'' r V ' r- * 7, l< »'' *»• [i A-. » « A * ' - nJ - . . V ^•- *«« «* / «•- . » CENTRAL CIRCULATION BOOKSTACKS The person charging this material is re¬ sponsible for its renewal or its return to the library from which it was borrowed on or before the Latest Date stamped below. You may be charged a minimum fee of $75.00 for each lost book. Theft/ mutllotieii/ and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. TO RENEW CALL TEUPHONE CENTER/ 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN UNIVE ILLlNOi AT URBAN SI When renewing by i^ooe, write new due date below previous due date. L162 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2018 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates https://archive.org/details/investigatingstrOOunit 66th Congress, t SENATE. . i Peport 1st Session. ) ( No. 289. INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. November 3 (calendar day, November 8), 1919. —Ordered to be printed. r ■ Mr. Kexxun, from the Committee on Education and Labor, sub¬ mitted the following REPORT. [Pursuant to^ S., Res. 188.1 ^ , On the 23d day of September, 1919, the Senate passed a resolution instructing the Committee on Education and Labor of the Senate immediately to investigate the steel strike and report to the Senate within the shortest possible time the cause and reason therefor. The committee, acting through a subcommittee, visited the strike region in western Pennsylvania; went through a number of the mills; talked with the men working in the mills and with the strikers;, visited homes of the men and heard evidence for two days at Pitts¬ burgh. Pather extended hearings have also been held in Washington, and approximately 100 witnesses have been examined. The committee has heard from both sides of tlri controversy and tried in every way to secure the facts bearing upor this situation. FACTS LEADING UP TO THE STRIKE...... It appears that in 1892 there ivas a general strike in the steel in¬ dustry commonly known as the ‘‘ Homestead strike ”—Homestead being a suburb of Pittsburgh, Pa., and the seat of one of the largest steel plants in the countr 3 \ That strike was fought with great bitterness and finally resulted in failure, and from that time on there have been no attempts at organizing labor in the steel industry / until June, 1918. As to what happened then, Mr. John Fitzpatrick^ president of the Chicago Federation of Labor, thus testified: The labor organizations, realizing what tremendous influence the steel in¬ dustry has on all other industries, made up its mind that it would have ta organize the steel industry, no matter at what cost, because in all other in¬ dustries labor has made considerable progress, has established the eight-hour day, has established decent standards of living and labor, but in the steel 2 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. mills hours are long, wages are small, below the pauper line; and with that kind of a condition used as an argument against the efforts of labor elsewhere labor understood the necessity of organizing the steel mills T convention of the American Federation of Labor, held in .June, 1918, a resolution was presented calling upon the American Federation ot Labor to bring the organizations interested in the steel industry together so lhat they might maj) out a plan of action within the scope and tactics of the American Federation of Labor for the purpose of organizing the steel mills. A resolution was adopted by unanimous vote. The president of the American federation of Labor, Mr. Gompers, was, instructed, under the terms of the resolution, to call into -meeting the organizations who had an interest in the steel mills. The meeting was called to meet in the city of Chicago about August 1, 1918. international unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor responded to the call, and campaign committees to organize the iron and steel industries were organized. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, was elected cliairman and ^yilliam Z. Foster, general organizer of the Brotherhood of Carmen of America, was elected as the secretary. Mr. Fitzpatrick further testified that up to that time there had been no real unionism in the steel mills since 1892. Mr. Fitzpatrick further testified that by May, 1919, their or¬ ganizers had some 80,000 men in the Pittsburgh and Calumet dis¬ tricts within the organization. When the American Federation of Labor convention of June, 1919, convened, Mr. Fitzpatrick reported that over 100,000 men were Avithin the organization. The Atlantic City convention instructed Mr. Gompers to enter into negotiations with Mr. E. H. Gary, chairman of the board of directors of the Steel Corporation, in reference to ha\dng a better understanding Avith the steel company. Mr. Gompers wrote a letter to Mr. Gary, but Mr. Gary did not reply to the letter. The letter ' referred to is as follows: American Federation of Labor, The Alamac Hotel, Atlantic City, N. June 20, 1919. l\Ir. Elbert H. Gary, Chairman Board of Directors, V. S. Steel Corporation, Keiv York, N. Y. Dear Sir : Of course you are aware that upon the request of a number of men in the employ of the United SbUes Steel Corporation, and realizing the need of it, the convention of the American Federation of Labor decided to respond and give such assistance as is possible in order to bring about more thorough organization of the workers in the iron and steel industry, particularly those employed by your corporation. A campaign of organization v as begun in June. 1918, and within that period Ave have secured the organization of more than 100,000 of the employees in the iron and steel industry. The prospects for the complete organization are, I am informed, exceedingly bright. Of course, knowing the policy of the organized labor movement I have tin honor in jiart to represent, we aim to accomiilish the purposes of our laboi movement; that is, better conditions for the toilers by American methods American understandings, and not by revolutionary methods or the inaugura tion of a cataclysm. AVe belicA'e in the effort of employer and employees to sit down around ;i table and, meeting thus, face to face, and having a better understanding of each other’s position in regard to conditions of labor, to hours, standard,*, etc., and after reaching an amicable understanding to enter into an agreement for collective bargaining that is to cover wages, hours of labor, conditions cf employment, etc. At the Atlantic City convention of the American Federation of Labor ju.'t ■closed the committee reported upon the progress made, and I am instructed and authorized to suggest to you whether you will consent to hold a confereme y O I • ^ INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 3 with a committee representing not only the iron and steel workers wlio are organized but representing the best interests of the unorganized men m tl e S^of ydm corporation. The names of the committee I am asking you ^^AsdfsVmt’president Davie, Amalgamated Iron and Steel and Tin Workers William Hannon, member executive board. International Association o ^^Fd^d^’Evan representing International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers Wm Z Foster secretary of the National Committee for Organizing lion and Steel\4lLrs am the Brotherhood of Car Men of America. Tohn Fitzpatrick president Chicago Federation of Labor. U don cTadvise me at your early convenience that the request contained ^in^hfs letter meets with your aiiproval and that a conference can be held, I a ''"Kin.lty mldress yoiu"^ '>« favoi-able, to the American Federation of Labor Building, Washington, D. C. Respectfully, youis, Samuel Gompers, President American Federation of Labor. (Steel-strike hearings, p. 224.) After this a vote was had upon a strike, the vote taking place be- ^^'^ius'dalmeVby Mr!^Fkzpatrick in his letter to the President that 98 Lr cerof tS nten voted for the strike and the com.mttee .nake no finding as to the accuracy of that statement time. T ’figures have not been furnished the committee as to the vote, any event the strike was called for the 22d day of Septembei. August 20 Mr. Fitzpatrick, Mr. Foster, and others wrote fTudge Cfarv asking for a conference. New York, August 26, 1919. Hon Elbert H. Gary, Chairman Finance Committee, ‘united States Steel Corporation, 71 Broadicay, ^ ew I ork City. rurAT? Diiriii" a general campaign of organization and education co dueled imderae auspicfs of the American Federation of Labor many thou- sands'of men empioyed in the iron and steei industry made application and were enrXS armLnbers of the .various organization to which they were “^TWs® work has been carried on to a point wliere we feel justifled in stating fo vou that we represent the sentiment of the vast majority of the employees i hlfrndustrrand acting in behalf of them, we solicit of you that a hearing be given to the undersigned committee, who have been selected by the ? accredited representatives of the employees, to place before con- of vital concern to them, and concerning hours of labor, wa^es, woiking c ditions and the right of collective bargaining. 4 . oc nnri The committee called at your office at 3 p. m., Tuesday, ^ugust -6, a nnested a conference. We were advised by your messengei ^bat you wished to be excused from a personal interview at this time and requested us to ha e our busTness in rntin*^ and whatever matters we wished to submit would be tnkpn UP hv vourself and your colleagues and given considei ation. , ., . Therefore we are submitting in brief the principal subjects that ^\e to have rconfereiiL on. The committee has an important meeting m another lity on Thursday next and will leave New York at 5 May we respectfully request that your answer be sent hef®™ ‘hat ' John Fitzgerald, Continental Hotel, Broadway and Foity-first btreet, New York City? Very truly, yours, Fitzpatrick, D. J. Davis, Wm. Hannon, Edw. J. Evans, Wm. Z. Foster, Committee. < Steel strike hearings, p. 16.) 4 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. Judge Gary replied, refusing said conference. We insert said letter; V United-States Steel Corporation, Office of the Chairman, New York, August 21, 1919. Messrs. John Fitzpatrick, David J. Davis, William Hannon, Wm. Z. Foster, Edw. J. Evans, Committee. Gentlemen : Receipt of your communication of August 26 instant is acknowl¬ edged. ’ ^ We do not think you are authorized to represent the sentiment of a majority of the employees of the United States Steel Corporation and its subsidiaries. We express no opinion concerning any other members of the iron and steel industry. As heretofore publicly stated and repeated, our corporation and subsidiaries, although they do not combat labor unions as such, declined to discuss business with them. The corporation and subsidiaries are opposed to the “ closed shop.” They stand for the “ open shop,” which permits one to engage in any line of employment whether one does or does not belong to a labor union. This best promotes the welfare of both employees and employers. In view of the well- known attitude as above expressed, the officers of the corporation respectfully decline to discuss with you, as representatives of a labor union, any matters relating to employees. In doing so no personal discourtesy is intended. In all decisions and acts of the corporation and subsidiaries pertaining to employees and employment their interests are of highest importance. In wage rates, living and working conditions, conservation for life and health, care and comfort in times of sickness or old age, and providing facilities for the general welfare and happiness of employees and their families, the corporation and subsidiaries have endeavored to occupy a leading and advanced position amongst employers. It will be the object of the corporation and subsidiaries to give such con¬ sideration to employees as to show them their loyal and efficient service in the past is appreciated, and that they may expect in the future fair treatment. Respectfully, yours. E. H. Gary, Chairman. (Steel strike hearings, p. 17.) To which Mr. Fitzpatrick and Mr. Foster further replied August 27, as follows: New York City, August 21, 1919. Hon. Elrert H. Gary, Chairman Finance Committee, United States Steel Corporation, 11 Broad- ivay, Neio York City. Dear Sir: We have received your answer to our request for a conference on behalf of the employees of your corporation, and we understand the first paragraph of your answer to be an absolute refusal on the part of your cor¬ poration to concede to your employees the right of collective bargaining. You question the authority of our committee to represent the majority of your employees. The only way by which we can prove our authority is to put the strike vote into effect and we sincerely hope you will not force a strike to prove this point. We asked for a conference for the purpose of arranging a meeting where the questions of wages, hours, conditions of employment, and collective bar¬ gaining might be discussed. Your answer is a flat refusal for such conference, which raises the question, if the accredited representatives of your employees and the international unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and the Federation itself are denied a conference, what chance has the employee as such to secure any consideration of the views they entertain or the com¬ plaints they may he justified in making? We noted particularly your definition of the attitude of your corporation on the question of the open and closed sliop and the positive declaration in refus¬ ing to meet representatives of union labor. These subjects are matters which might well be discussed in conference. There has not anything arisen between your corporation and the employees whom we represent in which the question of the closed shop has been even mooted. We read with great care your statement as to the interest the corporation takes in the lives and welfare of the employees and their families, and if that INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 5 were true even in u minor (leji:re(?, we woiikl not be pressing consideration through a conference of tfie terrible conditions that exist. The conditions of employment, the home life, the misery in the hovels of the steel workers is beyond description. You may not be aware that the standard of life of the average steel workers is below the pauper line, which means that charitable institutions furnish to the pauper a better home, more food, clothing, light, and heat than many steel workers can bring into their lives upon the compen¬ sation received for putting forth their very best efforts in the steel industry. Surely this is a matter which will be discussed in conference. You also made reference to the attitude of your corporation in not opposing or preventing your employees from joining labor organizations. It is a matter of common knowledge that the tactics employed by your corporation and subsid¬ iaries have for years most effectually prevented any attempt at organization by your employees. We feel that a conference would* be valuable to your cor¬ poration for the purpose of getting facts of which, judging from your letter, you seem to be uninformed. Some few days are still at the disposal of our committee before the time limit will have expired when there will be no discretion left to the committee but to enforce the decree of your employees whom we have the honor to represent. We submit tha^t reason and fairness should obtain than that the alternative shall be compulsory upon us. Surely reasonable men can find a common ground upon which we can all stand and prosper. If you will communicate with us further upon this entire matter, please address your communication to the National Hotel, Washington, D. C., where we shall be Thursday and Friday, August 28 and 29. Very truly, yours. (Steel strike hearings, pp. 17 and 18.) John Fitzpatkick, D. J. Davis, Wm. Hannon, Edw. J. Evans, Wm. Z. Foster, Committee. On September 10 the President, through a telegram from Mr. Tumulty, urged postponement of action until after the industrial conference at Washington, which had been called for October. Such telegram is as follows: Hon. AAIUEL Gompers, President American Federation of Labor, Washington, D. C.: In view of the difficulty of arranging any present satisfactory mediation with regard to the steel situation, the President desires to urge upon the steel men, through you. the wisdom and desirability of postponing action of any kind until after the forthcoming industrial conference at Washington. J. P. Tumulty. (Steel strike hearings, p. 4.) Mr. Gompers on September 11 addressed the following letter to Mr. Fitzpatrick: Dear Mr. Fitzpatrick : This morning I received a telegram as follows: “ Dickinson, N. Dak., September 10, 1919. “ Hon. Samuel Gompers, '^President American Federation of Labor, “ Washington, D. C.: In view of the difficulty of ari'anging any present satisfactory mediation with regard to the steel situation, the President desires to urge upon the steel men, through you, the wisdom and desirability of postponing action of any kind until after the forthcoming industrial conference at Washington. “ J. P. Tumulty.” You are aware of the reason which prevented my participating further, the past few days, in the conferences with the representatives of the various na¬ tional and international unions involved in this question. 6 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. In transmitting the above to you (whicli I am doing by long-distance tele¬ phone from New York City), I want to express the hope that something can be done without injury to the workers and their cause to endeavor to conform to the wish expressed by the President; that even though the corporation may endeavor to provoke the men to action that they may hold themselves in leash and under self-control, consciously demonstrating their stamina and willing¬ ness to abide by the justice of their cause, and that their rights will be finally protected. Fraternally, yours, Samub-l Gompeks, Prefiident of the Ainericun Federation of Labor. (Steel strike hearings, p. 4.) On September 12 Mr. Fitzpatrick addressed a letter to Mr, Gom- pers as follows: Dear Sir and Brother : I received your letter, containing copy of President Wilson’s telegram, and note carefully the suggestions jmu make thereto. On may way back to Chicago, I stopped off at Pittsburgh in order to confer with President M. F. Tighe and Secretary W. Z. Foster. We agreed to reply to your letter as follows: You may not be aware that seven of our organizers and members have been brutally murdered in cold blood during the past few days and the campaign of terrorism on the part of the steel companies is beyond description. After a two days’ conference of the responsible heads and representatives of the 24 international unions, it was decided by unanimous vote that the only way to safeguard their interests in such a situation was to set the strike for Septem¬ ber 22. Every man connected with this movement is deeply conscious of the great responsibility devolving upon him, and it was only after every avenue of approach had been closed that the above action was taken. Brothers Tighe, Foster, and myself considered your suggestions and finally concluded that any vague, indefinite postponement would mean absolute de¬ moralization and utter ruin for our movement. It would be a thousand times better for the entire labor movement that we lose the strike and suffer complete defeat than to attempt postponement now, except under a definite arrange¬ ment which would absolutely and positively guarantee the steel workers sub¬ stantial concessions and protection. If these things can not be guaranteed, then, in our opinion, our only hope is the strike. The national committee will meet in Pittsburgh, Wednesday, September 17, at 11 a. m., for the purpose of planning the details and making final arrange¬ ments for the strike. Yours, sincerely. .loHN Fitzpatrick. (Steel strike hearings, pp. 4 and 5.) We present also the letter of John Fitzpatrick and others, dated September 18, 1919, addressed to the President: Pittsburgh, Pa., September 18, 1919. Hon. Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States, Washington, D. G. Dear Sir : Answering your request through Samuel Gomiiers, president of the American Federation of Labor, that the date of the strike in the steel in¬ dustry of this country be postponed from September 22 next, the date hereto¬ fore fixed, until after a conference called by you to meet in Washington on October G next, we respectfully make the following report: For years there has been great unrest among the steel workers of our coun¬ try because of the unusual, un-American, and despotic industrial conditions. Finding no redress in individual efforts, the men naturally sought, by the ex¬ ample of other workers through their organizations, to associate themselves for collective defense. Oppression growing beyond endurance, the call for assistance to redress grievances came from every quarter of the industry to the St. Paul convention of the American Federation of Labor, held in .Tune, 1918. A committee consisting of representatives of the crafts engaged in this industry were ordered to and did make investigation. They found the field overripe INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 7 for organization. The enrollment of membership grew hy leaps and hounds. Relief from their oppression was imminent and, yet, out of patriotic considera¬ tion to our cause, they endured the continued suffering without cessation of their laboi-s to the end that despotism abroad might not gain thereby aid and comfort. Immediately after armistice was declared, the men insisted upon having their wrongs righted. They were persuaded, however, to wait until the Atlantic City convention of the American Federation of Labor, held in June, 1019. Following a report made to that convention, Mr. Gompers sought a conference with Mr. Gary, chairman of the finance committee of the United States Steel Corporation, on that subject in the hoi^e of avoiding a grave in¬ dustrial conflict. Mr. Gompers, whose constructive patriotism is beyond any question, was denied even the courtesy of a reply. Then, the men insisted upon action, and following authorization for taking a vote upon a strike, be¬ ginning with July 20 and ending August 20 of this year, 98 per cent of the men voted for a strike. Following the vote taken, a committee representing the crafts involved went to Mr. Gary for the purpose of obtaining a conference, in the hope of avoiding the strike. Mr. Gary refused to see the committt'e or deal with any one of them. The committee, still desirous of avoiding the conflict, laid the entire matter before the executive council of the American Federation of Labor. Mr. Gompers and the executive council indorsed the actions of the men. Never¬ theless, in the hope of averting conflict, an appeal was made to your honor. Mr. Gary, obstinate in his denial to grant relief, caused such a great unrest as to necessitate calling a meeting of the presidents of the 24 crafts involved. After a thorough, calm, and deliberate review and study of the entire situation, taking into consideration all the consequences tint would naturally flow there¬ from, these 24 presidents, representing over 2,000,000 organized men, indorsed the strike, and set September 22, as the date thereof. The date was deferred to September 22 against the best interests of the strike solely in the hope that Mr. Gary and his associates might in the meanwhile reconsider their position, so as to avoid the otherwise inevitable conflict. In a meeting called on September 17, at Pittsburgh, of the representatives of the aforesaid crafts for the purpose of devising ways and means of con¬ ducting the strike, your communication through Mr. Gompers, requesting that the date of the strike be postponed was received. Two days of consideration were given to the same. Everyone present desired, if it were possible to comply with your request. Your request for postponement would have been gladly granted, were it not for the following facts: 1. Mr. Gary has asserted that his men need no trained representation in their behalf in presenting their grievances, notwithstanding that they can neither economically, by lack of means, nor intelligently, by lack of schooling, cope with him or his representatives. 2. That, ever since the men started to organize, a systematic persecution was instituted, beginning with discharge and ending with murder, recalling to us vividly the days of Homsetead and the reign of despotism in Russia. 3. Through the efforts of the representatives of the steel industry, officials in various localities have denied the men free assembly and free speech. Instances are too numerous where meetings have been suppressed, men arrested, tried on various unfounded charges, excessive bail required, and cruel punishment imposed, all without warrant in law and justice. 4. As one of many examples—in the city of iVIcKeesport a meeting held by the men within their constitutional rights was broken up and men arrested and thrown into jail, charged with riot and held to the excessive bail of $3,000 each, while one of the hirelings of the steel industry, arrested for the murder of a woman speaker at Brackenridge, Pa., is being held under bail of but $2,500. Another patent example is, Hammond, Ind., where four defenseless union men were charged upon and killed by hired detectives of the steel indus¬ try, and witnesses in behalf of their survivors have been so intimidated and maltreated that the truth of the killing was suppressed. 5. Guns and cannon have been planted in mills, highly charged electric wires have been strung around their premises. ^ 6. Armed men in large numbers are going about intimidating, not only the workers, but everybody in many communities who show the slightest indication of sympathy with the men. 7. Men have been discharged in increasingly large numbers day by day. Threats and intimidations are resorted to for the purpose of putting the men INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. in fear and preventing them from the exercise of their own free will, coerced into signing statements that they are not members, nor will become members, of any labor organization, and threatened with eviction, blacklist, denial of credit, and starvation. 8. That a forced decline of the market would be imposed so as to wipe out their holdings in stock, which they were induced to purchase in years past. Threats to move the mills and close them up indefinitely. 9. That an organized propaganda for vilification of the American Federation of Labor, spreading rumors that the strike will be delayed, and that such delay is only a sell-out. 10. Showing no opposition to the men joining dual organizations. As a result of this propaganda, the I. W. W. is making rapid headway in some of the districts. 11. That the real reason for opposition to organized labor representation on behalf of the men who have grievances is that the steel industry is preparing to cut wages and to lower the standards to prewar times, and to return to a condition that encouraged the padrone system, so prevalent in that particular industry. Mr. President, delay is no longer possible. We have tried to find a way, but can not. We regret that for the first time your call upon organized labor can not meet with favorable response. Believe us, the fault is not ours. If delay were no more than delay, even at the cost of loss of membership in onr organi¬ zations, we would urge the same to the fullest of our ability, notwithstanding the men are firmly set for an immediate strike. But delay here means the surrender of all hope. This strike is not at the call of its leaders, but that of the men involved. Win or lose, the strike is inevitable, and will continue until industrial despotism will recede from the untenable position now occupied by Mr. Gary. We have faith in your desire to bring about a conference and hope you will succeed therein. We fully understand the hardships that meanwhile will follow, and the reign of terror that unfair employers will institute. The burden falls upon the men, but the great responsibility therefor rests upon the other side. Sincerely and patriotically, yours, John Fitzpatrick, Chairman. Wm. Z. Foster, {Secretary. David J. Davis. Wm. Hannon, J. E. McCadden. (Steel strike hearings, pp. 5, 6, and 7.) We may sa}^ in passing that the statement in the letter to Mr. Oompers that seven of the organizers and members had been brutally murdered in cold blood during the past few days is false. Many statements in the letter to the President likewise are veiy greatly ex¬ aggerated or false. From the foregoing letters it would appear that the responsibility for continuing the strike under these conditions was assumed pri¬ marily by Messrs. John Fitzpatrick, M. F. Tighe, and W. Z. Foster. None of them except Mr. Tighe were connected with the steel industry. It is not contended that the employ^ees were permitted to pass on the President’s request or were even consulted about it. These three organizers apparently were the only ones who yvere consulted at that lime. Mr. Fitzpatrick, writing Mr. Gompers and refusing to post¬ pone the strike, among other things said as follows: Brothers Tighe, Foster, and myself considered your suggestions and finally ■concluded that any vague, indefinite postponement would mean absolute demor- ulization and utter ruin for our movement. The sole responsibility, however, for the refusal to postpone the strike at the Ih-esident’s request can not be entirely charged to the three above mentioned. Five days after the labor leaders’ letter to INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 9 Mr. Goinpers there was a meeting of all the 24 responsible leaders of the unions involved and the testimony of Mr. Gompers and others shows that at the meeting to which several members came prepared to urge acceding to the request for delay all present including Mr. Gompers decided that further delay would result in the failure to hold the men from striking. The responsibility should therefore at least be shared by all alike, Mr. Gompers included. — DEMANDS OF THE OKOANIZEKS. The 12 demands to be considered by the organizers of the Steel Co., in their proposed conference with Judge Gary, were as follows: 1. Eight of collective bargaining. 2. Eeinstatement of all men discharged for union activities with pay for time lost. 3. The eight-hour day. 4. One day’s rest in seven. 5. Abolition of 24-hour shifts. C. Increase in wages sufficient to guarantee American standards of living. 7. Standard scale of wages for all crafts and classification of the workers. 8. Double rates of pay for all overtime work and for work on Sun¬ days and holidays. 9. Check-off system of collecting union dues and assessments. 10. Principle of seniority to apply in maintaining, reducing, and increasing working force. 11. Abolition of company account. J2. Abolition of physical examination of applicant for employ¬ ment. Mr. Fitzpatrick testified that these demands were to be the basis of discussion between the organizers and Mr. Garv. MK. Gary’s attitude. The company’s attitude on these questions is thus put forth in a letter of Mr. Gary to the officers of the subsidiar}^ companies, in¬ serted in the record and which is as follows: Not long since I respectfully declined to meet, for the purpose of discussing matters pertaining to labor at our various plants, a number of gentlemen rep¬ resenting certain labor unions. They claim this furnishes cause for complaint and have stated that they intend, if possible, to prevent a continuance of opera¬ tions at our mills and factories. I deem it proper to repeat in a letter what heretofore has been said to you verbally. I entertain no feeling or animosity toward the gentlemen personally and would not hesitate to meet them as individuals, but I did not consider it proper to confer with them under the circumstances. The declaration was made for two reasons: First, because I did not believe the gentlemen were authorized to speak for large numbers of our employees, whose interests and wishes are of prime importance. Secondly, becau.<=:e a con¬ ference with these men would have been treated by them as a recognition of the “ closed-shop ” method of employment. We do not combat labor unions as such. We do not negotiate with labor unions, because it would indicate the •closing of our shops against nonunion labor; and large numbers of our work¬ men are not members of unions and do not care to be. The principle of “ open shop ” is vital to the greatest industrial progress and prosperity. It is of equal benefit to employer and employee. It means that 10 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. every man may engage in any line of employment that he selects, and under such terms as he and the employer may agree upon; that he may arrange for the kind and character of work which he believes will bring to him the largest compensation and the most satisfactory conditions, depending upon his own merit and disposition. The “ closed shop ” means that no man can obtain employment in that shop ex¬ cept through and upon the terms and conditions imposed by the labor unions. He is compelled to join the union and to submit to the dictation of its leader before he can enter the place of business. If he joins the unioh, he is then restricted by its leader as to place of work, hours of work (and therefore amoiint of compensation), and advancement in position, regardless of merit, and sometimes, by the dictum of the union leader, the unions would recognize the right of men to work and be treated as fellow workers even though they do not belong to the unions, it would not of necessity result in a closed shop. The question is one of great difficulty and the solution of it is not necessary in the view of the committee in order to present a report of conditions. The committee not being entirely of one mind on the subject presents the facts and the variety of opinions to the Senate. III. The testimony as introduced and the study the committee has made of the situation lead them to the conclusion that while there were legitimate complaints as to long hours of service, that the strike has been seized upon by some I. AV. AA^’s, Bolshevists, and anarchists to further their own interests, and that their influence in the strike has been powerful. INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 17 The committee is of the opinion that the American Federation of Taibor has made a serious mistake and has lost much favorable public oi)inion which otherAvise they would possess by permittino- the lead¬ ership of this strike movement to pass into the hands of some Avho heretofore have entertained most radical and dano-erous doctrines. If labor is to retain the confidence of that large element of our pop¬ ulation which affiliates neither with labor organizations nor capital, it must keep men avIio entertain and formulate un-American doctrines out of its ranks and join with the employers of labor in eliminating tliis element from the industrial life of our Xation. Un(]uestionably, the United States Steel Corporation has had the support of a larger and of a Avider circle in the country during the strike because of the character of some of the strike leadership. Labor organizations should not place the workingmen in the position of any sympathy AAuth un-American doctrines or make them folloAvers of any such leadership. Such practice aauII result in defeating the accomplish¬ ment of their demands. Take the case of Air. William Z. Foster. ^Ir. Foster is secretary 4 to the committee composed of the 24 international unions managing this strike. His duties Avere substantially to act as secretary of the strike, to look after the organization of workers, and to handle the finances. He is in the office at Pittsburgh ai^d seems to be the gen¬ eral manager of the strike. While it is claim^kl that he has had little to do with it. it is quite apparent to the committee that he has more to do AA’ith it than any other man in its actual management. He is one of the signers of the letter to the President and to Mr. Garv. He appears to be a man of excellent education, a thinker, and prolific Avriter. It is a source of regret to find that a man born in America should have Avritten such doctrines as are set forth in his “ SAuidical- ism ” and his more recent publications. At the time of his Avriting Syndicalism ” he was wholly antagonistic to American labor unions, and especially to the American Federation of Labor. Soon after, however, he seems to have come to the conclusion that he could ac¬ complish his aims and purposes better by boring from Avithin, as he expressed it in one letter to Solidarity, the I. W. W. publication. Carrying out his doctrine of “ boring from within ” he became active in organized-labor work and soon became a leader. We insert excerpts from his book shoAving that he believed that nothing was illegal if necessary to carry out his Auews. He ad¬ vocated violence in strikes. He cliarged the American labor moA^e- ment Avas infested with hordes of dishonest officials. He was closely associated Avith Mr. Alargolis, present attorney for the I. W. W.'s at Pittsburgh, Avho has been behind this strike with all of his I^OAver; with Mr. Vincent St. John, formerly secretary to the I. W. W.'s. and the eAudence convinces the committee there has been little change of heart on the part of Air. Foster and that he is now in the full heyday of his power in the “ boring from Avithin ’’ process. Such men are dangerous to the country and they are dangerous to the cause of union labor. It is -unfair to men who may be strug¬ gling for their rights to be represented by such leaders. It prevents them from securing proper hearing for their cause. If Air. Foster has the real interest of the laboring man at heart he should remove himself from any leadership. His leadership injures instead S. Rep. 289, 66-1-2 18 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. of helps. If he will not remove himself from leadership the Ameri¬ can Federation of Labor should pur^e itself of such leadership in order to sustain the confidence which the country has had in it under the leadership of Mr. Gompers. Mr. Foster’s book on syndicalism and on trade-unions has been before the committee. These doctrines are subversive of govern¬ ment. ^Ir. Foster in the 3 ’ear 1911 was an admitted I. W. W. and attempted at the Labor Convention at Budapest to take the place of Mr. James Duncan, the duly accredited representative from this countrv. He wrote articles from abroad to Solidaritv, the I. W. IV. paper, signing them, “Yours for the revolution”: “Yours for the I. IV. W.” These letters breathe the spirit of anarchy. EXTRACTS FROM “ SYNDICALISM.” In his choice of weapons to fight his capitalist enemies, the Syndicalist is no more careful to select those that are “fair,” “ just,” or “ civilized ” than is a householder attacked in the night by a burglar. He knows he is engaged in a life and death struggle with an absolutely lawless an unscrupulous enemy, and considers his tactics only from the standpoint of their effectiveness. With him the end justifies the means. Whether his tactics be “ legal ” and “ moral ” or not does not concern him so long as they are effective. He knows that the laws, as well as the current code of morals, are made by his mortal enemies and considers himself about as much bound by them as a householder would himself by regulations regarding burglary adopted by an association of house¬ breakers. Consequently, he ignores them in so far as he is able and it suits his purposes. He proposes to develop, regardless of capitalist conceptions of “ legality,” “ fairness,” “ right,” etc., a greater pawer than his capitalist ene¬ mies have; and then to wrest from them by force the industries they have stolen from him by force and duplicity, and to put an end forever to the wages svstem. He proposes to bring about the revolution by the general strike. (P-9-) ... The general strike and the armed forees .—Once the general strike is in active operation the greatest obstacle to its success will be the armed ^ forces of capitalism—soldiers, police, detectives, etc. This formidable force will be used energetically by the capitalists to break the general strike. The Syndicalists have given much study to the problem presented by this force and have found the solution for it. Their proposed tactics are very different from those used by rebels in former revolutions. They are not going to mass themselves and allow themselves to be slaughtered by capitalism’s trained murderers in tbe There is a safer, more effective and more modern method. They armed forces by disorganizing and demoralizing them. the orthodox way are going to defeat (P. 10.) Syndicalists in every country are already actively preparing this disorgani¬ zation of the armed forces by carrying on a double educational campaign amongst the workers. On the one hand, they are destroying their illusions about the sacredness of capitalist property and encouraging them to seize this property wherever thev have the opportunity. On the other, they are teach- ino- working class Soldiers not to shoot their brothers and sisters who are in revolt, but, if need be, to shoot their own officers and to desert the army when the crucial moment arrives. This double propaganda of contempt foi capitali.st property “ rights,” and antimilitarism, are inseparable from the propagation of the general strike. (P. 11.) Bloodshed .—Another favorite objection of ultra legal and peaceful Socialists is that tlie general strike would cause blondshed. , q’bis is in-obablv true, as every great strike is accompanied by violence. Everv forward pace humanity has taken has been gained at the cost of untold suffering and loss of life, and the accomplishment of the revolution will prob- nblv be no exceiition. Gut the prospect of bloodshed does not frighten the sviidicalist worker, as it does the parlor Socialist. He is too much accustomed to riskiiw himself in the murderous industries and on the hellish battle in the nigirardlv service of his masters, to set much value on Ins life Idadlv risk it once, if necessary, in his own behalf. He has no sentimental re¬ gards for what may happen to his enemies during the general strike. He lea\es them to worry over that detail. (I*. 13.) fields He will INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 19 Perhaps the most widely practiced form of sahotaj^e is tlie restriction hv the ^^ollvels of tlieir output. Disjjriintled workers all over the world iiistinctivelv and contimmlly practice tins form of sahotjijje, winch is often i-eferred to as soldiering. The En^lisli labor unions, hy the establishment of inaxiinnin out¬ puts for their members, are widely and succe.ssfully practicini? it. It is a fruit¬ ful source of their strenj?th. The most widely knov'ii form of saliotajje is that known as “ puttin^^ the ma¬ chinery on strike.” The .syndicalist sees on strike to tie up industry. If his strikinji: fails to do this, if strike breakers are secured to take his'place, he accoinplishes his purpo.se by “putting: tie- machinery on strike” throujrh tem- liorarily disahlinjt it. It he is a railroader he cuts wires, puts cement in .switche.s, sij,uials, etc., runs locomotives into turntable pits, and tries in every possible way to temporarily di.sorjranize the delicately adjusted railroad .systeni If he is a machinist or factory worker, and hasn’t ready access to the inacliineryi he will Idle out as a .scab and surreptitiously jiut emerv du.st in the bearinjjs of the machinery or otherwi.se disable it. Oftentimes he takes time by the fore¬ lock, and wiien soini? on strike ‘‘puts the machinery on strike” with him by hidin.ir, stealinjr, or destroyinp: some small indisiiensable machine part which is diifi(ult to lejilace. A.s i.s the case with all direct-action tactics, even conserva¬ tive w'orkers, when oh strike, naturally practice this form of .sabotajtt?_tliou^di in a desultory and unorjjanized manner. This is seen in their common attacks on machines, such as street cars, automobiles, wantons, etc., manm^d by scabs. Another kind of sabotajje widely [iracticed by .syndicalists is the tactics of either ruinin;; or turnin" out inferior iiroducts. Thus, hv causing their employers financial losses, they force them to si’Jint their demands. The numerous varie¬ ties of this kind of sabotage are known by various terms such as “ passive re¬ sistance,” “ obstructionism,” “ pearled strike,” ‘‘ strike of the cros.sed arms,” etc (P. 15.) The syndicalist is as everyday battles as for his final strutrjtle with siderations of ‘‘ lesalit.v,” reliction, patriotism, in the waiy of his adoption of effective tactics, is loyalty to the interests of the w’orkin.r? class unscrupulous ” in his choice of weapons to fijjht his capitalism. He allow’s no con- ‘ honor,” “duty,” etc., to stand The only .sentiment he knows - -—. He is in utter revolt atrainst capitalism in all its phases. His lawiess course often lands him in .jail, but he is so fired by revolutionary enthusiasm that .jails, or even death, have no’ terrors for him. He glories in martyrdom, consoling him.self with the knowledge that he is a terror to his enemies, and that his movement, to-day sending chills along the spine of international capitalism, to-morrow’ will put an end to this monstrosity. (P. IS.) The syndicalist is a radical antipatriot. He is a true internationalist, know'- ing no country. He oppo es patriotism, because it creates feelings of nation¬ alism among the workers of the various countries and prevents cooperation between them, and also because of the militarism it inevitably breeds. He view’s all forms of militarism w’ith a deadly hatred, because he know’s from bitter experience that the chief function of modern armies is to break strikes, and that wars of any kind are fatal to tlie labor movement. He depends solely on his labor unions for protection from foreign and domestic foes alike and pro¬ poses to put an end to w’ar between the nations by having the workers in the belligerent countries go on a general strike and thus make it impossible to conduct wars. Another difference between industrial unionism and syndicalism is that the former puts emphasis on the industrial form of organization and the ‘‘ one i big union ” idea, wiiile th-' hitter emphasizes revolutionary tactics. Indu.strial unionist also preach the doctrine that tliere are no leaders in the revolutionary ^ movement, w’herea a fundamental principle of syndicalists is that of the militant minority (outlined in ch. 9). (P. 82.) The w’orking class, w’hose sole defense they are against the capitalist class, is in retreat before the latter’s attacks. If this course is to be arre ted ami the workers started upon the road to emancipation, the American labor move¬ ment must be revolutionized. It must be placed upon a syndicalist basis. (P. 3C.) Labor fal-evs. —The American labor movement i dishonest ofiicials who misuse the power conferred ....... ... labor movement to their ow’ii advantage, even though this involves the betrayal of the interests of the w’orkers. The exploits of these labor fakers are too w’ell known to nee^l recapitulation here. Suflice to sav the labor faker must go. (P. 89.) ; infested wdth hordes of upon them to exploit the 20 INVESTIGATING STKIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. In the foregoing- pages only the more important evils afflicting American labor unionism have been gone into and their remedies indicated. Lack of si)ace forbids the discussion of the many minor ones with which it bristles. But the rebel worker, in his task of putting the American labor movement upon a syndicalist basis, will have no difflculty in recognizing them and their anti¬ dotes when he encounters them. (P. 42.) The S. L. of N. A. is demonslrating that the American labor movement is ripe for a revolution and that the conservative forces opposed to this revolu¬ tion are seemingly strong only because they have had no opposition. It is mak¬ ing them crumble before the attacks of the militant minority, organized and con¬ scious of its strength. (P, 47.) We call attention also in this connection to the testimony of Mr. Margolis, who at least is entitled to credit for frankness in ex¬ pounding his abominable doctrines before the committee. He is not a member of the Federation of Labor and has no connection with it, but he has rallied to the support of this strike in the Pittsburgh district the I. W. W. and anarchistic elements of the population. Pie has had strong influence with the Pinion of Kussian Workers and secured their support for the strike. He admits that they are an¬ archists; he admits that he is an anarchist. He has been a close associate of Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman, and attempted to organize at Pittsburgh all the various organizations antagonistic to government. He assisted in spreading anarchistic literature and I. AP. ^Y. journals. Ho himself is against all government. He is llie kind of man who would not, as he himself testified, use any force against a man robbing his house or assailing his wife. He is ap¬ parently on close terms Avith Mr. Foster. While he criticizes him for having given up his syndicalistic vieAvs, he leaves the impression that he belieATS Foster still has those Auews “in the back of his head,” and that he had become a member of the American Federa¬ tion of Labor for the purpose of better carrying out the policies that he really had in mind and to which he was sincerely attached. ^Ir. Margolis is a highly educated man, a good speaker, and the kind of man AAdio is calculated to do immense harm. He cares not for the country Avhich by law protects him. He desires to dissolve this Government by peaceful means. He has no sympathy for our American institutions. Mr. Margolis has maiiA" followers. He is a writer for the I. ^Y. W. magazines and is a type of the OATrpeaceable and ultradangerous citizen. We recommend to Senators that they read the testimony of Mr. Margolis as taken before this committee. ^Ir. Foster aiijiarently also is more or less closely associated Avith Mr. Wncent St. John, a notable T. ^Y. AA". Avorker, and Mr. St. John is also closely asso ciated Avith Mr. Margolis. Mr. P'oster thought enough of Mr. St. Jolin'’s vieAvs to quote him in his book on “ Syn¬ dicalism.” and jVIr. St. John has been in Pittsburgh just prior to the strike. And Avhile ^fr. I'oster denies any ])arti{‘ular consulation Avith him. he admits having seen him. That Mr. A'incent St. John has been active as to the steel strike; that he is closely associated Avith Margolis and Avith Foster is shoAvn by a letter Avritten to Alar- golis by St. John, as folloAvs: Chicago, III., Auf/ust IH, 1919. FiiiKNi) ]\TAi{(i()Lis : AiKMit that article 1 was to mail yon—they want to repro- (lnc(* it in Sol lunv so I let tlnMii have it. After which they promise to mail it to me, and I will s{H‘ that yon .uet it: that is, if they do not run it. If they do, of conrs(‘, yon will see it in the Sol. Thinijs aie lookinp- a little hettei- here, and from press reports tl.'ei'e is some¬ thing; stirring; throni;hont the country. INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 21 Just wliile I think of it, if you huve u chance to talk matters over with Foster on possible developments in case of a strike in steel, I think it would he a ^;ood thin^? to do so. It mif^ht he possible to frustrate treaclun-ons action by international otlicials should a strike occur—and I think a strik(‘ is assured. Itepirds to all the hunch. Sincerely, V. Sr. John. Tlte evidence before the coniinittee sliowed ^rent activity at Gary amon«’ those who would be termed “ Reds,” and while it would be unfair to say that they Avere the leading force behind the strike, it is fair to say that they were doing everything they could to help it. Lient. Van Rnren, of the Regular Army, testified before the com¬ mittee as to the great activities of anarchists found in (iary: Large quantities of anarchistic literature were found; some in homes, some in places of public meeting—Russian finarchistic literature, soi^ialist literature, SloATikian and other nationalities. It Avas someAvhat in¬ teresting, though distressing, to hear from him that all the foreign societies Avere rather prosperous in Gary, and the only society that had gone out of business Avas the American society. This literature is being generally circulated. It is the literature of the soviet. Its poison is being instilled into the minds of men Avho knoAV nothing about this country, and apparently no effort is being made to haA'e them knoAv anything about it. We do not mean this as a reflection upon the American Federation of Labor. We Avould i-ather make it as a }dea to the Federation to purge itself of these men. Labor has done a great Avork in the Avar. It has stood nobly by the purposes of this conntiy. It can not noAv afford to harbor men Avho in their hearts desire to destroy this GoA’ernment. We insert a part of the declaration adopted during the Avar by the National and International Trade Unions of America. We, the officers of the National and International Trade L^nion.s of America, in national conference assembled in the Capital of our Nation, hereby pledge oui’selves in peace or in war, in stress or in storm, to stand unreservedly by the standards of liberty and the safety and preservation of the institutions and ideals of our Republic. In this solemn hour of our Nation’s life it is our earnest hope that our Re¬ public nniy be safeguarded in its unswerving desire for peace; that our people may be spared the horrors and the burdens of Avar; that they may have the opportunity to cultivate and develop the arts of peace, human brotherhood, and a higher ci\dlization. But, despite all our endeavors and hopes, should our country be draAvn into the malestrom of the European conflict, aa’O, Avitli these ideals of liberty and justice herein declared, as the indispensable basis for national policies, offer our services to our country in every field of activity to defend, safeguard, and preserve the Republic of the United States of America against its enemies Avhomsoever they may be, and Ave call upon our felloAV Avorkers and felloAV citizens in the holy name of labor, justice, freedom, and humanity to de- A’otedly and patriotically giA^e like service. (Steel strike hearings, p. 117.) This breathes a lofty spirit of patriotism. No man did more than Mr. Gompers in standing against Bol¬ shevism and in instilling patriotic desire into the minds of American labor. In a magazine for April, 1919, in an article of Mr. Gompers, he says: America is not merely a name, a land, a country, a continent; America is a symbol. It is an ideal, the hope of the world. It is the duty of every citizen to stand by his country in times of stress and Avar as Avell as during times of peace. The man aaJio w'ould not fight, or make 22 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. the supreme sacrifice, if necessary, to save and protect his home and his country, who would not fight for liberty, isi undeserving and unworthy of living in a free country. (Steel strike hearings, p. 131.) Again he says in the same article: I do not know that I am entitled to very great credit because I am not a Bolshevik. With my understanding of American institutions and American opportunities, I repeat that the man who would not be a patriot in defense of the institutions of our country would be undeserving the privilege of living in this country. If I thought that Bolshevism was the right road to go, that it meant freedom, justice, and the principles of humane society and living conditions, I would join the Bolsheviki. It is because I know that the whole scheme leads to no¬ where, that it is destructive in its efforts and in its every activity, that it compels reaction and brings about a situation worse than the one it lias under¬ taken to displace, that I oppose and fight it. (Steel strike hearings, p. 133.) In an article in McClures, May, 1919, as found in the record (p. 134), Mr. Gompers sounded forth a trumpet call of Americanism. As a sample we quote the following: Our country is now facing a crisis to meet which continuity of war i)roduc- tion is essential. Workers, decide every industrial question fully mindful of those men—fellow Americans—who are on the battle line, facing the enemies’ guns, needing munitions of war to fight the battle for those of us back at home, doing work necessary but less hazardous. No strike ought to be inaugurated that can not be justified to the men facing momentary death. A strike during the war is not justified unless principles are involved equally fundamental as those for which fellow citizens have offered their lives—theii- all. We must give this service without reserve until the war is won, serving the cause of human freedom, intelligent, alert, uncompromising wherever and when¬ ever the principle of human freedom is involved. We are in a great revolutionary period which we are shaping by molding everyday relations between man and man. Workers of America as well as all other citizens have difficult tasks to perform that we might hand on to the future the ideals and institutions of America not only unimpaired but strength¬ ened and purified in spirit and expression, thus performing the resi)onsible duty of those intrusted with the high resolve to be free and peiTetuate freedom. (Steel strike hearings, p. 137.) There is a startling contrast between the words of Foster and these words. This is the language of the man who attempted to secure a postponement of this strike at the request of the President of the United States. The laborers Avere contending for American prin¬ ciples in contending for an eight-hour day. They can not put the management of a campaign for American principles into the hands of men Avho do not believe in American doctrines and hope to succeed. There may be, in vievr of the radical utterances and actions of certain leaders, some Avarrant for the belief that the strike in the steel industry is a part of a general scheme and purpose on the part of radical leaders to bring about a general industrial revolu¬ tion. The committee, hoAvever, do not go to that extent because they feel there were some real grievances. While Mr. Gom])ers did not originally participate in counseling or advising the strike, he sub¬ sequently indorsed it and put the power of his influence behind it. In vieAV of his standing and patriotism the committee does not be¬ lieve that he could be a participant in a moA^ement involving such revolution. As to the active supj^ort of the I. W. W.’s in the strike Ave insert an article from the October issue of the I. W. W. magazine “ The One Big Union.” Said article is as follows: INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 23 OUR PROGRAM TN THE STEEL DISTRICT. IP.A- Harold Lord Varney, Secretary-Treasurer of Metal and ^Machinery Workers I. U. No. 300.1 priiitc'd, liiiii- j;eneral jrreat By courtesy of Fellow Worker vSandjrren, I have read the lnoIlo^^raI)h of Mr. Mar^olis in inaiiiiscript. Its point of view is refri'shing and illinninative. Written as it is, in the very glare of tlie onrushing steel strike, it is a strong message of the moment. Perhaps Ix'fon* thesi' words are (‘ven dreds of thousands of steel slaves will be on the tiring line of a strike. And then the problem, which ^Ir. Margolis raises, will h(‘Come acute and tense. Let me state here—i)Ositively and for all time—that the I. W. W. has no feud with the “borer from within.” We do not advocate “ boring from within ” tactics. Not ofliciall.v. Put we are not entirely blind to the fact that labor’s surge runs in man.y molds which are not of our making. That thousands of workers—I. W. W. workers—have been forc(‘d by circumstance to hnd their economic expression in the extreme wings of the A. F. of L. That there they are accomplishing a veritable revolution in thought and tactics. As an independent movement, the I. W. W. can not, of course, indor.se them. Put as a revolutionary movement, the I. W. W. can not hut realize that all roads—• even the roads of the A. F. of L. “ borer”—lead inexorably home to the I. W. W. In other words, the I. W. W. attitude can be described as one of unotlicial tolerance toward all “ one big union ” movements. Pe it the Canadian O. P. U., Seattle Duncanism, Di'troit and its auto workers, or the Fosterized steel union of Pittsburgh, we who are I. W. W.’s throw no barriers in their way. When they strike, we strike with them. When they feel the vengeance of the A. F. of L., we come to their defense. When they stumble and grope for guidance, it is the I. W. W. which lifts them up. This is the task and duty which those who are I. W. W.’s have assumed. Put beyond a certain point the I. W. W. does not yield. And this is the point of autonom.v. Many emotional persons, seeing the success of these tac¬ tics in local instances, are swept away. “ Let us abandon tbe beaten track of T. W. W. autonomy,” they cry. “ I..et us all go into the A. F. L. and capturo it!” they cry out shrilly in meetings. They bombard the press with their naive importunings. Syndicalists, they call themselves, and again and again they have paralyzed the morale of our organization by their luring arguments for a “ change.” Such people lose sight of the For the I. W. W. is not a mere The I. W. W. is first, last, and are constructing a new society. And only as we enter of our new industrial one indelible fact of the I. W. W. movement, labor union, neither is it a band of evangels, all the time an architectural movement. We Our unions are organs of this new society, every industry and build there the first frail foundation system, are we making progress toward our great goal. By building industrial unions in each industry, we gather into our movement the human material which is to be the cornerstone of the new system; the militant minority who are to wage the victorious fight; the constructive ele¬ ment of the working class, who will study the task of the future in the I. W. W. of the present, and who will be trained for industrial management in the .school- house of the present-day I. W. W. movement. There is a certain spirit, a certain quality in the I. W. W., which one finds nowhere else in the American labor movement, and it is a quality which has transmitted it.self to every I. W. W. member. This is the quality of con¬ structive proletarianism. Always the acts of the I. W. W. are shadowed by our goal—the goal to “ build a new society witbin the shell of the old ” ; or, in other words, the architectural spirit. Now this spirit can find expression in no other form than the form of in¬ dependent unionism. The man who “ bores from within ” is consumed with the duties of polemics; he has no time for constfuction. The wobbly who squanders his energy “ capturing ” other movements has no energy left to build his own. The worker who toils unceasingly to “ make the A. F. of L. revolutionary,” may accomplish his immediate goal and lose his final one. For of what value are revolutions to the proletariat if our tactics fail to train our class for the duties of self-administration which will follow the revolution? Better to build a .small movement, which shall be .solid and invincible in its economic genius, than to capture all the workers of America into a blind, wobbling mob. The I. W. W. moves slowly, but we are rearing a new industrial civilization with every step we make. Ours not to capture but to build I 24 INVESTIGATIN^G STRIKE IX STEEL INDUSTRIES. In the steel industry tn-day, such is the I. W. W. program. We have a dual union to the P''osterized A. F. or L. But we are not tigliting tliat A. F. of L.: on the contrary, we are cooperating witli it at every step in the fight. INIany of our members are in the Steel Workers’ Union ; some of them sit in the councils of that body. But still we have our own union. Throughout the steel district we have a far-flung human trench of I. W. W. job delegates. And we are lining up the steel workers into Metal and Machinery Workers I. U. No. 300. Here the steel workers catch the tang of the real fight. Here they are re¬ called to the truth that the steel union and the steel strike is only an incident; that behind it is the background of a world-wide class struggle and that this struggle will bring victory only when the workei’s are capable of industrial control. Here they find themselves by the side of I. W. W. miners, I. W. W. lumberjacks, I. W. W. construction workers, I. W. W. transport men. Thev are no longer bound in a single union; they are in a class organization, and the spirit of class wideness gives the vision of a new society. Let Foster build his one big union ; may it grow, may it increase, may it win its battle with the Steel Trust. But though we may be called “ orthodox,” we of the I. W. W. will still toil for our I. W. W. one big union—and we know that when we have at last built it we have also built a new society. IV. We liave not discussed the 12 demands of the organizers, but only a portion of them. They were undoubtedly to be used as a basis for compromise, and we see no particular need in the discussion of any of them except those heretofore considered. Since the strike there has been complaint that the strikers have been denied the right of free speech, and that the treatment by the officers has been brutal and that their treatment in the coiuts does not accord with the high ideals of American democracy. In some places all meetings have been denied. In others street meetings have been denied and indoor meetings permitted. The orders of the mayors and burgesses that no outdoor public meetings, or, in some places, no public meetings should be held, was most distasteful to them. While apparently they were trying to obey this order, they regard it as aimed wholly at them. They are to be commended for their observance of law and order. It may be open to question whether permits to hold meetings should have been denied to the workers, and while generally the orders denying permits were obeyed, yet in most instances where clashes occurred or arrests made it was because of attempts to hold meetings after the request for a permit had been denied. Freedom of speech is one of the bulwarks of American liberty. Freedom of speech does not, however, mean unbridled license. It does not mean the right of men to advocate the overthrow of this Government, but it seems to us that where a strike is carried on in a peaceful way that the least possible amount of restraint and the largest freedom of speech Avhere meetings are conducted in an orderly way is certainly to be desired in the America Republic. The suppression of frank discussion only serves to accentuate a bad situation. Officials should not hesitate to prevent meetings called together for the puri)ose of advocating the overthrow of the Government. On the other hand, they ought not to be permitted to prevent men meeting and talking over their grievances and pre.senting to the men their ariruments in favor of ioining the union or refraining 1 j ^ INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 25 from joining* the union. Incidents have been presented to the com¬ mittee of unnecessary force by police oliicers. Probably there will always be abuses in times of excitement, but ap])arently there have been cases of unotfending men and women arrested without reason by the officers, put into jail, and in some cases fined by magistrates without warrant or justification. It is not necessary to refer to special cases as disclosed by the evidence. The action in many instances Avas such as to lead one side of this controversy to the be¬ lief that the officers of the law were acting on the side of the Steel Co. Such a situation is unfortunate and helps to breed discontent. As long as officers are human beings they well make mistakes. They should be very careful that in maintaining the majesty and dignity of the laAv they do nothing to bring it into disrespect. As to the comi)laint of the action of the courts, we are inclined to believe that there is some ground for comjdaint and that the magis¬ terial courts in the taking of bonds and the forfeiting of bonds, in the arresting of peo])le merely as sus])icious characters and sending them to jail therefor, has not in every instance been justifiable. The courts should be very careful that they are not subject to just criti¬ cism for curtailing tlie rights of defendants. The foreigners whom the needs of our industries bring among us can not be dragooned into love for America and loyalty to its insti¬ tutions. Public officials should always be ready to receive sympa¬ thetic suggestions for the relief of just complaints or violations of or interference with the legal or humane rights of labor, as well as the insistence upon a protection of the property rights of capital and the preservation of law and order. V. AVe have thus far discussed the situation as pertaining* to tlie em¬ ployer and the emplo^^ee. There is a third Jiarty, hoAvever, to all of this controversy—the great public. There is no place in this coun¬ try either for industrial despotism or labor despotism. Xo one should be permitted to unjustly cause the great body of the public to suffer. Strikes are a relic of industrial barbarism, but at present strikes are apparently the only way for labor to secure even its just demands if emplo^’ers refuse to grant them or to submit them to arbitration. It is not to the credit of our Nation that no way has been devised to settle these disputes outside of strikes. They are destructiA'e and Avrecking to the industrial life of the Nation. Some¬ body has to pay the bill and in eA^ery instance it is the public. The public has a right to demand that capital shall not arrogate to itself the right to determine in its oAvn Avay these industrial questions, and it is the same as tO' labor, and the duty is iq^on the Congress as repre¬ senting the people to provide some means for the adjustment of these difficulties. This Avas done during the Avar through the AA^ar Labor Board and their action was fairly satisfactoiy. Before suggesting remedies the committee desires to make these observations: A large percentage of the strikers are foreigners. By this Ave mean unnaturalized citizens. Passing now the question of the responsibility for these men being here, it is suggested that, Avhile America welcomes those who come from foreign shores who desire 26 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. Doii® liberties and op- poituiiities of Amencan life, yet those who come for the mirnosf of stirring np trouble against tliis Government and attempting tc undermine it and overthrow it sliould be escorted to tlie water fdo-e and shipped back to the land from which they came If the laws ^e deported at once. If sufficient Congress should immediately enact laws oieiing this serious situation. Men who try to destroy a govern¬ ment should not be permitted to appeal to that governinent to pro¬ tect them in the processes of destruction. ' trv There are in this coun- ti working in the factories, mines, and mills thousands of men Mho can not read, speak, or write the American language. Many ernmen Mnfi'i "o* ^n^'^ tb® purposes and ideals of this Gov- einment. \\ nile in the Government, they are not a iiart of it These men must be given the benefit of some education. They must be given roacMoAmerican language and start on the load to American citizenship. It is an unhealthy condition of af- alls Mhen sc) inaiiy thousands of men and their families have so little Von^ its institu- lions, its desires, and its language. REMEDIES. I^iile the committee was not under the resolution asked to sug¬ gest remedies, it feels it would fall short of its duty if it did nSt make some suggestions to Congress along remedial lines. Some o^ the suggestions are not directly involved in the steel .strike, but they come to the minds of the committee from the evidence that they liav^e takGn,and conditions tliey liavG observed. T Ibat a board or coniniission somewhat similar to the 'War Labor Board should be established. This board to have poAver of com¬ pulsory investigation; to have large poAver in mediation and concilia¬ tion and recommendations; not to the extent of compulsory arbi- tiation, but before this board controA^ersies could be heard, investi- ptions made, and decisions rendered. That pending said investimi- tion and decision no strike should be declared provided no employees are discharged for taking part in the controversy and providkl fur¬ ther that all opportunity for the employer to take advantage of the delay has been removed; that the principle of collective bargain¬ ing and an 8-hour day should be considered by said board and recommendations made to labor and industry in relation thereto* niat the board should be in the nature of a Federal indus¬ trial commission, seeking at all times not only to settle iiend- belp bring about a more harmonious condition betAveen employer and emplovee. A just decision ot said board would be indorsed by the public and public sentiment is powerful enough to enforce the findings of such a commission. There is good sense enough among the great body of the American peojile to bring about an adjustment of these diffi¬ culties. Ihe great body of the American people believe in a liberal industi lal sAstem, in liA'ing Avages for men employed in industry* AAages that will permit them to rai.se their families according to the standards of American life and to enjoy recreation from hard, grind¬ ing toil; but the American iieople haA*e no patience and Avill have none INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. 27 with liny leiulersliip that seeks to accomplish its jRirposes by barba¬ rous methods of freezing or starving the American people. They do not propose to freeze and they do.not propose to be starved, and they do not i)ropose that a few men in this country shall have the power to brin«' about such condition of affairs. On the other hand, they are as much opposed to an autocracy of ca])ital. Capital must be reason¬ able likewise. The employer must recognize that there is a new si)irit in the world; that labor is not content to be merely a hewer of wood and a drawer of water, and that labor is fighting for a status in industrial life, and it is not concerned merely with wages. AVhy can not capital and labor cooperate and establish between themselves the doctrine of tlie square deal; cease to be sus})icious of one another, join together and act together for the good of each other and for the well-being of the public at large? It is the hope of the world that military warfare has ceased. Have we not reason also to hope and insist that industrial warfare may cease? It can not without a s])irit of mutual cooperation between caj)ital and labor. Second. That an Americanization bill be passed by the Congi^ess which will provide for the effective education and Americanization of the illiterate foreigners and native illiterates in this country. A bill of this kind has already been re])orted out of this committee and your committee urges an early adoption of the same by Congress. Third. It is observable in the strike districts that the men who own their homes are more contented and more interested in the affairs of the countiy. One real antidote for unrest in this country is home ownership. It is difficult to plant the seeds of revolution in the minds of those who own their own liomes. The work of the steel companies in building homes has been most commendable. It is to be hoped that such work will be enlarged and carried on by them. It would not be out of place to suggest that it would be most com¬ mendable for the steel companies to use some of their large profits in extending the work of home building. The question of aid and encouragement in the work of assisting townspeople of small means in securing their own homes in some such way as the farmer has been aided under the Federal farm loan act is worthy the serious consid¬ eration of Congress. Fourth. There should^ be a change in our naturalization laws which will require the naturalization and some education of all foreigners, at least to the extent of speaking the American language; that they should acquire such knowledge within a period of five years after they arrive, with proper limitations upon further immi¬ gration, giving to those already here a certain period of time in which to become naturalized, and if this is not done then deporta¬ tion should follow. Fifth. An effective law should be passed dealing with anarchists, revolutionists, and all who would destroy the American Government. There are too many Americans who love their country and are will¬ ing to give their life for it and who intend that all the doors of American opportunity shall remain open for the children of to-day and the children of to-morrow to permit a feAv thousand anarchists, revolutionists, and I. W. W.’s to keep on with their nefarious propaganda to destroy the Government. 28 INVESTIGATING STRIKE IN STEEL INDUSTRIES. The views here expressed fairly represent the conclusions arrived at by the committee. We present the report to the Senate with the hope that out of it may come some remedial legislation, and, if not. with the belief that good must come of an investigation of this character where the light of publicity has been turned upon the entire transaction. We have tried to go to the bottom of the causes of this strike. We have heard both sides impartially, and proceeded without fear and without favor, solely with a determination to arrive at the truth. Willia:m S. Kenyon. Thomas Sterling. 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