H9Kg9nWn|j LINCOLN ROOM UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 923.1 C83o WILUAM McKINLEY, LATE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. Our Martyr Presidents Lincoln : Garfield : McKinley Their Illustrious Lives, Public and Private, and Their Glorious Deeds. Biographies, Speeches and Stories Together With Histories of Noted Assassins and Assassinations, and Anarchy and Anarchists in the United States and Europe By JOHN COULTER WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY HON. SHELBY M. CULLOM Senior United States Senator from Illinois Superbly Illustrated with Etchings and Half-tones from Original Photo- graphs and Drawings by WILLIAM SCHMEDTGEN, HUGO VON HOFSTEN and Other Noted Artists PUBLISHED BY THE MEMORIAL PUBLISHING HOUSE Copyright, IQOI By William D. Warren The illustrations in this volume are all from original sources and are pro- tected by the general copyright. Their reproduction, except by special permission in writing, is prohibited. TABLE OF CONTENTS. PART I. Abra.ha.rn Lincoln, 15he Grea.t Emancipator CHAPTER I. The Assassination of President Lincoln the First of a Series of Three How It Is That Chief Magistrates of the Republic Are Easy Prey for Mur- derers Lincoln Did Not Like to be Surrounded by Guards Lamon's Warning 27 CHAPTER II. The Story of Lincoln's Life as Written by Himself "The Short and Simple Annals of the Poor" Early Struggles and Disappointments His Achievements and Triumphs How He Overcame All Obstacles and Became the Most Eminent Among the Rulers of the Earth 33 CHAPTER III. Lincoln's Great "House Divided Against Itself" Speech, Which First Brought Him Into National Prominence Joint Debate With Douglas Election to the Presidency of the United States 47 CHAPTER IV. Lincoln Inaugurated as President of the United States His Inaugural Ad- dress the Means of Calling All the Friends of the Union Cause to His Support War Begins in Earnest The Emancipation Proclamation of January ist, 1863, Frees the Slaves So Long Held in Bondage 57 CHAPTER V. Lincoln's Boyhood and Young Manhood as Illustrated by the Stories Told Regarding Him How He Acquired the Sobriquet of "Honest Abe" The First Dollar He Ever Earned Experiences on the Mississippi on a Flatboat Paid Everything He Owed 69 CHAPTER VI. Lincoln on the Circuit as a Lawyer Determined to Succeed in His Pro- fession His Kindness to His Stepmother His Sense of Justice in Con- ducting His Law Cases Gets the Worst of It in a Horse Trade One of iii iv TABLE OF CONTENTS. _i His Disappointments How "Abe" was Nominatek for Congress His Trust in God 1 85 CHAPTER VII. Lincoln as the Chief Magistrate of the Nation His Enemies Brand Him as a Coward His Subsequent Career Shows Him the Bravest and Most Fearless Among All the Men Who Held the Destiny of the Republic in Their Hands Disdainful of the Threats of Assassination, He Pursues His Way in Calmness and Heroic Fortitude 95 CHAPTER VIII. Lincoln During the War of the Rebellion A Man of Sentimentality and Deep Feeling Satisfied with the Way General Grant Did Things The Dutch Gap Canal The President's Belief in the Efficiency of the Moni- torHis Absence of Fear Regarding Assassination 105 CHAPTER IX. Lincoln's Second Inaugural Address on March 4th, 1865 The Last Speech Made by the Martyr President, in Response to a Serenade, Before His Assassination Text of His Immortal Address on the Battlefield of Gettysburg '.. 116 CHAPTER X. John Wilkes Booth the Originator of the Plot to Assassinate the President Flight, Capture and Death of the Murderer Burial of His Body in the Old Penitentiary at Washington 123 CHAPTER XL Execution of Mrs. Surratt, Atzeroth, Harold and Payne in the Jail Yard at Washington Scenes and Incidents Thousands of Soldiers Guard the Prison and the Vicinity How the Culprits Died 140 PART II. James Abra.m Garfield, EdxieoLtor, Soldier, CHAPTER XII. Details of the Cruel Assassination of President Garfield Stricken Down by the Bullet Fired by the Insensate Assassin. Guiteau, in the Pennsylvania Depot at Washington His Sufferings and Death 159 CHAPTER XIII. Garfield, Like Lincoln, was Born in the Western Wilderness Left an Orphan at an Early Age Wonderful Self-Reliance of His Mother Goes to Sea on a Canal Boat Promoted to be Pilot 167 TABLE OF CONTENTS. v CJ IAPTER XIV. Young Garfield Determined to Secure an Education Gives Up the Idea of Becoming a Sailor School at Chester Academy Joins the Church His Creed Enters Hiram College Is Graduated at Williams Presi- dent of Hiram His Marriage Goes to the Ohio State Senate 174 CHAPTER XV. Garfield as a Soldier Chosen Lieutenant-Colonel and Then Colonel of a Regiment Drives the Confederates from Eastern Kentucky Created a Brigadier General Good Work at Shiloh Made Chief of Staff to Major General William S. Rosecrans 180 CHAPTER XVI. Garfield's Close Relations to His Chief, General Rosecrans The Movements Which Ended in the Assault at Chickamauga by General Bragg Gar- field Goes to General Thomas, "The Rock." and Remains Until the Union Troops Are Masters of the Bloody Field Close of Garfield's Military Career 190 CHAPTER XVII. General Garfield Resigns from the Army to Accept an Election to Con- gress General Rosecrans' Advice Garfield Complimented by the Lat- ter for His Services at the Battle of Chickamauga Created a Major General of Volunteers An Example of Garfield's Sense of Justice and Right 194 CHAPTER XVIII. General Garfield in the House of Representatives of Congress Opposition to His Re-election Gradually Melts Away Election to the United States Senate Does Not Take His Seat There Because of His Nomination and Election to the Presidency 197 CHAPTER XIX. General Garfield in His Home Life at Mentor and Washington His Wife Shared His Intellectual Tastes Description of His Two Homes A Visit to the President-Elect His Children Library in the Washington House Where He Spent Most of His Time 200 CHAPTER XX. President Garfield as a Statesman, Philosopher, Politician and Political Economist An Active Participant in All the Debates in the Lower House of Congress "Garfield's Budget Speeches" His Article on "A Century in Congress" 209 CHAPTER xxi. The Power and Influence Exerted by General Garfield Over the Minds and Passions of His Fellow-Citizens Stilling the Passions of the Great Throng in Wall Street the Day Succeeding President Lincoln's As- sassination 218 TABLE OF CONTENTS. PART III. William McKinley, the TypicaJ American. CHAPTER XXII. Short Sketch of the Life of President McKinley His Rise From Obscurity to the Presidency Heroism on the Battlefield President Hayes' Praise McKinley a Devoted Soldier His Masterly Address at Buffalo His Tribute to Lincoln 231 CHAPTER XXIII. Assassination of President McKinley Shot Down in the Music Hall at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo by an Assassin Who Concealed His Revolver in the Folds of a Handkerchief Fellow-Conspirator Holds the President's Right Hand in Order to Give the Murderer an Opportunity to Accomplish His Purpose Capture of the Assassin and Escape of His Accomplice . . . . . 246 CHAPTER XXIV. President McKinley's Assassin Makes a Full, Free and Complete Confes- sion He Says He Was Alone in the Matter and Had No Accomplices Proud of His Dastardly Deed His Father Denounces Him 262 CHAPTER XXV. Simplicity of the Home Life of President and Mrs. McKinley Their Mar- riage an Interesting Event in Canton Loving Care of the President for His Wife Two Children Born to Them Habits of the President 271 CHAPTER XXVI. Death of President McKinley at the Milburn House at Fifteen Minutes Past Two O'Clock on the Morning of Saturday, September I4th, 1901 Gan- grene the Cause At One Time He Seemed to be on the Road to Re- covery "God's Will, Not Ours, Be Done," the Last Words of the Martyr Chief Magistrate Those at the Bedside 283 CHAPTER XXVII. Poisoned Bullet the Cause of President McKinley's Death He Was Doomed to Die from the First Result of the Autopsy President Roosevelt Sworn In His Proclamation Funeral Ceremonies of the Lamented Chief Magistrate Body Lying in State in Capitol Interment at Canton 295 CHAPTER XXVIII. Czolgosz a Follower of Emma Goldman, the High Priestess of Anarchy in the United States She is Arrested With Others in Chicago on the Charge of Conspiracy to Kill President McKinley Sneers at the Po- TABLE OF CONTENTS. vii lice Her Heartless Words After the President's Death Charge That Conspiracy Was Hatched in Chicago Czolgosz Not Insane Nor a Degenerate 3M CHAPTER XXIX McKinley One of the Most Finished and Graceful Orators the United States Has Ever Produced His Eulogies on President James A. Garfield, the Volunteer Soldier of America and General U. S. Grant 334 CHAPTER XXX. President McKinley as a Lawyer Early Fame as a Speaker President Hayes' Advice to the Young Politician McKinley's Career in Congress The Tariff Bill Elected Governor of Ohio McKinley at the Minneapolis Convention 354 CHAPTER XXXI. Similarity Between the Cases of Presidents McKinley and Garfield, In Neither Instance Was the Bullet Which Proved a Source of Danger Located Physicians in Attendance Upon the Distinguished Patients 376 CHAPTER XXXII. Intense Horror Throughout the World When the Shooting of President McKinley Became Known Messages of Condolence and Sympathy Received From All Parts of the Earth Great Grief Shown 388 CHAPTER XXXIII. Remarkable Journey of the Funeral Train From Buffalo to the National Capitol Details of the Trip Scenes Never Before Witnessed Children Strew Flowers Along the Rails Grief of the Multitudes 405 CHAPTER XXXIV. Washington, the Capital of the Nation, Pays Its Homage to the Memory of the Departed President Solemn Scenes in the Rotunda of the Capitol Escorting the Body From the White House Somber Military Pageant A Notable Assemblage .of Prominent Personages 416 CHAPTER XXXV. Closing Scenes in the Sad Tragedy of the Martyrdom of President McKinley The Trip From Washington to Canton Mrs. McKinley Leaves the White House Forever Final Exercises at the President's Old Home, and Burial. . 441 CHAPTER XXXV I. President McKinley and His Farm A Profitable Investment Making Apple Butter McKinley's Dexterity in Shaking Hands Receptions at the White House by Mrs. McKinley Her Four Thousand Pairs of Slippers Pro- tecting the Persons of Presidents 452 CHAPTER XXXVII. William J. Bryan's Tender and Graceful Tribute to the Memory of President McKinley The Heir to England's Throne Says Words of Praise Other Expressions of Admiration for the Character of the Dead Chief Magistrate 467 TABLE OF CONTENTS. viii CHAPTER XXXVIII. Theodore Roosevelt a Knickerbocker of the Knickerbockers One of a Long and Distinguished Line of Patriots Forefathers Came From the Nether- lands "Teddy's" Advancement Due to His Own Energies and Efforts Record in Politics and War 485 PART IV. A HISTORY OF ANARCHY. The Noted Assassins a.n.d Assassinations of a. Century. CHAPTER XXXIX. Notable Assassins and Assassinations of Recent Times Murder of Presidents of Republics, Crowned Heads and Prominent Men of Various Nations Characteristics of Regicides Their Methods of Procedure Most of Them of a Low Type of Intellectuality What Prompted Them to Their Ferocious and Desperate Deeds The Ghastly and Bloody Record of a Single Century Punishment Meted Out to the Criminals ..." 511 CHAPTER XL. The History of Anarchy and Anarchists in Europe and the United States Since the Conception of the Movement Influence of the French Revolution Something About Nitro-Glycerine, Dynamite, Lyddite and Melinite Anarchists, However, Prefer Dynamite United States Gets the Terrorists in Force After the Passage of the German Socialistic Law 525 Publishers' Preface Nothing since Lincoln's assassination at the hands of John Wilkes Booth, and the murder of President Garfield by Charles Jules Guiteau, has so stirred the sympathetic heart of the American people as the cow- ardly assault on President McKinley by the anarchist Leon Czolgosz. Therefore no apology is needed for this timely book. We will only say that we have endeavored to make it a book for all time. The text is by John Coulter, historian, biographer and journalist, the author of a score of popular books, known to all newspaper men as a writer of the most brilliant attainments, and noted particularly for his accuracy of statement. This is his best, as it is his latest work. The introduction is by Hon. Shelby M. Cullom, the lifelong, intimate and honored friend of Lincoln, Garfield and McKinley. Prominent in public life for nearly half a century, closely connected by both personal and social ties with the three subjects of this volume, no one is better qualified or more worthy than the senior United States Senator from Illinois to introduce to the American people this tribute of patriotism. The illustrations include drawings by Wm. Schmedtgen, Hugo Von Hofsten, and other noted artists, and numerous pictures and portraits from life and from authentic photographs, many now published for the first time. \Yc have spared no expense to make this volume in every way worthy of the great men whose lives and deeds it commemorates. The Honorable Shelby M. Cullom United SteUes Senator from Illinois Introduction By Hon. Shelby M. Oullom Senior United Stages Senator from the State of Illinois. I have been requested to write an introduction to this volume, to include brief sketches of the lives and personal reminiscences of our Martyr Presidents Abraham Lincoln, James A. Garfield and William McKinley three remarkably great men. It has been my good fortune to know each of them personally and intimately. My acquaintance with President Lincoln began long before he was elected to the Chief Magistracy of the nation ; I served in Congress with both Presidents Garfield and McKinley, and was honored with the confidence and friendship of both after they had assumed the office of Chief Executive. Abraham Lincoln, in the judgment of the writer, was the equal in certain intellectual characteristics of any man known to the history of the world. He came from the walks of the common people. His life was in full sympathy with the great masses of the people of his country, and of the world. He grew to manhood in the midst of the common people. He never had the opportunities (enjoyed by the poorer classes of later days) of a school education. His education was self-obtained. He had the brain power to learn without being taught, except as the world taught him. From his early manhood he was noted as a young man of extraordinary ability. \Yhen he began the practice of law he soon made himself known as a lawyer of more than ordinary acumen, and it was not long after his 14 INTRODUCTION. admission to the bar of the profession before he took rank among the very best lawyers of the time. Abraham Lincoln was always a student, and when he was struggling. in early manhood for a living, surveying land for the people, he borrowed law books to enable him to study at odd times, so that he might qualify himself for his profession. He was a Whig in his earlier life, and became an intensely bitter enemy, when he grew to manhood, of the institution of slavery. He grew to be one of the strongest men in the nation in favor of liberty, and against the spread of the infamous traffic in the bodies and souls of human beings, and finally was recognized as the most eligible man for the office of President of the United States to represent the great ideas of Free Soil, and opposition to the existence of the black blot upon the fair fame of our country. The debate, in 1858, between Mr. Lincoln and Senator Stephen A. Douglas, were, probably, the greatest contests wherein political questions were involved ever held in the United States, outside of Congress. Mr. Lincoln became President of the United States, and the nation at once became involved in civil war. Before his election to the Presidency, notwithstanding his assertion that he did not desire to disturb the institution of slavery where it already existed, he was in favor of preventing its spread, the South determined that his election should be made an excuse for war, and for the dissolution of the Union. After his election, in November, 1860, and before his inauguration on the fourth of March, 1861, a portion of the States of the South had seceded and declared themselves out of the Union. The terrible Civil War, lasting from 1861 to 1865, then ensued. After Lee had surrendered, and the Rebellion was practically ended and the Union saved, the bullet of an assassin ended the public life of the immortal Lincoln. His career as President was a great one. He started out with a determination to save the Union, and incident to that, when he found that the war was bound to come, he determined to rid the United States of slavery altogether. In September, 1862, he issued his preliminary BY HON. SHELBY M. CULLOM. 15 proclamation, warning the people then in rebellion that he would issue a final proclamation, freeing the slaves, in the succeeding January, in all those States in which the people failed to lay down their arms and sub- mit to the authority of the Federal Government. His preliminary proclamation was disregarded, and his final procla- mation was issued. Subsequently the Thirteenth Amendment, providing for the abolition of slavery, was passed by Congress and ratified by two- thirds of the States of the Union, in harmony with the proclamations of President Lincoln. The mighty purpose and aim which Lincoln sought Had been accomplished before his death. He had saved the Union, and slavery had been abolished. It would seem strange that such a man should be murdered after such a career. All who knew Abraham Lincoln were aware that his great heart was filled with nothing but kindness, sympathy, generosity and forgiveness, and anything that seemed to be harsh or unfair did not have a place in his nature. He was never known to do an unkind thing. He was never known to say an unkind word. He was never known to utter* a vicious sentiment. Mr. Lincoln was a great patriot, and he sympathized with the downtrodden and oppressed. Yet in the face of all this, believed by unnumbefed thousands to be a genuine friend of the misguided men of the South who had so eagerly, persistently and violently endeavored to dissolve the Union, he was doomed to die but not until his work was finished by the bullet of an assassin. President Lincoln has taken his place in history as one of the great benefactors of the human race, and in the language of his great Secretary of War, Edwin M. Stanton, just as he breathed his last, "He now be- longs to the ages." James Abram Garfield, like Abraham Lincoln, came from the great body of the poor people. In his boyhood and youth he had a hard strug- gle for a living, but, like Lincoln, in early manhood he was singled out as one of the few men worthy of a great future. He became a Professor in the college in which he was a student, was afterwards President of the institution, and from that he became interested in politics. i6 INTRODUCTION. He went into the Civil War, where his record was a brilliant one, and he was finally promoted to the rank of a Major General of Volun- teers, being Chief of Staff to General Rosecrans. He was elected to Congress from the district in which lie lived in Ohio, his services being needed in the legislative branch, and there are many evidences in the records of Congress showing that he was one of the ablest men in the Lower House. I think that James A. Garfield left behind him speeches delivered in the National House of Representatives and in other places which were superior to those of almost any other man in the country. He was a man of wonderful intellect, and as he grew in public esteem he was elected to the United States Senate, but, before the time came to take his seat in the Upper House, he was nominated by the Republican party for Presi- dent of the United States, and was elected. President Garfield was a man of great generosity and excessive kindness of feeling. So thoroughly was he in sympathy with his fellow- men that he could scarcely say "No"' to a friend whom he respected, and who desired that he should say "Yes." I remember well the first time I saw him after he was elected Presi- dent. I was at that time Governor of the State of Illinois, and when I visited Washington upon some business I called to pay my respects to President Garfield. When I was admitted there were many people in his room, waiting to see him. He shook hands with me, and with great heartiness put his arm around my shoulder, and led me tp the window, and asked me a question which I could not at the moment answer. He said, "Come back here to breakfast with me tomorrow morning, and we will talk further." I w T ent, and was able to answer his interroga- tory, and we ate breakfast together. I never saw President Garfield again. \Ve were very intimate while serving in the Lower House of Con-- gress together. He always addressed me by my given name, and I did the same with him. Garfield had the intellectual power to make a great President, ami he would have done so had he not been taken away a few months after his inauguration, although possibly his generous nature BY HON. SHELBY M. CULLOM. 17 and apparent inability to oppose the wishes of his friends might have given him some trouble in the disposition of the patronage of the country, and in securing the best men for public office. He was inaugurated on March 4th, 1881, and served until July 2d, when he was stricken down in the Pennsylvania Railroad station of the City of Washington, as he was about to depart to join his wife and family at the seashore. It was also his purpose to speak at a Fourth of July celebration, where, had he been present, he would doubtless have uttered sentiments of Liberty and Union which would have rung down the ages. We now come to the third illustrious man about whom this book is written. I refer to William McKinley, the twenty-fifth President of the United States, who was serving his second term when, in the most cow- ardly and dastardly manner, he was cruelly laid low by an assassin. The country and the world suffered a great loss when he was taken away in the midst of his labors. William McKinley was largely the same type of man as Abraham Lincoln and James A. Garfield. During his early life he struggled for an education and livelihood, gradually rising in public favor as he grew to manhood. While yet a lad he volunteered, enlisted and served in the Civil War, and was a gallant officer and soldier. Returning from the war, he took an interest in politics, and was soon elected a member of the Lower House of Congress. For many years' he remained in the House. In 1890 he was chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, and was the author of the tariff act of that year, which bears his name. That act provided for a protective tariff, but it failed to pass Congress and become a law until near to the time when the general election of that year took place. The law went into effect in October, and the election was held in November. The early enforcement of the provisions of this measure so disturbed the situation, the time being too short for the people to fully understand it,, that Major McKinley was beaten, and retired from Con- gress, only to be twice elected Governor of Ohio by the people of his native State. i8 INTRODUCTION. Time went on, and the business of the country became worse and worse, until, within a few years, the trade and commercial conditions had become so hard that there was one unanimous voice of the people from all parts of the country that Major McKinley should be President. He was nominated for that high office in 1896, the great body of the people believing that his election would bring prosperity. He was elected, and good times came, which continued to improve during his first term. He was re-elected in 1890, receiving the largest popular majority ever given a candidate, and the country is now more prosperous than it ever has been in its history. President McKinley had an unusually difficult administration. Ques- tions then came up for consideration which were new to the United States, and which were at once perplexing, difficult and more or less surrounded with uncertainty as to the right course to pursue. The Spanish War, involving the necessity of freeing Cuba from Spanish rule, has been fought and won. Cuba has been made free, Porto Rico is now ours, and the Philippine Islands are undergoing the process of being civilized. Under the leadership of President McKinley we have substantially worked to a successful issue through the difficulties surrounding us ; have settled the status of Porto Rico, and we are now dealing with the Philippines in such a manner as, I think, will show hereafter to the American people and to .the world that the course of the President and Congress has been wise. I 'resident McKinley had a rare nature. He was full of kindness, full of sympathy, and desired to be the friend of all. He had more friends in the United States and was looked upon with more respect and favor by the people of foreign nations than any other President since the days of George Washington. Nothing could induce him to do an injury to any person, and his whole desire and ambition were not only to benefit our own people, but to maintain proper and friendly relations with the rest of the world. His speech at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo the day be- fore lie was shot seemed to be a message to his own people, and incident- BY HON. SHELBY M. CULLOM. 19 ally a message to the nations of the earth. There seemed to be a marked purpose in his address of a desire that other nations should be benefited as Well as our own, which idea attracted the especial favor of European governments perhaps more than any utterance of former Presidents. With all this kindliness of nature, and with all this devotion to the interests of his country and his people, it was the lot of President Me- Kinley to suffer at the hands of a miserable assassin. I trust that the time has come when the American people will take a warning from these great calamities which have come upon Lincoln, Garfield and McKinley, and take such action as will ensure the great lives of our country from harm at the hands of misguided wretches who leem to gloat upon the opportunity of taking life. Chicago, September iQth, 1901. Abraham Lincoln (From an untouched negative ill the possession of M. P. RICE. Copyrighted) PART 1 ABRAHAM LINCOLN The Great Emancipator Born Hardin County, Ky., February 12, 1809. Family removed to Spencer Comity, Ind., 1816. Death of his mother, 1818. Family removed to Macon County, 111., 1830. Captain in the Black Hawk War, 1832. Fails in grocery business at New Salem, 1833. Lincoln's Love Romance, 1835. Elected to Legislature several times. Admitted to the bar, 1837. "Duel" with General James Shields, 1842. Marriage to Mary Todd, November 4, 1842. f Elected to Congress, 1846. Debates with Stephen A. Douglas, 1858. Nominated for President, 1860. Election to the Presidency, November 6, 1860. Emancipation Proclamation issued, January 1, 1863. ^Re-nomination and re-election, 1864. Shot by John Wilkes Booth, April 14, 1865. Died April 15, 1865. PART I. Abraham Lincoln, Ghe Great Emancipator CHAPTER I. THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN THE FIRST OF A SERIES OF THREE How IT Is THAT CHIEF MAGISTRATES OF THE REPUBLIC ARE EASY PREY FOR MURDERERS LINCOLN DID NOT LIKE TO BE SURROUNDED BY GUARDS LAMON'S WARNING. The first great shock sustained by the people of the United States, a shock which spread alarm and terror throughout the country because of its very unexpectedness, was the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, six- teenth President of the United States, and, in reality, the most repre- sentative man the man closest to the "common people" who had, up to 1861, ever sat in the Executive chair. Until John Wilkes Booth, in his fierce and frightful frenzy, took the life of the Great Emancipator, the thought that any man would dare raise his hand against the chosen head of the Nation never entered the minds of the citizens of the Republic. Kings, Emperors, Queens and other monarchs had fallen beneath the blows dealt by murderers, but there was no justifiable reason why a man elected from and by the people of the United States to the Presidency should die as tyrants have died in the past. Lincoln was not an oppressor of the people ; on the contrary, he was a liberator. Lincoln was not a ruler who trod upon the rights of the people ; he deprived no man of his liberty ; he sought the maintenance of the Union, and was the controlling influence in crushing all attempts at disunion ; he sought only the good of the country and its inhabitants and yet he was slain by a cowardly, treacherous assassin. Since the death of Lincoln two other Presidents of the United States 27 28 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. have suffered from the hatred of those who sought to do harm to the cause of liberal government by destroying the ruler of a nation of free- men. President Garfield yielded up his life after months of terrible suffer- ing, and President McKinley fell at the feet of a man he had never seen. It may with truth be said that these repeated blows fell quite as heavily upon the people of other nations as upon our own. If the heads of state of the mighty North American Republic were not safe, what, then, was the status of the sovereigns and rulers of other countries, in none of which was the voice of the people the guiding power ? President Lincoln, while he did not live in a state of apprehension he was too brave a man to entertain the slightest fear for his own per- sonal safety often expressed the opinion that he would not live out his second term in the Presidential chair. He was in the White House at a time when the country was rent in twain by fratricidal strife, when the fiercest passions of men were aroused, and he well knew 7 that, at any time, some reckless spirit might strike him down from motives of revenge. He had seen the bloodiest civil war in all history, during which hundreds of thousands of men had given up their lives, and he was prepared for his own immolation upon the altar a vicarious sacrifice for the good of the nation he loved so well. It was different with Presidents Garfield and McKinley. One felt the murderous rage of the disappointed office-seeker ; the other the vin- dictive, revengeful wrath of the coldblooded anarchist who slew for the mere pleasure of slaying. There may have been a purpose in the assassi- nation of President Lincoln, for John Wilkes Booth warmly espoused the cause of the South ; Guiteau and the deadly anarchistic Pole who shot Presidents Garfield and McKinley had no cause to espouse, and consequently their crimes were purposeless. In a country like the United States, where there is absolutely no es- pionage upon the movements of the people, it is the easiest thing in the world to kill the President, who comes in contact with the people every day of his life. Where the Emperor and King moves in imperial and royal state, the -head of the Republic conducts himself like the simplest citizen. All have access to him ; he is not surrounded with a cordon of military guards ; he is merely one of the people, and he mingles with the people. Therefore, it is not a heroic act to kill a man who, unarmed and un- mindful of danger, invites the attacks of the vicious and insensate. There is really no reason whatever why the wicked, lawless devil-minded could not kill off Presidents of the United States as fast as they were elected, OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29 unless laws were passed for the suppression, or, at least, control, of the dements which breed anarchists and other vipers of that stripe and character. President Lincoln did not take even the most ordinary precautions to ensure his personal safety. All during the years he occupied the White House he was constantly eluding the guards detailed to watch over him. It irritated him beyond measure to think that he was being protected, al- though he realized that his life was precious to his country and the cause of the Union. LAMON'S PREMONITION. Ward Lamon, Marshal of .the District of Columbia, and the self- constituted bodyguard of the President, was the man who prevented the murder of Lincoln more than once. Being one of the latter's closest and most intimate friends, he had access to the White House day and night in fact, he lived there. He was at once time the President's law partner, and possessed his confidence in a greater degree than any other man in the United States. A day or two previous to the assassination Lamon went to Richmond, and before his departure implored the President not to expose himself. "Whatever you do, Mr. President," said he, "do not, by any means, go to the theater. You are more liable to attack there than any other place." "Lamon is a regular old woman," laughed the President, "and takes as much care of me as though I were a baby." However, Mr. Lincoln gave a sort of a promise that he would stay away from the theater, and Lamon departed for Richmond somewhat easy in his mind. He had hardly more than reached the fallen capital of the Confederacy when he received a telegram conveying the intelligence that President Lincoln had been shot by Booth in Ford's Theater, in Fourteenth Street. > "Had I been in Washington such a thing would never have hap- pened," said the Marshal afterwards. The circumstances surrounding the shooting of President Lincoln indicated that there was carelessness somewhere. In opposition to the wishes of Marshal Lamon the President went to the theater, at the in- stance of Mrs. Lincoln, who was exceedingly anxious to witness the play, "Our American Cousin." The wife of the President, although desirous of shielding her husband from all possibility of harm, did not for a moment think Mr. Lincoln was running any risk. Guards had been posted near the Presidential box, and the ushers, also, had orders not to permit the 30 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. approach of any persons whose actions might be construed as suspicious in any way. The fact that Booth was an actor and had often played at the theater himself, and was well known to all the attaches of the house, made it easy for him to saunter to the vicinity of where the President was sitting with his wife, Major Rathbone, Miss Harris, and others. The ushers permitted Booth to pass, although they would have stopped anyone else, in all probability, and he found his way to the box without molestation or hindrance of any kind. The guards near the box, seeing the m hers had no objection to the presence of the assassin, paid no attention to him. Having everything his own way, Booth prepared himself for the frightful deed ; he drew his revolver, and with this weapon in his right hand, he entered the box. PRESIDENT LINCOLN ASSASSINATED. President Lincoln was sitting in the front part of the box, his arm resting on the rail, intent upon what was transpiring on the stage, while those around him were also interested in the play, and did not notice the entrance of the assassin. Placing his revolver at the back of the Presi- dent's head, Booth fired, the bullet entering the brain and causing instan- taneous insensibility. The President did not move, but, closing his eyes as soon as the shot was fired, appeared as if asleep. Major Rathbone was the first one of those near the President to gain his presence of mind, and, leaping forward, grasped Booth by the arm The latter, who had dropped his revolver, had drawn a dagger, and, wrenching his arm free, stabbed Rathbone in the hand. At the same time Mrs. Lincoln, who was stunned by the awful suddenness of the oc- currence, gave vent to a piercing shriek. She rushed to the President's side, but could not arouse him from his deadly lethargy. At first the audience, though startled by the shot and Mrs. Lincoln's screaming, did not understand what had happened, and thought it part of the performance ; but they were quickly undeceived by the assassin, who now rushed to the front of the box, and leaped on to the stage, ex- claiming: "Sic semper tyrannis!" (So be it always with tyrants!), fol- lowing this by brandishing the dagger, and adding: "The South is avenged !" Then he dashed through the doors of the building, and escaped. No words can describe the scenes that ensued; for it was quickly made known that not onlv was the Prcsi lent unconscious from the mo- OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 31 ment he was struck down, but that there was no hope whatever of his recovery. To add to the thrilling excitement of the people, the audience who left the building, filled with grief and horror, had no sooner arrived in the street, than news was told them that Mr. Seward, the Secretary of State, had also been assaulted. While lying helpless, owing to a serious injury he had received through being thrown from his carriage, one of the con- spirators Payne Powell had entered his room and stabbed him three times. The gladness which had just come upon the people because of the surrender of General Lee and the collapse of the Confederacy was now instantaneously turned into sorrow ; and the night of the I4th of April, 1865, was a night of bitterness and gloom in the city of Washington. The many rumors which were afloat before midnight as to a plot to destroy the whole Cabinet, a fresh outbreak of the rebellion, and many others all tended to intensify the general anxiety; and though these reports proved to be without foundation, yet the next day brought with it greater anguish still. On that morning, at twenty-two minutes past seven, the President passed away. The plan for the assassination of Mr. Lincoln had been laid with great care. Outside of the theater, where the deed was committed, a horse was in waiting for the murderer; and though on jumping from the box to the stage he had injured his leg, Booth contrived to jump into the saddle, and was soon out of sight. Away towards the South he fled, soldiers following in hot pursuit; but not until he had readied Lower Maryland, where, for a few days, he found shelter amongst friends, was he discovered. There, in a barn, Booth was found hidden, and, on refusing to surrender when called upon, the building was fired, and he was shot dead by Boston Corbett, one of the soldiers. Some of his fellow conspirators were soon afterwards arrested four being subsequently hanged ; and it was ere long made quite clear that a plot had been formed to take the lives of other members of the Cabinet as well as that of Mr. Lincoln. From a letter found in Booth's trunk, not only was this proved, but it was shown, too, that the murder had been planned to take place just before the time when General Lee was defeated, and had only failed then because Booth's accomplices refused to move further in the matter "until Richmond" the seat of the Confederate Government '"could be heard from." The land was now filled with woe and lamentation ; and never, before 32 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. or since, were such scenes witnessed in it. All was gloom and mourning. Men walked in the public places and wept aloud as if they had been alone ; women sat with children on the steps of houses, wailing and sobbing. Strangers stopped to converse and cry. By common sympathy all began to dress their houses in mourning and to hang black stuff in all the public places. Before night the whole nation was shrouded in black. Lincoln's funeral pageant was one of the grandest, and at the same time the most touching display the world has ever seen. After the body had lain in state under the great dome of the Capitol, it was carried through the great cities of the North, where the people gathered by hundreds of thousands to greet it. After the sad journey through the country, the remains of the first Martyr President, the great Emancipator, were finally laid to rest in the cemetery at Springfield, Ills., where a magnificent monument has been erected to the memory of one of the greatest, kindliest, most magnani- mous men to whom the Republic has given birth. CHAPTER II. THE STORY OF LINCOLN'S LIFE AS WRITTEN BY HIMSELF "THE SHORT AND SIMPLE ANNALS OF THE POOR" EARLY STRUGGLES AND DIS- APPOINTMENTS His ACHIEVEMENTS AND TRIUMPHS How HE OVER- CAME ALL OBSTACLES AND BECAME THE MOST EMINENT AMONG THE RULERS OF THE EARTH. In one single line Abraham Lincoln epitomized his entire life ''The short and simple annals of the poor." These eight words constitute a history, an autobiography, in themselves. On the 20th of December, 1859, ^ r - Lincoln, who was then preparing to enter the race for the Republican Presidential nomination, wrote the following letter to a friend at Bloomington, Mr. Jesse W. Fell : "I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, Kentucky. My parents were both born in Virginia, of undistinguished families second families, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died in my tenth year, was of a family of the name of Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams and others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal grandfather, Abra- ham Lincoln, emigrated from Rockingham County, Virginia, to Ken- tucky, about 1781 or 1782, where, a year or two later, he was killed by Indians, not in battle, but by stealth, when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. "His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia from Beiks County, Pennsylvania. An effort to identify them with the New England family of the same name ended in nothing more than a similarity of Christian names in both families, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solo- mon, Abraham, and the like. "My father, at the death of his father, was but six years of age, and he grew up literally without education. He removed from Kentucky to what is now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. We reached our new home about the time the State came into the Union (1816). It was a wild region, with many bears and other wild animals still in the woods. ''There I grew up. There were some schools, so-called, but no quali- 34 OUR MYRTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. fication was ever required of a teacher beyond 'reaclin', vvritin', and ci- pherin' ' to the Rule of Three. If a straggler, supposed to understand Latin, happened to sojourn in the neighborhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition for educa- tion. "Of course, when I came of age, I did not know much. Still, some- how, I could read, write, and cipher to the Rule of Three, but that was all. I have not been to school since. The little advance I now have upon this store of education I have picked up from time to time under the pressure of necessity. "I was raised to farm-work, which I continued until I was twenty- two. At twenty-one I came to Illinois and passed the first year in Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at that time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where I remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. "Then came the Black Hawk War, and I was elected a captain of volunteers a success which gave me more pleasure than any I have had since. I went through the campaign, was elated, ran for the Legislature in the same year (1832), and was beaten the only time I have ever been beaten by the people. ''The next, and three succeeding biennial elections, I was elected to the Legislature. I was not a candidate afterwards. During this legis- lative period, I had studied law and removed to Springfield to practice it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower House of Congress, but was not a candidate for re-election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, practiced law more assiduously than ever before. "Always a Whig in politics, and generally on the Whig electoral ticket making active canvasses. I was losing interest in politics when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise aroused me again. What I have done since then is pretty well known. "If any personal description of me is thought desirable, it may be said I am, in height, six feet four inches, nearly ; lean in flesh, weighing, on an average, one hundred and eighty pounds ; dark complexion, with coarse black hair, and gray eyes. No other marks or brands recollected. "Yours truly, "A. LINCOLN." Soon after his nomination for the Presidency in 1860, Mr. Lincoln wrote out a somewhat more elaborate sketch of his life for the use of his friends in preparing a campaign biography for the canvass of that year, but it contained little or nothing in reference to his early life not given above. OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 35 LINCOLN'S ANCESTRY. It has been claimed by some that Abraham Lincoln came of a fine line of ancestors, but Lincoln himself never paid much attention to tin. -e assertions. As Napoleon said of his brave Marshal of the Empire, Lr- febvre, "He is his own ancestor." The first of this family of Lincolns came to this country from En- gland about 1637, settling first at Salem and after, vards at Hinghp.m, Mass., was the American progenitor. To the same source has been traced the ancestry of General Benjamin Lincoln, of Revolutionary fame, who received the sword of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown in 1781 ; two early Governors of Massachusetts (both named Levi Lincoln) ; Governor Enoch Lincoln of Maine, besides others of national reputation. Mordecai Lincoln, the son of Samuel, lived and died in Scituate, near Hingham, Mass. ; Mordecai II., his son, emigrated first to New Jersey and then to what afterwards became Berks County, Pennsylvania, as early as 1720 to 1725. John, his son, removed to Rockingham County, Virginia, in 1758; his son Abraham, the father of Thomas (who was the father of the Martyr President, settled in Kentucky about 1781 or 1782, where he was killed by Indians in 1784, leaving Thomas, the father of the future Presi- dent, a child of the age of six years. Abraham Lincoln, the son of Thomas Lincoln and Nancy Hanks, was born the I2th of February, 1809, in the then Hardin County, Ken- tucky. Abraham's parents were married near Beachland, in Washing- ton County, the same State, on June I2th, 1806, Miss Hanks being the niece of Joseph Hanks of Elizabethtown. After the birth of a daughter , he removed to a farm about fourteen miles from Elizabethtown, where Abraham was born, "at a point within the new County of La Rue, a mile or a mile and a half from where Hodgens' mill now is." This is according to the memorandum furnished by President Lin- coln to an artist who was painting his portrait. LINCOLN'S EARLY YOUTH. When Abraham was in his eighth year his father removed with his family to what is now Spencer County, Indiana. Here there is reason to believe their mode of life was even more comfortless than it was in Kentucky, as the country was newer and they settled in an unbroken forest. Lincoln himself says, in the paper prepared as the basis for a campaign biography in 1860, that ''this removal was partly on account of slavery, but chiefly on account of the difficulty in land-titles in Kentucky." For a time, the family lived in a sort of camp or cabin built of logs -/, OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. on three sides and open at one end, which served as both door and win- dows. A story told by Lincoln himself about his life here gives his first, if not his only, experience as a hunter. "A few days before the comple- tion of his eighth year, in the absence of his father, a flock of wild turkeys approached the new log-cabin, and Abraham, with a rifle gun, standing inside, shot through a crack and killed one of them. He has never since pulled a trigger on any larger game." Another story connected with his life in Indiana is that told by Aus- tin Gollaher, a school- and play-mate of Abraham's though somewhat older who claims to have rescued the future President from drowning in consequence of his falling into a stream which they were crossing on a log, while hunting partridges near Gollaher 's home. The same claim of having saved Lincoln's life has been set up by Dennis Hanks, presum- ably referring to the same event. In his own sketches, Mr. Lincoln makes no reference to this incident, though there is believed to have been some basis of truth in the story, as told so graphically and circumstantially by Gollaher. Here Abraham again went to school for a short time, but, according to his own statement, "the aggregate of all his schooling did not amount to one year." According to the statement of his friend Gollaher, he "was an unusually bright boy at school, and made splendid progress in his studies. Indeed, he learned faster than any one of his schoolmates. Though so young, he studied very hard. He would get spice-wood brushes, hack them up on a log, and burn them two or three together, for the purpose of giving light by which he might pursue his studies." An ax was early put into his hands, and he soon became an important factor in clearing away the forest about the Lincoln home. Two years after the arrival in Indiana, Abraham's mother died, and a little over a year later his father married Mrs. Sarah Johnston, whom he had known in Kentucky. Hr advent brought many improvements into the Lincoln home, as she possessed some property and was a woman of strong char- acter. Between her and her step-son sprang up a warm friendship which lasted through life. His devotion to her illustrated one of the strong points in Mr. Lincoln's character. In 1826, at the age of seventeen years, Lincoln spent several months as a ferryman at the mouth of Anderson Creek, where it enters the Ohio. According to a story told by him to Secretary of State Seward, after he became President, it was here he earned his first dollar by taking two travelers, with their baggage, to a passing steamer in the Ohio. It was here, too, probably, that he acquired that taste for river life which led, at Lincoln, the Hail Splitter t OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 41 the age of nineteen, to his taking his first trip to New Orleans as a hired hand on board a flatboat loaded with produce, belonging to a Mr. Gentry, a business man of Gentryville, Ind., for which he received eight dollars per month and his passage home again. An almost tragic incident connected with this trip, told by Mr. Lin- coln himself, was an attack made upon the boat and its crew by seven negroes for the purpose of robbery, and possibly murder, one night while the boat was tied to the shore along "the coast" on the lower Mississippi. The intended robbers were beaten off. but not until some of the crew had been wounded in the assault. Te negroes were themselves pretty badly used up. In March, 1830, Abraham removed with his father's family to Illi- nois. This removal was brought about largely through the influence of John Hanks, who had married one of Abraham's step-sisters, and had preceded the family to Illinois by two years. The first location was made on the banks of the Sangamon River, near the present village of Harris- town, in the western part of Macon County. Here he set to work assisting his father to build their first home and open a farm, splitting some of the rails which aroused so much enthusiasm when exhibited after his nomination for the Presidency in 1860. A year later, in conjunction with John Hanks and one or two others, he built a flatboat, on the Sangamon River near Springfield, for Daniel Offutt, en which he went to New Orleans with a load of produce. During a stay of one month in the ''Crescent City," he had his first opportunity of seeing the horrible side of the institution of slavery, and there is reason to believe that he then became imbued with those senti- ments which bore such vast results for the country and a race a genera- tion later. According to the testimony of his friend Herndon, "he saw 'negroes in chains whipped and scourged/ " LINCOLN'S FIRST SIGHT OF SLAVERY. One morning, in their rambles over the city, they passed a slave auction. A vigorous and comely mulatto girl was being sold. She un- derwent a thorough examination at the hands of the bidders ; they pinched her flesh and made her trot up and down the room like a horse to show how she moved, as the auctioneer said, that "bidders might sat- isfy themselves" whether the article they were offering to buy was sound or not. The whole thing was so revolting that Lincoln moved away from the scene with a deep feeling of unconquerable hate. Bidding his companions follow him, he sa ; d: "If ever I get a chance to hit that thing 42 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. (meaning slavery), I'll hit it hard." Judge Herndon, Lincoln's law part- ner and biographer, said this incident was not only furnished to him by John Hanks, but that he heard Mr. Lincoln refer to it himself. After his return from New Orleans, he entered the service of Offutt as clerk in a store at New Salem, then in Sangamon County, but now in the County of Menard, a few miles from Petersburg. While thus em- ployed, he began in earnest the work of trying to educate himself, using a borrowed "Kirkham's Grammar" and other books, under the guidance of Mentor Graham, the village school-teacher. Later, with Graham's assistance, he studied surveying in order to fit himself for the position of a deputy to the County Surveyor. How well he applied himself to the study of the English language is evidenced by the clearness and accuracy with which he was accustomed to express himself, in after years, on great national and international questions as he had no opportunity of study in the schools after coming to Illinois. The year after locating at New Salem (1832) came the Black Hawk War, when he enlisted and was elected Captain of his company a result of which, previous to his election to the Presidency, he said, he had not since had any success in life which gave him so much satisfaction. His company having been disbanded, he again enlisted as a private under Captain Elijah lies. He remained in the service three months, but par- ticipated in no battle. This, he often said, was no fault of his. After returning from the Black Hawk War, Lincoln made his first entry into business for himself as the partner of one Berry in the pur- chase of a stock of goods, to which they added two others by buying out local dealers on credit. To this, for a time, he added the office of Post- master. In less than a year, they sold out their store on credit to other parties, who failed and absconded, leaving a burden of debt on Lincoln's shoulders which was not lifted until his retirement from Congress in 1849. LINCOLN ENTERS THE FIELD OF POLITICS. The year 1832 saw Lincoln's entrance into politics as a candidate for Representative in the General Assembly of Illinois from Sangamon County, in opposition to Colonel E. D. Taylor, \vho afterwards became Receiver of Public Moneys at Chicago by appointment of President Jack- son. Taylor was elected, Lincoln then sustaining the only defeat cf his life as a candidate for office directly at the hands of the people. Lincoln was then in his twenty-fourth year, uncouth in dress and un- polished in manners, but with a basis of sound sense and sterling hon- esty which commanded the respect and confidence of all who knew him. OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 43 He also had a fund of humor and drollery, which, in spite of a melan- choly temperament, found expression in sallies of wit and the relation of amusing stories, and led him to enter with spirit into any sort of amuse- ment or practical jokes, so customary at that time ; yet those who knew him best say that he "never drank intoxicating liquors," nor "even, in those days, did he smoke or chew tobacco." After his disastrous experience as a merchant at New Salem, and a period of service as Deputy County Surveyor, in 1834 he again became a candidate for the Legislature and was elected. During the succeeding session at Vandalia, he was thrown much into the company of his col- league, Major John T. Stuart, whose acquaintance he had made during the Black Hawk War, and through whose advice, and the offer of books, he was induced to enter upon the study of law. Again, in 1836, he was re-elected to the Legislature. His growing popularity was indicated by the fact that, at this election, he received the highest vote cast for any candidate on the legislative ticket from Sangamon County. In the Legislature chosen at this time, Sangamon County was rep- resented by the famous "Long Nine" two being members of the Senate and seven of the House of whom Lincoln was the tallest. This Legisla- ture was the one which passed the act removing the State capital from Vandalia to Springfield, and set on foot the ill-fated "internal improve- ment scheme," in both of which Lincoln bore a prominent part. It was also conspicuous for the large number of its members who afterwards became distinguished in State or National history. On his return from the Legislature of 1836-37, he entered upon the practice of law, for which he had been preparing, as the necessity of mak- ing a livelihood would nermit, for the past two years, entering into part- nership with his preceptor n^f legislative colleague, John T. Stuart. The story of his removal, as told by his friend, Joshua F. Speed : "He had ridden into town on a borrowed horse, and engaged frOul the only cabinet-maker in the village a single bedstead. He came into my store, set his saddle-bags on the counter, and inquired what the fur- niture for a single bedstead would cost. I took slate and pencil, made a calculation, and found the sum for furniture, complete, would amount to seventeen dollars in all. Said he: Tt is probably cheap enough; but I want to say that, cheap as it is, I have not the money to pay. But if you will credit me until Christmas, and my experiment as a lawyer here is a success, I will pay you then. If I fail in that, I will probably never pay you at all.' The tone of his voice was so melancholy that I felt for him. I looked at him, and I thought then, as I think now, that I never saw so 44 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. gloomy and melancholy a face in my life. I said to him, 'So small a debt seems to affect you so deeply, I think I can suggest a plan by which you will be able to attain your end without any debt. I have a very large room, and a very large double bed in it, which you are perfectly welcome to share with me if you choose.' 'Where is your room?' he asked. 'Up- stairs,' said I, pointing to the stairs leading from the store to my room. Without saying a word he took his saddle-bags on his arm, went upstairs, set them down on the floor, came down again, and, with a face beaming with pleasure and smiles, exclaimed, 'Well, Speed, I'm moved.' '' The friendship between Lincoln and Speed, which began in, and was cemented by, this generous act of the latter, was of the most devoted character, and was continued through life. During the Civil War he was intrusted by President Lincoln with many delicate and important du- ties in the interest of the Government. His brother, James Speed, was appointed by Mr. Lincoln Attorney General in 1864, but resigned after the accession of President Johnson. After 1840 Lincoln declined a re-election to the Legislature. His prominence as a political leader was indicated by the appearance of his name on the Whig electoral ticket of that year, again in 1844 and in 1852, and on the Republican ticket for the State at large in 1856. Ex- cept while in the Legislature, he gave his attention to the practice of his profession, first as the partner of Major Stuart, then of Judge Stephen T. Logan, and finally of William H. Herndon, the latter partnership con- tinuing until his election to the Presidency. In an address before the Young Men's Lyceum at Springfield, in January, 1837, on "The Perpetuation of our Political Institutions," Lin- coln gave out what may be construed as one o_>',g earli^s* oublic ut^r- ances on the subject of^^Jg^.7 was suggested by numerous 11" ^ r** f^*** v ~ "" s TJiU mob outrages in a number of the Southern States, and by the burning of a negro in St. Louis charged with the commission of a murder. The argument, as a whole, was a warning against the danger of mob law to the principles of civil liberty enunciated in the Declaration of Independence, and a cautious plea for the right of free speech. In it he said : "There is no grievance that is a fit object of redress by mob law. In any case that may arise, as, for instance, the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two positions is necessarily true that the thing is right within itself, and therefore deserves protection of all law and all good citizens ; or it is wrong, and, therefore, proper to be prohibited by legal enact- OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 45 ments ; and in neither case is the interposition of mob law either neces- sary, justifiable, or excusable." LINCOLN'S MARRIAGE. On November 4th, 1842, Lincoln was married to Miss Mary Todd. In 1846 he was elected as Representative in Congress for the Springfield District. He made several speeches during his term, the most notewor- thy being one in which he took ground in opposition to the position of the administration in reference to the Mexican War on that subject agreeing with the famous Tom Corwin. His attitude on the slavery question is indicated by his statement that he voted in favor of the Wilmot Proviso forty-two times, and sup- ported a bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, with the consent of the voters of the District and with compensation to the owners. This was his uniform position with reference to slavery up to the time when the slaveholders forfeited their right to be protected by en- gaging in rebellion, and when its abolition became a "war measure." During the five years following his retirement from Congress in 1849, Lincoln gave his time to the practice of his profession more indus- triously than ever before. The passage, in May, 1854, of the so-called Kansas-Nebraska bill, repealing the Missouri Compromise and opening the way for the admission of slavery into territory which had been "dedi- cated to freedom," again called him into the political arena, and marked a new era in his career, and he almost immediately became one of the leaders of the opposition to that measure. During October, 1854, the State Fair being in progress, Senator Douglas came to Springfield to defend his action. In Lincoln and Lyman Trumbull he found his ablest antagonists. Two weeks later, Lincoln made, at Peoria, probably the most exhaustive argument that had, so far, been delivered on this ques- tion. At the November election he and Judge Stephen T. Logan were elected to the Legislature, but Lincoln, recognizing that his name was to come before the Legislature at the coming session, as a candidate for the United States Senate, as a successor to General Shields, declined to accept his certificate of election, thereby leaving a vacancy to be filled by a special election. By means of a "still hunt," a Democrat was chosen to fill the vacancy. When the Legislature met on Jan. ist, 1855, the Anti- Nebraska Whigs and Anti-Nebraska Democrats still had a small ma- jority. The Senatorial election came on February 8th. , Lincoln became the caucus nominee of the Whigs, Shields of the 46 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. straight-out Democrats, while Lyman Trumbull received the support of the Anti-Nebraska Democrats. On the first ballot Lincoln received his full vote of forty-five mem- bers. Trumbull received five, which, combined with the Lincoln vote, would have been sufficient to elect all other candidates receiving forty- nine votes. By Lincoln's advice, his friends went to Trumbull, and he was elected. On May 2pth 1856, Lincoln made before the Bloomington Conven- tion one of the ablest and most inspiring speeches of his life; the Re- publican party, so far as Illinois was concerned, was brought into ex- istence ; the program proposed by him at Decatur, for the nomination of Bissell for Governor, was carried into effect by acclamation, and its wis- dom demonstrated by the election of the entire State ticket in November following. In the first National Convention of the Republican party, held at Philadelphia on June 17, he was a leading candidate for the nomination for the Vice-Presidency on the Fremont ticket, receiving no votes, and coming next to William L. Dayton, who was nominated. CHAPTER III. LINCOLN'S GREAT "HousE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF" SPEECH, WHICH FIRST BROUGHT HIM INTO NATIONAL PROMINENCE JOINT DEBATE WITH DOUGLAS ELECTION TO THE PRESIDENCY OF THE UNITED STATES. Lincoln gave little time to politics until 1858, devoting his attention chiefly to his profession. The Republican State Convention met June 16, continuing its session two days. On the I7th a resolution was unani- mously adopted declaring Abraham Lincoln its "first and only choice for United States Senator, to fill the vacancy about to be created by the expiration of Mr. Douglas' term of office." In the evening Lincoln de- livered an address in response to this resolution. This is called his *'Di- vided House" speech, and its effect was startling. While it provoked the bitter criticism of his opponents who, without justification, de- nounced it as a plea for disunion it was regarded by many of his friends as ill-advised. Yet its far-reaching sagacity and foresight, which now seem to have been prompted by a species of inspired prophecy, were demonstrated by the events of less than five years later, in which he was a principal factor. LINCOLN'S "HousE DIVIDED AGAINST ITSELF" SPEECH. The following is the text of this remarkable oration : "Gentlemen of the Convention : If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was ini- tiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. 'A house di- vided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this Government cannot en- dure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved I do not expect the house to fall but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course o,f ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will push it forward, till it shall be- 47 48 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. come alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new North as well as South. "Have we no tendency to the latter condition ? "Let any one who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination piece of machinery, so to speak com- pounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to, and how well adapted ; but also let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidence of design and concert of action among its chief architects, from the beginning. "The year of 1844 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by Congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained. "But, so far, Congress had acted ; and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for more. "This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of 'squatter sovereignty,' otherwise called 'sacred right of self-government/ which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this : "That, if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Ne- braska bill itself, in the language which follows : " 'It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom ; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their do- mestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.' "Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of 'squatter sovereignty/ and 'sacred right of self-government/ 'But/ said opposi- tion members, 'let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the territory may exclude slavery.' 'Not we/ said the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment. "\Yhile the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a law case involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then into a Terri- tory covered by the Congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 49 for a long time in each, was passing through the United States District Court for the district of Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and lawsuit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negro's name was 'Dred Scott/ which name now designates the decision finally made in the case. "Before the then next Presidential election, the case came to, and was argued in, the Supreme Court of the United States, but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. "Still, before the election, Mr. Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter answers: 'That is a question for the Supreme Court.' "The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the endorse- ment, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The endorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing President, in the last annual message, as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the endorsement. The Supreme Court met again ; did not announce their decision, but ordered a re-argument. The next Presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court; but the incoming President in his inaugural address fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then, in a few days, came the decision. "The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Sillman letter to indorse and strongly commend that decision, and to express his astonishment that any differ- ent view had ever been entertained. "At length a squabble sprang up between the President and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of fact whether the Lecompton Constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or up. I do not understand his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or up to be intended by him other than an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the public mind the principle for which he declares he has suffered so much, and 50 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feelings, well may he cling to it. That principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. "Under the Dred Scott decision squatter sovereignty squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding like the mould at the foundry, served through one blast and fell back into loose sand helped to carry an election and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans, against the Lecompton Constitution, involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point the right of the people to make their own constitution upon which he and the Republicans have never differed. "The several points of the Dred Scott decision, in connection wiih Senator Douglas' care-not policy, constitute the piece of machinery, in its present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. "The working points of that machinery are : "First. That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. This point is made in order to deprive the negro, in every possible event, of the benefit of that provision of the United States Constitution which declares that 'the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States.' "Secondly. That, 'subject to the Constitution of the United States,' neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature can exclude slavery from any United States territory. This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and thus to enhance the chances of permanency to the institutions through all the future. "Thirdly. That, whether the holding of the negro in actual slavery in a free State make him free, as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the master. "This point is made, not to be pressed immediately, but, if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then, to sustain the logical conclusion^ that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott, in the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one, or one thousand slaves, in any other free State. "Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mold public opinion, at OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 51 least Northern public opinion, not to care whether slavery is voted down or up. This shows exactly where we now are; and partially, also, whither we are tending. "It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back and run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were transpiring. The people were to be left 'perfectly free,' subject only to the Constitution. "What the Constitution had to do with it outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough, now, it was an exactly fitted niche, for the Dred Scott decision to afterward come in, and declare the perfect freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment, ex- pressly declaring the right of the people, voted down? Plain enough now; the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scolt decision. Why was the court decision held up ? Why even a Senator's individual opinion withheld, till after the Presidential election ? Plainly enough now; the speaking out then would have damaged the perfectly free argument upon which the election was to be carried. Why the out- going President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a re-argument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of the decision ? These things look like the cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse preparatory to mounting him, when it is dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-in- dorsement of the decision by the President and others? "We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, dif- ferent portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times by different workmen Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for in- stance and when we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly adapted, and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few not omitting even scaffolding or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame, exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such a piece in in such a case, we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn before the first blow was struck. It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill, the people of a State as well as a Territory were to be left 'perfectly free, subject only 52 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS-ABRAHAM LINCOLN. to the Constitution.' Why mention a State ? They were legislating for Territories, and not for or about States. "Certainly, the people of a State are, or ought to be, subject to the Constitution of the United States ; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely territorial law ? But why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being precisely the same? While the opinions of the court, by Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a Territorial Legislature to exclude slavery from any United States Ter- ritory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State, or the people of a State, to exclude it. "Possibly, that is a mere omission; but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to exclude slavery from their limits, just as Chase and Mace sought to get such a declaration, in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the Nebraska bill I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been voted down in the one case as it has been in the other? "The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea and almost the language, too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion, his exact language is, 'Except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction.' "In what cases the power of the States is so restrained by the United States Constitution is left an open question, precisely as the same ques- tion as to the restraint on the power of the Territories was left open in the Nebraska act. Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision, declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude slavery from its limits. And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of 'care not whether slavery be voted down or up' shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be maintained when made. "Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such a decision is probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present po- OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 53 litical dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleas- antly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the very verge of mak- ing their State free, and we shall wake to the reality instead, that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it? "There are those who denounce us openly to their friends, and yet whisper us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is with which to effect that object. They wish us to infer all from the fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of the dynasty ; and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great man, and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But 'a living dog is better than a dead lion ;' for this work it is, at least, a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care anything about it. His avowed mission is impressing the 'public heart' to care nothing about it. "A leading Douglas Democratic newspaper, treating upon this sub- ject, thinks Douglas's superior talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He has not said so. Does he really think so? But, if it is, how can he resist it ? For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right of white men to take negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he possibly show that it is less a sacred right to buy them where they can be bought the cheapest? And unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than Virginia. He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slavery to one of a mere right of property ; and, as such, how can he oppose the foreign slave trade how can he re- fuse that trade in that 'property' shall be 'perfectly free' unless he does it as a protection to the home production ? And as the home producers will probably not ask the protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition. "Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser to-day than he was yesterday that he may rightfully change when he finds hmiself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer that he will make any particular change of which he himself has given no intimation? Can we safely base our actions upon any such vague reference? Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, question his motives, or do aught that can be per- 54 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. sonally offensive to him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle so that our cause may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But, clearly, he is not now with us he docs not pretend to be he does not pretend ever to be. "Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its o.\n undoubted friends those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every ex- ternal circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then, to falter now? now, when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered and belligerent? The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail if we stand firm, we shall not fail. W T ise counsels may accelerate, or mistakes delay it, but, sooner or later, the victory is sure to come." THE LINCOLN-DOUGLAS JOINT DEBATES. The Springfield speech was followed, a few months later, by a series of joint debates with Senator Douglas, in which Lincoln was the chal- lenging party, Douglas naming the conditions. Seven meetings were held, as follows: Ottawa, August 21; Freeport, August 27; Jonesboro, September 15; Charleston, September 18; Galcsburg, October 7; Quincy, October 13; Alton, October 15 Douglas opening and closing at four and Lincoln at three. They not only aroused the interest of both parties throughout the State, but attracted the attention of the whole country. A feature of this debate was the seven questions submitted to Douglas by Lincoln, four of which were propounded at Freeport and the other three at subsequent dates. These were a sort of offset to an equal num- ber of questions propounded to Lincoln by Douglas at their first debate at Ottawa. At the election in November, 1858 although the Republicans elected their State ticket by nearly 4,000 plurality the friends of Judge Douglas secured a majority in the Legislature, thus a second time defeat- ing Lincoln's aspirations to the United States Senate. The national reputation thus won for him was still further enhanced by his speeches in Ohio in September, 1859, still later in Kansas, and early in 1860 in the East that delivered at Cooper Institute, New York, on February 27th, 1860, being the most memorable. The latter, by their OUR MARTYR PRESIDE NTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 55 sound sentiment, convincing logic, and lofty patriotism, evoked the ad- miration of Eastern Republicans and prepared the way for what was to come at Chicago in May following. The National Republican Convention met at Chicago, May 16, and the work of nominating a candidate for President was take" the third day May 18. On the first ballot, William H. Sew coin by 53^ votes, on the second by only 3^ ; on the 23 1| votes to 180 for Seward ?11 others rp" result was announced, Lincoln' finally nominated unanimousb The su^^ding campair siasrn on the part of nis pr' one of intense bitternesr South. He was describ cultivated to the last painted as a sot and <-' habits. The electic vote and 180 electc returned for him f On the mornr field, never to re ington. Standin v dressed his friena. departure. "My Friends: " feel at this par*' lived more ' and h^" 5 6 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. diana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, and, at nearly every important station, immense throngs were gathered to greet him and bid him God-speed in the cause he had undertaken. The discovery f a plot to assassinate him in Baltimore led to a change of the program r 1n is journey at Harrisburg, and he passed through Baltimore at night with Ward H. Lamon and Allan Pinkerton, the detective, ar- in safety on the morning of February 23d. Lincoln, a.s President, Signing McKinley's Brevet e.s Ma^or President Lincoln xnd His Son "Tad" CHAPTER IV. LINCOLN INAUGURATED AS PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES His INAUGURAL ADDRESS THE MEANS OF CALLING ALL THE FRIENDS OF THE CAUSE OF THE UNION TO HlS SUPPORT WAR BEGINS IN EARNEST THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION OF JANUARY IST, 1863, FREES THE SLAVES So LONG HELD IN BONDAGE. President Lincoln entered upon his duties as the head of the nation on the 4th of March, 1861, in the face of difficulties never before pre- sented to a man in his station. The country was on the verge of civil war, and all knew it, yet the language used by the new Chief Magistrate in his inaugural address was eminently conciliatory. This address was a marvel of logic and clear reasoning, as those who read it may judge for them- selves. Excitement was at fever heat. It had been necessary for the new President to steal into the National Capital in order to prevent his as- sassination, so great was the feeling against him on the part of those who espoused the cause of secession, and had it not been for the military precautions taken by Lieutenant General Scott, commanding the Army of the United States, it is doubtful if Mr. Lincoln would have lived through the day. Secession was rampant, and there were men in the vast assemblage who would have taken his life had they dared. But the incoming President was not a man. to be frightened. He was made of too stern material for that. He delivered his inaugural ad- dress in a clear, strong voice, seemingly unmindful of the tumult all around him. LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. "Fellow Citizens of the United States : In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Consti- tution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters on the execution of his office. "I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those 67 58 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or ex- citement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the South- ern States that, by the accession of a Republican administration, their property and their peace and personal security. are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. In- deed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, when I declare that 'I have no purpose, directly or indi- rectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.' I believe I have no lawful right to do so. Those who nominated and elected me did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, and made many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read: " 'Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the right of the States, and especially the right of each State, to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endur- ance of our political fabric depend ; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.' "I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to be in any wise endangered by the now incoming administration. "I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the la\vs, can be given, will be given to all the States, when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another. "There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Con- stitution as any other of its provisions : "No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regula- tion therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be de- livered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' "It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 59 who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. "All the members of Congress swear their support to the whole Con- stitution to this provision as well as any other. "To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases- come within the terms of this clause 'shall be delivered up/ their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? "There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. "If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any one, in any case, be contenFthat this oath shall go unkept on a mere inconse- quential controversy as to how it shall be kept ? "Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, o that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave ? And might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that 'the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States' ? "I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of Con- gress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trust- ing to find impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional. "It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our national Constitution. During that period fifteen different and very distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief Constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar difficulties. "A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in the contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union f these States is perpetual. Per- 60 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. petuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to exe- cute all the express provisions of our national Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself. "Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can it, as a con- tract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it break it, so to speak ; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition, that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history cf the Union itself. "The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and con- tinued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further ma- tured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of the Confederation in 1778; and, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was 'to form a more perfect union.' But if destruction of the Union by one, or by a part only of the States, be lawfully possible, the union is less perfect than before, the Constitu- tion having lost the vital element of perpetuity. "It follows from these views, that no State, upon its own mere mo- tion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances. "I, therefore, consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, which I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. "I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the de- clared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and main- tain itself. OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 61 "In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be none unless it is forced upon the national authority. "The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. "Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and so uni- versal as to prevent the competent resident citizens from holding Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. While the strict legal right may exist in the Govern- ment to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it best to forego, for the time, the uses of such offices. "The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the Union. "So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and reflection. "The course here indicated will be followed, unless current events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper ; and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised according to the circumstances actually existing, and with a view and hope of a peaceable solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fra- ternal sympathies and affections. "That there are persons in one section or another who seek to de- stroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there be such, I need address no word to them. "To those, however, who love the Union, may I not speak, before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories and its hopes ? Would it not be well to ascertain why we do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union, if all Constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. 62 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly-written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly-written Constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolu- tion; it certainly would, if such a right were a vital one. But such is not our case. "All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guarantees and prohibi- tions in the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be framed with provision specifically ap- plicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length con- tain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authorities? The Constitu- tion does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Terri- tories? The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring all our Constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. "If the minority did not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Gov- ernment must cease. There is no alternative for continuing the Govern- ment acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a minority in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent, which, in time, will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such a mi- nority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there such a perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, and prevent renewed seces- sion? Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. "A majority held in check by Constitutional check limitation, and al- ways changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or despotism. Unanimity is impos- sible ; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly in- admissible. So that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or des- potism, in some form, is all that is left. "I do not forget the position assumed by some, that Constitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63 such decisions must be binding in any case upon the parties to a suit, while they are also entitled to a very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all the other departments of the Government ; and while it is obviously possible that such a decision may be erroneous in any given case, still, the evil following it, being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled, and never become a prece- dent for other cases, can better be borne than could the evils of a differ- ent practice. "At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that, if the policy of the Government upon the vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court the in- stant they are made, as in ordinary litigation between parties in personal action, the people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. "Nor is there in this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly brought before them; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be extended, while the other believes that it is wrong, and ought not to be extended ; and this is the only substantial dispute ; and the fugitive slave cause of the Constitution and the law for the suppression of the slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse, in both cases, after the separation of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction in one section; while fugitive slaves, now only partially sur- rendered, would nojt be surrendered at all by the other. "Physically speaking, we cannot separate; we cannot remove our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our coun- try cannot do this. They can but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens 64 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN, than laws can among friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. "This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who in- habit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing government, they can exercise their constitutional right of amending, or their revolu- tionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full authority of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, and I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. "I will venture to add, that to me the convention mode seems prefer- able, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people them- selves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand that a proposed amendment to the Constitution (which amendment, however, I have not seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, including that of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, holding such a provision now to be implied Constitutional law, I have no objections to its being made express and irrevocable. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms for the separation of the States. The people, themselves, also, can do this if they choose ; but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to admin- ister the present Government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world ? In our present differences is either party with- out faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judg- ment of this great tribunal, the American people. By the frame of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely given OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 65 their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years. "My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this sub- ject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. "If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time ; but no good can be frustrated by it. "Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. "If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for precipitate action. Intel- ligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance upon Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our present difficulty. "In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government ; while I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect and defend it. "I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. "The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature." UNION MEN STAND BY LINCOLN. The effect of this address throughout the country was electrical. All men devoted to the cause of the Union rallied around the President, who had declared in his inaugural address that his first and only thought was the preservation of the Union of the States. All other issues were for- gotten, as subservient to the issues of the hour, for it was thoroughly ap- preciated that there was now a man at the head of the Government who said what he meant anil meant what he said. In a little more than a month after the inauguration of President Lin- 66 OUR MYRTYR PRESIDENT;', ABRAHAM LINCOLN. coin grim war was on, and it was war in earnest. Fort Sumter was fired upon, the Confederacy became a fixed fact, the President called for hun- dreds of thousands of troops, battles were won and lost, the situation be- came the gravest, and the Nation was called upon to confront grave situations, and yet the brave heart of the President never faltered. He knew victory would rest with the cause of justice at last. While Lincoln was necessarily impatient for the end, he was a man who knew how to labor and to wait. When the Civil War had been in progress nearly two years he, biding his time meanwhile, prepared and issued his Emancipation Proclamation, which resulted in the freedom of the slaves and forever broke the power of the slaveholders in the United States of America. THE PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. The following is the complete text of the immortal emancipation proclamation, issued by President Lincoln, January I, 1863, at Wash- ington : "Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States, containing among other things, the following, to-wit : 1 'That xm the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thou- sand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free, and the Executive -Government of the United States, includ- ing the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. : 'That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State or the people thereof shall on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of a strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.' "Now, therefore, I, Abrahafcn Lincoln, President of the United States, OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67 by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and neces- sary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day first above men- tioned, order and designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following, to-wit : "Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemine, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, As- sumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Marie, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans), Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Geor- gia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, and Nor- iolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth), and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. "And, by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be, free ; and that the Executive Government of the. United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. "And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to ab- stain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense ; and I recommend to them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for reason- able wages. "And I further declare and make known that such persons of suicable condition will be received into the armed service of the United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. "And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, war- ranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the consid- erate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of the Almighty God. 68 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my name, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. "Done at the City of Washington, this first day of Jan- uary, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred [L.S.] and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United' States the eighty-seventh. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "By the President, "WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." CHAPTER V. LINCOLN'S BOYHOOD AND YOUNG MANHOOD AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE STORIES TOLD REGARDING HIM How HE ACQUIRED THE SOBRIQUET OF "HONEST ABE" THE FIRST DOLLAR HE EVER EARNED EXPERI- ENCES ON THE MISSISSIPPI ON A FLATBOAT PAID EVERYTHING HE OWED. No man in public life in the history of the United States rose from such obscurity and abject poverty as Abraham Lincoln. He was heaven- born and possessed attributes little less than divine, and yet his surround- ings at birth and for many years thereafter were of the most squalid de- scription. Of all those who rose' to prominence in this country and fought the battles which resulted in making the Republic what it is, Lincoln was the most typical of the self-made. He triumphed over every possible discour- agement, surmounted all obstacles to his advancement, and appeared upon the scene at the opportune time. There may have been others who were fully as capable, but Lincoln was, all in all, the man the country needed at the critical period. Whether any other man would have served his country as well is a problem yet to be solved. That he was the man of the time is conceded. Many did not know it then, but they know it now. His personality was not altogether pleasing. The East thought him uncouth and rough. The West had faith in him. And faith is everything. How LINCOLN EARNED His FIRST DOLLAR. "Did you ever hear how I earned my first dollar?" inquired Presi- dent Lincoln of Secretary of State Seward at a Cabinet meeting one day. "No," rejoined Mr. Seward. "Well," continued Mr. Lincoln, "I belonged, you know, to what they called down South the 'scrubs.' We had succeeded in raising, chiefly by my labor, sufficient produce, as I thought, to justify me in taking it down the river to sell. "After much persuasion, I got the consent of mother to go, and con- structed a little flatboat, large enough to take a barrel or two of things that we had gathered, with myself and little bundle, down to the Southern 70 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. market. A steamer was coming down the river. We have, you know, no wharves on the Western streams; and the custom was, if passengers were at any of the landings, for them to go out in 'a boat, the steamer stopping and taking them on board. "I was contemplating my new flatboat, and wondering whether I could make it strong or improve it in any particular, when two men came down to the shore in carriages with trunks, and looking at the different boats singled out mine, and asked, 'Who owns this?' I answered, some- what modestly, 'I do.' 'Will you/ said one of them, 'take us and our trunks out to the steamer ?' 'Certainly/ said I. I was very glad to have the chance of earning something. I supposed that each of them would give me one or two or three bits. The trunks were put on my flatboat, the passengers seated themselves on the trunks, and I sculled them out to the steamboat. "They got on board, and I lifted up their heavy trunks, and put them on deck. The steamer was about to put on steam again, when I called out that they had forgotten to pay me. Each of them took from his pocket a silver half-dollar, and threw it on the floor of my boat. I could scarcely believe my eyes when I picked up the money. Gentlemen, you may think it was a very little thing, and in these days it seems to me a trifle ; but it was a most important incident in my life. I could scarcely credit, that I, a poor boy, had earned a dollar. The world seemed wider and fairer before me. I was a more hopeful and confident being from that time." LINCOLN'S EXPERIENCE ON A MISSISSIPPI FLATBOAT. At the age of 19, Abraham made his second essay in navigation, and at this time caught something more than a glimpse of the great world in w r hich he was destined to play so important a part. A trading neighbor applied to him to take charge of a flatboat and its cargo, and, in company with his own son, to take it to the sugar plantations near New Orleans. The entire business of the trip was placed in Abraham's hands. The fact tells its own story touching the young man's reputation for capacity and integrity. He had never made the trip, knew nothing of the journey, was unaccustomed to business transactions, had never been much upon the river; but his tact, ability and honesty were so trusted that the trader was willing to risk his cargo and his son in Lincoln's care. The incidents of a trip like this were not likely to be exciting-, but there were many social chats with the settlers and hunters along the banks of the Ohio and the Mississippi, and there was much hailing of similar craft afloat. Arriving at a sugar plantation somewhere between Natchez OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ;i antf New Orleans, the boat was pulled in, and tied to the shore for pur- poses of trade ; and here an incident occurred which was sufficiently excit- ing, and one which, in the memory of recent events, reads somewhat strangely. Here seven negroes attempted the life of the future liberator of the race, and it is not improbable that some of them have lived to be emanci- pated by his proclamation. Night had fallen, and the two tired voyagers had lain down on their hard bed for sleep. Hearing a noise on shore, Abraham shouted : "Who's there?" The noise continuing and no one replying, he sprang to his feet and saw seven negroes, evidently bent on plunder. Abraham guessed the errand at once, and seizing a hand-spike, rushed towards them, and knocked one into the water the moment he touched the boat. The second, third, and fourth who leaped on board were served in the same rough way. Seeing that they were not likely to make headway in their thieving enterprise, the remainder turned to flee. Abraham and his companion, growing excited and warm with their work, leaped on shore, and followed them. Both were too swift on foot for the negroes, and all of them received a severe pounding. They re- turned to their boat just as the others escaped from the water, but the latter fled into the darkness as fast as their legs could carry them. Abra- ham and his fellow in the fight were both injured, but not disabled. Not being armed, and unwilling to wait until the negroes had received rein- forcements, they cut adrift, and floated down a mile or two, tied up to the bank again, and watched and waited for the morning. The trip was brought at length to a successful end. The cargo, "load," as they called it, was all disposed of for money, the boat itself sold for lumber, and the young men retraced the passage, partly, at least, on shore and on foot, occupying several weeks in the difficult and tedious journey. "Goo KNOWS WHEN." It is perhaps unknown to the majority of our readers that there was a time when Abraham Lincoln spelled God with a little "g." It is no reflection upon the Great Emancipator, for he was very young at that period. In an ancient copy-book, in which Lincoln wrote many things, that upon the fly-leaf was written : 72 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "Abraham Lincoln Holds the pen. He will be good, but god knows when." In after life Lincoln often laughed over this. "I didn't know any better," he said. No VICES, No VIRTUES. Riding at one time in the stage, with an old Kentuckian who was re- turning from Missouri, Lincoln excited the old gentleman's surprise by refusing to accept either of tobacco or French brandy. When they separated that afternoon, the Kentuckian to take another stage bound for Louisville, he shook hands warmly with Lincoln, and said good-humoredly, "See here, stranger, you're a clever but strange com- panion. I may never see you again, and I don't want to offend you, but I want to say this : My experience has taught me that a man who has no vices has d d few virtues. Good-day." Lincoln enjoyed this reminiscence of his journey, and took great pleasure in relating it. GAINS THE SOBRIQUET OF "HONEST ABE/' During the year that Lincoln was in Denton Offutt's store, that gen- tleman, whose business was somewhat widely and unwisely spread about the country, ceased to prosper in his finances, and finatty failed. The store was shut up, the mill was closed, and Abraham Lincoln was out of busi- ness. The year had been one of great advance, in many respects. He had made new and valuable acquaintances, read many books, mastered the grammar of his own tongue, won multitudes of friends, and became ready for a step still further in advance. Those who could ap- preciate brains respected him, and those whose ideas of a man related to his muscles were devoted to him. It was while he was performing the work of the store that he acquired the sobriquet "Honest Abe" a char- acterization that he never dishonored, and an abbreviation that he never outgrew. He was judge, arbitrator, referee, umpire, authority, in all disputes, games and matches of man-flesh, horse-flesh, a pacificator in all quarrels ; everybody's friend ; the best-natured, the most sensible, the best-informed, the most modest and unassuming, the kindest, gentlest, roughest, strong- est, best fellow in all New Salem and the region round about. St. Garden s Statue of Lincoln (Iti Iincolu Park, Chicago) OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 77 WOULD NOT ASK GOD'S PROTECTION. When Lincoln was working for the nomination for the Legislature the second time, he was on a certain occasion pitted against one George Forquer, who had been a leading Whig, but was now a "Whole Hog Jack- son Man," and his reward was a good office. Forquer devoted himself to taking down the young man from New Salem. He ridiculed his dress,, manners and rough personal appearance, and with much pomposity derided him as an uncouth youngster. Lincoln had noticed, on coming into Springfield, Forquer's fine house, on which was a lightning rod, then a great novelty in those parts. Lincoln, on rising to reply, stood for a moment with flashing eyes, and pale cheeks, betraying his inward but unspoken wrath. He began by discussing very briefly this ungenerous attack. He said: "I am not so young in years as I am in the tricks of the trade of the politician; but, live long, or die young, I would rather die now, than, like that gentleman, change my politics, and with the change receive an office worth three thousand dollars a year, and then feel obliged to erect a lightning rod over my house to protect my guilty conscience from an offended God." The effect upon the simple audience, gathered there in the open air, was electrical. "I AM A BLOATED ARISTOCRAT." At another time, Lincoln replied to 'Col. Richard Taylor, a self-con- ceited, dandified man who wore a gold chain and ruffled shirt. His party at that time were posing as the hardworking, bone and sinew of the land, while the Whigs were stigmatized as aristocrats, ruffled-shirt gentry. Taylor making a sweeping gesture, his overcoat became torn open, displaying his finery. Lincoln in reply said, laying his hand on his jeans- clad breast : "Here is your aristocrat, one of your silk-stocking gentry, at your service." Then, spreading out his hands, bronzed and gaunt with toil : "Here is your rag-basin with lily-white hands. Yes, I suppose, according to my friend Taylor, I am a bloated aristocrat." "ABE" AS A COUNTRY STOREKEEPER. Lincoln could not rest for an instant under the consciousness that he had, even unwittingly, defrauded anybody. On one occasion, while clerk- ing in Offutt's store, at New Salem, III, he sold a woman a little bale of 78 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. goods, amounting in value by the reckoning to two dollars and twenty cents. He received the money, and the woman went away. On adding the items of the bill again to make himself sure of correctness, he found that he had taken six and a quarter cents too much. It was night, and, closing and locking the store, he started out on foot, a distance of two or three miles, for the house of his defrauded customer, and, delivering over to her the sum whose possession had so much troubled him, went home satisfied. On another occasion, just as he was closing the store for the night, a woman entered, and asked for a half pound of tea. The tea was weighed out and paid for, and the store was left for the night. The next morning Lincoln entered to begin the duties of the day, when he discovered a four- ounce weight on the scales. He saw at once that he had made a mistake, and, shutting the store, he took a long walk before breakfast to deliver the remainder of the tea. These are very humble incidents, but they illustrate the man's perfect conscientiousness his sensitive honesty better, perhaps, than they would if they were of greater moment. PAID EVERY DOLLAR HE OWED. Mr. Lincoln was appointed postmaster by President Jackson. The office was too insignificant to be considered politically, and it was given to the young man because everybody liked him, and because he was the only man who was willing to take it who could make out the returns. He was exceedingly pleased with the appointment, because it gave him a chance to read every newspaper that was taken in the vicinity. He had never been able to get half the newspapers he wanted before, and the office gave him the prospect of a constant feast. Not wishing to be tied to the office, as it yielded him no revenue that would reward him for the confine- ment, he made a postoffice of his hat. Whenever he went out the letters were placed in his hat. When an anxious looker for a letter found the postmaster, he had found his office ; and the public officer, taking off his hat, looked over his mail wherever the public might find him. He kept the office until it was discontinued, or removed to Petersburg. One of the most beautiful exhibitions of Mr. Lincoln's rigid honesty occurred in connection with the settlement of his accounts with the Post- office Department, several years afterward. It was after he had become a lawyer, and had been a legislator. He had passed through a period of great poverty, had acquired his education OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 79 in the law in the midst of many perplexities, inconveniences, and hard- ships, and had met with temptations such as few men could resist, to make a temporary use of any money he might have in his hands. One day, seated in the law office of his partner, the agent of the Post- office Department entered, and inquired if Abraham Lincoln was within. Mr. Lincoln responded to his name, and was informed that the agent had called to collect the balance due the Department since the discontinuance of the New Salem office. A shade of perplexity passed over Mr. Lincoln's face, which did not escape the notice of friends present. One of them said at once: "Lincoln, if you are in want of money, let us help you." He made no reply, but suddenly rose, and pulled out from a pile of books a little old trunk, and, returning to the table, asked the agent how much the amount of his debt was. The sum was named, and then Mr. Lincoln opened the trunk, pulled out a little package of coin wrapped in a cotton rag, and counted out the exact sum, amounting to something more than seventeen dollars. After the agent had left the room, he remarked quietly that he had never used any man's money but his own. Although this sum had been in his hands during all these years, he had never re- garded it as available, even for any temporary use of his own. CAPTAIN IN THE BLACK HAWK WAR. In the threatening aspect of the Black Hawk War, Governor Reynolds issued a call for volunteers, and among the companies that immediately responded was one from Menard County, Illinois. Many of the volun- teers were from New Salem and Clary's Grove, and Lincoln, being out of business, was first to enlist. The company being full, they held a meeting at Richland for the election of officers. Lincoln had won many hearts, and they told him that he must be their captain. It was an office that he did not aspire to, and one for which he felt that he had no special fitness ; but he consented to be a candidate. There was but one other candidate for the office (a Mr. Kirkpatrick), and he was one of the most influential men of the county. Previously, Kirkpatrick had been an employer of Lincoln, and was so overbearing i$ his treatment of the young man that the latter left him. The simple mode of their electing their captain, adopted by the com- pany, was by placing the candidates apart, and telling the men to go and stand with the one they preferred. Lincoln and his competitor took their positions, and then the word was given. At least three out of every four went to Lincoln at once. When it was seen by those who had arranged 8o OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. themselves with the other candidate that Lincoln was the choice of the majority of the company, they left their places, one by one, and came over to the successful side, until Lincoln's opponent in the friendly strife was left standing almost alone. "I felt badly to see him cut so," says a witness of the scene. Here was an opportunity for revenge. The humble laborer was his employer's captain, but the opportunity was never improved. Mr. Lincoln frequently confessed that no subsequent success of his life had given him half the satisfaction that this election did. He had achieved public recognition ; and to one so humbly bred, the distinction was inexpressibly delightful. SOUVENIR OF LINCOLN'S PATENT. Lincoln had enough mechanical genius to make him a good mechanic. With such rude tools as were at his command he had made cabins and flat- boats ; and after his mind had become absorbed in public and professional affairs, he often recurred to his mechanical dreams for amusement. One of his dreams took form, and he endeavored to make a practical matter of it. He had had experience in the early navigation of the Western rivers. One of the most serious hindrances to this navigation was low water, and the lodgment of the various craft on the shifting shoals and bars with which these rivers abound. He undertook to contrive an apparatus which, folded to the hull of the boat like a bellows, might be inflated on occasions, and, by its levity, lifted over any obstruction upon which it might rest. On this contrivance, illustrated ,by a model whittled out by himself, and now preserved in the Patent Office in Washington, he secured letters patent ; but it is certain that the navigation of the Western rivers was not revolutionized by it. LINCOLN A MAN OF RESOURCE. Governor Richard Yates (the first), of Illinois, in a speech at Spring- field, quoted one of Mr. Lincoln's early friends W. T. Green as having said that the first time he ever saw Mr. Lincoln, he was in the Sangamon River with his trousers rolled up five feet, more or less, trying to pilot a flatboat over a mill-dam. The boat was so full of water that it was hard to manage. Lincoln got the prow over, and then, instead of waiting to bail the water out, bored a hole through the projecting part and let it run out ; affording forcible il- OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 81 lustration of the ready ingenuity of the future President in the quick in- vention of moral expedients. "FETCHED A GOOD MANY SHORT ONES." "The first time I ever remember seeing Abe Lincoln," is the testimony of one of his neighbors, "was when I was a-^mall boy and had gone with my father to attend some kind of an election. One of the neighbors, James Larkins, was there. Larkins was a great hand to brag on any- thing he owned. This time it was his horse. He stepped up before Abe, who was in a crowd, and commenced talking to him, boasting all the while of his animal. " 'I have got the best horse in the country,' he shouted to his young listener. 'I ran him nine miles in exactly three minutes, and he never fetched a long breath.' " 'I presume,' said Abe, rather dryly, 'he fetched a good many short ones, though.' " JUSTICE FOR EVEN POOR Lo. One day, during the Black Hawk War, an old Indian strayed into the camp of Lincoln's company. The men wanted to kill him, considering him a spy. A letter from General Lewis Cass, recommending him, for his past kind and faithful service to the whites, the trembling old savage drew from beneath the folds of his blanket ; but failed in any degree to appease the wrath of the men who confronted him. "Make an example of him," they exclaimed ; "the letter is a forgery, and he is a spy." They might have put their threats into execution had not the tall form of Captain Lincoln, his face swarthy with resolution and rage, interposed itself between them and their defenseless victim. The Indian left the camp unharmed. LINCOLN'S "DUEL" WITH GENERAL SHIELDS. ts^ General James Shields was Auditor of the State of Illinois in 1839. While he occupied this important office he was involved in an "affair of honor" with no less a personage than Abraham Lincoln. At this time Shields was the pride of the young Democracy, and was considered a dashing fellow by all, the ladies included. In the summer of 1842, the Springfield (111.) Journal contained some letters from the "Lost Township," by a contributor whose nom de plume was "Aunt Becca," which held up the gallant young Auditor as "a ball- 82 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. room dandy, floatin' about on the earth without heft or substance, just like a lot of cat fur where cats had been fightin'." These letters caused intense excitement in the town. Nobody knew or guessed their authorship. Shields swore it would be coffee and pistols for two if he should find out who had been lampooning him so unmerci- fully. Thereupon "Aunt Becca" wrote another letter, which made the furnace of his wrath seven times hotter than before, in which she made a very humble apology, and offered to let him squeeze her hand for satisfac- tion, adding: "If this should not answer, there is one thing more I would rather do than get a lickin'. I have all along expected to die a widow ; but, as Mr. Shields is rather good-looking than otherwise, I must say I don't care if we compromise the matter by really, Mr. Printer, I can't help blushing but I must come out I but widowed modesty well, if I must, I must wouldn't he maybe sorter let the old grudge drap if I was to consent to be be his wife? I know he is a fightin' man, and would rather fight than eat ; but isn't marryin' better than fightin', though it does sometimes run into it ? "And I don't think, upon the whole, I'd be sich a bad match neither ; I'm not over sixty, and am just four feet three in my bare feet, and not much more around the girth ; and for color, I wouldn't turn my back to nary a girl in the Lost Townships. But, after all, maybe I'm counting my chickens before they're hatched, and dreamin' of matrimonial bliss when the only alternative reserved for me may be a lickin'. Jeff tells me the way these fire-eaters do is to give the challenged party the choice of weap- ons, which being the case, I tell you in confidence, I never fight with anything but broomsticks or hot water, or a shovelful of coals, or some such thing ; the former of which, being somewhat like a shillelah, may not be so very objectionable to him. I will give him a choice, however, in one thing, and that is whether, when we fight, I shall wear breeches or he petticoats, for I presume this change is sufficient to place us on an equality." Of course, some one had to shoulder the responsibility of these letters after such a shot. The real author (it was claimed) was none other than Miss Mary Todd, afterward the wife of Lincoln, to whom she was en- gaged, and he was in honor bound to assume, for belligerent purposes, the responsibility of her sharp pen-thrusts. Lincoln accepted the situation, the principals met, but there was no duel. Lincoln had selected broad- swords, and this made the whole affair so ridiculous that Shields was glad to drop it. OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 83 LINCOLN ALWAYS DOUBTED THIS STORY. In the year 1855 or 1856, George B. Lincoln, Esq., of Brooklyn, was traveling through the West in connection with a large New York dry- goods establishment. He found himself one night in a town on the Illi- nois River, by the name of Naples. The only tavern of the place had evi- dently been constructed with reference to business on a small scale. Poor as the prospect seemed, Mr. Lincoln had no alternative but to put up at the place. The supper room was also used as a lodging room. Mr. Lincoln told his host that he thought he would "go to bed." "Bed !" echoed the landlord. "There is no bed for you in this house unless you sleep with that man yonder. He has the only one we have to spare." "Well," returned Mr. Lincoln, "the gentleman has possession, and perhaps would not like a bed-fellow." Upon this a grizzly head appeared out of the pillows, and said : "What is your name ?" "They call me Lincoln at home," was the reply. "Lincoln!" repeated the stranger; "any connection of our Illinois Abraham ?" "No," replied Mr. Lincoln. "I fear not." "Well," said the old gentleman, "I will let any man by the name of 'Lincoln' sleep with me, just for the sake of the name. You have heard of Abe ?" he inquired. "Oh, yes, very often," replied Mr. Lincoln. "No man could travel far in this State without hearing of him, and I would be very glad to claim connection if I could do so honestly." "Well," said the old gentleman, "my name is Simmons. 'Abe' and I used to live and work together when young men. Many a job of wood- cutting and rail-splitting have I <^pne up with him. Abe Lincoln was the likeliest boy in God's world. He would work all day as hard as any of us and study by firelight in the log-house half the night ; and in this way he made himself a thorough, practical surveyor. Once, during those days, I was in the upper part of the State, and I met General Ewing, whom President Jackson had sent to the Northwest to make surveys. I told him about Abe Lincoln, what a student he was, and that I wanted he should give me a job. He looked over his memorandum, and, holding out a paper, said : ' 'There is County must be surveyed ; if your friend can do 84 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the work properly, I shall be glad to have him undertake it the compen- sation will be six hundred dollars.' "Pleased as I could be, I hastened to Abe, after I got home, with an account of what I had secured for him. He was sitting before the fire in the log-cabin when I told him ; and what do you think was his answer ? When I finished, he looked up very quietly, and said : " 'Mr. Simmons, I thank you very sincerely for your kindness, but I don't think I will undertake the job/ ' 'In the name of wonder,' said I, 'why ? Six hundred does not grow upon every bush out here in Illinois.' " I know that,' said Abe, 'and I need the money bad enough, Simmons, as you know; but I have never been under obligation to a Democratic Administration, and I never intend to be so long as I can get my living another way. General Ewing must find another man to do his work.' " Mr. Carpenter related this story to the President one day, and asked him if it were true. "Pollard Simmons !" said Lincoln. "Well do I remember him. It is correct about our working together, but the old man must have stretched the facts somewhat about the survey of the County. I think I should have been very glad of the job at the time, no matter what Administration was in power." CHAPTER VI. LINCOLN ON THE CIRCUIT AS A LAWYER DETERMINED TO SUCCEED IN His PROFESSION His KINDNESS TO His STEPMOTHER His SENSE OF JUSTICE IN CONDUCTING His LAW CASES GETS THE WORST OF IT IN A HORSE TRADE ONE OF His DISAPPOINTMENTS How WAS NOMINATED FOR CONGRESS His TRUST IN GOD. Lincoln was beset by every conceivable difficulty when studying law. He was laughed at and ridiculed. It was said that it was quite as well to make a lawyer out of the stump of a tree. But Lincoln did not care. He knew what he was about and he pursued his way without disturbing himself in regard to what was said about him. He borrowed books and read them when he should have been asleep in his bed. He snatched the time for study from his waking hours, and made a lawyer of himself in spite of the opposition of those who predicted that time spent in study was time wasted. That Lincoln's attempt to make a lawyer of himself under the adverse and unpromising circumstances excited comment is not to be wondered at. Russell Goodby, an old man who still survives, told the following: He had often employed Lincoln to do farm work for him, and was sur- prised to find him one day, sitting barefoot on the summit of a woodpile, and attentively reading a book. "This being an unusual thing for farm hands at that early date to do, I asked him," relates Goodby, "what he was reading. "He answered, Tm studying.' " 'Studying what ?' I inquired. " 'Law, sir/ was the emphaffc response. It was really too much for me, as I looked at him sitting there proud as Cicero." LINCOLN'S KINDNESS TO His STEPMOTHER. Soon after Lincoln entered upon his profession at Springfield, he was engaged in a criminal case in which it was thought there was little chance of success. Throwing all his powers into it, he came off victorious, and promptly received for his services five hundred dollars. A legal friend calling upon him the next morning found him sitting before a table, upon which his money was spread out, counting it over and over. 86 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "Look here, Judge," said he. "See what a heap of money I've got from the Black case. Did you ever see anything like it ? Why, I never had so much money in my life before, put it all together." Then, crossing his arms upon the table, his manner sobering down, he added : "I have got just five hundred dollars; if it were only seven hundred and fifty, I would go directly and purchase a quarter section of land, and settle it upon my old step-mother." His friend said that if the deficiency was all he needed, he would loan him the amount, taking his note, to which Mr. Lincoln instantly acceded. His friend then said : "Lincoln, I would not do just what you have indicated. Your step- mother is getting old, and will not probably live many years. I would settle the property upon her for her use during her lifetime, to revert to you upon her death." With much feeling, Mr. Lincoln replied: "I shall do no such thing. It is a poor return at best for all the good woman's devotion and fidelity to me, and there is not going to be any half- way business about it." And so saying, he gathered up his money and proceeded forthwith to carry his long-cherished purpose into execution. A DISTINCTION WITH A DIFFERENCE. Lincoln had assisted in the prosecution of a man who had appropriated some of his neighbor's hen roosts. Jogging home along the highway with the foreman of the jury, who had convicted the hen stealer, he was complimented by Lincoln on the zeal and ability of the prosecution, and remarked : "Why, when the country was young, and I was stronger than I am now, I didn't mind packing off a sheep now and then, but stealing hens !" ABRAHAM LINCOLN AS A LAWYER. Two things were essential to his success in managing a case. One was time; the other was a feeling of confidence in the justice of the cause he represented. He used to say : "If I can free this case from technicalities and get it properly swung to the jury, I'll win it." When asked why he went so far back, on a certain occasion, in legal history, when he should have presumed that the court knew enough history, he replied : "There's where you are mistaken. I dared not trust the case on the presumption that the court knew anything ; in fact, I argued it on the presumption that the court did OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87 not know anything." A statement that may not be as extravagant as one would at first suppose. When told by a friend that he should speak with more vim, and arouse the jury, talk faster and keep them awake, he replied: "Give me your little penknife with its short blade, and hand me that old jackknife, lying on the table." Opening the blade of the penknife he said : "You see this blade on the point travels rapidly, but only through a small portion of space till it stops, while the long blade of the jackknife moves no faster but through a much greater space than the small one. Just so with the long-labored movements of the mind. I cannot emit ideas as rapidly as others because I am compelled by nature to speak slowly, but when I do throw off a thought it comes with some effort, it has force to cut its own way and travels a greater distance." The above was said to his partner in their private office, and was not said boastingly. When Lincoln attacked meanness, fraud or vice, he was powerful, merciless in his castigation. The following are Lincoln's notes for the argument of a case where an attempt was being made to defraud a soldier's widow, with her little babe, of her pension : "No contract, Not professional services, Unreasonable charge, Money retained by Def., not given by Pl'ff, Revolutionary War, De- scribe Valley Forge privations, Ice, Soldiers' Bleeding Feet, Pl'ff husband, Soldier leaving home for Army, Skin Deft, Close." Judgment was made in her behalf, and no charges made. The following reply was overheard in Lincoln's office, where he was in conversation with a man who appeared to have a case that Lincoln did not desire : "Yes," he said, "we can doubtless gain your case for you ; we can set a whole neighborhood at loggerheads; we can distress a widowed mother and her six fatherless children, and thereby get for you six hundred dollars to which you seem to have a legal claim, but which rightfully belongs, it appears to me, as much to the woman and children as it does to you. You must remember that some things legally right are not morally right. We shall not take your case." MRS. LINCOLN SURPRISED HER HUSBAND. A funny story is told of how Mrs. Lincoln made a little surprise for her husband. In the early days it was customary for lawyers to go from one county to another on horseback, a journey which often required several weeks. On returning from one of these jaunts, late one night, Mr. Lincoln dis- 88 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. mounted from his horse at the familiar corner and then turned to go into the house, but stopped; a perfectly unknown structure was before him. Surprised, and thinking there must be some mistake, he went across the way and knocked at a neighbor's door. The family had retired, and so called out: "Who's there?" "Abe Lincoln," was the reply. "I am looking for my house. I thought it was across the way, but when I went away a few weeks ago, there was only a one-story house there, and now there is two. I think I must be lost." The neighbors then explained that Mrs. Lincoln had added another story during his absence. And Mr. Lincoln laughed and went to his remodeled house. A HORSE TRADE IN WHICH LINCOLN GOT THE WORST OF IT. Abraham Lincoln and a certain judge once got to bantering one an- other about trading horses ; and it was agreed that the next morning at nine o'clock they should make a trade, the horses to be unseen up to that hour, and no backing out, under a forfeiture of $25. At the hour appointed, the Judge came up, leading the sorriest-looking specimen of a horse ever seen in those parts. In a few minutes Mr. Lin- coln was seen approaching with a wooden saw-horse upon his shoulders. Great were the shouts and laughter of the crowd, and both were greatly increased when Mr. Lincoln, on surveying the Judge's animal, set down his saw-horse, and exclaimed : "Well, Judge, this is the first time I ever got the worst of it in a horse trade." CONSIDERATIONS SHOWN TO RELATIVES. One of the most beautiful traits of Lincoln was his considerate regard for the poor and obscure relatives he had left, plodding along in their humble ways of life. Wherever upon his circuit he found them, he always went to their dwellings, ate with them, and, when convenient,- made their houses his home. He never assumed in their presence the slightest su- periority to them, in the facts and conditions of his life. He gave them money when they needed and he possessed it. Countless times he was known to leave his companions at the village hotel, after a hard day's work in the courtroom, and spend the evening with these old friends and companions of his humbler days. On one occasion, when urged not to go, he replied, "Why, Aunt's heart would be broken if I should leave town without calling upon her" ; yet, he was obliged to walk several miles to make the call. OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 89 ONE OF LINCOLN'S DISAPPOINTMENTS. At the time of Lincoln's first nomination for the Presidency, Newton Bateman, Superintendent of Public Instruction for the State of Illinois, occupied a room adjoining and opening into the Executive Chamber at Springfield. Frequently this door was open during Lincoln's receptions, and throughout the seven months or more of his occupation, he saw him nearly every day. Often, when Mr. Lincoln was tired, he closed the door against all in- truders and called Mr. Bateman into his room for a quiet talk. On one of these occasions, Mr. Lincoln took up a book containing canvass of the city of Springfield, in which he lived, showing the candidate for whom each citizen had declared it his intention to vote in the approaching elec- tion. Lincoln's friends had, doubtless at his own request, placed the result of the canvass in his hands. This was towards the close of October, and only a few days before election. Calling Mr. Bateman to a seat by his side, having previously locked all the doors, he said : "Let us look over this book ; I wish particularly to see how the min- isters of Springfield are going to vote." The leaves were turned, one by one, and as the names were examined Mr. Lincoln frequently asked if this one and that one was not a minister, or an elder, or a member of such and_such a church, and sadly expressed his surprise on receiving an affirmative answer. In that manner he went through the book, and then he closed it, and sat silently for some minutes regarding a memorandum in pencil which lay before him. At length he turned to Mr. Bateman, with a face full of sadness, and said: "Here are twenty-three mini&ers of different denominations, and all of them are against me but three, and here are a great many prominent members of churches, a very large majority are against me. Mr. Bate- man, I am not a Christian God knows I would be one but I have care- fully read the Bible, and I do not so understand this book," and he drew forth a pocket New Testament. "These men well know," he continued, "that I am for freedom in the Territories, freedom everywhere, as free as the Constitution and laws will permit, and that my opponents are for slavery. They know this, and yet, with this book in their hands, in the light of which human bondage cannot live a moment, they are going to vote against me ; I do not understand it at all." Here Lincoln paused paused for long minutes, his features sur- 90 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. charged with emotion. Then he rose and walked up and down the recep- tion-room in the effort to retain or regain his self-possession. Stopping at last, he said, with a trembling voice and cheeks wet with tears : "I know there is a God, and that He hates injustice and slavery. I see the storm coming, and I know that His hand is in it. If He has a place and work for me, and I think He has, I believe I am ready. I am nothing, but Truth is everything. I know I am right, because I know that liberty is right, for Christ teaches it, and Christ is God. I have told them that a house divided against itself cannot stand; and Christ and Reason say the same ; and they will find it so. "Douglass don't care whether slavery is voted up or down, but God cares, and humanity cares, and I care ; and with God's help I shall not fail. I may not see the end ; but it will come, and I shall be vindicated ; and these ' men will find they have not read their Bible right." Much of this was uttered as if he were speaking to himself, and with a sad, earnest solemnity of manner impossible to be described. After a pause he resumed : "Doesn't it seem strange that men can ignore the moral aspect of this contest? No revelation could make it plainer to me that slavery or the Government must be destroyed. The future would be something awful, as I look at it, but for this rock on which I stand" (alluding to the Testa- ment which he still held in his hand), "especially with 'the knowledge of how these ministers are going to vote. It seems as if God had borne with this thing (slavery) until the teachers of religion have come to de- fend it from the Bible, and to claim for it a divine character and sanction ; and now the cup of iniquity is full, and the vials of wrath will be poured out." Everything he said was of a peculiarly deep, tender, and religious tone, and all was tinged with a touching melancholy. He repeatedly re- ferred to his conviction that the day of wrath was at hand, and that he was to be n actor in the terrible struggle which would issue in- the over- throw of slavery, although he might not live to see the end. After further reference to a belief in the Divine Providence and the fact of God in history, the conversation turned upon prayer. He freely stated his belief in the duty, privilege, and efficacy of prayer, and intimated, in no unmistakable terms, that he had sought in that way Divine guidance and favor. The effect of this conversation upon the mind of Mr. Bate- man, a Christian gentleman whom Mr. Lincoln profoundly respected, was to convince him that Mr. Lincoln had, in a quiet way, found a path to the Christian standpoint that he had found God, and rested on the eternal OUR MARTYR' PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 91 truth of God. As the two men were about to separate, Mr. Bateman re- marked : "I have not supposed that you were accustomed to think so much upon this class of subjects; certainly your friends generally are ignorant of the sentiments you have expressed to me." He replied quickly : "I know they are, but I think more on these sub- jects than upon all others, and I have done so for years ; and I am willing you should know it." AN INCIDENT OF LINCOLN'S HOME LIFE. A woman relative who lived for two years with the Lincolns, told me that Mr. Lincoln was in the habit of lying on the floor with the back of a chair for a pillow when he read. One evening, when in this position in the hall, a knock was heard at the front door, and, although in his shirt sleeves, he answered the call. Two ladies were at the door, whom he invited into the parlor, notifying them in his open, familiar way, that he would "trot the women folks out." Mrs. Lincoln, from an adjoining room, witnessed the ladies' entrance and, overhearing her husband's jocose expression, her indignation was so instantaneous she made the situation exceedingly interesting for him, and he was glad to retreat from the mansion. He did not return till very late at night, and then slipped quietly in at a rear door. How "ABE"" WAS NOMINATED FOR CONGRESS. When Lincoln was an aspirant for Congressional honors the chief interest of the campaign lay in the race between Hardin fiery, eloquent, and impetuous Democrat and Lincoln plain, practical, and ennobled Whig. The world knows the res/-.lt. Lincoln was elected. It is not so much his election as the manner in which he secured his nomination with which we have to deal. Before that ever-memorable Spring, Lincoln vacillated between the courts of Springfield, rated as a plain, honest, logical Whig, with no ambition higher politically than to occupy some good home office. Late in the Fall of 1842 his name began to be mentioned in connection with Congressional aspirations, which fact greatly annoyed the leaders of his political party, who had already selected as the Whig candidate one Baker, afterward the gallant Colonel who fell so bravely and .died such an honorable death on the battlefield of Ball's Bluff in 1862. Despite all efforts of his opponents within his party, the name of the "gaunt rail-splitter" was hailed with acclaim by the masses, to whom he had endeared himself by his witticisms, honest tongue, and quaint philoso- phy when on the stump, or mingling with them in their homes. 92 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. The convention, which met in early Spring, in the city of Springfield, was to be composed of the usual number of delegates. The contest for the nomination was spirited and exciting. A few weeks before the meeting of the convention the fact was found by the leaders that the advantage lay with Lincoln, and that unless they pulled some very fine wires nothing could save Baker. They attempted to play the game that has so often won, by "convinc- ing" delegates under instructions for Lincoln, to violate them, and vote for Baker. They had apparently succeeded. "The plans of mice and men aft gang aglee." So it was in this case. Two days before the convention, Lincoln received an intimation of this, and, late at night, indited the following letter. The letter was addressed to Martin Morris, who resided at Petersburg, an intimate friend of his, and by him circulated among those who were instructed for him at the county convention. It had the desired effect. The convention met, the scheme of the conspirators miscarried, Lincoln was nominated, made a vigorous canvass, and was triumphantly elected, thus paving the way for his more extended and brilliant conquests. This letter, Lincoln had often told his friends, gave him uftimately the Chief Magistracy of the Nation. He has also said, that, had he been beaten before the convention he would have been forever obscured. The following is a verbatim copy of the epistle : "April 14, 1843. "FRIEND MORRIS: I have heard it intimated that Baker is trying to get you or Miles, or both of you, to violate the instructions of the meeting that appointed you, and to go for him. I have insisted, and still insist, that this cannot be true. "Sure Baker would not do the like. As well might Hardin ask me to vote for him in the convention. ."Again, it is said there will be an attempt to get instructions in your county requiring you to go for Baker. This is all wrong. Upon the same rule, why might I not fly from the decision against me at Sangamon and get up instructions to their delegates to go for me. There are at least 1,200 Whigs in the county that took no part, and yet I would as soon stick my hfiad in the fire as attempt it. "Besides, if any one should get the nomination by such extraordinary means, all harmony in the district would inevitably be lost. Honest Whigs (and very nearly all of them are honest) would not quietly abide such enormities. The Lincoln Monument at Springfield. 111. OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 93 "I repeat, such an attempt on Baker's part cannot be true. Write me at Springfield how the matter is. Don't show or speak of this letter. "A. LINCOLN." Morris did show the letter, and Lincoln always thanked his stars that he did. LINCOLN'S KNOWLEDGE OF HUMAN NATURE. Once, pleading a cause, the opposing lawyer had all the advantage of tke law in the case ; the weather was warm, and his opponent, as was ad- missible in frontier courts, pulled off his coat and vest as he grew warm in the argument. At that time, shirts with the buttons behind were unusual. Lincoln took in the situation at once. Knowing the prejudices of the primitive people against pretension of all sorts, or any affectation of superior social rank, arising, he said: "Gentlemen of the jury, having justice on my side, I don't think you will be at all influenced by the gentleman's pretended knowledge of the law, when you see he does not even know which side of his shirt should be in front." There was a general laugh, and Lincoln's case was won. LINCOLN DEFENDS A WOMAN PENSIONER. A woman 70 years old, the widow of a Revolution pensioner, told Lincoln that a pension agent had charged her a fee of $200 for collecting her claim. Lincoln was satisfied by her representations that she had been swindled, and, finding that she was not a resident of the town, and that she was poor, gave her money, and set about the work of procuring restitu- tion. He immediately entered suit against the agent to recover a portion of his ill-gotten money. The suit #-as entirely successful, and Mr. Lin- coln's address to the jury, before which the case was tried, is remembered to have been peculiarly touching, by allusions to the poverty of the widow, and the patriotism of the husband she had sacrificed to secure the Nation's independence. He had the gratification of paying back to her $100, and sent her home rejoicing. "WOULD LIKE TO HAVE IT NICE." Leonard Volk, the artist, relates that, being in Springfield when the nomination was announced, he called upon Mr. Lincoln, whom he found looking radiant. "I exclaimed, 'I am the first man from Chicago, I be- lieve, who has had the honor of congratulating you on your nomination for President.' Then those two great hands took both of mine with a grasp never to be forgotten, and while shaking, I said, 'Now that you will doubt- less be the next President of the United States, I want to make a statue of you, and shall try my best to do you justice.' 94 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "Said he, 'I don't doubt it, for I have come to the conclusion that you are an honest man,' and with that greeting, I thought my hands in a fair way of being crushed. "On the Sunday following, by agreement, I called to make a cast of Mr. Lincoln's hands. I asked him to hold something in his hands, and told him a stick would do. Thereupon he went to the woodshed, and I heard the saw go, and he soon returned to the dining-room, whittling off the end of a piece of broom handle. I remarked to him that he need not whittle off the edges. 'Oh, well/ said he, 'I thought I would like to have it nice.' " LINCOLN'S VISION IN 1860. Lincoln, after hearing of his nomination at Chicago for the Presi- dency, returned home, and, feeling somewhat weary, went upstairs to his wife's sitting-room, and lay down upon a couch in the room directly oppo- site a bureau, upon which was a looking-glass. "As I reclined," said he, "my eye fell upon the glass, and I saw dis- tinctly two images of myself, exactly alike, except that one was a little paler than the other. I arose and lay down again with the same result. It made me quite uncomfortable for a few minutes, but, some friends com- ing in, the matter passed out of my mind. The next day, while walking in the street, I was suddenly reminded of the circumstance, and the dis- agreeable sensation produced by it returned. I had never seen anything of the kind before, and did not know what to make of it. "I determined to go home and place myself in the same position, and, if the same effect was produced, I would make up my mind that it was the natural result of some principle of refraction or optics, which I did not understand, and dismiss it. I tried the experiment, with the same result ; and, as I had said to myself, accounted for it on some principle unknown to me, and it then ceased to trouble me. But the God who works through the laws of Nature, might surely give a sign to me, if one of His chosen servants, even through the operation of a principle in optics." Lincoln remarked to Noah Brooks, one of his most intimate personal friends : "I should be the most presumptuous blockhead upon this footstool if I for one day thought that I could discharge the duties which have come upon me, since I came to this place, without the aid and enlightenment of One who is stronger and wiser than all others." He said on another oc- casion : "I am very sure that if I do not go away from here a wiser man, I shall go away a better man, from having learned here what a very poor sort of a man I am." CHAPTER VII. LINCOLN AS THE CHIEF MAGISTRATE OF THE NATION His ENEMIES BRAND HIM AS A COWARD His SUBSEQUENT CAREER SHOWS HIM THE BRAVEST AND MOST FEARLESS AMONG ALL THE MEN WHO HELD THE DESTINY OF THE REPUBLIC IN THEIR HANDS DISDAINFUL OF THE THREATS OF ASSASSINATION HE PURSUES His WAY IN CALM- NESS AND HEROIC FORTITUDE. Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, was obliged to enter Washington as a thief in the night, and his enemies rejoiced for the reason that they deemed him a physical and a moral coward. How far they were wrong in their estimate of him time was to show. Never a more courageous man than Abraham Lincoln was ever born. Surrounded on all sides by enemies he was calm and collected. When he delivered his inaugural address there was no quaver in his voice. He knew that he was in the Valley of the Shadow of Death, and yet he did not falter. At any moment an assassin, safely hidden in secur- ity, might have taken his life, and yet he was not alarmed. He was buoyed up by his sense of duty and the responsibility devolved upon him. General John A. Logan and Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, called upon Mr. Lincoln at Willard's Hotel, Washington, February 23, the morning of his arrival, and urged a vigorous, firm policy. Patiently listening, the President replied seriously but cheerfully, "As the country has placed me at the helm of the ship, I'll try to steer her through." Soon after Mr. Lincoln began his administration, a distinguished South Carolina lady, the widow of a Northern scholar, called upon him out of curiosity. She was very proud and aristocratic, and was anxious to see this monstrosity, as he had been represented. Upon being presented she hissed in the President's ear : "I am a South Carolinian." The President, taking in the situation, was at once courteous and dig- nified. After a pleasant conversation, she said : "Why, Mr. Lincoln, you look, act, and speak like a kind, good-hearted, generous man." "And did you 95 96 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. expect to meet a savage?" said he. "Certainly I did, or even something worse. I am glad I have met you, and now the best way to preserve peace is for you to go to Charleston, and show the people what you are, and tell the people you have no intention of injuring them." The lady attended the first levee after the inauguration. LINCOLN'S UNCONVENTIONALITY IN THE WHITE HOUSE. Mr. Lincoln's habits at the White House were as simple as they were at his old home in Illinois. He never alluded to himself as "President," or as occupying "the Presidency." His office he always designated as "the place."' "Call me Lincoln," said he to a friend; "Mr. President" had become so very tiresome to him. "If you see a newsboy down the street, send him up this way," said he to a passenger, as he stood waiting for the morning news at his gate. Friends cautioned him about exposing himself so openly in the midst of enemies ; but he never heeded them. He frequently walked the streets at night, entirely unprotected ; and felt any check upon his movements a great annoyance. He delighted to see his familiar Western friends ; and he gave them always a cordial welcome. He met them on the old footing, and fell at once into the accustomed habits of talk and story-telling. An old acquaintance, with his wife, visited Washington. Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln proposed to these friends a ride in the Presidential carriage. It should be stated in advance that the two men had probably never seen each other with gloves on in their lives, unless when they were used as protection from the cold. The question of each Mr. Lincoln at the White House, and his friend at the hotel was, whether he should wear gloves. Of course the ladies urged gloves ; but Mr. Lincoln only put his in his pocket, to be used or not, according to the circumstances. When the Presidential party arrived at the hotel, to take in their friends, they found the gentleman, overcome by his wife's persuasions, very handsomely gloved. The moment he took his seat he began to draw off the clinging kids, while Mr. Lincoln began to draw his on! "No! no! no!" protested his friend, tugging at his gloves. "It is none of my doings ; put up your gloves, Mr. Lincoln." So the two old friends were on even and easy terms, and had their ride after their old fashion. An amusing, yet touching, instance of the President's preoccupation OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 97 of mind occurred at one of his levees when he was shaking hands with a host.of visitors passing him in a continuous stream. An intimate acquaint- ance received the usual conventional handshake and salutation, but per- ceiving that he was not recognized, kept his ground instead of moving on, and spoke again ; when the President, roused to a dim consciousness that something unusual had happened, perceived who stood before him, and, seizing his friend's hand, shook it again heartily, saying : "How do you do? How do you do? Excuse me for not noticing you. I was thinking of a man down South." He afterwards privately acknowledged that the "man down South" was Sherman, then on his march to the sea. STANTON WAS A VALUABLE MAN. Dennis Hanks was once asked to visit Washington to secure the pardon of certain persons in-'jail for participation in copperheadism. Den- nis went and arrived in Washington, and instead of going, as he said, to a "tavern," he went to the White House. There was a porter on guard, and he asked : "Is Abe in?" "Do you mean Mr. Lincoln ?" asked the porter. "Yes ; is he in there ?" and brushing the porter aside he strode into the room and said, "Hello, Abe ; how are you ?" And Abe said, "Well!" and just gathered him up in his arms and talked of the days gone by. Oh, the days gone by ! They talked of their boyhood days, and by and by Lincoln said : "What brings you here all the way from Illinois ?" And then Dennis told him his mission, and Lincoln replied : "I will grant it, Dennis, for old-times' sake. I will send for Mr. Stanton. It is his business." Stanton came into the room, and strolled up and down, and said that the men ought to be punished more than they were. Mr. Lincoln sat quietly in his chair and waited for the tempest to subside, and then quietly said to Stanton he would like to have the papers next day. When he had gone Dennis said : "Abe, if I was as big and as ugly as you are, I would take him over my knee and spank him." Lincoln replied : "No, Stanton is an able and valuable man for this nation, and I am glad to bear his anger for the service he can give this nation." 98 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ANYTHING BUT A BED OF ROSES. An old and intimate friend from Springfield called on the President and found him much depressed. The President was reclining on a sofa, but rising suddenly, he said to his friend : "You know better than any man living that from my boyhood up my ambition was to be President. I am President of one part of this divided country at least ; but look at me ! Oh, I wish I had never been born ! I've a white elephant on my hands, one hard to manage. With a fire in my front and rear to contend with, the jealousies of military commanders, and not receiving the cordial co-operative support from Congress that could reasonably be expected with an active and formidable enemy in the field threatening the very life-blood of the Government, my position is anything but a bed of roses." LINCOLN'S STORY ABOUT His HAIR. "By the way," said Mr. Lincoln to Colonel Cannon, "I can tell you a good story about my hair. When I was nominated at Chicago, an enterprising fellow thought that a great many_ people would like to see how Abe Lincoln looked, and, as I had not long before sat for a photo- graph, the fellow, having seen it, rushed over and bought the negative. "He at once got no end of wood-cuts, and so active was their circu- lation they were soon selling in all parts of the country. "Soon after they reached Springfield. I heard a boy crying them for sale on the streets. 'Here's your likeness of Abe Lincoln!' he shouted. 'Buy one, price only two shilling's ! Will look a great deal better when he gets his hair combed !' " "On, PA ! HE'S JUST BEAUTIFUL !" Lincoln's great love for children easily won their confidence. A little girl, who had been told that the President was very homely, was taken by her father to see the President at the White House. Lincoln took her upon his knee and chatted with her for a moment in his merry \vay, when she turned to her father and exclaimed: "Oh, Pa ! he isn't ugly at all ; he's just beautiful !" LINCOLN'S SIMPLICITY IN HOME LIFE. Mr. Jeriah Bonham describes a visit that he paid Mr. Lincoln at his OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 99 room in the State House, where he found him quite alone except that two of his children, one of whom was Tad, were with him. The door was open. We walked in and were at once recognized and seated the two boys still continuing their play about the room. Tad was spinning his top ; and Mr. Lincoln, as we entered, had just finished adjusting the string for him so as to give the top the greatest degree of force. He remarked that he was having a little fun with the boys. At another time, at Lincoln's residence, Tad came into the room, and putting his hand to his mouth, and his mouth to his father's ear, said in a boy's whisper, "Ma says come to supper." All heard the announcement, and Mr. Lincoln, perceiving this, said : "You have heard, gentlemen, the announcement concerning the interesting state of things in the dining-room. It will never do for me, if elected, to make this young man a member of my cabinet, for it is plain he cannot be trusted with secrets of state." LINCOLN'S GREAT LOVE FOR LITTLE "TAD." No matter who was with the President, or how intently absorbed, his little son "Tad" was always welcome. He almost always accompanied his father. Once, on the way to Fortress Monroe, he became very trouble- some. The President was much engaged in conversation with the party who accompanied him, and he at length said : " 'Tad,' if you will be a good boy, and not disturb me any more until we get to Fortress Monroe, I will give you a dollar." The hope of reward was effectual for a while in securing silence, but, boy-like, "Tad" soon forgot his promise, and was as noisy as ever. Upon reaching their destination, however, he said, very promptly, "Father, I want my dollar." Mr. Lincoln looked at him half-reproachfully for an instant, and then taking from his pocketbook a dollar note, he said : "Well, my son, at any rate, I. will keep my part of the bargain." While paying a visit to Commodore Porter, of Fortress Monroe, on one occasion, an incident occurred, subsequently related by Lieutenant Braine, one of the officers on board the flag-ship, to the Rev. Dr. Ewer, of New York. Noticing that the banks of the river were dotted with spring blossoms, the President said, with the manner of one asking a special favor: "Commodore, 'Tad' is very fond of flowers ; won't you let a couple of zoo OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. your men take a boat and go with him for an hour or two along the shore, and gather a few ? It will be a great gratification to him." DEATH OF LINCOLN'S SON WILLIE. In February, 1862, Mr. Lincoln was visited by a severe affliction in the death of his beautiful son, Willie, and the extreme illness of his son Thomas, familiarly called "Tad." This was a new burden, and the visi- tation which, in his firm faith in Providence, he regarded as providential, was also inexplicable. A Christian lady from Massachusetts, who was officiating as nurse in one of the hospitals at the time, came to attend the sick children. She reports that Mr. Lincoln watched with her about the bedside of the sick ones, and that he often walked the room, saying sadly : "This is the hardest trial of my life ; why is it ? Why is it ?" In the course of conversation with her, he questioned her concerning her situation. She told him that she was a widow, and that her husband and two children were in Heaven; and added that she saw the hand of God in it all, and that she had never loved him so much before as she had since her affliction. "How is that brought about ?" inquired Mr. Lincoln. "Simply by trusting in God and feeling that he does all things well," she replied. "Did you submit fully under the first loss ?" he asked. "No," she answered, "not wholly ; but, as blow came upon blow, and all were taken, I could and did submit, and was very happy." He responded: "I am glad to hear you say that. Your experi- ence will help me to bear my affliction." "It was during the dark days of 1863," says Schuyler Colfax, "on the evening of a public reception given at the White House. The foreign legations were there gathered about the President. "A young English nobleman was just being presented to the Presi- dent. Inside the door, evidently overawed by the splendid assemblage, was an honest- faced old farmer, who shrank from the passing crowd until he and the plain-faced old lady clinging to his arm were pressed back to the wall. "The President, tall, and, in a measure, stately in his personal pres- ence, looking over the heads of the assembly, said to the English noble- man : 'Excuse me, my Lord, there's an old friend of mine/ "Passing backward to the door, Mr. Lincoln said, as he grasped the old farmer's hand : OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 101 " 'Why, John, I'm glad to see you. I haven't seen you since you and I made rails for old Mrs. , in Sangamon County, in 1837. How are you ?' "The old man turned to his wife with quivering lip, and without re- plying to the President's salutation, said : " 'Mother, he's just the same old Abe !' ' 'Mr. Lincoln,' he said finally, 'you know we had three boys ; they all enlisted in the same company; John was killed in the "seven-days' fight" ; Sam was taken prisoner and starved to death, and Henry is in the hospital. We had a little money, an' I said, "Mother, we'll go to Washington and see him. An' while we were here," I said, "we'll go up and see the President." ' "Mr. Lincoln's eyes grew dim, and across his rugged, homely, tender face swept the wave of sadness his friends had learned to know, and he said: " 'John, we all hope this miserable war will soon be over. I must see all these folks here for an hour or so, and I want to talk with you.' The old lady and her husband were hustled into a private room, in spite of their protests." "TIME LOST DON'T COUNT." Mr. Weed, the veteran journalist and politician, relates how, when he was opposing the claims of Montgomery Blair, who aspired to a Cab- inet appointment, when Mr. Lincoln inquired of Mr. Weed whom he would recommend, "Henry Winter Davis," was the response. "David Davis, I see, has been posting you up on this question," retorted Lincoln. "He has Davis on the brain. I think Maryland must be a good State to move from." The President then told a story of a witness in court in a neigh- boring county, who, on being asked his age, replied, "Sixty." Being satisfied he was much older the question was repeated, and on receiving the same answer the court admonished the witness, saying, "The court knows you to be much older than sixty." "Oh, I understand now," was the rejoinder, "you're thinking of those ten years I spent on the eastern shore of Maryland; that was so much time lost, and didn't count." A CABINET RECONSTRUCTION INCIDENT. The President had decided to select a new war minister, and the leading Republican Senators thought the occasion was opportune to change the whole seven Cabinet ministers. They, therefore, earnestly advised 102 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. him to make a clean sweep, and select seven new men, and so restore the waning confidence of the country. The President listened with patient courtesy, and when the Senators had concluded he said, with a charac- teristic gleam of humor in his eye : "Gentlemen, your request for a change of the whole Cabinet because I have made one change, reminds me of a story I once heard in Illinois, of a farmer who was much troubled by skunks. His wife insisted on his trying to get rid of them. He loaded his shotgun one moonlight night and awaited developments. After some time the wife heard the shotgun go off, and, in a few minutes, the farmer entered the house. 'What luck have you?' said she. 'I hid myself behind the wood-pile,' said the old man, 'with the shotgun pointed towards the hen roost, and before long there appeared not one skunk, but seven. I took aim, blazed away, killed one, and he raised such a fearful smell that I concluded it was best to let the other six go.' " The Senators laughed and retired. WAS ALL RIGHT, BUT A CHRONIC SQUEALER. One of the Northern Governors was able, earnest, and untiring in aiding the administration, but always complaining. After reading all his papers, the President said, in a cheerful and reassuring tone : "Never mind, never mind; those dispatches don't mean anything. Just go right ahead. The Governor is like a boy I saw once at a launch- ing. When everything was ready, they picked out a boy and sent him under the ship to knock away the trigger and let her go. At the critical moment everything depended on the boy. He had to do the job well by a direct, vigorous blow, and then lie flat and keep still while the boat slid over him. "The boy did everything right, but he yelled as if he were being mur- dered from the time he got under the keel until he got out. I thought the hide was all scraped off his back ; but he wasn't hurt at all. "The master of the yard told me that this boy was always chosen for that job, that he did his work well, that he never had been hurt, but that he always squealed in that way. That's just the way with Governor . Make up your mind that he is not hurt, and that he is doing the work right, and pay no attention to his squealing. He only wants to make you understand how hard his task is, and that he is on hand performing it." OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 103 SAID LINCOLN WAS A D D FOOL. Mr. Love joy, heading a committee of Western men, discussed an important scheme with the President, and was then directed to explain it to Secretary Stanton. Upon presenting themselves to the Secretary, and showing the President's order, the Secretary said, "Did Lincoln give you an order of that kind ?" "He did, sir." "Then he is a d d fool," said the angry Secretary. "Do you mean to say that the President is a d d fool?" asked Lovejoy, in amazement. "Yes, sir, if he gave you such an order as that." The bewildered Illinoisan betook himself at once to the President and related the result of the conference. "Did Stanton say I was a d d fool?" asked Lincoln, at the close of the recital. "He did, sir, and repeated it." After a moment's pause, and looking up, the President said: "If Stanton said I was a d d fool, then I must be one, for he is nearly always right, and generally says what he means. I will slip over and see him." ONE MAN JUST AS GOOD AS ANOTHER. Secretary Chase, when Secretary of the Treasury, had a disagree- ment, and the Secretary had resigned. The President was urged not to accept it, as "Secretary Chase is today a national necessity," his advisers said. "How mistaken you are!" he quietly observed. "Yet it is not strange ; I used to have similar notions. No ! if we should all be turned out tomorrow, and could come back here in a week, we should find our places filled by a lot of fellows doing just as well as we did, and in many instances better. "As the Irishman said, 'In this country one man is as good as another ; and, for the matter of that, very often a great deal better.' No ; this Government does not depend upon the life of any man." DID ANNA SEE HIM WINK? Noah Brooks, in his "Reminiscences," relates the following incident : While the ceremonies of the second inauguration were in progress, just as Lincoln stepped forward to take the oath of office, the sun, which had been obscured by rain-clouds, burst in splendor. In conversation the next day, the President asked : "Did you notice that sun-burst? It made my heart jump." 104 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Later in the month, Miss Anna Dickinson, in a lecture delivered in the hall of the House of Representatives, eloquently alluded to the sun- burst as a happy omen. The President sat directly in front of the speaker, and from the reporters' gallery, behind her, I had caught his eye, soon after he sat down. When Miss Dickinson referred to the sun-beam, he looked up to me, involuntarily, and I thought his eyes were suffused with moisture. Perhaps they were ; but the next day he said : "I wonder if Miss Dickinson saw me wink at you ?" "Bux THEN HERE I AM !" An old acquaintance of the President visited him in Washington. Lincoln desired to give him a place. Thus encouraged, the visitor, who was an honest man, but wholly inexperienced in public affairs or business, asked for a high office, Superintendent of the Mint. The President was aghast, and said : "Good gracious ! Why didn't he ask to be Secretary of the Treasury, and have done with it?" Afterwards, he said: "Well, now, I never thought Mr: had anything more than average ability, when we were young men together. But, then, I suppose he thought the same thing about me, and here I am !" "AARON GOT His COMMISSION, You KNOW." President Lincoln was censured for appointing to office a man who had zealously opposed his second term. He replied: "Well, I suppose Judge E., having been disappointed before, did behave pretty ugly, but that wouldn't make him any less fit for the place ; and I think I have Scriptural authority for appointing him. "You remember when the Lord was on Mount Sinai getting out a commission for Aaron, that same Aaron was at the foot of the mountain making a false god for the people to worship. Yet Aaron got his com- mission, you know." CHAPTER VIII. LINCOLN DURING THE WAR OF THE REBELLION A MAN OF SENTIMEN- TALITY AND DEEP FEELING SATISFIED WITH THE WAY GENERAL GRANT DID THINGS THE DUTCH GAP CANAL THE PRESIDENT'S BELIEF IN THE EFFICIENCY OF THE MONITOR His ABSENCE OF FEAR REGARDING ASSASSINATION. During the progress of the War of the Rebellion 1861-65 Presi- dent Lincoln, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, was in active control of affairs. Yet he did not obnoxiously obtrude with his authority, although in instances like the failure of Gen- eral McClellan to take Richmond when he was within twelve miles of the Confederate Capital he would have been justified in interfering. When General Grant came upon the scene it was different. Grant was a man who knew his business, and his commander appreciated the fact. "I like this man Grant ; he fights !" said Lincoln to those who sought the removal and downfall of the grim and silent soldier who never lost a battle. Grant was everything within himself. He did not let the President nor anyone else know what he proposed to do, but Lincoln was not dis- pleased because of this. On the contrary, he was contented and satis- fied. On the 3oth of April, 1864, after Grant had been commissioned Lieutenant General and Commander of all the Armies of the Union, the President wrote him the following letter : "EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, April 30, 1864. "Lieutenant General Grant: "Not expecting to see you before the spring campaign opens, I wish to express in this way my entire satisfaction with what you have done up to this time, so far as I understand it. "The particulars of your plan I neither know, nor seek to know. You are vigilant and self-reliant, and, pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude any restraints or constraints upon you. "While I am very anxious that any great disaster, or capture of our men in great numbers, shall be avoided, I know that these points are less likely to escape your attention than they would be mine. 103 io6 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "If there be anything wanting, which is within my power to give, do not fail to let me know it. "And now, with a brave army and a just cause, may God sustain you. "Yours very truly, "ABRAHAM LINCOLN." Grant had his own way after that. AFRAID OF THE DUTCH GAP CANAL. The President, in company with General Grant, was inspecting the Dutch Gap Canal at City Point. His opinion of the success of the enterprise he made known to Gen- eral Grant in his usual manner. "Grant, do you know what this reminds me of ? Out in Springfield, 111., there was a blacksmith named . One day, not having much to do, he took a piece of soft iron, and attempted to weld it into an agri- cultural implement, but discovered that the iron would not hold out ; then he concluded it would make a claw hammer; but having too much iron attempted to make an ax, but decided after working a while that there was not enough iron left. "Finally, becoming disgusted, he filled the forge full of coal and brought the iron to a white heat ; then with his tongs he lifted it from the bed of coals, and thrusting it into a tub of water near by, exclaimed with an oath, 'Well, if I can't make anything else of you, I will make a fizzle anyhow.' "I was afraid that was about what we had done with the Dutch Gap Canal." NOT SATISFIED WITH GENERAL MCCLELLAN. President Lincoln was not satisfied with General McClellan as a fighting man. At one time he said : "General McClellan is a pleasant and scholarly gentleman. "He is an admirable military engineer, but he seems to have a special talent for a stationary engine." The President had no fault of this sort to find with General Grant. THE PRESIDENT AND THE MONITOR. The President expressed his belief in the Monitor, to Captain Fox, the adviser of Captain Ericsson, who constructed the Monitor. "I am not prepared for disastrous results, why should I be ? We have three of the OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 107 most effective vessels in Hampton Roads, and any number of small craft that will hang on the stern of the Merrimac like small dogs on the haunches of a bear. They may not be able to tear her down, but they will interfere with the comfort of her voyage. Her trial trip will not be a pleasure trip, I am certain. "We have had a big share of bad luck already, but I do not believe the future has any such misfortunes in store for us as you anticipate." Said Captain Fox : "If the Merrimac does not sink our ships, who is to prevent her from dropping her anchor in the Potomac, where that steamer lies ?" pointing to a steamer at anchor below the long bridge, "and throw- ing her hundred-pound shells into this room, or battering down the walls of the Capitol?" "The Almighty, Captain," answered the President, excitedly, but without the least affectation. "I expect set-backs, defeats ; we have had them and shall have them. They are common to all wars. But I have not the slightest fear of any result which shall fatally impair our military and naval strength, or give other powers any right to interfere in our quarrel. The destruction of the Capitol would do both. "I do not fear it, for this is God's fight, and He will win it in His own good time. He will take care that our enemies will not push us too far. "Speaking of iron-clads," said the President, "you do not seem to take the little Monitor into account. I believe in the Monitor and her commander. If Captain Worden does not give a good account of the Monitor and of himself, I shall have made a mistake in following my judgment for the first time since I have been here, Captain. I have not made a mistake in following my clear judgment of men since this war began. I have followed that judgment when I gave Worden the com- mand of the Monitor. I would make the appointment over again today. The Monitor should be in Hampton Roads now. She left New York eight days ago." After the captain had again presented what he con- sidered the possibilities of failure, the President replied, "No, no, Captain, I respect your judgment, as you have reason to know, but this time you are all wrong. "The Monitor was one of my inspirations ; I believed in her firmly when that energetic contractor first showed me Ericsson's plans. Captain Ericsson's plain but rather enthusiastic demonstration made my conver- sion permanent. It was called a floating battery then ; I called it a raft. I caught some of the inventor's enthusiasm, and it has been growing upon me. I thought then, and I am confident now, it is just what we want. I am sure that the Monitor is still afloat, and that she will yet give a good io8 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. account of herself. Sometimes I think she may be the veritable sling with a stone that will yet smite the Merrimac Philistine in the forehead." Soon was the President's judgment verified, for_the "Fight of the Monitor and Merrimac" changed all the conditions of naval warfare. After the victory was gained, the presiding Captain Fox and others went on board the Monitor, and Captain Worden was requested by the President to narrate the history of the encounter. Captain Worden did so in a modest manner, and apologized for not being able to better provide for his guests. The President smilingly re- sponded: "Some uncharitable people say that old Bourbon is an indis- pensable element in the fighting qualities of some of our generals in the field, but, Captain, after the account that we have heard today, no one will say that any Dutch courage is needed on board the Monitor." "It never has been, sir," modestly observed the captain. Captain Fox then gave a description of what he saw of the engage- ment and described it as indescribably grand. Then, turning to the Presi- dent, he continued, "Now, standing here on the deck of this battle-scarred vessel, the first genuine iron-clad the victor in the first fight of iron- clads let me make a confession, and perform an act of simple justice. "I never fully believed in armored vessels until I saw this battle. "I know all the facts which united to give us the Monitor. I with- hold no credit from Captain Ericsson, her inventor, but I know that the country is principally indebted for the construction of the vessel to Presi- dent Lincoln, and for the success of her trial to Captain Worden, her commander." HOOD'S USEFULNESS WAS GONE. When Hood's army had been scattered into fragments, Lincoln, elated by the defeat of what had so long been a menacing force on the borders of Tennessee, was reminded by its collapse of the fate of a savage dog belong- ing to one of his neighbors in the frontier settlements in which he lived in his youth. "The dog," he said, "was the terror of the neighborhood, and its owner, a churlish and quarrelsome fellow, took pleasure in the brute's forci- ble attitude. Finally, all other means having failed to subdue the crea- ture, a man loaded a lump of meat with a charge of powder, to which was attached a slow fuse ; this was dropped where the dreaded dog would find it, and the animal gulped down the tempting bit. "There was a dull rumbling, a muffled explosion, and fragments of the dog were seen flying in every direction. The grieved owner, picking The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln Escape of Booth, the Assassin John Wilkes Booth, President Lincoln's Assassin OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 113 up the shattered remains of his cruel favorite, said : 'He was a good dog, but as a dog, his days of usefulness are over.' "Hood's army was a good army," said Lincoln, by way of comment, "and we were all afraid of it, but as an army, its usefulness is gone." WANTED A BARREL FOR EACH GENERAL. Just previous to the fall of Vicksburg a self-constituted committee, solicitous for the morals of our armies, took it upon themselves to visit the President and urge the removal of General Grant. In some surprise Mr. Lincoln inquired, "For what reason?" "Why," replied the spokesman, "he drinks too much whisky." "Ah!" rejoined Mr. Lincoln, dropping his lower lip, "by the way, gentlemen, can either of you tell me where General Grant procures his whisky ? Because, if I can find out, I will send .every general in the field a barrel of it !" ONE YOUNG ONE ACCOUNTED FOR. Burnside was shut up in Konxville, Tenn., for a time, and there was great solicitude all over the country on his account, as his communica- tions with the North were temporarily cut off. One day Washington was startled. The long silence concerning Burnside's movements was broken by an urgent call from him for succor. Lincoln, relieved by the news that Burnside was safe, at least, said that he was reminded of a woman who lived in a forest clearing in Indi- ana, her cabin surrounded by hazel bushes, in which some of her numer- ous flock of children were continually being lost; when she heard a squall from one of these in the distance, although she knew that the child was in danger, perhaps frightened by a rattlesnake, she would say, "Thank God ! there's one of my young ones that isn't lost." WAS WILLING TO LET OLD JEFF Go. When Grant saw that Lee must soon capitulate, Grant asked the President whether he should try to capture Jeff Davis, or let him escape from the country if he would. The President said : "About that, I told him the story of an Irishman, who had the pledge of Father Matthew. He became terrible thirsty, and applied to the bartender for a lemonade, and while it was being prepared he whis- pered to him, 'And couldn't ye put a little brandy in it all unbeknown to myself?' "I told Grant if he could let Jeff Davis escape all unbeknown to himself, to let him go, I didn't want him." 114 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. WAS NOT AFRAID OF BEING ASSASSINATED. The President, one day, said philosophically, "I long ago made up my mind that if anybody wants to kill me, he will do it. Besides, in this case, it seems to me, the man who would succeed me, would be just as objectionable to my enemies if I have any." One dark night, as he was going out with a friend, he took along a heavy cane, remarking good-naturedly: "'Mother' (Mrs. Lincoln) has got a notion into her head that I shall be assassinated, and to please her I take the cane when I go over to the War Department at night when I don't forget it." Mr. Nichols relates this thrilling incident : "One night I was doing sentinel duty, at the entrance to the Soldier's Home. This was about the middle of August, 1864. About eleven o'clock I heard a rifle shot, in the direction of the city, and shortly afterwards I heard approaching hoof beats. In two or three minutes a horse came dashing up. I recog- nized the belated President. The President was bareheaded. The Presi- dent simply thought that his horse had taken fright at the discharge of the firearms. "On going back to the place where the shot had been heard, we found the President's hat. It was a plain silk hat, and upon examina- tion we discovered a bullet hole through the crown. "The next day, upon receiving the hat, the President remarked that it was made by some foolish marksman, and was not intended for him; but added, that he wished nothing said about the matter."" PASSES TO RICHMOND NOT HONORED. A gentleman called upon President Lincoln before the fall of Rich- mond and solicited a pass for that place. "I should be very happy to oblige you," said the President, "if my passes were respected ; but the fact is, I have, within the past two years, given passes to two hundred and fifty thousand men to go to Richmond and not one has got there yet." WAS SORRY TO LOSE THE HORSES. When President Lincoln heard of the rebel raid at Fairfax, in which a Brigadier General and a number of valuable horses were cap- tured, he gravely observed: "Well, I am sorry for the horses." "Sorry for the horses, Mr. President!" exclaimed the Secretary of OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 115 War, raising his spectacles and throwing himself back in his chair in astonishment. "Yes," replied Mr. Lincoln, "I can make a Brigadier General in five minutes, but it is not easy to replace a hundred and ten horses." CHARLES CERTAINLY LOST His HEAD. Jefferson Davis, it appears, insisted on being recognized as a com- mander or President in the regular negotiation with the Government. This Mr. Lincoln would not consent to. Mr. Hunter hereupon referred to the correspondence between King Charles the First and his Parliament as a precedent for a negotiation between a constitutional ruler and rebels. Mr. Lincoln's face then wore that indescribable expression which generally preceded his hardest hits, and he remarked: "Upon questions of history, I must refer you to Mr. Seward, for he is posted on such things, and I don't profess to be; but my only distinct recollection of the matter is, that Charles lost his head." CHAPTER IX. LINCOLN'S SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS ON MARCH 4TH, 1865 THE LAST SPEECH MADE BY THE MARTYR PRESIDENT, IN RESPONSE TO A SERENADE, BEFORE His ASSASSINATION TEXT OF His IMMORTAL ADDRESS ON THE BATTLEFIELD OF GETTYSBURG. President Lincoln's second inaugural address, delivered March 4th, 1865, i s celebrated for the tone of kindliness and charity which pervades it : "FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN : At this second appearing to take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then, a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expi- ration of four years, during which public declarations have been con- stantly called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. "The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself ; and it is, I trust, reasonably satis- factory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no pre- diction in regard to it is ventured. "On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it ; all sought to avoid it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to save the Union without war, insur- gent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish ; and the war came. "One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not dis- tributed generally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate and extend this interest, was the object for which the insur- 116 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 117 gents would rend the Union even by war, while the Government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. "Neither party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself would cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. "Both read the same Bible and pray to the same God, and each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of both could not be answered. That of neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has His own purposes. 'Woe unto the world because of offenses, for it must needs be that offenses come; but woe to that man by whom the offense cometh.' If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of these offenses, which in the Providence of God must needs come, but which, having continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives to both North and South this terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, shall we discern therein any departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe to Him? "Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may soon pass away. Yet if God wills that it continue until the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unre- quited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thou- sand years ago, so still it must be said, that 'the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.' "With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and orphans, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and a lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations." THE LAST SPEECH OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN. The last speech ever made by President Lincoln was on the night of April 1 5th, 1865, three days before his assassination. It was in re- xx8 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. sponse to a serenade at the White House, in rejoicing over the virtual close of the war: "FELLOW-CITIZENS: We meet this evening not in sorrow, but in gladness of heart. The evacuation of Petersburg and Richmond, and the surrender of the principal insurgent army, give hope of a righteous and speedy peace whose joyous expression cannot be restrained. In the midst of this, however, He from whom all blessings flow must not be forgotten. A call for a national thanksgiving is being prepared, and will be duly promulgated. Nor must those whose harder part gives us the cause of rejoicing be overlooked. "Their honors must not be parceled out with the others. I myself was near the front, and had the high pleasure of transmitting much of the good news to you; but no part of the honor, for plan or execution, is mine. To General Grant, his skillful officers and brave men, all be- longs. The gallant navy stood ready, but was not in reach to take active part. "By these recent successes, the re-inauguration of the national au- thority, reconstruction, which has had a large share of thought from the first, is pressed much more closely upon our attention. It is fraught with great difficulty. Unlike the case of a war between independent nations, there is no authorized organ for us to treat with. No man has authority to give up the rebellion for any other man. We simply must begin with and mold from disorganized and discordant elements. Nor is it a small additional embarrassment that we, the loyal people, differ among our- selves as to the mode, manner and means of reconstruction. "As a general rule, I abstain from reading the reports of attacks upon myself, wishing not to be provoked by that to which I cannot properly offer an answer. In spite of this precaution, however, it comes to my knowl- edge that I am much censured from some supposed agency in setting up and seeking to sustain the new State Government of 'Louisiana. In this I have done just so much, and no more, than the public knows. In the annual message of December, 1863, and accompanying proclamation, I presented a plan of reconstruction (as the phrase goes) which I prom- ised, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to, and sustained by, the Executive Government of the nation, "I distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which might possibly be acceptable ; and I also distinctly protested that the Executive claimed no right to say when or whether members should be admitted to seats in Congress from such States. This plan was, in advance, sub- mitted to the then Cabinet, and distinctly approved by every member of OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 119 it. One of them suggested that I should then, and in that connection, apply the Emancipation Proclamation to the heretofore excepted parts of Virginia and Louisiana; that I should drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and that I should omit the protest against my own power, in regard to the admission of members of Congress, but even he approved every part and parcel of the plan which has since been employed or touched by the actions of Louisiana. "The new Constitution of Louisiana, declaring emancipation for the whole State, practically applies the proclamation to the part previously excepted. It does not adopt apprenticeship to freed people, and it is silent, as it could not well be otherwise, about the admission of members of Congress. So that, as it applies to Louisiana, every member of the Cabinet fully approved the plan. "The message went to Congress, and I received many commenda- tions of the plan, written and verbal p and not a single objection to it, from any professed emancipationist, came to my knowledge, until after the news reached Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to move in accordance with it. From about July, 1862, I had corre- sponded with different persons supposed to be interested, seeking a recon- struction of a State Government for Louisiana. "When the message of 1863, with the plan before mentioned, reached New Orleans, General Banks wrote me he was confident that the people, with his military co-operation, would reconstruct substantially on that plan. I wrote him, and some of them, to try it. They tried it, and the result is known. Such only has been my agency in getting up the Louisi- ana Government. As to sustaining it, my promise is out, as before stated. BAD PROMISES ARE BETTER BROKEN. "But, as bad promises are better broken than kept, I shall treat this as a bad promise, and break it, whenever I shall be convinced that keep- ing it is adverse to the public interest. But I have not yet been so con- vinced. "I have been shown a letter on this subject, supposed to be an able one, in which the writer expresses regret that my mind has not seemed to be definitely fixed on the question whether the seceded States, so called, are in the Union or out of it. It would, perhaps, add astonish- ment to his regret to learn that, since I have found professed Union men endeavoring to make that question, I have purposely forborne any public expression upon it. 120 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "As appears to me, that question has not been, nor yet is, a practi- cally material one, and that any discussion of it, while it thus remains practically immaterial, could have no effect other than the mischievous one of dividing our friends. "As yet, whatever it may hereafter become, that question is bad, as the basis of a controversy, and good for nothing at all a merely per- nicious abstraction. We all agree that the seceded States, so called, are out of their proper relation to the Union, and that the sole object of the Government, civil and military, in regard to those States, is to again get .them into their proper practical relation. I believe it is not only possible, but, in fact, easier to do this without deciding, or even considering, whether these States have ever been out of the Union, than with it. Finding themselves safely at home, it would be utterly immaterial whether they had ever been abroad. "Let us all join in doing the acts necessary to restoring the proper practical relations between these States and the Union, and each forever after innocently indulge his own opinion whether, in doing the acts, he brought the States from without into the Union, or only gave them proper assistance, they never having been out of it. "The amount of constituency, so to speak, on which the new Louisiana Government rests would be more satisfactory to all if it contained fifty, thirty, or even twenty thousand, as it really does. It is also unsatisfac- tory to some that the election franchise is not given to the colored man. I would myself prefer that it were now conferred on the very intelligent and those who serve our cause as soldiers. Still, the question is not whether the Louisiana Government, as it stands, is quite all that is desira- ble. The question is, 'Will it be wiser to take is as it is, or to reject and disperse it ?' "Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or discarding the new State Government? "Some twelve thousand voters in the heretofore Slave State of Lou- isiana have sworn allegiance to the Union, assumed to be the rightful political power of the State, held elections, organized a State Govern- ment, adopted a Free State constitution, giving the benefit of public schools equally to black and white, and empowering the Legislature to confer elective franchise upon the colored man. The Legislature has already voted to ratify the Constitutional amendment passed by Congress, abolishing slavery throughout the nation. "These twelve thousand persons are thus fully committed to the Un- ion and to perpetual freedom in the States committed to the very things, OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 121 and nearly all the things, the nation wants and they ask the nation's recognition and its assistance to make good that committal. MUST NEITHER REJECT NOR SPURN THEM. "Now, if we reject and spurn them, we do our utmost to disorganize and disperse them. We, in effect, say to the white men : 'You are worth- less, or worse ; we will neither help you, nor be helped by you.' To the blacks we say : 'This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, hold to your lips, we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where and how.' "If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have, so far, been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. "We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the twelve thousand to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, fight for it, and feed it, and grow it and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring the same end. Grant that he desires elective franchise, will he not obtain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps towards it, than by running backward over them? Concede that the new govern- ment of Louisiana is only as to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smash- ing it. [Laughter.] "Again, if we reject Louisiana, we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the National Constitution. To meet this proposition, it has been argued that no more than three- fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this, further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persist- ently questioned, while ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable. "I repeat the question : 'Can Louisiana be brought into proper prac- tical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State Government?' What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden changes occur in the same State, 122 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. and, withal, so new and unprecedented is the whole case, that no exclusive and inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entangle- ment Important principles may, and must be, flexible. "In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am consid- ering, and shall not fail to act, when satisfied that action will be proper." LINCOLN'S ADDRESS AT GETTYSBURG. The address of President Lincoln, delivered at the dedication of the Gettysburg National Cemetery, on the Gettysburg battle-field, November iQth, 1863, is regarded as one of the finest pieces of composition in the English language. In fact, it has become a classic. Here it is in full : "LADIES AND GENTLEMEN : Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in lib- erty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, Or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. "We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. "But in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who strug- gled here, have consecrated it far above our power to add or detract. The world will little note, or long remember, what we say here; but it can never forget what they did here. "It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. "It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain ; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that the Government of the people, by the~people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." CHAPTER X. JOHN WILKES BOOTH THE ORIGINATOR OF THE PLOT TO ASSASSINATE THE PRESIDENT FLIGHT, CAPTURE AND DEATH OF THE MURDERER BURIAL OF His BODY IN THE OLD PENITENTIARY AT WASHINGTON. John Wilkes Booth was the projector of the plot against the Presi- dent which culminated in the taking of that good man's life. He shrank at first from murder until another and less dangerous resolution failed. This was no less than the capture of the President's body, and its deten- tion or transportation to the South. There was found upon a street with- in the city limits of Washington a house belonging to one Mrs. Greene, mined and furnished with underground apartments, furnished with man- acles, and all the accessories to private imprisonment. Here the Presi- dent, and as many as could be gagged and conveyed away with him, were to be concealed, in the event of failure to run them into the Confederacy. Owing to his failure to group around him as many men as he desired, Booth abandoned the project of kidnaping. When Booth cast around him for assistants, he naturally selected those men whom he could control. The first that recommended himself was one Harold, a youth of inane and plastic character, carried away by the example of an actor, and full of execrable quotations, going to show that he was an imitator of the master spirit, both in text 2nd ad- miration. This Harold was a gunner, and therefore versed in arms ; he had traversed the whole lower portion of Maryland, and was therefore a geographer as well as a tbol. His friends lived at every farm house between Washington and Leonardsville, and he was respectably enough connected, so as to make his association creditable as well as useful. Young Surratt does not appear to have been a puissant spirit in the scheme; indeed, all design and influence therein was absorbed by Mrs. Surratt and Booth. The latter was the head and heart of the plot ; Mrs. Surratt was his anchor, and the rest of the boys were disciples to Iscariot and Jezebel. John Surratt, a youth of strong Southern physiognomy, beardless and lanky, knew of the murder and connived at it. "Sam" Arnold and one McLaughlin were to have been parties to it, but backed 123 i24 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. out in the end. They all relied upon Mrs. Surratt, and took their cues from Wilkes Booth. The conspiracy had its own time and kept its own counsel. Murder, except among the principals, was seldom mentioned except by genteel implication. But they all publicly agreed that Mr. Lincoln ought to be shot, and that the North was a race of fratricides. Much was said of Brutus, and Booth repeated heroic passages, to the delight of Harold, who learned them also, and wondered if he was not born to greatness. In this growing darkness, where all rehearsed cold-hearted mur- der, Wilkes Booth grew great of stature. He had found a purpose con- sonant with his evil nature and bad influence over weak men ; so he grew moodier, more vigilant, more plausible. By mien and temperament he was born to handle a stiletto. All the rest were swayed or persuaded by Booth ; his schemes were three in order : First. To kidnap the President and Cabinet, and run them South or blow them up. Second. Kidnaping failed, to murder the President and the rest, and seek shelter in the Confederate capital. Third. The rebellion failed, to be its avenger, and throw the coun- try into consternation, while he escaped by the unfrequented parts of Maryland. When this last resolution had been made, the plot was both con- tracted and extended. There were made two distinct circles of confi- dants, those aware of the meditated murder, and those who might shrink from murder, though willing accessories for a lesser object. Two col- leagues for blood were at once accepted, Payne and Atzeroth. The former was the one who stabbed Mr. Seward. Atzeroth was a fellow of German descent, who had led a desperate life at Port Tobacco, where he was a house-painter. He had been a blockade-runner across the Potomac, and a mail-carrier. When Booth and Mrs. Surratt broke the design to him, with a suggestion that there was wealth in it, he embraced the offer at once, and bought a dirk and pistol. Payne also came from the North to Washington, and, as fate would have it, the President was announced to appear at Ford's Theater in public. Then the resolve of blood was reduced to a definite moment. On the night before the crime, Booth found one on whom he could rely. John Surratt was sent northward by his mother on Thursday. Sam Arnold and McLaughlin, each of whom was to kill a Cabinet officer, grew pigeon-livered and ran away. Harold, true to his partiality, lingered around Booth to the end ; Atzeroth went so far as to take his knife and OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 125 pistol to Kirkwood's, where Vice-President Johnson was stopping, and hid them under the bed. But either his courage failed, or a trifling acci- dent deranged his plan. But Payne, a professional murderer, stood "game," and fought his way over prostrate figures to the sick victim's bed. There was great confusion and terror among the tacit and rash conspirators on Thursday night. They had looked upon the plot as of a melodrama, and found to their horror that John Wilkes Booth meant to do murder. Six weeks before the murder, young John Surratt had taken two splendid repeating carbines to Surrattsville, and told John Lloyd to secrete them. The latter made a hole in the wainscoting and suspended them from strings, so that they fell within the plastered wall of the room below. On the very afternoon of the murder, Mrs. Surratt was driven to Surrattsville, and she told John Lloyd to have the carbines ready, be- cause they would be called for that night. Harold was made quarter- master, and hired the horses. He and Atzeroth were mounted between eight o'clock and the time of the murder, and riding about the streets together. The whole party was prepared for a long ride, as their spurs and gauntlets show. It may have been their design to ride in company to the Lower Potomac, and by their numbers exact subsistence and transporta- tion. Then came the shooting of the President and the escape of Booth. While the report of the pistol, taking the President's life, went like a pang through the theater, Payne was spilling blood in Mr. Seward's house from threshold to sick-chamber. But Booth's broken leg delayed him or made him lose his general calmness, and he and Harold left Payne to his fate. Within fifteen minutes after the murder the wires were severed en- tirely round the city, excepting only a secret wire for Government uses, which leads to Old Point. By this wire the Government reached the fortifications around Washington, first telegraphing all the way to Old Point, and then back to the outlying forts. Payne having, as he thought, made an end of Mr. Seward, which would have been the case but for Robinson, the nurse, mounted his horse, and attempted to find Booth. But the town was in alarm, and he galloped at once for the open country, taking, as he imagined, the proper road for the East Branch. He rode at a killing pace, and when near Port Lincoln, on the Baltimore pike, his horse threw him headlong. Afoot and bewil- dered, he resolved to return to the city, whose lights he could plainly see ; 126 OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. but before doing so he concealed himself some time, and made some al- most absurd efforts to disguise himself. Cutting a cross section from the woolen undershirt which covered his muscular arm, he made a rude cap of it, and threw away his bloody coat. This was found later in the woods, and blood was found also on his bosom and sleeves. He also spattered himself plentifully with mud and clay, and taking an aban- doned pick from the deserted intrenchments near by, he struck out at once for Washington. He reached Mrs. Surratt's door just as the officers of the Govern- ment were arresting her. They seized Payne at once, who had an awk- ward lie to urge in his defense that he had come there to dig a trench. That night he dug a trench deep and broad enough for them both to lie in forever. They washed his hands, and found them soft and womanish ; his pockets contained tooth and nail-brushes, and a delicate pocket-knife. All this apparel consorted ill with his assumed character. Coarse, and hard, and calm, Mrs. Surratt shut up her house after the murder, and waited with her daughters till the officers came. She was imperturbable, and rebuked her girls for weeping, and would have gone to jail like a statue, but that in her extremity Payne knocked at her door. He had come, he said, to dig a ditch for Mrs. Surratt, whom he very well knew. But Mrs. Surratt protested that she had never seen the man at all, and had" no ditch to clean. "How fortunate, girls," she said, "that these officers are here; this man might have murdered us all." Her effrontery stamps her as worthy of companionship with Booth. Payne was ideptified by a lodger of Mrs. Surratt's as having twice visited the house, under the name of Wood. Atzeroth had a room almost directly over Vice-President Johnson's. He had all the materials to do murder, but lost spirit or opportunity. He ran away so hastily that all his arms and baggage were discovered; a tremendous bowie knife and a Colt's cavalry revolver were found between the mattresses of his bed. Booth's coat was also found there, showing conspired flight in company, and in it three boxes of cartridges, a map of Maryland, gauntlets for riding, a spur, and a handkerchief marked with the name of Booth's mother a mother's souvenir for a murderer's pocket. Atzeroth fled alone", and was found at the house of his uncle, in Montgomery County, Maryland. Harold met Booth immediately after the crime, in the next street, and they rode at a gallop past the Patent Office and over Capitol Hill OUR MARTYR PRESIDENTS ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 127 As they crossed the Eastern Branch at Uniontown, Booth gave his proper name to the officer at the bridge. This, which would seem to have been foolish, was, in reality, very shrewd. The officers believed that one of Booth's accomplices had given this name in order to put them out of the real Booth's track. So they made efforts elsewhere, and Booth got a start. At midnight, precisely, the two horsemen stopped at Surratts- ville, Booth remaining on his nag, while Harold descended and knocked lustily at the door. Lloyd, the landlord, came down at once, when Harold pushed past him to the bar, and obtained a bottle of whisky, some of which he gave to Booth immediately. While Booth was drinking, Harold went upstairs and brought down one of the carbines. Lloyd started to get the other, but Harold said: "We don't want it ; Booth has broken his leg, and can't carry it." So the second carbine remained in the hall, where the officers after- ward found it. As the two horsemen started to go off, Booth cried out to Lloyd : "Don't you want to hear some news?" "I don't care much about it?" cried Lloyd, by his own account. "We have murdered," said Booth, "the President and Secretary of State." And, with this horrible confession, Booth and Harold dashed away in the midnight, across Prin