r
 
 SPKK( 'II OF MR. IIAINES OF LAKE, IN THE HOUSE 
 OF REPRESENTATIVES OF ILLINOIS, FEBRUARY 
 , 1872, ON THE MILITARY OCCUPATION OF 
 CHICAGO. 
 
 The House having adopted the following resolutions to-wit : 
 
 "Resolved, That the military occupation of Chicago should be discussed 
 and dceid* d upon the well knowu principles f constitutional law applicable 
 to the existing facts in the case. 
 
 "JResolved, That the military should be in strict subordination to the civil 
 power, and we regard any infraction of this principle a matter of vital con- 
 cern, establishing a precedent dangerous to lit>erty ; but we believe the mili- 
 tary should never he called upon to interfere in the domestic affairs of a State 
 jor city, except in the mode pointed out by the constitution and laws of the 
 and. 
 
 "J'lftolved, That we declare unlawful, and an infraction of the constitution 
 both of this State and of the United States, the late military occupation of 
 Chicago, or military operations therein, yet, in view of the extraordinary 
 circumstances, and the great calamity existing when this military power was 
 exercised, we exonerate the fediral government and federal military author! 
 ties fmni intent to wilfully trespass upon the constitutional rights of the 
 State, or interfere with its properly constituted authorities. 
 
 -"frcd, That the protest of the executive of this State against a viola- 
 tion of the constitution was the performance of a duty imposed upon him by 
 his office, and establishes a' valuable precedent, which is hereby approved." 
 
 Mr. BROWN, of Massac, offered the following as an additional 
 resolution, and as forming one of the series heretofore adopted: 
 
 , That we most heartily approve and commend the humane feel- 
 ings and manly regard for the protection of human life and property which 
 prompted the active energies of his excellency the President of the United 
 States, his excellency the Governor of this State, Lieutenant General Sheri- 
 dan, the Secretary of War, and others in authority, who lent their timely and 
 efficient aid during and immediately succeeding the appaling catastrophe." 
 
 And the question being on the adoption of the resolution of 
 Mr. Brown, 
 
 Mr. HAINES said : Mr. Speaker Being chairman of the select 
 committee that made the report concerning the subject still under 
 consideration, and to which the pending resolution relates, I have
 
 [2] 
 
 to ask the indulgence of the House for a few words of explana- 
 tion concerning the subject of the report, to which the question at 
 issue relates. 
 
 From intimations made to me, I have been led to believe that 
 it was supposed I had prepared a set speech for this occasion. I 
 must say, however, that such is not the case, and I have to regret 
 that T am not better prepared to do. justice to a subject of so much 
 importance as this. 
 
 During the investigation of this subject by the committee, of 
 which I had <he honor to be chairman, I became informed of 
 many essential facts not before known to the public ; and I neces- 
 sarily derived a large amount of information in the course of the 
 investigation, which has given me, as I think, a correct under- 
 standing of the case in all i?s bearings. 
 
 Having, as I thought, fully performed my duty, and believing 
 that the subject would be fully understood from the report of the 
 committee, 1 had abandoned entirely the idea of making any ex- 
 tended remarks on the subject. But since it has-been sought to 
 add another proposition to that which was agreed upon in the 
 Republican caucus as a substitute for that reported by the commit- 
 tee, I have felt it my'duty to make a few suggestions in addition 
 to what has already been said, and which I will do as briefly as 
 possible, availing myself of the information, derived as it may 
 occur to me again in the course of my remarks. 
 
 The position at length assumed by those upon this floor who 
 seek to defend this federal military usurpation, as charged, is, that 
 there had been " no military occupation " of the city of Chicago 
 as set forth in the report of the committee, and as recited in the 
 resolutions of the Republican caucus and adopted by this House. 
 In the eloquent speeches of those two able gentlemen from 
 Cook (Mr. Wait and Mr. King), they present this single issue of 
 " no military occupation " by a sort of plea in abatement, conce- 
 ding that if it is proved that there has been such military oc- 
 cupation, or u so-called military occupation," then judgment must 
 follow accordingly with its just consequences. They frankly 
 concede that if there has been such military occupation, or so- 
 called military occupation, in the city of Chicago, it is in violation 
 of law and ought to be condemned. There being no dispute as 
 to the authority of these gentlemen to epeak for and bind the par- 
 ties they represent in this particular case, an inquiry may prop-
 
 [3] 
 
 erly be confined to the issue thus presented. Has there been a 
 military occupation of the city of Chicago as charged? This be- 
 ing shown in the affirmative, I sliall take occasion to remark gen- 
 erally up'n the consequences, and trust the House may be con- 
 tent with its judgment already expressed in the resolutions of the 
 Republican caucus and adopted, without attempting an indirect 
 justification of the wrong as proposed by the pending proposition. 
 We might try the question upon the evidence furnished by his 
 excellency the Governor in his messages to this House on that 
 subject, aided by the report of the select committee, but as this 
 source of evidence has been criticised and questioned to consider- 
 able extent by the defenders of military assumption, as being par- 
 tial and incorrect, we will draw our conclusions directly from 
 the evidence furnished through a document, the correctness of 
 which none will for a moment dare question. I allude to the 
 document furnished us officially as members of the General As- 
 sembly, which bears evidence of coming from the press of the 
 government printing house at Washington, a copy of which is 
 before me. It purports to be a report of Lieutenant General 
 Sheridan, of the United States army, from his headquarters of 
 the military division of the Missouri, at Chicago, to the Secretary 
 of War, giving a detailed account of his military operations in 
 the city of Chicago at the time of, and subsequent to, the great 
 iire in that city, and bears date December 20, 1871. But before 
 proceeding to this report, I will call attention to one previously 
 made by the Lieutenant General concerning the same subject be- 
 tween which there appears an essential variance as to the cause 
 assigned which induced his action. It is found set out in the 
 Governor's message of November 15, from which I will read : 
 
 HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI, 
 
 CHICAGO, October 25, 1871. 
 To the Adjutant General of the Army, Washington, D. C. : 
 
 SIK : The disorganized condition of affairs in this city produced by and 
 immediately following the late fire, induced the city authorities to ask for 
 assistance from the military forces, as shown by the Mayor's proclamation of 
 Oetober 11, Ib71. [Copy herewith, marked A.\ To protect the public inter- 
 ests intrusted to me by the Mayor's proclamation, I called to this city com- 
 panies A and K of the 9th Infantry, from Omaha ; companies A, H and Kof 
 the 5th Infantry, from Leayenworth ; company I Oth Infantry, from Fort 
 Scott; and accepted the kind offer of Major General Halleck to send to me 
 companies F, H and K of the 4th, and company E of the 16th Infantry, from 
 Kentucky. I also, with the approbation of the Mayor, called into the service 
 of the city of Chicago, a regiment of volunteers for twenty days, &c. 
 
 [Signed,] P. H SHERIDAN, 
 
 Lieut. Gcnl. Commanding.
 
 [41 
 
 This communication comes from the headquarters of the mili- 
 tary division of Missouri, and is some indication of an intention 
 to occupy the city of Chicago by a military force. This, how- 
 ever, it is replied, was done at the request of the Mayor. But 
 our constitution says that the Governor shall be commander-5n- 
 chief of the military forces of the State. It declares that he shall 
 not only be the supreme executive of the State, but that he shall 
 direct the operations of the military whenever they shall be re- 
 quired. Yet, at the request of the Mayor, simply, it is here 
 alleged the Lieutenant General ordered troops into the city of 
 Chicago. 
 
 In the further report to the Secretary of War, to which I have 
 referred, dated some two months thereafter (December 20, 187 1), 
 and emanating from the same "Headquarters of the military di- 
 vision of Missouri," the Lieutenant General recites the fact of 
 the great tire which had occurred at Chicago, together with the 
 attendant circumstances of the destruction of his military head- 
 quarters, and facts in connection therewith. At that point his 
 report should have stopped, as that was the only subject over 
 which he had any jurisdiction or control whatever within the city. 
 But he has proceeded further. I will read from his second report 
 of December 20. He says : 
 
 "Seeing, however, that troops would in all probability he needed for their 
 good effect in quieting the apprehensions of the people, it' for no other cause, 
 and desiring to have the approbation of the city government before moving 
 in the matter, I called upon the Mayor, Honorable R. B, Mason, and sug- 
 gested that in my opinion It would be wise to have a few soldiers in the city 
 to aid in the protection of treasure and property, until public confidence 
 could be again restored. This suggestion was at once approved, and the 
 following telegrams were sent to Omaha, Nebraska, and Fort Leavenworth, 
 Kansas." 
 
 In his first report (October 25) the Lieutenant General states 
 that he ordered the troops at the request of the Mayor. In his 
 subsequent report to the Secretary of War, it will be observed he 
 states the tro:>ps were ordered at /its own suggestion. But which 
 ever may be correct, I submit, that the act was not only a 
 disregard of the laws and constituted authorities of the State of 
 Illinois, but it was entirely unnecessary in view First, of the 
 tacts which called for no such action; secondly, of the military 
 strength and abundantresources of the State. But whatever may be 
 our conclusions in this regard, we shall doubtless all concur in this, 
 that % both reports thus far go to show most clearly a preparation for
 
 [5] 
 
 military occupation somewhere there is no vnrance on tin's point, 
 and no mistaking the language of either in k this regard. Let us 
 proceed. I will iu>\v read further Irom the report : 
 
 "CHICAGO, ILLINOIS, October 9th, 1871. 
 " Colonel O. D. Ritggles, Omaha, Nebraska: 
 
 "Send without delay tiro companies of infantry, to report to me at Chicago, 
 for temporary duty. Send them from Omaha Barracks. If camp and garri 
 son equipage is not in readiness it can be forwarded afterwards. Send also 
 rations fur twenty days. 
 
 (Signed,] P. H. SHERIDAN, 
 
 Lieutenant General." 
 
 The war is to last for twenty'days. 
 
 But there has been no military occupation in Chicago, say the 
 gentlemen from Co >k (Mr. Wait and Mr. King). This dispatch, 
 however, looks like progress in that direction. Its language, too, 
 is that of haste on to the battle Tthe country is in danger ! It 
 is the language of our military commanders when hard pushed 
 by the enemy. " Hurry on your forces without delaj' ! Leave 
 your baggage behind." In the language of Connecticut's im- 
 mortal poet: 
 
 "Remember Lexington and Bunker's tragic Hill. 
 
 The same who spilt your blood thereon, 
 
 Your blood again would spill 
 
 Legions of valor give the alarm, 
 
 Rush, Rush, to guard our shores !" 
 
 But close upon this follows another dispatch, in the same rer_ 
 emptory style. I read again from the report of the Lieutenant 
 General : 
 
 HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI. 
 
 Chicago, III, October 9th, 1871. 
 To General JOHN POPE, Commanding Dept. of the Mo., 
 
 Headquarters, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas : 
 
 Send one (1) company of Infantry (a large one) with cunp and garrison 
 equipage by rail to report to me here as soon as possible. If they cannot bring 
 their camp and garrison equipage with them, let it follow them. 
 
 (Signed) P. H. SHERIDAN, 
 
 Lieutenant General Commanding 
 
 More haste for the scene of conflict! No military occupation ? 
 Why, what are all these armed bands brought here for? Cer- 
 tainly not to pursue the civil avocations of life; not to practice 
 or expound the law ; not to build up the city ; not to engage in 
 business pursuits ; they are not artizans nor men of business pro- 
 fessions. They are men with bayonets bringing complete mili- 
 tary armament. For what purpose ? For war? Who ever heard 
 that such were for any other purpose, and yet gentlemen say there
 
 [6] 
 
 has been no military occupation here. Let us read further from 
 this report and see : 
 
 Chicago, October 10, It 71. 
 General JNO. POPE, Fort Leavenworth. Kansas : 
 
 Send here one company of Injantry in addition to the one heretofore 
 ordered. Send camp and garrison equipage and rations for twenty days. 
 (Signed) P. H. SHERIDAX, 
 
 Lieutenant General, 
 
 More troops for twenty days, and "no military occupation." 
 Let usj-eadj further: 
 
 Chicago, October 10, 1871. 
 General JOHN POPE, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas : 
 
 The excitement here is such that I find it best to call on you for two com- 
 panies of Infantry, in addition to the two already ordered. Let them come 
 at once, and bring rations and equipage shall not keep them very long. 
 (Signed) P. H. SHERIDAN, 
 
 Lieutenant General. 
 
 Short war )v now "no military occupation." More troops com- 
 ing : 
 
 Chicago, October 12, 1871. 
 Major General HALLECK, Louisville, Kentucky : 
 
 Though the excitement here is rapidly subsiding, it is still such that I 
 
 find it difficult to make good guards of citizens, and I therefore request that you 
 
 will send without delay the four companies so kindly offered yesterday. They 
 
 should have camp and garrison equipage ; if it is not readv let it follow them. 
 
 (Signed) P. H. SHERIDAX, 
 
 Lieutenant General. 
 
 Let us return to this dispatch again. The Lieut. General says : 
 "I find it difficult to make good guards of citizens, I therefore request <fcc." 
 He found it difficult to make good guards of our citizens. Who 
 placed him in authority over us to judge of our integrity, and 
 our fitness for service in and about our own affairs ? If military 
 skill was necessary, the city of Chicago and the Sta'e at large was 
 filled with war worn veterans in the civil walks of life, fresh from 
 the field of service in the defense of their country ; skilled in 
 military discipline, and the art of war whose patriotism and de- 
 votion to their local interests could not be questi ned and yet 
 this high military functionary of the federal array, not a citizen 
 of the State, and a stranger to our population, announces his dis- 
 trust of our integrity or capacity to act as guards over our own 
 property; he therefore snpercedes us by the introduction of fed- 
 eral troops under his command, and yet there has been " no mili- 
 tary occupation " here. 
 
 The dispatch is in the same tone of haste as those preceding it. 
 Leave carnp equipage behind and hurry on your forces, and yet
 
 up to the present time no cause whatever is assigned, or authority 
 shown, for calling them. But, as if not content with the disre- 
 gard of our State authorities by the Lieut. General, a major gen- 
 eral of the federal army at a distant post, it set ins, proposes to 
 aid the usurpation by the tender of troops under his command. 
 Had this tender been that of food and necessary supplies for the 
 destitute, and building material and workmen for rebuilding homes 
 for the homeless, a proposition of thanks might be appropriate, 
 but in place of bread we are given a stone. In place of necessa- 
 ries to aid us to pursue our peaceful avocations, we are given 
 weapons of war in the hands of strangers, whose profession is 
 that alone of war. We are begining to believe it to be true, that 
 there has been some military occupation here, as charged. Let 
 us, however, read further from the report of the Lieut. General : 
 
 "Later in the day (Oct. 10) however, numbers of the leading citizens called 
 upon me and urged me to assume military control of the city as they thought 
 that the condition of affairs was such that nothing but prompt action on my 
 part could save the balance of the city, restore confidence and maintain order. 
 Among others who came to see me was the late Colonel Thomas W. Grosvenor, 
 who very strongly urged this course and said that the people would force me 
 to assume control of affairs whether I desired to do so or not. * * 
 
 "During the evening the excitement grew apace ; certain persons commenced 
 beating drums and calling the citizens together for organization under the 
 Mayor's printed notice, (as they claimed) and the most absurd rumors of in- 
 cendiarism, robberies, murders and lynching prevailed. I did everything 
 that lay in my power to allay the excitement by ridiculing the minute men 
 and deny ng the various reports, but found to my astonishment that some of 
 our best citizens credited the most startling rumors, though 1 uas utterly un- 
 able to find a single individual who had seen in person any of the alleged 
 outrages.' 1 ' 
 
 It will be observed that the Lieut. General insists that the ru- 
 mors of disorders were unfounded, and that his action was un- 
 necessary, yet he is constantly ordering armed troops, and he 
 plainly tells us that he was urged to assume " military control of 
 the city" by leading citizens; and further on in the report we 
 will find his very distinct declaration that he did assume such 
 control, and he afterwards speaks of turning over his authority to 
 the old city government, who desired again to assume control. 
 This, it seems to me, closes the last link in the chain of evidence 
 showing that there was military occupation in the city of Chicago. 
 But I wish I knew who those " leading citizens " were, and their 
 number, who are so powerful as to intimidate the Lieut. Geneial 
 into assuming military control of the city, and who possess so 
 much authority that they can abrogate the State laws arid consti- 
 tution.
 
 There is no one citizen, nor any given number, who possess the 
 power to overthrow the law and subject a whole community to 
 military control. The city of Chicago is supposed yet to be a 
 part of the State of Illinois, and subject to all its laws, and it 
 must have been known to these "leading citizens," and the Lient. 
 General, that if military operations were necessary, the control 
 was given by our laws to the Governor of the State, and you will 
 search in vain for a statute or any precedent justifying the lato 
 introduction of federal troops into Chicago. Necessity may be 
 pleaded, but we haven't yet lost our reason, and the plea is idle 
 and of no avail. 
 
 But the Lieut. General shifts the responsibility upon the "lead 
 ing citizens" of Chicago, and among them mentions particularly 
 the name of Col. Thomas W. Grosvenor. Why this name is 
 mentioned here so prominently does not appear, but it shows this 
 person to be one of the " leading citizens " of Chicago and wor- 
 thy of special mention, and invites our attention to circumstances' 
 following, as set forth in the report of the committee, concerning 
 the person named. But for a better understanding of the case, 
 let us return to the Lieut. General's report. He says, in reference 
 to this military occupation : 
 
 "At a meeting of merchants and others, which I attended at their request 
 I was again urged to assume control of affairs in the city, but again declined 
 I however finally agreed to be responsible for order in the city, under the di- 
 rection of the Mayor, and afterwards called upon the Mayor and stated to 
 him that I would be responsible for the peace and good order of the city 
 under his direction, provided he was willing to issue a proclamation to that 
 effect. I prop std to accomplish this by the use of United States troops, and 
 a posse of citizens, to act as special police, which I intended to raise and 
 give a regimental organization, as I better understood controlling and hand- 
 ling men in that form. I also told him that I thought if I was responsible 
 for the good order of the city, that it vonld be necesmiry for the Chief of Police 
 to report to me for orders, that tliere might be no conrt<rt of authority, The 
 Mayor told me that he would first have to see the Police Commissioners in 
 regard to the matter, and made an appointment to meet me at my head- 
 quarters at eleven o'clock on that day. At the appointed hour, the Mayor, 
 together with Police Commissioners Brown and Sheridan and the Chief of 
 Police, came to my headquarters, and after some conversation presented a 
 proclamation which they thought would cover the case. I objected, however, 
 to a portion of it which divided my authority with that of the Chiel of 
 Police, leaving him independent of any action I might take, and yet prac- 
 tically holding me responsible for the good order of the city. It was finally 
 adjusted by my yielding the point, with the understanding that the Chief of 
 Police would consult with me to the end that order might be maintained. 
 
 That's business. [Laughter.] 
 
 The cunpaign has begun in good military style The remedy 
 for all your ills is bayonets. The Lieut. General has twice refused 

 
 the importunities of " leading citizens " to usurp military control 
 of the city, but upon the third he is overcome and accepts the 
 situation. It is unlike the old example where a crown was thrice 
 refused. The Lieut. General assumes complete control, dictates 
 the terms, and requires even the police authorities to report to 
 him and take orders concerning their duties; and that there shall 
 be no mistake as to the position he will assume, he promptly in- 
 forms the city authorities that he proposes to accomplish his pur- 
 poses " by the use of U. S. troops and a posse of citizens," which 
 he intends to raise and give a "regimental organization," his 
 forte being to handle men best in that form. In connection with 
 this most absurd proposition, there are just two suggestions to be 
 made: First, the suffering people of Chicago required food* 
 shelter and the necessaries of life, and they were not looking for 
 ministering angels coming in rigid military form with bristling 
 bayonets. Secondly, a military organization for the preservation 
 of peace in a populous city was at variance with every rule of 
 reason, admitting that there was the least apprehension of danger 
 which -is denied. Warlike organizations are only for use. 
 
 But let us pursue this question of military occupation still fur- 
 ther. In addition to the various orders for U. S. troops, we find 
 in this report the following order : 
 
 HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION'OP THE MISSOURI. 
 
 Ghicago, October 11, 1871. 
 General F.;T. SHERMAN : 
 
 DEAR SIR : With the approbation of the Mayor of this city, Lieutenant 
 General Sheridan directs that you organize a regiment of Infantry to consist of 
 ten companies, each company to consist of one Captain, one First and one 
 Second Lieutenant, and sixty enlisted men to serve as guards for the protec- 
 tion of the remaining portion of the city of Chicago, for the period of 
 twenty days. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 (Signed) JAMES B. FRY, 
 
 Assistant Adjutant General. 
 
 Sir, the evidence is irresistible. We have come to the conclu- 
 sion that there was military occupation in the city of Chicago. 
 [Laughter.] 
 
 That it was in violation of the law, no one has or can dispute. 
 The remaining question is, was there any emergency calling for 
 this usurpation as urged ? On this point I will refer again to 
 this report of the Lieut. General. I read from page 13 as follows : 
 
 Chicago, Illinois, October 12, 1871. 
 Gen.'W. W. BKLKNAP, Secretary of War, Washington, D. C. : 
 
 As there may be some trouble here when the banks have to settle with their 
 2
 
 [10] 
 
 depotitwa and to keep down excitement, I have deemed it best to ask'Geueral 
 Halleck for four companies of Infantry, which he has notified me he has in 
 readiness at Louisville. Do not let the Quartermaster General or Commissary 
 General send any supplies here until I' ask for them. 
 
 The supply coming in from the country in clothes and food is abundant at 
 present, and I will hold iu readiness sufficient of both to meet all emergencies. 
 (Signed) P. H. SHERIDAN, 
 
 Lieutenant General. 
 
 Herein appears to be the only reason assigned by the Lieut. 
 Genera] for his action from beginning to the end of his report. 
 The thing dwindles down to a question between " the banks " 
 and "their depositors," in which the military are to operate on 
 the side of the banks. The Lieut. General declares, as I have 
 already, shown from his report, in words of the utmost firmness 
 and candor, that all reports and rumors of disorder and appre- 
 hensions of danger, were without the slightest foundation. On 
 this subject we will read further from his report at a later date : 
 
 Headquarters Military Division of the Missouri, 
 
 Chicago, Illinois, October 17, 1871. 
 ,His Honor, R. B. MASON, Mayor of Chicago, Illinois : 
 
 SIR : I respectfully report to your Honor the continued peace and quiet 
 of the city. There has been np case of violence since the disaster "of Sunday 
 night and Monday morning. 
 
 The reports in the public press of violence and disorder here are without 
 the slightest foundation. There has not been a single case of arson, hang- 
 ing or shooting ; not even a case of riot or of a street fight. 1 have seen no 
 reason for the circulation of such report*. 
 
 It gives me pleasure to bring to the notice of your Honor the cheerful 
 spirit with which the population of this city have met their losses and 
 suffering. 
 
 Verv respectfully, your obedient servant. 
 (Signed) P, H. SHERIDAN, 
 
 Lieutenant General. 
 
 Here again he insists with renewed firmness that all these fears 
 were without the slightest foundation. Thus two things are es- 
 tablished by this report that there was military occupation in 
 Chicago, and that there was not the least occasion for it. 
 
 It is, indeed, true that the people were frightened. It is true 
 that the great calamity seemed in the imagination much like a 
 conflict of arms or a sacked city in time of war, as expressed by 
 the Lieutenant General in his report, and it is this which furnished 
 the inconsiderate idea of military aid, but, in this event, we had 
 our own State military forces, and our Governor as commander- 
 in-chief by our constitution and laws, and it ill becomes us, when 
 restored to our better reason, to join in this indiscriminate cen- 
 sure of the Governor for his performance of a sworn duty in en-
 
 [in 
 
 deavoring to enforce the laws of the State, which we, as citizens, 
 ought cheerfully to obey. 
 
 If the Governor was ignored on the ground of want of milita- 
 ry experience that the Lieut. General was applied to instead as 
 possessing this qualification we are reminded that the present 
 Governor of Illinois was also an eminent commander in the Union 
 army in the late war of the rebellion ; that he was many times 
 side by side upon the same contested field with the Lieut. General, 
 equal with him in military rank, and let history speak for itself 
 concerning the military genius and skill of Governor Palmer, es- 
 pecially at the battles of Stone River and Chickamauga. 
 
 It is said, sir, that history repeats itself. This is because like 
 circumstances will produce like results. Whoever has had occa- 
 sion to review the circumstances of the great fire in London in 
 1666, as I have taken occasion to do, will see the same wild ab- 
 surdities as at the great fire at Chicago. I have here the diary 
 of John Evelyn, an eminent English writer of that day, giving 
 an account of the London fire, a reference to which, at this time, 
 will be quite interesting, and it may aid us in passing judgment 
 upon the absurdities of this late greater calamity. The writer 
 says : 
 
 "In ye midst of all this calamity and confusion, there was, I know not how* 
 an alarm that the French and Dutch, with whom we were now in hostility, 
 were not only landed, but even entering the city. There was in truth some 
 days before, great suspicion of those 2 nations joining and now that they 
 had taken occasion of firing the townc. This report did so terrifie, that on 
 a sudden there was such an uproare and tumult that they ran from their 
 goods taking what weapons they could come at, they could not be stopp'd 
 from falling on some ot those nations, with whom they casually met without 
 sense or reason. The clamor and peril grew so excessive that it made the 
 \s-liole court arnaz'd and they did with infinite paines and great difficulty, 
 reduce and appease the people. Sending troops of soldiers and guards to 
 cause them to retire into ye fields againe where they were watcli'd all night. 
 I left them pretty quiet and come home, sufficiently weary and broken, their 
 spirit thus a little calmed and the fright abated. They now begun to repair 
 into ye suburbs about the city. Where such as had friends or opportunity 
 got shelter for the present to which his majesty's proclamation also invited 
 them." 
 
 "We find hero the same unfounded apprehension and fear of 
 danger as at Chicago, but no censure of the King appears for en- 
 deavoring to assure the distracted people that his power was ade- 
 quate for their protection. But when the Governor of the State 
 ares the people of Chicago that the power of the State is suffi- 
 cient for their protection, and asks obedience to the law, he is 
 maligned and insulted ; and although the General Assembly of
 
 the State came to the rescne and appropriated $3,000,000 for the 
 relief of Chicago, any portion of which, even to the whole sum, 
 might have been used for purposes of defense and police duty, 
 we find these acts of federal military occupation still going on, in 
 defiance of law and the protest of the State through the Gover- 
 nor. This whole clamor to sustain this military usurpation is one 
 grand humbug, and but proves the weakness of poor human na- 
 ture. But it is claimed that the Governor, by failing to protest 
 in apt time, in some way waived the rights of the people to insist 
 upon observance of the law. It is true, the Governor took no 
 exceptions to whatever may have been done by any one in good 
 faith during the fire, or immediately thereafter, and no .'point what- 
 ever is made by any one in that regard. The first intimation that 
 the Governor had of this federal military occupation, in defiance 
 of State authority, was about the 17th of October, whereupon he 
 interfered, as he properly ought. But the Governor's silence 
 could not suspend the law and make this usurpation legal. I, for 
 one, am ready to put the Governor on trial for the offense if he 
 has been guilty of surrendering for a moment the authority of the 
 State to the military authorities of the United States. I am not 
 here to defend any one who has transgressed the law in this mat- 
 ter. 
 
 But we are' told, sir, that this military usurpation was, after all, 
 but a mere technical violation of law. So, then, it might be said 
 that John Brown's raid upon Virginia was a mere technical vio- 
 lation of law. The oath taken by the regiment organized by 
 Lieut. General Sheridan called the first Regiment of Chicago 
 Yolunteers, we are informed was as follows : 
 
 "We, the undersigned, do severally swear that we will bear true faith and 
 allegiance to the United States of America, and that we will honestly and 
 faithfully obey the orders of the officers appointed over us ; and that we will 
 use our best efforts for the protection of property, and the preservation of 
 order in the city of Chicago, for the period of twenty days." 
 
 This oath is one unknown to the Constitution and Laws of 
 Illinois, and for that is a violation of the law. The result of this 
 organization was that a prominent citizen was murdered. 
 
 The^oath or pledge of those under John Brown's command, was 
 one in favor of universal humanity, but the result was alike, murder. 
 John Brown and those acting with him were condemned for their 
 offences, and suffered the penalty of the law. The republican 
 party considered the act of John Brown so grave an afiair and so
 
 [13] 
 
 important, that in their National Convention in 1860, they adapted 
 as a principle in their platform the following : 
 
 "We denounce the lawless invasion by firmed force of the soil of any State 
 or Territory, no matter under whut pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." 
 
 We are informed that on the night of the 20th of October, Col. 
 Thos. W. Grosvenor, referred to by the Lieutenant General in his 
 report as one of the "leading citizens" of Chicago, while passing 
 quietly along one of the streets of Chicago was fired upon by one 
 of the members of this so-called 1st Regiment of Chicago Volun- 
 teers, organized by order of General Sheridan, and fell mortally 
 wounded. No excuse whatever is given for the act except that 
 Col. Grosvenor did hot give some required countersign, which it 
 appears he knew nothing of. The person committing the deed 
 was not a citizen of the State, but a young student attending an 
 Institution of learning in the city. When requested to halt and 
 give the countersign, Col. Grosvenor explained that he lived in 
 the vicinity near by, and turned to proceed when he was fired 
 upon. This, it would seem was something more than a technical 
 violation of the law. The deed can be characterized by no other 
 term than that of a heartless murder. 
 
 In the city of Boston in 1770 when that city was occupied by 
 the military forces of the British government against the consent 
 of a dependent colony, an altercation was provoked between some 
 Citizens and a company of soldiers, which resulted in the shooting 
 and killing of five of the citizens. In this instance the soldiers 
 
 D 
 
 were lawfully stationed in the city, but the inhabitants claimed 
 that the government had no right to quarter troops among them 
 in time of peace to supercede the civil authorities without their 
 consent, and it is said that this act of violence led to the great 
 revolution which followed in 1776, but in that instance, the soldiers 
 were surrendered to the civil authorities for trial. The historian 
 says of this occasion, "at the cry of innocent blood shed by the 
 "soldiery, the continent heaved like a troubled ocean." 
 
 Shall history again repeat itself ? 
 
 But it is these modest invasions of our rights as they would be 
 termed, at the beginning which, if unrestrained, lead on to more 
 serious circumstances. 
 
 Sir, all that was asked by Louis Napoleon when an exile from 
 France after the overthrow of the Bourbons was the favor of re-
 
 [U] 
 
 turning from banishment and to be elected to the French National 
 Assembly. He certainly could never gain anything more, and 
 those who refused to favor his appeal were considered disloyal to 
 their country. When this was granted all he had to ask was 
 to be elected President of the French Republic ; the Constitution 
 allowed but one term of four years. His aspirations were there- 
 fore looked upon with favor. He was elected and at the end of 
 his term, by the aid of the Military power of that Republic the 
 President made himself Emperor and Dictator of the Nation. 
 
 A citizen of one of the Grecian States, a great favorite of the 
 people, upon some trifling pretence, obtained a guard of fifty men. 
 He found means of enlarging the number from time to time, and 
 at length destroyed the commonwealth and made himself tyrant 
 of Athens. So of the great Roman General in whom so much con- 
 fidence had been reposed : against his own superstition was 
 induced to cross the Rubicon with his army, and made himself 
 perpetual Dictator of Rome. 
 
 These are among the innumerable instances afforded us by the 
 light of History, which serve as living examples to a free people 
 to warn them against indulgence of the encroachments of the 
 military power. 
 
 We become slaves to tyrants by fitting our own necks for the 
 voke. 
 
 But sir, there seems to be a kind of Pagan superstition sur- 
 rounding this whole affair which has characterized human frailty 
 in all ages of the world. It seems to be held by some a sort of 
 sacrilege in any one who will not concur that all the distresses of 
 the people of Chicago were relieved by General Sheridan and his 
 U. S. troops, and that they saved every one of them from some 
 terrible end. 
 
 Many centuries ago there existed a city in what is called Italy, 
 known as the "Eternal City." Its people were a very superstitious 
 people. The historian in tracing up the records of that miracu- 
 lous people ^finds a remarkable custom, that in a certain place 
 called a temple, there was kept a flock of geese at the expense of 
 the government, called the sacred geese. This being a singular 
 custom the historian proceeds further to enquire concerning it, 
 when he finds it to be asserted that at sometime in the history of 
 that people the city had been saved by the flight of a flock of 
 geese over the city, warning the people of an approaching enemy.
 
 [15] 
 
 And thereafter these geese were so kept to commemorate this 
 event. They were consecrated as sacred to the gods, and that Ro- 
 man who should refuse to recognize the sacred character of those 
 geese or deny that they had saved this city from destruction was 
 deemed guilty of a high offence, and it seems to have come to 
 that in this day, that he who refuses to recognize the divine right 
 of a military commander, is a traitor, and disloyaHo the republi- 
 can party. 
 
 MR. GALLOWAY. Mr. Speaker, I wish to ask the gentleman a 
 question. I wish to ask him if after arranging all these facts to 
 his own satisfaction, he has not said he had no fault to find with 
 General Sheridan for anything he did ? 
 
 MR. HAINES. 1 don't recollect of saying any such thing. 
 
 MR. GALLOWAY. I would call upon the gentleman from San- 
 gamon, Mr. Rice, to state his recollection. 
 
 MR. HAINES. I will say to the gentleman, I was about to refer 
 to a circumstance of which he reminds me, and to which I will 
 now refer so as to prevent any misapprehension on this point, 
 although I do not see how anything I may have heretofore said, 
 can change the facts or excuse invasions of the law if there has 
 been any. It seems that my position is not correctly understood. 
 I was present during this great fire and have some means of know- 
 ing the facts. During and immediately ^following the fire, while 
 everybody seemed wild with excitement, Lieut. General Sheridan 
 did many things to my personal knowledge as a citizen, or inhab- 
 itant of the city, in a civil capacity, us did hosts of other citizens, 
 for which he is entitled to great credit, to which the select com- 
 mittee have referred in their report to this House and of which I 
 have frequently spoken, and I do not wish to be understood as 
 saying anything to the contrary here. I am not here to arraign 
 General Sheridan and thus far have only reviewed his acts from 
 his own report. I have said nothing but what he says himself 
 and if I indulge in criticisms at all it will be only with reference 
 to acts done after the excitement had subsided, and reason had 
 been restored. It will be remembered that the resolutions of the 
 Republican caucus which we huve adopted in this House exon- 
 erates the federal military authorities in the continuance of their 
 military operations in Chicago Irom any wilful or corrupt inten- 
 tion andj places the whole thing on the ground of mistake or
 
 [16] 
 
 ignorance of the law. (Applause.) Such being the judgment of 
 this House and the country, on this point I need say no more. 
 
 And now as to the report of the select committee on this sub- 
 ject, whether adroitly drawn or not, as expressed by the gentle- 
 man from Cook, (Mr. Waite) it does not matter. It presents a 
 plain statement of the facts and nothing more, but when that 
 gentleman summoned me to judgement for the adroitness of this 
 report I was reminded of the thrilling admonition of the sacred 
 lyric : 
 
 "Hark ! from the tombs a doleful sound, 
 Mine ears attend the cry." 
 
 (Laughter and applause.) 
 
 I will refer to this minority report of the select committee. It 
 concurs in the important fact that there was a military occupation 
 in Chicago. This report is an interesting document. It is well 
 drawn. 
 
 MR. SPRINGER. Who wrote it ? 
 
 MR. HAINES : It is immaterial who wrote it. But unlike the 
 coat of many colors of the son of the Patriarch, its patch work has 
 not excited the peculiar envy of any one. We are willing to receive 
 it for all it is worth. It is but cumulative on the majority report, 
 and arrives at the same general conclusion. Hence it is hoped we 
 may be unanimous in our judgement on the pending question. 
 
 And still further as to this mere technical violation of the law. 
 As has been said, John Brown's raid into Virginia was nothing 
 more. So the invasion of human rights in the existence of slavery 
 in the Southern States was merely a technecal violation of the 
 law of humanity. It t.id not harm us in the north, yet we con- 
 sidered the principle wrong and the example dangerous to our 
 liberties, as interpreted by the Dred Scott decisions ; the people 
 of the north arose in their might, staking everything upon the issue 
 of civil war, and they blotted out the institution forever. 
 
 So of that odious tax levied upon the American colonies by the 
 British government, without representation, when afterwards, five- 
 sixths of it was repealed so that it was no longer a burden, and 
 all the colonies except Massachusetts had given their adhesion to 
 the authority of the British parliament, as the tax was no longer 
 a burden, yet the leading spirits of Massachusetts, foremost among 
 whom was ^Samuel Adams, declared that it was a principle for 
 which they were contending, and as the memory of Samuel Adams
 
 [17] 
 
 and his coadjutors has been cherished in the hearts of a grateful 
 people, for their defense of a /vital principle, so will the memory 
 of Gov. Palmer live through succeeding generations, for his faith- 
 fulness to the "principles of civil liberty, and his rigid observance 
 of his constitutional obligations imposed upon him by the people. 
 Still further as to this plea of mere technical violation of the law. 
 The sensibilities of society, including zealous politicians, is becom 
 ing shocked to the core in consequence of alleged irregularities in 
 the domestic relations discovered to exist contrary to law in one 
 of the territories or the^United States While it has been urged 
 that this Js but a technical violation of the law, as affecting no 
 one but the parties concerned in that distant territory, yet the sub- 
 ject i& considered so important that the civil and military power of 
 the nation is being rigidly exerted to suppress the evil complained 
 of. 
 
 Not long ago the.President of the United States, construing the 
 onstitution as he understood^, according to his oath of office, 
 took occasion to remove from office the Secretary of War, contra- 
 ry, as was^alleged, to an existing statute, of which this act was 
 considered a technical violation, yet, as a matter of principle, the 
 subject was considered so important that the President was ar- 
 raigned before the high court of impeachment, for this technical 
 offence against the law. 
 
 In this view of the case, all violations of the law may be re- 
 garded as but technical. Importance is attached to the act accord- 
 ing to results which follow. Then Jet us look at the results which 
 followed the present technical violation of the law. The result 
 was most serious ; a leading citizen was murdered. The killing 
 of Col. Grosvenor I can call by [no other name than murder. 
 This was the term used by John Hancock in an eloquent oration 
 upon the anniversary of the death of the citizens of Boston killed 
 by the soldiery under similar circumstances. The person who 
 killed Col. Grosvenor was not himself a citizen. He, with his co- 
 trespassers had taken^an oath against the laws of Illinois. They 
 were armed against the law. His so called orders were unlawful. 
 His whole intentions and conduct were unlawful, and the act was 
 murder. As the gentleman from Jefferson (Mr. Casey) has ex- 
 pressed it, "another home made desolate by a murderous order." 
 3
 
 [18] 
 
 I will not stop~"to picture the distress to a family, which ffol 
 lowed from this high-handed violation of the law. The offence 
 is aggravated by the conduct of those who attempt to excuse the 
 crime, in circulating slanderous reports ^o the effect that Col. 
 Grosvenor was at the time intoxicated. The evidence proves to 
 the contrary. The moment he fell he seemed to be conscious tha* 
 his wound was mortal, and his first words expressed anxiety for 
 his wife and infant child. His pecuniary circumstances were 
 moderate and his family were dependent upon him personally for 
 their support. His only income was his salary as a city officer 
 and his pension from the United States as a disabled officer of the 
 Union army in the late war of the rebellion. I have attempted 
 to read through the evidence taken before the coroner's jury re- 
 lating to the circumstances -attending the^last moments of the 
 dying maji in the presence of his family, but my weak nerves 
 were inadequate to the task ; a copy will be found in the Execu- 
 tive office, to which, if gentlemen will refer, I feel assured that 
 they will join with me in condemnation of this murderous act, 
 and cease not until justice shall be done' to the memory of the 
 murdered man, and I think they will then see how it may be that 
 Gov. Palmer, under the generous impulse of his nature as a man, 
 has felt it his duty to be still more earnest in his protest against 
 this violation of the law. 
 
 A few words further on this subject. It is a lamentable fact 
 that in the midst of all the charities that have been showered in 
 upon the destitute and terror stricken people of Chicago, no por- 
 tion thereof has found its way to the distressed family of Thos. 
 "W. Grosvenor.. 
 
 As remarked by the select committee in their report to this 
 House, to which reference has been made, Col. Grosvenor had in 
 his life-time performed the highest duty of a citizen to his country, 
 that of military service in time of public danger. He enlisted in 
 the Union army as a private soldier in the volunteer forces of 
 Illinois, in the early part of the war of the rebellion, and for his 
 bravery and meritorious conduct was regularly promoted to the 
 rank of Brigadier General. He had periled his 'life in many a 
 hard fought battle in defence of his country, and for the protection 
 of the homes and firesides of the citizens of his State ; and now, 
 in time of peace, retiring maimed for life, he had a right to ex- 
 pect protection for himself and family, under that law which his
 
 119] 
 
 sacrifices had aided in sustaining and preserving. But since his 
 life has been so needlessly and heartlessly taken, it was to have 
 been hoped that those who have been so clamorous in their de- 
 fence of military rule and its consequences would manifest some 
 interest in behalf of his dependent family. 
 
 In keeping with this whole spirit of disregard of the law, comes 
 this clamor from certain sources against His Excellency the Gov- 
 ernor for his attempt to enforce civil authority for the protection 
 of human life. The verdict of the coroner's jury in the case of 
 killing^of Col. Grosvenor declaring the act to be murder, with 
 the circumstances attending comes to the attention of the Governor. 
 The evidence points to the guilty parties. From the action taken 
 or want of action by the local civil authorities, it appears to him 
 that none is designed. The violation of law being a serions one, 
 resulting in the destruction of human life and the lorce engaged 
 being a formidable one, the Governor felt it his duty under his 
 oath of office to do all in his power to enforce the law and bring 
 the offenders to justice, whoever they might be. Hence his com- 
 munication to the Attorney General and State's Attorney at 
 Chicago, which is familiar to all. This excitement is carried to 
 such an extreme that everybody seems to have lost their reason. 
 Lawyers proclaim that the Governor has no such power to enforce 
 the law, statesmen declare that the supreme executive of a State is a 
 mere figure-head, and the whole proceeding falls to the ground. 
 In our sober senses as lawyers, however, and men of sense, we 
 know that the Governor was right ; if not, our "whole system of 
 government is a failure and our rights depend upon slender con- 
 tingencies. 
 
 Many years ago a native of Austria and an inhabitant of the 
 United States, who had declared his intentions to become a citizen, 
 was arrested in the Mediterranean Sea on board of an American 
 vessel, by the Austrian authorities and taken into custody on 
 charge of some political offense, not included in any treaty nego- 
 tiations. The Captain of an American vessel of war lying near, 
 demanded the release of the prisoner, and compelled his surrender 
 under threats of force. Application was made by the Austrian 
 government to the United States for reparation. The case was 
 heard by Secretary Marcy of the State Department, when it was 
 urged in behalf of Austria that there was no law warranting such 
 action on the part of the United States, the person in question not
 
 [20] 
 
 having fully become a citizen of this government. The spirit of 
 our government being favorable to liberty, the Secretary was in- 
 clined to hold strongly in favor of the act done, but finding the 
 law at least doubtful, and as if half dispairing of his position he 
 declared that in a matter of this importance, involving so much of 
 interest to the human race, there was a "higher law" to which he 
 would appeal, and by the rules of which he would sustain the 
 action of the American commander, and the judgment was ap- 
 proved, by the nations of the world. 
 
 If, therefore, we have come to that, that human laws have failed 
 in our midst, and no longer afford protection to human life, may 
 we not alike appeal to that "higher law" for the remedy sought, 
 by every principle of which the action of the Governor must be 
 sustained. 
 
 The principles underlying our form of government are not that 
 of weakness. The Governor, as the representative of the people, 
 in the executive department of the government, like an individual 
 acting for self preservation, from the very nature of his position 
 possesses all the power necessary to preserve the government and 
 protect citizens, through plain rules of the law. It was the want 
 of the exercise of this power on the part of President Buchanan, 
 that lent strength to the rebellion and nearly involved the nation 
 in irretrievable ruin. He persistently refused to act for the public 
 safety, constantly asserting in the style of the clackerers at the 
 heels of Gov. Palmer, that he possessed no power in law whatever, 
 by which he couM stay the threatened destruction of the nation. 
 President Lincoln found a rule of proceeding under that "higher 
 law" by which he called out his army of 75,000 men, and we were 
 brought through in safety. 
 
 Among the most violent assailants upon the Governor for his 
 legal position on this point, have been, I regret to say, some of the 
 newspapers of the State, understood to represent the present na- 
 tional administration. To show their inconsistency and evident 
 bad faith, I wish to read some^extracts from a late issue of one ot 
 these papers. It is one of the leading republican papers of the 
 city of Chicago, and in times past has been marked for its candor 
 and sincerity, but it joined heartily in condemnation of the Gov- 
 ernor for his communication to State's Attorney Reed, concerning 
 his duty in connection with the Grand Jury, relating to the mur- 
 der of Col. Grosvenor, making it appear that the State's Attorney
 
 [211 
 
 was powerless in the premises ; but now, in regard to a local mat- 
 ter in that city of less importance, this same paper finds how 
 the States Attorney is the principal functionary in all criminal 
 cases. That part of the article to which I refer is as follows : 
 
 'Tun "KiN<; v PKOSEI UTION. The Grand Jury to investigate the charges 
 of bribery brought against members of the Chicago Common Council has 
 been impanelled, ****** 
 
 Much as the Grand Jury has to do, and grave as are its responsibilities, the 
 District Attorney has a weightier responsii>ility than they all. Mr. Reed is 
 the prosecutor. To him the jury and the public look for a thorough ferreting 
 out of the ring- ***** 
 
 It is rare that a public man has so much personally at stake on one issue as 
 Charles II. Hood has upon the result of the present special Grand Jury in- 
 vestigation. Should he do in Chicago what Charles O'C nnor is doing in 
 New York, he would gain the lasting good-will of all good citizens." 
 
 The cause of the difference in the two positions 1ms been ac. 
 counted for in this way. In the former case there was an oppor- 
 tunity "to kill off a first class governor" as it was expressed, and 
 enhance the chances of" some played out politician for the succes- 
 sion. In the latter case the politicians had no interest. 
 
 Another straw is thrown in the way to show which way the wind 
 is blowing. I will read another extract giving an account of 
 action by the Mayor concerning a disturbance that had occurred 
 at the City Hall in Chicago recently. 
 
 "The City Hall was well guarded by a squad of twenty-five police, and no 
 disturbance occurred. The Mayor sent in his message referring to Monday 
 night's riot, and announcing he had taken measures to have the ring leaders 
 of the mob brought before the grand jury." 
 
 Thus it appears to be settled up in Chicago that the Mayor of a 
 city has power in behalf of the State to cause offenders to be 
 brought before a grand jury, but the Governor is utterly power- 
 less to represent the State in any such matters. 
 
 And now sir, in conclusion. I have endeavored in what I have 
 had to say to express my views as clearly as possible, and hope I 
 have not been misunderstood. It has been my endeavor not to 
 say anything that might be construed as a reflection upon the con- 
 duct of individuals or their motives. I must be allowed to say 
 however that in my opinion this whole military occupation busi- 
 ness may be summed up in this ; it was one grand humbug, an 
 egregious blunder and a gross usurpation, resulting in serious con- 
 sequences, and which it is hoped may never be repeated. The 
 resolutions already adopted condemning the act and sustaining the
 
 [22] 
 
 Governor ought to be adhered to. Their effect should not be im- 
 paired by the resolution pending and it ought to be defeated. 
 
 And no\v a word to the young men of this House who are as- 
 suming the places in public life in the state of statesmen who 
 have gone before them. Let them imitate their example. Let 
 them make no mistake by placing themselves wrong on this im- 
 portant question. I would remind them especially of the illus- 
 trious examples of Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Lyman 
 Trumbull, John A. McClernand and others who have filled posi- 
 tions upon this floor in times past. Study their example and rise to 
 positions of manly firmness, and dare to do right regardless of 
 the threats of small politicians. 
 
 1 have in this matter no private feelings to gratify, and no 
 personal interest to serve. I expect to pass out of official position 
 with the close of my present term. Hence the part I have taken 
 in this matter is to be among the last of my official acts as a 
 number ot this General Assembly, but I shall ever feel conscious 
 that I have performed my whole duty in my endeavor to stand by 
 the rights of the people, by the Constitution I have sworn to sup- 
 port, and to stand by my State and my Country. [Applause.]
 
 CONCLUDING SPEECH ON THE MILITARY OCCU- 
 PATION OF CHICAGO, BY HON. G. A. KCERNER 
 OF ST. CLAIR COUNTY. 
 
 Mr. Speaker: I do not arise to debate the question before us. 
 I think it has been sufficiently debated and is well understood by 
 the House, and I desire to make a motion before I sit down. 
 
 But one thing I desire to say before I take my seat, and that is 
 in reply to the gentleman from Cook, (Mr. Root.) Neither he 
 nor any of the gentlemen who have favored the resolution now 
 before this body have given us any good and sufficient reason why 
 we should adopt it. There is not one gentleman who has shown 
 us any necessity which should^ompel us to adopt the resolution ; 
 but the gentleman from Cook, (Mr. Root,) stands up here and 
 wants to force the members of the dominant party to vote for the 
 resolution because he says democrats are opposing it. That is not 
 a good reason for adopting something which these gentlemen in 
 their ingenuity cannot find arguments to defend. 
 
 He tells us, Mr. Speaker, that the cry has been heard before, 
 that military occupation was a dangerous example, and says it was 
 heard at the time the union troops were forcing their way through 
 the south and subduing the rebellion. But where, sir, is the re- 
 bellion you are now subduing ? What cause is there now, sir, to 
 bring to bear upon the proposition the great lever of the party 
 a proposition in itself so plain and simple as this ? Is it to fright. 
 en those of the dominant party who have expressed a willingness 
 to go as far as we have gone and no farther who have expressed 
 a desire to stand by the resolutions which the majority of the 
 party in their late official caucus resolved upon ? It is this and 
 nothing else. I, for one, can not be frightened by the cry that 
 democrats are voting the same way that 1 vote, if the way in which 
 I vote is right and one my conscience approves of.
 
 [24] 
 
 As I have said before, Mr. Speaker, I have listened in vain 
 though intently, to find some reason why we should vote for this 
 resolution. None has been given us. None has been offered us 
 by any gentleman. Now, if there is no reason for it, we certainly 
 should not adopt the resolution, and as we have spent many 
 nights, sir, in discussing the subject, I think by this time it is best 
 for us best for the dignity of this house that we should now 
 close the debate, and I therefore move, Mr. Speaker, that we post- 
 pone, indefinitely, any further consideration of the subject.
 
 F 
 
 (27 1 
 
 .