foreign Relations, Vol. 
 VII., 178-80. 
 
 30. The San Francisco Japanese Question 
 (a. d. 1906): 
 
 F. H. Clark: Anti -Japanese Agitation in Cali- 
 fornia, Vol. VII., 538-41. 
 
 31. Monetary Panic of a. d. 1907: 
 
 N. Y. Evening Post, Vol. VII., 264. 
 
 32. New Law of Citizenship (a. d. 1907): 
 
 G. Hunt: The New Citizenship Law, Vol. VIL, 
 443-4. 
 
 33. Part taken in Second Peace Confer- 
 ence at The Hague (a. d. 1907): 
 
 U. S. Senate Doc., and other Sources, Vol. VIL, 
 716-22. 
 
 34. Cruise of the Battle-Ship Fleet (a. d. 
 1907-1909). 
 
 Various Sources, Vol. VII., 707-8. 
 
 35. Presidential Election, a. d. 1908: 
 Parties, Platforms, Candidates, Results, Vol. 
 
 VII., 674-8. 
 
 36. The Emergency Currency Act (a. d.1908): 
 Summary of the Act, Vol. VIL, 266. 
 
 37. Partial Remission to China of Boxer 
 Indemnity (a. d 1908): 
 
 Correspondence on the Subject, Vol. VII., 92-3. 
 
 38. Understanding with Japan: 
 
 Exchange of Notes on Policy to the East, Vol. 
 
 VII., 362. 
 
 39. Commission to Liberia : 
 
 U. S. Sec. of State: Memorandum to the Presi- 
 dent, Vol. VIL, 414-17. 
 
 40. The Country-Life Commission: 
 
 President Roosevelt: Letter, Vol. VTL, 679. 
 Report of the Commission, Vol. VII., 679-80. 
 
 41. New Copyright Act: 
 
 N. Y. Evening Post: Summary of the Act, Vol. 
 VII., 166-7. 
 
 42. The Payne-Aldrich Tariff Act (a. d. 
 1909): 
 
 Party Promises of 1908, Vol. VII., 641. 
 
 C. F. Adams: On the Hearings at Washington, 
 Vol. VII., 641-2. 
 
 804 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 President Taft: Statement on signing the Bill, 
 Yol. VII.. 642. 
 
 Woodrow Wilson : The Tariff Make-Believe, Vol. 
 VII.. 644-5. 
 
 S. W. McCall: Reasons for Satisfaction, Vol. VII., 
 645-6. 
 
 American Review of Reviews: On the Changes 
 Made, Vol. VII., 646. 
 
 Outside Effects. Vol. VII., 646-7. 
 
 43. Proposed Income Tax Amendmentto the 
 Constitution : 
 
 Gov. Hughes, of New York: Objections stated, 
 Vol. VII., 681-2. 
 
 44. Hankau-Szechuan Railway Loan Ques- 
 tion: 
 
 President Taft : Message, Vol. VII., 94-5. 
 
 STUDY XL VIII. 
 
 ( Entirely in Volume VII) 
 
 ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN AND 
 IRELAND) FROM THE DEATH OF 
 QUEEN VICTORIA TO THE DEATH 
 OF EDWARD VII ( 1901 - 1910 ). 
 
 1. The United Kingdom and its Empire in 
 1901: 
 
 Census of the United Kingdom, Vol. VII., 229. 
 Census of the British Empire, 51. 
 
 2. Last Year of the British-Boer War 
 (a. d. 1901-2): 
 
 The Times History of the War; Text of Treaty 
 of Peace, 620-3. 
 
 3. Imperial Conferences with Colonial 
 Premiers: 
 
 Conferences of 1902 and 1907, 51-3, 53-7. 
 
 4. Education Act of 1902: 
 
 Text of its Main Provisions, 196-7. 
 
 J. G. Rogers: The Nonconformist Uprising, 197. 
 J. Bryce: The New Education Bill, 197-8. 
 
 J. Clifford: Passive Resistance, 198-9. 
 
 5. Defensive Agreements with Japan (a. d. 
 1902, 1905): 
 
 Texts and explanatory Despatches, 342-3, 360-1. 
 
 6. Land Purchase Act for Ireland (a. d. 
 1903) :' 
 
 L. Paul Dubois: Contemporary Ireland, 330, 
 331-2. 
 
 Text of main Provisions of the Act, 330-1. 
 
 7. Proposed Return to a Protective Tar- 
 iff, with “ Preferential Trade ” (a. d. 
 1903): 
 
 J. Chamberlain: Speeches and Letter, 230-1. 
 
 A. J. Balfour: Letter to Mr. Chamberlain, 232. 
 
 8. Agreements (“ Entente Cordiale”) with 
 France (a. d. 1904): 
 
 Text of the Agreements, 249-51. 
 
 Lord Lansdowne: Explanatory Despatch, 252. 
 A. Tardieu : France and the Alliances, 249. 
 
 9. The “ Dogger Bank Incident ” of Russo- 
 Japanese War (a. d. 1904): 
 
 Naval Annual: Abridged account, 352-3. 
 
 10. Return of the Lireral Party to Power 
 (A. D. 1905): 
 
 Campbell-Bannermann Ministry, 233-5. 
 
 11. Restoration of Self-Government to 
 the Boer Colonies (a. d. 1904-1905): 
 
 Letters Patent from the Crown, etc., 626-7. 
 
 12. Education Bill of 1906: 
 
 C. W. Barnes: Summary of its Provisions, 199- 
 
 200 . 
 
 Sir H. Campbell-Bannermann: Resolutions on 
 the Action of the Lords, 235. 
 
 13. Friendly Convention with Russia (a. d. 
 1907) : 
 
 Text of the Convention, 255-7. 
 
 14. Institution of “ The Territorial 
 Force ” (a. d. 1907-1908): 
 
 Main Provisions of the Act, 693-4. 
 
 Lord Roberts: Proposal of Compulsory Service, 
 694. 
 
 15. Action on Disturbances in Macedonia 
 (a. D. 1907-1908) : 
 
 Parliamentary Papers : Official Correspondence. 
 
 16. Action in Persia during the Revolu- 
 tion (a. d. 1907-1908): 
 
 Parliamentary Papers; Official Correspondence, 
 483-7. 
 
 The London Times: Correspondence, 488-91. 
 
 17. Disaffection in India ; Governmental 
 Reforms (a. d. 1907-1909): 
 
 The London Times: Correspondence, 312-14, 
 314-15. 
 
 Sir H. Cotton: The New Spirit in India, 316. 
 
 Dr. R. B. Ghose: Address to India Congress, 
 316. 
 
 A. Iman: Address to All-India Moslem League, 
 316-17. 
 
 Goldwin Smith: British Empire in India, 317. 
 
 Report on Moral and Material Condition, 318-19. 
 
 J. Morley (Viscount) ; Speech in Parliament on 
 the Indian. Councils Bill, 321-2. 
 
 Text of main Provisions of the Act, 322-4. 
 
 18. Campaign of English “Suffragettes” 
 (a. D. 1907-1909) : 
 
 Mrs. Pankhurst: Address in New York, 224. 
 
 English Press Reports, 224-7. 
 
 19. Old Age Pensions Act (a. d. 1908-1909): 
 
 Summary of Provisions ; Speech of D. Lloyd- 
 
 George, 508-9. 
 
 20. Housing and Town-planning Act (1909): 
 
 Summary of its Provisions, 613. 
 
 21. Building of “Dreadnoughts” in Eng- 
 land and Germany (a. d. 1909): 
 
 Lord Charles Beresford : Speech in London, 700. 
 
 Cassell’s Magazine: The Dreadnought, 700-1. 
 
 Speeches in British Parliament, 700-03. 
 
 22. Chancellor Lloyd-George’s Budget ; 
 Its Rejection by the Lords (a. d. 1909): 
 
 D. Lloyd-George : Explanatory Speech in Par- 
 liament, 240-2. 
 
 H. H. Asquith : Speech in Parliament, 242-3. 
 
 Sir E. Grey: Speech at Leeds, 243. 
 
 Lords Lansdowne, Rosebery, Balfour, James, 
 et al : Speeches, 243-5. 
 
 Proceedings, Votes, Parliamentary Dissolution, 
 Election, 244-5, 246. 
 
 805 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 * STUDY XLIX. 
 
 CANADA. 
 
 1. Discovery and Early Exploration: 
 
 G. Bancroft: Hist, of theU. S., 58 (51). 
 
 Sir A. Helps: Spanish Conquest, 63 (56). 
 
 J. G. Kohl: Discovery of Maine, 2404-5(2352-3). 
 Father Charlevoix: New France, 72-3 (65-6). 
 
 E. Warburton: Conquest of Canada, 74 (67). 
 
 E. Hayes: Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 76 (69). 
 
 2. The Aborigines ; The Name Canada: 
 
 D. G. Brinton: The Lenape, 84 (77). 
 
 J. W. Powell: Ethnological Report, 85 (78). 
 
 E. Warburton: Conquest of Canada, 365 (355). 
 
 F. Parkman : Pioneers of France, 366 (356) 
 
 3. The Arrival of Champlain ; Acadia ; 
 Port Royal (a. d. 1603): 
 
 E. Warburton: Conquest of Canada, 366 (356). 
 
 F. Parkman : Pioneers of France, 2437 (2385). 
 
 G. Bryce: The Canadian People, 367 (357). 
 
 J. Hannay: Hist, of Acadia, 368-9 (358-9). 
 
 4. Founding of Quebec and Montreal ; Dis- 
 covery of Lake Champlain: 
 
 W. Kingsford: Hist, of Canada, 367-8 (357-8). 
 J. MacMullen: Hist, of Canada, 369 (359). 
 
 J. R. Brodhead: Hist, of New York, 369 (359). 
 
 5. Jesuit Missions: 
 
 E. F. Slafter : Memoir of Champlain, 371 (361). 
 
 R. Mackenzie: America, 371-2 (361-2). 
 
 F. Parkman: Jesuits in N. America, 372 (362). 
 E. Warburton: Conquest of Canada, 373 (363). 
 
 A. Bell : Hist, of Canada, 373 (363). 
 
 6. The Great Pioneer Explorers: 
 
 G. Bryce: The Canadian People, 372-3 (362-3). 
 J. Fiske: Spanish and French Explorers, 375-6 
 
 (365-6) 
 
 B. A. Hinsdale: The Old Northwest, 378-9 
 (368-9). 
 
 7. First Inter-Colonial or “King Wil- 
 liam’s” War (a. d. 1689-97): 
 
 G. Bancroft. Hist, of the U. S., 376-7 (366-7). 
 
 J. G. Palfrey : Hist, of New England, 377 (367). 
 J. S. Barry: Hist, of Massachusetts, 378 (368). 
 
 8. Second Inter-Colonial or “Queen 
 Anne’s” War (a. d. 1711-13): 
 
 R. Johnson: Hist, of the French War, 2362 
 (2314). 
 
 G. Bancroft: Hist, of the U. S„ 379-80 (369-70). 
 
 S. S. Hebberd: Hist, of Wisconsin, 380 (370). 
 
 9. Third Inter-Colonial or “King George’s” 
 War (a. d. 1744-8) : 
 
 J. Graham: Hist, of the U. S., 2362-3 (2314-15). 
 R. Brown: Island of Cape Breton, 397-8 (387-8). 
 J. G. Palfrey: Hist, of New England, 398 (388). 
 R. Hildreth: Hist, of theU. S., 2363-4 (2315-16). 
 R. Johnson: Hist, of French War, 2364 (2316). 
 
 T. C. Haliburton: The English in America, 
 2364-5 (2316-17). 
 
 “ As far as England was concerned the taking of 
 Louisburg was the great event of the war of the Aus- 
 trian succession. England had no other success in that 
 war to compare with it. As things turned out, it is not 
 too much to say that this exploit of New England gave 
 peace to Europe.” J. G. Palfrey. 
 
 10. The Fate of the Acadians: 
 
 J. Hannay: Hist, of Acadia, 2438-9 (2386-7). 
 
 R. Johnson: Hist, of the French War, 2439-40 
 (2387-8). 
 
 T. C. Haliburton : Nova Scotia, 2440 (2388). 
 
 F. Parkman: Montcalm and Wolfe, 2440-1 
 (2388-9). 
 
 C. C. Smith: Wars on the Seaboard, 2441 (2389). 
 
 11. A Border Warfare: 
 
 F. Parkman: Montcalm and Wolfe, 381 (371). 
 
 G. E. Hart: The Fall of New France, 381 (371). 
 E. II. Roberts: New York, 381 (371). 
 
 J. H. Patton: The American People, 381-2 (372). 
 
 12. The “Seven Years,” or “French and 
 Indian,” War (a. d. 1755-1763): 
 
 F Parkman: Montcalm and Wolfe, 382-3 (372-3). 
 
 G. E. Hart: The Fall of New France, 383-4 (374). 
 C. C. Smith: Wars on the Seaboard, 398 (388). 
 J. Marshall: Life of Washington, 384r-5 (374^5). 
 
 13. The Fall of Quebec ; Montcalm and 
 Wolfe (a. d. 1759): 
 
 E. Warburton: Conquest of Canada, 385 (375). 
 W. Irving: Life of Washington, 385-6 (375-6). 
 
 14. Closing Events of the War: 
 
 R. Johnson: Hist, of the French War, 386-7 
 (376-7). 
 
 G. Bancroft: Hist, of the U. S , 387-8 (377-8). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Hist, of Modern Europe, 2975 (2898). 
 
 15. The American Revolution and Canada: 
 J. G. Bourinot: Const. Hist, of Canada, 388-9 
 
 (378-9). 
 
 G. Bryce: The Canadian People, 389-90 (379-80). 
 J. Fiske: War of Independence, 3355, first 
 
 column (3239). 
 
 R. Hildreth : Hist, of the U. S., 3365-6 (3249-50). 
 Sir E. Creasy: Fifteen Decisive Battles, 3366-8 
 (3250-2). 
 
 H. W. Preston: Historical Documents, 3403-4 
 (3287-8). 
 
 16. Constitutional Act of 1791 ; Upper and 
 Lower Canada : 
 
 J. E. C. Munro: Constitution of Canada, 390 
 
 (380) . 
 
 17. In the War of 1812: 
 
 See Study XL. 
 
 18. Convention Relating to Fisheries (a. d, 
 1818): 
 
 H. W. Preston: Historical Documents, Article 
 III., 3404 (3288). 
 
 E. Schuyler: American Diplomacy, 1151-2 
 ( 1121 - 2 ). 
 
 19. The “Family Compact”; Rebellion of 
 1837: 
 
 G. Bryce: The Canadian People, 390 (380). 
 
 Earl of Durham : British N. America, 390 (380). 
 J. McCarthy : Hist, of Our Own Times, 391 (381). 
 W. P. Greswell : The Dominion of Canada, 391 
 
 (381) . 
 
 Viscount Bury: Exodus of Western Nations, 392 
 
 (382) . 
 
 W. P. Greswell : The Dominion of Canada, 392 
 
 (382). 
 
 20. The “Caroline Affair”; The Ashbur- 
 ton Treaty (a. d. 1842) : 
 
 Viscount Bury: Exodus of Western Nations, 392 
 
 (382) . 
 
 H. C. Lodge: Daniel Webster, 392-3 (382-3). 
 
 J. Schouler: Hist, of the U. S., 3494-5 (3378-9). 
 
 21 . Opposition of Races ; Relations with the 
 United States (a. d. 1840-65) : 
 
 Gold win Smith: The Canadian Question, 393 
 
 (383) . 
 
 806 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 Treaties and Conventions between the U. S. and 
 Other Powers, 3163-4 (3079-80). 
 
 F. E. Haynes: Reciprocity Treaty, 3164 (3080). 
 II. J. Raymond: Life of Abraham Lincoln, 3658 
 
 (3542). 
 
 22. Fenian Invasions (a. d. 1866-1871): 
 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 1833-1 
 (1793-4). 
 
 G. Bryce: The Canadian People, 393-4 (383—1). 
 
 23. Federation; The Dominion of Canada 
 (a. d. 1867). 
 
 J. G. Bourinot: Federal Gov’t, in Canada, 
 1139-40 (1111-12). 
 
 : Const. Hist, of Canada, 394 (384). 
 
 J. Bryce : The American Commonwealth, 394-5 
 (384-5). 
 
 Full Text of the Constitution, 546-557(526-537). 
 
 "The Federal Constitution of the Dominion of Can- 
 ada is contained in the British North America Act, 1867, 
 a statute of the British Parliament (30 Viet., c. 3). . . . 
 The Federal, or Dominion Government, is conducted on 
 the so-called ‘ Cabinet system ’ of England, i. e., the 
 Ministry sit in Parliament, and hold ofhee at the pleas- 
 ure of the House of Commons. . . . The distribution 
 of matters within the competence of the Dominion 
 Parliament and of the Provincial legislatures respect- 
 ively, bears a general resemblance to that existing in 
 the United States; but there is this remarkable distinc- 
 tion, that whereas in the United States, Congress has 
 only the powers actually granted to it, the State legis- 
 latures retaining all such powers as have not been 
 taken from them, the Dominion Parliament has a gen- 
 eral power of legislation, restricted only by the grant 
 of certain specific and exclusive powers to the Provin- 
 cial legislatures. . . . The Constitution of the Dominion 
 was never submitted to popular vote, and can be al- 
 tered only by the British Parliament, except as regards 
 certain points left to its own legislature. There exists 
 no power of amending the provincial Constitutions by 
 popular vote similar to that which the peoples of the 
 several States exercise in the United States.” James 
 Bryce. 
 
 24. Later Admissions; Increase of Terri- 
 tory: 
 
 J. E. C. Munro: Constitution of Canada, 2429 
 (2377). 
 
 J. McCarthy : Hist, of Our Own Times, 395 (385). 
 J. McCoun : The Great North West, 395-6 (385-6). 
 J. E. C. Munro: Constitution of Canada, 333-4, 
 2658 (323-4, 2586). 
 
 C. Cushing: The Treaty of Washington, 2874 
 (2799). 
 
 Viscount Milton: The San Juan Boundary, 2874 
 (2799). 
 
 Creation of New Provinces in 1905, Vol. VII., 67. 
 
 25. The Fisheries Question (a. d. 1818-1910) : 
 Treaties and Conventions Between the U. S. and 
 
 Other Powers, 35 (28). 
 
 C. B. Elliott: The Northeastern Fisheries, 1152 
 
 ( 1122 ). 
 
 Final Agreement for Arbitration (a. d. 1909), 
 Volume VII., 446-8. 
 
 26. The Manitoba School Question (a. d. 
 1890-96 and 1905) : 
 
 J. G. S. Cox: Mr. Laurier and Manitoba, Volume 
 VI., 59-61. 
 
 Text of the Encyclical Letter of the Pope, Vol- 
 ume VI., 62-3. 
 
 The Outlook (a. d. 1905), Volume VII., 68. 
 
 27. Immigration ; Movement from the United 
 States. 
 
 E. Farrer: Canada and the New Imperialism, 
 Volume VII., 63. 
 
 J. W. Dafoe- Western Canada, Vol. VII., 63. 
 London Times: Correspondence, Vol. VII., 64. 
 
 28. Recent Important Treaties and Agree- 
 ments : 
 
 (a) Alaska Boundary. 
 
 President Roosevelt: Message (1903), Vol. VII., 9. 
 
 F. B. Tracy: Tercentenary History of Canada, 
 Vol. VII., 9. 
 
 Convention for fixing the Line, Vol. VII., 9-10. 
 
 ( b ) Waterways Treaty. 
 
 Text of Treaty (1909) U. S. and Great Britain, 
 Volume VII., 71-2. 
 
 (c) General Boundary. 
 
 Summary of Boundary Treaty (1908), Volume 
 VII., 69-70. 
 
 29. Imperial Relations: 
 
 Parliamentary Papers: Proceeding of Imperial 
 Conferences of Colonial Premiers, 1897, 1902 
 and 1907, Volume VI., 208-9; Volume VII., 
 51-7. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY L. 
 
 JAPAN. 
 
 1. Early History: 
 
 B. H. Chamberlain: Things Japanese, 1913-15 
 (1873-5). 
 
 IS. Reclus: The Earth and Its Inhabitants, 1990 
 (3737). 
 
 2. Jesuit Missions; A Century of Chris- 
 tianity (a. d. 155 0-16801 : 
 
 Quarterly Review, 1871 : Christianity in Japan, 
 1915-16 (1875-6). 
 
 D. Murray: Story of Japan, 1916 (1876). 
 
 Sir E. J. Reed: Japan, 1916-17 (1876-7). 
 
 3. Opening of Ports to Foreigners (a. d. 
 1852): 
 
 Inazo Nitobe: The U. S. and Japan, 1917-18 
 (1877-8). 
 
 Monument to Com. Perry, Vol. VI., 282-3; Vol. 
 VIL, 341. 
 
 4. Constitutional Development (a. d. 
 1869—): 
 
 T. Iyenaga: Development of Japan, 1918-19 
 (1878-9). 
 
 H. N. G. Busliby: Parliamentary Gov’t in 
 Japan, Vol. VI., 277-8. 
 
 Tokiwo Yokoi- New Japan, Vol. VI., 278-9. 
 Text of the Constitution of 1889, 578-80 (554-7). 
 
 5. War with China (a. d. 1894r-5): 
 
 G. N. Curzon: Problems of the Far East, 
 1990-91 (3737-8). 
 
 Political Science Quarterly, 1991 (3738). 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 76-8. 
 
 6. Acquisition of Formosa : 
 
 J.H. Wilson: China, 1185-6 (3747). 
 
 S. W. Williams: Middle Kingdom, 1186 (3747). 
 Treaty with China (1895), Article II. (b), Vol. 
 VI., 76. 
 
 The Annual Register (1896), Vol. VI., 279. 
 
 7. Japan and Russia in Korea (a d. * 895-8) : 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports, Vol. VI., 288-9. 
 Correspondence of London Times, Vol. VI., 
 
 289. 
 
 807 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 8. Party Organizations ; The Marquis Ito : 
 H. N. G. Bushby: Parliamentary Gov’t in 
 
 Japan, Vol. VI., 279-80. 
 
 Correspondence of the London Times, Vol. VI., 
 282; Vol. VII., 362-3. 
 
 W. E. Griffis: Prince Ito’s Party, Vol. VII., 343. 
 
 9. Distrust of the Russians in Manchuria 
 (a. d. 1901-1904) : 
 
 G. T. Ladd: In Korea with Marquis Ito, Vol. 
 VII., 341-2. 
 
 Text of Russo-Chinese Treaty of 1902, Vol. VII., 
 91-2. 
 
 10. Defensive Agreements with Great 
 Britain : 
 
 Text of Agreements of 1902 and 1905, Vol. VII., 
 342-3, 360-1. 
 
 11. War with Russia (a. d. 1904-1905): 
 
 U. S. War Dep’t: Epitome, Vol. VII., 343-5, 
 
 346, 348. 
 
 E. J. Nojine : The Truth about Port Arthur, Vol. 
 VII., 345, 347-8, 350. 
 
 Admiral Sir C. Bridge: In the Naval Annual, 
 Vol. VII., 346. 
 
 Lord Brooke: An Eye-witness in Manchuria, 
 
 347. 
 
 L. Hearn: Letter from Japan, 347. 
 
 T. Sakurai: Human Bullets, 348-50. 
 
 American Review of Reviews, Vol. VII., 351-2. 
 G. Kennan: The Naval Battle of Tsushima, Vol. 
 VII., 352-4. 
 
 L. L. Seaman, M. D. : The Japanese Medical Ser- 
 vice, Vol. VII., 354-5. 
 
 Official Japanese Statement of Casualties, Vol. 
 VII., 355-6. 
 
 12. The Peace Treaty of Portsmouth (a. d. 
 1905) : 
 
 American Mediation; President Roosevelt’s 
 Proffer, Vol. VII., 356. 
 
 Official Correspondence and Preliminaries, Vol. 
 VII., 356-7. 
 
 F. de Martens: The Portsmouth Peace Confer- 
 ence, Vol. VII., 357. 
 
 E. J. Dillon: Story of the Peace Negotiations, 
 Vol. VII., 357-8. 
 
 Text of the Treaty, Vol. VII., 358-60. 
 
 13. The War Debt ; Material Conditions: 
 The London Times: Correspondence, Vol. VII., 
 
 363, 362. 
 
 14. Korea under Japanese Control (a. d. 
 1904-1909): 
 
 Text of three Agreements of 1904 and 1905, Vol. 
 VII., 365-7. 
 
 K. Asakawa: Korea and Manchuria under the 
 New Treaty, Vol. VII., 367. 
 
 London and New York Press Correspondence, 
 Vol. VII., 367-70. 
 
 Assassination of Prince Ito, Vol. VII., 363-4. 
 
 15. Disputes with China (a. d. 1905-1909) : 
 The London Times: Correspondence, Vol. VII., 
 
 95, 97-8. 
 
 16. Exchange of Notes with the United 
 States on Policy in the East (a. d. 1908): 
 
 Text of the Declaration, Vol. VII., 362. 
 
 17. The San Francisco School Question: 
 
 F. H. Clark: Anti-Japanese Agitation in Cali- 
 fornia, Vol. VII., 538-40. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY LI. 
 
 CHINA. 
 
 1. The Names and Character of the Coun- 
 try: 
 
 H. Yule: Cathay, 428 (416). 
 
 E. Reclus: The Earth and its Inhabitants, 428-30. 
 
 2. Origin and Early History of the People: 
 T. de Lacouperie: Chinese Civilization, 246 
 
 (239). 
 
 R. Iv. Douglas: China, 430-2 (416-18). 
 
 3. Religions of the People : 
 
 R. Iv. Douglas: China, 432-3 (418-19). 
 
 T. Rhys Davids: Buddhism, 433 (419). 
 
 Abbe Hue: Christianity in China, 1995 (1951). 
 
 4. The Mongol Conquest ; Empire of Kublai- 
 Khan (a. d. 1150-1368). 
 
 H. H. Howorth. The Mongols, 2265 (2221). 
 
 C. R. Markham: Hist, of Persia, 2265 (2221). 
 
 H. Yule: Cathay, 433 (419); 2266-8. 
 
 H. H. Howorth : The Mongols, 433 (419). 
 
 D. C. Boulger. China, 2266 (2222). 
 
 5. The Ming and Manchu Dynasties : 
 
 L. Ritchie: Oriental Nations, 434 (420). 
 
 H. A. Giles: Historic China, 434-5(420-1). 
 
 T. T. Meadows: North China, 2126-7 (3791-2). 
 
 6. The Opium War ; Opening of the Treaty 
 Ports (a. d. 1839-42) : 
 
 S. Walpole: History of England, 435-7 (421-3). 
 S. W. Williams: The Middle Kingdom, 437 
 
 (423) . 
 
 C. P. Lucas: The British Colonies, 1701. 
 
 7. The Taiping Rebellion (a. d. 1850-64) 
 “Chinese” Gordon: 
 
 S. W. Williams: The Middle Kingdom, 438 
 
 (424) . 
 
 L. N. Wheeler: The Foreigner in China, 438 
 (424). 
 
 A. Forbes: Chinese Gordon, 438-9 (42U5). 
 
 R. H. Veitch: Charles George Gordon, 439 (425). 
 
 8. The War with England and France (a. 
 d. 1856-60): 
 
 J. McCarthy : Hist, of Our Own Times, 439-41 
 (425-7). 
 
 9. French Acquisitions in Indo-China (a. d. 
 1875-79) : 
 
 A. H. Keane: Eastern Geography, 3200-01 
 
 (3114-15). 
 
 V. Duruy: Hist, of France, 1428(1395). 
 
 10. The Burlingame Treaty and the Ex- 
 clusion Act : 
 
 W. Speer: The Oldest Empire, 441-2 (427-8). 
 
 E. McPherson: Handbook of Politics, 3702 
 (3585). 
 
 11. The Chinese in Korea: 
 
 fl. Reclus- The Earth and Its Inhabitants, 1990 
 (3736-7). 
 
 R. S. Gundry: China and Her Neighbors, 1990 
 (3737). 
 
 G. N. Curzon: Problems of the Far East, 1990-1 
 (3737-8). 
 
 12. The War With Japan (a. d. 1894-95): 
 Political Science Quarterly, 1991 (3738). 
 
 Korean Independence, Vol. VI., 76. 
 
 Text of the Treaty of Shimonoseki, Vol. VI., 
 76-8. 
 
 808 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 13. Treaty With Russia Giving Rights in 
 Manchuria . 
 
 H. Norman: Russia and England, Vol. VI., 78-9. 
 Statistical Description of Manchuria in 1897, 
 Vol. VI., 301-2. 
 
 14. Foreign Residents of China (a. d. 1897)' 
 U. S. Consular Reports, Vol. VI., 80. 
 
 15. European Wrecking of the Empire be- 
 gun (a. d. 1897-98): 
 
 U. S. Bureau of Statistics, Vol. VI., 80. 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 80-3. 
 
 The “Battle of Concessions,” Vol. VI., 83-6. 
 
 16. Russian Acquisition of Port Arthur 
 (a. d. 1898): 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 86 - 8 . 
 
 17. Increased Demands of France and Gt. 
 Britain (a. d. 1898) : 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 
 88- 9. 
 
 18. “Open-Door” Commercial Agreements 
 secured by the United States: 
 
 U. S. Congressional Documents, Vol. VI., 104. 
 
 19. Efforts toward Reform (a. d. 1898): 
 Kang Yeu Wei: Revolution of 1898, Vol. VI., 
 
 89- 91. 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 91-4. 
 
 Blackwood’s Magazine : The Empress Dowager, 
 Vol. VI., 94-5. 
 
 20. Outbreak of Hostility to Foreigners 
 (a. d. 1898-1900): 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports, Vol. VI., 95-101. 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 95-101 
 
 G. F. Wright: Letter to the Nation, Vol. VI., 
 299 
 
 21. The Tsung-li Yamen: 
 
 The Spectator (London, 1899), Vol. VI., 101. 
 
 22. Early Accounts of “The Boxers” (a. d. 
 1900): 
 
 Great Britain: Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 104-7. 
 
 Robert Hart: The Peking Legations, Vol. VI., 
 
 107- 8. 
 
 23. Naval Demonstration of the Powers 
 (a. d. 1900): 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 
 108- 9. 
 
 Telegrams from British Minister at Peking, Vol. 
 VI., 109-12. 
 
 Official Reports, Vol. VI., 112-13. 
 
 24. Chinese Imperial Edicts (a. d 1900): 
 Correspondence of London Times, Vol. VI., 114. 
 Report by Minister Wu Ting-fang, Vol. VI., 115. 
 
 25. Siege of the Foreign Legations at Pe ■ 
 king (June- Aug., 1900) : 
 
 Detailed Account by one of the Besieged, Vol. 
 VI., 115-128. 
 
 London Times Correspondence, Vol. VI., 115-128. 
 U. S. Secretary of War, Report, Vol. VI., 128-9. 
 
 26. Capture of Peking by Allied Forces 
 (Aug., 1900): 
 
 Report of U. S. Gen. Chaffee, Vol. VI., 130-2. 
 
 27. Horrors of the Allied Invasion: 
 
 T. F. Millard: The Armies in China, Vol. VI., 
 132. 
 
 E. J. Dillon: Chinese Wolf and European Lamb, 
 Vol. VI., 132-4. 
 
 Correspondence of London Times, Vol. VI., 
 134^6. 
 
 28. Final Negotiations of Powers with 
 China : 
 
 Texts of Notes, Agreements, etc., Vol. VI., 
 137^:3. 
 
 29. Murdered Missionaries and Christians : 
 
 Several Detailed Statements, Vol. VI., 143-4. 
 
 30. The Russian Grip on Manchuria (a. d. 
 1901-1902) : 
 
 Text of Secret Treaty Secured, Vol. VI., 300-01. 
 
 Remonstrance of the U. S. Secretary of State, 
 Vol. VI., 144. 
 
 United States: Papers on Foreign Relations, 
 Vol. VII., 91-2. 
 
 G. T. Ladd: In Korea with Prince Ito, Vol. 
 VII., 341-2. 
 
 31. Chinese Indemnity for the Boxer Ris- 
 ing: 
 
 Settlement of the Indemnity, Vol. VII., 92. 
 
 Remission of part by the United States; Corre- 
 spondence, Vol. VII., 92-3. 
 
 32. Commercial Treaty with the United 
 States (a. d. 1903): 
 
 J. H. Latane : America as a World Power, Vol. 
 VII., 94. 
 
 33. Railways and Recent Railway Ques- 
 tions: 
 
 D. C. Boulger: The Shanghai -Nanking Railway, 
 Vol. VII., 94. 
 
 TheHankau Sze chuen Railway Loan Question, 
 Vol. VII., 94-5. 
 
 Railway Agreements and Disputes with Japan, 
 Vol. VII., 95, 97-8. 
 
 Russo-Chinese Agreement and the ELharbin Ques- 
 tion, Vol. VII., 100-02. 
 
 Opening of the Peking-Kalgan Railway, Vol. 
 VII., 545. 
 
 Proposed neutralization of Manchurian railways, 
 Vol. VII., 102-03. 
 
 34. Promised Constitution of Representa- 
 tive Government (a. d. 1908-1909): 
 
 New York Tribune : Summarized translation of 
 Decree, Vol. VII., 95-6. 
 
 Reaffirmation of the Decree, Vol. VII., 99-100. 
 
 London Times ; Election and Opening of Pro- 
 vincial Assemblies, a. d. 1909, Vol. VII., 102. 
 
 35. Death of the Emperor and Empress 
 Dowager (a. d. 1908) : 
 
 Newspaper Reports, Vol. VII., 99. 
 
 36. Dismissal of Viceroy Yuan Shih-kai 
 (a. d. 1909): 
 
 Correspondence of New York Evening Post, Vol. 
 VII., 100. 
 
 37. Opium Reform : 
 
 United States Legation Report, Vol. VII., 462-3. 
 
 Tang Shao Yi : Address in London, Vol. VII., 
 463-4. 
 
 British Consular Report, Vol. VII., 464. 
 
 38. American Treaties, vs. Exclusion Laws : 
 
 An Exhibit from the Documents, Vol. VII., 538. 
 
 *See important note at head of Study I. 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 * STUDY LII. 
 
 RUSSIA. 
 
 1. Origin of the People and Their Na- 
 tional Name: 
 
 V. Thomsen: Russia and Scandinavia, 3009 
 (2931) ; 2829 (2755). 
 
 A. Lefevre: Race and Language, 3009 (2931). 
 
 G. Finlay: Byzantine Empire, 521 (507). 
 
 2. Early Relations with Byzantine Empire: 
 G. Finlay: Byzantine Empire, 2829-30 (2755-6); 
 
 521-2 (507-8). 
 
 G. F. Maclear: Conversion of the West, 480-1 
 (466-7). 
 
 3. The Mongol Conquest (a. d. 1237-39); 
 
 H. Yule: Cathay, 2267-8 (2222-4). 
 
 C. I. Black: Proselytes of Ishinael, 2268 (2224). 
 H. H. Howorth: Hist, of the Mongols, 2268 
 (2224). 
 
 4. Two Centuries of Tartar Domination 
 (a. d. 1237-1480): 
 
 J. C. Prichard : Races of Mankind, 3173 (3089). 
 
 P. A. Kropotkine: Tartars, 3173 (3089). 
 
 C. F. Johnstone: Historical Abstracts, 2830-2 
 (2756-8). 
 
 A. Leroy -Beaulieu : Empire of the Tsars, 2832 
 (2758). 
 
 5. Invasion of the Poles; Origin of the 
 Romanoffs : 
 
 H. S. Edwards: The Romanoifs, 2832-3 (2758). 
 
 H. Krasinski: Cossacks of the Ukraine, 641-2 
 (618-19). 
 
 W. R. Morfil: The Story of Russia, 2619 (2551). 
 
 6. Assumption of the Title “Tsar” (a. d. 
 1547) : 
 
 A. Rambaud: Hist, of Russia, 2833 (2759). 
 
 W. K. Kelly. Russia, 2833 (2759). 
 
 7. Conquest of Siberia (a. d. 1580) : 
 
 W. Coxe: Russian Discoveries, 2979 (2902). 
 
 U. S. Bureau of Statistics, 2980. 
 
 8. Wars with Turks and Sweden: 
 
 Sir E. S. Creasy : The Ottoman Turks, 2833-4 
 (2759-60). 
 
 J. L. Stevens: Gustavus Adolphus, 2897 (2822). 
 
 9. Great Religious Schism, — “The Rascol ” 
 (a. d. 1655-60) : 
 
 W. R. Morfil : Story of Russia, 2834 (2760). 
 Stepniak: The Russian Peasantry, 2834 (2760). 
 
 10. Peter the Great; the Conquest of Azov: 
 Voltaire: Charles XII., 2834-5 (2760-1). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 3259-60 (3143-4) 
 
 J. N. Earned- Europe, 1108 (1080). 
 
 11. War with Charles XII. of Sweden (a. d. 
 1697-1718): 
 
 Voltaire: Charles XII., 2899-2900 (2824-5). 
 
 A. Crichton: Scandinavia, 2900-01 (2825-6). 
 
 W. C. Taylor: Modern History, 2903 (2826-8). 
 
 12. Founding of St. Petersburg (a. d. 1703) : 
 
 E. Schuyler. Peter the Great, 2835-6 (2761-2). 
 
 13. From Peter the Great to Catherine II. 
 (a. d. 1725-62) : 
 
 W. R. Morfil : Story of Russia, 2836-7 (2762-3). 
 
 W. K. Kelly : Hist, of Russia, 2837 (2763). 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 2837-8 (2763-4). 
 
 A. Rambaud: Hist, of Russia, 2838 (2764). 
 
 81 
 
 14. Reign of Catherine II. (a. d. 1762-96): 
 Lardner: History of Russia, 2839 (2765). 
 
 C. F. Johnstone: Historical Abstracts, 2839-40 
 (2765-6). 
 
 Edinburgh Review : Empress Catherine II., 2840 
 (2766). 
 
 It. Waliszewski- Romance of an Empress, 2840- 
 1 (2766-7). 
 
 H. Frederic: The New Exodus, 1971 (1930). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1115-16 (1087-8). 
 
 15. Assassination of Paul (a. d. 1801): 
 
 A. Czartoryski: Memoirs, 2841-2 (2867-8). 
 
 16. Alexander I. ; Alliances against Napo- 
 leon (a. d. 1801-1807): 
 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 1375 (1342). 
 
 H. Martin: History of France, 1545-6 (1511—12). 
 A. Itambaud: History of Russia, 1546-7(1513). 
 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 1547 (1513). 
 
 C. Joyneville: Life of Alexander I., 1547-8 
 (1513-14). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Finland, 2905-6 (2830-1). 
 
 17. Napoleon’s Invasion (a. d. 1812): 
 
 It. Lodge: Modern Europe, 1385-6 (1351-2). 
 
 P. Lanfrey: History of Napoleon, 1384 (1351). 
 A. Rambaud : History of Russia, 2842-3 (2768-9). 
 L. Tolstoi: Napoleon and the Russ. Campaign, 
 2843-4 (2769-70). 
 
 A. Thiers: History of the Empire, 2844-5 (2771). 
 
 V. Duruy: History of France, 2845-6 (2771-2). 
 Gen. R. Wilson: The Invasion of Russia, 2846-7 
 
 (2772-3). 
 
 E. Labaume: The Campaign in Russia, 2847 
 (2773). 
 
 18. Alliance of Russia and Prussia : Leipsic 
 (a. d. 1812-13): 
 
 H. Martin: Hist, of France, 1555-6 (1521-2). 
 
 J. Mitchell. The Fall of Napoleon, 1557-8 
 (1423-4). 
 
 J. G. Lockhart: Life of Napoleon, 1558-9 (1525). 
 R. H. Horne: Hist, of Napoleon, 1559-60 (1526). 
 C- T. Lewis: Hist, of Germany, 1561-2 (1527-8). 
 
 W. Hazlitt: Life of Napoleon, 1562-3 (1528-9). 
 G. R. Gleig. The Leipsic Campaign, 1563 (1529). 
 
 19. The Allies in Paris ; Fall of Napoleon 
 (a. d. 1814): 
 
 A. Rambaud: Hist, of Russia, 1387-9 (1354-6). 
 
 J. Mitchell: Fall of Napoleon, 1389-91 (1356-8). 
 II. Martin: Hist, of France, 1391-2 (1358-9). 
 
 20. The Congress of Vienna: 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 3745-7 (3624-6). 
 
 It. Lodge: Modern Europe, 3747 (3626). 
 
 21. Alexander I. and the Holy Alliance: 
 
 M E. G. Duff: European Politics, 1696-7 (1658). 
 
 E. Hertslet: Europe by Treaty, 1697 (1658). 
 
 \V. R. Thayer: Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 1697-8 (1658-9). 
 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 3741 (3621). 
 
 F. H. Hill: George Canning, 3741 (3621). 
 
 It. Bell: Life of Canning, 3741-2 (3621-2). 
 
 22. Revolt of Russian Poland (a. d. 1830-2) : 
 
 S. Walpole: Hist, of England, 2625-6 (2557-8). 
 
 23. The Crimean War (a. d. 1853-6): 
 
 R. Walpole : Foreign Relations, 2848-9 (2774-5). 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 2849-50 
 
 (2775-6).' 
 
 W. N. Molesworth: Hist, of England, 2851-2 
 (2777-8). 
 
 L. C. Sanders: Life of Palmerston, 992 (965). 
 
 S. Walpole: Hist, of England, 2853-5 (2779-81). 
 
 .0 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 24. Emancipation of the Serfs (a. d. 1861) : 
 
 D. M. Wallace : Russia, 2995 (2917). 
 
 The Times: Alexander II., 2995 (2917). 
 
 W. H. Dixon : Free Russia, 2995-6 (2917-18). 
 Stepniak: The Russian Peasantry, 2996 (2918). 
 
 25. Russian Advance in Central Asia (a. d. 
 1869-81): 
 
 T. W. Knox: Decisive Battles, 2856-7 (2782-3). 
 
 C. H. Pearson: National Life, 2857 (2783). 
 
 E. Reclus: The Earth and its Inhabitants, 3246 
 (3130). 
 
 J. F. Bright: Hist, of England, 15-17 (15-17). 
 The Anglo-Russian Agreement as to Frontiers, 
 Vol. VI., 1. 
 
 26. War with Turkey (a. d. 1877-8): 
 
 Cassell’s Hist, of England, 259-61 (252-4). 
 
 S. Walpole: Foreign Relations, 3268-9 (3152-3). 
 
 T. W. Knox: Decisive Battles, 3269-70 (3153-4). 
 E. Ollier: The Russo-Turkish War, 3270 (3154). 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 3270-1 
 
 (3154-5). 
 
 E. Ollier: The Russo-Turkish War, 3271-2(3156). 
 W. Muller: Political History, 3272-3 (3156-7). 
 
 27. The Rise and Spread of Nihilism (a. d. 
 1861-): 
 
 J. Rae : Contemporary Socialism, 3026-7 (2948-9). 
 
 E. P. Bazan : Russia, 2413-14 (2361-2). 
 
 Georg Brandes: Impressions of Russia, 2414 
 
 (2362). 
 
 Stepniak: Underground Russia, 2414 (2362). 
 
 C. Joyneville: Life of Alexander II., 2857-9 
 (2783-5). 
 
 28. Alexander III. (a. d. 1881-94); Jewish Per- 
 secution : 
 
 F. H. Geffcken: Russia Under Alexander III., 
 2859-60 (2785-6). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: Israel Among the Nations, 
 1972 (1931). 
 
 C. N. Barham: The Jews in Russia, 1972-3 
 (1931-2). 
 
 29. Accession of Nicholas II. (a. d. 1894) : 
 
 Proclamation of the Accession, 2860 (2786). 
 Frightful Calamity at the Coronation, Vol. VI., 
 423. 
 
 Liberal Policy of Nicholas, Vol. VI., 423. 
 
 30. The First Census of the Empire (a. d. 
 1897): 
 
 E. J. Dillon : The First Russian Census, Vol. 
 VI., 423-4. 
 
 31. Russia in China (a. d. 1895-): 
 
 H. Norman: Russia and England, Vol. VI., 78-9. 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 86 - 8 , 101 . 
 
 32. Russia in Finland (a. d. 1898-1901): 
 
 R. Eucken: The Finnish Question, Vol. VI., 234. 
 Correspondence of the London Times, Vol. VI., 
 224. 
 
 33. The Student Outbreaks (a. d. 1899-1902): 
 Detailed Accounts from Various Sources, Vol. 
 
 VI., 424, 425-7; Vol. VII., 563. 
 
 34. Aggressive Movements in Manchuria 
 (a. d. 1900-02): 
 
 G. F. Wright, in the Nation, Vol. VI., 299-301. 
 Text of the Convention with China of 1901, Vol. 
 
 VI., 300-01. 
 
 Text of Treaty of April, 1902, Vol. VII., 91-2. 
 G. T. Ladd: In Korea with Marquis Ito, Vol. 
 VII., 341-2. 
 
 New Agreement of May, 1909, Vol. VII., 100. 
 
 35. Transportation to Siberia : 
 
 G. F. Kennan: The Settlement of Siberia, 2980. 
 Order of Tsar to abolish the System, Vol. VI., 
 
 425. 
 
 36. The Trans-Siberian Railway (a. d. 1891): 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 428-9. 
 
 A. H. Ford: Railways in Asia, Vol. VI., 429. 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports, Vol. VI., 429. 
 
 37. Revolutionary Movements (a. d. 1902- 
 1905) : 
 
 K. Zilliacus: Russian Revolutionary Movement, 
 Vol. VII., 563-4. 
 
 F. Volkhovsky: The Russian Awakening, Vol. 
 VII., 564-5. 
 
 H. W. Nevinson: The Dawn in Russia, 567. 
 Imperial Manifestos: The so-called Constitution 
 
 of October 30, 1905, Vol. VII., 568-9. 
 
 U. S. Consul: Diary of Rising at Moscow, Vol. 
 VII., 570-1. 
 
 Annual Register: Naval Mutiny, Army Revolt, 
 etc., Vol. VII., 571. 
 
 Imperial Decree of Religious Liberty, Vol. VII., 
 571-2. 
 
 38. War with Japan (a. d. 1904-1905) : 
 
 (See in Study L.). 
 
 39. The First, Second and Third Dumas (a. d. 
 1906-1909): 
 
 U. S. Ambassador Meyer: Despatches relating 
 to First Duma, Vol. VII., 572-3. 
 
 Imperial Manifesto dissolving the Duma, Vol. 
 VII.. 574. 
 
 Viborg Address of Duma Members to the People. 
 Vol. VII., 574. 
 
 Imperial Edict of Reforms, Vol. VII., 57445. 
 The Short-lived Second Duma, Vol. VII., 575. 
 E. J. Dillon : On the Election and Character of 
 the Third Duma, Vol. VII., 576-7. 
 
 40. The Policy of Massacre (“Pogroms”); 
 The Police “ Agent Provocateur”: 
 
 Prince Urussoff: Speech in the First Duma, Vol. 
 VII., 573. 
 
 Prince Kropotkin: Letter to The Times, 573-4. 
 British Parliamentary Paper : Massacre of Jews 
 at Kishineff, Vol. VII., 565-6. 
 
 Russian Police System: The Azeff Case, Vol. 
 VII., 579. 
 
 41. The Russianizing of Finland : 
 
 Particulars from various sources, Vol. VII. , 270-3. 
 
 42. Agreements with Great Britain : 
 
 Text of Convention (a. d. 1907), with Explan- 
 atory Despatches, Vol. VII., 255-7. 
 
 43. Submission to a German Menace (a. d. 
 1909): 
 
 The London Times: Editorial Statement, Vol. 
 VII., 260-1. 
 
 44. Present Conditions in the Empire (a. d. 
 1909): 
 
 Differing Accounts, Vol. VII., 580-1. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 811 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 * STUDY LIII. 
 
 THE TURKISH EMPIRE. 
 
 1. Race and Origin of the Turks: 
 
 H. H. Howortli: History of the Mongols, 2265 
 ( 2221 ). 
 
 F. Lenormant: Ancient History, 3245 (3129). 
 
 J. C. Prichard: Races of Mankind, 3173 (3089). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: The Ottoman Power in Europe, 
 
 252 (245). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 3246-7 (3130-1). 
 
 W. Smith: Note to above, 3246 (3130). 
 
 2. Rise of the Ottoman Turks from Wreck 
 of Mongol Conquests (a. d. 1218-1240): 
 
 C. R. Markham, History of Persia, 2265. 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 3249-50 (3133-4). 
 
 Sir E. S. Creasy: The Ottoman Turks, 3250 
 (3134). 
 
 E. A. Freeman. The Ottoman Power, 3250 
 (3134). 
 
 3. Their Entry into Europe (a. d. 1360) : 
 
 J. E. Tennent: Modern Greece, 3250-1 (3134-5). 
 Sir E. S. Creasy: The Ottoman Turks, 3251 
 (3135). 
 
 E. Gibbon: Decline and Fall, 3251-2 (3135-6). 
 
 4. The Career of Timour, the Tartar : 
 
 E. S. Creasy: The Ottoman Turks, 3197 (3112). 
 
 E. A. Freeman: Conquests of the Saracens, 
 3197 (3112). 
 
 A. Vambery: History of Bokhara, 3197-8 
 (3112-13). 
 
 5. The Fall of Constantinople (a. d. 1453) : 
 Sir E. S. Creasy: The Ottoman Turks, 3252-3 
 
 (3136-7). 
 
 E. A. Freeman • The Ottoman Power, 3253 
 (3137). 
 
 C. C. Felton : Greece, Ancient and Modern, 524 
 (510). 
 
 G. Finlay: The Byzantine Empire, 524-5 (511). 
 
 6. The “ Sublime Porte ”: 
 
 Sir E. S. Creasy: The Ottoman Turks, 3119-20 
 (3036-7). 
 
 A. H. Sayce: Fresh Light from the Monuments, 
 2595 (2528). 
 
 7. Wars of Solyman “The Magnificent” 
 
 (a. d. 1520-66): 
 
 W. Robertson: Reign of Charles V., 1702-3 
 (1663-4). 
 
 Sir E. S. Creasy: The Ottoman Turks, 1713-14 
 (1674-5). 
 
 E. Szabad: Hungary, 1714 (1675). 
 
 N.W. W rax hall: Hist, of France, 1882-3(1843). 
 
 S. Lane-Poole: The Barbary Corsairs, 269-70 
 (260-1). 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Philip II., 1703-4 (1664-5). 
 
 8. War with the Holy League ; The Battle 
 of Lepanto (a. d. 1571): 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Philip II., 3255-7 (3139-41). 
 
 R. Watson: Hist, of Philip II., 3257 (3141). 
 
 C- F. Johnstone: Historical Abstracts, 3257-8 
 (3141-2). 
 
 “It [Lepanto] was indeed a sanguinary battle, sur- 
 passing in this particular any sea-fight of modern 
 times. The loss fell much the most heavily on the 
 Turks. There is the usual discrepancy about numbers ; 
 but it may be safe to estimate their loss at nearly 25,000 
 slain and 5000 prisoners. What brought most pleasure 
 to the hearts of the conquerors was the liberation of 
 12,000 Christian captives, who had been chained to the 
 
 81 
 
 oar on board the Moslem galleys, and who now came 
 forth, with tears of joy streaming down their haggard 
 cheeks, to bless their deliverers. . . . The news of the 
 victory of Lepanto caused a profound sensation 
 throughout Christendom. ... It is a great error to 
 speak of the victory of Lepanto as a barren victory. 
 True, it did not strip the Turks of an inch of territory. 
 But the loss of reputation — that tower of strength to 
 the conqueror — was not to be estimated.” 
 
 W. H. Prescott. 
 
 9. The War with Persia, and the Conquest 
 of Crete (a. d. 1623-70) : 
 
 R. W. Fraser: Turkey, 3258 (3142). 
 
 Sir E. S. Creasy: The Ottoman Turks, 3258 
 (3142). 
 
 G. Finlay : History of Greece, 3258-9 (3142-3). 
 
 10. Great Invasions of Poland and Hungary 
 (a. d. 1670-90): 
 
 Chambers’ History of Poland, 2619-20 (2551-2). 
 Sir E. S. Creasy : The Ottoman Turks, 1719-20 
 (1680-1). 
 
 H. E. Malden: Vienna, 1720 (1681). 
 
 G. B. Malleson: Eugene of Savoy, 1720-1 (1682). 
 
 11. A Century of Aggression on the Euro- 
 pean Frontier (a. d. 1680-1780): 
 
 T. H. Dyer : Modern Europe, 3259-60 (3143-4). 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 3260 (3144). 
 
 W. K. Kelly: History of Russia, 2837 (2763). 
 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 3260-1 (3144-5). 
 
 R. Bell: History of Russia, 3261-2 (3145-6). 
 
 12. Turkey in the Napoleonic Wars: 
 
 Sir J. Porter: Turkey, 3262-3 (3146-7). 
 
 H. Van Laun: The Revolutionary Epoch, 1355 
 (1322). 
 
 H. Martineau : History of England, 3263-4 
 (3147-8). 
 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 1547 (1513). 
 
 C. Jovneville: Life of Alexander I., 1547-8 
 (1513-14). 
 
 13. Gradual Restriction of Turkish Terri- 
 tory : 
 
 T. W. Knox: Decisive Battles, 1644-6 (1606-8). 
 
 R. W. Fraser: Turkey, 3264-7 (3148-51). 
 
 A. A. Paton: Researches on the Danube, 257-8 
 (250-1). 
 
 J. G. C. Minchin. Servia and Montenegro, 258 
 (251). 
 
 H. Morse Stephens: Modern Historians, 258-9 
 (251-2). 
 
 W. Midler: Political History, 3267-8(3151-2). 
 
 14. The Crimean War (a. d. 1853-6) : 
 
 See Study XLII. 
 
 15. The War with Russia (a. d. 1877-8): 
 
 S. Walpole: Foreign Relations, 3268-9 (3152-3.) 
 Cassell’s Hist, of England, 259-61 (252-4). 
 
 E. Ollier. The Russo-Turkish War, 3269-70 
 (3153-4). 
 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 3270-1 
 (3155). 
 
 16. The Treaty of Berlin (a- d. 1878) : 
 
 E. Ollier: Russo-Turkish War, 3271-2 (3155-6). 
 W. Midler: Political History, 3272-3 (3156-7). 
 
 J. H. Rose: Century of Continental Hist., 261 
 (254). 
 
 17. The Revolt and Massacres in Armenia 
 (a. d. 1895, 1903-4) : 
 
 The Annual Register (1895), Vol. VI., 537-8. 
 United States, 54th Congress, Senate Doc., Vol. 
 VI., 538-9. 
 
 Duke of Argyle: Our Responsibility for Turkey, 
 Vol. VI., 539-40. 
 
 2 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 Contemporary Review: The Constantinople Mas- 
 sacre, Vol. VI., 542-3. 
 
 Great Britain, Papers by Command, Vol. VI., 
 544-7; Vol. VII., 653. 
 
 18. Cretan Revolts ; Protection by the Pow- 
 ers (1866-1909) : 
 
 D. Bikelas: Christian Greece, 1648-9 (1610-11). 
 Ypsiloritis: Situation in Crete, Vol. VI., 540. 
 
 E. J. Dillon: Crete and the Cretans, Vol. VI., 
 540-1. 
 
 Great Britain: Parliamentary Papers, Vol. VI., 
 543-7. 
 
 Government under “The Concert of Europe,” 
 Vol. VI., 549, 551-2. 
 
 : Vol. VII., 167-9. 
 
 19. War with Greece (a. d. 1897): 
 
 B. Burleigh: The Greek War, Vol. VI., 547-8. 
 
 F. Palmer: How the Greeks were Defeated, Vol. 
 
 VI. , 548. 
 
 20. Reign of Terror in Macedonia (1900- 
 1909) : 
 
 The London Times (August, 1900), Vol. VI., 
 47-8. 
 
 G. F. Abbott: The Macedonian Question, Vol. 
 
 VII. , 649-50. 
 
 E. J Dillon: The Reign of Terror, Vol. VII., 
 650-1. 
 
 H. N. Brailsford: The Macedonian Revolt, Vol. 
 VII., 651. 
 
 H. Vivian: The Macedonian Conspiracy, Vol. 
 VII.. 651-2. 
 
 Great Britain: Parliamentary Papers, Vol. VII., 
 652, 653-5, 657. 
 
 21. The “Young Turks” and the Revolu- 
 tion of 1908: 
 
 K. Blind: Macedonia, Vol. VII., 655-6. 
 
 Narrative of the Revolution, from Official and 
 Press Despatches, Vol. VII., 656-62, 664. 
 
 22. Massacre in Southeastern Asia Minor 
 (a. d. 1909): 
 
 Narrative from Various Sources, Vol. VII.. 664. 
 
 23. Bulgarian Independence and Austrian 
 Annexations (a. d. 1908-9) : 
 
 Narrative of Events from Official and News- 
 paper Sources, Vol. VII., 258-61. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY LIV. 
 
 SPANISH AMERICA. 
 
 1. Origin of Spanish Claims in America: 
 
 (a) By Discovery , 
 
 H. H. Bancroft: The Pacific States, 55 (48). 
 
 Sir A. Helps: The Spanish Conquest, 55-6 (48-9). 
 
 C. R. Markham: The Sea Fathers, 56 (49). 
 
 J. Fiske : Discovery of America, 59-60 (52-3). 
 
 J. Winsor: Nar. and Crit. History, 61-2 (54-5). 
 
 (b) By Papal Grant. 
 
 M. Creighton : Hist, of the Papacy, 57 (50). 
 
 L. L. Dominguez : Conquest of the River Plate, 
 
 58 (51). 
 
 2. The American Aborigines: 
 
 W. Irving: Life of Columbus, 89 (82). 
 
 D. G. Brinton : Races and Peoples, 89 (82), 100 
 (93), 105 (98). 
 
 W- H. Brett: Tribes of Guiana, 89-90 (82-3). 
 
 81 
 
 n. II. Bancroft: Native Races, 100 (93), 106-7 
 (99-100). 
 
 T. J. Hutchinson : The Parana, 104 (97). 
 
 J. S. Kingsley: Natural History, 113 (106). 
 
 L. H. Morgan: American Aborigines, 54 (47). 
 
 “ The Spanish adventurers who thronged to the New 
 World after its discovery found the same race of Red 
 Indians in the West India Islands, in Central and South 
 America, in Florida, and in Mexico. In their mode of 
 life, and means of subsistence, in their weapons, arts, 
 usages, and customs, in their institutions, and in their 
 mental and physical characteristics, they were the same 
 people in different stages of advancement. . . . There 
 was neither a political society, nor a state, nor any civ- 
 ilization in America when it was discovered ; and, ex- 
 cluding the Eskimos, but one race of Indians, the Red 
 Race.’ r L. H. Morgan. 
 
 3. Conquest of Cuba (a. d. 1511): 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Conquest of Mexico, 661 (638). 
 S. Hazard, Cuba, 661-2 (638-9). 
 
 4. Early Exploring Expeditions: 
 
 W. Irving: Life of Columbus, 65-7 (58-60). 
 
 W. B. Rye: Discovery of Terra Florida, 67 (60). 
 Sir A. Helps: Spanish Conquest, 67-8 (60-1). 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Conquest of Mexico, 68-9 (62). 
 
 G. Bancroft: Hist, of the U. S., 70 (63). 
 
 F. de Xeres: Province of Cuzco, 71-2 (64-5). 
 
 5. Ancient Central America: 
 
 H. H. Bancroft: Native Races, 2200-02 (2156-8). 
 
 D. G. Brinton: Hero-Myths, 2202 (2158). 
 
 6. The Empire of Montezuma: 
 
 H. H. Bancroft- Native Races, 2202 (2158). 
 
 John Fiske: Discovery of America, 2203 (2159). 
 H. Cortes: Despatches, 2205-6 (2161-2). 
 
 Bernal Diaz: Memoirs, 2206 (2162). 
 
 L. H. Morgan: Houses of Am. Aborigines, 2206-7 
 (2162-3). 
 
 7. The Spanish Conquest (a. d. 1519-1521): 
 
 S. Hale: Story of Mexico, 2203-4 (2159-60). 
 
 J. Winsor: Nar. and Crit. History, 2204-5(2161). 
 
 M. Chevalier: Mexico, 2205 ((2161). 
 
 W. Robertson: Hist, of America. 2207-8 (2164). 
 Sir A. Helps: The Spanish Conquest, 2209(2165). 
 
 B. Mayer: Mexico, 2209 (2165). 
 
 W. H. Prescott: Conquest of Mexico, 2209-10 
 (2165-6), 2212 (2168). 
 
 M. Chevalier: Mexico, 2211-12 (2167-8). 
 
 8. The Empire of the Incas: 
 
 C. R. Markham: Hist, of America, 2585 (2518). 
 W. H. Prescott: Conquest of Peru, 2585-6 
 
 (2518-19). 
 
 E. G. Squier: Peru, 2586 (2519). 
 
 F. Hassaurek : Four years among Spanish Amer- 
 icans, 693-4 (670-1). 
 
 9. Pizarro’s Conquest of Peru (a. d. 1531-3): 
 R. G. Watson: South America, 2587 (2520). 
 
 C. R. Markham : Conquest of Peru and Chili, 
 2587-8 (2520-1). 
 
 Sir A. Helps- The Spanish Conquest, 2588-9 
 (2521-2). 
 
 10. The Conquest of Chile: 
 
 J. S. Kingsley: Natural History, 422 (411). 
 
 R. G. Watson : South America, 422 (411). 
 
 E. R. Smith - The Araucanians, 422-3 (411-12). 
 
 11. Early History of Paraguay and Buenos 
 Ayres : 
 
 T. J. Hutchinson: The Parana, 104 (97). 
 
 R. G. Watson: South America, 2547-8 (2481-2), 
 132-3 (125-6). 
 
 A. Gallenga : South America, 2548-9 (2482-3). 
 
 3 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 12. The Spanish Vice-Royalties: 
 
 C. R. Markham: South America, 195 (188). 
 
 : Cuzco and Lima, 2589 (2522). 
 
 S. Hale: The Story of Mexico, 2212-13 (2168-9). 
 R. G. Watson: South America, 497-8 (483-4). 
 
 E. J. Payne: European Colonies, 413, first col- 
 umn (403). 
 
 13. Revolt and Independence (a. d. 1810- 
 1826): 
 
 (a) The Colombian States ; Simon Bolivar. 
 
 E. J. Payne: European Colonies, 498-9 (484-5), 
 499-500 (485-6). 
 
 C. R. Markham: South America, 499 (485). 
 
 F. Hassaurek : The Spanish- Americans, 500 (486). 
 (5) Mexico. 
 
 J. Winsor: Nar. and Crit. History, 2213-14 
 (2169-70). 
 
 J. W. Monette: The Mississippi Valley, 3186 
 (3101). 
 
 M. Willson: American History, 2214-16 (2170-2). 
 R. A. Wilson: Mexico, 2216 (2172). 
 
 (c) Congress of Panama (a. d. 1826). 
 
 C. Cushing: Bolivar, 500-01 (486-7). 
 
 T. H. Benton: Thirty Years’ View, 501 (487). 
 
 (d) Chile. 
 
 B. Hall: Extracts from Journal, 423-4 (412-13). 
 The Atlantic Monthly : Republic of Chile, 424-5 
 
 (413-14). 
 
 II. Brownell: Peru, 2590-1 (2523-4). 
 
 A. B. Hart: Essays on American Gov’t, 426-7 
 (3694-5). 
 
 “ Treaty of Truce ” with Bolivia, Vol. VI., 75-6. 
 Spanish-American Congress, Vol. VI., 520. 
 
 (e) Peru. 
 
 C. R. Markham : Peru, 2590 (2523). 2592-3 (2526). 
 
 H. Brownell : South America, 2590-1 (2523-4). 
 
 C. Cushing: Bolivar, 2591-2 (2524-5). 
 
 E. J. Payne: European Colonies, 2592 (2525). 
 Overthrow of an Unconstitutional Government, 
 Vol. VI., 366. 
 
 (/) The Argentine Republic, and Paraguay. 
 
 E. J. Payne: European Colonies, 133-4 (126-7). 
 R. Napp: The Argentine Republic, 134-5 (128). 
 
 I. N. Ford: Tropical America, 135-6 (128-9). 
 
 A. Gallenga: South America, 2548-9 (2482-3). 
 
 U. S. Consular Reports, Vol. VI., 26. 
 
 Text of the Constitution of the Argentine Re- 
 public, 525-32 (511-18). 
 
 (g) Central America. 
 
 E. J. Payne: European Colonies, 413 (403). 
 
 H. H. Bancroft. The Pacific States, 414. 
 Continued Revolutionary Conflicts, 414-15. 
 
 H. Jalhay : Bulletin of Am. Republics, Vol. VI., 
 72-3. 
 
 Recent History : Messages of Presidents, Consu- 
 lar Reports, etc., Vol. VI., 73-4; VII., 74-80. 
 
 14. Mexico ; Later History : 
 
 (a) War with the United States (a. d. 1846-8). 
 
 E. J. Payne: European Colonies, 2216-17 (2173). 
 II. Wilson : The Slave Power, 2217 (2173). 
 
 J. W. Draper: American Civil War, 2217-18 
 (2173-4). 
 
 A. H. Noll : Hist, of Mexico, 2218 (2174). 
 Bryantand Gay: Hist, of the U. S., 2218 (2174). 
 J. R. Soley: Wars of the U. S., 2218-19 (2175). 
 H. O. Ladd. War with Mexico, 2219-20 (2176). 
 
 (b) Maximilian’ s Empire, and The Restored Re- 
 public. 
 
 A. II. Noll: Hist, of Mexico, 2220-1 (2176-7). 
 
 J. McCarthy: Hist, of Our Own Times, 2221-2 
 (2177-8). 
 
 Text of Constitution of Mexico, 581-90 (558-67). 
 
 (c) The Republic under Diaz. 
 
 S. Hale: The Story of Mexico, 2222-3 (2178-9). 
 M. Romero: Mexicoand theU. S., Vol. VI 305 
 306-7. 
 
 W. S. Logan: Yaqui, Vol. VI., 305-6. 
 
 C. F. Lummis: The Awakening of a Nation 
 Vol. VI., 307. 
 
 Bureau of American Republics: Mexico, Vol. 
 
 VI. , 307-8. 
 
 Census of 1900, Vol. VI., 308-9. 
 
 Arbitration of the Pious Fund Question, Vol. 
 
 VII. , 419. 
 
 F. R. Guernsey: The Year in Mexico (1905 and 
 1906), Vol. VII., 420. 
 
 15. Venezuela: 
 
 W. Barry: Venezuela, 3720-1 (3600-1). 
 
 I. N. Ford: Tropical America, 3721 (3601). 
 Messages, State Papers, Arbitration, etc., regard- 
 ing the Boundary Dispute, Vol. VI., 68443. 
 
 The Career and Fall of Cipriano Castro, Vol. 
 VII., 684-8. 
 
 16. Cuba, freed from Spain: 
 
 J. H. Latane: Diplomatic Relations of the U. S. 
 and Spanish America, Vol. VI., 171. 
 
 Senate Doc. No. 166, 54th Cong. 1st Sess., Vol. 
 VI., 171-3. 
 
 Message of President Cleveland, Dec 7, 1896, 
 Vol. VI., 173-4. 
 
 Text of Constitution granted by Spanish Crown 
 (a. d. 1897); Vol. VI., 175-80. 
 
 U. S. Senator Proctor, Speech, March. 1898, 
 Vol. VI., 181-2. 
 
 Narrative of Spanish-American War, from Doc- 
 uments, Vol. VI., 583-612, 620-38. 
 
 Reports of Military-Governor, Gen. Brooke, and 
 Generals Fitzhugh Lee and Leonard Wood 
 (A. d. 1899), Vol. VI., 182-5. 
 
 Rep’ts of U. S. Sec. of War (a. d. 1900), Vol. 
 VI., 186-8. 
 
 Text of “the Platt Amendment,” Vol. VI., 190. 
 Report on Establishment of Free Government 
 in Cuba (Senate Doc. No. 312, 58th Cong. 2d 
 Sess.), Vol. VII., 174-177. 
 
 Papers relating to Foreign Relations of the U. S., 
 1906, Vol. VII., 178-180. 
 
 17. Hayti ; Touissant l’ouverture ; San Do- 
 mingo 
 
 C. H. Eden. The West Indies, 1670-1 (1631-2). 
 E. J. Payne: European Colonies, 1671-3 (1634). 
 Later Changes and Developments, Vol. VI., 192, 
 258, 639 ; and Vol. VII., 302-4. 
 
 18. International Organization of Ameri- 
 can Republics ; The Bureau. 
 
 Bulletin of the Bureau, June, 1898, Vol. VI., 10. 
 President of the U. S.: Message, Dec. 5, 1899, 
 Vol. VI., 10-11. 
 
 The Pan-American Exposition, Vol. VI., 58. 
 Proceedings of International Conferences of Am. 
 Republics, 1901 and 1906, Vol. VII., 20-25. 
 
 * See Important note at head of Study I. 
 
 * STUDY LY. 
 
 MODERN ITALY. 
 
 I. The Peninsula as a French-Spanish Bat- 
 tlefield (a. d. 1494-1525) : 
 
 J. N. Lamed : Europe, 1080-1 (1052-3), 1083-4 
 (1055-6), 1085 (1057). 
 
COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 COURSES FOR STUDY 
 
 H. Grimm: Life of Michael Angelo, 1871 (1831). 
 P. Villari: Machiavelli and his Times, 1871-2 
 (1831-2). 
 
 F. P. Guizot: Hist, of France, 1873 (1833). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Hist, of Modern Europe, 1875-6 
 (1835-6). 
 
 V. Duruy : Hist, of France, 1876-7 (1836-7). 
 
 G. W. Kitchin: Hist, of France, 1877-8 (1838). 
 T. Wright: Hist, of France, 1218-19 (1186-7). 
 
 J. S. Brewer: Reign of Henry VIII., 1219 (1187). 
 J. Michelet: Summary of Modern History, 1222 
 
 (1190). 
 
 C. Coignet: Francis I. and his Times, 1222 
 (1190). 
 
 T. A. Trollope: Hist, of Florence, 1879.(1839). 
 
 2. Under Spanish and Papal Domination 
 (a. d. 1525-1600) : 
 
 H. Grimm: Michael Angelo, 1879-80 (1839-40). 
 
 W. Robertson: Reign of Charles V., 1882 (1842). 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1086 (1058), 1109 (1081). 
 J. A. Symonds: Renaissance in Italy, 1883-4 
 
 (1843—4). 
 
 E. de Bonnechose: Hist, of France, 1226 (1194). 
 
 G. Procter: Hist, of Italy, 1884 (1844). 
 
 W. Chambers: France, 1227 (1195). 
 
 W. H. Jervis: Student’s Hist, of France, 1227-8 
 (1195-6). 
 
 3. Rise of the House of Savoy and King- 
 dom of Sardinia (a. d. 1559-1792): 
 
 A Gallenga: Hist, of Piedmont, 2882-3 (2808). 
 R. Lodge: Hist, of Modern Europe, 2884 (2809). 
 C. W. Koch: Revolutions of Europe, 3078-9 
 (2997-8). 
 
 I. Butt- Hist, of Italy, 1889 (1849). 
 
 W. E. H. Lecky: Hist, of England, 1890 (1850). 
 W. Coxe: House of Austria, 1890-1 (1850-1), 
 1892 (1852). 
 
 Sir E. Cust: Wars of the 18th Century, 1891 
 (1851). 
 
 I. Butt: Hist, of Italy, 1892-3 (1852-3). 
 
 4. Under Napoleon (a. d. 1796-1814): 
 
 C. A. Fyffe: Modern Europe, 1347-9 (1314-16). 
 R. Lodge: Modern Europe, 1349-50(1316-17). 
 
 T. Mitchell: Principal Campaigns, 1350-51 
 (1317-18). 
 
 T. H. Dyer: Modern Europe, 1351-2 (1318-19.) 
 
 H. Van Laun. French Revolutionary Epoch, 
 1355-7 (1322-4). 
 
 Sir W. Scott: Life of Napoleon, 1361 (1328). 
 
 R. H. Horne: History of Napoleon, 1365-6 
 (1332-3). 
 
 W. O’C. Morris: The French Revolution, 1366-7 
 (1333-4). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1122 (1094). 
 
 Sir A. Alison: Hist, of Europe, 1383-4 (1350-1). 
 
 H. Martin: Hist, of France, 2526 (2464). 
 Talleyrand. Memoirs, 2527-8 (2465-6). 
 
 5. Rise of the Carbonari (a. d. 1803) : 
 
 C. Botta: Italy, 1893-4 (1853—4). 
 
 W. R. Thayer : Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 
 1894- 5 (1854-5). 
 
 6. Downfall of Napoleon and Return of 
 the Despots (a. d. 1814-15): 
 
 A. Rambaud : Hist, of Russia, 1387-9 (1354-6). 
 
 J. Mitchell: The Fall of Napoleon, 1389-91 
 (1356-8). 
 
 Sir A. Alison : Hist, of Europe, 1895 (1855). 
 
 W R. Thayer: Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 
 1895- 6 (1855-6). 
 
 I. Butt: Hist, of Italy, 1896-7 (1856-7). 
 
 J. W. V. Mario: Garibaldi, 234-5 (227-8). 
 
 7. The Holy Alliance (a. d. 1815): 
 
 M. E. G. Duff: European Politics, 1696-7 (1658). 
 E. Ilertslet: Europe by Treaty, 1697 (1658). 
 
 W. R. Thayer: Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 1697-8 (1658-9). 
 
 8. Revolutions in Naples, Sicily and Pied- 
 mont (a. d. 1820-21) : 
 
 E. Dicey: Victor Emmanuel, 1897-8 (1857-8). 
 W. R. Thayer: Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 
 1898-9 (1858-9). 
 
 9. The Congress of Verona: 
 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 3741 (3621). 
 
 F. H. Hill : George Canning, 3741 (3621). 
 
 R. Bell : Life of Canning, 3741-2 (3621-2). 
 
 “ From Laybach, the allied sovereigns issued a cir- 
 cular to their representatives at the various foreign 
 courts, in which portentous document they declared 
 that 1 useful and necessary changes in legislation and 
 in the administration of states could only emanate 
 from the free-will, and from the intelligent and well- 
 weighed convictions of those whom God has made re- 
 sponsible for power.’ ” F. H. Hill. 
 
 10. Revolts of 1830 and 1848-9 ; Mazzini : 
 
 R. Lodge : Modern Europe, 1899 (1859). 
 
 W. R. Thayer: Dawn of Italian Independence, 
 1900-01 (1860-1), 1903 (1863). 
 
 Text of Constitution granted to Sardinia (1848), 
 574-8 (3732-6). 
 
 W. Muller: Political History, 1901-3 (1861-3). 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1125(1097), 1126-7(1099). 
 
 11. War with Austria ; Garibaldi ; The New 
 Kingdom of Italy (a. d. 1856-61): 
 
 J. N. Larned: Europe, 1128 (1100). 
 
 J. W. Probyn: Italy from 1850 to 1890, 1903-5 
 (1863-5). 
 
 H. Murdock: The Reconstruction of Europe, 
 1905-6 (1865-6). 
 
 12. The Acquisition of Rome and Venice: 
 
 G. S. Godkin: Victor Emmanuel II., 1906-8 
 (1866-8). 
 
 J. A. Marriott: Makers of Modern Italy, 1908-9 
 (1868-9). 
 
 13. Rome the Capital of Italy (a. d. 1870) : 
 
 J. W. Probyn: Italy from 1815 to 1890, 2539-41 
 
 (2477-9). 
 
 Chevalier O’Clery : The Making of Italy, 2541-2 
 (2479-80). 
 
 Text of the Law of the Papal Guarantees, 2540-1 
 (2478-9). 
 
 14. The United Nation: 
 
 W. R. Thayer: The Italian Crisis, 1909 (1869). 
 
 J. S. Jeans: Italy, 1843 (1803). 
 
 15. Italy from 1895 to 1910: 
 
 W. J. Stillman: The Union of Italy. Vol. VI., 
 273. 
 
 G. D. Vecchia: The Revolt in Italy, Vol. VI., 
 274-5. 
 
 : The Situation in Italy, Vol. VI., 275-6. 
 
 The Census of 1900, Vol. VI., 276. 
 
 B King: The New Reign (Victor Emmanuel 
 III.), Vol. VII., 338. 
 
 16. The Appalling Earthquake of 1908: 
 
 F. M. Crawford (and others)- Descriptive Ac- 
 counts, Vol. VII., 187-9. 
 
 * See important note at head of Study I. 
 
 81 
 
 5 
 
FURTHER DIRECTION. 
 
 On the following important subjects of general history, readers may be directed sufficiently to all 
 that this work contains by a simple mention of captions and page-numbers in one or two or three 
 of its volumes. 
 
 Civil Service Reform : Vol. I. .pages 489-9 (1475- 
 7); Vol. VI., 145-150; Vol. VII., 103-8. 
 Conservation of Natural Resources: Vol. VII., 
 143-153. 
 
 Constitutions of Government: Vol. I., 525-633 
 (511-610 and Vol. V., 3727-36); Vol. VI., 
 154-169. 
 
 Education: Vol. I., 696-775 (673-748) ; Vol. VI., 
 193-5 ; Vol. VII., 191-217. 
 
 Elective Franchise: Vol. V. (under the caption 
 “Woman’s Rights”), 3777-81 (3656-60) ; Vol. 
 VI. (same caption), 700; Vol. VII. (under the 
 caption “Elective Franchise”), 219-28. v 
 Europe: Vol. II., 1017-1131 (989-1103); Vol. 
 VII , 247-262 
 
 Insurance: Vol. III., 1791-2 (1752-3); Vol. VII. 
 326—29 
 
 Jesuits': Vol. III., 1928-35 (1887-95). 
 
 Law: Vol. III., 1999-2038 (1955-94); Vol. VII., 
 411-14, and (under the caption “Crime and 
 Criminology ”), 169-74. 
 
 Libraries: Vol. III., 2044-69 (2000-25); Vol. 
 VI., 290-3. 
 
 Medical Science: Vol. III. 2164-94 (2120-50); 
 Vol. VII. (under the caption “Public Health”), 
 516-27. 
 
 Money and Banking: Vol. Ill, 2242-65 (2198- 
 2221) ; Vol. VI. (under the caption “Monetary 
 Questions”), 314-17; Vol. VII. (under the 
 caption “Finance and Trade”), 263-70. 
 Municipal Government: Vol. VII., 431^42. 
 Panama Canal: Vol. IV., 2474-5 (2415-6) ; Vol. 
 VI. (under the caption “ Canal, Interoceanic”), 
 65-71; Vol. VII., 466-71. 
 
 Papacy: Vol. IV., 2476-2546 (2417-80 and Vol. V., 
 3794-7); Vol. VI., 344-51; Vol. VII., 472-77. 
 Peace Conferences, International: Vol. VI., 352- 
 365; Vol. VII. (under the caption “War, The 
 Revolt against ”), 714-25. 
 
 Printing and the Press. — Newspapers: Vol. 
 IV., 2659-78 (2587-2606). 
 
 Race Problems: Vol. VII., 528^43. 
 
 Railways: Vol. IV. (under the caption “Steam 
 Locomotion”), 3111-13 (3029-31); Vol. VI., 
 420-2; Vol. VII., 543-58. 
 
 Science and Invention, Recent: Vol. II. (under 
 the caption “Electrical Discovery”), 797-804 
 (769-77); Vol. III. (under the caption “Medi- 
 cal Science”), 2164-94 (2120-50); Vol. IV- 
 (under the caption “Steam Engine,” 3109-16 
 (3027-34); Vol. VI., 435-49; Vol. VII., 590- 
 608. 
 
 Slavery: Vol. IV., 2989-3008 (2911-30); Vol. 
 VI., 455; Vol. VII., 612. 
 
 Social Movements. — Social Service. — Indus- 
 trial Reform: Vol. IV., 3010-36 (2932-58), 
 also (under the caption “Poor Laws”), 2634—6 
 (2562-4) ; Vol. VI. (under the captions “ Social 
 Democracy ” and “ Socialist Parties ”, 455; and 
 “Industrial Disturbances”), 267-8; Vol. VII. 
 (under several captions, as follows:) “Chil- 
 dren under the Law,” 82-9, “ Labor Organiza- 
 tion,” 370-95, “ Labor Protection,” 395-401, 
 “Labor Remuneration,” 402-10, “Poverty 
 and Unemployment,” 507-15, “Social Better- 
 ment,” 613-17, “Socialism,” 617-20. 
 
 Suffrage. See Elective Franchise. 
 
 Tariff Legislation: Vol. V., 3147-73 (Vol. IV. 
 3063-89), Vol. VI., 526-7; Vol. VII., 638- 
 47. 
 
 Temperance Movements: Vol. V., 3176 (Vol. 
 IV., 3091) ; Vol. VII. (under the caption “Al- 
 cohol Problem ”), 10-19. 
 
 Trade: Vol. V., 3207-37 (in the original edition. 
 Vol V. under the caption “Commerce,” 
 3696-3726). 
 
 Trusts: Vol. VI., 529-36; Vol. VII. (under the 
 caption “Combinations”), 112-35. 
 
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