WwMmkk (tj.!' cSIrt2* fVvSJ llite' {Jyii V^vfiwjSiy; .«3r> 2& > Ku« f ixf L161 —0-1096 / / Lately published, in demy 8vo, price 10s. Gd., THE DOCTRINE OF THE ATONEMENT AS TAUGHT BY CHRIST HIMSELF; OR, THE SAYINGS OF JESUS ON THE ATONEMENT EXEGETICALLY EXPOUNDED AND CLASSIFIED. By Bey. GEOBGE SMEATON, D.D, Professor of Exegetical Theology, New College, Edinburgh. ‘ We attach very great value to this seasonable and scholarly production. The idea of the "work is most happy, and the execution of it worthy of the idea. On a scheme of truly Baconian exegetical induction, he presents us with a complete view of the various positions or propositions which a full and sound doctrine of the Atonement embraces.’— British and Foreign Evangelical Review. ‘ We welcome this work as an effort in a department of theology which is hardly yet distinctly recognised in this country, though it has been for some time cultivated with much vigour and success in the continental schools.The author’s undertaking is a very lofty and bold one, and, looking at the work as a whole, it appears to us on many accounts seasonable and fitted to do good. A work in defence of the Atonement was surely needed, as nothing of the sort has appeared in this country for a considerable time, during which much has been published on the opposite side. It is not the less suitable, too, that the work should not be directly polemical but expository in its plan, being more likely thus to commend itself to candid doubters or opponents, and giving a prac¬ tical proof that the evangelical doctrine need not shrink from an appeal to the naked word of God, on the strictest principles of interpretation.’— The Presbyterian. ‘ We recommend it as forming a most useful introduction to the study of a deep and mysterious doctrine, and likely to be profitable to the thoughtful and judicious reader. Its matter is carefully digested, and its argument is well thought and clearly reasoned.’ — Churchman. ‘ Professor Smeaton shows himself master of his whole subject.We venture to predict for this volume a lasting place among our standard works on theology.’— W eekly Review. ‘We heartily recommend this great and useful work to our readers. The arguments are well sustained with great originality and force of logic, and the whole tone of the work is that of the gospel.’— Rock. ‘Professor Smeaton is singularly well qualified for the work he has chosen. He is one of the few men we have in Scotland who have thoroughly availed themselves of the results of recent research, and of the theological movements of modern times.It is the work not only of a ripe, well-finished theologian, but of one who handles his sub¬ ject with the skilful ease which nothing but long familiarity with his subject gives. He passes from chapter to chapter with a certainty which tells of accurate knowledge and wide information. .... We hail this volume, therefore, as a really valuable contribution to theological literature.’— Daily Review. ‘ The plan of the book is admirable. A monograph and exegesis of our Lord’s own sayings on this greatest of subjects concerning Himself, must needs be valuable to all theologians. And the execution is thorough and painstaking—exhaustive, as far as the completeness of range over these sayings is concerned.’— Contemporary Review. ‘ We have read this volume with absolute delight, because we have discovered every¬ where the finest exegetical tact, combined with the truest theological instinct; a most careful and enlarged acquaintance with the endless shades of sentiment regarding the Atonement; a most precise and reliable statement of principles and facts connected with the doctrine; and the most masterly and thorough refutation of erroneous theories.’— Evangelical Witness. ‘We place this excellent work in the first rank of recent contributions to Biblical Exegesis.’— Christian Examiner. ‘ In this large volume, Professor Smeaton has produced one of the most valuable works that has come from the Scottish press in recent years. It is a commentary upon our Lord’s teaching regarding the Atonement, and is remarkable for its deep spiritual insight into the meaning of Scripture, for its fresh and independent thinking, as well as for its vast and varied learning.We cordially recommend it as a contribution to the exposition of Scripture, that the Christian student will prize in a very high degree.’— Reformed Presbyterian Magazine. THE • ' DOCTRINE OF THE ATONEMENT, TAUGHT BY THE APOSTLES: OB, THE SAYINGS OF THE APOSTLES EXEGETICALLY EXPOUNDED. WITH HISTORICAL APPENDIX. BY REV. GEORGE SMEATON, D.D., PROFESSOR OF EXEGETICAL THEOLOGY, NEW COLLEGE, EDINBURGH. EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38, GEORGE STREET. MDCCCLXX. “A keligion witli a sacrifice, and a religion without a sacrifice, differ in the whole kind. The first respects the atonement of our past sins, and our daily infirmities: it respects God as the judge and avenger of wickedness, as well as the rewarder of those who diligently seek Him. The other is a kind of philosophical institution to train men up in the practice of piety and virtue. A religion without a sacrifice is at most hut half as much as a religion with a sacrifice ; and that half wherein they agree of a quite different nature from each other. The practical part of religion is vastly altered by the belief or denial of the sacrifice and expiation of Christ’s death. ”— /Sherlock’’s Vindication. - “ si l’on ote de la religion Chretienne la croix de Jesus Christ, c’est a dire la satisfaction pour nos peches par sa mort, l’assemblage de tous ses autres enseignemens se dissout ; il n’y reste plus ni certitude de verite ni solidite de consolation, de sorte que la propitiation de Jesus et l’expiation de nos offenses par son sang sont comme la clef de la voute, sur laquelle toutes les autres pieces s’ajustent et reposent.”— Amyeaut, Troisikme Sermon. j Swi *5 JL ov. 320 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. thus naturally led them to the notion that our Lord had but a phantom body—a semblance of manhood. Paul there¬ fore calls Him the man Christ Jesus. The Apostle John, too, at a later time referred to those who denied that Jesus Christ was come in the flesh (1 John iv. 2, 3). ■ They undermined the death of the Son of God, and, with the death, the atonement as a satisfaction to justice. These theories are here exploded, first by the designation man, de¬ scriptive of the Lord’s person; then by the names Christ Jesus, which prove that He was the Christ, the unique man. This is brought out when He is represented as one mediator between God and man; that is, one who inter¬ posed between two divided parties, and occupied the singular relation in the universe of mediating between God and the human family of all time. While very man, He was thus unique man, having no equal nor parallel. 2. But it is added, He gave Himself a ransom for all, meaning that the surrender of His life was the price or ransom by which He obtained men’s deliverance from cap¬ tivity. Every expression and word here has a deep signifi¬ cance, and they are nearly a repetition of Christ’s own saying (Matt. xx. 28). The phrase He gave Himself has much force, indicating boundless love to us, and obedience to His Father; in a word, priestly action, the reality of the typical worship. He gave Himself, according to the divine decree, spontaneously or freely. 3. The word ransom denotes the price by which one is discharged from captivity, with the further thought, as it occurs here, that the Deliverer encounters something similar to the evil impending over him who is delivered, or such a ransom as is made by something given in exchange for another. 1 But are there in this transaction the criteria of a 1 See Grotius, de Satisfactione; Hoornbeck; Calovius; Quenstedt; Stapfer; De Witte, Voldoening; Mosheim’s Commentary on Timothy; Muntinghe, Geschiedeniss, vol. ix. note 96 ; and Weber, Vom Zorne Gottes. EPISTLES TO TIMOTHY. 321 real ransom, and all its constituent elements ? Yes. 1. We have captives to be redeemed,—men whose guilt or liability to bondage too plainly appears from the fact that they are under sin (Rom. iii. 9), under the curse of the law (Gal. iii. 13) , in bondage to death, and to the fear of death (Heb. ii. 14) . 2. The Redeemer is here called the mediator, by whom the price was paid. That Christ is so represented, there is no doubt (Rom. xi. 26; Gal. iii. 13). 3. The ransom is an¬ nounced in the most unmistakeable terms by our Lord else¬ where (Matt. xx. 28), and by the apostle in this text, as consisting in the priestly action of giving Himself in our room. 4. The party receiving the ransom is God, considered as Lawgiver, Ruler, and Judge, whose property we were by creation-right, and whose property we become anew by re¬ demption-right (Rev. v. 9). When we put these elements together,—the captive, the Redeemer, the ransom, the party who held the sinner till he received the necessary equiva¬ lent to the inflexible claims of His law, and who then takes them into a new endearing relation as His purchased pro¬ perty,—we have all the elements of a real transaction. It was not metaphorical, but real. Against the above-mentioned outline of this great fact the most determined opposition has always been evinced by all who stand opposed to our Lord’s vicarious life and suf¬ ferings. They challenge the doctrine on the ground of reason and rectitude; to which the reply is, that we abide by the authority of the divine word. Sometimes they venture to assert that no passage of Scripture can be adduced where it is said that Christ suffered all in our room and stead; and they interpret the words for us as intimating merely that He suffered for our good . 1 Ho one acquainted with the Greek language, and taking into account the composi¬ tion of the word here used ( avrikvrpov ), will assert that it does not naturally and competently convey the idea of a 1 Stapfer, in his Polemical Theology, admirably meets this challenge. X 322 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. ransom in the room of others. It cannot be conceded, that to give Himself to death for others means no more than to die in some vagne, indefinite way for one’s good. On the contrary, the clause contains a double evidence for vicarious atonement. We had, by the transgression of the divine law, become bound to punishment, and must on account of guilt have for ever passed into the captivity of Satan, death, and hell, had not Christ acted the part of mediator, as described in the text. But when one is cast into prison for his sins, and another redeems him from it by repairing the wrong and meeting his obligations, this was not only for his good merely, but also in his stead. One principal argument against the death of Christ, viewed as a ransom from captivity, is to the effect that no party can be pointed out to whom the ransom could be paid. The answer to that objection is obvious to any one who rises to the primary source of authority—law and obligation. The ransom or satis¬ faction was paid to God (Eph. v. 2). In commercial matters, and cases involving payment in money, we may hold one style of language, with all its correlative terms and notions. In criminal law another style of thought is necessary : we rise to the fountain of justice. In the great transaction of satisfying God’s punitive justice, and vindicating the divine majesty and the authoritative claims of law, we are brought directly to God Himself, as moral Governor and personal God, having rights from which He cannot recede, because they are inalienable. As sinners, men are guilty before God (Ps. li. 4; Rom. iii. 19) ; and hence the ransom must be primarily viewed as offered to Him, and accepted by Him (Rev. v. 9). According to the crude opinion of some of the Bathers, the atonement was too much considered in relation to Satan. Some, following Origen, imagined that the ransom was paid to him because, in the loose mode of thinking which they per¬ mitted themselves to entertain, it was alleged that Satan had acquired a rightful claim to fallen humanity, such as God Him- EPISTLES TO TIMOTHY. 323 self must respect. Tliat groundless notion, though it kept its place for a time, never carried general consent. It was at variance with the Christian sentiment; and the difficulties connected with the idea of offering a ransom to Satan, for a conquest sinfully acquired, were always felt by judicious divines of all centuries. They who perceived the necessity of a dif¬ ferent mode of statement in the early centuries, connected the atonement with the original menace against sin, and represented it as a satisfaction to the divine veracity. 1 Satan’s relation to men held captive under his dominion was but subordinate. Sinful men were indeed in bondage to Satan, but his power was founded simply on the guilt of that sin in which he involved them, or on the right of conquest which he had effected. He was but the jailor, having no power over his captives except by God’s authority, who left them under a just doom—under sin, death, and hell. But, in the proper acceptation of terms, men are guilty to God: against Him, and Him only, was sin committed (Ps. li. 4). The party to whom the ransom was paid is evident. When we look at the analogy of human law—that is, at man made in the image of God, and acting out his views of right and wrong in a sphere closely resembling the divine procedure—a satisfaction for the infraction of the law is never made to the inferior officer, but to the Supreme Majesty, the fountain of authority. To the jailor or executioner it falls merely to carry out the sentence of imprisonment or death upon the criminal. In this great transaction of which we treat, the ransom was not paid to the inferior officer, but to the fountain of authority—the Judge of all. The ransom or satisfaction was paid to God; for there was none besides Him or beyond Him. And His sovereign plan was to discharge the captives only on receiving the ransom of His Son’s obedience and death. One consideration, too much omitted in theories of the atonement, will put this matter in its true light. We must 1 Athanasius speaks in this way—a recoil from Oiigen’s theory. 324 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. distinguish between sin itself, and the consequences, temporal and eternal, corporeal and mental, inevitably flowing from it by the connection of cause and effect. The redemption-work of Christ cannot be viewed merely in relation to the conse¬ quences of sin, but in relation to sin itself. And we consider it in a biblical way only when we study it with a full recog¬ nition of the fact that infinite guilt renders an infinite satisfac¬ tion necessary, nay, absolutely indispensable. Two things remain to be noticed : first, the sense in which we are to take the apostle’s words, a ransom for all ; secondly, how we are to apprehend Paul’s testimony in connection with it. a. As to the expression “ a ransom for all,” the meaning may be collected from the context. It is not all men numeri¬ cally, but all conditions, ranks, classes, and nationalities, with¬ out distinction. This is so evident, that if we follow the rule of interpreting by the context, no doubt can remain on any \ mind. At the commencement of the chapter the apostle men¬ tioned all men; and immediately adds, as an explanation of this use of the expression, “ kings and all in authority,”—a superfluous addition, if we apprehend the terms as denoting- absolute universality. When the apostle directs Christians to pray for all men, the allusion is to be understood as pointing out ranks, conditions, and classes of men. This is evident, partly because they did not know all men numerically; partly because, among men in the wide sense, there are some for whom we are not to pray, viz. those who have sinned unto death (1 John v. 16). That the allusion is not to all men numeri¬ cally, may be proved, too, from the announcement that God will have all men to be saved (ver. 14), which refers to ranks and conditions, not to individuals; for God’s will would be effectual on all men, if the other meaning were intended. Still further to show the sense in which Paul uses the expression all men, we may notice his mode of describing locality: “ I will that men pray everywhere,” literally, in every place (ver. 8); which clearly means wherever they may be. EPISTLES TO TIMOTHY. 325 This examination of the immediate context makes it evi¬ dent how we are to understand the expression “ a ransom for all.” We cannot put a different sense upon the terms than the apostle employs throughout the context; that is, all ranks, conditions, and classes of men. 1 He died for men of all con¬ ditions, high or low; for all nationalities, Jew and Gentile equally. But the text does not affirm that He gave Himself for all men numerically. The allusion is to all classes indis¬ criminately—the elect of . every rank, and tribe, and people. More particularly, the all for whom He gave Himself a ran¬ som, were they for whom He acted as a mediator in atonement and intercession; the all of whom it is said, God will have all men to be saved, and come to the knowledge of the truth (ver. 4) ; the class undoubtedly coincident and identical with the elect; the all for whom the ransom was offered—and- it is never ineffectual or inoperative; the all who are ushered into actual liberty, because their sins were borne, their guilt expiated, their curse reversed, and of whom not one shall finally be lost, but all shall be raised up at the last day (John vi. 39). The passage was introduced in connection with prayer, and as a motive to prayer. b. The second thing is, how we are to apprehend Paul’s testimony: a.pu.prices and auferre would furnish no antithesis such as is plainly meant. 400 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. usage of language in proof of the meaning “ to take away.” An interpreter, therefore, who knows his function, will abide by the laws of language. This fact is decisive as to the import of the expression, and may be appealed to by those who maintain that the essence of the atonement consists in sinless sin-bearing on the part of the appointed Christ, the Son of God. The con¬ stituent element of expiation is sin-bearing, and not the mere removal of sin in the future, whether that may be effected by instruction or inward reformation. They who persist in assign¬ ing to the verb the signification of taking away, have nothing but conjecture in their favour; and something better must be adduced as authority when the question is the meaning of a phrase and the aspect of a doctrine. 2. The same thing is proved by the context. The apostle, contrasting the two comings of the Lord, affirms that at His first coming He bore the sins of many, while at His second advent He will appear without sin. The phrase must mean, without vicarious sin-bearing, suggesting that at His first coming He was a sin-bearer. It cannot refer to personal sin, as He had none, nor to anything approaching to the notion of a fallen humanity. But while He was on earth. He was at once separate from sinners and made sin. The expression “ to bear the sins of many ” intimates that Christ, in a certain sense, sustained the person of sinners. As a historic fact, running through all stages of the Lord’s earthly life, this was the core of the atonement; and this aspect of it is the key to the entire doctrine. Sin-bearing was necessary to the propitiation as a presupposition or indispensable pre¬ liminary ; and without it we encounter difficulties which find no solution. What light does Scripture throw upon it ? It is the well-known Old Testament formula for being guilty, whether that may be personal or vicarious; and in numerous passages it conveys the idea of being guilty as contrasted with being guiltless (Hum. v. 31). It may be personal guilt to which allusion is made; or, where the sins of others are. said EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 401 to be borne, it means to incur their guilt, to come under their obligation to punishment (Ezek. xviii. 19). Between the general undertaking of suretyship and the actual infliction of the curse there lay an intermediate arrange¬ ment, by which the Lord Jesus occupied a positive relation to our penalty. This w r as sin-bearing or guilt, rendering it just that the moral Governor of the universe should exact the ex¬ piation. That the Lord Jesus assumed sin, and incurred a liability to punishment, when He came in the flesh and was found in fashion as a man, is to be affirmed on the strict interpretation of the language used by the apostles. They affirm that He bore sin, and was made sin. Of the two expressions just mentioned, sin-bearing has reference to sin considered as a heavy burden, while the other means that the Lord, personally sinless, was made the embodiment of sin, or incorporated sin in an official point of view; for the personal and official are to be kept distinct, and in this matter sin-bearing is official, distinguished from what was properly personal. However various the nomenclature, no biblical phrase more precisely sets forth the essence of the atonement than sin-bearing. VIII. So important for the apostle’s purpose was the differ¬ ence between the annual sacrifice of the Aaronic high priest and the one sacrifice of Christ, that an entire section of the tenth chapter is devoted to the exposition of it (Heb. x. 1-10). And much may be derived from this connected portion to ex¬ plain the proper nature of the atonement. The points of similarity have been brought out; now we have to trace the points OE contrast. Having proved in the last verses of the previous chapter that Christ’s sacrifice could not be repeated, partly because that would carry with it repeated suffering, partly because it would be contrary to the analogy of man’s own history, which appoints man to die once,—the Substitute acting only according to the obligations of the represented,— the apostle, at the tenth chapter, sets forth by contrast the 402 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. sufficiency of Christ’s one sacrifice. The imperfection of the sacrifices annually offered on the great day of atonement is put before us in the first four verses of the chapter. There are three distinct grounds mentioned by the apostle which conclu¬ sively prove the inadequacy of those sacrifices, each furnishing a point of contrast to the perfection of Christ’s sacrifice. 1. The first contrast is derived from the fact that the ancient sacrifices w~ere but a shadow, or rough outline, of good things to come, and not the things themselves ; or, as it is here expressed, not the very image of the things 1 (ver. 1). It might at first sight seem that the apostle contrasts two things which in different degrees represent the substance,—a rude sketch and a fully painted figure. But it is the shadow contrasted with the substance or reality, blow if these priestly sacrifices, the culminating points of the ancient worship, were but shadows or pictures, they obviously could not put the wor¬ shipper on a right footing with God. They could not perfect him, in the sense of justifying his person, and giving him a right, as a purified worshipper, to approach the living God. We may take in the subjective element of a purged conscience as included in the term perfect, as it is commonly employed, though it is as natural to take it in the objective sense (comp, ver. 14). According to the apostle, those unsubstantial shadows could not perfect the worshippers ; that is, could not satisfy the justice of God, and atone for sin, which was the great promise from the beginning. 2. A second reason for the inadequacy of the ancient sacri¬ fices is taken from their annual repetition (vers. 2, 3). Whether we read the first clause interrogatively or not, the apostle emphatically declares, that had they availed to perfect the worshippers, that annual iteration would have been needless. They would have ceased or been superseded. The ground on which this is put is noteworthy: For the worshippers, once purged [or, cleansed'], should have had no more conscience of sins ; 1 See Turretin, de Scitisfactione, p. 239. EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 403 assuming that the purifying from sin has, as its effect, the re¬ moval of a guilty conscience. The perfect participle denotes something clone once for all, describing the condition of those whose consciences have been purged. The opposite of this was the characteristic of the Old Testament worshippers, where no provision w 7 as made for the acceptance of their' persons, but only for the cleansing of ceremonial trespasses, soon to become as numerous as before. The new covenant accepts the person, and perfects him as pertaining to the conscience. The apostle’s argument is, that had their relation been perfected, an echo of it would have been heard subjectively in a pacified conscience. The conscience, already mentioned (Heb. ix. 14), is not mere consciousness, but consciousness alive to man’s relation to God, and having God for its object, the consequence of which is a charge of guilt while man’s relation remains unrectified. The worshippers under the law thus had a fresh remembrance of sins year by year, having neither personal acceptance nor a pacified conscience. Here it is necessary to correct a piece of over-doing—a theory as to the imperfection of the Old Testament believers. From this passage it was argued by the Cocceian school, that if there was a conscience of sin, true peace of conscience could not be possessed. That by no means follows, as will be appa¬ rent to every one who apprehends the retrospective character of the Lord’s death. The power to perfect the worshippers is denied to the law, and proved by the repetition of the same sacrifices, but is not denied to the efficacy of the great sacrifice by anticipation applied to believers under the old economy. 1 So far from detracting from the honour of Christ’s sacrifice, this exhibits its vast potency, as not only adapted to ages that were to run after He came, but also possessing retrospective efficacy. A certain difference there was between believers under the Old Testament and under the Hew,—a difference 1 See Rev. A. Bonar’s elucidations of Leviticus ; also Knobel, Com. zu Leviticus, 1852; and B. W. Newton’s Thoughts on Leviticus. 404 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. neither to be denied nor ignored, but of a peculiar nature. They had a conscience of sin, not yet expiated, but one day to be fully expiated by the great sacrifice of Messiah. They were like us, yet with a shade of difference; that is, more in degree than in kind. They could have, and actually had, peace of conscience, as we have. But, according to their historical position, they had of necessity a peculiar experience, into which we cannot enter. Not the want of acceptance or pardon, not the fear that had torment; but a certain conscience of sin, such as we have not, that is, of sin as a something not actually atoned for—not yet expiated in fact. Hence, though sin had long ago been judicially forgiven, the spirits of the just seem to have been made perfect in this subjective sense, when the great fact of the atonement arrived (Heb. xi. 40, xii. 23); for this must have been imparted to them by a knowledge of the event, and an experience of its potency. 3. The third reason assigned for their inadequacy and im¬ perfection is: It is not possible, that the blood of bills and of goats should take away sins (ver. 4); a reason derived from the necessity of the thing, whether we look at the nature of God, the nature of man, or the infinite demerit of sin. The atone¬ ment must be offered in man’s nature, to satisfy the injured rights of God, which the blood of bulls and goats could not effect. The apostle pronounces it impossible, because the blood of irrational animals bore no proportion to the sins of rational beings, which could not be removed by any arbitrary arrange¬ ment. But why could not sins have been taken away by these Jewish sacrifices, if, as many allege, God cancels them without atonement? We see the necessity of an adequate satisfaction; for the impossibility is founded in the thing itself, and the appeal is to the divine justice and holiness. 1 Having proved, from the necessity of the case, the inade¬ quacy of animal sacrifices, the apostle next shows that, in point 1 An argument is warrantably based on this statement for the absolute necessity of a satisfaction by AVitsius, cle Feedere, p. 177, Yander Kemp, etc. EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 403 of fact, they were set aside as insufficient (Heb. x. 3-10); and a quotation is made from the book of Psalms, in which this was clearly announced (Ps. xl. 6-8). As we have already explained this passage, nothing further is necessary than to advert to the appended words of the apostle in introducing the quotation, and commenting upon it. He plainly considered the passage as an utterance of Christ when He came into the world: “ Wherefore, when He cometh into the world, He saith, Sacrifice and offering Thou wouldest not” (ver. 5). The logical particle wherefore intimates that, by reason of the imper¬ fection of the Old Testament sacrifices. He came not to offer these fruitless sacrifices, but to do the will of God in their room. The quotation contrasts the imperfection of animal sacrifices with moral obedience and willing service: “ Lo, I come to do Thy will, 0 God.” In animal sacrifices God had no pleasure, because, though divinely appointed, they were inadequate to be the true sacrifice, which required moral obe¬ dience. This spiritual obedience looked beyond Old Testament times, and was realized only when Christ fulfilled the divine will. But it is added, there was the removal or taking away of the first thing mentioned in the quotation, that is, of animal sacrifices, that He might establish the second, that is, the doing God’s will. The Mosaic worship, with its complicated system of sacrifices, was superseded by something better coming in its stead. And the apostle appends a commentary, the import of which must be brought out in a few particulars: By which will [better, in which will] we are sanctified, through the ofilering of the body of Jesus Christ once (Heb. x. 10). 1. What is meant by the expression, IN which will ? Can it intimate the ready will or promptitude of the Messiah to respond to the divine commission, and to carry it out ? That cannot competently be maintained, because the preceding verse (ver. 9) expressed the divine will of the Bather purposing that Christ should be the personal sacrifice. Besides, the will here mentioned is distinguished by the terms employed from the 406 apostles’ sayings on tiie atonement.. offering itself. The original word used in the Psalm gives the idea of God’s good pleasure ; hut the apostle renders it Thy will (ro deXrjfJba gov), a term wide enough to comprehend the agreement or compact between the Father and the Son, and the commandment which needed to be performed, that the issue might correspond to the will of God. It is not the moral law simply,—an idea added in the Psalm, though not quoted by the apostle,—but all that was enjoined upon the Surety; and the translation we have given— in which will —brings out the sphere or element in which the great sacrifice was offered, as well as the sphere in which we are sanctified. 1 2. The one offering must be noticed. This point the apostle repeatedly inculcates in the epistle, in proportion to its importance. He will have attention paid to the one historic fact of Christ’s vicarious obedience and death. The word once excludes all repetition of Christ’s sacrifice ; for it must be con¬ strued, as our translators have done, with the offering of the Lord’s body (comp. Heb. vii. 23, 24, ix. 24-28). The unity of the sacrifice is further mentioned, as we shall see in the subse¬ quent verses. 3. Christ’s sacrifice consists in the offering of His body: He is compared and contrasted with the annual sacrifice. The term body denotes here His humanity; for His soul as well as His body was offered. This term is contrasted with the bodies of animals burned on the altar; for in the previous verses the Psalm was quoted : “ A body hast Thou prepared me.” More necessary is it to examine the force of the expression, “ the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once,” because many— with a modification of the Socinian theory, which transfers Christ’s sacrifice to His ascension to heaven—give but a half¬ hearted adherence to the great truth that the Lord’s sacrifice was completed on the cross. That scheme of thought is refuted 1 See Waleh, de Obedientia Christi A diva, p. 8. Sebastian Schmid, on Hebrews, says here: “Voluntas et lex Dei patris non tantum decalogus, seu lex moralis est; sed omnis Voluntas Dei circa redemptionem humani generis.” EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 407 by this expression, which can only refer to the cross. It could not be in the apostle’s mind to affirm that Christ offered His body to God at the ascension; for the only ostensible plea on which men advocate an offering in heaven is, that, according to the typical economy, the blood was carried into the holiest of all, which they groundlessly conclude was done at His ascension. But He offered Himself when He bore our sins on His own body (1 Pet. ii. 24); and the sacrifice was completed at His death, and incapable of supplement or repetition. 4. We are said to be sanctified in this element of God’s will, and by the one sacrifice of the Lord’s body. How the worshippers were sanctified by sacrifice, has been noticed above. It is a relative, not inherent sanctification; for sacrifice put men on a right footing with God, covering their guilt, and calming- conscience. It is sacrificial phraseology, and not to be inter¬ preted of moral amendment. The previous statements, taken from the sacrificial phrase¬ ology, throw a steady light on the true design of Christ’s obedience unto death. They show that He is the truth of those shadows. Though the Hew Testament writers, accus¬ tomed to the sacrificial style, do not wholly abandon it even when no express comparison is made between the sacrifices and the death of Christ, it was the very design of this epistle to bring out the typical relation; and we have had express testimony to the fact that the death of Christ was a sacrifice (vii. 27) ; that He offered a better sacrifice (ix. 23); that He put away sin by the sacrifice of Himself (ix. 26) ; that His sacrificially shed blood purges our consciences from dead works (ix. 14); and that the offering of His body sanctifies us, in the sense of dedicating us as a covenant people to God (x. 10). All these passages affirm that the death of Christ was a sacri¬ fice, by which men are separated as a peculiar people for the worship of the living God : and it is important to see the thing signified in the symbol, the antitype in the type. If the ancient sacrifices, as symbols in the lower sphere, freed the 408 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. worshipper from merited punishment, because guilt passed over to the victim, the death of Christ in like manner, in a higher sphere, not only displayed the punishment due to us for sin, hut effected the removal of our punishment. It put us in the position of a people near to God, a holy people, as Israel were in a typical sense. All this was brought about by sacri¬ fice. The Old Testament sacrifices occupied the place of those who brought them, and who saw their sin and punishment transferred; and in the same way the death of Jesus was vicarious, because He actually bore His people’s punishment, and restored them to favour and holy fellowship. Nor does this view convey ought unworthy of God. The sacrifices did not represent God as moved to mercy by the shedding of blood, for they were provided in grace, and argue a gracious plan by which all the attributes of God are magnified. As to the remaining portion of this connected section, we may content ourselves with merely touching the salient points (vers. 11-14). The apostle contrasts the action of the Jewish high priest with Christ’s official action. The Hebrew Chris¬ tians were somewhat troubled by Jewish cavils as to the non¬ repetition of the atonement; and the apostle, comparing the two priesthoods, shows why no repetition of Christ’s work was necessary or possible. Omitting the proof for the sufficiency of Christ’s finished work, from the great fact of His resurrec¬ tion, let us notice a threefold antithesis: the first, between every priest or high priest daily ministering, and this Man; the second, between the same repeated sacrifices and the one sacrifice for sin; the third, between the insufficiency of the one and the all-sufficiency of the other. What a vain parade of language, if it were not meant that the atonement is to be traced to the death of Christ, in the same way as the Israelites, in a lower sphere, ascribed to the priestly sacrifices their de¬ liverances from defilement! One point to be determined is : How are we to construe the expression for ever in the verse, “ But this man, after He had EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. 409 offered one sacrifice for sin for ever, sat clown on tire right hand of God?” (ver. 12.) Opinion is pretty equally divided on the question whether the words for ever are most fitly joined with the “ one sacrifice,” denoting that it was eternally valid; or with the following words, denoting that He sat down for ever. On many accounts we greatly prefer the former; and the repetition of the same expression further down, He perfected for ever (ver. 14), renders this highly probable, for the one is the foundation of the other. Thus, “ Christ offered one sacrifice for sins for ever,” and this fact “perfected for ever” those who share in it. 1 The everlasting validity attaching to it was due to this, that it was ONE sacrifice of infinite sufficiency, with retrospective as well as prospective influence, and capable of rectifying for ever man’s relation to God. This text plainly calls it “one sacrifice” (ver. 12), and views it as incapable of being repeated. It is not represented as perpetually offered in heaven. The antithesis between the two sacrifices and the two priesthoods is very emphatic. The one high priest is represented as daily ministering, and offering oftentimes the same sacrifices, which could never take away sins; the other High Priest offers one sacrifice for sins, and then sits down. Ho one interpreting naturally will refer this one sacrifice to anything but the finished work on the cross—the ground of His reward. The oblation was on earth, and the intercession in heaven; the oblation only once, and the intercession perpetual. The parti¬ cipial clause in the first part of the verse is meant to indicate antecedent, not simultaneous action (ver. 12); and a similar style of expression occurs at the beginning of the epistle (Heb. i. 3). The apostle is now led to subjoin a further statement of the same thing in an aphoristic form: For by one offering (^rpoa^opcc) He hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified (ver. 14). 1 This is the construing of Tlieophylact, Luther, Tholuck. The original pointing also of the authorized English version was : ‘ ‘ This man, after He had offered one sacrifice for sins for ever, sat down.” 410 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. This assigns the reason of the previous statement, as is evident from the causal or grounding particle for ,—a reason based on the sufficiency of the sacrifice for all the purposes of man’s salvation. Because it was so, the Surety sat down on His mediatorial throne, waiting for the final victory. As to the word offering here used, it is of the same meaning with the previous term sacrifice (ver. 12), but more general. The same two terms are applied, but in a different order, to the death of Christ in another epistle (Epli. v. 2). When the apostle says, “ by one offering,” 1 he plainly alludes to the previous expression, “through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once” (ver. 10). As all the terms here used have been already considered, two remarks will suffice. 1. We have another emphatic reference to the one sacrifice. The importance of this point was great. It could not be placed in too great prominence, as will appear by recalling other passages to the same effect (Heb. vii. 27, ix. 26, 28). In this passage, after pointing out that the Levitical atonements cul¬ minated in the sin-offering which the high priest offered year by year continually, and the repetition of which argued imper¬ fection, he shows that the Lord Jesus, by one offering, or by the offering of His body once (ver. 10), perfected for ever them that are sanctified. Before passing from this point, it may be noticed that the one sacrifice is a point of as great moment against Socinians and Bomanists as it was against the ancient Jews of the apostle’s age: it cannot be put in too great pro¬ minence. It is diametrically opposite to the Socinian notion of a sacrifice in heaven, or a perpetual oblation; for it is one thing to offer an oblation, and another to carry on perpetual intercession. It is diametrically opposed to all Boinanist or semi-Romanist theories, which argue for a repetition of the sacrifice in the Lord’s Supper. The Epistle to the Hebrews supplies a ready answer to sacerdotal assumptions of this sort. 1 -rpor'tct; means to bear, as we proved in the former vol. at large, p. 68. THE EPISTLES OF JOHN. 463 these two integral parts of the atonement are united together. If we accept this as the connection, it will denote that He was sinless, to stand for the sinful; innocent, to occupy the place of the guilty. As no small division of opinion prevails, however, as to the relation of the second clause to the first, and as this decides on its significance, we must put it in its proper light. Some argue that the second clause, and in Him is no sin , is the commence¬ ment of a new topic or argument, which is continued through the next verse. The present tense of the substantive verb, it is thought, thus receives its due force. Sinlessness is thus referred to Christ as He now is, not as He verified sinless per¬ fection and learned obedience in the days of His flesh. But that deprives the clause of its emphasis, and gives the whole a fiat, unmeaning turn. To refute this mode of construing, it is necessary to notice that, whenever Christ is described as with¬ out sin, as doing no sin, as separate from sinners, the ex¬ pressions always imply a state of humiliation, in which He was brought in contact with sin and sinners. The allusion is to the period of testing His obedience. Such expressions are not applicable, in the proper sense, to the heavenly glory, where sin cannot enter, and where He is far removed from the range of sin, and contact with it. Besides, the second clause is subordinate to the first. And in John’s manner, though without a grounding particle or con¬ junction, it intimates the relation in which sinlessness stood to sin-bearing; making it apparent that the sin was not His own, that sinlessness underlay the imputation of others’ sins. There is in the thought a certain causal relation; the second clause bringing into vivid view the sinless holiness of the Lord, and intimating that Christ was competent to bear the sins of others because He had none of His own. It expresses a reason. The whole verse, thus connected, denotes that, as the true ideal of humanity, and as One exempt from all sins, either of omission or of commission, He was in a position to clothe 464 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. Himself with human guilt. 1 But why is the present tense used—“ in Him is no sin ? ” It may imply what the living Lord is, as well as what He was, and shall ever he before God’s face, even as He is called Jesus Christ the pjghteous (1 John ii. 1). He still stands before God’s face with that approval, recognition, or imprimatur which He received in the days of His flesh, and by which He was qualified to he the sin-hearer. This important text, rightly understood, brings these two elements together, sinlessness and sin-hearing,—the two con¬ stituent parts of the atonement, viewed in that which is essential to it. The one would not avail without the other. They are the counterpart of the two elements in the divine law, as it comes with its precept and its curse; and at every moment of Christ’s earthly history both may be discovered. They describe all that goes to constitute the Lord’s earthly life or manifestation, as it is here termed; and they coincided at every moment. Only as His life at every stage came up to the ideal standard, was He in a position to bear the sins of others. But with sinless perfection, measured by the divine law, and reflecting in the most perfect manner the divine image, He was in a position, as the accepted substitute, to be the sin-bearer. The apostle’s phrase here and in his Gospel is the same as Isaiah’s : He bore sin. He could be the curse-bearer or wrath- bearer only as He was the sin-bearer. It was this that brought penal suffering in its train. The sum and substance of the atonement, considered in its essential elements, apart from all its accessories, is sinless sin-bearing; that is, not mere punishment without sin-bearing, but punishment following on the sin-bearing, and endured by One who is at once sinless man and Son of God. To exempt us from sin the Son of God was manifested. We have only to add, that the transaction always proceeds 1 Doedes happily says, “The phrase kcu xpapria. lv alvu olx \assage : “Sed hie emergit qusedam repugnantise species : nam si prius nos amabat Deus qnam se Christus pro nobis in mortem offerret, quid nova reconciliatione opus fuit ? quia interea nos Deo eramus liostes, iram ejus assidue provocando. ” THE EPISTLES OF JOHN. 467 and its gratuituous nature as free, unmerited, and self-moving (ver. 10). The incarnation of the only begotten Son was un¬ doubtedly the greatest fact of the divine love ; but it is never disjoined from the deep abasement and vicarious sacrifice to which it enabled the Son of God to descend. The greater the distance between the divine and the human, the infinite and finite, the greater the degree of love displayed in sending the Son. The first ground of the atonement is thus the love of God, and the greatness of the Son displays its infinite magni¬ tude. But the apostle, secondly, sets forth how gratuitous and undeserved is the love of God; "Not that we loved God, but that He loved us.” His design is to teach that the scheme of redemption is of God, emanating from free, self-moving, infinite love, and not a recompense for love first rendered on our part. (2.) We find the twofold fruit or effect of the atonement with which all the apostles make us familiar. The one is objective, the other subjective; the one bears on the accept¬ ance of our persons, the other on the renovation of our natures; and the latter is here put first. a. One fruit is, that we might live through Him (ver. 9). The life here mentioned is premial life, and must be taken in its utmost amplitude of meaning as comprehending spiritual and eternal life. And when it is said “ through Him,” the allusion is plainly to His merit and satisfaction. There may be a tacit antithesis between death as the price, and life as the reward. b. A second fruit of the atonement is the acceptance of the person or the restoration to favour, which is involved in the phrase “propitiation for our sins” (ver. 10). This is properly the first in order in God’s moral government. The appeasing of the divine anger, according to the Old Testament represen¬ tation, was effected only by the intervention of an atoning sacrifice, which is the shade of meaning attaching to these terms; and this was the end for which the Son of God was sent. By that sacrifice sin was cancelled, wrath removed, and 468 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. the person accepted as well as brought nigh to the life-giving God. Thus, the acceptance of the person was the means by which the life was- procured: for no life was possible hut by a sacrificial death. Life was attainable only by satisfying divine justice, which restored men to God as the life-giving and renewing God. Thus the passage connects the atonement and its fruits with divine love as its source. And it is only necessary to add, that this is true and proper love, as may he deduced from a strict interpretation of the terms. God not only possesses love: He is love; that is, infinitely inclined to the communication of Himself for the happiness of His creatures. We must take the term love in its proper sense when applied to God, and not evaporate it into a mere abstraction, as if affections were to he affirmed only of man, hut not to he affirmed of God. SEC. XXII.—THE TESTIMONY OF JOHN IN THE APOCALYPSE. The Apocalypse may he considered as one of the latest books of the Hew Testament Canon, and composed long after the destruction of Jerusalem. In its scope and structure it is adapted to delineate the mediatorial dominion of Jesus, show¬ ing that all power is given to Him in heaven and in earth. While this comes out in connection with the prophetic outline of the fortunes of the church in all the course of time, Christ’s official power is- throughout exhibited as a dominion based on the atonement. It is as the Lamb that He prevails to open the hook, and to loose the seven seals thereof (Eev. v.-vii.). The perpetual allusion indeed to the Lamb has no other object in view than to show that He was invested with this dominion as the reward of His abasement, and that the cross is the foundation of His throne. The book is in this way naturally connected with the Gospel of John. They are thus found to emanate from the same THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN. 469 writer: he who records the Baptist’s testimony to the Lamb, and was himself a spectator of the sacrifice, links the Gospel and the Apocalypse together. We could not have explained the constant use of this title in the Apocalypse had there been no preparation for it (John i. 29, 36, xix. 33). But now it is not only natural, but highly significant. Christ is described as a Lamb as it had been slain, implying that He bore the tokens of having been a piacular victim (Eev. v. 6). His saints are called to the marriage supper of the Lamb (xix. 9). The re¬ deemed follow the Lamb whithersoever He goeth (xiv. 4). They who have a right to the city of God, and are arrayed in white robes, have washed their robes in the blood of the Lamb (vii. 14); the Lamb opened the seals (vii. 1) ; the church is the bride, the Lamb’s wife (xxi. 9); the city had no need of the sun, for the Lamb was the light thereof (xxi. 23) ; the conquerors sing the song of Moses and of the Lamb, extol¬ ling the holy strictness of the law and the dying obedience of the Saviour (xv. 3) ; and the united hymn of earth and of heaven—that is, of redeemed men and angels—was an anthem to the Lamb (v. 12). The whole book, in a word, is replete with the Lamb. But a few passages call for more special commentary. I. The first passage on the atonement is as follows: Unto Him that loved us, and washed us from our sins in His own blood, and hath made us kings and priests unto God and His Father; to Him be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen. (Bev. i. 5.) After adducing a reference to the Bedeemer’s love in general, the apostle specially mentions the cleansing effect of His atoning blood. This washing is the same thing that is meant in the Epistle of John by the cleansing of His blood (1 John i. 7). The words teach the priestly dignity of Christ; for the priest’s work was to sprinkle the sacrificial blood (Heb. ix. 22). The whole statement intimates that Jesus, in self- sacrificing love to the unworthy, offered Himself as the priest offered the sacrifices to atone for guilt, and thus washes our 470 apostles’ sayings on the atonement. sins away. And the apostle, inflamed by the contemplation of the love of Christ, closes with an ascription of praise. An ntter violence is done to the language, when it is said that the blood of Christ must be understood as shed for the confirmation of His testimony, and to assure us of the truth of what He taught. We may despair of discovering what words mean, if we do not see that they -contain the statement that the blood of Christ washes His people from their sins. How feeble and unmeaning would they be, if they did not intimate that Christ’s vicarious death puts away sin, delivers us from punish¬ ment, and restores us to the near relationship from which sin exiled the human family ! The phraseology is to be understood by the sacrificial ceremonies of the Jewish worship, according to which, one defiled by trespass was freed by the blood of sacrifice from merited punishment and from estrangement, the consequence of sin so long as it was unexpiated. But why may not the allusion be to moral amendment or inward holiness ? So some expositors choose to view the ex¬ pression. But it may suffice to reply that the language is figurative, and borrowed from the Mosaic ceremonies. Wher- ever we find the phrase to wash from sin, to cleanse from sin, it never alludes to moral amendment, but to deliverance from guilt, and the estrangement from God which sin has caused. Passages sometimes adduced in the acceptation of in¬ ward holiness are all incorrectly interpreted (1 Cor. vi. 11; Tit. iii. 5 ; 1 John iii. 5 ; Ezek. xxxvi. 25), and are rightly explained only when we take them in their sacrificial refer¬ ence. This is evident, if we consider any of the passages where the sacred writers use this phrase (see Ps. li. 2, 7). The Psalmist twice prays that God would wash him or sprinkle him from sin; and what he means by the petition becomes plain by the whole context, which contains a prayer for mercy. In these passages (vers. 2, 7, 9), the washing, purging, or cleansing for which he prays, is not an allusion to inward holiness, but to sacrificial expiation, by which sin was atoned THE APOCALYPSE OF JOHN. 471 for, and regarded as if it had never been. In that acceptation the apostle takes the phrase here. 1 To remove all doubt on this head, the addition of the term blood, as sacrificial blood, intimates that it is not inward cleansing by renovation. We owe the washing here mentioned to the Saviour’s bloody death. Not content with alluding to the removal of guilt, the apostle mentions the further benefit of priestly dignity and service which Christians owe to the Lord’s atoning death: “ and hath made us kings and priests unto God.” They are in virtue of His atonement made kings and priests, just as Israel was designated a kingdom of priests (Ex. xix. 6), because the Lord Jesus, in whom they stand, and to whom they are united, is invested with these offices. They have this honour now, and a higher measure of it in reversion. Their priestly standing before God intimates that they are emboldened to come nigh to God, and can daily approach Him, so that every action they perform may have a priestly character and be acceptable to God (1 Pet. ii. 5). Their sins are covered (1 John i. 2), and their active services are welcome, whether it be worship, fruit¬ fulness, or social activity in any form (Heb. xiii. 15; Bom. xii. 1; Col. iii. 17). II. Another significant passage in reference to the atone¬ ment is the hymn of the four living creatures, and the four and twenty elders who fell down before the Lamb, and sung a new song, saying: Thou art worthy to take the book, and to open the seals thereof: for Thou wast slain, and hast redeemed us to God by Thy blood, out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and nation; and hast made us unto our God kings and priests: and we shall reign on the earth (Bev. v. 9). They who sing this song are the redeemed from among men, represented as singing when the Lamb took the book out of the hand of Him that sat upon the throne. The inadequate commentary, that nothing 1 They who interpret the Xovassio non solum sufficiens , sed etiam superabundans satisfactio) was the point HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 525 of discussion between tlie Thomists and the Scotists. The Thomist position as to the infinite merit of Christ’s satisfac¬ tion received ecclesiastical sanction in 1343; but it was per¬ verted to lend sanction to the figment of a treasury of merits at the disposal of the church. After Aquinas the confusion in the church as to the atone¬ ment became extreme, Scotus’ followers tending largely to complicate opinion. An exception may be made in favour of Gerson, who knew how to distinguish mercy and justice, and to harmonize them in the atonement; and also in favour of medieval mystics, such as Tauler and Wessel. The latter is supposed to have approached to the definition of Christ’s work as an active and suffering obedience; at least he uses terms almost equivalent (satisfaciendo and satispatiendo ). But we cannot open the later Scholastics without feeling that they are wholly away from Bible ground. They agitate questions of grace and merit, satisfaction and redemption, guilt and punishment, which are but a tangled skein of nomenclature. They are on a wide sea of legalism, remedial sacraments, and philosophical terminology, confounding objective and subjec¬ tive—the work of Christ and the work of man. William Occam, in his Commentary on Peter Lombard's Compend., omits the atonement altogether. IV. We come now to the Beformation period, which brought back theology to its true centre. The great ques¬ tion of that age turned on the justification of the sinner; and the atonement therefore, as the material cause of justification, was the turning-point of the whole discussions. The atone¬ ment was now set upon a candlestick to give light to all the house. The merit and satisfaction of w 7 orks were wholly re¬ moved from the ground of man’s justification; deep views of the infinite guilt of sin, as seen in the light of the divine law, were diffused; and the sole mediatorship of Christ was fully recognised. The Beformation, turning on these points, began in Luther’s own heart, and may be traced in his memor¬ able experience before it became the great moving force in the world’s history. The deep consciousness of guilt, derived from vividly apprehending his position under the law, coupled with the conviction that the law must needs be fulfilled, shut him up to the one Mediator between God and man, presented in the gospel as bearing the penalty, and complying with the posi¬ tive requirement, of the law. This was Luther’s view-point personally, and this was the view-point of the Beformation theology. Previous theories wanted a full recognition of the claims of the divine law, and of the atonement as a satisfac- 526 APPENDIX. tion of these claims in all their extent; and this became the element in which the theology of the Reformation moved, and by which all other truth was coloured. On the subject of the atonement, the divines of the Reformation period were in the habit of arguing from man’s obligations to the nature of Christ’s undertaking, and then conversely from the latter to the former. Their main position, to which they were conducted by deeper views of the extent of the law, and of its unbending claims, was, that Christ’s satisfaction was perfectly identical with that which men should themselves have rendered; and in the atone¬ ment they read off the unalterable claims of the divine law. A brief sketch of the doctrine of the Reformation, for obvious reasons, may suffice. Every theological reader may safely be presumed to have an adequate acquaintance with the views of at least some of the Reformers—Luther, Melanclithon, Calvin, Knox, or Cranmer. Besides, all the symbolic books, articles, confessions, and catechisms of the Protestant churches, whether Lutheran or Reformed, contain a full expression of the Reformation doctrine. Without exception, it is the common doctrine of all evangelical churches. Every Protestant church embraced the Reformation doctrine on this point as the ulti¬ mate tkuth. They held it as the adequate expression of bibli¬ cal doctrine, in the same way as they all accepted the Nicene- Constantinopolitan doctrine of the Trinity, and the doctrine of Christ’s person, ratified at Chalcedon, and many of them the Augustinian doctrine of grace, as the ultimate truth on these different topics. As there is such a general recognition of the doctrine of the Reformation on the subject of the atonement in all the churches, it would be superfluous to give a detailed out¬ line of what is generally known. The sound elements in the development of previous centuries were all combined into a unity, and placed in a new setting or connection. The doubt¬ ful and neutralizing elements, interfering with the meritorious ground of acceptance, were thrown off; and the question was canvassed in an experimental interest, from which everything extraneous was of necessity removed. We begin with a brief survey of Luther’s opinions. Ho man since Paul’s days seems to have ever apprehended so pro¬ foundly the great fact of the Mediator’s substitution, or His bearing of imputed sin, in the room of others whom He was commissioned to represent. Luther makes it the most real ex¬ change of persons and places between the Son of God on the one hand, and sinful man on the other ; though always giving it to be understood that the substitution was a relative ex¬ change, but not identity. His language sometimes seems HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 527 extreme, but it is that of a man who had to bend opinion in an¬ other direction; and accordingly he reiterated and enforced the great truth with all the energy of language, by metaphor and similitude, and a dramatizing representation of the transaction. Thus, in his commentary on Gal. iii. 13, where we have a condensed view of his opinions on the atonement, he represents Christ as transferring our sins to Himself, and expounds the confession of sin in two Messianic psalms (Ps. xl. 1, and lxix. 5) as the utterances of Christ sustaining the persons of sinners and bearing their sins (voces non innocentis seel patient is Christi). He denounces the Sophists of his day, who separated Christ from sins and sinners, and proposed Him to mankind merely as an example; “ whereby,” says he, “ they make Him useless.”' To show how Christ’s suretyship was understood by him, the Pather is represented as saying to His only-begotten Son: “ Be Thou Peter the denier, Paul the persecutor, blasphemer, and injurious, David the adulterer, the sinner who ate of the fruit in paradise ; in short, be Thou the person (tu sis persona) that committed the sins of all men; therefore, consider how you may pay and satisfy for them. Then comes the law and says: I find Him a sinner, and such a sinner as has taken on Himself the sins of all men; and I see no sin besides but in Him: therefore, let Him die on the cross ” ( luth . Oper. tom. iv. p. 91). A few passages afterwards we find the following memorable passage : “ The sole way of evading the curse is to believe and say with sure confidence : Thou, 0 Christ, art my sin and curse ; or rather, I am Thy sin, Thy curse, Thy death, Thy w r ratli of God, Thy hell; Thou art, on the contrary, my righteousness,” etc. (p. 95). It may safely be conceded that, when Luther permits himself, as Calvin also does (see Calvin on Gal. iii. 13), to call Christ a sinner, and the greatest of sinners, this is language rather to be avoided than imitated, for it grates on the Christian sensibilities. It has no Scripture warrant; and we must always distinguish, in thought and phrase, between what is relative and real, between the legal and the moral. But this style of speech, which in Luther’s energetic description cannot be misunderstood, may show the reckless assertion to wdiich those men commit themselves who would represent Luther as holding similar sentiments with those who deny vicarious satisfaction. He is the absolute an¬ tithesis of this. Another point must be noticed. Under the influence of view T s derived from that doctrine of exchange, Luther never disjoins Christ’s actions from His sufferings,—that is, His vica¬ rious obedience from His death. He takes in both. To this 528 APPENDIX. point I the rather refer, because it is common among the writers who object to the element of active obedience in Christ’s atonement, and call it an ecclesiastical notion, to allege that it formed no part of Luther’s testimony, but was a mere subsequent addition, dating from the composition of the Con¬ cordias Formula. That is very far from being a correct view of the Beformation doctrine; and to me it is matter of no small surprise that writers, pretending to any accurate acquaintance with Luther’s works, either in Latin or German, could enter¬ tain a moment’s doubt of this fact. In a remarkable sermon on Gal. iv. 1-8 (vol. vii. p. 438, Erlangen edition of his German works) Luther speaks explicitly on the point. After remarking that no man can fulfil the law unless he is free from the law, and not under it (p. 265), and that Christ fulfilled the law spontaneously, and not by necessity or constraint, he goes on to say (p. 470): “ But, that we may the better perceive how Christ acted under the law, we are to understand that He put Himself under it in a twofold way. First , under the works of the law: He permitted Himself to be circumcised, and sacri¬ fices and purifications to be made for Him in the temple : He was subject to His father and mother, and the like: and yet was under no obligation; for He was a Lord above all laws. . Secondly , He 'put Himself under the punishment and agony of the law spontaneously : Hot only did He perform the works to which He was not bound, but He spontaneously and innocently suffered the penalty which the law threatens and pronounces upon those who do not keep it.” (Luther adds, after a few sentences, Uns, uns hat ers zu gute gethan, nicht zu seiner Notlidurft). In like manner, he elsewhere says (xv. p. 59): “When the law comes and accuses thee for not keeping it, point to Christ and say: ‘ Yonder is the Man who has ful¬ filled it, to whom I cling, who fulfilled it, imparted His fulfil¬ ment to me; and it must be silent.’ ” Hot less explicit is Melanclithon in many passages of his works, and quotations might be multiplied to this effect from his Apology for the Augsburg Confession, his Loci Communes, and Commentaries. Equally express is the language of Calvin, whether we consult his Institutes (book ii. ch. 17), the Geneva Catechism, or his Commentary on the New Testament. Chemnitz and his coadjutors, who composed the Concordia?. Formula, ex¬ pressed the definite doctrine of the Beformation, when they set forth that the active and passive obedience of Christ were equally vicarious and equally essential. This was no new theory nor addition. Protestant doctrine, alike in the Lutheran and Beformed churches, with a wonderful harmony, set forth HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 529 that the entire human life of Christ, consisting of the ele¬ ments of suffering and obedience, constituted the atonement according to the twofold relation which man, as a creature and as a sinner, occupies to the divine law; and that they were equally indispensable. We need not adduce the other points of the Eeformation doctrine at any length. As to the importance of Christ’s divine person for the production of the atonement, it was in full accord with the patristic theology. All depended, according to Luther’s exposition, on the fact that the Substitute was the only-begotten Son. He illustrates this doctrine by the case of two scales, in one of which are weighed our sins, with the wrath of God due to them; and in the other the expiatory sufferings, not of a mere man, but of the God-man (Dei passio Dei mors, Dei sanguis). A happy coincidence obtained between the two Protestant churches in this and in almost every point bearing on the atonement. In the Lutheran Church the doc¬ trine of the atonement was, for about a century, discussed under the topic of Justification as its sole meritorious ground. The merit of works was swept away; and faith was made simply receptive. Thus it was elucidated by Chemnitz, Ger¬ hard, and Hutter, till Calovius, by introducing the systematic method, departed from the topical treatment of doctrine. In the Reformed Church Calvin had, from the first, appended the dis¬ cussion of the atonement to the person and office of Christ. From the first the Lutheran Church never faltered as to the absolute necessity of a satisfaction for sin. Nor did the speculative question whether salvation was possible without atonement, and which was too lightly conceded by the pa¬ tristic theology, ever find favour within her pale. This was the natural result of the profound views entertained by Luther on the infinite evil of sin, and on the inflexible claims of the divine law, as well as on the severity of divine wrath. On this point Luther writes in the spirit of Anselm, though it does not appear that he was acquainted with Anselm’s works. He re¬ pudiates, with the utmost aversion, the notion of men being pardoned by absolute omnipotence. Thus he says (vol. vii. p. 298, Erlang ed.): “ There are some, especially among the recent high scholastics, who affirm, Forgiveness of sins and justifica¬ tion of grace, lies absolutely in the divine imputation ; that is, in God’s accounting it enough that he to whom God imputes or does not impute sin should thereby be justified or not justified from his sins, as Ps. xxxii. 2, and Rom. iv. 7, 8, seem to them to say—‘ Blessed is the man to whom God imputeth not sin.’ Were this true, the entire New Testament is already nothing, 2 L 530 APPENDIX. and to no purpose; and Christ has laboured foolishly and use¬ lessly in dying for sin. God thus exhibited, without necessity, a mere sham fight and juggle, since He might, without the sufferings of Christ, have forgiven sin, and not imputed it; and thus another faith might have justified and saved us than faith in Christ, viz. his sins, who relied on this gratuitous mercy of God, would not have been imputed. Against this hateful and terrible notion and error, the holy apostle is wont to direct faith perpetually to Jesus Christ; and so frequently does he name Jesus Christ, that it is a marvel how any one can be unaware of the necessary cause.” Whenever Luther adverts to the idea that God might have adopted another mode of re¬ demption, he does this to assign reason its limits. He says he too could refine and speculate before God, but that he will simply believe, and follow His word. Ho eminent divine, in fact, in the Lutheran Church, till the rise of Bationalism, ex¬ pressed himself with indecision on this point. The same thing cannot be affirmed of the Beformed Church, where we find for a considerable time a tendency to adopt the language of Augustin. Thus Calvin, in his Institutes (ii. 12. 1), and in his Commentary (John xv. 13), permits himself to speak of the possibility of redemption in an absolute way, and to use language directly the reverse of what would have been em¬ ployed by Anselm and Luther. Similar language is found in Zanchius and Musculus, as well as in various other Beformed divines. Vossius, in vindicating Grotius’ statements to this effect, against the strictures of Bavensperger, adduces quota¬ tions from a large number of Beformed writers; and a leaven of this description lingered among many Beformed divines, down to the time of Twisse and Butherford, who both shared in this opinion. But greater caution was imposed by the rise and spread of Socinianism, which unquestionably was aided by these undue concessions, and was able to appeal to them. At a later time, however, the two Protestant churches everywhere avowed the same principle as to the absolute necessity of a satisfaction, in order to the salvation of sinful men (see Owen’s Vindication of Divine Justice). In another point the advantage decidedly lay with the Beformed Church. While the Lutherans spoke loosely of the universality of expiation, without limiting the destination of the ransom by its efficacy, the Beformed divines more correctly asserted and vindicated the special reference of the atonement. This was from the first a characteristic of the Beformed Church —a necessary result of the Augustinian views of grace with which it was imbued. Calvin put it in the form in which it HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 531 liacl descended and was discussed in the schools: “ Sufficiently for the whole world, but efficiently only for the elect ” (Calvin on 1 John ii. 2). The Eeformed Church maintained that the efficacy of Christ’s merits bore special reference to the elect. This impress was stamped upon the church from its first origin, and to this view she may be said to have continued generally faithful. The Lutheran Church always held the universal ele¬ ment, without formulating it. The historical outline of the doctrine of the atonement, which we have thus far sketched from the Apostolic age to the Reformation, proves that, in every phase of what can warrantably be termed ecclesiastical doctrine in the Eastern or Western Church, the death of Christ was uniformly viewed as standing in the closest relation to man’s salvation. The sincere investigators of the divine word were always persuaded that the remission of sins stood directly connected with the Lord’s death, however much might be the influence of Christ’s teaching, example, and constant care of the human family. But a further inquiry arose : What was the nature of that connec¬ tion, or could it be precisely ascertained ? We have seen, whether we turn to the patristic theology, to the compara¬ tively mixed or philosophical theology of the Middle Ages, or to the more biblical theology of the Reformation, that every century agreed with one consent in the conclusion that there was a connection between Christ’s death and the remission of sins; and that the connection was one of cause and effect, whether they speak of ransom and deliverance, of sacrifice and exemption from punishment, or of merit and reward. The single exception of the rationalistic Abelard is scarce worthy of notice. Here, then, we have the church-consciousness of Christendom, if anything deserves that name. Though opinions of a neutralizing tendency undoubtedly were fostered in the East and West, yet the doctrine of the causal connection between Christ’s death and pardon—in other words, the expia¬ tion of sin by His blood—was not denied at any period either by the Greek or Romish Church. This harmony of Christian conviction and doctrine is not to be ignored or undervalued. We have brought down the history of the doctrine to the Reformation, at which time it may be said to have stood forth in meridian brightness and full-orbed development. At that date nothing interposed between the sinner and the atonement —no merit of works—no preparation by ecclesiastic rites ; the application of it was by faith alone. The Reformation doctrine was, that the atonement alone saves, and that it is received by faith alone. Christ’s twofold work of active and passive 532 APPENDIX. obedience was set fortli as something merely to be received by faith for the remission of sin. As true doctrine, however, is invariably followed by error as its shadow, that exhibition of the ultimate truth on this great article could not be expected to be preserved for any length of time untarnished and unclouded. The atonement was made central, and offered for men’s reception, without preparations or conditions, in the purest form in which it had ever been presented since the Apostolic age; but before the century closed negations arose on every side, viz. Socinianism, the rejection of the vicarious active obedience, Grotianism, Arminianism, and the like. As to Socinianism, it is not necessary, after the historic sketch given in the previous volume, to enumerate its peculiari¬ ties ; and the cognate views of the present day adverse to the vicarious satisfaction, which, with Christian elements not to be denied, are unquestionably Socinianizing in their theory of Christ’s death. These were pretty fully exhibited and brought down to recent times in the previous volume. In this historical outline I deem it best to avoid that class of opinions, and to limit myself to other theories, which, though deviating from Beforma- tion doctrine in certain points, yet agree in ascribing to the death of Christ the remission of sins, the acceptance of our persons, and our redemption from the curse. This leads us into a different class of theories, and among writers more pronounced in doc¬ trinal opinions, and approaching nearer to the truth. The great question which divided the schools of theology after the ap¬ pearance of Socinianism, and divides the modern thinkers of the German type from the class commonly regarded as evan¬ gelical and biblical, is, whether remission of sins is an absolute gift, or obtained by the death of Christ as its meritorious purchase ? The theory of absolute pardon, which represents Christ as preaching but not procuring pardon—the great untruth of the modern theology, as contrasted with the general Christian consciousness—we delineated historically already. We have de¬ scribed it also dogmatically, as subversive of all moral laws, and opposed to natural as well as revealed theology. But to enter more into detail as to the peculiar views of this class of writers, though it might have its interest, would be but a repetition or enlargement of what has been done already. 1. The first negation which obscured the full-orbed doctrine of the Beformation, was the rejection of the element of Christ’s active obedience. This error assailed the Protestant Church in three different quarters, and was particularly injurious, leaving behind it a leaven never fully purged out to this day. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 533 Osiander of Konigsberg, in his treatise on Justification, 1550, immediately after Luther’s death, attacked the dis¬ tinctive principle of Protestantism, by denying that justifica¬ tion was to be regarded as a forensic act on the ground of Christ’s righteousness. He allowed that mankind obtain pardon and redemption from the curse of the law through the blood of Christ, but divided between pardon and justification in such a way as to make the former relative and the latter inherent; and he charged the Lutheran teachers with ignorance and indecision, inasmuch as they could not state or define what Christ’s righteousness involved. This challenge to the Protes¬ tant Church to become self-conscious led to definition. Hot only Flacius Illyricus, Brentius, and others in the Lutheran Church, but Calvin also, in replying to Osiander, explicitly combined the active and passive obedience of Christ as equally vicarious. They taught that Christ’s one complete obedience w T as comprehended both in His actions and sufferings, and that the matter of our redemption consisted of both. Flacius Illyricus sets forth that Christ, as perfectly obedient to the law, did and suffered all that the law required of us, and im¬ puted to us His whole obedience as our righteousness. This controversy, which shook the Lutheran Church in an extraordi¬ nary way, led the way to clearer definition as contained in the Concordiae Formula. It was maintained that sin consists in omission as well as commission, and that remission of sin necessarily involves not only the removal of guilt, but the imputation of righteousness. Their conclusion was, that the divine law must be perfectly obeyed by a mediator; and they defined this righteousness sometimes as satisfaction and obedi¬ ence, and at other times as Christ’s obedience in life and in DEATH. Another tendency originated by Piscator in the Reformed Church, divided between Christ’s active and passive obedience, hitherto regarded as equally belonging to His vicarious work. Piscator maintained that the active obedience was necessary for Christ Himself as man, and that only the passive obedience was imputed to His people. The same theory, probably suggested by a Socinian taunt (of a nimisfactio ), was pro¬ pounded by Karg, a Lutheran divine, but soon recanted. It was earnestly maintained by Piscator, and spread in all direc¬ tions from him. It was taken up in the French Church by Cameron, Cappel, Blondel, and La Placette; in the Palatinate by Pareus and Scultetus; in Holland by Wendelinus, Henry and James Alting, father and son; and the mischievous leaven continues to work in many churches to this day. It could 534 APPENDIX. exist only in connection with a semi-lSTestorian view of Christ’s person, and defective views of man’s double obligation as a creature and a sinner, which is not to be expressed in the formula, obey or suffer, but obey and suffer. Piscator ad¬ mitted that, as a qualification for the work of redemption, or indispensable condition, Christ’s active obedience w T as pre¬ supposed ; but he denied that it was vicarious or imputed. 1 These views w T ere condemned by the National Synod of Gap, and by several French Synods, from 1603 to 1612. The theory continued to spread, and tended to undermine the great fact of substitution, at least in the definite sense that whatever was in man’s obligation formed part of the Eedeemer’s suretyship. It is not necessary to adduce arguments in refutation of this theory, as we have, in the discussions of this volume and of the former, asserted from Scripture directly the reverse. It would be a mere repetition to restate the biblical truth that perfect obedience according to God’s legislative authority, con¬ stitutes our sole ground or title to life. 2. The theory of Grotius, which comes next in order, menaced the integrity of the doctrine* of the atonement in another way. His well-known work, The Defence of the Catholic Faith on the Satisfaction of Christ against Faustus Socinus (a.d. 1617), was hailed by the most eminent divines, and translated into various languages. It was made the basis of Stillingfleet’s work on the sufferings of Christ. When fully examined, however, in the light of the Eeformation doctrine, and read according to its avowed principle, it is found to sur¬ render almost as much as it retained. Differing from the theory of Duns Scotus in maintaining that Christ’s sufferings were of infinite value on account of the dignity of His person, it yet decidedly approached his views in maintaining an accep- tilation theory. The argument of Grotius proceeded on the supposition that the divine claims were relaxed, that God exercised His dispensing authority, and might have dispensed 1 Our great epic poet far more correctly writes :— “-Nor can this be But by fulfilling all which thou didst want, Obedience to the law of God imposed On penalty of death, and suffering death, The penalty to thy transgression due, And due to theirs which out of thine shall grow : So only can high justice rest appeased. The law of God exact He shall fulfil, Both by obedience and by love ; though love Alone fulfil the law: thy punishment He shall endure.” P.L. xii. 395. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 535 with any satisfaction, had He so pleased. It is sometimes called the acceptilation theory— implying that the creditor remits the debt without payment or compensation; and it is sometimes called the governmental theory, because God is considered only as a regent who adopted a certain wise mea¬ sure in the way of punitive example, to impress His subjects with a necessary respect for law and authority. That may be used as a rough illustration, hut not as a theory of the atone¬ ment. The theory was not based on a satisfaction of divine justice, for he allowed that God might have left sin to go unpunished ; nor was the atonement regarded as effected by entering into man’s responsibilities in their full extent, so that we can reason from what man owed to what Christ rendered. Grotius re¬ duced it to a mere expedient or measure of government. He started in his inquiry from the question of punishment, as if the infliction of punishment—a mere consequence of sin—were all that was essentially involved. To bring down the question into a yet lower region, he based punishment on purely positive law or arbitrary appointment, which, being subject to no higher law, might by possibility relax the obligations, remit the sanc¬ tions, and remove the consequences. 1 Grotius retains the actual satisfaction; and herein lies the service which he rendered, and which the church gratefully accepted. His conclusions on the atonement, however valuable so far as they are a statement of fact, suppose no inward necessity in the divine government for such a costly provision. They are thus very different from Anselm’s. The latter starts, not from a punitive example, arbitrary and capable of being dispensed with, but from sin as a violation of the divine honour, a disharmony in God’s universe, and de¬ manding punishment as well as reparation. On this account, Grotius’ theory could not counteract the Socinian views, because he gave up the main elements of the ecclesiastical doctrine—the indispensable necessity of satisfac¬ tion to divine justice, and of the complete fulfilment of man’s obligations, in precept and in penalty. His views of sin were shallow. He did not regard the personal God as sustaining by its commission any wrong which the wisdom of the Moral Governor could not undo by a mere punitive example. What does a punitive example amount to in connection with human guilt ? It means no more than that a certain expedient was 1 Milton, tlie theologian poet, far more accurately puts it thus :— “ Die he or justice must ; unless for him Some other able, and as willing, pay The rigid satisfaction, death for death.”— P.L. iii. 210. 536 APPENDIX. adopted to deter from sin in future, or to influence other orders of being in the universe. The guilt of past sin was thus not affected by the atonement in the way in which the church argued. Nor does the theory maintain the inward link between sin and punishment, far less explain how the punitive justice of God could approach such a person. Tor this is the problem. If the death of Christ stands only as an example for the future, then its necessity was not based in the divine nature. It was the most inappropriate possible, because the punishment of the innocent could not deter the guilty. Plainly, Grotius smuggled in the notion of a punitive example for the true theory of satisfaction. Justice must be done to Grotius, however, as compared with Socinianism; for, though he acted unfairly by the truth, and adopted a mediating policy, yet he still connects remission of sins with the atoning death of Christ. The Grotian theory has been largely accepted in America under the name of the governmental theory. Hopkinsianism was one phase of it; and it is sometimes designated the New England theory, or the New School theory. We repudiate in the strongest terms the designation lately given to it— the Edwardean theory 1 of the atonement—because the honoured name of Edwards, one of the greatest in church history, is not to be identified with a theory of which not even the germs can fairly be deduced from his writings. We could exhibit illustra¬ tions from the President’s writings of almost every position we have advanced in this volume; and mere stray expressions occurring in his writings are not to be fitted in to the crude out¬ line of the governmental scheme, from which his whole mode of thought diverged. No writer more fully describes Christ as entering into all the obligations of His people, both as to active and passive obedience. The Hopkinsian or governmental scheme, repudiating imputation in the proper sense, reduces the atone¬ ment from the high ground of a propitiation to the level of an empty pageant, however imposing, or a governmental display 2 for the good of other orders of creation. It is a scheme which connects the death of Christ with some imaginary public justice, not with the divine nature and perfections; as if God Himself 1 See a thick volume entitled The Atonement —discourses and treatises by- Edwards, Smalley, Maxey, Emmons, Griffin, Burge, and others, with a preface by Professor Park: Boston, 1859. This is one of the ablest defences of the Grotian theory ; but we have right and reason to object to Professor Park’s title, “The Edwardean Theory of the Atonement.” Whatever were the views of Edwards’ son is of little moment comparatively. 2 Dr. Jenkyn on the Extent of the Atonement (English Congregationalist, 1842), reproduces the Grotian theory, and makes it universal. He calls the atonement “an honourable ground or medium for expressing mercy.” HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 537 were not His own public, the only august public worthy of regard in this great transaction. According to the Grotian or Hopkinsian theory, the atonement is lit to impress the creation of God, but is not necessary in respect of the divine attributes. 3. Next followed the theory of Arminius and the Arminian type of theology—a tendency starting from the notion of uni¬ versal grace, and allowing no special reference to the elect. It deviated widely from biblical doctrine, and infected all the Reformed churches at one period or another of their history. Though different in kind from Socinianism, because it still maintained a causal connection between the death of Christ and pardon, it yet departed very far from the proper idea of substitution and strict views of divine justice. The assertion of universal atonement without suretyship in any true sense of the term, led by necessary consequence to a new view of the nature of the atonement, when the theory found it necessary to complete itself. The Arminians, in their second distinctive article, maintained that Christ, according to the Father’s pur¬ pose and His own, died for all and every man alike: that He made God placable and man salvable, but did not actually procure reconciliation for any. They held that He merely removed the obstacle on the side of divine justice, and acquired power for God to form a new covenant with all mankind. It was a theory which took in almost all the negative elements already mentioned, and, under the guise of enlarging Christ’s merits, tended only to undermine and diminish them. A few considerations will prove this against the representations of the Arminians. (1.) They denuded the atonement of any efficacy, denying that it carried with it the element of its application. They did not shrink from the avowal that the ransom might have been paid, and yet applied to none in consequence of intervening unbelief; nay, that Christ’s atonement, though not actually applied to any individual, would still have been complete in all its parts. A gulf was thus drawn between the procuring of redemption and the application of it, as if these were not of equal extent and breadth. The application was thus suspended on man’s free will, and humanity was thrown back on its own resources, or on such aid as all equally receive, to apply the redemption for themselves. (2.) They held, as appears from the transactions of the Synod of Dort, that the end of Christ’s death was to acquire a new right, on the ground of which God might make a new covenant with mankind; and that this new covenant consisted in this, that God accepts faith as an imperfect obedience. How this 538 APPENDIX. menaced tlie atonement is obvious. A relaxation of the law was assumed, and the immutable claims of God were supposed to he reduced. This shows that it became a question as to the nature of the atonement, as well as its extent. (3.) They held that Christ, by His satisfaction, did not secure redemption for any individual, or merit the faith by which the atonement should he effectually applied. They would not admit that the atonement carried with it the ground of its own application. If we compare Arminian views with biblical teaching on the subject of satisfaction, we soon find that they can no more be harmonized than light and darkness; for, according to apostolic teaching, the deliverance follows the ransom. Thus the whole doctrine was put to hazard. It was held that the death of Christ only made God capable of re¬ conciliation, while the actual reconciliation was left to men themselves working out their own salvation. The Synod of Dort, though much decried, was a noble bulwark of divine truth. It set forth that the death of the Son of God was of infinite intrinsic value, and abundantly sufficient to expiate the sins of the whole world. And after declaring that the death of Christ derived its value from the fact that He was not only a true and perfectly holy man, but the only-begotten Son of God, it is added: “ That many who are called by the gospel do not repent or believe in Christ, but perish in unbelief, is not from the defect or insufficiency of Christ’s sacrifice on the cross, but from their own fault.” The admirably put statements of this great Synod, equal as it was to any of the ancient Councils, deserve special attention. It asserted sufficiency in respect of intrinsic potency and value. But while asserting this, and coupling it with human responsibility, the Synod maintained at the same time that, in respect of proper destination and efficacy, it was not universal, but appointed for certain definite persons whom God freely chose from eternity. As to the proper scope of Christ’s atonement, it was asserted that He died as Mediator of the elect alone, to procure reconciliation for them, and also to apply it. The sum of the matter, as stated by the Synod, was, that the merits of Christ, considered in them¬ selves, were of infinite value, or amply sufficient for all, but of efficacious validity for the elect alone. Why all men are not saved is not due to any deficiency in Christ’s merits—for He would not have needed to do or suffer more than He has done for the salvation of millions more,—but must be traced to the purpose of God appointing who should be partakers of His • merits. These truths are not inconsistent with each other: the intrinsic value of the atonement did not affect the extent of its HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 539 saving efficacy, as a general of an army, capable of delivering many captives, may receive from bis prince a command only to deliver some; or a physician, having the means of healing many, may apply the cure to a limited number. This was the position which the church maintained against Arminianism. About the time of the Synod of Dort, when the theological mind of the age was intensely turned to the doctrines of grace, the federal theology, as it was called, was propounded, and contributed more powerfully than any other influence to pro¬ mote the sound doctrine of the atonement.. We are told that Luther anticipated that some pious and learned man would arise to elucidate the doctrine of the covenant of God and its various economies. Bullinger first broke ground on this topic in his book on the Covenant. Olevianus and Cloppenburg followed, the latter discussing the subject pretty copiously in his third Disputation on the JSfeio Covenant of Grace and its Surety (a.d. 1622). But it was reserved for Cocceius, in his famous Treatise on the Covenant (a.d. 1648), to supply the key which served to unlock the mystery of the covenant of grace. After him a whole cloud of witnesses in England, Scotland, and Holland supplied further elucidation of it. It formed one of the distinctive peculiarities of the Puritan theology; and as a scheme of thought developed by Witsius, Strong, Petto, Owen, and others, it combined into a whole and in an organic way the entire doctrines of sovereign special grace. Nothing tended more to establish the true doctrine of the atonement, because it brought out the counterpart relation of the first and second Adam, and the work of the great Surety, as read off from the obligations of the first man. It grounded the legal conjunction between us and Christ, and the suretyship, the substitution and imputation into which Jesus entered. Scrip¬ ture shows a covenant or compact formed between God as the source of law, and His own Son as head of the elect, whom He represented. The Arminian scheme broke upon it as a wave on the rock. That system directed the most strenuous efforts against it, but in vain. No direct covenant could be immedi¬ ately made between God and man; a surety alone was adequate to bring the Creator and the sinner together. The Father made the claim of full obedience upon His Son, and the Son now claims the fulfilment of the stipulations. 1 Thus, the whole was 1 Thus Milton, in the true spirit of the federal theology, represents the Son as saying:— “ Behold me, then ; me for him, life for life I offer ; on me let all Thine anger fall; Account me man ; I for his sake will leave Thy bosom, and this glory, next to Thee, 540 APPENDIX. removed from the region of the vague and indefinite by the idea of special destination. Not only so ; it exploded the Arminian notion that faith was the proper condition of the covenant. That first principle of the Arminian scheme—a legal element throwing men hack on themselves—was obvi¬ ated by the federal theology, which showed that the conditions were all fulfilled by the Mediator of the covenant, as the very end of His incarnation, and that it is pure grace to us. If the Mediator fulfilled the conditions, they cannot be a second time required without undermining the unity between the Surety and His seed. Christ’s atonement was thus the fulfilment of the federal conditions. The Father, who in every part of this great transaction was at once the Lawgiver and the Fountain of the covenant, insisted on the full performance of the law, and yet provided the surety, who was made under the law in the proper sense of the term. It was a true command on God’s side, and a true obedience on Christ’s side. He stood in our covenant, which was the law of works; that is, the law in its precept and in its curse. 4. Next in order we must notice the theory which ema¬ nated from the divines of Saumur, which has been called the Amyraldist theory. It was a revolt from the position main¬ tained at the Synod of Dort, under the guise of an explanation ; for the propounders of the theory would not allow that they were out of harmony with its decrees. Not content to affirm, with the canons of Dort, that the intrinsic value of Christ’s atonement was infinite, and capable, had God so pleased, of being extended to all mankind, they maintained that, along with a sufficiency of value, there was a certain destination of Christ’s death, on the part of God and of the Mediator, to the whole human race. This theory owed its origin to Cameron, a learned but restless Scotchman, Professor of Theology at Saumur. He propounded the theory of hypothetic univer- salism ; that is, that God wills the salvation of all men, on condition of faith, and that Christ’s death was for all men, on condition of faith. Cameron declares that Christ died for no man simply, but on condition that we who are of the world should be delivered from the world, and engrafted into Christ Truly put off, and for him early die, Well pleased : on me let death wreak all his rage ; Under his gloomy power I shall not long Lie vanquished : Thou hast given me to possess Life in myself for ever : by Thee I live, Though now to death I yield, and am his due, All that of me can die. ” — P.L. iii. 236. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 541 by true faith ( Opusc. Miecell. p. 533). This system, adopted by a distinguished class of pupils, Amyraud, Testard, Cap- pellus, and Placseus, widely leavened and corrupted the Re¬ formed Church of France. Amyraldus digested it into system in his Treatise on Predestination (a.d. 1634), and in various publications. It was controverted by Rivetus (Op. iii. p. 830), and F. Spanheim in his Exercitations on Universal Grace. When we examine the theory minutely, it will not hang together. Its advocates speak of a universal decree, in which God was supposed to have given Christ as a Mediator for the whole human race; and of a special decree, in which God, foreseeing that no one would believe in his unaided strength, was supposed to have elected some to receive the gift of faith. Unquestionably it differs from the Arminian positions in this respect, that the faith was not referred to man’s free will, but was supposed to be derived from God’s free grace. The theory acknowledged the sovereign election of God, according to His good pleasure. But it laboured under the defect of supposing a double and a conflicting decree; that is, a general decree, in which He was said to will the salvation of all, and a special decree, in which He was said to will the salvation of the elect. To Christ also it ascribed a twofold and discordant aim, viz. to satisfy for all men, and to satisfy merely for the elect. As a reconciling system, and an incoherent one, it aimed to har¬ monize the passages of Scripture, which at one time seem to extend Christ’s merits to the world, and at another to limit them to the church ; not to mention that God is supposed to be disappointed in His purpose. The various writers of this school are very far from uni¬ formity in their explanations of the theory. Some write that Christ died for all men, on the condition of faith; others that Christ opened a way to salvation for all believers, and that His redemption was twofold; others that He offered Himself equally for all. Thus Amyraud expresses himself in his Treatise on Predestination (ch. 7) : et The sacrifice which Jesus Christ offered was equally for all ; and the salvation which He received from His Father, in the sanctification of the spirit and the glorification of the body, was destined equally for all— provided the necessary disposition for receiving it were equal.” The National Synod of the Reformed Churches of France, which met at Alen^on in 1637, at which Amyraud and Testard gave explanations in harmony with the canons of Dort, was satisfied, but at the same time decreed that in future they should abstain from the statement that Christ died equally for all, because that expression equally had been formerly, and might be 542 APPENDIX. again, a stone of stumbling to many. Not only so; the entire theory of Amyraldus labours under two defects, which indeed are very closely connected with each other. It denied, along with Piscator, the element of Christ’s active obedience; and the atonement was never described as carrying with it its own application. On the contrary, this was secured by another mode, as follows : Christ died for all, on condition of faith; and man being incapable of this, God, by another deceee, purposed to give faith to some. This peculiarity distinguishes Amyraldism, unfavourably to it, from another theory with which it has sometimes been con¬ founded—viz. that presented to the Synod of Dort by the five English deputies, 1 of whom the most eminent theologian was Davenant, one of the greatest names that adorn the English Church. When we examine their statement to the Synod {judicium), we find, what seems at first sight the same double reference, Christ’s death for the elect, and then His death for the world at large. But the only point to which the Synod of Dort attached importance was unambiguously uttered. They said that Christ died for the elect according to the love and in¬ tention of God the Father and of Christ, that He might actually obtain, and infallibly bestow, remission of sins and eternal sal¬ vation ; and that faith and perseverance are given to these elect persons out of the same love, by and on account of {per et propter) the merit and intercession of Christ. This draws a wide line of demarcation 2 between the theology of Davenant, or of the Church of England, and that of Amyraldus, which insisted on a view of the atonement which, on the one hand, did not contain the element of its own application, and, on the other, continued to hold that Christ’s death was equally for all. The celebrated Baxter has been often unfairly claimed as an Amyraldist. We will not defend all his positions in his con¬ troversy with Owen, when handling the doctrine of the atone¬ ment, yet an injustice is done to this truly great man when he is represented as an advocate of the Universalist theory. These w r ords of Baxter made it as plain as did the Synod of Dort that 1 Acta Synodi : 'Judicia Tlieologorum Exterorum, p. 78. 2 The works of Polhill (a.d. 1677) reproduced Amyraldism in England in the sense now described. He sometimes seems to approach Davenant, hut his view is different, and to be distinguished from Davenant’s theory. Dr. Wardlaw, in his work on the atonement, fluctuating between Grotianism and Amyraldism, goes no further than to say “ that the atonement is a great moral vindication of the divine character, and especially of the divine righteousness, not binding God to pardon any, but rendering it honourable to His perfections and government, should He so will it, to pardon all” (p. 71). Andrew Fuller, sometimes claimed as not a strict Calvinist, with much more correctness represents the atonement as securing its own application. HISTORICAL SKETCH OF DOCTRINE OF ATONEMENT. 543 the atonement merited its own application: “ He whose suffer¬ ings were primarily satisfaction for sin, were secondarily meri¬ torious of the means to bring men to the intended end ; that is, of the Word and Spirit by which Christ causeth sinners to believe; so that faith is a fruit of the death of Christ in a remote or secondary sense” ( Cathol . Theol . p. 69). 5. We further notice a class of theories which limited the duration of Christ’s expiatory sufferings to the period when He hung on the cross. The opinion of all Protestant divines up till the time of James Alting, was that the Lord’s sufferings from His birth to His death were vicarious. He propounded the notion that proper satisfaction was limited to the sufferings undergone during the three hours when darkness covered the land at the crucifixion. He divided the Lord’s sufferings into two kinds,—those which were vicarious and bore a surety- character limited to the time of His suspension on the cross, and those which were undergone in the conflict with Satan. This limitation to a few hours evacuated it of its true character, as the denial of Christ’s active obedience weakened the doctrine of substitution on the other side. The true doctrine is, that as the active obedience was a vicarious fulfilment of our obliga¬ tions from His birth to His death, so His passive obedience was a vicarious satisfaction from the manger to the cross. The same theory is propounded in the crude theology of the Ply¬ mouth Brethren. Thus Mr. Mackintosh says : “We are not to regard the cross of Christ as a mere circumstance in the life of sin-bearing. It was the grand and only scene of sin-bearing: ‘ His own self bare our sins in His own body on the tree ’ (1 Pet. ii. 24). He did not bear them anywhere else. He did not bear them in the manger, nor in the wilderness, nor in the garden, but only on the tree. He never had aught to say to sin, save on the cross.” Biblical theology is the very opposite of this extract, as we have proved throughout. What were the arguments by which Alting laboured to defend such a position ? He argued from the statement that “ Christ once suffered;” a phrase which cannot bear the sense put upon it, but denies the repetition of His atonement. He argued, too, that previous to the crucifixion Christ received tokens of divine favour—nay, several audible voices from heaven,—and that the wrath of God was borne only on the tree. We have proved the opposite at large. It is matter of wonder that one so eminent as a divine should put these two in collision. There were intervening moments of comfort all through His curse-bearing life, and even on the tree. This theory is opposed to just views of substitution; for Christ’s 544 APPENDIX. entire suffering obedience was tlie discharge of His one media¬ torial work, and essentially connected with the servant-form which He bore. To ground the theory on the fact that dark¬ ness covered the face of the world, is a baseless fancy. Scripture makes it evident that all Christ’s sufferings were the work of a surety, and expiatory. This appears from the fact that He was sinless; and it would have been inconsistent with the divine perfections to inflict suffering on Him unless He occupied the place of the surety: for agony and suffering could not have assailed a sinless being on any other ground. Besides, the Scriptures expressly affirm that by His stripes we are healed (1 Pet. ii. 24). 6. I might further mention a theory propounded by Roell, that Christ’s atonement did not satisfy for temporal death. But it was limited to Holland, triumphantly refuted by Yitringa, and generally repudiated. I shall not further pursue this historical sketch. Ho further modifications of the Reformation doctrine, at least of much moment, occurred till the church encountered the first rise of Rationalism, after the middle of last century. It is noteworthy that the assault began at the very point where the Reforma¬ tion theology had completed itself—viz. by denying the active obedience of Christ 1 and His entering into all His people’s obli¬ gations. We deem it needless, however, to enter on Rational¬ istic theories which run counter to expiation in any form, inasmuch as this was pretty fully done in the former volume ; and the present outline was intended to delineate that other class of theories which continued to maintain the causal con¬ nection between the death of Christ and the remission of sins. Let me sum up this outline, which cannot be further enlarged, with the following couplet of Voetius, which succinctly states the various elements which enter into Christ’s atoning work:— “Propitians, purgans, redimens, ut victima sponsor, Salvavit sic jura Dei verumque requirunt.” 1 This was done hv Tdllner in his work Der Tliatige Gehorsam Jesu Cliristi, 1768 . INDICES, I.—THE PASSAGES EXPOUNDED. iv. 1-34, . Leviticus. • • • • 37 xvi. 1-33, . • • • • 37 xvi., Psalms. • • • • 89 xl. 6-8, • • • • 59 cx. 1-4, • • • • 65 Hi. 14—liii. Isaiah. 12, . • 71 ii. 22-30, . Acts. 85 iii. 12-22, . 93 viii. 29-35, 94 xiii. 15-37, 95 xvii. 22-31, 96 xx. 28, 97 iii. 24-26, . Romans. • 134 iv. 25, • 143 v. 6-10, • 149 v. 12-19, . • 154 vi. 1-8, . • 161 viii. 3, 4, . • 168 viii. 31-34, • 178 xiv. 15, • 184 1 Corinthians. i. 13, .... 185 i. 17, 18, . 187 i. 30, 189 v. 7, 8, vi. 19, 20, . 192 195 viii. 11, 200 xi. 23-27, . 203 xv. 3, 4, . 206 2 Corinthians. v. 14, 15, . • 209 v. 18, 19, . • • • • 214 2 v. 21, « • • • 221 viii. 9, • • Galatians. • • 229 i. 4, . • 233 ii. 20, 21, . • 236 iii. 13, • 244 iv. 4, • 258 vi. 14, Ephesians. • 264 i. 7, . • • • • 268 ii. 13-16, . • • • • 271 v. 2, . • • • • 277 v. 25-27, . • • Philippians. • • 284 ii. 5-9, • • COLOSSIANS. • • 289 i. 19-22, . # # m • 297 ii. 13-15, . 1 Thessaloniai • a. • 304 i. 9, . • • • 309 iv. 14, • • • • 314 v. 10, 1 Timothy. • • 316 ii. 5-7, Titus. • • 318 ii. 14, • • Hebrews. • • 327 ii. 8,9, 349 ii. 14,15, . 354 ii. 17, 358 v. 7-9, 365 vii. 26,27, 372 ix. 10-15, . 378 ix. 26-28, . M • • 396 546 INDEX. x. 1-10, . 401 2 Peter. x. 19, • • • . 411 ii. 1, . • • • • . 446 xiii. 10, 12, • • • . 413 xiii. 20, • • • . 418 1 John. i. 7, . • • • • . 449 1 Peter. ii. 1-12, iii. 5, • • • • . 454 . 461 i. 2, . . 421 iv. 9, 10, • • • • . 465 i. 18, 19, . . 423 ii. 24, . 430 Apocalypse. iii. 18, . 439 i. 5, . • • • • . 469 iv. 1, . 444 v. 9, . • • • • . 471 II.—SUBJECTS. Abasement of Christ, 230, 289. Adam, first and second, 155 ; one for many, 158. Ambrose’s views, 504, 506. All, us all, 183 ; the all, 210 ; ransom for all, 324. Altar, 414. Amyraldus’ theory, 540. Angels under Christ, 297. Anselm’s theory, 510. Apostles’ preparation after the resur¬ rection, 4 ; organs of Christ’s re¬ velation, 7. Arminius’ theory, 537. Athanasius’ theory, 494. Augustin’s theory, 504, 506. Basil’s theory, 499. Bearing of sin, 398, 431, 461. Blood of Christ, 273 ; sacrificially viewed, 471 ; entering with blood, 48, 339. Calvin’s theory, 528, 530. Chrysostom’s views, 500. Classification of texts, 103. Clemens Itomanus, 481. Cleanse, 287, 453. Conscience purged, 391. Consciousness, Christian, 2. Covenant, 419. Cross, curse of, 12, 248 ; stumbling- block to Jew, 17. Crucified, Christ, for us, 185 ; cruci¬ fied with Him, 164, 236 ; power of God, 187. Curse of the law, 244; curse-bearing, 251. Cyrill of Jerusalem, theory, 498. -Alexandria, theory, 502. Death, 156 ; dying with Christ, 161 ; one for whom Christ died, 184, 200 ; expiatory death, 356 ; death disarmed, 314; fear of, 357 ; once, 397. Deity of Christ, 10, 121, 255. Delivered judicially, 146, 181; Christ delivering Himself, 283. Diognetus, letter to, 483. Dominion of Christ, 295, 307. Faith, 114, 125. Flesh, Christ’s, 169, 175, 302, 365. Forgiveness, connected with atone¬ ment, 476. Giving the Son, the Son giving Him¬ self, 233, 240, 327. Gospel, power of God, how, 188. Gregory Nazianzen’s theory, 500. Gregory Nyssen’s theory, 499. Grotius’ theory, 534. Historical sketch of the doctrine, 479 ; post-apostolic age, 480 ; pa¬ tristic period, Greek, 485, Latin, 303 ; Medieval age, 510; Deforma¬ tion age, 525. Holy Ghost, 389. Incarnation, 169, 259, 272. Inspiration, 3. Irenseus’ theory, 4S8. Jew and Gentile one, 274. INDEX. 547 Justification by Christ’s blood, 151. Justin Martyr, theory, 485. Lamb, 429, 4G9. Law, Christ made under, 260 ; hand¬ writing nailed to the cross, 306; standard of righteousness, 120. Life, 165; Christ liveth in us, 236 ; relation of, to righteous, 125. Love, Christ’s special, 287, 469 ; God’s, 466. Luther’s theory, 526. Mediator, 318, 394. Necessity of atonement, 353, 358. Nestorianism, 501. One sacrifice for sins, 442. Oneness, legal, 124. Origen’s theory, 491. Passover, 192. Peace, Christ our, 273. Perfect, made, 348, 352. Piscator’s theory, 533. Polycarp’s view, 482. Preaching the atonement, 325. Price, 196. Priest, 334, 337 ; Christ on earth, 376; entering the Holiest at His death, 382. Prophecy, 53 ; rules for, 54. Propitiation, 136, 359, 368, 455. Prosper’s theory, 507. Purify or purge, 345. Hansom, the personal redeemer, 246, 320 ; to whom paid, 323 ; connected with sacrifice, 425. Reconciliation defined, 126, 217 ; differs from propitiation, 128 ; ob¬ jections met, 128 ; by death of Christ, 151, 218; ascribed to God, 363. Redemption, 135; Christ made, 190 ; 268, 424 ; unto God, 473. Remission, 21, 343. Representative act, 162. Righteousness of God, 106 ; name for atonement, 109, 190 ; received by faith, 125 ; relation to life, 125; Christ Himself our, 124. Sacrifices, symbolical and typical significance of, 25 ; how sacra¬ ments, 28; the steps of the ritual, 42-45 ; sweet-smelling savour, 279 ; Christ a sacrifice, 387, 409 ; burn¬ ing of, 415. Sanctify, 347 ; Christ made sanctifica¬ tion, 191, 284; ceremonial sanctify¬ ing, 385. Satan, liberation from, 307, 355. Sin, Christ made, 221 ; cause of Christ’s death, 144; for Sin, 174 ; dying for sins, 144, 206. Sin-bearing, 176. Sinlessness of Jesus, 223. Son of God, 168, 370, 450. Sprinkle, 287, 422. Substitute, 263. Supper, the Lord’s, 203, Theodoret, 502. Wisdom, Christ made, how, 190. World, 459. Wrath of God, 216, 247 ; how to be understood, 310, 455. III.—GREEK WORDS SPECIALLY NOTICED. advvarov rod vo/aov, 177. alpzanx^vaia, 380. a’lpuv apoapriag, 462. ctpoupria, 225 ; Vi pi apzaprias, 175, 224. U.TlQavO'i, 210, 213. uVoyivopcivoi, 438. avoXvrputns, 426. ap 150 . ®zog Trig zipwvrjg, 418. lxd(rxz