A VIEW 
 
 j 
 
 OP THE Xy 
 
 PUBLIC EXPENSES 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 AND 
 
 THE OBJECTS FOR WHICH THEY HAYE BEEN INCURRED; 
 
 WITH 
 
 A COMPARISON OF THEIR AMOUNT 
 
 .t 
 
 AT 
 
 DIFFERENT PERIODS. 
 
 PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE WHIG STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 October, 1841. 
 
WJj76 v 
 
 Read this Pamphlet carefully, 
 and lend it to your neighbors. 
 
TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 One of the first duties of rulers is, to administer government with economy. 
 We may lay it down as a maxim, disturbed by few exceptions, that our rulers are 
 wise and patriotic, and that the government answers the end of its creation, just 
 in proportion to the economy which is observed. But true economy does not con¬ 
 sist in refraining from expenditures. It ic with government as with individuals, 
 they may be too parsimonious for their own interest ; they may carry their re¬ 
 trenchment so far, as to defeat their own object, and so convert what they denom¬ 
 inate economy into wastefulness. 
 
 In order to determine whether any administration observes due economy in ad¬ 
 ministering the government, we are not to look at the sums expended, so much as 
 to the objects for which the expenditures are made. Government may defeat the 
 object of its institution, by expending too little, as well as too much ; and may op¬ 
 press the people by parsimony, as well as by extravagance. We hear much at 
 the present day of the extravagance of our own State government, and of the vast 
 amount of money which is annually expended in this Commonwealth. We re¬ 
 joice that public attention is turned to this subject. It shows a watchfulness 
 which augurs well for the perpetuity of our free institutions. But the very fact, 
 that this subject is important, and that it lies near the hearts of the people, should 
 teach us one important lesson, viz :—that to this point the ambitious and aspiring 
 will always direct their attention. Here they will ply their arts ; and by pretend¬ 
 ing to be the great advocates for economy, and the exclusive friends of the people, 
 they hope that they may hide their own ambitious and selfish objects, and so be 
 borne into power by the very people they are laboring to deceive. 
 
 We would not create any undue suspicion on the part of the people ; but they 
 should be reminded that, as the great enemy of man succeeds only by transform¬ 
 ing himself into an angel of light, so every ambitious demagogue must found all his 
 hopes of success, in deceiving the people, upon passing himself off as their pecul¬ 
 iar friend. The intelligent freemen of this Commonwealth, will, therefore, look 
 at the pretensions of all those who are before the people for their suffrages ; nay, 
 they will look beyond their pretensions, to their characters, to the course they 
 have pursued, and the policy they have adopted, when they have been in power. 
 Now who are those that have arraigned the rulers of this Commonwealth, and 
 have attempted to hold them up as-unfaithful to their trust, and wasteful of the 
 people’s money ? They are the self-styled democrats—the party whose profligacy 
 in the administration of our national government, had become so notorious, that 
 an injured and indignant people rose in the majesty of their strength, and thrust 
 them from the places they had prostituted to their own individual aggrandize¬ 
 ment ; a party, which, under their late leader, Martin Van Buren, expended in the 
 space of four short years, more than twenty millions of dollars, over and above 
 the ordinary revenue of the government, and then left the government many mil¬ 
 lions in debt.—The supporters of such an administration are the men, who are 
 now preaching up economy, and telling the people of this Commonwealth, that if 
 they can come into power, they will administer the State government on econom¬ 
 ical principles ! 
 
 Since the party, condemned by the nation as prodigal and unworthy of trust, are 
 attempting to raise themselves to power in this State, by professing the very vir¬ 
 tue here, of which they have been foppd destitute elsewhere ; and as they dwell up- 
 
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4 
 
 on the expenses of this State with great particularity, we propose in this docu¬ 
 ment, to lay before the people such facts, all drawn from official sources, as will 
 enable them to judge correctly in the premises. 
 
 STATE EXPENSES. 
 
 It is but justice to say that the annual expenditures of Massachusetts are great¬ 
 er than those of many other States, taking population as the basis. But this arises 
 from the different organization of our institutions. We pay from the public treas¬ 
 ury, what in many other States is paid by the counties, or towns, or by the people 
 in the shape of fees. This, and not the extravagance of the government, is the 
 cause of our large expenditures. The ordinary expenses of the government for 
 the year ending December 31, 1840, were $415,848. Now more than one third 
 of this sum is made up of three items, which are peculiar in this Commonwealth, 
 viz : County balances, State paupers, and Militia services. The county balances 
 arise from the cost of criminal justice in the several counties. This is an expen¬ 
 diture which is paid in most, if not in all the States, by the counties. This item 
 for the three last years amounts on an average, to $66,876 annually. The sum 
 paid for the support of State paupers—that is, for foreigners and others, who have 
 no legal settlement within the Commonwealth, forms another large item in our ex¬ 
 penditures. This item alone has amounted in some years to nearly $80,000, and 
 during last year to more than $45,800. The bounty paid to the militia is also pe¬ 
 culiar to our State—and provision is made by law for the payment of $35,000 an¬ 
 nually for that object, and more than $30,000 has been paid in a single year. 
 
 Take these three items, County balances, $66,876 
 
 State paupers, 45,800 
 
 Militia bounty, 30,000 
 
 $142,676 
 
 and we have a sum of $142,000, which constitutes more than one-third of the ex¬ 
 penses of the last year. 
 
 Are these expenses unreasonable ? We are not aware that any one maintains 
 that they are so. Do those who complain of our State expenses, wish to have 
 these charges taken from the State, and put upon the counties or towns ? They 
 do not.—When an attempt was made last year to put a part of the county balances 
 upon the counties, in the hope that it might induce greater economy, the very men 
 who cry out against our State expenses, did all they could to defeat it, and they 
 make it a subject of complaint that one third of this sum has been put upon the 
 counties. And how is it with the expense of State paupers ? Do they desire to 
 relieve the State Treasury, by throwing this burden upon the counties or towns ? 
 They do not. Governor Morton, in his Address to the Legislature, declares that 
 this is “ a proper charge to the Commonwealth, and any attempt to avoid it by 
 transferring the expense to towns, will not dimmish the public burdens, but .will 
 throw them upon those who ought not to bear them.” And as to the militia boun¬ 
 ty, the thirty-five thousand dollars paid by the State—it was expressly recom¬ 
 mended by Gov. Morton. 
 
 From this brief view of the subject, it will be seen that more than one third of 
 our whole expenditures arise from three great items, not made a subject of State 
 charge in other States; and that those who complain of our expenses are unwil¬ 
 ling that we should transfer the whole or any part of this expense to the counties 
 or towns. This fact alone will show the sincerity of those who complain that our 
 State expenses are too great. 
 
 THE CHARACTER OF OFIR STATE EXPENSES. 
 
 We have shown, under the preceding head, that it has been the policy of Mas¬ 
 sachusetts to pay that from the State Treasury, which in other States is paid by 
 the towns and counties Many other expenses are annually incurred in this 
 
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5 
 
 State, which make no part of the expenses of most other States. While in the 
 other States every militia man “ goeth a warfare at his own charges,” we pay our 
 militia thirty thousand dollars annually. There are other items, less in themselves, 
 * but equally important in their character. To encourage agriculture, a bounty has 
 been paid upon wheat and silk—and a considerable sum has been paid to agricul¬ 
 tural societies. These items, during the last year amounted to $16,947, includ¬ 
 ing the salary of the Agricultural Commissioner. No man who has the good of 
 1 the Country at heart, will grudge this sum to the hardy yeomanry, who constitute 
 the bone and sinew of the State ; especially when it is given to encourage agricul¬ 
 ture, a calling at once the most honorable and the most important to the Country. 
 
 We support a larger number of public charities than the other States. The 
 sum paid last year for the current expenses of the Lunatic Hospital at Worces¬ 
 
 ter, was $3,200 
 
 For the support and instruction of the Deaf and Dumb 1,873 
 
 For the support and instruction of the Blind 9,213 
 
 For the Eye and Ear Infirmary 2,000 
 
 For Pensions for old and wounded soldiers 1,715 
 
 For preparing rolls for United States Pensioners 371 
 
 $18,372 
 
 Here we have the round sum of eighteen thousand dollars to aid the poor and 
 unfortunate. And where is the man who desires that these items should be struck 
 from our State expenses? Take the Lunatic Hospital; it is a noble institution, 
 and one which reflects the highest honor on the State. Go to that institution and 
 see its inmates, comparatively comfortable and happy—and compare the present 
 situation of some of them, with their condition in a felon’s prison, where they had 
 f lain in filth and wretchedness for ten or twenty years, before the Hospital was 
 erected,—and then ask yourselves whether you grudge the small sum of $3,200. 
 In fact, when we consider that hundreds of our fellow beings, laboring under that 
 dreadful malady, have left this institution “clothed in their right mind”—and that 
 hundreds of others have been materially relieved, we venture to say that no man, 
 unless he be a fit subject for that institution, will dare to raise his voice against it, 
 or the expenditure necessary to sustain it. 
 
 Similar remarks might be-made upon the appropriation for the Deaf, the Dumb, 
 and the Blind. The man who complains of the expense incurred to relieve and 
 ' educate these unfortunate classes of our fellow beings, must be deaf to the voice of 
 humanity, and blind to the best interest of the community. Where is the man, 
 who has one spark of patriotism, who will complain of the small pitance paid to 
 wounded soldiers, or the widows of those who fought the battles of the revolution ? 
 
 Another item in the expenditures of last year was $5,000 paid to the Massachu¬ 
 setts Humane Society for Life Boats to be stationed along the coast, to save the 
 passengers and crews of vessels which meet with disasters, or are driven ashore in 
 gales. \ When we reflect upon the number of lives which are lost upon our extend¬ 
 ed coast, we shall not, if we are men, grudge this sum, or censure our rulers for 
 their humanity. There was paid during the last year $1920 for expenses incurred 
 in arresting and bringing into the Commonwealth fugitives from justice, arresting 
 counterfeiters, &c. This policy of the State is a terror to evil-doers and conse¬ 
 quently a protection to every citizen. The sum of $2,674 was expended last year 
 for the purchase of the Term Reports. These Reports of Cases decided by the Su¬ 
 preme Court were sent to the clerks of the several towns in the State, thereby en¬ 
 abling every citizen to obtain, free of expense, information which would have cost 
 him several dollars, if he had consulted a lawyer. 
 
 The sum of $4,455 was paid to the Bank Commissioners—a Board whose duty 
 it is to examine into the doings of all the banks in the State, and to correct all 
 abuses which they may discover. Every man who knows the value of a sound 
 currency, will regard this as a wise expenditure. Another considerable item is 
 
6 
 
 that of State printing, which amounted last year to $10,889. This expenditure is 
 purely democratic in its character. The accountability of rulers is one of the first 
 principles of a republican government; and nothing contributes more to the diffu¬ 
 sion of knowledge, and to the fidelity of rulers, than the publication of their acts 
 and doings. This printing includes a great variety of items. The School Ab¬ 
 stract , giving the most perfect statement of the condition of our free schools— 
 the Bank Abstract , exhibiting the condition of our monetary institutions—the Ab- 
 stract of the Savings Banks —those institutions designed for the benefit of the 
 poor—these are a few of the items which are included in the public printing. 
 The very facts which we have presented in this paper, are known to the public 
 only through the medium of the published Reports of the Treasurer. 
 
 These are a specimen of the miscellaneous expenditures of the Common wealth, 
 and every one must see that they are of such a character as will commend them to 
 the benevolent and patriotic feelings of the whole community. They are purely 
 republican in their nature, and are calculated to benefit the poor and unfortunate, 
 at the expense of the rich. These expenditures are wise, because they tend to 
 equalize the blessings and privileges of a free government—to spread information 
 before the whole people in the cheapest form, and thereby enable them to judge 
 correctly of the conduct of their rulers. 
 
 The items mentioned under the last head, amount to the round sum of $60,000. 
 This is a large sum; and we are free to admit that the wheels of government 
 could go on without one dollar of this expenditure. We could demolish the in¬ 
 stitutions for the insane, the blind, the deaf;—we could give up our watchful care 
 of the banks and institutions for savings,—we could let the ship-wrecked mariner 
 perish upon our shores,—we could curtail our State printing, and so leave the 
 great mass of the people ignorant of the doings of their agents—we could do all 
 this, and save some fifty or sixty thousand dollars annually, and our government 
 would still stand and we should remain a free State. But the question after all is, 
 whether this would be wise—whether it would be economical. Towns might save 
 half of their expenses, by leaving their roads unrepaired, their schools neglected, 
 and their poor to suffer—but the man who should recommend such a policy in 
 any town, would receive the censure and reprobation of every enlightened citizen.. 
 Precisely the same remarks will apply to the State. It may save expenses—but it 
 would be done at the expense of justice aud humanity. 
 
 SALARIES. 
 
 On no subject are the self-styled Democrats more clamorous than on that of sal¬ 
 aries. They assert that the salaries are higher in this State than in our sister 
 States—and they more than intimate, that, if they come into power, they will re¬ 
 duce them. The subject of salaries is one which merits serious consideration. A 
 salary ought to be placed so high, as to command men of talents and character. 
 Take the salary of Governor in this Commonwealth ; it is $3,666. We venture to 
 say that no man, who has been elected Governor in this State, for the last twenty 
 years, has been a gainer, in a pecuniary point of view, by his election. Their ex¬ 
 penses have been increased, and their income has been less than it would have 
 been, if they had followed their usual profession or calling. We are told, that if 
 the salary was half this sum we should find enough who would accept the office. 
 We grant it—and we go further and say, that if there was no salary attached^ to 
 the office, we could find men who would accept it merely for the honor. W ho 
 would accept such an office 1 Not the poor man—he could not afford it. None 
 but the rich—none but those who possess fortunes could take an office with no sal¬ 
 ary, or with an incompetent one. W r e contend for equality ; we wish to have 
 special reference to the poor and the middle classes in point of property. If they 
 possess talents and character, we wish to see them, above all others, in offices of 
 honor and profit;—and, consequently, we wish to have salaries so ample, that the 
 poor man can afford to give up his business, and take an office, without bringing 
 his family to penury, distress and want. 
 
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 The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court receives a salary of $3,500, and the 
 Associate Justices $3000. The Chief Justice of the Common Pleas receives 
 $2,100, and his Associates $1,800. These, at first view, may appear large—but 
 what men do these offices require ? The property, the rights, the characters, the 
 lives of our people, are, in a sense, in the hands of our Courts—and the public in¬ 
 terest requires that the bench should be filled with men of the first talent, and the 
 highest integrity. We want for Judges, some of the best, the most eminent law¬ 
 yers in the community ; and the professional labors of such gentlemen are general¬ 
 ly worth much more than the salaries they receive when placed upon the bench. 
 
 There is another test of these salaries, which ought to be satisfactory to the com¬ 
 munity. It is no less true, for being a common remark, that private individuals 
 manage thejr affairs more prudently than the government. Now the agents in 
 many of our manufacturing establishments—establishments got up for the express 
 purpose of making money, receive a larger compensation than the Governor or 
 Judges of the Commonwealth. If our money-making institutions find it for their 
 pecuniary interest to give such salaries as will command the best talents, may not 
 the State imitate their wise example, without being thought extravagant ? It is 
 not true, that our salaries are higher than the salaries in other States, similarly sit¬ 
 uated. The salary of the Governor of New York is $4000, and he is chosen for 
 two years,—the salary of the Governor of Pennsylvania is $4000, and he is chosen 
 for three years—the salary of the Governor of Maryland is $4200, and he is chosen 
 for three years. The States of New York and Pennsylvania are larger than Mas¬ 
 sachusetts, but the State of Maryland is much less. The Governors in these 
 States are chosen for a longer period than the Governor in our own State—a cir¬ 
 cumstance which should reduce the salary. Besides, the Governor of Maryland, 
 if not of the other States, has a house furnished for him at the expense of the 
 State. The Governor of Virginia receives about $300 less than the Governor of 
 Massachusetts—but he has a house furnished him at public charge. Georgia with 
 a population less than that of Massachusetts, gives her Governor $4000; and 
 South Carolina and Alabama $3500 each ; and Louisiana, with a population of 
 less than half that of our own State, gives her Governor $7,500—being more than 
 double the salary established by law in this State. The Governors of all the 
 Southern States are chosen for the period of from two to four years. 
 
 From this comparison of salaries, it does not appear that those of this Common¬ 
 wealth are extravagant. It is also worthy of remark, that in many of the States, 
 the public officers have perquisites, by fees or otherwise, their salaries being in fact 
 but a part of their income. Who then are those who complain of the salaries of 
 this Commonwealth ? They are those who have practiced the greatest extrava¬ 
 gance in the National Administration. The Post Office in Boston and New York, 
 the Custom Houses in our principal cities, the District Attorneyships in some of 
 the Districts, have, in some cases, yielded twice—nay, ten times as much as the of¬ 
 fice of Governor or Judge in this State—and these enormous salaries were reduced 
 only by the strenuous efforts of the Whigs in Congress. 
 
 With what grace can those who have been thus prodigal, when in power, pre¬ 
 tend that they are the friends of economy ? They frequently refer us, in this 
 Commonwealth, to the years 1824 and 1825, when Eustis was Governor, and Mor¬ 
 ton Lt. Governor, as the days of prosperity and economy. Then, they say, we 
 were in a majority, and the affairs of the Commonwealth were wisely managed. 
 What were the salaries at that time? The Governor and Judges, together with 
 the principal officers, received the same then, as they do at present. If they were 
 too high, why did they not reduce them? There was one reason at that time, 
 which does not exist at present. Produce and all articles of living were then com¬ 
 paratively cheap—and a salary which was barely sufficient then, would be incom¬ 
 petent now. Still they made no reduction. In fact some of the salaries at that 
 time, or rather the income of some of the officers, such as Sheriffs and Clerks of 
 Courts, had become unreasonably large, and it was not till after the reign of Eustis 
 and Morton, that they were reduced. 
 
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 COMPARATIVE EXPENSES OF DIFFERENT PERIODS. 
 
 The Party now laboring to gain the ascendency in this Commonwealth, by hol¬ 
 low proffers of economy and retrenchment, frequently refer us to the administra¬ 
 tion of Governor Eustis in 1824 and 1825. We do not doubt the patriotism or 
 the true republicanism of Governor Eustis ; and we believe, if he were alive in 
 these days, he would disown those who claim political kindred with him—but, as 
 they boast of the affinity, let us compare the expenses of his Administration with 
 the expenses of those who came after him. We have no disposition to conceal 
 the fact, that our expenditures have increased since that period ; but we believe 
 that this increase of expenditure can easily be accounted for, and can be shown 
 to be wise, and even economical. We have no disposition to conceal a single fact 
 in relation to this subject—on the contrary, we think the people have a right to 
 know the true state of the case. By examining the subject, they will at once per¬ 
 ceive that many new causes of expenditure have arisen, and that many of the old 
 causes have increased, and that too without any agency of the ruling party. 
 
 But let us compare the expenditures of Governor Eustis and acting Governor 
 Morton, in 1824 and 1825, with the expenses of Governer Lincoln in 1826 and 
 1827. 
 
 In 1824 the expenditures were $237,781 
 
 1825 “ “ 218,621 
 
 Total, $456,402 
 
 In 1826 the expenditures were $252,297 
 
 1827 “ “ 293,633 
 
 Total, $545,930 
 
 Here is an excess of $89,528 in the expenditures of 1826 and 1827 over those 
 of 1824 and 1825. From these data, it has been affirmed that Gov. Lincoln’s Ad¬ 
 ministration is chargeable with extravagance—but a brief view of the subject will 
 show that the inference is unjust. Up to 1824, inclusive, the towns were re¬ 
 quired to reimburse the State treasury the sum paid for the attendance of their 
 Representatives ; and, in that year, the Treasurer received, as reimbursement, the 
 sum of $16,990. The principle being established, in 1825, that the Representa¬ 
 tives should be paid out of the public chest, the number of Representatives at once 
 increased rapidly, and to this circumstance the increase of expenditures is to be 
 mainly ascribed, as will be seen below. 
 
 In 1824 the pay of the Senate and House was $36,727 ; in 1825, it was $36,- 
 603 73,330. Of this sum of $73,330, the towns reimbursed the Treasury 
 $16,990, leaving the total expense of the Senate and House for 1824 and 1825, 
 paid by the State, $56,340. 
 
 The expense to fhe State, for the Senate and House, in the two succeeding 
 years, was as follows : In 1826, $49,131 ; in 1827, $69,737 $118,868. If we 
 
 deduct $56,340, the sum paid for the Senate and House in 1824 and 1825, from 
 $118,868., the sum paid for the Senate and House in 1826 and 1827, it will 
 leave a balance of $62,528—which, in fact reduces the expenses of Gov. Lin¬ 
 coln’s Administration down to a sum which exceeds Gov. Eustis’ two years only 
 $27,000. 
 
 Here then we have a balance against Gov. Lincoln of $27,000. How is this to 
 be accounted for ? The sum paid for the support of State paupers in 1824 and 
 1825 was $88,900 ; in 1826 and 1827 it was $102,608; being a difference of$13,- 
 708 ; this deducted from the $27,000, leaves $13,292. The sum paid for County 
 balances in 1824 and 1825 was $34,472; but in 1826 and 1827 it amounted to 
 $52,844, being an excess of $18,372. Deduct from this the $13,292 and you 
 have a balance in favor of Gov. Lincoln of $5,080. The expenditures thus far 
 are of such a character that the Administration could have no control over them. 
 The size of the House, the number of State paupers, the amount of County balan¬ 
 ces, are expenses which no administration could guard against ; and from these 
 
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 £ 
 
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 causes alone, we have reduced the expense of Gov. Lincoln’s two years, $5,080 
 below the two years of Gov. Eustis—years which have been selected as models. 
 
 Besides all this, there were expenditures under Gov. Lincoln of a benevolent 
 and democratic character, far exceeding those under Gov. Eustis. For the sup¬ 
 port of the deaf and dumb, and to encourage agricultural societies, Gov. Lincoln, 
 during his first two years, paid the sum of $18,919, being $5,986 more than Gov. 
 Eustis paid for the same objects. If this be added to the $5,080 mentioned above, 
 we have a balance against Gov. Eustis of $11,066; and further, Gov. Lincoln paid 
 a considerable sum to defray the expense of a Board of Commissioners, to survey 
 a route for a canal from the city of Boston to the Hudson river—a Board created 
 by Gov. Eustis, but whose labors and expenditures fell within Gov. Lincoln’s Ad¬ 
 ministration. 
 
 Thus it will be seen, that Gov. Eustis’ superior economy vanishes the moment it 
 is examined. How did Gov. Eustis, and acting Governor Morton, obtain the 
 means to defray the expense of their Administration ? By a direct tax upon the 
 people ! The Treasurer’s account for the year ending December 31, 1824, shows 
 that the receipts from this source amounted to $92,699, and the following year to 
 $95,447, making a total for the two years of $187,146 of direct tax upon the peo¬ 
 ple ; while under the first two years of Gov. Lincoln’s Administration no direct 
 tax was imposed ! We will mention one item of receipts under Gov. Eustis, 
 which the people at this day would not tolerate. We mention it, not because the 
 amount is considerable, but because it casts light upon our whole subject. In the 
 Treasurer’s account for 1824, we find the following among the receipts : “ Fines 
 imposed on certain towns for neglecting to choose and send Representatives to 
 the General Court, in the year 1823, $400.” 
 
 It will be seen, by this item, that under the operation of the old reimbursement 
 laws, towns had a strong motive not to send representatives—and it is a fact that, 
 where they did send them, merely to avoid a fine, there was a sort of understand¬ 
 ing with the Representative, that he would make the town but little expense, by 
 leaving as early as possible. This principle operated to that extent, that the 
 House was frequently reduced below sixty, the constitutioual quorum; and they 
 were compelled to send a precept to bring members back, that the House might 
 be enabled to transact business. Since 1825, the Representatives have been paid 
 from the State treasury, and the consequence has been, that the number of Repre¬ 
 sentatives has greatly increased, and they have generally attended through the 
 session. The effect will be seen from the fact that, from 1822 to 1825 inclusive, 
 the number of Representatives amounted, on an average, to only 227, while, in 
 the four next succeeding years, they averaged 363, and in the eight next succeed¬ 
 ing, 556. 
 
 This large increase of the popular branch has been the principal cause of the 
 increase of expenditures. Who is responsible for this ? Not the Administration, 
 but the towns themselves. There has been no fining towns since the days of 
 Gov. Eustis. They fix the number, and hence cannot complain, if the expenses 
 increase. There has also been an increase of population and business, and this, 
 of course, will increase the expenditures. Our Government has been more pater¬ 
 nal and democratic than it formerly was, and provides better for the wants of its 
 citizens. Almost every change in our laws tends to relieve the poor, and befriend 
 the unfortunate. These laws are truly wise and benevolent, but they serve to in¬ 
 crease State expenses. We will notice some items in our expenses, and show how 
 they have increased from time to time. 
 
 COUNTY BALANCES. 
 
 These have become a large drain upon the Treasury. They are the excess of 
 the cost of criminal justice in several counties over the fines that are collected, and 
 hence have no connection with any political party. 
 
 % 
 
10 
 
 In 1825 they amounted to only $17,247 
 
 In 1830 they came up to 30,246 
 
 In 1835, “ “ “ 45,109 
 
 In 1840, “ " “ 64,236 
 
 Here is an increase, in fifteen years, of $46,989, and in some of the years inter¬ 
 mediate between 1835 and 1840, these balances were several thousands higher. 
 This increase arises from two causes, over one of which the Administration can 
 have no control—to wit, the increase of criminal business. If crimes multiply 
 with our population, are the Whigs chargeable with the expense ? If the influx 
 of foreigners introduces vice, is this vice to go unpunished, through fear that it 
 detain the court and multiply expenses ? 
 
 The second cause of the increase is one for which the dominant party is respon¬ 
 sible, and one which redounds to their credit. Up to 1835, jurors were allowed 
 but $1,25 per day, and 6 cents per mile for travel. When the statutes were re¬ 
 vised, the pay of jurors was brought up to $1,75 per day, and the travel from 6 to 
 8 cents per mile. This, of course, has increased the cost of criminal justice— 
 but was this increase of jurors’ compensation unreasonable ? Let those who have 
 been drawn suddenly from their homes to serve on a jury, answer. One dollar 
 and seventy-five cents a day cannot be considered extravagant. The act of increas¬ 
 ing the pay was a mere act of justice—it was democratic, inasmuch as it relieved 
 a large class in the community, most of whom were from the common walks of 
 life. For this portion of the increase of County balances, the Administration are 
 responsible—and they are willing to be judged by their fellow-citizens for this act 
 of common justice. 
 
 MILITIA SERVICES. 
 
 We have remarked before that the pay of our Militia was peculiar to this Com¬ 
 monwealth. This is of recent origin—it commenced in 1834, though the first pay¬ 
 ment fell within the next year—and, from that time up to the close of last year, 
 there has been paid the sum of $137,392. Is this an extravagant expenditure? 
 The opponents of the Administration dare not assail it. The measure of paying 
 the Militia was called for by the people. The measure is right in itself—but still, 
 it has drawn from the Treasury nearly $140,000, and has contributed so much to 
 the present indebtedness of the State, and, by a standing law, $35,000 annually is 
 set apart for that object. 
 
 EXPENSES OF THE LEGISLATURE. 
 
 We have already said that the size of the House of Representatives has been a 
 great cause of the increase of State expenses. In the days of Governor Eustis, 
 when the Representatives were paid by the towns, the expense was inconsiderable, 
 but since they have been paid from the public chest, the number has increased rap¬ 
 idly, and the expense in proportion. The increase of our population has also con¬ 
 tributed to swell the size of the House—and I think it will not be imputed as a 
 fault, to the dominant party in this Commonwealth, that they have administered 
 the Government so as to produce that state of prosperity which has kept our popu¬ 
 
 lation at home, and our business increasing. 
 
 In 1825 the expenses of the Senate and House was $36,603 
 
 In 1830, “ “ “ “ 82,445 
 
 In 1835, “ “ “ “ 178,736 
 
 In 1840, “ “ “ “ 96,397 
 
 Here is a great increase in the expense of our Legislature. The table above, 
 however, does not give a fair representation of the expenses of that department, as 
 the expense in 1835 was increased by the extra session, called to revise the Statues, 
 and the expense of 1840 lessened by an alteration of the Constitution, which re¬ 
 duced the number of Representatives. A more correct view of this part of the sub¬ 
 ject can be formed by the fact, that there has been paid, since 1825, for the Senate 
 
and House, over and above $36,603 annually, the aggregate sum of $976,288, that 
 is, the expenses of the Senate and House since 1825, have, on an average, been 
 nearly three times as much as they were that year. 
 
 The number of Representatives has more than doubled since 1825. Is this to 
 be charged to the Whigs ? The Democratic party, as they style themselves, have 
 contributed at least their share to swell the size of the House. They have availed 
 themselves of their constutional privilege of sending their quota of Representatives. 
 Nay, they have not been willing to abide by the Constitution, but have, in one case 
 at least, chosen Representatives after the constitutional period had expired. The 
 course pursued by the party in the Legislature shows that they were desirous of 
 swelling the size of the House. It was declared, by one of their leading members, 
 that we ought to go behind the Constitution, and retain these members on the nat¬ 
 ural rights of the towns ! 
 
 The Whigs have labored hard to reduce this branch of expenditure—and have 
 twice within ten years, altered the Constitution, so as to reduce the number of 
 Representatives. By these and other efforts, they have succeeded in reducing the 
 expenses of the Legislature. This item, in 1837, 1838, and 1839, amounted, on 
 an average to $127,939 per year—while in 1840 and 1841, it amounted on an 
 average to only $81,751 per year, a clear saving of $46,000 annually. 
 
 One of the most ridiculous complaints of extravagance relates to the Board of 
 Education. From the hue and cry which has been raised, we might naturally in¬ 
 fer that thousands upon thousands had been paid to that Board—but, by official 
 documents, it appears that the whole sum paid to that Board, up to the close of 
 1840, is only $561,85—and, during- the last year, they received no more than 
 $79,52 ! When we consider that this Board consists of eight members, and has 
 been in existence some five years, it will not be thought extravagant, that their ex¬ 
 penses (for they receive nothing for their time) should amount to the trifling sum 
 of $561. 
 
 EXTRA EXPENDITURES. 
 
 Within the last ten or twelve years, there have been several heavy expenditures 
 for objects valuable in themselves, which will not, from the nature of the case, soon 
 occur again. The Lunatic Hospital cost over $100,000. Unless it should be de¬ 
 stroyed by fire, or some other calamity, it will not need rebuilding. This expen¬ 
 diture was so just and wise, that no one, who has any regard for his character, 
 dares to raise his voice against it. The Revision of the Statutes, including the ex¬ 
 pense of the extra session, cost $100,000 more. This measure, again, was purely 
 democratic in its character, for it brought our laws into such a shape as to render 
 them intelligible to the great mass of the people. Then comes the new State 
 Prison, the building of which was called for, both by justice and humanity. This 
 cost some $60,000. Under this head we may justly mention $57,000 expended 
 for an Astronomical and Trigonometrical survey of the State, and for the construc¬ 
 tion of a Map. When we consider that we have no Map of the State, which is 
 even tolerably correct, no reasonable man will say that the object of these surveys 
 was unwise—and though our political opponents have attempted to show that these 
 expenses have been extravagantly large, we hazard nothing in saying that the 
 same amount of labor bestowed upon the Coast Survey of the United States, carried 
 on for the last half dozen years, by the same Democratic party, has cost at least 
 twice that sum. 
 
 To these sums, we may add $12,000 for a Small Pox Hospital in Boston Har¬ 
 bor ; $15,000 appropriated for surveys made for the purposes of internal im¬ 
 provements, and some 6 or $8,000 for collecting, arranging and publishing an edi¬ 
 tion of the special laws, from 1822 to 1837. These expenses are all wise and 
 proper in themselves. They were incurred for objects worthy of the attention of 
 
12 
 
 the State, but they were all special objects which will not, from the nature of the 
 
 case, be likely to occur again. Here then we have : 
 
 For the Lunatic Hospital, 
 
 $100,000 
 
 For Revising the Statutes, 
 
 100,000 
 
 For the new State Prison, 
 
 60,000 
 
 State Surveys for a Map, 
 
 57,000 
 
 For Small Pox Hospital, 
 
 12,000 
 
 For Surveys for Internal Improvements, 
 
 15,000 
 
 For publishing the Special Laws, say 
 
 6,000 
 
 Making the round sum of 
 
 $350,000 
 
 for special objects which are not of annual occurrence. These do not come in to 
 the ordinary expenses of the Government, and if we had pursued a niggardly poli¬ 
 cy, and left undone these things, which we in fact were bound to do, we should 
 have had money in the treasury at the present time. 
 
 This is not all. We have, within the last ten years, set apart $450,000 for a 
 School Fund ; $281,000 of this sum was received from the United States, for 
 Militia services during the late war, and ought not in justice to be taken into this 
 account, but the residue $169,000 has been taken from the avails of eastern 
 lands, that is, out of the ordinary revenue of the State. If the $169,000 set apart 
 for a School Fund, from the ordinary revenue of the Government, be added to the 
 $350,000, mentioned above, we have the round sum of more than half a million, 
 taken from the ordinary revenue, and expended for valuable objects, which will 
 not occur again for many years to come. 
 
 We allow that our expenditures liave increased for the last ten years, but we 
 have shown the causes of this increase, and we trust it will appear that this in¬ 
 crease of expenditure has been wise, and such as an enlightened Government 
 would approve. After all, the State expenditures have not increased with its 
 means of meeting them. Our State valuation has advanced in a greater ratio, 
 within ten years, than our expenditures. If we were obliged to have recourse to 
 direct taxation, our State expenses would be less burdensome now than they were 
 ten years ago. 
 
 STATE TAXES. 
 
 From the establishment of the government, up to 1825, we had an annual State j 
 tax of from $100,000 to 200,000, to defray the ordinary expenditures of the 
 Government. From that period to the present, though there have been special 
 expenditures for extraordinary objects, a State Tax has hardly been known. From 
 1815 to 1825, the State tax would average $137,000 annually. From 1825 to 
 1842, a period of 17 years, we have had but three State Taxes of $75,000 each— 
 which, if averaged over that period, would make but $13,000 annually. If we 
 had continued the State Tax as it was up to 1825, we could have met all the ordinary 
 and extraordinary expenditures, and should have had at this moment in the treas¬ 
 ury nearly two millions of dollars. Let the intelligent people of the Common¬ 
 wealth understand this—and instead of complaining, they will laud the prudence 
 and economy of their Government. 
 
 STATE SCRIP. 1 
 
 It was our intention to have given a full and detailed account of all our liabilities in 
 consequence of Scrip, loaned to the different Rail-Road Corporations—but we re¬ 
 gard it as unnecessary. The amount of business done on the several roads, is the 
 best guaranty that they will redeem their Scrip long before it falls due. In fact, 
 the Lowell and Nashua Rail Road Corporation, which received $50,000 of State 
 Scrip, have redeemed it, already—some six years before it was due. The New 
 Bedford and Taunton Company, which received $100,000, have already returned 
 
one half of it, and will return the other half in the course of the year, being some 
 dozen years before it was redeemable. The remaining Scrip is situated as follows : 
 $500,000 has been'loaned to the Eastern Rail Road—this is payable in 1857 and 
 1859. The interest on this sum is $25,000—and the net income of their road for 
 the last year, was more than three times that sum. There has been loaned to the 
 Norwich and Worcester Rail Road Corporation $400,000, payable in 1857. The 
 interest on this loan is $20,000—and their income, the last year, though their road 
 had been open only a part of the year, was $64,000—being more than three times 
 the interest on the loan. The Boston and Portland Corporation have $150,000 of 
 State Scrip, payable as before. The interest on this sum is $7,500—and their net 
 earnings the last year, though the road was but partially opened, was $14,800— 
 nearly twice the amount of their interest. The income here spoken of is the in¬ 
 come in addition to the interest. 
 
 When we consider that these Roads, with all their property and income, are pledged 
 as security to the State, we can have no doubt that they will redeem the Scrip long 
 before it falls due. In fact, if we were to look only to the revenue of the State , we 
 should rejoice if these Corporations would permit their property to be forfeited to 
 the State. This would furnish us with a revenue which would fill our treasury 
 at once. 
 
 The only remaining instance of State Scrip, granted to a Railroad Corporation, 
 is that of the Western Rail Road. No man, who is acquainted with the vast re¬ 
 sources of the Great West, to which it leads, and the amount of business which it 
 must bring into our own Commonwealth, can doubt, for a moment, its importance 
 to us in a pecuniary point of view. The road as far as it has been opened, has 
 prospered even beyond the expectation of its most sanguine friends—and the Cor¬ 
 poration will unquestionably be able, before the Scrip falls due, to redeem every 
 dollar of it. Instead, therefore, of repining at the noble and generous policy pur¬ 
 sued by this State, on the subject of internal improvements, every citizen has reason 
 to be proud of Massachusetts. While the neighboring State of New Hampshire, 
 spell-bound by Locofocoism, has remained idle—and suffered her resources to lie 
 dormant, and her population to emigrate to the West— Massachusetts, true to her 
 own interest, has lent a helping hand, and enabled private corporations to open av¬ 
 enues from every quarter, to her Capital. The effect of this policy will be appre¬ 
 ciated, in the fact that, during the last ten years, our population has increased 
 127,000, while that of New Hampshire has increased but 15,000—and even that 
 has been brought about by Massachusetts enterprize and Massachusetts capital. 
 
 PRESENT STATE DEBT. 
 
 By an examination of the Treasurer’s Reports, it appears that we have, at pres¬ 
 ent, a State Debt of nearly $300,000—which falls due in 1842—to redeem which, 
 is pledged the sum due from the general Government, for militia services. Is there 
 any thing alarming in this debt? It is true that, while the party which raise the 
 alarm were in power in Congress, they wilfully refused to pay us our just due— 
 but now that they are driven from the places they dishonored, we have no doubt 
 that the voice of justice will be heard, and that payment will be made. We have 
 other means in prospect, which, will, in a short period, wipe out what little of in¬ 
 debtedness attaches to our State. By the recent act of a Whig Congress, the pro¬ 
 ceeds of the Public Lands are to be divided among the States. At a moderate es¬ 
 timate, the share which will fall to Massachusetts, will amount to $150,000 annu¬ 
 ally. This, of itself, in the brief period of two years, will be sufficient to pay our 
 whole debt. Where then is the occasion for alarm ? With what propriety can 
 that party complain, which, in the Government of the nation, have always refused 
 us our just due—have withheld from us what we had long since expended, and 
 kept back, from all the States, their just share of the income of the public domain ? 
 
14 
 
 THE EXPENDITURES OF THE PRESENT YEAR. 
 
 We have not had the annual Report of the Treasurer—and of course, cannot 
 speak of all the items—but we know that the pay roll of the Senate and House of 
 Representatives, the last session, amounted to only $67,106, being $29,000 less 
 than the same item for 1840, and $43,000 less than that of 1839. Several other 
 items will, we have reason to believe, be considerably reduced—so that we hazard 
 nothing in saying that the revenue will fully meet the expenditures, the present 
 year—and this too, at a time when the revenue is diminishing. What then have 
 we to fear? A direct tax ? No. We have ample means in our hands, and in 
 prospect, to meet the expenses of the State ; to pay off the debt we owe ; and, in a 
 few years, to have a large sum to add to the School Fund, or to appropriate to some 
 other valuable purpose—and this without imposing a single dollar of burden upon 
 the people. 
 
 How widely different is this from the view given by the self-styled democratic 
 members ofthe Legislature in their address to the People ! They predicted that 
 the State expenses, this year, would exceed the income by $88,000—but it is now ( 
 rendered certain that the revenue will equal the expenditure, unless something 
 unforeseen should occur. In their statement of State liabilities, in relation to 
 the Railroad Corporations, they are in error more than $1,000,000. If this Docu¬ 
 ment was not already longer than we intended it should have been, we would exam¬ 
 ine their Address, item by item, and show that it is a tissue of mistakes and misrepre¬ 
 sentations, from beginning to end. We will, however, notice one attempt to im¬ 
 pose upon the people, contained in that Address. To show that Gov. Davis has 
 been extravagant in administering the affairs Of the government, they state, on the 
 authority of a letter from Gov. Lincoln, that there was, in 1834, a clear balance 
 in favor of the Treasury of $408,336, and they parade this sum, with an evident 
 intention of giving the impression that this has been expended, and as much 
 more, since that period, over and above the ordinary revenue. The fact is, that 
 the $408,000 then on hand, was set apart for a School Fund, and that sum haa 
 been increased since that period to $450,900, by adding to the sum then on hand, 
 $42,575, taken from what had formerly been the ordinary revenue of the govern 
 ment. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 We are now about to close the remarks we had to make upon the Expenditures 
 of this Commonwealth. We have seen that the State expenses have arisen, in a 
 great degree, from the fact that many charges are ordinarily met, from our State 
 Treasury, which, in other States, are borne, either by the Counties, or Towns, or 
 are paid by the People, in the shape of fees, and that, for the last eight or ten 
 years, we have expended large sums for objects extraordinary and valuable in 
 themselves, but of rare occurrence. We have further seen that all these 'expendi¬ 
 tures have been met, without any tax upon the People, and that, by the extraordi¬ 
 nary economy ofthe past year, the expenses will be brought within the revenue. 
 Further, it is quite apparent that ample means are now at the disposal of the State 
 Government, for the early discharge of what little of public debt it owes, and that, 
 instead of beirtg under the necessity of calling upon the People in the shape of 
 taxes, the State, will, in a few years, be in the possession of funds which will ena¬ 
 ble it to increase the School Fund, or apply a large surplus to some other object 
 beneficial to the People. 
 
 Upon a full view of the subject, then, we can most cordially congratulate the 
 Freemen of this Commonwealth upon the cheering prospects which are before them. 
 While some of our sister States have been acting the part of the sluggard, and per¬ 
 mitting opportunities to pass unimproved, and others have been running head¬ 
 long into wild extravagance, which has involved them in almost irremediable em- 
 
barrassment, the Old Bay State has pursued the golden mean, and neither fal¬ 
 len into inexcusable apathy, on the one hand, nor wild speculation, on the other. 
 No State in the Union is in a more prosperous condition, and in no State are the 
 burdens lighter upon the People. For the last eight or nine years there has been 
 no State Tax, and, in all probability, there will be none, for many years to come, 
 a fact which can be stated of but very few, if of any, of our sister States. 
 
 WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS ! can you contemplate these things, with¬ 
 out emotions of pride and gratitude ? Of pride, at the prosperous condition of our 
 beloved Commonwealth—and of gratitude, to those who have so wisely and so pru¬ 
 dently conducted her public affairs. Entertaining these views, and impelled by these 
 feelings, you must look with disapprobation and pity upon those, who flatter them¬ 
 selves that they can obtain political ascendancy by hollow pretensions of attach¬ 
 ment to the People, and deceptive promises of a more wise and frugal administra¬ 
 tion of the government. You have seen too much of their economy , to be willing 
 to have it practiced in this Commonwealth. You have felt the withering effects of 
 their experiments too sensibly, to wish to have them tried in our own State. You 
 have seen that party in power—and have witnessed their manner of fulfilling their 
 promises of retrenchment and reform. You have seen them enter upon the admin¬ 
 istration of the National Government, with the country prosperous and happy, and 
 you have seen the blighting influence of their policy. You have seen commerce 
 wither, manufactures decline, and labor defrauded of its just earnings, under their 
 misrule. You have seen the expenses of the General Government trebled by these 
 boasting economists, and you have beheld their whole system of measures condemn¬ 
 ed, and themselves signally rebuked by an injured and indignant People. 
 
 Having witnessed all these things, will you trust them with political power in 
 this Commonwealth ? Will you dismiss a long tried and most faithful public ser¬ 
 vant, one who has stood by the State and the Nation in the hours of their greatest 
 peril, one who has plead so ably, and so successfully, for the laborer, and the poor 
 man, and take to your bosoms, in his stead, an individual, who, while upon the 
 bench, a situation which should raise him above party politics, has been a con¬ 
 stant aspirant for political office, and permitted his name to be used as a candidate 
 for the Chief Magistracy of the Commonwealth for a long succession of years ? 
 We trust you will not. You know the honesty of JOHN DAVIS, and the fideli¬ 
 ty of GEORGE HULL too well to abandon them at this critical period.' You 
 have too much regard for the interest and honor of our ancient Commonwealth, 
 to permit her to fall into other and less faithful hands. These, we are persuaded, 
 are your feelings and your convictions. GO, THEN, TO THE POLLS. DO 
 YOUR DUTY LIKE MEN, AND THE COMMONWEALTH IS SAFE. 
 
 Published by order of the Whig State Central Committee. 
 
 J. P. HEALY, Secretary. 
 

 
 
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