a PaeyeseaenH 
 a ey obeteaese aaa 
 
 Pata ehcp ters 
 
 a ese 18 i 
 
 Rare 
 rae 
 
 ri ii 
 SE 
 
 retest 
 
 L 
 
 1b fe) 
 Hise 
 iit 
 
 . 
 
 est 
 
 Bi G34) 
 2 tf 
 . 
 t a 
 
 a 
 i 
 eb33 
 peehet 
 ect est eu 
 ata a cere Se + 
 Sbebebebtse pape staretst tet 
 poe se te rest ETO TS 
 ae ea 
 
 t itieae i t Syieest 
 rt ie TH 
 
 ryt 
 rhe HH 
 an 
 t} rLMy seherey 
 Hist 
 tte 
 
 re 
 
 Prete sere 
 £3 Ste bebeag 
 Hai 
 seb th besees ohio 
 yy arate paerae ane 
 ares + 585 Ss x tk 
 
 548 ; 4 
 3 ae i atti 
 pes Paes eae HH f H Hts 
 ee 
 } 1 igi 
 i rar 
 Hn ib ise 
 ss 
 
 esggt 
 Tit it pert bhi + 
 raptor 
 ae siteee 
 
 eat 
 ath preteen fg 
 tf oi8 i i : 
 
 + 
 i 
 rf 
 i383 
 
 ‘i 
 i bs bee 
 : 3 Hi priest i i $2 
 ih it re yecaeTt erergauts 
 i) 5% 3 
 iC RI HEA 
 
 . 
 ie i tf tat 
 i of Rea ‘ ite 
 Peteergis esitey seit 
 eseeet aaah st 
 
 nae i ri 
 O 24754 +f i i 
 tie i 
 
 . 
 
 tSrh~ss 
 
 | 
 ij 
 
 cores 
 
 j 
 
 i it), siti i 
 
 i Doi bible: Sen ese setetene 
 arraes oe 
 
 snares gh i a i Hit a 
 
 Ps RSS a ER peastar iis ieeies 
 i : Gee ee 
 Ba asesgtrtasenesaateny esc hatisenerar Sah TTT Seseheboae es eahy 
 f a BT Hae Se ah an 
 : ui escheat rat SD siteey aye a hE) i $ espana 
 Br aygt aires piesteteatrt erie gs 
 
 begs Heohebateseaer Hi frie tT 
 
 ae : 
 
 TER RE I 
 
 i setts ; ig reas ate + dae gore sta 
 Are Ta PaUSgEr aoa arT ety a Ht ti ; 
 
 ae 7 
 bebaees as tT ets 
 He i ; 
 i, i pynehesy a i 
 t! He ; t ; 
 ea 
 4 : a 
 tit i epee iene oa prebe te 4 
 prerpeyett att i i i 
 H 3 
 Ha i Bit 
 / i i i bits er yebete aot 
 a | LL : Hee a 
 
 saree ae sy 
 ; rae Hie 
 
 a $4 
 seaeere sete bete 
 i 7 seh Ed 
 
 a 
 
 . 
 |. 
 
 Hath Hn i 
 peeerarte i a 
 Ht Ht ii i 
 
 att i is 
 HE a 
 sbekehehe Hata ts 
 ry petgrarete 
 
 bi 
 rhe 
 
 erase 
 
 a 
 i 
 
 rage 
 
 Bean 
 Sai 
 
 3 ries 
 Scpriessy eet 
 pbwetacpesersricees 
 
 om S oe 
 mrss eirsrse 
 Seek Ssh seseges eee 
 Sseipreet stirrer teers 
 eet na ee 
 Seassess sees 
 eu Attest tose SSI a s3r3 
 rete irie es - Sree : 
 Rispiaieisteiteteeeteaess coestuebtereaes 
 cereee we “s : 
 tabaci See 
 ST> 7 St tees <oty 
 -o- 0 ¢ Series rae es - S 
 . = Sct Set eretsseces 
 - = 3 
 
 pateteeieesetys 
 Seti 
 ate guste 
 
 z 
 
 or 
 ot 
 
 as 
 its 
 
 ce Sl Tetrerteypreate, 
 = Wats Othe .* > 
 Sone = 
 
 Cz 
 
 iz 
 
 at 
 oie terseets 
 .ss33 
 CUM tetereee 
 
 Sshioct 
 
 isch 
 
 ts 
 esr 
 
 - ma = : 
 <Sthe bese nbees sts Tae xaraes 
 or spepapetans states Saiau ropa 
 Sir s Srecatere tet ta eattor cece eas 2 : 
 Crieeees 7. : 
 a3 ue UG ts ret terete 
 ees 3 
 
 c 
 es 
 rt 
 s 
 se rir 
 7 
 ox 
 ST iierestbets 
 
 5 
 Toa 
 
 Stee 
 
 asec 
 
 : 
 
 y 
 
 er: 
 thtatirs 
 
 ase 
 3 
 
 ciate = 
 
 ors Sat 
 
 ti 
 ae 
 a 
 
 i 
 : 
 tf 
 
 “<t7s=: 
 
 : i 3 re 
 a nig 
 
 ts 
 
 os 
 
 Ret 
 ett 
 c 
 Sas 
 
 iaidadictttt Bi Sey 
 ae Hl ee Tae 
 f tt Hi su i 434 
 
 |. 
 i iy HS HE RTETE 
 ae 
 fina 
 
 oor 
 Sete tee 
 
 rearss 
 eiesiety 
 
 : 
 
 es 
 
 ze pusteesceiet ee 
 
 pete 
 See 
 
 eters 
 sd 
 
 3 i a 
 atte 
 
 dearest 
 
 etetety 
 oy 
 (ne 
 a 
 
 Mnaentee sts 
 is Se tenee 
 teabrriets 
 hs ietetestiepesieeti te 
 reiate 
 
 rere rir 
 SoS 
 ay 
 
 Sis 
 
 a Baa sa ue i 
 i c if _ A Te 
 suas 
 ‘ sei Hs i he i r 
 . 
 
 Q 
 B $3 Hees oor 
 = : pease 
 
 MEG Mo scheseetres srt 
 a Stet = 
 ceekcotas See 
 eat = Cette 
 Retiree set Hii sates 
 Ceiaceeor trees 5 
 
 SSS 
 
 urea 
 eras 
 
 erect 
 S 
 
 Ooore 
 
 ee 
 oes 
 
 : 
 Tt ets 
 AES 
 
 - 
 Sek 
 
 Stott 
 
 ert 
 
 behets: 
 
 eases 
 Serna rea 
 Serer ie 
 % 
 re 
 
 rhrst 
 
 sue 
 
 ester = 
 ae Sacre 
 eee itireres eres 
 Si 
 
 Sse 
 Mousses 
 
 orsees 
 Saat sce 
 
 x ats 
 tet 
 
 yet 
 caoteceeetss 
 
 es 
 
 core 
 
 =e 
 Catt peer ese 
 
 
 
UNIVERSITY OF 
 ILLINOIS LIBRARY 
 AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 
 BOOKSTACKS 
 
The person charging this material is re- 
 sponsible for its return to the library from 
 which it was withdrawn on or before the 
 Latest Date stamped below. 
 
 Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons 
 for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from 
 
 the University. 
 To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 
 
 
 
 L161—O-1096 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2020 with funding from 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 https://archive.org/details/colonialfranceOOnorm 
 
COLONIAL FRANCE 
 
a 
 =~ 
 e 
 
 HH 
 
 - 
 
 
 

 
 
 VU CE 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ee e ral e (ONT Le aur 
 ae B a 14 
 OLONIAL FRANC 
 ch 
 BY 
 a a 
 a C. B. NORMAN, 
 7 
 a, ee a LATE 90TH LIGHT INFANTRY, 
 a - "AUTHOR oF ‘ARMENIA AND THE CAMPAIGN OF 1877”; ‘“*TONKIN; OR, FRANCE 
 Be 4 IN THE FAR EAST.” 
 — ee 
 a 
 
 Ey = LONDON 
 BWV. H. ALLEN & CO., 18, WATERLOO. PLACE, 
 pS PAcUe MATIC SW. 
 
 1886. 
 

 
 OeEVGy) oe 
 
 MIMHEMA CEInpole Q 
 Bea NY le Pee ee 
 
 ' Ke 
 = 
 LONDON: 
 PRINTED BY WOODFALL AND KINDER, 
 MILFORD LANE, STRAND, W.C. 
 edz 4 
 ‘i 
 - - "1 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 —~o— 
 
 Wirutn the last few months public attention has been directed 
 in a striking manner to England’s Colonies; their wealth and 
 their strength are just objects of pride to every loyal Briton, 
 and any action which tends to overshadow their greatness is 
 looked upon as a blow struck at the integrity of the Empire. 
 A certain amount of jealousy has been evinced at the attempts 
 made by other nations to extend their Colonial possessions, 
 and France has come in for no small share of public odium 
 for her freshly-developed views on Colonial expansion. From 
 the Colonial history of France we may learn many a valuable 
 lesson. 
 
 The rapidity with which the Colonial Empire founded by 
 Louis XIV. crumbled to pieces under the unskilfully conducted 
 expeditions of our Naval and Military Forces should teach us 
 the necessity for inaugurating such a scheme of Imperial 
 Defence as shall effectually prevent a like humiliation overtak- 
 ing Great Britain. 
 
 In the system which gives the Colonies Representation in 
 the Senate and the Chambers may, perhaps, be found a solu- 
 tion of that vexed question, an Imperial Parliament, and out 
 of the many plans propounded by French Ministers of War 
 may be found a royal road for the construction of a Foreign 
 
 b 
 
 440090 
 
vi Preface. 
 
 Service Army which shall obviate the necessity of garrisoning 
 our distant stations with half-trained and half-grown lads. 
 
 I do not profess to put the book forward as a complete 
 history of Colonial France—of its many shortcomings no one 
 is more sensible than Iam; but as Colonial matters are now 
 claiming some share of public interest, I would fain hope that 
 ‘Colonial France’? may. meet with some readers who will 
 judge its defects lightly, and maybe find some interest and 
 
 possibly some instruction in the dryness of its details. 
 
 Cc. B. N. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 HISTORICAL SUMMARY AND FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Colonies of France—Harly Explorations of French Voyagers— 
 Richelien’s Efforts to Colonize—-Colbert’s Policy—Governors- 
 General and Intendants—Changes in Colonial Administration 
 owing to the Revolution— Present Constitution—Conseils Privés 
 —Conseils Généraux—Contributions furnished by Colonies to 
 the State Budget—Contributions by State to Colonial Budgets 
 —Local Budgets—Financial Officers—Colonial Banks : 
 
 
 
 
 
 Choke brre (1, 
 FRENCH SETTLEMENTS IN AFRICA. 
 
 SENEGAL: Early French Explorations on West Coast of Africa— 
 First Settlements on the Coast—Captured by the English in 
 1759—Its Second Capture in 1778—Third Capture in 1809— 
 Progress of the Colony under the Restoration—Faidherbe’s 
 Expeditions against Inland Tribes—Recent Efforts at further 
 Development—Pii! -a¥ from St. Louis to Dakar—Public Works 
 —Population —A<.ainistration — Justice—Education—Religion 
 —Agriculture and Commerce—Finance—Garrison—Gasoon, 
 Granp Bassam, and ASSINIE : ees 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 ISLANDS IN THE INDIAN OCEAN: REUNION, NOSSI BE, SAINTE MARIE 
 DE MADAGASCAR, AND MAYOTTE. 
 
 Reunion: Its Discovery —Temporary Occupation by Dutch and 
 English—Permanent Occupation by the French—Its Privateers 
 
Vili Contents. 
 
 during the Anglo-French Wars—Blockade in 1794—Surcouf 
 and his Suecessors—Captured by the English in 1810—Popula- 
 tion—Government anid Administration—ZJustice—Hducation— 
 Religion—Public Works—Cultivation and Commerce—Finances 
 
 Nosst Be: Early History—Ceded to the French—Rising of the 
 Inhabitants—Final French Conquest—Topography—Popula- 
 tion—Government and Administration—Commerce and Agricul- 
 ture—Finances 
 
 Sainte Marie pE Mapaeascar: Harly French Settlements—Popu- 
 lation—Government—Commerce and Finances . 
 
 Mayotte: French Attempts to Forty —Fopushon a 
 Commerce and Finances 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 EAST INDIES. 
 
 Pondicherry, Mahé, Chandernagore, Karikal, and Yanaon—Harly 
 History of the French in India—Trading Companies under 
 Royal Support—Richeliew and Colbert’s Efforts—Beaulieu 
 and Carron—Francois Martin’s gallant Defence of St. Thomé 
 — Founding of Pondicherry — Wars with the English — 
 Repeated Capture of the French Possessions—Population— 
 Government and Administration — Justice—Hducation—Agri- 
 culture—Commerce and Industry—Finance 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 ISLANDS IN THE PACIFIC: TAHITI, THE MARQUESAS, AND NEW 
 ; CALEDONIA. 
 
 Tanitt: Its Discovery—Harly Navigation— Missionary Successes— 
 Annexation by the French—Consul Pritchard’s Protests—Topo- 
 graphy—Population—Governmentand Administration—J ustice, 
 Religion, and Education—Public Works—A ee and Com- 
 merce—Finance . 
 
 New Cateponia: Its Decca tAnnemene ie the French—Con- 
 verted into a Convict Settlement—Inefficient Supervision— 
 Escape of Convicts to Australia—Indignation of Australian 
 Governments—Their Representations to the Home Government 
 —The Récidivist Bill—Topography—Population—Government 
 and Administration — Justice — Education—Public Works— 
 Mines—F ree Emigration—Commerce and Finances 
 
 PAGE 
 
 42 
 
 60 
 65 
 
 69 
 
 74 
 
 94: 
 
 . 103 
 
oe 
 
 Contents. ix 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 COCHIN-CHINA, ANNAM, AND TONKIN. 
 PAGE 
 
 Karly Dealings of the French in Annam—The Jesuit Bishop Treaty 
 of 1787 directed against the Hnglish—Cruelty of Annamites to 
 Missionaries—French Threats—Occupation of Saigon—War of 
 1861—Annexation of Cochin-China—Dupuis’ Expedition to 
 Tonkin—Garnier’s Campaign and Death—Riviere’s Expedition 
 —Final Treaty and Annexation of the whole Eastern Portion 
 of the Peninsula—Topography—Population—Government and 
 Administration — Justice — Education — Religion — Public 
 Works—Agriculture and Commerce—Finance . . : eel 14 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 MARTINIQUE. 
 
 Its Discovery — Early French Occupation — Foundation of the 
 Colony—British Expedition of 1759—Capture of the Island in 
 
 Restoration by Terms of Treaty of Paris—De 
 
 Bouillé’s Expedition against the British West India Islands— 
 
 Disturbances at Commencement of the Revolution—Captured 
 
 by England in 1794—Restored at Peace of Amiens—Retaken 
 
 in 1809, and again Restored by Treaty of Paris—Population— 
 
 Government and Administration—Justice—Education—Reli- 
 
 gion—Commerce and Agriculture—-Finance—Taxation—Garri- 
 
 son and Defences ; A : ‘ ; : ; nae bos 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 GUADALOUPE, AND ITS DEPENDENCIES. 
 
 Early French Occupation—Hostilities with the Natives—Collapse of 
 the First French West India Companies—Captured by English 
 in 17083—Ceded to F Recaptured 
 by British in 1759—Ceded again to France in 1763—Unsuc- 
 cessful Attempt of the English in 1794—Taken by England in 
 1810—Restored by Treaty of Paris in 1815—Topography—Its 
 Dependencies: Saintes, Marie Galante, Desirade, Saints Martin 
 and Bartholomew—Immigration—Government and Adminis- 
 tration — Education — Clergy—Public Works—Cultivation— 
 Commerce and Finance—Garrison . : : ; : . 162 
 
 
 
% Contents. 
 
 CHAP TH ea. 
 
 FRENCH GUIANA. 
 PAGE 
 
 Its Present Condition—Its Discovery and Early French Settle- 
 ments—Its Inauguration as a Penal Colony during the Revolu- 
 tion—Captured by an Anglo-Portuguese Expedition in 1807— 
 Restored by Treaty of Paris in 1817—Fresh Attempts under 
 the Restoration to Colonize Guiana—Population—EHducation— 
 Government and Administration—Justice—Public Works— 
 Agriculture — Arboriculture—Cattle-raising — Gold-mining— 
 Commerce — Comparison with British Guiana — Finances— 
 Garrison and Defence ' : 4 ; : : ; ogee 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 THE ISLANDS OF SAINT PIERRE AND MIQUELON. 
 
 Their Early Occupation by French Fishermen—The Fishing Fleets 
 of Saint Pierre and Miquelon—Population—Government and 
 Administration — Justice—Hdueation — Public Wo 
 culture and Commerce—Finance ; : i a 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 MADAGASCAR. 
 
 Its Geographical Position known to the Ancients—Discovered by 
 ‘the Portuguese —First French Expedition in 1642—De Pronis 
 and De Meilleraye settle on the Island—Flacourt annexes it to 
 France—Failure of Attempts to Colonize—Re-attached to 
 France—Jesuits step in to Proselytize Inhabitants —HEnglish 
 Alliance with Radama I.—Island of Ste. Marie occupied by 
 France—French Collision with Malagese in 1829—Constant 
 Efforts by Jesuits to regain lost Ascendency — Laborde, 
 Lastelle, and Finaz—French encourage Slavery—Occupation 
 of Mohély—Relations between Radama II. and the French— 
 His Religious Tolerance—His Death—Religious Intolerance of 
 his Widow—Her Pretended Baptism and Death --Hostilities 
 with France—Rivalry between France and Hngland—Conduct 
 of Admiral Pierre—Firmness of Lord Granville—Hostile Feel- 
 ing in France towards England—Leroy Beaulieu on French 
 Colonies—Their Danger to England . : : oat? 
 
Se 
 
 St 
 “S 
 aw 
 
 Its 
 
 Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 OBOCK. 
 
 Situation —Population—Climate—Purchased by the French— 
 Early Neglect—Recent Efforts to Improve the Harbours— 
 Commerce with Central Africa—Its Value as a Commercial 
 and Military Port—Coal in the Neighbourhood—A Shelter for 
 Merchant Vessels and Ships of War—Home for Corsairs— 
 Possible Source of Danger to England 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 TUNIS. 
 
 Continuity of French Action in the Regency—Harly History of 
 
 Tunis—Louis IX. dies there in 1270—Treaty between the 
 King of Tunis and the Kings of Sicily, Navarre, and France 
 —Invasion by Charles VI. of France —Continual War between 
 Sicily and Tunis—Invasion by tlhe Emperor Charles V.—Tunis 
 conquered by the Turks, and Power vested in Deys—French 
 Fleets bombard the Coast in 1683 and 1685—Overthrow of the 
 Deys by Turkish Soldiery—In the Eighteenth Century French 
 Fleets appear off Goletta on many Occasions—Tribute paid to 
 the Bey by all European Powers, and by United States—In 
 1799 Bey declares War with the Republic—Gigantic Sums paid 
 by Catholic Societies to repurchase Slaves—Lord Exmouth 
 puts an End to Slavery—French Conquest of Algeria—Finan- 
 cial Difficulties of the Bey—French and Italian Rivalry in the 
 Mediterranean — France determines to chastise the Kroumirs 
 —French Troops enter the Regency—Treaty wrung from the 
 
 X1 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Bey—French Protectorate—Probable Results of French Power 264 
 
 + 
 at 
 yar. > 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 COLONIAL DEFENCE. 
 
 Defence of English Colonies—Dual System in both Colonies— 
 
 Forces employed in recent French Colonial Wars—Campénon’s 
 Scheme for a Colonial Army—Boulanger’s Scheme—Present 
 System of Garrisoning Colonies — Naval Forces in French 
 Colonies—Admiral Aube’s Groups of Combat—Destruction of 
 English Commerce—Means of counteracting these Schemes 
 
 po 
 
 88 
 
xii Contents. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 I. Ratification of the Powers granted to the “Compagnie pour 
 le Commerce d’Orient et de Madagascar et d’establer des 
 Colonies francaises aux iles de l’Orient ; 
 
 Il. Extract from the Letters-Patent of Louis XIV. for the 
 Foundation of the Company of the Hast Indies . 
 
 III. Decree of the Council of State concerning Madagascar 
 IV. Declaration of Tsimandroho to the King of France 
 
 V. Letters from Prince Rakoto and the discontented Chiefs to 
 the Emperor Napoleon III. 
 
 VI. Extract of Letter from Father Jouen 
 
 VIL. Letter from Tombi Fatouma to the French Commandant 
 
 co 100) (ST Co (Ore CO = 
 
 VIII. Text of the Charter granted to M. Laborde . 
 
 Table showing present Position of British Possessions 
 Table showing present Position of French Possessions 
 
 . Principal Items of Colonial Expenditure. : . ee ; 
 . Principal Products 
 
 . Acreage under Cultivation 
 
 . Vessels Entered and Cleared 
 
 . Vessels Cleared from Saigon 
 
 . Exports and Imports of Principal Colonies . ; : 
 
 . Items of Military Expenditure and Strength of Garrisons . 
 
 . Strength of the Marine Forces 
 
 . Squadrons maintained in Colonies 
 
 te, 
 
 PAGE 
 
 297 
 
 299 
 300 
 301 
 
 302 
 303 
 303 
 B04 
 
 506 
 
 307 
 
 308, 
 
 310 
 312 
 312 
 314. 
 815 
 316 
 817 
 318 
 
 oa eee 
 
Ret 
 
 COLONIAL FRANCE: 
 
 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 HISTORICAL SUMMARY AND FINANCIAL ADMINISTRATION. 
 
 &* The Colonies of France—EHarly Explorations of French Voyagers— 
 Richelien’s Efforts to Colonize — Colbert’s Policy — Governors- 
 General and Intendants—Changes in Colonial Administration owing 
 to the Revolution—Present Constitution— Conseils Privés—Conseils 
 Générauwe—Contributions furnished by Colonies to the State Budget 
 —Contribution by State to Colonial Budgets—Local Budgets—Re- 
 serve Funds—Financial Officers—Colonial Banks. 
 
 Tue Colonial policy of France has under the Third Republic 
 taken a fresh lease of life; past failures have been tacitly buried 
 in oblivion, past successes exhumed from the musty volumes of 
 monarchical history, and the people of France persuaded 
 through the medium of a subsidized press that the regenera- 
 tion of the country is possible only through an extension of 
 her colonial system. Fresh homes will be created for the bons 
 peres de famille, fresh outlets found for French commerce, fresh 
 scenes for French glory. 
 
 Animated with this idea vast tracts have been added to the 
 dominions of France ; including the recent acquisitions of Tunis 
 and Annam, her colonies may now be said to contain 500,000 
 square miles of territory, with 25,000,000 inhabitants. 
 
 In Asia, they comprise the minor settlements of Pondicherry, 
 Chandernagore, Mahé and Karikal, in the East Indies; whilst 
 the whole eastern portion of the peninsula of Further India is 
 now under the dominion of the Tricolour. Cochin-China was 
 wrested from the King of Annam in 1860; Annam proper, 
 
 B 
 
 rw 
 
2 x Colonial France. 
 
 Tonkin and Cambodia were placed under French protection _ 
 after long-protracted and costly military operations twenty . 
 years later. " 
 
 In Africa there are Senegal, Gaboon, some petty tracts on 
 the Gold Coast, together with the islands of Mayotte, Nossi 
 'Bé, Réunion and Madagascar; for though the treaty of 1885, 
 which closed the war that had been waged between the Republic 
 and the Queen of that island, expressly omitted any mention 
 of the word Protectorate, France roundly asserts her claim to 
 the whole of Madagascar—a claim based on treaties which surely 
 have lapsed by the effluxion of time. Lastly, in June, 1886, 
 the Comores group, lying to the north-west of Madagascar, 
 were also formally annexed. as 
 
 In America the colonies consist of the penal settlement of 
 French Guiana, the West Indian islands of Martinique, 
 Guadaloupe, and other dependencies, together with the fishing 
 stations of St. Pierre and Miquelon, off Newfoundland. 
 
 In the Pacific, the convict establishment of New Caledonia, 
 the islands of Tahiti and the Marquesas, and possibly ere 
 these pages see the light the New Hebrides group may have 
 been added to the list of French possessions. 
 
 Both from a legislative and financial point of view, there is 
 a great similarity in the laws under which these various colonies 
 are governed. But before proceeding to a detailed description 
 of each dependency, it may be of interest to summarize as 
 clearly as may be the principal points which are common to 
 all, and to give a brief history of the rise and fall of France as 
 a Colonial Power. | 
 
 Englishmen are justly proud of the position occupied by 
 their country as the sovereign Power on whose dominions it 
 has with truth and pride been said that the sun never sets, and 
 we are apt with less truth to deride the pretensions of the 
 French to any aptitudes for colonization. Yet the veriest tyro 
 in European history must know that for many years French 
 explorers marched side by side with Englishmen, even if they 
 did not distance them, in the discovery of far-off lands, and that 
 for close upon two centuries the foreign possessions of France 
 equalled, if they did not surpass, our own. 
 
 
 
LTestorical Summary. 2 
 
 So far back asthe middle of the fourteenth century, in the 
 reign of Charles V., the merchants of Rouen and the hardy 
 seamen of Brittany and Normandy joined together in expedi- 
 tions as daring and as perilous as any of which our own naval 
 annals can boast. In little barques not measuring a hundred 
 tons, they scoured the Atlantic, and brought back to the markets 
 of the Seine the rich produce of the African Gold Coast and 
 the fruits of the Western Isles. For close on half a century 
 (1864-1410) Norman merchants had establishments at Elmina, 
 Fantin, Cormontin, and other spots on the west of the Dark 
 Continent, long before British mariners had ever visited those 
 shores. Scarcely a hundred years elapsed before another 
 Norman sea captain, Paulmier de Gonneville, doubled the Cape 
 of Good Hope and visited Australia (this was about the year 
 1503); and twenty-five years later Parmentier returned to 
 Dieppe freighted with the spices of the Malaccas and the ebony 
 of Madagascar. About the same time (1535) Jacques Cartier 
 of St. Malo hoisted his country’s flag on the shores of New- 
 foundland, and instituted the fisheries off that coast—fisheries 
 which to-day constitute much of the wealth of Brittany. In 
 the reign of Henri IV. private discoverers began to receive 
 royal patronage and official assistance which in the previous 
 reigns had been denied them. Brazil and Louisiana were 
 discovered, and efforts made to establish regular commerce 
 between these distant countries and France. Companies were 
 founded for the development of their trade, but no attempt, as 
 yet, was made to promote emigration. The merchants who 
 interested themselves in the matter looked only to the imme- 
 diate present, and the Government was blind to the possibilities 
 of a future. 
 
 In 1598 Henri IV., by Royal Letters Patent, appointed M. de 
 la Roche Governor-General of Canada, and entrusted him with 
 a mission to establish a colony in those regions, and implant 
 there the Catholic faith. 
 
 In 1600 a similar patent was granted to a Company for the 
 development of Sumatra, Java, the Malaccas, and the East 
 Indies. 
 
 The efforts of the King were not crowned with success. In 
 
 B 2 
 
4 | Colonial France. 
 
 Canada complaints and quarrels arose between the Breton 
 fisherman and M. de la Roche’s emigrants; and though the 
 latter actually founded a colony in the island of St. Croix, the 
 pressure brought to bear upon the King was such as to result 
 in the return of the emigrants, chiefly merchants and traders, 
 with a powerful admixture of the adventurer element. Their 
 opponents sat in high places. Sully threw the whole weight of 
 his influence against the enterprise :—‘‘ I must include amongst 
 the acts done in defiance of my opinion the despatch of the 
 colonists to Canada this year. No sort of success is to be 
 hoped for, no riches can be drawn from those countries in the 
 new world which lie beyond the fortieth degree of latitude.” 
 
 The death of Henri IV. following on the open hostility of 
 his minister to these far-off projects, was but the precursor of 
 their downfall. Hardy and bold as the sailors of Brittany and 
 Normandy were, ever ready to set forth in quest of fresh 
 worlds, their compatriots inland were by no means prepared to 
 incur expatriation in order to aid in the commercial develop- 
 ment of néw provinces across the seas. There was but one 
 class in France willing to turn from the mother country and 
 seek fresh homes in happier climes, where religious perse- 
 cutions were unknown, and where all would be free to worship 
 as they chose; but the narrow policy of Richelieu and the 
 machinations of a priest-ridden ministry forbad the introduc- 
 tion of any but the Catholic faith into the colonies of France. 
 Thus the very element, the off-shoots of a State religion which 
 have been the mainstay and prop of our own distant settle- 
 ments, was forbidden to the new province of France. 
 
 Tempted by the marvellous successes attained by the Dutch 
 East India Company at the commencement of the seventeenth 
 century, the French, under the guidance of Richelieu, lent them- 
 selves with renewed energy to the formation of fresh com- 
 mercial undertakings—undertakings which were to connect 
 more closely the trade of distant lands with the commerce of 
 the home markets. 
 
 One of the earliest of these was ‘‘La Compagnie de la 
 Nacelle de Saint Pierre fleurdelisée,” which had for its object, 
 as stated in its charter, ‘‘ To establish in the kingdom of France 
 
flistorical Summary. 5 
 
 a great trade in all the objects to be found in these countries, 
 and to establish -in them fisheries, dockyards for the construc- 
 tion of ships, and depots for other manufactures which are 
 unknown in those regions, to develop the value of those terri- 
 tories which now return but little profit, and to thoroughly 
 explore all localities over which the flag of France flies. To 
 establish foundries, mines for gold, silver and iron, to prosecute 
 journeys into the interior of these lands and into the neigh- 
 bouring States, to attract population to them, establishing 
 colonists in suitable places, such as Canada and North America, 
 and to trade and traffic in all countries which have not shown 
 themselves hostile to our sovereign.” 
 
 The results of this company were as infinitesimal as its 
 intentions were grandiose: abroad as well as at home it effected 
 nothing but the ruin of its supporters. The sanguine minister, 
 however, was in no way discouraged. Whilst the anger of the 
 members of ‘‘ La Compagnie de la Nacelle de Saint Pierre fleur- 
 delisée”’ was still smouldering, Richelieu travelled down to 
 Brittany, and there collecting round him the enterprising mer- 
 chants of the west coast, he founded one more equally gigantic 
 enterprise, equally vague in its scope, equally doomed to 
 failure. 
 
 This company was styled ‘‘ La Compagnie de Morbihan,” and 
 again, to quote a charter, ‘‘ The shareholders were granted the 
 privilege of possessing lands in North America, whether on 
 the continent or on islands and other places which they may 
 conquer, the King alone reserving the right of homage. The 
 Company will be permitted to take out of France all persons 
 who may volunteer for service under this charter, to enrol and 
 to arm them, as well as all rogues and vagabonds whom the 
 agents of the Company may impress.”’ 
 
 It is easy to understand how quickly the Company of Mor- 
 bihan attained failure. Its directors thought only of enriching 
 themselves by the sale of lands and monopolies which never 
 had, and never could have had, any existence. In fact no real 
 efforts at colonization were made, the clause as to the com- 
 pulsory embarkation of all rogues and vagabonds—a power 
 _ which, judiciously used, might have led to the happiest results— 
 
6 Colonial France. 
 
 remained a dead letter. In the seven years during which the 
 
 Company dragged on an existence solely for the purpose of 
 enriching the one hundred directors, only forty colonists were 
 introduced into Canada. 
 
 Warned, though undismayed, by this second failure, Richelieu 
 continued the grant of patents to new Companies on every 
 hand. 
 
 In 1626 a grant was accorded to two worthy merchants of 
 Dieppe—d’Enambue and du Rossy—who in the previous year 
 had visited the islands of Saint Christopher and the Barbadoes, 
 returning thence with the most exaggerated stories of their 
 boundless wealth, to found a Company for the development of 
 the West India Islands and Peru. 
 
 In 1628 a second Canadian .Company was formed under 
 Royal Patent. To it was granted Quebec, Canada, Florida, 
 and the whole coast of North America up to the Arctic Circle, 
 with a monopoly of all trade between that continent and 
 France for fifteen years, and a monopoly in perpetuity of the 
 trade in skins and furs. 
 
 , in the same year (1628) the third French East India Com- 
 pany was formed, previous attempts having been made in 1604 
 and 1615; and in 1642 a fourth Kast India Company was 
 again launched on a course of: certain failure. The closing 
 years of Richelieu’s career seem to have been marked with an 
 absence of that love for colonial aggrandizement which had so 
 distinguished him in his earlier days, and France remained 
 undisturbed by visions of wealth to be extracted from distant 
 lands. 
 
 Under Colbert, however, the fever of colonial speculation 
 again burst forth. Company after company was formed, but, 
 being founded on erroneous principles, none reached maturity. 
 
 In 1664 those of the East and West Indies ; in 1673 Senegal, 
 which in 1679 was merged into that of Senegal and Guinea ; 
 in 1698 that of Saint Domingo, followed by one for the develop- 
 ment of trade with, and colonization in, China. 
 
 It was not until the commencement of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury that any of these institutions really took root in the soil 
 to which they had been transplanted; the history of their rise 
 
flistorical Summary. z 
 
 or fall belongs to another period; and will be dealt with in each 
 separate case. The administration of these companies was 
 confided to Governors-General, who were appointed by the 
 King to guard the interests of the State in its various distant 
 possessions. These officials, however, were expressly forbidden 
 from touching on questions relating to commerce or the 
 sale of lands. As might have been anticipated, the restric- 
 tion of the powers of these otherwise irresponsible Viceroys 
 gave rise to endless disputes. The trading companies, on the 
 one hand, protested against any interference with their pre- 
 rogatives, and the Governors, on the other, were annoyed at the 
 curtailment of their powers. The interposition of the Home 
 Government became necessary, and towards the end of the 
 seventeenth century it undertook the entire- management of all 
 its foreign possessions. In 1679, ‘‘ Intendants’’ were ap- 
 pointed to each colony to assist the Governors-General in 
 matters of internal administration, and to act, as it were, as 
 middlemen between the representatives of the Proprietor Com- 
 panies and the State. 
 
 Far from putting an end to the disagreements to which the 
 appointment of Governors had given rise, the new state of 
 affairs proved more fruitful of quarrels than the old. The In- 
 tendants in many cases looked on themselves as spies over the 
 action of the Governors, and as appointed solely to watch over 
 the interests of the civil portion of the population ; in other 
 instances Intendants and Governors banded themselves to- 
 gether against the traders; in all cases they succeeded in 
 fomenting discord and producing distrust. The peculiar 
 position occupied by these Intendants opened out great 
 opportunities for peculation, and many were the efforts made 
 by the protégés of the King’s favourites to obtain these coveted 
 posts, from which they returned in a few years possessors of 
 handsome fortunes. The history of the French reverses in 
 Canada furnishes an apt illustration of one of the most glaring 
 instances of official rapacity and incapacity in the person of 
 Bigot, the Intendant during Montcalm’s gallant campaign. 
 Kvery obstacle was thrown in the way of the military com- 
 mander during the operations against the British. The most 
 
8 Colonial France. 
 
 exorbitant taxes were levied on the most necessary articles of 
 fcod for the soldiers; their pay was so much in arrear that 
 many of the subordinate officers were compelled, owing to 
 debts due to the State, to resign their commissions, and were 
 then subjected to civil punishment for bankruptcy. Yet whilst 
 the military were thus suffering, the civil officials were rapidly 
 enriching themselves. ‘‘ All are hastening to make their for- 
 tune before the inevitable loss of the colony, which many 
 eagerly long for. Its loss will cast an impenetrable veil over 
 their past misconduct.” Thus wrote the brave Montcalm in 
 one of the letters which his gallant subordinate, de Bougain- 
 ville, succeeded in conveying to the Minister of Marine. That 
 there was too much truth in this assertion is evident from the 
 fact that, on his return to Paris, Bigot was tried for his pecu- 
 lations, condemned to perpetual banishment from the realms of 
 His Most Christian Majesty of France, and compelled to dis- 
 gorge 12,000,000 francs. The result of his conduct was the 
 loss of Canada to the French, and the death of Montcalm. 
 
 In the year 1787, when the Revolutionary storm-cloud was 
 just appearing over the horizon, and when the universal ery for 
 political freedom was resounding throughout France, fresh 
 changes were made in the administration of the colonies by 
 the institution of ‘‘ Colonial Assemblies.’ These bodies, to 
 a certain extent, represented the principle of local self-govern- 
 ment, and were intended to appease the landed proprietors, 
 whose power had been totally abolished by the appointment of 
 Governors-General and Intendants. The change was not of 
 lasting duration. 
 
 The Revolutionists of 1789 were too busily employed in 
 sweeping away abuses at home to think of effecting necessary 
 reforms abroad, and thus the position of the colonies was un- 
 affected by the Constitution of 1791. Later in the year, how- 
 ever, attention was called to the anomaly of France being 
 ruled by a set of laws based on universal equality, whilst its 
 colonists were subject to the old régime. In September, 1791, 
 a decree was issued placing the colonies under a special code ; 
 but it was not until the Constitution of 1797 that the French 
 colonies were legally incorporated into the Republic, and sub- 
 
ffistorical Summary. 9 
 
 jected to the same constitutional laws. Five years later fresh 
 changes were introduced, and two years afterwards, on 
 August 4, 1803, a decree of the Senate was published, renew- 
 ing again the colonial constitution. The power which in 
 olden days had been conferred on Governors-General was 
 now transferred to officials styled ‘*‘ Captains-General,”’ each 
 one having under his orders a colonial ‘‘ Préfet’”’ and a Chief 
 Judge. 
 
 With the fall of the Empire in 1814 fresh changes became 
 necessary, and the Republican officials were once more replaced 
 by Governors and Intendants. The necessity of putting an 
 end to the equivocal situation of the various colonial adminis- 
 trations also became apparent, and it was obvious that some 
 decision must be arrived at in order to avoid in the future the 
 clashing between the Metropolitan and Local authorities, and 
 to define with more clearness the exact jurisdiction and powers 
 of each official, 
 
 From time to time Ministerial orders were issued dealing 
 with individual colonies, but it was not until the year 1830 
 that the Government realized the impossibility of dealing with 
 each colony as a separate factor. Yet there was a strong 
 antipathy to placing the whole of the dependencies absolutely 
 under French law. A series of resolutions were accordingly 
 drawn up in which the various colonies were grouped with 
 more or less method ; but the Code Napoleon was the basis of 
 their laws, and they were administered by men trained in 
 France, ignorant of the peculiar characteristics of the people 
 among whom they were thrown, and careful rather for 
 the interests of the mother country than the welfare, moral 
 or material, of the subject races. Though, undoubtedly, a 
 certain amount of political liberty was accorded to the people, 
 who were nominally, at any rate, entrusted once more with 
 local self-government, the clash between races was apparent ; 
 the white colonists, of course, reserving to themselves all 
 places in local institutions, their black brethren being debarred 
 the privilege of voting even in Municipal elections. 
 
 The abolition of slavery in 1848 again brought the colonial 
 question to a crisis, spreading, as it did, financial ruin around, 
 
1O Colonial france. 
 
 and destroying many of the most flourishing industries. A 
 Colonial Commission was appointed to inquire into the best 
 method of alleviating the widespread distress, and it suggested 
 as a sovereign cure for the disease ‘‘ Parliamentary Represen- 
 tation.”” The result of this inquiry was the publication, on 
 May 3, 1854, of a decree of the Senate, annulling the Colonial 
 Constitution of 1833, and this in its turn was overthrown with 
 the overthrow of the Napoleonic dynasty, under which the 
 colonies of France were rapidly regaining the wealth and posi- 
 tion, of which the innumerable changes to which they had been 
 subject had deprived them. 
 
 With the birth of the Third Republic arose a desire to endow 
 the colonies with fresh institutions. A fresh Colonial Commis- 
 sion was instituted to report on the best method of proceeding, 
 and finally all were grouped under two heads: 
 
 Martinique, Guadaloupe, Réunion, Senegal, the East Indian 
 possessions, and Cochin-China forming the first group. | 
 
 Saint Pierre and Miquelon, New Caledonia, Tahiti and the 
 Marquesas Islands, Mayotte, Nossi Bé, and Gaboon forming 
 the second group. | 
 
 Group I. are endowed with representative institutions, 
 which decide all financial questions; any fundamental changes 
 in their organic laws must, however, be sanctioned by a decree 
 of the Senate. The command of the forces and the interior 
 administration are entrusted to a Governor, who has under his 
 orders functionaries at the head of the various administrative 
 and executive departments, such as the medical, financial, 
 legal, military, naval, and police. 
 
 These officials, with the addition of two of the principal 
 non-official inhabitants, one named by the President of the Re- 
 public, one by the Governor, form as it were a Supreme Coun- 
 cil, styled the Conseil Privé, the Governor-General himself 
 being President: his acts are confirmed by a decision of the 
 Council, which also has the power of vetoing them. Should 
 any disputes arise between the Governor and his Council, 
 which are not of a nature to necessitate their reference to 
 Paris, the Council is further strengthened by the addition 
 of two local magistrates; but should either party still be 
 
Ffistorical Summary. II 
 
 dissatisfied with the decision of the majority, the question 
 may be referred to the ‘‘ Commission Coloniale,”’ at the 
 capital. 
 
 In addition to the ‘‘ Conseil Privé,” each colony possesses a 
 ** Conseil Général,’’ clothed with much the same functions as 
 the ‘‘ Conseils Généraux” of the mother country. They are 
 composed of members elected by the votes of all colonists over 
 the age of twenty-one years. The circular memorandum 
 which accorded these privileges contained the following pas- 
 sage, which clearly indicates the scope of the powers of the 
 “Conseils Généraux’’: ‘‘ The Government being desirous of 
 eranting to the colonies complete liberty of action, they will be 
 permitted for the future to regulate their own affairs in a great 
 _ measure, they will be allowed to manipulate and levy their own 
 taxes and other duties, to have sole charge of their own 
 finances, drawing up their own budgets. They will thus have 
 all the necessary powers for developing their own resources and 
 for diminishing their own expenses, and can arrange their com- 
 mercial relations and their internal affairs as seems best for 
 them.” 
 
 These councils, then, legislate upon all matters which spe- 
 cially concern the colony; they vote the various rates and 
 taxes, they discuss all questions which concern the colonies in 
 their relations with the mother country. They deliberate 
 upon and fix the local budgets, and have the power of address- 
 ing directly to the Minister of Marine all claims and protests 
 which they consider should, in the interests of the colony, be 
 made the special object of his inquiry. Intercolonial ques- 
 tions can also be discussed by these assemblies, delegates from 
 other colonies meeting for the deliberation of such matters ; 
 but every decision arrived at by these delegates requires the 
 confirmation of the ‘“‘ Conseils Généraux ”’ of the colonies con- 
 cerned before it can be carried into effect, and in certain cases 
 further requires the ratification of the Senate. 
 
 Grove II. comprises the colonies of Saint Pierre and 
 Miquelon, New Caledonia, Tahiti, and the Marquesas Islands, 
 Mayotte, Nossi Bé, and Gaboon. They are administered 
 much in the same manner as the colonies in Group I. The 
 
12 Colonial France. 
 
 senior officials form, with the Governor, a Supreme Council ; 
 but there being no ‘‘ Conseils Généraux’”’ in these colonies, 
 delegates from the Municipal councils take part in the delibera- 
 tions of the ‘‘ Conseils Privés,’’ when matters relating to the 
 local budget or to the interior administration of the country 
 come up for discussion. 
 
 The task of effectually checking irregularities amongst the 
 swarms of underpaid officials in her distant possessions has 
 been one beyond the power of the French Government. Bigots 
 still exist in the colonies of France. In January, 1883, a fresh 
 departure was made in the organization of a Civil Service, the 
 members of which it is anticipated will be found qualified to 
 deal. with all the difficulties attendant on the administration 
 of the various dependencies, and will be drawn from a class 
 which should be above the petty defalcations which have 
 marred the symmetry of colonial budgets. Hitherto the 
 irreconcileable functions of administrative officer and of ex- 
 amining officer of accounts passed alternately through the 
 same hands. When the executive officer in charge of a 
 treasury was liable at any moment to be made inspecting 
 financial officer of a district, and again re-transferred to the 
 executive charge of a still larger department, it was obviously 
 to his advantage to overlook irregularities. Such a system 
 was naturally unfortunate in its results; nor was the substitu- 
 tion of permanent inspectors in the larger colonies attended 
 with more success. These inspectors-occupied the anomalous 
 position of being subordinate to the Governor, and yet corre- 
 sponding direct with the Minister of Marine. They watched 
 with a jealous eye the working of all financial and administrative 
 officers, knowing that their departmental promotion depended to 
 a great extent on the detection and report of abuses. Virtually 
 subordinate to, though practically independent of, the Governor, 
 they were very thorns in the flesh of these little potentates, to 
 whose opposition the abolition of inspections may justly be traced. 
 Kspionage was their réle, and right well they carried it out; 
 but the equilibrium between colonial expenditure and colonial 
 receipts never resulted from their labours, and it is doubtful 
 whether the new Civil Service officials will meet with more 
 
ffistorical Summary. £3 
 
 success, their mission also being one of antagonism to the 
 superior executive officer of the colonies. 
 
 The financial administration of the colonies is based on the 
 principle that the expense of the government, of the general 
 administration and of defence shall be borne by the State, all 
 other charges being debited to the colony. 
 
 A decree of the Senate, dated 12th December, 1882, has 
 laid down the various items of receipt and expenditure which 
 appear in the budget presented to the Chamber by the Minister 
 of Marine, who also holds the post of Colonial Minister. 
 Further complications, however, have arisen on the question, 
 as certain of the colonies have been transferred from the 
 Admiralty to the Foreign Department. The items in the 
 Colonial Budget which are submitted to the Chambers are :— 
 
 Receipts.—1. The sum each colony is called upon to furnish 
 to the public treasury as a quota towards the national ex- 
 penditure. As none of the colonies are now in a position to 
 aid the mother country, this item no longer appears in the 
 budget, though by a decree of the Senate, dated 4th July, 
 1806, any of the colonies might be called on for financial 
 assistance. 
 
 2. The rental of the various Government properties in the 
 East Indies. 
 
 8. Deductions made from the pay of the various Civil officials 
 on account of their contributions to the Pension Funds. 
 
 4, The produce of the sale or concession of State lands. 
 
 5. All other receipts which are not required for colonial 
 purposes. 
 
 The collection of these sums, which have to figure in the 
 Metropolitan Budget, is carried out under the order of the 
 Minister of Finance by the Treasurers-general of colonies. 
 
 Expenditure.—The items of local expenditure which are 
 borne by the State comprise, as I have just stated, all those 
 relating to 
 
 1. The personal staff of the Governor. 
 2. The Military Service. 
 
 3. Religion and Public Instruction. 
 4, Financial officials. 
 
ket Colonial France. 
 
 In the minor colonies of St. Pierre, Miquelon, Gaboon, 
 Mayotte, Nossi Bé, Tahiti, the Marquesas Islands, New 
 Caledonia, the expenditure on public works, harbours, build- 
 ings, &c., is also to a large extent borne by the State. 
 
 All expenses incurred in the colonies under the above head- 
 ings are paid by bills styled ‘‘ Traites de la Marine ;’”’ these are _ 
 not negotiable, but are issued by the Treasurers-general of 
 Colonies, under the seal of the Governors, and are not valid 
 until they have been countersigned by the Minister of 
 Marine. 
 
 Local Budgets.—The local budgets of the colonies are pre- 
 pared by an official styled ‘‘the Director of the Interior,” and 
 are deliberated on by the ‘‘ Conseils Généraux”’ in those colonies 
 where such bodies exist; in others by the ‘‘ Conseils Privés,” 
 or by the chief administrative officials. These budgets are 
 published in the local official Gazette, all payments and 
 receipts being rendered valid by the colonial seal attached at 
 the hands of the Treasurer-general.. Except in the case of 
 Cochin-China, where the budget discussions are carried on 
 with closed doors, all sittings of the ‘‘ Conseils Généraux,”’ or 
 ‘‘ Conseils Privés,”’ for the deliberation of financial questions 
 are open, and liable, as they are subjected, to the free criticism 
 of a local press. 
 
 All items which do not come raids one or the other of the 
 headings enumerated in the preceding page, as being a portion 
 of the budget of the State, are necessarily transferred to the 
 shoulders of the local officials. 
 
 Ordinary receipts comprise~— 
 
 1. Rates and taxes voted by the local assemblies. 
 
 2. Customs dues, the exact amount of which is fixed in the 
 same manner. 
 
 3. The rental of colonial properties. 
 
 4. Subventions made by the mother country in aid of the 
 local exchequer. 
 
 Extraordinary receipts include — 
 
 1. Loans for public works authorized by the State or by 
 colonial assemblies. 
 
 2. Sums borrowed from the Reserve Fund of the colonies, to 
 
Flistorical Summary. 15 
 
 carry out works of public utility; these, however, can only be 
 granted temporarily. 
 
 3. Extraordinary rates or taxes collected in virtue of a 
 colonial decree. 
 
 Ordinary expenditure includes all sums the payment of 
 which has been foreseen and provided for in the local budgets, 
 the salaries of minor officials, maintenance of high roads and 
 public works, whilst 
 
 Extraordinary expenditure refers only to the disbursement 
 of those sums which have become disposable under the heading 
 of ‘* Hatraordinary Receipts.” 
 
 Loans contracted by the colony, or pecuniary guarantees 
 entered into by colonial assemblies, must first receive the 
 sanction of the Minister of Marine; and all expenses incurred 
 beyond the colony are satisfied by means of orders on the 
 Minister of Marine in Paris, or on the Treasurer-general of 
 other colonies. The orders, however, can only be issued 
 with the sanction of local assemblies, and they require the 
 seal of the colony to be attached to them by order of the 
 Governors. 
 
 A check is held over irregularities in colonial expenditure, 
 by the issue of a recent decree of the Senate, which positively 
 forbids surplus credits under one item being made available 
 for increased expenditure under another; even when a tem- 
 porary use is made of these available sums, the intervention of 
 the Governor in Council is necessary, who signifies his assent 
 to the Treasurer-general of the colony. 
 
 The accounts of the financial year are made up and closed 
 on the 20th of the succeeding June, beyond which date no 
 outstanding claims are admissible. They are at the first 
 meeting after that date submitted to the local assemblies, and 
 approved of by the Governor in Council. 
 
 Reserve Funds.—tIin the event of any surplus accruing at the 
 expiration of the financial year, it is invested in Rentes and 
 carried to the credit of the Reserve Fund of the colony. The total 
 of these funds has been fixed by a decree of the Senate as fol- 
 lows: they were commenced by subventions made by the State 
 on the abolition of slavery, and in those colonies where they 
 
16 Colonial France. 
 
 still exist have been very usefully employed in enabling the 
 local governments to meet any unexpected expenditure :— 
 
 ToraL oF RESERVE FuNDs. 
 
 Martinique . : E ; : . £60,000 
 Guadaloupe . : : ‘ : . 60,000 
 Réunion . : : ; p . . 60,000 
 Guiana . : : : : : . 40,000 
 Senegal . : ; : 5 . 92,000 
 Gaboon . : ; ; . 20,000 
 Saint Pierre and Miquelon : : . 16,000 
 Saint Marie de Madagascar . : 4,000 
 Mayotte . : : : : ; ; 8,000 
 Nossi Bé . p : 8,000 
 Tahiti and the ‘Marquesas Islands : . 16,000 
 New Caledonia : P . 16,000 
 Possessions in the East Tees : . 40,000 
 Cochin-China . : : : ‘ . 860,000 
 
 It is distinctly laid down that advances from these funds are 
 only to be made for public purposes, under the authority of 
 the Governor in Council; all loans to private establishments 
 are strictly forbidden. The accounts connected with these 
 funds are annually submitted at the close of each financial 
 year to the ‘‘ Conseils Généraux,” or, in colonies where these 
 do not exist, to the ‘‘ Conseils Privés.”’ 
 
 Financial Officials.—In each colony, at the head of all 
 treasury establishments, stands an official nominated by the 
 President of the Republic, styled the ‘‘ Trésorier-payeur ” ; 
 he is charged with the receipt and disbursement of all sums, 
 entered either on the Local or Metropolitan Budget. These 
 gentlemen receive not only a fixed salary, with house accom- 
 modation, but a percentage on all the taxes and customs dues 
 of the colony, and their passages to and fro are paid by the 
 State; on the other hand, they are required to deposit con- 
 siderable sums as caution-money, amounting, in the larger 
 colonies, to £4,000. 
 
 Under every ‘‘ Trésorier-payeur”’ are one or more assistants, 
 named by the Minister of Finance and Minister of Marine 
 alternately ; they act under the orders and dispesition of the 
 
flistorical Summary. by 
 
 Treasurer-General, to whom they are responsible. They, too, 
 in addition to a fixed salary, receive a percentage on the State 
 receipts. 
 
 The salaries of these functionaries are borne by the State ; 
 they themselves are, as a rule, drawn from some of the great 
 departments at home, and may be looked upon as servants of 
 the Republic, not of the colonies. 
 
 Subordinate to the Assistant Treasurers we have the purely 
 colonial officials, ‘‘ Receveurs des Contributions’? and ‘‘ Pré- 
 cepteurs des Contributions.’’ They are entrusted, under the 
 orders of the senior State functionaries, with the collection of 
 rates, taxes, and all local dues; and in addition to their fixed 
 salaries receive a percentage (fixed by colonial decree, which 
 requires the approval of the Ministers of Marine and of 
 Finance) on all sums they collect. Both Receveurs and Pré- 
 cepteurs are nominated by Local Governors, and, lke their 
 seniors, are required to deposit considerable sums as caution- 
 money. 
 
 The working of all colonial offices is subject to the most 
 severe scrutiny on the part of the Accountant-General’s office 
 in Paris, to which all accounts are annually submitted, and 
 _ its officials are called upon to offer suggestions as to reforms 
 in the financial situation of the colonies, and to compare 
 rigidly the actual receipts and expenditure with that authorized 
 by the Home Government. 
 
 Colonial Banks.—A review of the financial administration 
 of the French colonies would be incomplete without a slight 
 résumé of the status and operations of the various colonial 
 banks. ‘The terrible crisis caused by the abolition of the slave- 
 trade, and the necessity then apparent for some sort of local 
 institution which should be able to assist solvent though 
 temporarily pressed colonists with timely advances, led to their 
 introduction ; and a clause in the law of April, 1849, which 
 sanctioned large indemnities to the distressed colonies, 
 allocated one-eighth of these loans as capital towards the 
 formation of loan and discount companies in Martinique, 
 Guadaloupe, and Réunion. Guiana and Senegal received their 
 charters some few years later, the capital of the various 
 
 C 
 of) 
 
18 Colonial France. 
 
 banks being apportioned to the wealth and prosperity of the 
 colonies. 
 Martinique with a capital of £120,000 
 
 Guadaloupe 3 a 120,000 
 Réunion rs 53 120,000 
 Guiana * 7 28,000 
 Senegal , r 9,200 
 Cochin-China _,, . 320,000 
 
 Each bank has the sole right of issuing notes in its own 
 colonies; these notes are legal tender, their circulation being 
 limited to three times the cash balance in hand. The banks 
 are allowed to make advances on the security of merchandise in 
 stock, or in bonded warehouses ; loans also on standing crops 
 are authorized to tenants as well as freeholders. In the 
 ‘eolonies, as in France, the law shows but little consideration 
 for the tenant debtor, every point being strained in favour of a 
 pressing creditor ; so the banks, in the event of one instal- 
 ment of a loan becoming due, are authorized, eight days after 
 the delivery of a notification of such default at the habitation 
 of the borrower, to proceed to an enforced sale of his property, 
 in spite of all opposition. Not only are the crops or property 
 pledged liable to sale, but all matters, even to cash on the 
 premises, furniture, plate, and stock. Still further to increase 
 the security of such advances, a very stringent clause has 
 been inserted in the Penal Code, rendering any borrower liable 
 to imprisonment for life who should be found guilty of having 
 made away with, or destroyed wilfully, or by negligence, crops 
 _ on which advances have been made. 
 
 The operation of these banks is, to a certain extent, con- 
 trolled by a committee of nine members, which has its per- 
 manent location in Paris. Of these one is a member of the 
 Senate, elected by that body; two are nominated by the 
 Minister of Finance; two by the Committee of the Bank of 
 France; the four remaining are shareholders of the bank, 
 nominated by the Minister of Marine. | 
 
 The operations of these banks are officially limited to legiti- 
 mate banking business, and they are prohibited from exceeding © 
 the instructions laid down in their charters of constitution : 
 these permit them— 
 
rrr 
 
 flistorical Summary. 19 
 
 1. To discount bills payable at sight, or guaranteed by the 
 signatures of responsible persons. 
 
 2. To discount, negotiate, or purchase bills or orders upon 
 banking-houses in other colonies, in France, or in foreign 
 countries. 
 
 3. To discount drafts guaranteed by— 
 
 a. Bills of lading or warrants, or on receipts of merchan- 
 dise stored in bonded warehouses or in private stores, 
 the keys of which have been officially entrusted to 
 the bank. 
 
 b. On standing crops. 
 
 ce. On French or other Government obligations, or on 
 shares of French or colonial banks. 
 
 d. On specie, or gold and silver bullion lodged on 
 deposit. 
 
 4. To open private accounts, cash coupons, recover bills, 
 and pay all cheques drawn on them up to, but not beyond, 
 the balance in hand. 
 
 5. To receive on deposit, charging for their safe custody, 
 
 title-deeds, scrip, stock, money, and bullion. 
 
 6. To subscribe to all loans offered by the State, by the 
 colonies, or by municipal institutions, up to the amount of its 
 funded reserve not otherwise employed. 
 
 7. To receive, under the sanction of the Minister of Marine, 
 subscriptions from private individuals for all Government or 
 colonial loans. 
 
 8. To issue notes, payable to the. bearer, of the value of 
 500, 100, 50, 25, and 5 francs. 
 
 9. To speculate in bullion or specie. 
 
 Loans are restricted to one-half the value of bills of lading 
 or merchandise in warehouses ; one-third the value of standing 
 crops ; two-thirds the value of insured buildings; and the 
 full market value of bullion or specie. As regards stocks and 
 shares, advances are limited to four-fifths of the price of 
 French Government securities ; three-fifths of colonial securi- 
 ties. 
 
 Every six months, on the 30th June and 31st December, 
 
 c 2 
 
20 Colontal France. 
 
 the books and accounts of the banks are made up and balanced. 
 Only one-fifth of outstanding accounts, however good their 
 security may be, are included in the assets. On a balance 
 being struck, the following is the ruling observed with regard 
 to the dividend, which is invariably paid out of the profits 
 earned during the preceding half-year :— 
 
 a. One-half per cent. on the original capital of the bank 
 is placed to the Reserve Fund. 
 
 b. A dividend of five per cent. is then distributed to 
 shareholders. 
 
 c. The surplus is then divided in two equal parts, one- 
 half being distributed as an additional dividend to 
 shareholders ; eight-tenths of the other half goes 
 to swell the Reserve Fund, one-tenth to the manager, 
 and one-tenth to the employés of the bank. 
 
 Each bank is furnished with a staff of four directors, and 
 two accountants. Of the former, the Treasurer-General of the 
 colony is ex-officio chairman, the three others being elected by 
 the shareholders; of the accountants, one is named by the 
 Minister of Marine, the other by the shareholders. The Board 
 of Direction is individually and collectively responsible that 
 the banks confine their operations strictly to the line of busi- 
 ness laid down by their charters. 
 
 A central agency for the colonial banks was instituted in 
 Paris in 1852, in order to assist in the more rapid develop- 
 ment of business between the colonies and the capital; its 
 Board of Direction is nominated partly by the Minister of 
 Marine, partly by shareholders of the banks resident in 
 Paris. 
 
 Constituted thus, these banks have rendered the most in- 
 valuable service to the French colonies. They have, by 
 judicious advances, enabled prosperous colonists to rebuild work- 
 shops, renew their plant, improve their system of agriculture : 
 at the same time, by a still more judicious system of fore- 
 closing mortgages, and by seizing every opportunity of en- 
 forcing the penal clauses in their charters, they have often 
 

 
 Fiistorical S§ uUummary. 21 
 
 been enabled to obtain, at absurdly low rates, very valu- 
 able properties, and so to increase the wealth of the share- 
 holders at the expense of their more unfortunate com- 
 patriots. 
 
 Crédit Foncier Colonial.—In 1860, having regard to the 
 Immense success attendant on the workings of the colonial 
 banks, the Emperor Napoleon, whose interest in the welfare 
 of the colonies was always apparent, issued a decree sanction- 
 
 ing the establishment of the ‘‘ Crédit Foncier Colonial” (Land 
 
 Mortgage Companies) in Martinique, Guadaloupe, and Réunion. 
 Lhe objects of these companies were— 
 
 1. To advance money to individual proprietors, or to land 
 companies, for the purpose of constructing sugar manufuc- 
 tories and refineries in French colonies, or of improving plant 
 in such establishments. 
 
 2. To lend money on the mortgage of landed property. 
 
 3. To work, on their own account, properties acquired by 
 foreclosure. 
 
 4. To advance money to the Governments or municipal 
 authorities of the colonies. 
 
 Loans were more generally made for short periods, but they 
 might, with the sanction of the Treasurer-General, be extended 
 over a term of thirty years. Annual repayments included— 
 
 a. Interest at the rate of 8 per cent. per annum. 
 
 b. The annual instalment of the sum borrowed, plus 
 1 franc 20 centimes per cent. charged on the total 
 amount advanced to cover the expenses of the 
 loan. 
 
 In order that the mother country should be no loser by the 
 venture which was intended to benefit the colonies, each colony 
 
 _ was bound to guarantee a minimum interest of 25 per cent. to 
 
 the shareholders of these companies, to furnish them rent free 
 with suitable offices, and to pay the voyage out and home of 
 the various employés. 
 
 The operations of these companies have been attended with 
 the most signal success. A judicious system of loans, coupled 
 with still more judicious foreclosures, has enabled the three 
 
ao Colonial France. 
 
 Crédits Fonciers of the colonies of Martinique, Guadaloupe, 
 and Réunion to amass landed properties to the value of 
 £300,000, in addition to the payment of annual interest to 
 their shareholders averaging 16 per cent. As yet they have 
 not been a quarter of a century in existence. 
 
23 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 SENEGAL AND THE WEST AFRICAN DEPENDENCIES. 
 
 Harly French Explorations on West Coast of Africa—First Settlements 
 on the Coast—Capture of French Colony by England, 1759—Its 
 Second Capture in 1778—Third Capture in 1809—Progress of the 
 Colony under the Restoration—Faidherbe’s Expeditions against 
 Inland Tribes—Recent Efforts at further Developments—Railway 
 from St. Louis to Dakar—Public Works—Population—Government 
 and Administration — Justice—Education—Religion — Agriculture 
 and Commerce—Finances—Garrison—Gaboon—Grand Bassam and 
 Assinie. 
 
 AuTHouGH their efforts at colonization have not been crowned 
 with success, we must concede to the French the honour of 
 having made the earliest attempts to develop the resources of 
 distant lands. Five hundred years ago, when communications 
 with Asia were only open by land, and when America was as 
 yet undiscovered, Southern Africa was the only country which 
 opened up fields for the energy of the maritime population of 
 Northern Europe. Few will gainsay the fact that the fisher- 
 men of the northern coasts of France, the men who, in this 
 nineteenth century, yearly risk their lives in unseaworthy 
 eraft off the banks of Newfoundland, are not unworthy descen- 
 dants of those gallant, adventurous spirits who in the days 
 of Charles the Wise coasted down the western shores of Africa, 
 and hoisted the white flag of France on territories far beyond 
 any up to that time known by the sailors of Europe. Passing 
 between the Canaries and the main land, the little craft, 
 manned by seamen of Dieppe and Rouen, visited the ports of 
 the Gold Coast and Guinea, and bestowed fresh names on har- 
 bours which still retain traces of their French discoverers. A 
 trade in ivory, gums, gold’ dust, and pepper was from this 
 
24 Colonial France. 
 
 period regularly carried on by Dieppe and Rouen with 
 Western Africa, and commercial settlements under royal sanc- 
 tion were established at Elmina, Fantin, Cormortin, and many 
 other places on the Gold Coast. In the reign of Charles VI. 
 complications in Europe interfered with distant enterprises, 
 and all the African stations were abandoned, to be forthwith 
 occupied by the Portuguese ; and it was not until a century had 
 elapsed, and Louis XI. had extended his royal patronage to- 
 wards the merchant venturers of France, that efforts were made 
 to renew relationship with the African coasts. The close of 
 the fifteenth century once more saw the French flag flying over 
 trading establishments at the mouth of the Senegal river and 
 as far south as the Gaboon. From that day, with the brief 
 intervals during which the colony has been wrested from them 
 by the fortune of war, the French have maintained their 
 hold on these establishments on the West Coast of Africa; and 
 though they can scarcely be termed colonies, in our sense of 
 the word, Senegal in particular has proved itself a valuable 
 commercial possession, and now, owing to the restless policy 
 France is pursuing in all quarters of the world, is being used 
 as a political lever to bring under French subjugation the whole 
 northern portion of the continent of Africa. 
 
 Under Richelieu and Colbert, in the seventeenth century, 
 ambitious efforts were made to open up more constant com- 
 munication with the West Coast, and under the patronage of 
 these statesmen concessions were granted to various companies 
 for this purpose. These efforts were futile: the chief appoint- 
 ments were invariably given to men high in Ministerial favour, 
 offices were freely bought and sold, and each individual looked 
 to amassing a fortune by fair means or by foul, and cared little 
 for the welfare of the rank and file under his charge, or for the 
 material development of the dependency entrusted to him. 
 Company followed company with amazing rapidity ; the failure 
 of the one had no apparent deterrent effect on those spirits 
 who longed to enjoy a share of the good things Ministers 
 offered to them. 
 
 In 1633 the Company of Cape Verd was established, and in 
 the following year, on the return of some vessels freighted 
 
Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 with the riches of the Gold Coast, popular attention was 
 turned to West Africa, and a venture on a larger scale de- 
 cided on; the districts of Guinea and Cape Blane lyeing added 
 o the original charter. In less than five years the Royal Com- 
 anies had died of inanition, and to private merchants was 
 leAft the task of maintaining communication ‘between France 
 aigpd Africa. Forty years later Colbert renewed the lapsed char- 
 ters, andin 1675 a Company of Senegal was formed much on the 
 sarnme lines as those arranged by Richelieu. The dependency 
 at gonce became the principal mart of slaves to the French 
 P@ySsessions in America. 
 
 Riches poured into the colonial treas ury, and as gangs of 
 slaves were marched down to the coasst, the native vendors 
 brought with them many of the valuable products of Central 
 Africa. The trade with France received a fresh impetus, and 
 the Home Government working, as usual, on false lines, con- 
 ceived the possibility of converting’ Senegal into an agricul- 
 tural colony, and lands were taken up in the interior, at a dis- 
 tance of a hundred miles from the coast, for the cultivation of 
 cotton, which is grown in considerable quantities by the natives. 
 The most extravagant bounties were offered by the Ministry, 
 and, thus provided with funds, nien of straw were found ready 
 enough to risk their lives in thie search for wealth. The cli- 
 mate of the coast, deadly for Europeans, is far less so than 
 that inland, and the many thousand labourers who, deceived 
 \ by the specious promises of the French Government, migrated 
 
 to Senegal, were not long in learning the impossibility of 
 at arrying on manual laboux in tropical climes. A large propor- 
 onion of these unfortunates ‘died; others, on the brink of starva- 
 mon, wended their way to tlie Font of the river and were re- 
 
 “;}shipped to France; some few, ebandoning their comrades, 
 
 prmingled with the native tribes, and some lapsed into barharisiu. 
 Vheir descendants are to be found to this day in the Western 
 
 a Soudan. 
 
 The efforts to promote the agricultural development of 
 | Senegal thus met with a-rude check, but its prosperity was 
 nevertheless assured. The profits arising from the slave-trade 
 / with North America, and from the commerce in gums, skins, 
 
 
 
Colonial France. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 from any idea of \casting additional honour on the Brit; 
 flag. In March, 1759, a couple of line-of-battle ships, f 
 frigates, anda strong contingent of Marines, with the milita 
 Quaker acting as guide, philosopher, and friend to the forces, 
 left Spithead for St. Louis. On the 22nd of April the squad- 
 ron reached its destination, and the Commodore, availing him- 
 self of the local knowledge of the Quaker, landed his forces, 
 and intrenched them far the night, intending to make a com- 
 bined attack at dawn. efore the bombardment commenced, 
 messengers from the Fremch Governor arrived, and ere sun- 
 down the details of the capitulation were arranged by which St. 
 Louis, Podor, and Galam passed into our hands without the loss 
 of a man. Leaving a garrison at St. Louis, the squadron 
 sailed southwards and blockaded Goree. Efforts to carry 
 the place by assault were made, but failed owing to the in- 
 sufliciency of our forces. Yet\our occupation of the West «| 
 Coast could not be considered éomplete so long as the French 
 flag flew on the ramparts of thijs strong fortification. In 
 December the militant Quaker was reinforced by Admiral 
 Keppel and a couple of battalions\ of troops under Colone 
 Worge. The land forces were disembarked under cover of th 
 guns of the squadron, and plans made for an assault on th 
 morrow. Once more the figinting gentleman in drab was dis 
 apnointed, for the Governor of Goree, seeing himself out 
 matched, and having for eight months held at bay a formidabl 
 force, felt that he had satisfied the demands of honour and un= 
 conditionally surrendered. For four years Senegal remained 
 in our hands, and we derived considerable benefit from its 
 valuable trade ; our American colonies especially finding the 
 supply of slaves, who were cheaply and easily purchased on the 
 
 
 
( 
 
 
 
 Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 27 
 
 banks of the Senegal, more economically obtained when for- 
 
 warded by English than by French vessels. At the close of 
 the Seven Years’ War, Senegal, by the terms of the Peace, was 
 restored to France, again to fall into our hands, without offer- 
 ing any opposition, in the year 1778. It was, however, again 
 retroceded to France under the terms of the Treaty of 
 January, 1783. 
 
 The very nature of its population was such as to spare 
 Senegal the trouble which overtook other French colonies, owing 
 to the injudicious proclamations of universal freedom thun- 
 dered forth at the outbreak of the French Revolution ; and she 
 also was spared the strict blockades which so effectually ruined 
 
 the commerce of the West Indian Islands and other maritime 
 
 possessions of France. But the long war that ravaged the 
 civilized world from 1792 to 1815 was not to leave her 
 
 untouched. Emboldened by the fact that she had hitherto 
 
 escaped visits from British squadrons, the merchants of Senegal 
 forgot the ease with which their fortifications had been carried 
 half a century before, and, with misplaced confidence, they 
 commenced fitting out privateers, which preyed upon the small 
 craft that carried on the trade between Bristol and the West 
 African ports. Such conduct was not to be tolerated, and in 
 July, 1809, a couple of frigates with a small detachment of 
 black troops proceeded to St. Louis. The naval officer in com- 
 mand landed a couple of hundred men and proceeded over 
 the bar with his lighter craft to take up a position opposite Fort 
 St. Louis. Cut off from all assistance, the Governor had no 
 alternative but to surrender, and on the 17th of July Senegal 
 once more passed into our hands without the loss of a single 
 man. By the Treaty of Paris of 1815 it was again restored to 
 
 “the French, and since then every effort has been made to im- 
 
 prove its commercial value. 
 
 Immediately following the Restoration, the Governor, Colonel 
 ~~ Schmaltz, entered into an alliance with the chiefs of the tribe 
 of Oualoo, the province surrounding St. Louis, and he thus 
 acquired the right of cultivating and establishing plantations in 
 
 - all places he thought proper. Then were sown the seeds of a 
 
 French protectorate over the district, and of a war between 
 
28 Colonial France. 
 
 those native tribes who cling to the old Mahomedan hatred of 
 Giaours, and those who had virtually submitted to their yoke. 
 In a few years these internecine quarrels had grown to such an 
 extent that the most complete anarchy prevailed in the whole 
 district of Senegal. The French, availing themselves of the 
 magnificent waterway afforded them by that river, had 
 established trading stations as far up it as Bakel, at the 
 junction of the Falema and Oulema rivers, and thus to a certain 
 extent had secured the trafic of the country ; but beyond reach of 
 their posts open war raged—war which paralyzed commerce and 
 cast defiance at their authority. Ever and anon a small war 
 steamer was despatched up the river on one of those civilizing 
 missions which the French have pursued with such success on 
 the coasts of Madagascar and Annam. — 
 
 Allvillages within range of the ship's guns were bombarded and — 
 set on fire, crops burnt, and the tribes reduced to misery and to 
 desperation. The very fact that the white men never landed troops, 
 never ventured to meet the native races face to face, but, secure in 
 the shelter of their unassailable steamer, dealt death and destruc- 
 tion from a distance, only served to heighten the anger their pres- | 
 enceinspired. The French merchants, too, were far from being 
 satisfied with the state of affairs. Governor followed Governor 
 with startling rapidity, no fewer than thirty-two officers were 
 called on to administer the government in the space of forty 
 years (1817-1857). Cut offfrom regular communication withthe | 
 mother country, each man did as it seemed good in his own 
 eyes, and varied, in so far as it suited him, the policy of his 
 predecessors. At one time a weak, hesitating, temporizing | 
 policy was adopted with regard to the natives, at another stern, 
 rigorous, nay, cruel measures of repression. In one thing only 
 was acertain consistency observed—free trade was forbidden, and 
 the French merchants only permitted to buy and sell at 
 Government depots.. Such a line of conduct was well calculated 
 to cause a conflict between the official and the non-official 
 element, and soon the antagonism between these two classes 
 became as marked as the hostility between white and black— 
 between Ouala and Maure. The commerce of the colony, 
 restricted by the absurd limits imposed by successive Governors, 
 
 
 
Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 29 
 
 was gradually drifting into the hands of the English, when in 
 1851 the merchants, gaining the ear of the Minister in Paris, 
 found means to submit to him a series of demands. These aimed 
 ata total reformation of existing institutions, the erection of cer- 
 
 tain works destined for the protection of merchants trading in 
 the upper waters of the Senegal, and other measures devised for 
 
 the encouragement of those desirous of entering upon the 
 cultivation of lands purchased from friendly natives. 
 
 These demands were met in a liberal spirit by the French 
 Government, who, however, did not lose sight of the fact that 
 Senegal was a commercial, not an agricultural, colony. The 
 disastrous attempts to introduce European agriculturalists into 
 the country in the preceding century were not forgotten, and 
 the memorialists were warned of the many difficulties that 
 faced those who wished to embark in cultivation. The un- 
 healthiness of the most fertile lands, the danger of attack from 
 neighbouring tribes, the impossibility of exacting manual labour 
 from Europeans, or even strict supervision by Europeans over 
 natives under a tropical sun, the disinclination of the natives to 
 perform regular work, the isolation and solitude of a planter’s 
 life, were all advanced as arguments against the attempt to 
 convert Senegal into an agricultural colony. 
 
 As a commercial colony there was, maintained the Govern- 
 ment, a great future before it, and with a view of advancing its 
 prospects in this direction, fresh fortified posts were ordered to 
 be built on the banks of the river for the protection of traders, 
 and steam-tugs provided to facilitate the passage of river craft. 
 The natives, however, were by no means disposed to acquiesce 
 peaceably in these measures. During the troubles to which 
 the injudicious proclamations of the Revolutionists of 1789 
 gave rise, all the French forts on the Upper Senegal had been 
 destroyed, two only, viz., those of Richard Toll and Dagana 
 being left standing. It was now decided to rebuild a fresh post 
 on the site of the one which stood at Podor, about 180 miles 
 above Saint Louis. In March, 1854, an expeditionary force, 
 embarking upon some river gunboats, proceeded up stream, and 
 after a succession of engagements with the riparian tribes, 
 overcame all opposition, and completed the fort before the end 
 
30 ; Colonial France. 
 
 of November. In that month Colonel Faidherbe (who since 
 gained imperishable renown in'a campaign where French com- 
 manders showed themselves strangely destitute of all military 
 attributes, except personal gallantry) arrived to assume the 
 command of the colony. He found the country above Podor in 
 a state of unusual ferment; for some years the presence of a 
 Mahdi who, in consequence of a visit to Mecca, had assumed 
 the title of Al Agni, had been encouraging the Mahomedans to 
 abstain from all intercourse with the French, and fearing that 
 his power would be sapped by the near approach of the Giaours, 
 Al Agni answered the construction of the fort at Podor by the 
 attempted destruction of the trading stations at Bakel and 
 Semdoubon. Faidherbe showed the same energy for which 
 he became so conspicuous sixteen years later. With the first 
 rise of the river in the summer rains, he pushed his flotilla up 
 to Medina, and there constructed a formidable work, on the 
 site of one which had in the early days of the Restoration been 
 held by one Duranton. This Duranton was a sailor, who, 
 marrying a daughter of the Prince of Khasso, had exercised a 
 marvellous influence over the surrounding country, and who, 
 by his good sense, justice, and moderation, had paved the way 
 for a French occupation of the Khasso country. Unfortunately, 
 on his death, the fort of Medina, which he had constructed, had 
 fallen into ruins, and the rise of the Mahdi Al Agni and the 
 fanatical conversicn to Islam of the surrounding tribes, had 
 done much to counteract the influence which this extraordinary 
 adventurer had exercised over the neighbourhood. 
 
 The completion of a chain of fortified posts up the Senegal 
 led to increased trade with the interior ; but Faidherbe saw the 
 further necessity of creating stronger ties between the black 
 population and the white settlers. The hostility of some of the 
 tribes, notably the Trazzas and Maures, was so openly evinced 
 as to necessitate the organization of a series of punitive expedi- 
 tions. These were successfully undertaken in the cold weather 
 of 1854—55, the result being the complete triumph of the French 
 arms, and the annexation by France of the Province of Oualoo. 
 In 1856 a fresh campaign was waged in the country to the north 
 of the Senegal, Faidherbe being everywhere successful. But 
 
 . 
 
 § 
 
Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 31 
 
 the French found the task of holding the conquered tracts far 
 more difficult than that of merely vanquishing their opponents. 
 No sooner did their forces retire, than the blacks, recovering 
 from their defeats, recommenced their old incursions, pillaging 
 and destroying all villages which had submitted to the French 
 yoke, advancing even up to the very walls of Saint Louis itself ; 
 and though the French fortified posts on the river held out, 
 they were often reduced to grievous straits. In 1857, taking 
 advantage of the dry season, when succour from the coast would 
 be impossible, the indefatigable Al Agni subjected Medina to a 
 close blockade of over four months. Assault after assault was 
 repelled, but the position of the garrison, cut off from all com- 
 munication with Saint Louis, reduced to half rations, and to 
 their last case of ammunition, grew perilously dangerous. 
 Realizing the terrible blow that would be dealt to the 
 supremacy of the whole mass by its fall, in the middle of 
 July Faidherbe, braving the suffocating heat, pushed a reliey- 
 ing force up the river, and swept away the undisciplined bands 
 of the Mahdi. On his return voyage Faidherbe bridged the 
 long space between Bakel and Podor by the construction of a 
 fresh post at Matam. 
 
 In 1858 the indefatigable and gallant commander organized 
 an expedition along the sea-coast, more for the purpose of 
 surveying these unknown regions, and of demonstrating to the 
 inhabitants that the French did not consider their rights of 
 sovereignty, which had been acknowledged by the European 
 Powers in the Treaties of Nimeguen, 1678, and of Versailles in 
 1783, as abrogated by more recent events. 
 
 In 1858 Al Agni, having recovered from his former defeats, 
 profiting by Faidherbe’s absence in the neighbourhood of Goree, 
 had gathered together large forces, and without coming into 
 actual contact with the garrisons of the posts at Bakel and 
 Matam, had ravaged the villages in their vicinity which had 
 shown themselves friendly to the French. On its return to 
 Saint Louis, Faidherbe’s little column found itself compelled 
 once more to push up the great river, and drive Al Agni from a 
 strongly fortified position he had taken up in the vicinity of 
 Bakel. But the French met with very formidable resistance ; 
 
32 Colonial France. 
 
 for three days their assaults on the enemy’s entrenchments were 
 repulsed, and they sustained serious losses. Defeat meant 
 annihilation—retreat in the face of a population who were 
 daily growing more and more hostile was impossible. Calling 
 on his men for one final effort, Faidherbe stormed the place, 
 inflicting terrible loss on its gallant defenders. The stern 
 example meted out by the French general had an immediate 
 effect ; one by one the various chiefs came in, and a series 
 of treaties were entered into with them: these treaties resulted 
 in the submission of the whole country to the French, whose 
 territories now stretched from the Atlantic to Medina, from 
 Cape Blane to the Gambia. Efforts were at once initiated to 
 convert Senegal into a base for establishing French supremacy 
 over the whole of the north-western portion of the continent. 
 
 Of late years fresh strides have been made towards this end, 
 and very considerable sums of money are annually voted for 
 the improvement of the colony. Wild dreams of connecting 
 the Senegal and Niger by a railway have entered into the heads 
 of French statesmen, and their dreams have the cordial 
 encouragement of local speculators. In the debate in the 
 Chamber, in 18838, on a vote for the completion of this 
 railway, it was clearly proved that hitherto it had cost £40,000 
 a kilométre, about £60,000 a mile—a_ very sufficient 
 excuse for the undivided support accorded to the scheme by 
 the colonists, who must perforce reap some benefit from the 
 peculation which undoubtedly exists in the construction of 
 the line. 
 
 The boundaries of the colony of Senegal have never been 
 very clearly defined, and except on the west, where the Atlantic 
 Ocean, and on the south, where the British settlement of 
 Gambia forbids encroachment, the French are rather apt to 
 consider their frontier as unlimited. A few years ago M. 
 Jules Duval laid down Cape Blane as the northernmost and 
 Medina as the easternmost possession ; but more recent events 
 point to the not improbable incorporation of Morocco into the 
 French colonial dominions, lying as it does so temptingly 
 between Algeria and Senegal, whilst efforts are undoubtedly 
 being made to connect the watercourse of the Senegal and 
 
 Se a - 
 eto? N 
 
 jane, st 
 
 ——— 
 
 ea 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 33 
 
 the Niger, and to bring the Western Soudan under the govern- 
 ment of St. Louis and Goree. 
 
 In the neighbourhood of the sea the territory is flat, and the 
 soil being sandy, destitute alike of cultivation and verdure, is 
 very sparsely populated ; but along the eastern border of Senegal 
 proper (leaving on one side the legitimate desire of the French 
 to push back her frontier) runs a chain of mountains, the 
 Fonta Djalon, from which flow a series of rivers which irrigate 
 the highlands and add much to the wealth of the country. 
 The Senegal itscif is a noble stream, capable of navigation by 
 river steamers for some hundreds of miles; it has its source 
 in the Fonta Djalon range. On a small island, a few miles 
 from its mouth, lies the capital of the colony of St. Louis, 
 four bridges connecting the island with the left bank of the 
 river. 
 
 Public Works.—The most strenuous efforts are now being 
 made by the French Government to develop the commercial 
 resources of the colony. In the days of General Faidherbe it 
 was judged indispensable, in order to secure uninterrupted 
 water communication between St. Louis and the waters of 
 Upper Senegal, to construct forts at various trading stations 
 along the river bank. Vast sums were thus spent in military 
 works. In more recent years the tendency has been to 
 ‘improve the means of communication between the sea and the 
 interior by means of railroads, macadamised high roads, canals 
 and commercial ports, in the upper waters of the minor 
 streams. ‘To this endin view the Local Budget annually allots 
 £48,000 towards the Department of Public Works. This, 
 however, does not include the sums voted for the railway now 
 n course of construction from St. Louis to Dakar, which is 
 charge to the Budget of Marine and the Colonies. The 
 otal length of this line it is estimated will be 259 kilométres, 
 bout 167 miles. As yet some 25 miles only are open, and 
 heir cost has averaged £64,000 a mile, a sum which staggered 
 ot a little the Chamber of Deputies, when in the session of 
 84-1885, it was called upon to vote a further sum of some 
 illions of francs towards the furtherance of the scheme. 
 Large sums have been needlessly expended in the construc- 
 
 D 
 
34 Colonial France. 
 
 tion of a European town at Dakar. The plan of this new city 
 has been drawn up, streets traced, concessions granted to 
 private individuals, and a series of handsome public offices 
 completed. A jail, cathedral, and Courts of Justice have 
 swallowed up over £100,000 of the public money, but as yet 
 not more than twenty private houses have been built, and 
 Dakar promises to rival the earlier attempts of the Bourbon 
 kings to construct cities in places where the life of a European 
 was unbearable. 
 
 Other sums have been more usefully expended on light- 
 houses, piers, and on waterworks destined to supply St. Louis 
 with pure fresh water, the want of which has been the prin- 
 cipal source of the unhealthiness of the place. Unfortunately, 
 another source has been the lack of drainage, and to remedy 
 this no efforts have been made; consequently in smells St. 
 Louis rivals Cologne, and in typhoid fevers it almost equals a 
 Breton watering-place. 
 
 According to the latest census the population of he country 
 showed a startling preponderance of females over the male 
 element, the respective numbers being 
 
 Males ; 7 : : ; 92,065 
 Females . ; E : : 99,543 
 
 The average death-rate being over thirty per thousand. 
 
 Government and Administration.—The colony, which is 
 represented in the Chambers Dy one deputy, is divided into 
 three Communes— 
 
 1. St. Louis, which returns ten members to the Conseil 
 Général of the colony. 
 
 9. Goree, which returns six. 
 
 3. Rufisque, which is unrepresented. 
 
 ee 
 
 The Governor of Senegal is assisted in the administration, 
 
 : f 1 
 by the usual colonial assemblies, a Conseil Privé, Conseil 
 
 yi 
 
 Général, Conseil Contentieux, whilst each Commune is pre; 
 
 sided over by a mayor, with two or more adjoints and 
 municipal council. 
 Justice.—Justice is administered, as in the other colonies of | 
 
 . 
 ) 
 } 
 | 
 
 eo FF 
 
 % 
 
 
 
 ‘ its 
 . a 
 
i 
 } 
 | 
 
 Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 35 
 
 the same category, by a Court of Appeal, a Court of Assize for 
 criminal cases, Tribunals at St. Louis and Goree, and by Juges 
 de Paix in the chief towns of the Communes. 
 
 As in the other colonies, the various codes which are in 
 force in France guide the course of Criminal and Civil juris- 
 diction in Senegal. Certain obvious modifications have been 
 introduced, but the absurdity of applying laws founded for a 
 
 _ European State toa Mahomedan community has done much 
 
 to embitter the feeling between Christian and Moslem, and is 
 the cause of many of those endless conflicts which necessitate 
 the presence of such a strong army of occupation in Senegal. 
 
 Eiducation.—As yet the primary schools in Senegal have 
 not been removed from the religious orders; the missionaries 
 of the Society of Saint Esprit, and the Sisters of that of St. 
 Joseph of Cluny, offer instruction to 802 boys and 824 girls. 
 For secondary education youths are forwarded to Paris, the 
 colony maintaining a certain number of free scholars in the 
 principal Lycées of the mother country. 
 
 Religion.—The Order of the Saint Esprit, which has under- 
 taken the primary instruction of the boys in the colony, also 
 furnishes priests for the various mission stations scattered 
 throughout Senegal; recently these have been placed under 
 a bishop, whose nomination is in the hands of the Governor 
 of the colony. 
 
 Agriculture and Commerce.—Owing to tribal quarrels, and 
 the endless petty wars in which France for many years was 
 engaged, agriculture sank to a very low ebb, and large 
 tracts of land, which up to 1850 were in a high state of culti- 
 yation, lapsed into sheer jungle. Within the last few years 
 efforts have been made to remedy this state of things, and 
 large distributions of seeds have been made to the ripa- 
 rian owners with very beneficial results; still there is no 
 doubt that Senegal can never become an agricultural colony, 
 so far as Frenchmen or other European races are concerned. 
 ‘To them it must ever prove attractive for commerce alone; and 
 /though by judicious supervision the natives may be led to im- 
 
 ‘prove their agricultural products and to develop the growth of 
 
 | 
 
 cotton, tobacco, and rice, for which the soil in many parts is 
 D 2 
 
36 Colonial France. 
 
 very suitable, Europeans can have no active part in the de- 
 velopment of plantations. 
 
 The commerce of the country consists of the same articles 
 which we draw from our own West African colonies, viz., 
 beniseed, palm kernels, gold-dust, india-rubber, and feathers, 
 whilst the imports are cotton and iron goods, wine and spirits 
 and tobacco. 
 
 The trade returns for 1881 are dealt with in the Appendix. 
 
 The total trade of the colony is steadily increasing, as the 
 following Table of Imports and Exports with the mother 
 country shows :— 
 
 Exports to France. Imports from France. 
 1876 : ; : £368,222 £190,687 
 1877 ; ; ; 426,083 194 228 
 1878 : ; z 473,844: 194,368 
 1879 ; : ; 017,132 246,916 
 1880 ; j ; 791,339 313,856 
 1881 : : : 1,046,393 728,904 
 
 Finances.—The finances of the colony are provided for in 
 two budgets, the one the Local Budget, which is drawn up by 
 the Governor in Council; the other comprises those items of 
 expenditure which the Minister of Marine considers may fairly 
 be borne by the mother country. The expenditure may be 
 thus summed up— | 
 
 
 
 Local Budget Expenditure . : ; . £107,390 
 *Budget of Minister of Marine. : . 097,694 
 £705,084 
 
 oe 
 
 
 
 As the railway progresses, and the communication now being 
 actively pushed on between the waters of the Upper Senegal 
 and the Niger are gradually opened, the expenses of the colony 
 will naturally increase, but it is anticipated that the increase 
 will be amply compensated for by the trade which will be 
 diverted from English to French ports. Whether the Frencl 
 are justified in this belief it does not concern us to inquire, 
 but a brief comparison between the West African colonies 
 belonging to the two Powers will be of interest as showing how 
 
 * For details see Appendix No. I. 
 
—$——— 
 
 Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 37 
 
 the last comers have outstripped their predecessors in every- 
 thing that tends to make colonies of value to a country. This 
 comparison I have given in Table No. 10. 
 
 But it is evident that it will be many years before any 
 appreciable advantage will result from the vast expenditure 
 France is now making. The Customs dues in 1881 amounted 
 to £76,000, and even with dues at the present rates, commerce 
 will require to advance by leaps and bounds ere there is any 
 hope of the French Government receiving any substantial 
 return for the outlay they are now incurring. 
 
 Garrison and Naval Services.—In Senegal, as in other 
 parts of Africa, France stands with the sword drawn ready for 
 any fanatical outbreak on the part of the Mahomedans against 
 their Catholic ruler, and her army of occupation bears a very 
 strong proportion to the inhabitants it is called on to keep in 
 order. 
 
 The troops comprise— 
 
 
 
 
 
 HUROPEANS. 
 
 6 Companies of Infantry of the Marine . . 1,500 men 
 
 2 Batteries of Artillery of the Marine. eeu oe: 
 
 1 Company of Engineers . , ee Lae: 
 
 J es Gendarmerie of the Meas : Potha 
 
 1 "y Disciplinary Troops . 5 BS eto 
 2,250 
 
 Natives. 
 
 1 Squadron of Spahis. : : eels 
 
 1 Company Engineers. ; : jak SOUP... 
 
 2 Battalions Senegal oeanisavre : ; me GOO0re 
 1,970 
 4,220 
 
 The Naval squadron employed on the coast consists of seven 
 craft, with a complement of 31 officers and 490 men, but in 
 addition to these vessels, 138 small steamers of light draught 
 
 ‘with crews of 271 officers and men, are maintained by the 
 
 colony for the purpose of patrolling the river and affording 
 
 - assistance to merchant vessels trading in the upper waters. 
 
38 Colonial France. 
 
 The other French settlements on the West Coast of Africa 
 are Gaboon and the small trading stations of Grand Bassam, 
 Dabou, and Assinie, on the Gold Coast. As these so-called 
 Colonies extend from the equator to about 7° north of the line, 
 it may readily be conceived that European labour is impossible, 
 and Native labour unprofitable. Life for the European, indeed, 
 is almost unsupportable, and the French Government have, for 
 prudential reasons, suppressed the garrisons in the minor ports, 
 and reduced that of Gaboon to the minimum. 
 
 The connection between France and these coasts anee from 
 as far back as the year 13864, when some adventurous merchants 
 of Dieppe, pushing onwards from Cape de Verde, visited the 
 coasts of the Gulf of Guinea, and, returning with their rich 
 freights of gold-dust and ivory, introduced into that town the 
 ivory carving trade, for which it has since been famous. In the 
 reion of Charles the Fifth of France the relations between the 
 French and the inhabitants of the West Coast became more ex- 
 tended, a regular fleet being maintained in Dieppe or Rouen; 
 vessels from these ports made annual voyages to the coast, at 
 various points of which trading stations were established by 
 the French settlers. During the many wars with England in 
 the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries these 
 stations were visited and destroyed by our fleets, and ere the 
 dawn of the present century the French had finally abandoned 
 all points south of Senegal, 
 
 About the year 1836 the Government of July, wishing to re- 
 establish the colonial supremacy of France in those regions 
 where by the Treaty of Paris it had been rudely hurled to the 
 eround, despatched naval officers on missions to different parts 
 of the globe with a view of ascertaining the possibility of carry- 
 ing into effect its wishes on this subject. 
 
 Captain Bouet-Willaumez was entrusted with the task of 
 reopening communications with the chiefs on the West Coast of 
 Africa, and on his representations, a series of expeditions were 
 despatched from Senegal in the years 1842—44 to ratify treaties. 
 which Willaumez had entered into with the sovereign of Gaboon* 
 Assinie, and Grand Bassam. 
 
 Gaboon was occupied in the year 1842, in virtue of a treaty — 
 
Senegal and the West African Dependencies. 39 
 
 with a petty kinglet whose lands lay at the mouth of the 
 Rhamboe river. Since then treaty has followed treaty, until at 
 the present moment France claims the sovereignty over many 
 thousand square miles of country stretching from the Wango 
 river in the south to Cape St. Jean on the north, a distance of 
 about 87 miles, including the fine harbour atthe mouth of the 
 Gaboon, a harbour 23 miles in length, varying from 3 to 8 in 
 breadth, and capable of giving shelter to an incalculable number 
 of the largest vessels. The commerce of the colony, however, 
 has not developed to the extent which this harbour is capable of 
 providing for, the average number of vessels entering it having 
 been for the last ten years one hundred and twenty-six. 
 
 Population.—As no very accurate delimitation of the French 
 possessions in Gaboon has yet been published it is impossible 
 to give an approximate estimate of their population. There 
 are about 200 Europeans of the official and trading classes in 
 the colony, but of the natives no census has been made. The 
 chief tribes are the Fans and Osyevas, who in former days 
 owned the territory on both banks of the Gaboon, but there 
 are a great number of nomad races who carry on a trade be- 
 tween the interior of the country and the coast establish- 
 ments. 
 
 Government and Administration.—Gaboon, for all adminis- 
 trative purposes, is attached to Senegal, an officer being 
 deputed from that colony to act as commandant. This gentle- 
 man is assisted by members of the ‘‘ Service Intérieur,” and of 
 the Judicial Service, who, together with two merchants named 
 by the President, form a “‘ Conseil d’ Administration.” 
 
 Justice.—All criminal cases of a serious nature are referred 
 
 _ to Senegal, but a Tribunal of the First Instance exists at Fort 
 
 Aumale, where minor offences and civil or commercial cases 
 are disposed of in accordance with the laws of the mother 
 country. The Commandant, however, possesses wide dis- 
 cretionary powers in dealing with crimes committed by natives 
 who are not French citizens, or who are too ignorant to avail 
 themselves of the privilege of that high position; so that in 
 point of fact few criminal cases are referred to the Courts of 
 Senegal. 
 
AO Colonial France. 
 
 Religion and Education.—A small sum has been allotted 
 by the French Government for religious service, but hitherto 
 the various educational establishments have been the results of 
 efforts made by American Protestant missionaries. 
 
 Public Works.—Small sums have been allocated from time 
 to time, both by the Local Budget and by that of the Govern- 
 ment of the Republic for the construction of necessary public 
 works. These have been restricted to the erection of water- 
 works for the supply of the chief towns, and of a lhghthouse 
 dominating the outer roadstead. A hospital and insignificant 
 market-place have also been built. 
 
 Agriculture and Commerce.—Within a few years of the 
 annexation a M. Lecomte foresaw the advantages that might 
 ensue from a proper appreciation by the natives of the capa- 
 bility of their soil. With this end in view, in 1852 he laid 
 out large gardens in the vicinity of the harbours, where coffee, 
 cocoa, and spices were planted, but his efforts have not been 
 attended with any wide results, though the French Govern- 
 ment, with its usual ignorance of the art of colonization, has 
 endeavoured from time to time to introduce agricultural 
 labourers into Gaboon by offering concessions of large tracts 
 of land, free in some cases, at low prices in others. 
 
 The principal imports to the colony are Manchester and 
 Birmingham goods for the use of the natives, and wine and 
 spirits as articles of barter for the merchants, whose exports 
 are limited to gold-dust, ivory, ebony, india-rubber, and palm 
 OU, ) 
 
 Finances.—The revenue of the colony is represented by the 
 modest sum of £48, the produce of personal taxes levied on 
 the few European inhabitants. To this is added by the State 
 £2,482, in payment of the various officials who represent 
 France in the Gaboon. By this means an equilibrium is 
 maintained between receipts and expenditure. 
 
 Grand Bassam, Dabou, and Assinie are small stations occu- 
 pied by detachments from Senegal, with a view of affording 
 protection to the French merchants who are occupicd in trade 
 in the Gulf of Guinea, It was more with the object of recover- 
 ing her lost influence on the West Coast of Africa that France 
 
 | 
 \ 
 

 
 
 
 he wars ah the eeveition than with any poe of 
 rin any pecuniary benefits. 
 su > Bassani is situated at the mouth of the Ackba river 
 
 either of these posts call for any remarks, though 
 ain from the French Government an average annual 
 tion of about £9,000. 
 
A2 Colonial France. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 REUNION AND ISLANDS IN THE INDIAN OCEAN. 
 
 Its Discovery and Temporary Occupation by Dutch and English—Per- 
 manent Occupation by French—Its Privateers during the Anglo- 
 French Wars—lIts Blockade in 1794—Surcouf and his Successors, 
 Leméme, Dutertre, Counon, Potier, Malrousse—Capture of Rodri- 
 guez and Réunion in 1810—Population—Government and Adminis- 
 tration — Justice — Education — Religion—Public Works—Cultiva- 
 tion and Commerce—Finances. | 
 
 RevNION is another of those islands which during the last great 
 war passed into our hands, to be restored on the Treaty of Paris 
 to its present owners. Discovered in 1545 by the Portuguese 
 explorer, Don Pedro de Mascarenhas, it for many years bore 
 his name; it was successively occupied, but for brief periods, 
 by the Dutch and the English, but no permanent settlement 
 took place until the year 1638, when the French, in their first 
 attack of colonial fever, endeavoured to form an establishment 
 on the islfind for one of their numerous trading companies. 
 Ten years later this company had so far made good its footing 
 that the Isle de Mascarenhas was formally taken possession of 
 on behalf of his Most Christian Majesty of France, and in his 
 honour its Portuguese name was changed to that of Bourbon. 
 The tentatives at colonization made by Richelieu were not 
 crowned with success, and thirty years had not elapsed before 
 Colbert founded a second East India Company. The islands 
 of Madagascar, Bourbon, and Mauritius were incorporated in 
 the new colony, the head-quarters of which were at Pondicherry ; 
 but owing to the distance of the Coromande] Coast from the 
 croup of islands in the Indian Ocean, Madagascar was made 
 the seat of Government for the southern portion of the colony. 
 The attempts to form an establishment in the great African 
 
 nn, 
 

 
 Réunion and Islands in the [Indian Ocean. 42 
 
 isle were not successful, and on the withdrawal of the French 
 from Madagascar at the end of the seventeenth century, Bourbon 
 and the Mauritius were united under one Governor as a fresh 
 dependency, and were converted into naval stations for the pur- 
 pose of harassing the trade between England and the East. 
 How successfully they carried out this intention the history of 
 the time plainly shows. Numerous were the losses our Kast 
 India fleets suffered at the hands of French cruisers, who 
 could always run for shelter and refit to the friendly ports of 
 St. Louis or St. Denis. Unprovided as our squadrons were 
 with such harbours of refuge, these islands became sources 
 of great danger to our commerce, lying as they did in the 
 very fairway of trade between England and all her Eastern 
 markets. Fully employed as our fleets were in protecting the 
 waters nearer home from the depredations of the enemy’s 
 squadrons and privateers, successive Ministries failed to recog- 
 nize the necessity of so strengthening our navy as to provide 
 for the efficient patrolling of distant seas, and the naval history 
 of the last century shows that our boasted naval supremacy 
 merely existed in name, at any rate in the Indian Ocean. Our 
 merchant vessels, scattered all over the world, were a prey to 
 the privateers which the hardy seamen of St. Malo knew so 
 well how to fit out. Gifted with a prescience which cost us 
 millions, these men eschewed their own immediate neighbour- 
 hood, where our own cruisers made privateering dangerous, and 
 betook themselves to the Isle de France and to Bourbon, and 
 inflicted the most grievous loss on our East Indian and China 
 trade. 
 
 The summer visitors to the watering-place of Dinard, on the 
 Breton coast, little dream that St. Malo has given birth to 
 some of the most renowned privateers France has ever pos- 
 sessed, and that in the now abandoned shipbuilding yards of 
 La Richardais were fitted out cruisers which never hesitated to 
 face tenfold odds when in quest of prey. ‘To the ordinary 
 tourist the names of Dougay-Trouin, Surcouf, and Leméme 
 
 recall no reminiscences, but the books of our East Indian 
 ‘merchants of the eighteenth and of the early days of the nine- 
 
 teenth century would show many entries relating to prizes 
 
A4 Colonial France. 
 
 captured by the two last-named, whose deeds rival those of 
 Dundonald, and whose names should be immortally entwined 
 with the enthralling history of their virgin town. 
 
 The outbreak of the war between France and England, in 
 1798, found the former Power but little prepared for regular 
 naval warfare. Royalist to the backbone, the officers of the 
 navy had been hurried off before Republican tribunals, and their 
 places filled by men ignorant of naval tactics, and little fitted 
 to face the tried seamen of England. The population of 
 Brittany and Normandy, whence the crews of French ships of 
 war had been drawn, were engaged in that Royalist strugele 
 which only terminated with the death of Rochejacquelin and 
 the wholesale murder of the prisoners of Quiberon. The 
 crews of the fleets which prior to the Peace of Versailles had 
 waged an honourable and by no means unequal war with our 
 own squadrons were too tainted with the love of the Bourbon 
 to be trusted under the Republican charlatans to whom the 
 Directory had entrusted their naval fortunes, and these veterans 
 had been drafted off into battalions on the Eastern frontier, 
 and placed under the orders of Dumourier and Pichegru. 
 
 But if the state of the Republican navy forbad all hope of 
 waging an equal warfare with the fleets of England, if the 
 terrible odds to which the Republican armies were exposed on 
 their Eastern borders forbad ail prospect of a successful 
 campaign in the East, or of redeeming by the conquest of 
 Southern India the follies committed by the Peace of Ver- 
 sailles, the seamen of the northern ports of France looked 
 forward to reaping a rich harvest by privateering in the Indian ~ 
 seas. In this they were not disappointed. 
 
 In the years 1793, 1794, French privateers captured no 
 fewer than 788 English merchantmen, whilst our squadrons, 
 nore numerous, more heavily armed, and carrying five times 
 as heavy crews, trammelled by official prejudices, only took 151 
 prizes. The merchants of Calcutta and Madras stood aghast. 
 Commerce was at a standstill, our cruisers were outwitted, and 
 on more than one occasion, in spite of their heavier metal, had 
 been compelled to haul down their flags to the pigmy privateers 
 hailing from the Port of St. Malo. 
 

 
 Réunion and [slands in the [Indian Ocean. 45 
 
 The most earnest and urgent representations were made by 
 the East India Company to the Home Government, and it 
 was determined to blockade the islands of La France and 
 Bourbon, which had been made the base of operations for these 
 gallant men. Then, as now, half measures were invariably 
 adopted by British Ministries, and though it was determined to 
 blockade the islands, these duties were entrusted to but two 
 vessels, the Centurion, 50, Captain Osborne, and the Diomede, 
 44, Captain Smith. The smallness of the squadron not merely 
 prevented the Commander from adopting any efficacious mea- 
 sures to carry out his orders, but encouraged the Governor of the 
 islands in his prosperous career. He was virtually cut off from 
 all communication with the mother country. The members of 
 the Convention were putting forth all their strength in the 
 double attempt to trample out the embers of Royalism in La 
 Vendée, in Toulon, and in Lyon, and to hurl back the invad- 
 ing armies which the monarchs of Europe were leading against 
 them from all sides. Their distant colonies troubled them 
 little, and so the Governor of the Isle de France and of Bour- 
 bon was free to act as it pleased him; and it pleased him to 
 live on English commerce, and to rival the naval successes of 
 de Suffren in Indian waters. 
 
 The first step was, if possible, to relieve the islands of the 
 blockading squadron, although its presence had done little to 
 increase the security of the Indian Ocean. For in the year 
 1794, 502 English vessels had been captured by our enemies, 
 whilst we had only secured forty-seven French prizes. In 
 October, 1794, an opportunity occurred to attack the British 
 squadron, and Captain Renaud, with the Cybele, 36, Prudente, 
 36, Courier, 14, and Jean Bart, a privateer carrying 20 guns, 
 succeeded, after a desperate engagement, in which the British, 
 outmatched, fought with their accustomed heroism, in inflicting 
 such loss upon our two vessels as to compel them to renounce 
 the blockade. Thus relieved, the colonists were free to turn 
 their attention solely to privateering, and a record of their 
 successes reads strangely to those who yet believe that during 
 the last great war we were entirely Mistress of the Seas. 
 
 The history of Surcouf, the daring Malouine privateer, is not 
 
46 Colonial France. 
 
 flattering to our national vanity, but it teaches us a lesson 
 which should not be lost on our naval administrators. Leaving 
 Isle de France in September, 1795, in a little craft of 180 tons, 
 with a crew of thirty Bretons, and an armament of four six- 
 pounders, he commenced a career which for daring and 
 sagacity has rarely been equalled, even in our own annals. 
 Sailing northwards, ..Surcouf coasted the Burmese coasts, and 
 in December he captured the Penguin, an Indiaman of 600 
 tons burthen: in January, at the very mouth of the Hooghly, 
 he sighted two full-rigged ships standing in to the Sandheads, 
 under charge ofa pilot-brig ; with characteristic audacity 
 Surcouf attacked and captured the two, when, finding the 
 pilot-brig more suitable for his purpose than his own little 
 craft, he transferred his flag on board of her, christening her 
 the Jacques Cartier, after another celebrated Malouine sailor, 
 and despatched the Emile with the three prizes to the Isle of 
 France. On the 28th of the same month he captured a full- 
 rigged ship, the Diana, 850 tons, laden with rice; and on the 
 following morning, after a desperate combat, in which the 
 Jacques Cartier, with a crew of seventeen men, immortalized 
 herself, he carried by boarding an Indiaman, the Triton; 
 carrying 26 guns and 150 men. Hampered by the prisoners, 
 
 Surcouf ransomed the Diana to her captain for 30,000 rupees. 
 
 To the shame of our countryman, it must be recorded that the 
 bill was dishonoured on presentation, and the gallant sailor 
 thus deprived of a considerable portion of the profits resulting 
 from his daring cruise. On reaching the Isle of France with 
 the Triton and Jucques Cartier, Surcouf found that the 
 
 Governor, M. de Malartie, was disposed to ignore the validity | 
 
 of his acts, and refused to recognize the captured prizes as 
 Surcouf’s property, or to accept his views as to the disposal of 
 the proceeds of their sale. Surcouf immediately sailed for 
 France, and, after some trouble, succeeded in inducing the 
 Council of the Five Hundred to give a decision in his favour ; 
 but by the chicanery which distinguished that august assembly, 
 the dashing sailor had to content himself with less than a 
 moiety of the value of his prizes, securing on behalf of himself 
 and his crew but 660,000 out of the 1,700,000 frances for which 
 
 ic 
 
. 
 » 
 Ld 
 
 Réunion and Islands wn the [Indian Ocean. 47 
 
 they had been sold. In1799, with the remnants of his fortune, 
 the major part of which had been dissipated in true sailor-like 
 manner, Surcouf fitted out a brig, the Clarisse, carrying 12 
 - guns, and in her sailed for his old cruising grounds, the Isle of 
 France and Bourbon. On his voyage he captured two full- 
 rigged merchantmen, and narrowly evading capture by the 
 squadron blockading the Isle of France, succeeded in convey- 
 ing them safely to Bourbon. In August of the same year he 
 took a Dutch ship carrying an English cargo, and, consequently 
 by the declaration of the Directory, good and lawful prize. A 
 Portuguese vessel was similarly forfeited, and an Indiaman of 
 700 tons, the Auspicious, also captured. Narrowly escaping 
 eapture at-the hands of the Sybil, of 48 guns, Surcouf pursued 
 his victorious career by boarding the James and the Louise, 
 two fine merchantman, one flying the British, the other the 
 American flag, and on reaching the Isle of France with his 
 _ prizes he was offered the command of La Confiance, a magnifi- 
 cent craft of 500 tons, carrying 16 guns, and manned by 200 
 picked Basque and Breton sailors. She had the reputation of 
 being the fastest vessel afloat, and the young privateer may 
 well have felt proud to command her. In September, 1800, 
 he took one American and two English traders, and on the 7th 
 of October, after a desperate combat, in which Surcouf showed 
 even more than his usual address and gallantry, he carried by 
 boarding the fine Indiaman, the Kent, of 820 tons, 27 guns, 
 having on board 437 Englishmen, of whom 120 were soldiers. 
 In this action Surcouf lost 16 men killed and wounded, the 
 casualties on the Kent amounting, according to James, to 58. 
 On reaching the Isle of France with his prizes, Surcouf was 
 ordered home, in order that La Confiance might receive a 
 heavier armament; and whilst she was in the dockyard hands 
 at La Rochelle, the Peace of Amiens put a stop to hostilities, 
 and for four years Surcouf led a life of inactivity in his native 
 town. In 1806, panting for his old career on the Indian Ocean, 
 he fitted out one of the smartest sailers ever turned out of the 
 chantiers on the Rance, and on the 7th of March again sailed 
 for the Isle of France. His new ship was named the Revenant, 
 and carried 18 guns and 200 men. The news of his intended 
 
A8 Colonial France. 
 
 reappearance in Indian waters caused no small consternation 
 amongst the merchants of Hindostan, and a reward of £10,000 
 was offered for his capture. Reaching his destination without 
 meeting with any adventure, Surcouf, after refitting, sailed to 
 the ee noes) and on the 26th of September captured the 
 Trafalgar, 12, and the Mangles, 14, both carrying cargoes of 
 rice; in the course of the next few days five more vessels, the 
 Admiral Aplin, Susanna, Hunter, Fortune and Success, were 
 captured, and in November the New Endeavour and the 
 Micawby were placed under prize crews, and despatched to the — 
 Isle of France. In the following month he captured the Sir 
 William Burroughs and the Orient, and now, his own comple- 
 ment having been reduced to seventy men, owing to the heavy 
 prize crews he had been compelled to detach, Surcouf determined 
 to bear up for the Isle of France, where, having disposed of his 
 prizes, he set sail for St. Malo in the autumn of 1e0e with a 
 fortune estimated at £200,000. 
 
 Another Malouine divided with Surcouf the honour of master- 
 ship of the Indian Ocean. The early life of Francois Leméme 
 had been chequered by an incident which embittered his whole 
 career, and rendered him an undying foe to the British. In 
 the year 1781, when but eighteen years of age, he was captured 
 in the privateer Prince de Mombany, and until the conclusion of 
 the Peace of Versailles tasted the sweets of English prison life, 
 a life which in the last century was characterized by unnecessary 
 harshness and brutality—brutality which was intensified to the — 
 members of privateer crews. The treatment he there received 
 was never forgotten by Leméme, and when in 1793 the news of 
 war having been declared between France and England reached 
 the Isle of France, where his ship chanced to be lying, the sturdy 
 Breton called for volunteers, and purchasing twelve carronades, 
 he speedily converted the Hirondelle into a dangerous foe to 
 Enelish commerce. 
 
 His first prizes were two large Dutch Indiamen, carrying 
 respectively 18 and 40 guns, and with the money derived from 
 their sale he purchased a fine cruiser, the Ville de Bordeaua, 
 32 guns, and manning her with 200 men in October, 1794, 
 once more set sail for the Bay of Bengal. After capturing 
 
Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. 49 
 
 two English vessels, he ravaged the Dutch settlements in Su- 
 matra, securing as his own share booty to the extent of £40,000. 
 Transferring his flag on his return to the Isle of France 
 successively to the Amphitrite and ’ Uni, Leméme for two years 
 scoured the Indian seas, capturing in all seventeen merchant- 
 men. His career was cut short by Captain Adam of the Sybil, 
 who, on the 31st December, 1801, compelled him to strike his 
 flag, and Leméme was sent a prisoner to England. Released 
 by the terms of the Treaty of Amiens, Leméme entered into 
 partnership with a banker at St. Malo; but his knowledge of 
 business was limited, and whilst he was acquiring the experience 
 necessary for commercial success, his roguish partner was 
 amassing that capital which he needed to enable him to prosecute 
 his calling single-handed. In less than twelve months Leméme 
 had lost all he possessed, and turned once more to the sea as 
 the only means of retrieving his shattered fortunes. Towards 
 the end of 1803 we find him once more clearing out from the 
 port of Saint Malo on a fine brig, the Fortune, 12, carrying a 
 crew of 160 men. The success of his second venture was 
 marvellous, but it was brought to a speedy close. On the 7th 
 November, 1804, the Fortune fell in with the Concord, 48, a 
 frigate which had been specially detached to search for 
 Leméme, and after a sharp combat of a couple of hours, the 
 brave privateer was a prisoner on the English frigate. In the 
 short space of ten months Leméme had captured fifteen vessels 
 and realized £82,000; but he never lived to enjoy his easily 
 gotten fortune, as he died on the Walthamstow during the 
 voyage to England, being thus spared a third sojourn on those 
 hulks which were a disgrace to our boasted civilization. 
 
 Dutertre, Counon, Potier and Malrousse of St. Malo, and 
 Pinaud of Nantes, were equally daring privateers, who made the 
 Isles of France and of Bourbon the base of operations daring 
 in their inception and galling in their results to British 
 commerce. 
 
 In the month of October, 1798, Dutertre captured the follow- 
 ing English vessels: the Surprise, Princess Royal, Thomas, Lord 
 _ Hobart, Governor North, and Wellesley ; but in the following 
 year his little craft, the Malartie, named after the Governor of 
 
 E 
 
50 Colonial France. 
 
 the Isle of France, was captured by the Phenix, 16, and — 
 
 Dutertre despatched to England as a prisoner of war. Released 
 by the Peace of Amiens, he, like Surcouf and Leméme, recom- 
 menced his fascinating career, and in the year 1803—4 he 
 captured the Rebecca, Active, Clarendon, Addington, William, 
 Admiral Rainier, Actezon, Warren Hastings, all fine Indiamen, 
 ranging from 650 to 800 tons, and several small coasting craft. 
 
 To the Malouines belong the glory of never disdaining to 
 face the most unequal odds. Potier, in the Revenant, 18, 
 attacked and captured a Portuguese man-of-war the Concegao, 
 carrying 54 guns ; whilst Malrousse, on the [phigénie, 18, fought 
 a most gallant action with H.M.S. Tr incomatlee, of the same 
 number of guns, but of far heavier metal. 
 
 To these we must add the names of Coutance, Peron, Henri, 
 Tranchmére, Le Sage, and others whose deeds still live in the 
 memories of the Malouines, always ready to laud the gallant 
 actions of a town ever renowned for its naval heroes. 
 
 It can readily be imagined that the successes of the 
 privateers of the Isle of France and of Bourbon struck terror 
 into the hearts of the merchants of the East Indies; it is true 
 that trade was never at a standstill, but the insurance offices 
 demanded the most exorbitant premia,and on more than one 
 occasion the Governor-General had prevented vessels leaving the 
 Hooghly owing to the proximity of the privateers. In point of 
 fact these small craft blockaded our Eastern ports, and, secure 
 in their island harbour, it was idle to hope that their ravages 
 could be checked until their base of “ner had been 
 wrested from them. 
 
 In 1799, Lord Wellesley determined on practically carrying 
 out this idea, but the expeditionary force collected for this 
 purpose was necessarily diverted to Egypt, and so Sir David 
 Baird was then denied the honour of commanding an army 
 which should cross swords with the French. 
 
 After the outbreak of the war in 1803, we have seen that the 
 successes of the privateers were greater than ever, but our naval 
 streneth was inadequate for the double task of protecting the 
 Indian coasts and sweeping the Indian seas. To attempt a 
 descent on the islands was beyond our power, but at last the 
 
Réunion and Islands in the [ndian Ocean. 31 
 
 indignation of the mercantile community grew to such a pitch 
 that Lord Minto, in 1809, determined to put into execution 
 Lord Wellesley’s plans. 
 
 The task was no light one. Both the Isles of France and 
 Bourbon were defended by powerful works; the navigation, 
 difficult on account of the many reefs which surround them, 
 was rendered doubly difficult by reason of the cyclones which 
 sweep the Indian Ocean with resistless fury ; but the heavy losses 
 sustained by insurance companies at the hands of the French 
 vessels of war, which, making these islands their head-quarters, 
 preyed upon our commerce, compelled our Government to resort 
 to action, and in September, 1809, a small expedition was fitted 
 out for the purpose of reconnoitring the islands, ascertaining 
 the force garrisoning them, and thus enabling the Governor- 
 General of India to draw up a more complete plan of action. 
 A squadron, under the command of Commodore J. Rowley, 
 consisting of one line-of-battle ship, three frigates, and a 
 couple of Indiamen, having on board 350 Madras troops under 
 Colonel Keatinge, rendezvoused off Réunion on the 20th of 
 September, and at dawn on the following morning a landing 
 party, made up to 600 strong with the addition of some Blue- 
 jackets and Marines, disembarked without opposition, and had 
 carried the two principal batteries commanding the harbour of 
 St. Paul’s before the Governor was aware of the proximity of a 
 hostile force. No sooner was the British flag hoisted over these 
 batteries than the squadron stood in to the harbour and secured 
 a French frigate, retook two fine East Indiamen, lying captured 
 under her guns, and made prizes of fourteen French ships laden 
 with sugar, coffee, &c. The Governor of the island, M. Des 
 Boulais, made no attempt at dislodging the British, and they 
 were enabled to effect the object of their expedition, and to 
 withdraw from the island with property valued at half a 
 million sterling, 123 guns of different calibres, and with 
 information of an equally valuable character, without the loss of 
 a man. 
 
 The expedition now sailed to Rodriguez, where it disembarked, 
 Colonel Keatinge returning to Madras to lay before the Governor- 
 General the plans for the reduction of the recently visited island. 
 
 E 2 
 
 and 
 
52 Colonial France. 
 
 He found Lord Minto still bent on the project, but the Madras 
 Army had but just emerged from a troublous period of disaffec- 
 tion, during which the British officers in the service of the East 
 India Company had displayed an insubordinate, not to say 
 mutinous, spirit; but few English troops could be spared, the 
 islands were, it was known, not only well fortified, but strongly 
 garrisoned, and the recent expedition would doubtless have the 
 effect of patting the garrison on their guard. The prospect of 
 pitting Madras infantry against Bonaparte’s veterans was not one 
 affording much encouragement. 
 
 The Governor-General of India was, however, a man worthy 
 of the trust reposed in him ; the firmness with which he quelled 
 the white mutiny at Madras was on a par with the military 
 prescience he displayed in organizing the expedition against 
 Bourbon and the Mauritius. He is not the only one of his 
 family who has shown himself possessed of soldierlike qualities. 
 A long line of Elliots have graced our fighting services from 
 that day until now. During the recent campaigns in Spain, 
 Turkey and Afghanistan, Gilbert Elliot, Viscount Melgund, dis- 
 played such cool courage, such ready resources, such an aptitude 
 for soldiering, that though butan amateur on-looker, he was 
 selected by Lord Wolseley, in the Egyptian campaign of 1882, 
 for the command ofthe Mounted Infantry, and received a wound - 
 and a brevet majority for his conspicuous service; being, I 
 believe, the first Volunteer officer wounded in action, as he is the 
 only one who has received promotion for war services, if I 
 except H.S.H. the Prince of Teck. Later still, Lord Melgund 
 greatly distinguished himself in the suppression of Riel’s 
 rebellion in Canada in 1885. 
 
 Early in June, 1810, Lord Minto’s plans were matured, and 
 two brigades, each consisting of a Line battalion, and two 
 battalions of Madras troops, in all 3,600 men, under the com- 
 mand of Colonels Fraser and Macleod, with Keatinge as Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, sailed from Madras, arriving off Bourbon on 
 the 8th of July. The landing was effected in three columns ; 
 the 86th County Downs, with one Madras corps, disembarked 
 at Grande Chaloupe; a party of Blue-jackets, with some ships’ 
 guns, were immediately intrenched in a commanding position, 
 
Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. 53 
 
 to cut off all communication between the towns of St. Paul 
 and St. Denis. The second column, consisting of some’ Blue- 
 jackets, Marines, and a Madras regiment, under Captain 
 Willoughby, R.N., occupied the hills overlooking the Riviére 
 de Pluies; the third column, which was composed of the 69th 
 Foot and a Madras corps, was landed further to theright. No 
 attempt was made by the French to oppose the disembarkation 
 of our troops, who on the following morning advanced upon 
 St. Denis. The column moving from Grande Chaloupe found 
 its way barred by a considerable force of the enemy, numbering 
 over 5,000 men, their flank resting on a formidable redoubt. 
 The S6th were not to be denied, and, though outnumbered ten 
 to one, our men broke into a charge and drove the French pell- 
 mell from the field, capturing the redoubt, and thus opening up 
 communication with the naval detachment under Captain 
 Willoughby. This column displaying equal forwardness and 
 gallantry, had carried a similar work armed with ten guns. 
 The French having lost their outworks, now retired into the 
 capital, which was strongly defended : a very heavy fire was kept 
 up on our troops, who suffered some loss. Colonel Keatinge 
 accordingly directed some guns to be landed from the squadron, 
 aud made preparations for assaulting the place on the morrow, 
 but at dawn the white flag was hoisted over the Commandant’s 
 quarters, and on the 10th of July, just one month after the 
 expedition had sailed from Madras, the Island of Bourbon was 
 in our hands, the loss of the victors being one officer and 
 seventeen men killed and fifty-nine wounded. The French loss 
 was trifling in killed and wounded, but 240 guns and 6,000 
 prisoners of war fell into our hands. Bourbon remained in the 
 possession of the English until the year 1815, when, in virtue 
 of the Treaty of Paris, it was restored to the French. Under 
 tne Restoration it still retained its old name, although for a 
 brief period it was known as /’Ile Bonaparte, and it has for 
 many years been more generally called ‘‘ Réunion.” 
 
 Population.—The population of Réunion amounts to 172,084, 
 of whom 64,411 are coolies. Unlike the West Indian colonies, 
 in Réunion the men are largely in excess of the women, the 
 number being— 
 
54 Colonial France. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Males. Females. 
 Adult Whites. , : . 42,816 34,074 
 »  Coolies. : : . 038,607 10,743 
 Whites under 14. ; . 29,935 19,057 
 Coolies , 14 . . 5 5,911 4,941 
 105,269 68,815 
 The coolies being thus subdivided :— 
 East Indians. ; : 3 . 42,519 
 Africans . ; : : . . 21264 
 Chinese. : ; : . : 608 
 
 During the last three years the fluctuations in population show — 
 an increase in births, marriages, and deaths, but the preponder- 
 ance of the latter and the practical suppression of immigrants 
 from the East Indies, are elements which must materially affect 
 the welfare of the island until steps are taken which shall 
 improve the sanitary condition of the towns and plantations, 
 and remove those hardships and cruelties which practically 
 reduce the position of a coolie to that of a slave, and which of 
 late years have been so unjustifiable, so shameless, as to compel 
 the Indian Government to forbid the shipment of coolies to 
 French colonies. This act of humanity on our part has given 
 rise toa renewal of the slave-trade on the part of France. 
 Under the guise of free labourers, the officials of the Republic 
 now import plantation hands from the East Coast of Africa and 
 the island of Madagascar. The following table explains itself : 
 
 Marriages. Births. Deaths. 
 1879 : ‘ 93 4,382 3,870 
 1880, ‘ . 13089 4,529 6,148 
 LoS toe ; Sel LoS 4,728 6,606 
 186255. ; se Agee 4,861 6,983 
 
 Giving a mean death-rate during the past three years of 36 per 
 thousand. 
 
 Government and Administration.—As regards its administra- 
 tion, Réunion is classed in the same category as Martinique 
 and Guadaloupe; that is to say, the Governor is assisted by a 
 Supreme Council, a Conseil General, and a Conseil Contentieux, 
 
kéunion and Islands wm the [Indian Ocean. 55 
 
 elected in the same manner as in the other islands, whilst all 
 local institutions are watched over by the mayors with their 
 adjoints and Conseils Municipaux. For purposes of internal 
 administration, the island is divided into sixteen Communes, 
 which return thirty-six members to the Conseils Généraux. 
 These Communes have considerable spending power, raising in 
 rates and taxes over £100,000 per annum, the whole of which 
 
 is spent in local improvements. 
 
 TABLE OF COMMUNES, WITH THEIR RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURE. 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Commune. Receipts. Expenditure. bee ee 
 Francs. Francs. 
 Saint Denis ; ; ; 625,196 625,196 6 
 Sainte Marie . ; ; 73,386 73,386 3 
 Sainte Suzanne . : ; 82,299 82,299 ae 
 Saint André . i ; 213,371 218,371 3 
 Salazie ; : 7 : 68,070 68,070 a 
 Saint Benoit . ; : 198,050 198,050 4 
 Plaine des Palmister . : 28,479 28,479 ; 
 Sainte Rose . ; ‘ 55,425 55,425 is 
 Saint Paul . ; : : 301,939 301,939 5 
 Saint Leu : : 108,160 108,160 2 
 Saint Louis : : 7 201,150 201,150 4 
 Saint Pierre . ; ; 363,176 363,176 6 
 Saint Joseph : ? ; 97,813 152,813 3 
 Saint Philippe : : 32,990 32,990 ae 
 Entre Deux ; 7 : 64,271 87,431 
 Bras Panon . : : 157,060 183,806 
 i 
 2,670,835 2,775,741 36 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 We thus find that the municipal expenditure in Réunion 
 reaches the respectable figure of £111,030, being an excess 
 over receipts of more than £4,000. 
 
 On the establishment of the East India Company by Colbert, 
 Bourbon, as I have said, was placed under the jurisdiction of 
 Pondicherry. Edicts of January 1671 and February 1701 
 relegated to the Indian courts all civil and criminal cases 
 arising within the island, but owing to the infrequent com- 
 munication between Réunion and Hindostan, on the Governor 
 devolved the triple functions of legislative, administrative, and 
 judicial head of thecolony. The representations of this official 
 
56 Colonial France. 
 
 had the effect, in the year 1711, of separating Bourbon from 
 Pondicherry in all cases except appeals, and in 1793 the last 
 link which bound the island to the continent was severed and 
 a Court of Appeal was established in St. Denis. 
 
 Justice.—The courts now consist of a Court of Appeal at 
 St. Denis, Tribunals of the First Instance, and Couris of 
 Assizo for criminal business, at St. Denis and St. Pierre, and 
 nine courts of Juges de Paix. The same rules of procedure 
 and the same codes are in force as obtain in France, modified 
 in a very slight degree to meet the difference of customs which 
 exist between the populations of the mother country and of its 
 colony. The population is much given to litigation, the 
 average number of cases before the courts being close on 8,000, 
 of which about 500 are criminal. | 
 
 Education.—The congenial task of laicizing all the primary 
 schools in Réunion is being rapidly pushed forward by the 
 Republican Administration of the island. At the present 
 moment, (1886) over 11,500 children of both sexes are receiv- 
 ing gratuitous education at the hands of 350 professors, who 
 are drawn from the Department of Public Instruction in 
 France. There are altogether 157 places of primary in- 
 struction. 
 
 Of the eight establishments which come under the heading 
 of secondary instruction, the Lycée at St. Denis is the most 
 important, I believe, in any French colony. It counts on its 
 books 500 pupils, and is endowed with a number of scholar- 
 ships which permit the holders to complete their education in 
 France. 
 
 In the Colonial Budget the sum of £24,000 is allotted 
 annually to education. 
 
 neligion.—Hitherto the State religion of the island has been 
 the Catholic, and even under the Republic close on £7,000 a 
 year is granted for the stipends of the clergy, who are under 
 the domination of a Bishop, the see having been created by 
 Napoleon III. in 1861. 
 
 Public Works.—Considerable sums are being expended on 
 public works in Réunion, the most important of these being — 
 
 a. The iron landing pier at St. Denis, an exceedingly 
 
Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. 57 
 
 
 
 handsome structure, which it is estimated will cost 
 half a million sterling. 
 
 b. The railway, commenced in 1882, destined to connect 
 the harbour of des Galets with the town of St. 
 Pierre and St. Benoit, its total mileage being 
 seventy-seven, and towards the completion of which 
 £15,000 was voted in the budget of 1885. 
 
 -¢. The harbour at des Galets, which will, when com- 
 pleted, cover forty acres, with an average depth of 
 twenty-five feet. The estimated cost is one and a half 
 millions. ‘This sum has been raised in France, the 
 interest on which has been guaranteed by the State, 
 to an amount not exceeding £80,000 a year. 
 
 SSE FS Nas Sere 
 
 
 
 ; Cultivation and Commerce.—Réunion is to-day essentially 
 a sugar-producing colony, though in the earlier days of the 
 French occupation its most valuable exports were pepper, 
 coffee, and spices. In the matter of sugar the merchants of 
 Réunion have taken the lead of all their brother colonists, 
 adapting themselves to the spirit of the times in a manner 
 quite foreign to their countrymen. The clumsy machinery depen- 
 dent on cattle for its motive power has been replaced by steam 
 factories replete with every appliance, and efforts are being 
 made to find new outlets for its trade in our colonies and in New 
 Holland, now that the protective duties of its mother country, 
 and the rapid production of beet-sugar, has practically driven 
 
 * cane-sugar from European markets. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SUGAR. COFFEE. CLOVES. Cocoa. TOBACCO. 
 |Acreage.| Output. ese Output. |Acreage} Output. Acreage Output. |Acreage| Output. 
 
 Ibs. Ibs. lbs. Ibs. lbs. 
 
 1832 nee Se see [2,209,000 re aA eee oan ae = 
 ash) |... i ee 12,028,246) A. 11,638,000 22,000]... 180, 400 
 1875 #s ae oo) 822,800; ... ed aos 1,064,800 
 
 wS76) * a ve 
 
 1877 fee te oe 182,000 
 
 1878 ee aie ee. 1,174,800 ve 
 rere]. a pr 9}15180,0004 —... Dore Mane tea he es ... {1,018,600 
 1889 “i 1,199,000 ie 61,600 an eo [LIZ-2O009 ee (625,400 
 1881 Fue = eae 1150 /0,000 ne 28,600 a 000 tare... 972,000 
 eet 00.80 nee 100 57,000 | 250 | 43,000) 660 |1,246,000 
 
 
 
 
 
58 Colonial France. 
 
 The total value of the sugar crop being estimated at— 
 
 Sugar, 64,460,000 lbs. . : ; é‘ . £328,000 
 Rum, 550,000 gallons. 5 : : » 400,000 
 ‘Molasses, 704,000 gallons. ; . 52,000 
 
 whilst the total capital sunk in the sugar industry represents a 
 sum close on five and a half millions sterling, namely— 
 
 Lands employed in Sugar Cultivation » £4,000,000 
 Plant, Machinery, &c. : : : . 1,920,000 
 Cattle . : ; ; : ; : : . 400,000 
 
 Owing to the fact that Réunion is principally a sugar-produc- 
 ing colony, it is evident that its trade with France, owing to the 
 policy that country is pursuing with regard to the sugar trade, 
 must necessarily be a declining one; indeed, in the last eight 
 years, the exports from the island to France have sunk fifty 
 per cent. ; and though there has not been such a marked fall in 
 the imports from the mother country, there has been a very 
 sensible reduction even in these, as the following table will 
 
 show :— 
 Exports to France. Imports from France, 
 1876 ; ; : £923,147 £343,198 
 1877 : : 892,300 324,012 
 1878 ; : ; 874,704 389,168 
 1879 : : ; 714,833 296,848 
 1880 : : . 628,080 367,945 
 
 The imports and exports of the colony are thus summarized 
 in the annual commercial statistics published by the Custom 
 House officials of France, for the year 1881 :— 
 
 Imports. Exports. 
 To or from France . : . £317,916 £701,901 
 a French Colonies . 00,224 12,602 
 
 ie Foreign Countries . 759,992 228,435 
 
 The principal items being— 
 
 ImMporTS FROM F'RANCE. 
 
 Salt Meats ; : ; : : . £11,650 
 Salt Fish ; y s ; : . See 
 Chemical Manures . : : 5 . . Laas 
 Wines and Spirits . : : d . 69,180 
 Cotton Goods . ; . ; ; . 60,861 
 
 Leather Goods : : : . 29,940 
 

 
 
 Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. 59 
 
 Imports FROM FRENCH COLONIES. 
 
 Salt Fish . ; : : : . £9,192 - 
 
 Rice. : 3 ; 3 : : se ERs: 
 
 Cotton Goods . : : F ; . 10,124 
 Imports rrom Forricn CountrRiEs. 
 
 Flour : : ‘ , ; 7 . £00,318 
 
 Rice . : ; : ; ; : . 302,242 
 
 Tobacco . ; : f & ; . 90,208 
 
 In the case of Réunion we find the commerce principally 
 carried on with countries alien to France and by vessels not 
 sailing under French colours, the movements of vessels in the 
 port being— 
 
 Entered. Cleared. 
 ; Vessels, Tonnage. Vessels. Tonnage. 
 From or to France. : oe ail 22.165 44 18,641 
 . » French Colonies . 9 2,644 32 «13,772 
 154 of these of which 
 ~ » Foreign Countries 189 aggregated 173 2130 carried 
 58,674 tons. 53,000tons. 
 
 
 
 _ -Finances.—The Local Revenue of Réunion does not suffice 
 for one-half of its expenditure ; this amounts to over £400,000, 
 irrespective of the sums disbursed by the various Municipal 
 and Communal authorities for local improvements. 
 
 The expenses may be here summarized :— 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 o Local Budget ; : : . £176,530 
 *Badget of Minister of eres : . 246,845 
 423,375 
 
 
 
 The principal items of Colonial Revenue are :— 
 
 
 
 Postal Service . : : : : : LO ee 
 Licence Tax . ‘ : : : ; . 12,800 
 House Tax _. ‘ : 2 2 . 4,440 
 Stamps and Registr quote : : . 29,268 
 Carriage Tax . : : ; ; . 1,360 
 Spirits and 'l'obacco Tecate 5 : “ . 67,052 
 Weights and Measures. ; ; ; . 1,080 
 Export Dues. : : : : ‘ . 32,380 
 Miscellaneous . ‘ : : ; , se lis73 
 £176,530 
 
 Se] 
 
 * For details see Appendix No. I. 
 
60 Colonial France. 
 
 fl 
 Nosst Bs. 
 
 By the terms of the Treaty of Paris all the colonial possessions 
 wrested from France since the Peace of Amiens were restored 
 to her, with the exception of Tobago, Saint Lucia, Mauritius 
 and its dependencies, the Seychelles. Adopting a somewhat 
 comprehensive view of this clause, France laid claim to the 
 entire island of Madagascar, basing her claim on the facts that 
 some Jesuit missionaries had, for a number of years prior to 
 the Revolution, owned establishments on the island, and that 
 in the year 1644 a certain Monsieur de Flacourt had officially 
 taken possession of it in the name of His Most Christian 
 Majesty Louis XV. Not only did the British Government 
 -raise objections to such a course, but the King of the Hovas, 
 who had recently succeeded in compelling all the minor tribes 
 in Madagascar to submit to his rule, not content with remon- 
 strances, proceeded to force, and drove a French detachment out 
 of the small fort at Point Dauphin, and compelled them to 
 restrict their possessions to the small island of Sainte Marie 
 de Madagascar. The necessity, however, of obtaining territory 
 in the vicinity of the Isle of Bourbon, whence they could draw 
 a supply of ‘‘ free labourers’’ for the sugar plantations of their 
 last remaining colony in the Indian Ocean, caused the French 
 to turn their eyes to the group of islands to the north-west 
 of Madagascar. Recent events had thrown the greater part of 
 the island into the hands of the Hovas, whose king was de 
 facto sovereign of the island. The majority of the petty 
 kinglets had voluntarily submitted to his sway; some had 
 maintained a bold aspect of independence until threatened by 
 the Hovas troops, whilst others had opposed the Hovas by force, 
 and had been deprived of their lands and driven into exile. 
 
 Amongst this latter category came one Tsimandroho, whose 
 ancestors during the eighteenth century had been Kings of 
 the Sakalaves ; their territories had stretched along the eastern 
 coasts of Madagascar, from Cape Amber in the north, to Saint 
 Augustine’s Bay in the south. Dispossessed of his lands, 
 Tsimandroho was driven to take refuge in the island of Nossi 
 bé, and from thence he contrived to send messengers to Admiral 
 
a cer Ay ae 
 
 Réunton and Islands tn the Indian Ocean. 61 
 
 de Helle, the Governor of Bourbon, begging his assistance to- 
 wards the recovery of his ancient kingdom. 
 
 Any measure which would enable France to act against the 
 Hoyas, and punish them for the indignity offered to the French 
 flag at Fort Dauphin in 1825, was sure of receiving support at 
 Versailles, and the admiral promptly despatched a vessel of war 
 to Nossi Bé to enter into a treaty with the fugitive king—a 
 treaty which, though not binding France to any definite course 
 of action, should yet give her rights of sovereignty in Madagascar, 
 and thus enable her, when opportunity might arise, to exercise 
 her prerogatives and establish a permanent military settlement 
 in some favourable spot. By the laws of the Hovas, slavery is 
 allowed, and Admiral de Helle, aware of the labour crisis in 
 Réunion, and foreseeing the time when labourers from Africa 
 would be required to replace the newly-liberated slaves in 
 that island, looked upon a footing in Madagascar as but a step 
 in the direction of establishing labour depots within the domin- 
 ions of the Queen of Madagascar. 
 
 In September, 1839, Captain Passot, of the corvette Colibri, 
 was detached with full power to treat with King Tsimandroho, 
 and in July of the following year a treaty was signed, by which 
 that monarch, a fugitive from the throne of his fathers, ceded 
 to the King of France territories of which he had been dis- 
 possessed for upwards of ten years. By it France nominally 
 obtained possession of the ancient territories of the Sakalaves 
 on the main island, as well as of the small islands grouped off 
 the north-west corner of Madagascar. 
 
 It may be of interest to give a translation of the document 
 upon which France bases her claim to the sovereignty of the 
 island of Madagascar. 
 
 ‘Declaration of Tsimandroho, to the Great King of France, 
 Algeria, Isle of Bourbon, and of many other places. 
 
 ‘‘T, Tsimandroho of the Golden Family, formerly King of 
 Vokemar, and on the main land of Madagascar, now ruler of a 
 part of Nossi Bé and of Nossi aly, having been driven from 
 the main island by our cruel enemies the Hovas, I am not able 
 to defend myself against their attacks. Ifno one comes to my 
 aid I am utterly lost. 
 
62 Colontal France. 
 
 ‘‘T have collected together all my councillors, and the 
 principal chiefs of my kingdom, to deliberate on the matter 
 before us. We realize that the King of France is capable of 
 conquering the Hovas, and that he will not deceive us. If he 
 comes to our aid we and our families may still hope to live. 
 Therefore we place ourselves in the hands of the great King 
 of France. I give to him my lands, my villages, and all my 
 
 subjects. I pray him to come and help us against the Hovas;_ 
 
 all my subjects wish to learn to fight as the French fight, and 
 to wage war by their sides. I ears to become the child of 
 the King of France, even that he may be my father and I his 
 son. I will obey all his orders, and the orders of those whom 
 he sends to this country. If he tells me to stand up, I will 
 stand, if to sit down, I will sit; if he tells me to work or to 
 fight, I will do just what he avdetel 
 
 ‘‘We know nothing, we want to learn everything ; we uae 
 that the King of France will send us people to teach us to 
 read and to write, and to become even as the French are.” 
 
 In virtue of this deed of gift, ratified shortly after by a 
 treaty, the French Government landed a small force on the 
 island of Nossi Bé, established a form of government similar 
 to that in their other minor colonies, erected public buildings, 
 nominated the usual posse of public officials, and, in short, 
 carried out the treaty to the letter, in so far as it concerned 
 the cession of territory to themselves ; but, to his inexpressible 
 chagrin, no efforts were made to recover for Tsimandroho 
 the lost possessions on the main land. This breach of faith 
 on the part of the French rankled in the breasts of the 
 Sakalaves, and when, in 1848, in pursuance of a decree of 
 the Senate, slavery was abolished in the French colonies, and 
 they saw their chief source of wealth vanish at a blow, the 
 smouldering embers of resentment burst into a blaze, and in 
 the spring of 1849 the Sakalaves broke into open revolt. 
 
 Aided by their kinsmen on the main island and in Nossi 
 Fali, the insurgents, to the number of about 10,000, massed 
 in the north of the island, and poured down on the French 
 settlement. The total effective forces at the disposal of the 
 Governor were sixty men of the infantry of the Marines, and 
 
 th 
 
Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. 63 
 
 about eight hundred freed slaves. With these he endeavoured 
 to make a stand. The Governor’s house was surrounded with 
 earthworks, guns were mounted, the European residents, in- 
 cluding the missionaries, called into the entrenchments, and 
 - every preparation made to repulse the coming attack. At the 
 same time the women and children were placed on board some 
 native vessels and despatched to Mayotte, under charge of the 
 missionaries, who were also entrusted with despatches to the 
 military Commandant of that island demanding reinforcements. 
 
 For some weeks the little party were exposed to a harassing 
 blockade, and in a reconnaissance undertaken to ascertain the 
 streneth of the besieging force, the officer commanding the 
 detachment of the Marine infantry lost his life. Disheartened, 
 but not dismayed, by the untoward incident, the Governor 
 dispatched a further urgent appeal to Mayotte for aid. Pro- | 
 visions were scarce, water often difficult to obtain, and the 
 temper of some of the native contingent not all that could be 
 desired. 
 
 The situation of the garrison was growing almost desperate 
 when, on the Ist of July, the Sakalaves delivered their final 
 attack. Under the command of some of the non-commissioned 
 officers of the infantry of the Marine the freed slaves were sent 
 out to meet them; but these were soon driven in upon the 
 entrenchments. Then, preceded by their priests, shouting, 
 singing, and gesticulating, the insurgents welled on, and had 
 arrived within a hundred yards of the earthworks when the 
 ships’ guns, which had been mounted in commanding positions, 
 poured a volley of case shot into their midst. It was their 
 first taste of artillery ; checked and bewildered, the enemy 
 huddled together, not knowing whether to fly or to make one 
 desperate bid for success. Taking advantage of the pause, a 
 second volley was poured into them, and in another moment 
 the Sakalaves were flying towards the hills, hotly pursued by 
 the semi-disciplined blacks. Quarter they neither asked nor 
 expected. The pursuit was carried on all day, and on the 
 arrival of reinforcements from Mayotte an organized punitive 
 expedition was directed against the fugitives, who had sought 
 safety in the mountainous regions in the north of the island. 
 
64 Colonial France. 
 
 Armed only with spears, the Sakalaves could make no stand 
 against their pursuers, whose fury seemed redoubled by the 
 mere fact of their prey being helpless. Itis stated that up- 
 wards of 8,000 Sakalaves perished ere the French Commander 
 cried ‘‘ Hold, enough! ” 
 
 The lesson taught was a severe one, and since 1849 
 the French have remained in undisputed possession of the 
 island. | 
 
 Topography.— Theisland of Nossi Bé is situated about a 
 hundred and eighty miles to the east of Mayotte, and about ten 
 from the coast of Madagascar. It is evidently of volcanic 
 origin, extinct craters of volcanoes being distinctly visible. Many 
 of these are filled with water, and form considerable lakes. The 
 central portion of the island is extremely fertile, high down- 
 land rising in elevation to the southward, until it culminates in 
 the mount Loucoubé, with an altitude of 1,486 feet. 
 
 Nossi Bé possesses no navigable river, but the banks of its 
 numerous streams are well cultivated, and many of these have 
 debouchures convenient for the watering of passing vessels. 
 The principal stream runs through the town of Hellville, a 
 name by no means inappropriate when we consider the mean 
 temperature ofthe island ; but I believe that the Admiral under 
 whose orders Nossi Bé was annexed to the French is responsible 
 for its nomenclature. 
 
 Population.—In 1883 the population of Nossi Bé amounted 
 to 9,009 souls, 5,435 males and 3,574 females : the proportion of 
 adults is not stated in official returns. 
 
 Government and Administration.—The colony isadministered 
 by a Commandant, who has under his order a ‘‘Chef du Service 
 de l’Interieur,’’ and a chief of the judicial department. The 
 “ Conseil d’Administration ” of the colony is of course presided 
 over by the Governor, and it consists of the two chief officials 
 above mentioned, and two of the chief (French subjects) 
 inhabitants, named by the Governor. 
 
 Justice.—Justice is administered by a magistrate who 
 combines the offices of Juge de Paix with that of President 
 of the Tribunal of the First Instance. All appeals are trans- 
 ferred to the Superior Court in Réunion. As Juge de Paix, 
 
Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. °65 
 
 this official was called on to decide 27 cases, and as President 
 
 of the Tribunal 77 cases, in the year 1881. 
 
 Education.—As yet the laicization of the schools has not 
 been effected in Nossi Bé: the boys’ schools, at which there is an 
 average attendance of 140, are under the charge of the Fathers 
 of the order of St. Esprit, and the girls’ schools, at which the 
 average is 105, are cared for by the Sisters of St. Joseph de 
 Cluny. 
 
 Cultivation and Commerce.——The total area of the island is 
 about 73,250 acres: of which some 20,000 only are at present 
 cultivated, and these are nearly all devoted to sugar planta- 
 tions; but efforts have recently been made to introduce coffee 
 into the island. 
 
 The total exports in 1882 amounted to £150,480, and imports 
 to £148,800 ; inthe same year, 29,864 tons of shipping cleared 
 out of Port Hellville. The commerce was evenly divided between 
 France and other countries, £67,014 imports arriving from the 
 mother country, against £81,821 from other countries ; she, on 
 the other hand, taking £89,436 of exports, whilst foreign coun- 
 tries absorbed £61,070. 
 
 The local receipts amounted to— 
 
 
 
 iwi she 
 
 Land Tax . : : j ‘ : eo Ue 
 Poutax . : : : : , oe oP O 
 Licence Tax . ; : : eon th U 
 Export Duty on eae ; ; 60010770 
 Licence for Sale and Transport of Spitite 800 0 O 
 Post Dues ; ‘ ; : nO 0. 0 
 5,220 0 0 
 
 
 
 | 
 | 
 
 The sums allocated by the Minister of Marine for the admin- 
 istration of the colony are set forth in Appendix No. I. 
 
 SAINTE MARIE DE MADAGASCAR. 
 
 Between the years 1642 and 1675 various trading companies, 
 under the high patronage of Richelieu and of Colbert, made 
 repeated efforts to found French colonies on the island of 
 
 F 
 
66 Colonial France. 
 
 Madagascar. Doubtless at this period, the island of Nossi 
 Bourahi, or, as it isnow called, Ste. Marie de Madagascar, was 
 visited, if not occupied, by the French ; but we have no authentic 
 record of its being considered a dependency of France until the 
 year 1750, when, in return for a pecuniary subsidy, Beti, son of 
 King Ratzimilao, chief of the Betsimarake tribe, ceded his in- 
 terest in the island to the East India Company of France. This 
 corporation saw in Nossi Bourahi a midway port between the 
 Cape of Good Hope and their establishments in the East Indies, 
 but no efforts were made to do more than make it a mere port 
 of call. 
 
 During the wars of the Revolution, French prestige was at a 
 very low ebb in the Indian seas ; she had been harried from her 
 ancient possessions ; and though by the Treaty of Paris of 1815 
 these were to a certain extent restored to her, it yet needed 
 vigorous action on the part of the Government to regain a foot- 
 ing in those waters where the English flag reigned supreme. 
 Availing itself of the ambiguous wording of that treaty, the 
 French Government despatched M. Sylvain de Raux, with 
 instructions to take possession of the island of Sainte Marie de 
 Madagascar and of the ports of Tamatave, Fort Dauphin, and 
 Tintinque, on the main island. Such conduct was little to the 
 liking of the Hovas, who, at the end of the eighteenth century, 
 had established themselves as the dominant race in Madagascar, 
 and whose king was virtually considered by all minor chiefs as 
 sovereign of the island, and he was by no means inclined to 
 brook the appearance of a foreign flag on his shores. For close 
 on thirteen years hostilities were waged between the Hovas and 
 the French. One by one the establishments of the latter power 
 were abandoned, until, in 1831, the white flag of France was seen 
 no more on the main island. Ranavolana pursued the same 
 relentlessly hostile policy as Radama, her father ; but she was 
 unable to undertake an expedition to chase the French from the 
 Isle of Sainte Marie, which since 1831 has been their sole 
 possession on the eastern shore of Madagascar. 
 
 Topography.—Ste. Marie is a long, narrow island, about 80 
 miles in length by 2 in breadth, separated from its larger sister 
 by a channel whose mean width is but a few miles. It is 
 
Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. | 67 
 
 sheltered from the north by Cape Antougil, and from all 
 westerly gales by the main island, so that when anchored in the 
 harbour of Marorano, on its western shores, vessels are secure 
 from any gale. The country is fertile and undulating, y;ossess- 
 ing exccllent pasturage, and the whole island is traversed by 
 innumerable streams. There is but little cultivation, the 
 inhabitants growing what is necessary for their own needs, and 
 making a precarious livelihood, either by fishing or selling 
 cattle to the traders from Mauritius and Reunion. 
 
 Population.—The population at the last census amounted to 
 7,189 souls, of whom 8,491 were males, 3,698 females ; of these 
 2,489 were adults over fourteen years of age. The original 
 inhabitants were evidently of Caffre origin ; like their neighbours, 
 the Betsimarakes, they have black skins, thick lips, and crisp, 
 curly hair: many still retain these characteristics, though from 
 intermarriage with Sakalave settlers, who are thronging to the 
 island, the raceis gradvally diminishing. The unhealthiness 
 of Ste. Marie de Madagascar proves an insuperable bar to 
 European colonization. In 1883 there were but fourteen 
 Europeans on the island, and of these ten were officials. 
 
 Government and Administration.—For purposes of adminis- 
 tration Ste. Marie is attached to Réunion, an officer being 
 deputed by the Governor of that island to carry on all duties 
 connected with the tiny dependency. This official is Governor, 
 Magistrate, and Commandant, all rolled into one; but his 
 duties are light, as all criminal cases are referred to the superior 
 courts in St. Denis. 
 
 Education.—The Jesuits, who for so many years carried on 
 their work of evangelization in the island, have left traces of 
 
 their energy in two schools, which still exist and give gratui- 
 
 tous instruction to 968 children of both sexes. 
 
 Cultivation and Commerce.—The island may be said to be 
 almost uncultivated. The natives, it is true, grow a small 
 quantity of cloves and coffee, but, being naturally extremely 
 indolent and averse to manual labour, they trust to traders 
 from Réunion and Mauritius to supply them even with the rice 
 necessary for their own consumption, although, from the 
 swampy nature of certain districts, the country is peculiarly 
 
 r 2 
 
68 Colonial France. 
 
 well suited for the cultivation of this staple article of diet. 
 Efforts have been made by the French officials to establish some 
 plantations of cocoanut trees; but although 55,000 of these 
 have been planted, and in 1882 were in full bearing, no colonist 
 has been found hardy enough to offer himself as a tenant to 
 the provincial government. 
 
 Without cultivation, Ste. Marie naturally remains without 
 commerce; some small craft trade between it and Réunion and 
 the Mauritius, and the despatch boat attached to the former 
 island, as well as casual trading steamers, occasionally visit 
 its ports. In 1882 the total imports were £7,264, and exports 
 £4,400 ; rice being the principal article in the former category, 
 cattle in the latter. | 
 
 Finances.—As may readily be conceived, the labours of the 
 Governor in this direction are not of an arduous character: the 
 expenditure, infinitesimal as it is, resembles the system in 
 vogue in all other French colonies, it is not provided for by the 
 revenue of the island, and the Minister of Marine and Colo- 
 nies has to furnish an annual sum to enable a balance to be 
 struck. The salaries of all the officials are included in the 
 Réunion Budget, yet the following extract from official papers” 
 will suffice to show the condition of the island :— 
 
 £ Sele 
 Land Tax . ‘ : f F é : "5 52) ao 
 
 
 
 Poll Tax . , : . ' : . 1292s 
 Licence Tax. E : ; : » , Loose 
 Duty and Transport on Spirits : .», 200 5. eee 
 Subvention from the State . : . 2,482 0 0 
 
 3,123 12 0 
 
 
 
 The whole of this sum, with the exception of £329 12s. 6d. 
 devoted to educational purposes, is spent on improvements in 
 roads, repairs to public buildings, and efforts to develop the 
 cocoanut plantations, which languish for want of a tenant. 
 The expenses of the Naval squadron, borne proportionately by 
 Ste. Marie, but paid by the State, is £12,391. 
 
 In view of the probable annexation of Madagascar by France, 
 Ste. Marie has an important future, as it covers the most valu- 
 
| ORS 
 
 Réunion and Lslands wn the Indian Ocean. 69 
 
 able harbour on the eastern shores of the mainland, and offers 
 a secure resting-place for a squadron unable to gain the friendly 
 shelter of Réunion. 
 
 MAyorTteE. 
 
 The most westerly of the group of islands in Malagau 
 waters now owned by the French is Mayotte. The history of the 
 island in its relations to its present possessors is very similar 
 to that already narrated regarding Nossi Bé and Ste. Marie, 
 
 In 1841, after obtaining from King Tsimandroho the cession 
 of the islands close under the coast of Madagascar, M. Passot 
 proceeded to the westward and formally annexed Mayotte. The 
 inhabitants were by no means cordial in the welcome they 
 accorded their new owners, and it was not until June 1843 that 
 
 all symptoms of hostility were stamped out. In the following 
 
 year, after careful plans had been made of all their newly- 
 acquired possessions, the French determined to convert the 
 little island of Dzaoudzi, close under the eastern shores of 
 Mayotte, into a second Gibraltar. Large numbers of skilled 
 workmen were transported thither from Europe, free labourers 
 were also brought over from neighbouring islands, and vast 
 sums spent in commencing the foundations of a series of forts 
 which were to dominate the harbour of Choa. After an enor- 
 mous sum, stated to have been £320,000, had been expended on 
 this idea, the project was abandoned. The island of Dzaoudzi, 
 however, was selected as the site for a permanent military 
 garrison. A hospital and the usual Government offices were 
 constructed ; on these a further sum of six million francs have 
 been spent. 
 
 Topography.—The island of Mayotte lies fairly north and 
 south, its extreme length being twenty-five and its breadth about 
 eight miles. Its coast is deeply indented by large land-locked 
 bays, which at all times afford secure shelter for vessels. The 
 principal harbour is that of Choa, which is protected from the 
 north by the barren island of Pamanzi, and from the east by 
 that of Dzaoudzi. These two islands are connected by a 
 narrow tongue of land, which is completely covered at high 
 
70 Colonial France. 
 
 water. To the north of Mayotte, the bay of Longoni, and on 
 its western coast that of Boeni, also furnish excellent harbour- 
 age for vessels of considerable tonnage. 
 
 A considerable range of hills, rising to a height of 3,000 feet, 
 runs down the centre of the island ; the western slopes of these 
 are well wooded and very fertile, whilst the eastern are more 
 precipitous and destitute of cultivation, the ground on that side 
 being much cut up by numerous ravines, which during the 
 rainy season are roaring torrents, but in the winter are dry and 
 barren. The great want of water is severely felt in all the 
 towns on the south-eastern coasts; to obviate this scarcity art 
 has been called in to supplement nature, and tanks similar to 
 those constructed at Aden, but on a far smaller scale, have 
 been constructed near Choa. 7 
 
 On the French occupation in 1848 there was but one town 
 of any note, and this, the inhabitants having been given to 
 commerce with the neighbouring islands, was situated on the 
 shores of the excellent harbour of Choa. Small groups of 
 Arab villages were scattered about in various places, but they 
 rarely consisted of more than ten or fifteen huts, and scarcely 
 deserved even the designation of village. Now comparative pros- 
 perity reigns, and besides Choa and the French settlement on 
 Dzaoudzi, there are two or three towns of considerable size, 
 notably Koeni, Jongoni, Dopani, and others. 
 
 Population.—The population of Mayotte in 1882 comprised 
 8,794 souls; the surplus of males is here more distinctly 
 visible than in the other islands whose history I have sketched, 
 the numbers being: males, 5,561; females, 8,233; of these 
 876 boys, and 852 girls are under 18 years. - By far the 
 greater majority of the inhabitants are Mussulmans, some being 
 descendants from the old Arab traders who settled in Mayotte 
 in the fourteenth century, others being tribesmen of the main 
 land converted to Mahomedanism. 
 
 Government and Administration.—The Governor of the 
 
 island is assisted in his duties by the chief of the ‘‘ Service 
 Intérieur,” and of the service ‘‘ Judiciare.’’ There being no 
 Conseil Général, when questions relating to the colony come up 
 for discussion, a Council is formed of the three Government 
 
Réunion and Islands in the Indian Ocean. |. 71 
 
 officials and two of the principal inhabitants named by the 
 Governor. Should the question be one of finance, two addi- 
 tional members elected by the colony have a seat at the 
 Board. 
 
 Justice.—The judicial requirements of the Island are met by 
 the appointment of an official who, under the style and title of 
 “‘ Juge Président,” unites the offices of Juge de Paix and Juge 
 of the Tribunal of the First Instance. All appeals, as well as 
 all criminal cases, are referred to the Superior Courts at Reé- 
 union. The labours of the Judge, who is assisted by a 
 Greffier, are light, as the following extract from official returns 
 of 1885 show :— 
 
 TRIBUNAL OF THE First INSTANCE. 
 
 Civil Causes. : : 2 2 ae 
 Commercial Cuses_ . : ; ; . 29 
 Minor Criminal Offences . ; : oaO7 
 
 OFFICE OF JUGE DE Paix. 
 Civil Cases ; ? . : - ed 
 Simple Police Cases. ; Pao? 
 
 The annual returns for the year 1885 give the following 
 results as regards the commerce in the island of Mayotte :— 
 
 Imports. Exports, 
 From orto France : . £19,108 £386,181 
 other Countries. . 23,691 5,994 
 The shipping movements being— 
 Entered. Cleared. 
 French Vessels . ; : o3 42 
 Other Flags : : : : 83 77 
 
 Education.—The inhabitants of the island being Maho- 
 medans, there is a strong objection on the part of parents to 
 send their children to the Catholic schools, and the small pro- 
 gress which the missionaries were making in Mayotte has been 
 rudely checked by the conduct of the Republican Ministry in 
 withholding State aid from the religious schools ; this, too, 
 
mo Colonial France. 
 
 has engendered suspicions on the part of the Arabs as to the 
 penuineness of the Jesuit creed. 
 
 Native children, therefore, are instructed by Moollahs of their 
 own persuasion, whilst the two small missionary schools are 
 attended only by 21 boys and 18 girls. 
 
 Cultiwwation and Commerce.—The want of water on the 
 eastern ridges of the island interferes much with the success- 
 ful cultivation of the soil. At the present moment there are 
 about 7,200 acres under tillage, 4,000 of them being devoted 
 to sugar, of which, in 1882, 7,726,000 lbs. were exported. 
 Efforts are also being made to produce coffee and tobacco. In 
 the same year, the exports of coffee amounted to 11,660 lbs., 
 and of tobacco to 3,720 lbs.—a small beginning, it is true, but 
 still enough to show that, with care and proper appliances, the 
 future of the little colony may be one of prosperity. 
 
 Although vast sums have been spent on the harbour, which 
 was originally intended as a refuge for ships of war, the trade 
 of the island, owing to its position as well as to its size, must 
 necessarily be insignificant. Thus, in 1882, but 122 vessels, 
 of a gross tonnage of 11,250 visited the island, and of this 
 amount 6,500 tons were under the French flag. 
 
 Finances.—The Local Budget comprises all expenditure rela- 
 tive to the internal administration of the colony, but naturally 
 this is far more than is met by the revenue, which has to be 
 largely supplemented by State aid. 
 
 The Minister of the Colonies furnishes over £20,000 a year 
 to the support of this little island. For the details of this 
 sum, the reader is referred to Appendix No. I. 
 
 The Local Budget gives the following sums :— 
 
 
 
 £. (aad. 
 By Land Tax . ; : ; . 2400 Sa 
 oe Olleb axa : : ; . 1,200 7e0aaee 
 », Licence T'ax : : : ‘ : 920° 0 0O 
 » Sale and Transport of Spirits . . 880" sO 
 », Customs and Export Dues. ; . 4,240 0 0 
 9,640 0 0 
 
 
 
 The expenditure amounts, then, to close on £30,000 a year, 
 
. eon ee 
 , <- g 7 poe = a — E 
 
 ynion and nae an the Indian Ocean. . 73 
 
 > of tie pay of the troops, which it is impossible 
 to determine. If to this sum we add the interest 
 
 
 
7A Colonial France. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EAST INDIAN POSSESSIONS. 
 
 East Indian Possessions: Pondicherry, Mahé, Chandernagore, Kankal, 
 and Yanaon—EHarly History of the French in India — Trading 
 Companies under Royal Support—Richelieu and Colbert’s Efforts 
 — Beaulieu and Carron — Francois Martin’s gallant Defence of 
 ‘St. Thomé—Founding of Pondicherry—War with the English— 
 Repeated Capture of the French Possessions— Population—Govern- 
 ment and Administration — Justice — Education — Agriculture — 
 Commerce—Industry— Finances. 
 
 THE permanent connection between France and India may be 
 said to date back to the year 1604, when Richelieu with a flourish 
 of trumpets founded ‘‘ La Campagnie Royale des Indes Orien- 
 tales,” though upwards of a century previously efforts had been 
 made by the merchant venturers—to adopt a happy Bristolian 
 phrase—of Rouen, Dieppe, and Havre, to open up communica- 
 tions with the Indian markets. The earliest of these attempts 
 of which we have any authentic record took place in the year 
 1503, when two small vessels cleared out of Havre, bound to the 
 ports of Hindostan. Little craft measuring respectively 120 and 
 96 tons, crowded with idlers as well as seamen, lumbered up 
 with goods destined for Oriental bazaars, the result might well 
 have been foretold—they were never heard of again. Three 
 decades were allowed to elapse before another squadron was 
 fitted out, when in 1538 a second, and in 1545 a third, expe- 
 dition started on similar bootless errands. It was reserved for 
 Richelieu to lay the foundation of that Eastern Empire which, 
 after bitter struggles and varying fortunes, now constitutes the 
 most valuable of all British possessions. 
 
 It is beyond the scope of this work to enter into the details of 
 those long and interesting wars waged between France and 
 
East Indian Possessions. 75 
 
 England in the plains of Lower Hindostan, but a_ brief 
 summary of the history of the French in India is necessary in 
 order to show how their acquisitions, which at one time 
 threatened to swallow up our own, and did actually far surpass 
 them in extent, have now dwindled away to a few insignificant 
 towns, all of which on more than one occasion have fallen into 
 our hands, to be as often, by a misplaced generosity, ceded to our 
 hereditary foes. 
 
 Jealous of the successes of the Dutch in the East, and fore- 
 seeing the immense advantages that must accrue to France 
 from an extension of her colonial markets, Richelieu determined 
 to follow the example set by the Norman merchants of the 
 preceding century, and to fight the Dutch on their own ground. 
 On the Ist of June, 1604, he accordingly granted a charter 
 under Royal Patent to ‘‘ La Campagnie Royale des Indes 
 Orientales,”’ bestowing on it for fifteen years an exclusive trade 
 with the East. Further than this, the company was aided with 
 subsidies from the Royal Treasuries, and vessels from the 
 Royal dockyards; but even this assistance was not sufficient to 
 induce private individuals to embark in the venture, or to allay 
 the jealousies and stifle the quarrels which at once arose 
 amongst the original proprietors. The company died stillborn ; 
 but in the year 1611 a fresh, but unsuccessful, effort was made 
 to awaken public interest in the defunct undertaking. In 1615, 
 some merchants of Rouen petitioned the King for the transfer 
 of the charter, and in July, 1615, an amicable arrangement 
 ‘was arrived at between the proprietors of ‘‘ La Campagnie 
 Royales des Indes Orientales’’ and the Rguennois. This 
 was followed up by decisive action, for in the following year an 
 expedition, under the joint command of de Nets and Antoine 
 Beaulieu, left the Seine for Eastern waters. Of this voyage, 
 Tavernier has left us an interesting account; and though the 
 venture does not appear to have been actually a successful one, 
 so far as its financial results are concerned, it opened up such 
 vistas of untold wealth to the merchants of Rouen, that, despite 
 the organized opposition of the Dutch, both at home and 
 abroad, it was determined to carry on the operations of the 
 company on a still more extensive scale. 
 
76 Colonial France. 
 
 In 1619, Beaulieu was nominated to the command of a 
 squadron, consisting of the Montmorenci, 450 tons, 22 guns, 
 ’ Esperance, 400 tons, 17 guns, andl’ Hermitage, 75 tons, 8 guns, 
 carrying crews amounting to 320 men. Although the ? Hsperance 
 was lost in an engagement off Acheen, and Beaulieu had to en- 
 counter not only the perils of the difficult navigation of the 
 Malacca Straits and the cyclones of the Indian Ocean, but also 
 the armed hostility of the Dutch, and the jealous suspicion of 
 the natives, he succeeded in reaching Havre in December 
 1620, with a cargo valued at £160,000. Encouraged by this 
 success, fresh efforts were made towards opening up trade with 
 the East, and in 1642 the rights of the original company 
 having lapsed, Richelieu granted a fresh charter to a powerful 
 corporation. This charter included amongst its provisions a 
 erant of possession over the island of Madagascar, which it 
 was anticipated would prove a more valuable half-way house 
 to India, in the hands of the French, than the Cape of Good 
 Hope was in those of the Dutch. The dealings of the company 
 with Madagascar are fully dealt with in a subsequent chapter, 
 so I may continue my brief narration of the rise and fall of 
 French power in Hindostan. 
 
 Richelieu died in 1648, before his newly-formed company had 
 achieved any greater success in Madagascar than the foundation 
 of a petty fortlet on the east coast of the island, long since 
 fallen to ruins, and of an enmity which has lasted until to- 
 day. His successor, Mazarin, was too much busied with home 
 politics, and with making head against the wars which, for a 
 time, threatened to overwhelm France, to be able to afford any 
 support to distant enterprises ; but on his death, in 1661, Colbert 
 put forth all his energy and all his ability to place France in 
 the proud position of the leading nation of Europe. Recog- 
 nizing the value of outlets for her commerce, and the necessity 
 ofa thorough reorganization of her navy in order to protect her 
 mercantile marine, Colbert spent vast sums in constructing 
 harbours at Cherbourg, Brest, Rochefort, and Toulon, and in 
 building a navy which should put France on an equality with 
 Great Britain, Holland, and Spain. He then turned his atten- 
 tion to the continents of Asia and America, and in the year 1664 
 
ke 
 
 Least Indian Possessions. aT 
 
 granted charters to various trading companies in all parts of the 
 globe, foremost amongst these being the ‘‘ Campagnie des Indes 
 Orientales,” a fresh corporation founded on the lines of 
 Richelieu’s defunct enterprise. This was registered on the 1st of 
 September of that year, receiving a subsidy from the Royal 
 Treasury of three million livres tournois. Support from 
 such a quarter naturally attracted universal attention towards 
 the new company, and the. subscription lists were soon filled 
 with the names of the leading merchants of Lyons, Rouen, 
 Bordeaux, Nantes, Tours, Saint Malo, Grenoble, and Dijon. 
 Guaranteed as it was by royal patent against all the losses it 
 might suffer during the first ten years of its operations, and 
 exempt from all import dues on its merchandise for fifty years, 
 there was but one reason why the company might not have 
 enjoyed a prosperous career, and have finally absorbed into the 
 kingdom of France the whole empire of Hindostan, and that 
 reason is‘the simple inability of the French to master the 
 rudiments of Oriental government. 
 
 Brilliant as were the early prospects of the new company, its 
 early measures were marred by injudiciousness, and clouded 
 with misfortune. The directors were hampered with the idea 
 of making firm their foothold in Madagascar as a midway 
 resting-place before embarking on any serious undertakings in 
 Hindostan ; and it is odd to find, after the lapse of two cen- 
 turies, that the French then, as now, believed in the possibility 
 of colonizing with French settlers tropical lands. In March, 
 1665, four large vessels sailed from Brest and Havre, carrying, 
 in addition to their crews, 475 emigrants, who were destined to 
 
 reinforce the garrison which still held Fort Dauphin, and to in- 
 
 struct the islanders in the art of cultivation and commerce as 
 understood by the France of the seventeenth century. Having 
 thus, as they hoped, made good their hold on Madagascar, 
 the company in the following year fitted out an expedition for 
 India itself. Its command was entrusted to one Carron, a 
 Frenchman who had gained some experience and held respon- 
 sible appointments in the Dutch East India Company of 
 Batavia. Reaching Madagascar in 1667, Carron found the 
 French settlements torn by intestine quarrels and threatened 
 
78 Colonial France. 
 
 with annihilation at the hands of the natives ; his commission 
 gave him no authority in that island, nor was his experience 
 likely to be of any service there, so he wisely determined to 
 allow the Franco- Madagascar question to settle itself (little fore- 
 seeing thatit would be in as acute a phase two centuries later), 
 and proceeded forthwith to Surat, where some Jesuits—those 
 true political missionaries—had already paved the way for 
 French mercantile successes. Thus, in 1668, the first French 
 factory was established in India. In the following year, owing 
 to the unremitting exertions of a Persian who was associated 
 with Carron in the chief command of the new company, a 
 second factory was established at Masulipatam, and shortly 
 afterwards a more permanent settlement was effected at St. 
 Thomé. An unsuccessful expedition against Trincomalee, in 
 Ceylon, led to the downfall of Carron, and his Persian coadju- 
 tor also being in disgrace, the direction of the company was 
 entrusted to one Frangois Martin, a Frenchman who in years 
 gone by had been a colleague of Carron in the Dutch service. ~ 
 Martin took up the reins of power with energy and de‘ermina- 
 tion. He foresaw that the foolhardy attempt on Trincomalee 
 would bring down on the French settlers the full force of the 
 enmity of his old powerful masters, the Dutch, and he dreaded 
 the results of a threatened attack which must end in defeat, 
 and, in all probability, be but the forerunner of the expulsion 
 of the French from India. He could expect no material aid 
 from the French Admiral on the station, an officer who already 
 on more than one occasion had shrunk from an encounter with 
 the Dutch fleet, and he felt that if a hold was to be main- 
 tained on the Indian coast, it must be by diplomatic means, 
 not by force of arms. Proceeding to the Court of Tanjore, 
 Martin succeeded in obtaining the grant of a small tract of 
 territory to the north of the river Kalartin, but the transaction 
 was shrouded in such secrecy that, with the exception of two 
 of the directors at St. Thomé, not a soul was aware of the 
 object of his mission. The threatened storm soon burst. In 
 1674 the Dutch, co-operating with the King of Golconda, 
 appeared before St. Thomé and demanded its surrender. Mar- 
 tin returned a defiant answer, and for eight weary months his 
 
East Indian Possessions. 79 
 
 gallant garrison, numbering barely 600 men, maintained an 
 equally defiant attitude in the face of overwhelming numbers. 
 At last, when the fire of the Dutch fleets had destroyed his sea 
 defences, and when the trenches of his native foes had so 
 closed him in that starvation stared his men in the face, Mar- 
 tin, whose gallant stand earned for his troops most favourable 
 conditions of surrender, handed over his ruined battlements to 
 the victorious Dutch. The terms he received were favourable 
 indeed, and had the victors been aware of his mission to the 
 Court of Tanjore, we may well believe they would have been 
 far more severe. Martin’s troops were allowed to march out of 
 St. Thomé with all the honours of war, and to proceed in any 
 direction they thought fit. Little did the Dutch commander 
 anticipate the result of such generous terms, and he fondly 
 imagined that, possessing but the two trading factories of 
 Surat and Masulipatam, the French troops would now be com- 
 pelled to re-embark for France. He had reckoned without his 
 host, and doubtless Martin chuckled in his sleeve as he led his 
 defeated, but by no means disheartened, forces to the little 
 erant of land to the north of the Kalartn, where, thanks to the 
 treasure which had been saved at the surrender of St. Thomé, 
 and to the energy infused into the little band by Martin, fac- 
 tories were built, and ere the close of the year 1675 the town 
 of Pondicherry formed the centre of French commerce in Hin- 
 dostan. But Martin was not destined to retain undisputed 
 possession of his new kingdom ; in 1675 he bought off the 
 threatened hostility of Sevajee, only to find himself exposed 
 to the cupidity of the Dutch, who from time to iime endea- 
 voured to rouse the native rulers to take action against the 
 French. At last, in 16938, the Dutch plucked up courage them- 
 selves, and appearing before Pondicherry with nineteen sail-of- 
 the-line, and a numerous convoy of transports conveying up- 
 wards of 9,000 troops, they summoned Martin to surrender. 
 To oppose this formidable force, the French commander had 
 under 50 European troops, 6 guns, and some 3800 half- 
 drilled Sepoys. Yet even with this force he made a show of 
 resistance, and bravely stood a siege for over a fortnight, when, 
 aware of the futility of expecting assistance from France, he, 
 
So Colonial France. 
 
 on the 8th September, once more concluded honourable terms 
 of surrender with his ancient foes. After their experience 
 at the capture of Thomé, it was not to be expected that the 
 French garrison would be permitted to remain in India, and 
 one of the articles in the terms of capitulation expressly stipu- 
 lated that they should be forwarded to Europe by an early 
 opportunity. Thus it seemed as if all hope of a French settle- 
 ment in India must be abandoned, and the field be left clear to 
 the victorious Dutch. ! 
 
 There still remained the factories at Surat and Masulipatam, 
 as well as at Chandernagore, which in the year 1688 had been 
 ceded to a small party of French settlers by the Emperor 
 Aurungzebe. More than this, there still remained to France 
 the indomitable energy and boundless resources of the brave ~ 
 Francois Martin. ‘Transported to France by the terms of the 
 capitulation of Pondicherry, Martin succeeded in gaining the 
 ears of the Ministry, and, what was still better, succeeded in 
 impressing upon the most influential men in France the im- 
 mense advantages that must necessarily result in the adoption 
 of a bolder policy towards India. France, however, was in 
 no position to enter on schemes of distant conquest; she was 
 then fighting face to face with united Europe, and the fleets of 
 Holland, which had worsted her in Hindostan, were even now 
 blockading her coasts. Whilst fully realizing the worth of 
 Martin’s schemes, the King saw the impossibility of furthering 
 them until peace should be restored; but when, by the Peace 
 of Ryswick, in 1697, a mutual restitution of all conquests 
 made by the belligerents was decided on, Martin was once 
 more nominated to the command of Pondicherry, and shortly — 
 after was made Director-General of the French settlements in 
 the East Indies by Royal Letters Patent, signed by Louis XIV. 
 in 1701. His first act was to strengthen the fortifications of 
 the seat of his Government, and to render it in every way 
 worthy of the renown he intended it should gain—his next, to 
 push forward his commercial operations until he succeeded in 
 becoming a very formidable antagonist, not merely to the 
 Dutch, but also to the English. 
 
 It has been reserved for Colonel G. B. Malleson, in his two 
 
Etast Indian Possessions. 81 
 
 excellent works on the subject,* to show how narrowly the 
 French escaped becoming masters of the continent of Hindo- 
 stan, and how our successes were due not to our superior valour, 
 not.to the superior skill of our Generals, but to the policy of 
 the French Ministers who starved their troops into defeat, who 
 wilfully ignored the demands for aid made by their distant 
 commanders, and who, finally, in order to gain some trifling 
 
 concessions in Europe, signed away territories which had been 
 
 actually won for them by the skill and bravery of their heu- 
 tenants. To reproduce even a summary of the French opera- 
 tions in India would occupy too much of my space, and I will, 
 therefore, confine myself to those dealing with their existing 
 possessions of Pondicherry, Chandernagore, Mahé, Karikal, and 
 Yunaon. 
 
 Pondicherry, we have seen, was purchased by Francois Mar- 
 tin in 1674 from the Sultan of Bejapore, and Chandernagore 
 obtained in the like manner from Aurungzebe. The little 
 town of Maitri was captured in the year 1727 by a French 
 squadron acting under the orders of Admiral de Pardaillan ; 
 but as a compliment to the gallantry of Captain Bertrand 
 Francois Mahé de la Bourdonnais, a name inseparably con- 
 nected with the French history of India, and to whose initia- 
 tive the successful capture was due, the name of the settle- 
 ment was changed to Mahé. 
 
 Eleven years later Dupleix received the cession of Karikal 
 in return for the aid afforded to a claimant to the kingdom of 
 Tanjore; and Yunaon was occupied by the same astute states- 
 man in 1740, in order to divert the commerce of the Godavery 
 into French channels. The joint efforts of Dupleix and La 
 Bourdonnais now seemed likely to carry all before them, and 
 for many years it seemed as if France would be the dominant 
 power in India. Favoured with an excellent base of operations 
 in the harbours of Madagascar, the Isle of France and of 
 Bourbon, La Bourdonnais was enabled to mass a considerable 
 fleet unknown to the English, and in revenge for the support 
 which we were then affording Maria Theresa of Austria, he 
 
 * «Pinal Struggles of the French in India.” Allen & Co. “ History 
 of the French in India.” Longmans & Co. 
 
 G 
 
82 Colonial France. 
 
 suddenly appeared before Madras and compelled Fort St. George 
 to capitulate. Under the terms of the surrender, a moderate 
 ransom had been agreed on; but Dupleix then Governor of 
 Pondicherry, jealous of the successes of his naval colleague, 
 and already revolving in his own mind those gigantic schemes 
 which were eventually so nearly carried into effect, refused to 
 ratify the capitulation, asserting that he alone, as Governor of 
 the French East Indies, had power of treating with the 
 English. , | 
 
 Jealousy, not revenge, actuated Dupleix; he demanded a 
 ransom of £400,000, and in default of payment threatend to 
 raze the town to the ground, and although La Bourdonnais 
 had released the Governor and other officials on parole, Dupleix 
 insisted on marching them through Madras as prisoners of 
 war, and transferring them to Pondicherry. Amongst the 
 English captured on this occasion was Clive, but he, consider- 
 ing himself absolved from his parole by the conduct of 
 Dupleix, succeeded in escaping to Fort St. David (another 
 British possession), disguised as a native. The English re- 
 covering from their first reverses, now advanced against 
 Dupleix, compelled him to return to Pondicherry, and then 
 subjected him to a close siege for over six weeks. News of the 
 conclusion of the Peace of Aix la Chapelle put an end to hos- 
 tilities on this occasion. In the peace which ensued, Yunaon 
 was purchased by Dupleix. 
 
 The outbreak of the ‘‘ Seven Years War,”’ once more caused 
 a renewal of military operations in India, where Lally-Tollendal 
 was now in command, Dupleix having been recalled to Europe. 
 The balance of success in Asia, as in Europe, was in favour 
 of the English, though as usual the campaign opened most 
 disastrously for them. Lally captured Fort Saint David and 
 Devicottali, taking prisoners some 800 British and more than 
 twice that number of native troops. Flushed with this 
 success, Lally determined to rival La Bourdonnais’ action of the 
 previous campaign, and to seize Madras. Waiting until the 
 ensuing cold weather, he marched against the place with 2,700 
 Kuropean and 4,000 Native troops, and succeeded in inflicting 
 
Least [ndian Possessions. 83 
 
 a sense of crushing defeat on the garrison, capturing many 
 guns, a large number of prisoners, and finally subjecting the 
 British to a close siege, lasting upwards of six weeks, a siege 
 only raised by the appearance of a large British fleet in the 
 
 roads. During the bombardment, our losses amounted to 
 
 15 officers and 200 men killed, and about 600 wounded, and 
 of the artillery, with which the place was armed, only 26 
 
 pieces were left serviceable, 35 having been dismounted, and 
 
 26 more disabled. That the garrison behaved with valour may 
 be judged from the expressions of dissatisfaction to which Lally 
 gave vent in a letter to France. He said that a practicable 
 breach had been made in the walls twenty-nine days after the 
 siege commenced, that for eighteen days his men had been 
 looking at it, yet dared not attempt to storm it, and that for 
 his part he would sooner command Caffres in Madagascar than 
 the French cowards who composed the Army of Pondicherry. 
 Raising the siege, Lally retired to Pondicherry, and this partial 
 success of our arms, gave ap impetus to other Commanders 
 operating against the French in other parts of India. Surat 
 was captured by the English in March 1759, and Masulipatam 
 in April. , 
 
 The energy of our cruisers prevented Lally from obtaining 
 any help from France, he therefore entered into an alliance 
 with Haidar Ali of Mysore, and succeeded in obtaining the assis- 
 tance of a considerable body of native troops. The British 
 Commander, Sir Eyre Coote, was, however, on the whole very 
 successful, though his successes were at times marred by checks 
 to which the immeasurably superior forces of the French natur- 
 ally exposed him. Coote gradually pushed Lally back on 
 Pondicherry, and finally, in January 1761, that place sur- 
 rendered to the English. Chandernagore, Mahé, and Karikal 
 had previously fallen into our hands, so that with the capture 
 of Pondicherry, the French empire in India, had ceased 
 to exist. 
 
 Unfortunately, by the Treaty of Paris, 17638, although the 
 French possessions were much curtailed, we retroceded to them 
 all the settlements France now possesses, thus laying the 
 
 G 2 
 
84 Colonial France. 
 
 foundation for other campaigns, whenever the inevitable Anglo- 
 French war should again break out. We had not long to wait. 
 In 1778 France proffered assistance to our revolted Colonies 
 in America, and in the same year hostilities re-opened in 
 India. France was ill-prepared for the struggle. Chander- 
 nagore fell on the 10th January, 1778, and in August, General 
 Munro commenced preparations for the siege of Pondicherry. 
 He was ably assisted in his operations by the fleet under Sir 
 Edward Vernon, which by blockading the port prevented assis- 
 tance reaching it from the sea. Early in September 1778, 
 General Munro opened the bombardment, from batteries which 
 gave cover to fifty-six pieces of artillery. On the 17th October, 
 the day after a practicable breach had been made in the walls, 
 and after having sustained a. loss of 224 killed and 698 
 wounded, the brave Governor, M. de Belle Combe, surren- 
 dered, and thus, once more, the French settlements in India 
 fell into our hands, not one remaining to the Crown of 
 France. 7 
 Buta day of retribution was at hand; our faithlessness in the 
 matter of Treaties had earned for us the undying hatred of 
 Haidar Ali, and when our forces marched through his territory 
 to attack the French settlement of Mahé the ruler of 
 Mysore informed us he would consider such a violation of 
 neutral ground as equivalent to a declaration of war. We 
 disregarded his threats, and Haidar Ali, throwing himself into 
 the arms of the French prepared for the struggle. We were all 
 unprepared for the formidable army the Mysore ruler could 
 bring against us, and our officers were slow to realise the 
 danger arising from the fresh coalition. On the 10th September 
 Haidar Ali outmanceuvred and captured a force of close on 
 4,000 men, of whom 500 were Europeans under Colonel 
 Baillie at Perambikam. The action was one in which the 
 British troops engaged showed the utmost heroism. Haidar’s 
 whole army, numbering 28,000 disciplined cavalry, an equal 
 number of infantry, and fifty guns, surrounded our little 
 force, which fought on despite the fearful odds, until out of the 
 eighty officers originally engaged thirty-six were killed and 
 
Last [ndian Possessions. oS 
 
 thirty-four wounded, whilst every piece of artillery was dis- 
 mounted and useless. Sir Hector Monro now awoke to the 
 danger which faced him, and he slowly fell back to Madras to 
 concentrate his forces, leaving the country in his rear open to 
 the enemy. Arcot was captured on the 31st October, and 
 Haidar Ali even threatened Madras itself. Warren Hastings 
 grasped the real extent of the danger, and grappling with it 
 at once, despatched Sir Eyre Coote to Madras, to assume com- 
 mand, Until the Peace of Versailles in 1783 put an end to 
 hostilities we were exposed to a series of defeats, and though 
 neither Pondicherry nor Chandernagore fell into French hands, 
 we were worsted on so many points, and our Generals showed 
 such timidity and irresolution, that there is good reason for 
 believing had the war been prolonged beyond the year 1783 
 the French would, in all probability, have regained all the 
 possessions which the Treaty of Paris of 1763 had caused to 
 be handed over to us. On this point Professor H. H. Wilson 
 writes : ‘‘ It seems probable, that but for the opportune occur- 
 rence of peace with France, the South of India would have 
 been lost to the English.” Malleson, on the same subject 
 says: ‘ Though England had but one army in Southern India, 
 and that army was exposed to destruction, Louis XVI. renounced 
 every advantage, and allowed French India to accept after a 
 victorious campaign, conditions almost identical with those 
 which had been forced upon her, after the capture of her 
 capital in 1761.” 
 
 The Treaty of Versailles was signed in June 1783, and for 
 ten years the French Settlements in India enjoyed the bless- 
 ines of peace. But in 1789 the throes of the Revolution 
 disturbed the rest of the civilized world, and all Kurope watched 
 the outcome of the struggle between Republican France and 
 her Royal rulers. In 1792 England threw in her lot with the 
 sovereigns of Europe, against the bloodthirsty tyrants of the 
 Convention. In June 1798 news of the declaration of war 
 between France and England reached Calcutta, and steps 
 were at once. taken to seize all the possessions of France in 
 Hindostan. The minor dependencies surrendered at the first 
 
86 Colonial France. 
 
 summons, but Pondicherry returned a defiant answer, and on 
 
 the 20th August Colonel Braithwaite, who had heen entrusted - 
 
 with the conduct of operations, commenced to throw up 
 batteries on the shore side, whilst Admiral Cornwallis, with a 
 small squadron, effectually blockaded it from the sea. After 
 suffering a sharp bombardment for three days, and seeing the 
 impossibility of obtaining relief either by sea or by land, the 
 Governor, Monsieur Prosper de Clermont, exercised a wise 
 discretion by surrendering unconditionally. 
 
 The British occupation of Pondicherry, Chandernagore, and 
 the minor settlements, now lasted for nine years; it was put 
 an end to by the Peace of Amiens, under the terms of which 
 they were all restored to France. They did not long remain 
 in possession of Bonaparte’s representatives, for war having 
 been again declared in 1803, the Governor-General of India at 
 once took steps for regaining what had been so foolishly 
 restored, and at the opening of the cold season, forces being 
 despatched against them, the French dependencies for the 
 fourth time capitulated to the British, Pondicherry alone 
 making a show of resistance ; but it, too, hauled down its flag 
 on the 11th September, 1803. 
 
 By the Treaty of Paris of 1815, they were once more handed 
 over to French officials, in whose possession they have remained 
 ever since. 7 
 
 The present area of French possessions in the East Indies 
 comprises but 194 square miles. It includes Pondicherry and 
 Karikal, on the Coromandel coast; Yunaon, on the coast of 
 Orissa ; and Mahé, in Malabar; whilst Chandernagore, on the 
 Hooghly, and small factories in Dacca, Balasore, Patna, 
 Cossimbazar, and Surat make up the total of what remains to 
 France from the vast territories which prior to 1761 promised 
 to expand into an Oriental kingdom. 
 
 Population.—The proportion of Frenchmen residing in the 
 East Indian possessions of France is very small indeed. In 
 all but Pondicherry the non-official element may be counted on 
 the fingers. The following tables, perhaps, show more clearly 
 than any other method the present state of the colonies :— 
 
 oe 
 
ae ©: —. y ' ge Aaa 
 
 
 
 
 Erast [ndian Possessions. ; 87 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 p : Children under 14, 
 ee Men. Women. Total. 
 ae Boys. Girls. 
 | a . 
 | ee . 
 | EvrRopEANS— 
 | Pondicherry. . | 311 290 336 228 1,165 
 iy i caszore : 61 a2 75 63 231 
 , ‘ika cent) 39 93 70 217 
 ee... 1 5 ceil 5 18 
 Sexanaon . . a 2 5 13 20 
 
 | ee | ee 
 
 388 368 516 379 1,651 1,651 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 | oe 
 
 
 
 k Har. CASTES— 
 
 _ Pondicterry. .| 3869 604 139 187 1,299 
 os Chandernagore i 24 15 25 9 73 
 | Karikal , a re se se. oe 
 ! mao... 30 26 28 3] 116 
 
 aunony s,s 4 19 8 17 48 
 427 664 200 244 1,585 1,535 
 Natives— | 
 { Pondicherry. . | 45,796 | 40,120 | 37,018 | 30,687 | 153,621 
 ee eece : 5,305 3,016 9,404 4,467 | 22,192 
 Karikal_... . | 10,805 | 10,838 | 34,838 | 35,818 | 92,299 
 mines SC 1,601 1,473 2,504 2,731 8,309 
 
 MeeYanaon : ...| 1,108 852 | 1,432 | 2019 | 5,406 
 | | : 
 
 64,610 | 56,299 | 85,196 | 75,722 | 281,827 | 281,827 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Total. . .,| 285,018 
 Europeans. Half-castes. Natives. 
 es ees az 1,299 153,621 
 | Chandernagore —. : 231 73 22,192 
 ial wae igs 217 oe 92,299 
 meee 2 el, 18 115 8,309 
 -| Yanaon sao 20 48 5,406 
 1,660 1,535 281,827 285,022 
 
 
 
 Government and Administration.—The establishments in 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cat tees Colonial France. 
 
 Hindostan are represented in France by a Senator ¢ 
 Deputies ; whilst on the spot their administration is’ 
 to a Governor, who is aided in his executive functions 
 usual officials, and in his administrative duties by the 
 institutions which exist in the other colonies, viz., a ‘‘C 
 privé,’ a “‘ Conseil général,’ and a ‘‘ Conseil conten 
 in eee establishment local interests are nie 
 municipal institutions. 
 
 The ‘ Conseil privé’’ consists of the Governor as Pr 
 of the heads of the various Departments of the State, 
 two of the principal non-official inhabitants, one being na 
 by the President of the Republic, one by the Governor | 
 self. | ee: | 
 
 The ‘ Conseil général” is composed of members elected 
 universal suffrage, but in order to prevent the prepond 
 of the native element, the inhabitants of the colonies ax 
 scribed on two lists, the one comprising all men Europ ‘ 
 born or of European descent ; the other includes natives y. 
 
 B 
 d 
 
 = 
 = 
 
 oe ee oe a eee 
 
 rs 
 
 mea 
 
 eae ar 1 oi age anh Cale hae D ket ra 
 ~ A Ftd ky ey ae 2 
 
 cee ie 
 es 
 
 2 
 
 Further than this, whilst the minor establishments return ar 
 equal number of members on each list, Pondicher 
 Chandernagore are represented by a preponderance of Euro- 
 peans. The last regulations bearing on the subject give # 
 
 following list of members on the Conseil général :— _ 
 
 Europeans. Natives. 
 Pondicherry . i 5 
 Chandernagore 2 1 
 Karikal . 3 3 
 Mahé 1 sf 
 Yanaon . 1 1 
 14 1 ) 
 
 Each establishment elects its own Municipal Couneil ; 
 electors are borne on separate lists, Europeans on the one, 
 natives on the other, but each elector is free to vote for a 
 member of either colour. The Presidents of these Councils 
 are annually nominated by the Governor of the colony, whilst 
 they themselves elect their own secretary. ; 
 
 Justice.—In the East Indian colonies, as in the West Indian ~ 
 
feast [ndian Possessions. 89 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 islands, French jurisdiction was first created by the institu- 
 tion of a ‘‘ Conseil superiéur”’ in the year 1701, the Court 
 being empowered to try all criminal and civil cases. In 1772, 
 776, and 1784, various changes were introduced, and after the 
 restoration still further alterations were made in the judicial 
 service to assimilate it more closely to that in vogue in France. 
 tepresentations on the part of the native community within 
 the last decade resulted in a complete reorganization of the 
 vhole system in the year 1879, and at the present day there 
 sists a Court of Appeal at Pondicherry; with Tribunals of 
 t Instance at all the various establishments, and Courts 
 Juges de Paix in the ten Communes of Pondicherry, Oulga- 
 t, Villenour, Bahour, Karikal, Grande Aldée, Nedouncadou, 
 ndernagore, Mahé, and Yunaon. At Bender Criminal 
 ' Sessions are held, at specified periods, for the trial of more 
 | serious offences. As in British India, the native of the French 
 de lep pendencies displays a love for litigation which provides 
 am le employment for the very lowly-paid functionaries of the 
 =P Poy MeNy +0 . vo 
 various Courts, the average annual number of cases being 
 between nine and ten thousand. 
 The various Civil and Criminal Codes which rule the pro- 
 sedure in the Courts in France have been made applicable to 
 the East Indian colonies. Certain modifications have of neces- 
 -jsity been inserted to meet differences of religion and race. 
 i;ducation.—The service of public instruction is confided to 
 ‘an official of the service interieur, who is charged with the in- 
 ‘spection of those institutions supported by religious bodies, as 
 yell as of those endowed by the State. 
 _ Paar education is provided for boys in the Calve college 
 Be cscheny, in the Seminary of the Fréres of the Saint 
 Usprit at Chandernagore, and in twenty-six schools under the 
 f members of the department of Public Instruction in the 
 istowns. These twenty-eight establishments give a sound 
 tion to 2,968 boys, and give employment to 100 professors. 
 n girls’ schools, the staff of which is provided by the Seurs 
 nt Joseph of Cluny, receive 1,201 children. 
 ere are more advanced educational establishments in 
 dicherry, Chandernagore, and Karikal, the latter being the 
 
90 Colonial France. 
 
 outcome of the labour of Protestant, the two former of Catholic 
 Missionaries. | 
 
 In 1876 a college was established in Pondicherry, at which, 
 after a university career of three years, diplomas of bachelier 
 es lettres are granted to those pupils who satisfy the examiners. 
 
 Agriculture.—The system of land tenure in India is too 
 complicated to be entered on here; but I may say briefly that 
 the French, on succeeding to the possessions which they enjoyed / 
 by right of conquest in the early part of the last century, ce / 
 the land held by different classes of proprietors. 
 
 / 
 
 1. The Jagheers, whose estates had been ceded in perpetuity { 
 by the reigning sovereign for faithful services free of rent. ! | 
 2. Lands settled on religious or public institutions. 
 3. Lands settled in perpetuity on fixed rents. | 
 
 4, Lands held on lease for varying terms. 
 5. Waste and uncultivated lands still in Pore of ine 
 
 rulers. i 
 
 The French Government endeavoured to maintain the eta 
 ing land laws as far as possible, recognising the rights of th? 
 holders of land, but demanding, however, from all classes alik? 
 
 a fixed land tax, an onerous burden which occasioned muck 
 dissatisfaction. Indeed, to quote M. Paul Leroy Beaulieu; 
 ‘‘one met in our establishments in Hindostan all the vices f 
 and all the faults of the ordinary French administration; we 
 were guilty of the same error in Asia asin Africa and America, 
 hostility against existing native institutions, arbitrary adminis 
 trative measures, and neglect of the most necessary public ’ 
 works.” 
 
 The principal products of these colonies are rice, indigo, 
 cocoanuts, betel, tobacco, sugar, and cotton. Efforts have 
 been made by the French to instruct the native in the higher 
 forms of cultivation ; but the ‘‘ Jardin Colonial” of Pondicherry, 
 which covers 45 acres, and which was destined to work such 
 a revolution in the agriculture of the colony, has become a 
 dense jungle, and has for some years been totally abandoned. 
 The Jardin d’Acclimatation, established in 1801, has been more 
 successful; but it has gradually degenerated into a sort of 
 
 a 
 ——__. 
 
 mc .2... ae! 
 serge Seger 
 

 
 Lay 
 a 
 s 
 
 CY Tt Maer ash ee 
 
 Lrast Indian Possessions. OI 
 
 market garden, where the European residents obtain vegetables 
 at reasonable rates. 
 
 The following table gives, as far as I have been able to ascer- 
 tain them, the area under cultivation in the colony :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 Rice. Betel Nut. Tobacco. Indigo. Fruit. | 
 
 acres. acres. acres, acres. acres. 
 Pondicherry. ; 17,030 90 18 1,150 5,730 
 Karikal . : 20,165 45 ba 770 1,053 
 Yanaon e : 1,585 es 2 We 1,605 
 Mahé. . 4,173 2 = Ne 9,964 
 
 
 
 Industries.—The Indian possessions of France are the only 
 dependencies of that nation which boast of any manufactures. 
 All the others live by the exports of the produce of the soil, or 
 of the sea; but here, owing to the proximity of the rich and 
 prosperous dominions of British India, we have efforts being 
 made to make some use of the agricultural products of the 
 country. 
 
 The energy of a former Governor, M. Desbassayns de Riche- 
 mont, induced a landed proprietor, M. Pontain, to introduce 
 some spindles from Lancashire, and at the present day the three 
 manufacturies of Savana, Vingadapalachetty and Gobalouchetty, 
 sive employment to 2,400 workmen, and by means of 24,000 
 spindles turn out on an average 3,700 lbs. of thread a day. 
 
 There are also in the colony seventy-three dyeing establish- 
 ments, where annually 4,000 pieces of cloth, each piece about — 
 18 yards in length, are turned out for the African market. 
 This industry is being stifled by the absurd restriction which 
 forbids the entry of Pondicherry cloth into Senegal unless it 
 has been previously declared in a French Custom House. The 
 trade of the colony is further crippled by the law which pre- 
 vents the export to France or French colonies by any other 
 means than French vessels. 
 
 Commerce.—Here again we find that the Kast Indian pos- 
 sessions of France have a far larger commercial connection 
 with foreign countries than with either their own country or 
 her colonies. The absurd restriction compelling all commerce 
 
92 Colonial France. 
 
 with the colonies being carried on under the French flag, adds 
 not a little to the slow development of trade. 
 The returns for the year 1881 show the following amounts :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 French Foreig 
 Mesos Garonies Countnae fete 
 Imports from . ; £32,997 £16,354 £213,871 £262,222 
 Hxporid to.) «a 4 le) 368;041 34,299 306,326 709,566 
 £401,938 £49,653 £520,197 £971,788 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 The principal Imports being— 
 
 From France—Wines and Spirits . cea : . £8,675 
 ” , Cotton Goods. : ‘ ‘ . 9,000 
 » . Linen . , . . : , seyont 
 » Foreign Goavirieeecals Fish ; ; , . 66,887 
 - : Manchester Goods : . 99,181 
 
 The principal Exports being — 
 
 To France—Rice . . ; , ; q . £1,756 
 : s Palm Nuts ; : é ; ; ; . 196,414 
 » Foreign Countries—Rice . . : : . 13,879 
 
 In the same manner we find the carrying trade chiefly in the 
 hands of foreign nations, as the following Table shows :— 
 
 Entries from France—121 ships, with cargoes valued at £106,772 
 
 . Foreign Ports—410 ad 3: 165,539 
 iimared for France—121 ships, with cargoes valued at £151,797 
 x Foreign Ports—511 EG " 397,070 
 
 Giving a total value of cargo carried by foreign flags at 
 £549,367 against £272,311 carried under the tricolour. The 
 vast discrepancy between the total exports of the colony and 
 the amount of goods cleared out by sea is explained by the fact 
 that a large—a very large proportion of the trade of the French 
 establishments is with British India—a land trade, and con- 
 sequently is not entered in the navigation returns at all. 
 
 Finances. —When the population of the colonies is taken 
 into consideration, the revenue must be considered decidedly 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Pe East Indian Possessions. 93 
 
 ory, amounting as it does to £75,000; this sum, how- 
 far from sufficient for the administration, and is. 
 nted by a sum which appears in the Budget of the 
 of Marine and Colonies. The following table follows 
 
 plan I have adopted with all the other colonies, and 
 
 7, 
 
 _ shows the drain the colonies are on the Mother 
 
 a 
 
 a. al 
 Local Budget Expenditure . . . . £75,392 
 
 _ *Budget of Marine and Colonies. : . 135,706 
 £211,098 
 
 
 
 2 =e 
 The principal items of Revenue ave :— 
 Mere tes. og bs. se £16,407 
 a Salt Tax . Mae 5 ees, wld. 760 
 
 te 
 
 amor opine. 2 ss... _ -y 10,320 
 
 * The details of this sum are given in Appendix No. 1. 
 
 
 
94 Colonial France. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 ISLANDS IN THE PACIFIC. 
 
 Tahiti — Its Discovery — Early Navigators—Missionary Successes — 
 Annexation by the French—Consul Pritchard’s Protests—Topo- 
 _ graphy—Population—-Government and Administration—Justice— 
 Religion—Education—Public Works—<Agriculture—Commerce and 
 Finance. New Caledonia—Its Discovery —Annexation by the French 
 —Converted into a Convict Settlement—Inefficient Supervision— 
 Escape of Convicts to Australia—Indignation of Australian Govern- 
 ment— Their Representations to England—The Recidivist Bill— 
 Topography — Population — Government and Administration — 
 Justice — Education—Public Works—Mines—Free Emigration— 
 Commerce and Finances. 
 
 THE French possessions in Oceania consist of three distinct 
 croups: the Society Isles, the Marquesas, and New Caledonia. 
 Up to the year 1860 these three were subservient to one 
 Administration, with the Seat of Government in Tahiti; but 
 on the establishment of the penal settlement in New Cale- 
 donia, that island was constituted a separate dependency, its 
 peculiar requirements necessitating a different constitution. 
 
 Since the year 1838 the French have claimed a Protectorate 
 over the whole group of islands in the neighbourhood of the 
 Marquesas, those islands forming the northern apex of a 
 triangle of which the Tahitian group lies to the south-west, 
 and Gambier Island to the south-east. | 
 
 The earliest authentic record we have of these distant 
 islands dates from the voyage of the Spanish admiral Min- 
 danao, who was despatched by the Viceroy of Peru, in the 
 year 1595, with orders to survey the Solomon Islands, then 
 recently discovered. Cook and de Bougainville subsequently 
 visited them, and have left interesting records of their im- 
 
Lslands in the Pacifi. 95 
 
 pressions ; but they were by no means the only navigators who 
 put into their welcome ports for food and water in the days 
 
 when condensing machines and preserved provisions were not 
 
 part of the equipment of every vessel. 
 
 The genial manners of the natives early pointed out these 
 eroups as promising fields for missionaries, and so far back as 
 the close of the last century we find efforts being made to con- 
 vert the inhabitants to Christianity; efforts which were 
 
 crowned with the utmost success, for ere the close of the 
 
 fourth decade of this century the Royal Family publicly ab- 
 
 -jured their religion and conformed to the Christian faith. The 
 
 successes of the missionaries had not been without effect in 
 other ways; the inhabitants were devoting themselves to 
 commerce and agriculture, and the islands being naturally 
 fertile and the climate good, it was clear that they would prove 
 a valuable acquisition to any nation that chose to deprive the 
 reigning family of power. 
 
 To France was reserved this act of unjustifiable aggression. 
 According to the official publications, the necessity of procuring 
 a harbour in the Southern Pacific Ocean for the refitting and 
 revictualling his ships of war and whalers caused the Minister 
 of Marine to turn his attention to these fertile islands, at 
 that time enjoying peace, prosperity, and independence. 
 
 On the 5th May, 1842, Admiral Dupetit-Thouars com- 
 menced the work of annexation by hoisting the French flag 
 on the isle of Hivaoa, and on the 17th of the same month he 
 took formal possession of Tahuata and the south-eastern 
 group of islands. This solemn farce was enacted in the pre- 
 sence of Yotete, and of the principal chiefs, who were thus 
 supposed to lend their sanction to the transfer of their lands to 
 the crown of France. In the course of a few days Yotete 
 awoke to the true nature of the transaction of which he had 
 been an innocent spectator, and the attitude he assumed com- 
 pelled the French admiral to adopt measures which proved 
 to the harmless savage that henceforth his kingdom had, by 
 right of force, passed into other hands. Leaving a garrison 
 in Tahuata, Dupetit-Thouars proceeded to Noukahive, and 
 there persuaded King Temano to sign a declaration formally 
 
96 Colonial France. 
 
 handing over the protection of his own island, and all the others 
 forming the north-western group of the same archipelago, to 
 the French. 
 
 Proceeding onwards to Tahiti, Dupetit-Thouars proceeded to 
 put into execution his idea of an annexation of that island. 
 For some years the French and English residents in Tahiti 
 
 ,had been engaged in a struggle for ascendancy. Our interests 
 / had been confided to Consul Pritchard, a gentleman who united 
 firmness and decision to those other gentlemanlike qualities 
 ~ which endeared him to the Royal Family. ‘This officer had 
 steadily opposed the systematic attempts of the French to 
 obtain surreptitiously the protectorate of the island, and he 
 had succeeded in checkmating the French Consul in an under- 
 hand attempt to induce certain of the chiefs to sign a petition 
 addressed to the French Minister demanding the deposition of 
 the King. The success obtained by Mr. Pritchard embittered 
 the feelings, already very strained, between the French and 
 English inhabitants on the island ; the former did not hesitate, 
 on the arrival of Admiral Dupetit-Thouars, to revive this 
 feeling amongst their native allies, and they finally succeeded 
 in inducing them to submit an address to the French Admiral 
 demanding the protectorate of France. The Admiral, intoxi- 
 cated with his recent successes, and thirsting for more annexa- 
 tions, forwarded to his Government a very erroneous statement 
 of the feelings of the inhabitants, maintaining that not only 
 the people but the King were appealing for transfer to France. 
 'The Ministry accordingly forwarded instructions for the annexa- 
 tion of the island, and Admiral Dupetit-Thouars at once pro- 
 ceeded to carry out the instructions conveyed to him, which 
 had been based on his one-sided report. The Tahitian autho- 
 rities formally protested against the assumption of authority 
 on the part of the Admiral. Our Consul, too, protested in the 
 name of Great Britain, but the Admiral was all-powerful on 
 the spot. Mr. Pritchard was made a prisoner on the flagship ; 
 the squadron cleared for action; strong landing parties were 
 sent ashore ; the Queen was declared deposed, and the French 
 flag hoisted over the island, which was declared an appendage 
 of France. The firm representations of the British Goyern- 
 
a 
 in 
 
 Islands in the Pacific. 97 
 
 ment, however, soon proved to M. Dupetit-Thouars, as they 
 proved forty years later to Admiral Pierre, that British subjects 
 could not be imprisoned with impunity. The annexation of 
 the island was annulled, the Admiral recalled, and a handsome 
 pecuniary indemnity paid over to Consul Pritchard. 
 
 From this time the rivalry between the French and English 
 factions on the island was waged even more bitterly than 
 before, and our neighbours did not scruple to assist with force 
 those who sought their aid. MRevolts against the authority of 
 the Queen were encouraged, and she was finally compelled to 
 fly from her dominions to isles where French intrigues were 
 not so violent. 
 
 Little by little our interest in the islands died away. To 
 quote the words of Lord Granville, in referring to Tunis, it 
 was futile to protest against French annexation unless we were 
 prepared to follow up our protests with deeds, and so, in 
 1847, an-agreement was arrived at by which we acknowledged 
 the French Protectorate over the islands. The inhabitants, 
 however, still showed undisguised hostility, and, despite the 
 forced submission of their Queen, they made the most strenuous 
 but the most futile efforts to oppose the French, and in 1852 
 their opposition necessitated armed intervention on the part of 
 the conquerors. The Queen, weary of the strife, abdicated in 
 favour of her son, but he declined to assume the opprobrium of 
 reigning under French protection. However, on the death of 
 his mother, in 1875, Pomaré V. and his suzerain, the Presi- 
 dent of the French Republic, thought it time that the absurdity 
 of having two kings in Brentford should cease, and it was 
 suggested that the Tahitian monarch would best serve his 
 own interests by abdicating. Still Pomaré held out until, in 
 1880, finding himself deprived of all semblance of power, the 
 king assembled together his chiefs, and formally handed over 
 his kingdom to the ‘‘ Commissaire de la République,’’? who, ever 
 since the young king’s accession, had been virtually sovereign 
 of the island. 
 
 In December of the same year the Senate ratified the Treaty 
 entered into between the King and the Governors of the island 
 in the following Act :— 
 
 i 
 
98 Colonial France. 
 
 ‘‘ Art. 1st.—The President of the Republic is authorized to_ 
 
 notify, and to carry into execution, the declarations signed on 
 the 29th July, 1880, by King Pomaré V. and the Commissary 
 of the Republic to the Society Isles, which declaration made 
 known the cession to France of the full and entire sovereignty 
 of all the territories belonging to the Crown of Tahiti. 
 
 «Art. 2nd.—The island of Tahiti and its dependencies are 
 declared French colonies. 
 
 “Art. 8rd.—French citizenship is acquired by all subjects 
 of the King of Tahiti.” 
 
 Since 1881, efforts have been made to develop the resources 
 of these islands; but prior to that date, whether through 
 ignorance or designedly, the whole administrative measures of 
 the French were framed in a manner well calculated to mar 
 their moral and material prosperity. Occupied with a view of 
 providing victualling stations for the French whaling fleet, the 
 harshness of the harbour regulations, and the multiplication of 
 dues, drove even French vessels to seek shelter in other ports ; 
 whilst on shore the laws were of such a nature as to drive 
 away intending colonists. To quote M. Leroy Beaulieu :-— 
 
 “The great obstacle to the development of this colony, 
 indeed of all French colonies, is the harsh and arbitrary 
 nature of all administrative measures. Whalers and merchant 
 vessels have been driven from the port by the formalities and 
 heavy duties which are imposed upon them. No foreigners are 
 allowed to live in the town, unless furnished with the necessary 
 permits, and all are compelled to enter the town at a regular 
 hour. In fact, the island is raled as if it were a convent.” * 
 
 Topography.—The group of islands included within that 
 triangular space over which France claims sovereignty may be 
 thus summarized :— 
 
 The Marquesas consist of eleven islands, viz., Ejiao, 
 Motuitu, Hatutou, Nukahiva, Hapou, Hanka, Hivaoa, Tanata, 
 Patouhukou, Motani, and Patouhiva. Of these Nukahiva is 
 the most important, boasting a population of 2,700 souls, with 
 an area of about 30,000 acres. Hivaoa is the most densely 
 
 * “De la Colonization chez les Peuples Modernes,” par Paul Leroy 
 Beaulieu. 
 
 ee 
 
Islands tn the Pactfic. 99 
 
 populated and larger, but boasts of less cultivation, whilst 
 Motani alone is uninhabited. 
 
 Tahiti and Moorea have an area respectively of 407 and 
 52 square miles. The former is the seat of Government, and 
 the residence of the dethroned king, Pomaré V. ‘Tahiti con- 
 sists of two separate islands, each almost circular in form, 
 connected by a narrow isthmus nearly two miles in length. 
 Each of these separate islands is surmounted by a hill rising 
 almost to the altitude of what we should call a mountain, the 
 loftier of the two being nearly 8,000 feet high. 
 
 The Archipelago of Tuamotow is composed of eighty-one 
 separate islets, most of them being uninhabited and merely 
 coral reefs; the principal island, Anaa, is the residence of a 
 French official, who is responsible to the Governor of Tahiti for 
 the administration of his scattered and unimportant charge. 
 
 The Archipelago of Tubuai consists of the four islands of 
 Tubuai, Raivavai, Rimatara, and Rouroutu: these two last 
 have refused to submit to the French protection, and, hitherto, 
 the warlike nature of the population, and other more pressing 
 concerns, have induced the French to allow this vexed question 
 to remain in abeyance. 
 
 Rapa is a small island with a population of about 150 
 souls, situated in 27° 88’ south lat., and 148° 30’ west 
 long. It is of no importance, politically or commercially, 
 but nevertheless it has been incorporated into the Great 
 Republic. 
 
 Huahine, Raiateia, and Bora Bora contain a population of 
 about 3,000, and have some slight trading connection with the 
 larger groups, but otherwise they are of little value. 
 
 Population.—According to the most recent statistics avail- 
 able in the office of the Minister of the Marine and the Colo- 
 nies, the total population of the French possessions in Poly- 
 nesia is as follows :— 
 
 Islands of Tahiti and Moorea . : . 10,808 
 5 Rapa ; : ; : : ‘ 153 
 Archipelago of Tuamotou ; ; : sone oe 
 - Marquesas : , oer 00 
 
 oe Tubuai . : ; : 693 
 
 The Gambier Islands : ‘ : O47 
 
 2 
 
100 Colonial France. 
 
 In Tahiti there are 974, and in the Marquesas 71 French- 
 born subjects ; but, as a rule, the foreign residents are not of 
 a stamp to increase the reverence of the islanders for EKuro- 
 peans. They are, for the most part, deserters from merchant 
 vessels or whalers, or else men desirous of forgetting their own 
 antecedents and their own nationality, and who have fled to 
 Polynesia as being a spot where they would, in all probability, 
 remain hidden for ever from the public eye. Drunkards and 
 debauchees, their presence is a blot on European civilization, 
 and a plague-spot which requires eradication ere we can hope 
 to see the influence of Christianity regain the level it had 
 reached prior to the French annexation of these islands. 
 
 Government and Administration.—The French dependencies 
 in Polynesia are placed under the authority of a Governor, who is 
 assisted in his administrative functions by a ‘‘ Conseil d’Ad- 
 ministration,’ which consists of the head of the judicial service, 
 the senior military officer, the chief of the ‘ Service Intérieur,’’ 
 and four inhabitants, two being French-born, elected by the 
 suffrages of their fellow-citizens, two being nominated by the 
 Governor himself. 
 
 When this council meets to discuss any matters of finance, 
 the members of the ‘‘ Conseil Colonial,’ twelve in number, 
 join in its deliberations: six of these gentlemen must be 
 French-born citizens, the remainder natives who are able to 
 speak and write French. ‘This organization exists only in 
 ‘Tahiti; in the other islands there is a resident Governor, who 
 unites the functions of Governor, Commander of the Forces, and 
 Chief Magistrate. He is in every respect subordinate to the 
 Governor of Tahiti, and appeals against his decisions canbe 
 made to the tribunals of that isle. These local Residents have 
 very restricted authority: they are forbidden to enter on any 
 expenditure beyond a sum of 2,000 francs (£80) without the 
 consent of the Conseil Colonial of Tahiti. 
 
 At Nukahiva, the chief town in the Marquesas group, which 
 boasts a population of nearly 6,000 souls, the personnel at the 
 disposal of the Governor is somewhat restricted in numbers. 
 A Brigadier of Gendarmerie, with two gendarmes, and four 
 native policemen, are there to maintain order. A subordinate 
 
Istands in the Pacific. 101 
 
 - of the Finance Department assists in the recovery of taxes 
 and in the task of maintaining a just equilibrium between local 
 receipts and payments. An old sailor, with a smattering of 
 English, fulfils the functions of harbour-master, and he is 
 assisted by four native boatmen, whilst a sergeant of the 
 Artillery of the Marine, with five privates, comprises the garri- 
 son. 
 
 Justice.—In the lesser islands, the French Resident acts as 
 _ arbitrator in all minor matters, being invested with the power 
 of a Juge de Paix. In Tahiti there is a Court of Appeal, a 
 Tribunal of the First Instance, and a Tribunal Supérieur, 
 and to these courts all appeals against the decisions of the 
 Residents of the other islands are relegated. The jurisdic- 
 tion of these courts is» governed by the French Codes, which 
 have been in force in the islands since the year 1868. 
 
 Religion and Hducation.—Since the close of the last cen- 
 tury, Polynesia has been looked upon as a promising field for 
 missionary enterprises, and for close on ninety years Protes- 
 tant pastors have been labouring amongst the islanders, and 
 their schools have been the cause of unmixed blessings to the 
 inhabitants. Unfortunately, the injudicious actions of some 
 of these gentlemen threw them into antagonism to the French, 
 and the unfortunate Pritchard episode has always been laid at 
 the door of the missionaries by our neighbours. It is not to be 
 wondered at, then, that one of their first acts on annexation 
 was to make the law annulling religious education applicable 
 to their new-found colonies. Accordingly, instructions have been 
 issued for the laicization of the primary schools in the islands, 
 and members of the Department of Public Instruction have 
 been despatched from France with a view of carrying these 
 new regulations into effect. 
 
 Public Works.—The Local Budget has for some years pro- 
 vided a sum of £10,000 per annum for the maintenance of the 
 pilot service, the repairs of the harbour works, construction of 
 lighthouses and semaphores, and other expenses connected 
 with the navigation of these islands. With such small sums at 
 their disposal itis impossible for the Conseil Colonial to embark 
 on any large undertakings ; indeed, the major part of the expen- 
 
102 | Colonial France. 
 
 diture goes in the support of the many officials who are con- 
 nected with this department in the various islands, leaving an 
 infinitesimal sum for the commencement of new works after 
 the necessary annual repairs have been executed. 
 
 Agriculture and Commerce.—The efforts of the French 
 Ministry to encourage the colonization of these islands have 
 met with the most strenuous opposition on the part of the 
 islanders. There is not an acre of ground for which some 
 claimant cannot be found, and the hatred with which the in- 
 habitants look upon their conquerors has resulted in the most 
 obstinate refusal to sell land to Frenchmen. Were it possible 
 to overcome this hostility on the part of the islanders, and to 
 instil into the French the commonest notion of colonization, 
 there is no reason why the Polynesian group might not become 
 a valuable field for emigration ; the soil is rich and fertile, not 
 only affording splendid grazing land for cattle on the uplands 
 of the larger islands, but it is peculiarly adapted for the pro- 
 duction of coffee, cotton, sugar, and other tropical products. 
 
 The absurd restrictions of the French to which M. Leroy 
 Beaulieu alludes have, however, to a great extent stifled the 
 development of trade in the colony. Here, as elsewhere, we 
 find the Polynesian group a commercial field for the enterprise 
 of other nations who override French prejudices, and, despite 
 restrictive tariffs in force, carry on a trade in face of all 
 opstacles—a trade which is slowly improving. 
 
 The import dues of the colony are deserving of a passing 
 notice: on all goods they amount to 20 per cent. on the net 
 invoice, the following additional imposts being levied :— 
 
 8. d. 
 Tea . 1 Oa pound 
 Bugareme. : 0 3 + 
 Whiskey and Hollands 6 8a gallon 
 Brandy and Foreign Wines 42 : 
 Wines of France . ‘ Poa) ee 
 
 93 
 
 The Trade movements of the colony in 1881 were as fol- 
 lows :— 
 
 France. Foreign Countries. 
 Imports from . f . £18,600 £107,640 
 Exports to. : . 15,400 93,600 
 
Islands in the Pactfic. 103 
 
 The principal Exports being Mother-of-Pearl . £39,526 
 y - Coprah ; ; . 28,088 
 
 - The chief Imports being Wines and Spirits, the value of which 
 amounted to £22,295. 
 
 The Shipping movements in the same year were :— 
 
 French. Foreign Flags. 
 No. ‘Tonnage. No. ‘Tonnage. 
 
 Entered : » 21 4,411 tons. 92 11,386 tons. 
 Cleared out . . 21 4,483 =«; 89 10,390 ,, 
 
 Finance.—Young as the colony is, it could not be expected 
 to carry on its own administration without material aid from 
 the mother country, although the taxation does reach the 
 high figure of 20s. 4d. per head. The following are the prin- 
 cipal items of revenue, but it will be seen that they only 
 amount to about one-fourth of the total expenditure :— 
 
 LocaL BubDGeEt. 
 
 
 
 : Expenditure. 
 
 Pol Tax? . ; : ‘ . £5,822 
 Licence Tax. : : eee 
 Tax on Native Spirits. : 520 
 Spirit Licences. ; ; a. (Lesd 
 Customs . : ; , . 16,280 
 Miscellaneous Receipts . . 16,478 
 
 ree 43,000 
 
 *Budget of Minister of Marine . 177,007 
 
 £220,007 
 
 New CALEDONIA. 
 
 One hundred and ten years have elapsed since Captain 
 Cook, sailing through the Southern Pacific Ocean, sighted the 
 island of New Caledonia; its rugged mountain peaks clad with 
 rich forests, and the smiling verdure of its grassy slopes, served 
 to remind him of the Bonnie Scotland he loved so well, and 
 from that day the island has borne its name of New Caledonia, 
 Visited often by English and French commanders, even made 
 the field of missionary labours on the part of some Jesuits 
 
 * The various items are given in Appendix No. l. 
 
104 Colonial France. 
 
 from Paris, no attempts were made by any of the great 
 colonizing Powers to occupy the island until, in the year 1851, 
 the massacre of a boat’s crew belonging to the French frigate 
 Alemeni, commanded by the Comte d’Harcourt, drew the 
 attention of the Emperor Napoleon III. to its many valuable 
 properties, and, in 1853, Admiral Febvrier-Despointes took 
 possession of it without opposition on the part of the natives, 
 doubtless because the natives were ignorant of the true mean- 
 ing of the solemn farce that was being enacted before them. 
 In the end of the same year the neighbouring Pine islands 
 were occupied, and a few years later, the Loyalty islands. By 
 this time, however, the natives had arrived at the real meaning 
 of the word annexation, and the French found themselves 
 exposed to a lively resistance on the part of the aborigines, 
 whose hatred to their white conquerors time has not softened. 
 Not a year passes by that some outbreak does not occur, which 
 requires to be put down with more than a show of force. In 
 the year 1878 a rebellion broke out which necessitated the 
 employment of a considerable body of troops. Fighting on 
 their own soil, adopting the tactics of the Maories, the natives 
 of New Caledonia proved more than a match for the small 
 detachments at first sent against them, and it was not until 
 France had put over 8,000 men into the field, and had 
 thoroughly starved her opponents into submission, that they 
 succeeded, after a campaign lasting more than a year, in 
 restoring peace and order. 
 
 In the year 1864 Napoleon determined to convert New 
 Caledonia into a penal establishment for French convicts. 
 The terrible mortality in French Guiana, and the expense and 
 immorality of the hulks in the naval dockyards, induced him 
 to cast about for some distant possession to which he could 
 deport his criminals. New Caledonia was sufficiently distant 
 from France ; and being an island separated by some hundred 
 miles of water from her neare-t neighbour, he judged that its 
 criminal settlers would be unable to inflict any harm on the 
 surrounding islands. Up till the fall of the Empire, convicts 
 in some numbers were deported to the island, but they were 
 sufficiently guarded to render their escape difficult. On the 
 
Islands tn the Pacife. 105 
 
 suppression of the Reign of Terror inspired by the Commune, 
 it became a serious question as to the disposal of the human 
 fiends who destroyed the Paris the Prussians had so scrupu- 
 lously spared. In an evil moment for our Australian colonies, 
 M. Thiers bethought himself of New Caledonia, and from that 
 day criminals of all classes have been deported to that island, 
 which has become a by-word for the inefficiency of its prison 
 regulations, and a blot on the boasted civilization of France. 
 The cannibalism of the aborigines is outvied by the cruelty, 
 vice, and immorality of the convicts,—vice and immorality 
 which are connived at by the French Government. So lax is 
 the supervision that convicts, on arriving, are turned adrift 
 in the streets of Noumea, and the authorities are only too 
 pleased if by purchase or violence the offscourings of French 
 society can procure the means of escaping to the neighbour- 
 ing British colonies, whence their extradition is never demanded. 
 The frequency of these escapes, the despicable though by no 
 means desperate character of the convicts who have found their 
 way to Australian soil, has naturally roused the indignation 
 of our colonial authorities, and very firm remonstrances were 
 addressed by the British Foreign Office to the French Ministry. 
 M. Ferry, with that courtesy which characterizes the Ministers 
 of the Republic, refused to recognize the right of the British 
 Government to interfere in a question which, he maintained, 
 is one concerning the internal administration of France. But 
 though the British Cabinet seem disposed to acquiesce in every 
 outrage committed by the Republican Government, the Execu- 
 tive of our Australian colonies are by no means prepared to 
 allow the question to be shelved, and the Bill which provides 
 for the deportation to New Caledonia of Habitual Criminals 
 awakened in the minds of the Australians very bitter feelings. 
 They maintained that though France has a perfect right to 
 deport as many of her criminals to New Caledonia as she 
 pleases, she is bound to take the most effective measures to 
 prevent those criminals preying upon neighbouring settlements ; 
 and they complain, and with justice, that when these criminals 
 escape to Australian shores, and become a burden to the 
 English colonist, the French authorities not only make no 
 
106 Colonial France. 
 
 demands for their extradition, but refuse to receive them 
 again. 
 
 The protests of the Australian colonies have been growing 
 stronger and stronger, until they have passed from protests to 
 threats. Unfortunately, the firmness of the British Colonial 
 Minister has not been maintained, and the authorities on the 
 Quai d’Orsay appear to think that the Australians are powerless 
 to act without the sanction of the British Government. Our 
 cousins, however, hold different views; and, reminding the 
 Home Government of the threats by which they succeeded in 
 putting a stop to the deportation of British criminals to their 
 shores, they have warned us that, should they be unable to ob- 
 tain any redress from the French Government, they will be 
 compelled to charter a vessel, ship on her all the French con- 
 victs now in the Australian gaols, and land them bodily on 
 the coast of France. Such a course, they maintain, would 
 effectually bring France to reason, and would, under the cir- 
 - cumstances, be more than justifiable. | 
 
 In the months of July, August, September, and October, 
 18838, fifty-three public meetings were held in the principal 
 cities of Australia to protest against the action of the French 
 Government, and copies of the resolutions arrived at were 
 forwarded to the Colonial Office. Armed with these earnest 
 remonstrances, Lord Derby again urged on the Secretary of 
 State for Foreign Affairs to warn M. Challemel-Lacour of the 
 increasing apprehension with which the Récidivist Bill was 
 being received in Australia, and to beg of him as a friendly 
 measure to abstain from pressing forward a project which would 
 infallibly mar the harmonious relations existing between the 
 two countries. With almost Oriental diplomacy, the French 
 Foreign Minister replied that the Récidivist Bill had not yet 
 received the formal approval of the Senate, and that it might 
 by that august body be relegated to the Lower Chamber, and 
 therefore it would be impolitic to enter on the discussion of a 
 project not yet become law. In the meantime, however, the 
 French Government acted as if the Bill was an Act, and under 
 its provisions several hundreds of habitual criminals were 
 despatched to New Caledonia, in defiance of the moderate re- 
 
Islands in the Pacific. 107 
 
 monstrances of Lord Lyons, thus arousing still further public 
 feeling in our Australian colonies. 
 
 And, indeed, the law is one which is well calculated to arouse 
 the just indignation of the inhabitants of Australia. Under 
 its provisions— 
 
 a. Any criminal who within a period of ten years shall 
 have suffered imprisonment four times, for terms of 
 three months or upwards, for the crime of theft, 
 breach of trust, swindling, destruction of trees or 
 crops, incitation of minors to debauchery, or out- 
 rage on public modesty ; 
 
 b. Avy criminal who in a period of ten years shall have 
 been sentenced to travaux forcés on two separate 
 occasions, or once sentenced to travaux forcés, once 
 to imprisonment for three months ; | 
 
 c. Or who, in the space of ten years, shall have been 
 sentenced to imprisonment on six separate occasions, 
 one of which must have been at least three months in 
 duration, 
 
 may be deported to New Caledonia by order of any Tribunal 
 Correctionnel; and, on arrival, shall be despatched to one of 
 the agricultural penal establishments, where concessions of 
 land are made to those desirous of receiving them. No 
 restraint whatever is placed on the movements of these gentry, 
 beyond a prohibition to return to France. They are kept distinct 
 from the convicts in the island; these latter are interned in 
 foul dens, where every vice is practised, unchecked by the 
 gaolers, who connive at debauchery and crime, in order to 
 lessen their own labours. 
 
 _ The récidivists or habitual criminals can regain their civil 
 rights so far as New Caledonia is concerned; that is, they 
 take with them to their new home the proud privilege of 
 voting for the municipal election in the Communes of the 
 island, and they may aspire even to sit in the fauteuil of a 
 Mayor. In fact, the Bill aims at laying the foundation of a 
 prosperous colony in New Caledonia by the deportation of those 
 men and women who now flood the gaols in the mother country. 
 It is based on an erroneous reading of our own Transport 
 
108 Colonial France. 
 
 system of fifty years ago, and is the working out, on an en- 
 larged scale, and in an injudicious manner, of the suggestions 
 thrown out by M. Jules Duval in his excellent work on the 
 colonies of France. 
 
 Topography.—The island of New Caledonia, which is situ- 
 ated between the 20th and 22nd parallels of south latitude, and 
 the 159th and 161st of east longtitude, covers an area of about 
 6,240 square miles. The general run of the island is from north- 
 west to south-east, a double chain of mountains running parallel 
 to the coast, the summits of which attain an altitude of close on 
 5,000 feet. Between these mountain ridges lies a fertile valley, 
 in which valuable carboniferous and metalliferous deposits have 
 been discovered. 
 
 The capital, Noumea, a town of about 8,000 inhabitants, is 
 situated in the extreme south-western angle of the island, and, 
 if the report of recent visitors can be relied on, is a very hell 
 upon earth. On the island of Nou, about one mile from 
 Noumea, the main penal establishment of the colony has been 
 constructed ; but the convicts, after passing a probationary 
 period within the. four walls of the prison, are scattered on 
 parole throughout the island, some being employed in gangs on 
 public works, and others allotted to planters or to the proprietors 
 of the various mineral working companies, the object of the 
 French being to let their subsistence fali on other shoulders 
 than that of the Government. 
 
 Population.—No great care appears to have been bestowed in 
 the completion of the census returns of the colony, and the 
 difference of sexes is not given in the Tableaux de Population 
 of the colonies of France recently published. 
 
 From it, however, I gather that the population consists as 
 under :— 
 
 Civil Officials. : : : S16 
 Troops and Convict Guards. sere 
 Religious Orders ; ; : : 102 
 Civil Population ; , ; , =) sO 
 Engaged Labourers . : ; . 2,693 
 Natives. ; : : ; . 40,000 
 Convicts . : : ; Ooo 
 
 58,584 
 
 Ce 
 
Lslands in the Pacific. 109 
 
 Since this return was issued the number of convicts has been 
 sensibly increased, over 3,000 récidivists having been deported 
 under the new law. 
 
 Government and Adninistration.—The administration of the 
 island is confided to a Governor, who is aided in his functions 
 by the heads of the various Government departments; the 
 council consisting of the ‘“ Director de l’Intérieur,” the Com- 
 mandant of the Troops, Head of the Convict Establishment, and 
 Chief Judge. The ‘‘ Conseil Privé” is further strengthened by 
 two members of the colonial community, nominated by the 
 Governor himself; but when financial questions are under dis- 
 cussion, the Municipal Council of Noumea details four of its 
 own members, and three gentlemen are selected by the Governor 
 from the other municipalities of the island, to bestow a re- 
 presentative character on the assembly. 
 
 Inthe year 1879 the colony was divided into five Cantons, 
 Noumea, with 683 electors on its municipal rolls; Kanala, with 
 104 ; Houailon, 98; Touho, with 42; Onégoa, with 94. The 
 councils of these cantons are endowed with power enabling 
 them to levy rates and taxes, construct public works, open up 
 local communications, bestow grants of land. The colony, how- 
 ever, so far as the inland cantons are concerned, is quite in its 
 infancy, and Noumea is the only one which can boast of any 
 return from its so-called rates. 
 
 Justice.—New Caledonia being essentially a penal colony, 
 the inhabitants of which are in the main the offscourings of 
 French society, or engaged labourers exasperated at their treat- 
 ment by their French masters, it is not a matter of wonder that 
 crime should be rife in the island. The judicial statistics do 
 not touch on the offences committed by convicts, whose punish- 
 ment is arranged for by the authorities of the various penal 
 establishments ; nor do the engaged labourers occupy the 
 attention of the criminal courts. They are looked upon as 
 slaves by their masters, who have practically power of life and 
 death over them. The lash and imprisonment in privately- 
 constructed dens are frequently inflicted without any higher 
 authority than that of the master ; and, so long as the manner 
 in which the engaged labourer is killed is not too sudden or 
 
ETO Colonial France. 
 
 too outrageous, French justice does not feel itself called on to 
 interfere. 
 
 A Tribunal of the First Instance and a Court of Appeal exists 
 at Noumea; four Juges de Paix exercise their functions at the 
 capital, Onégoa, Bourail, and Chepenehé. Justice is at a dis- 
 count when the salaries of the judges are disproportionate to 
 the income of the lower classes of society; here the pay of a 
 Juge de Paix is but £240 a year, whilst a labourer in the fields 
 earns 10 francs (8s. 4d.) a day. It is stated that large sums 
 daily change hands even in the convict prisons, where gambling 
 is as rife as in the casinos of a French watering-place, and that 
 by means of the sums thus won the convicts are enabled not 
 merely to obtain luxuries usually denied to men in their posi- 
 tion, but so to influence their gaolers as to obtain their liberty, 
 or at any rate an exchange of quarters to some agricultural 
 settlement. 
 
 Commercial 
 
 an pride Simpl 
 Civil Cases. Cases. Cr iminal. Police Suits. 
 Court of Appeal ...00..4.<.:.--- 10 Ly 26 — 
 Tribunal of Noumea ............ 436 80 155 — 
 Jnges*de Paixt.., sacs ee crne oes _— ao — 585 
 
 Education.—The laicization of the schools for primary educa- 
 tion is being rapidly proceeded with in New Caledonia, which, 
 being a new colony, has never been thoroughly under the domina- 
 tion of the religious orders. In 1881 there were seventeen 
 schools, attended by 744 boys, and twenty for girls (seven being 
 conducted by the Sisters of St. Joseph de Cluny), giving instrue- 
 tion to 835 pupils. 
 
 Public Works.—For many years the Local Budget has 
 allocated a sum averaging about £10,000 per annum to the 
 construction of public works ; but this by no means represents 
 the results obtained, as the services of the convicts have been 
 utilized in erecting lighthouses, improving the harbour accom- 
 modation, throwing up in strategic positions small forts to over- 
 awe the natives, improving roads between the principal places, 
 
 ee 
 
Lslands in the Pacific. III 
 
 and in organizing a system of water supply from the town of 
 Noumea, which in the earlier days of its occupation was mainly 
 dependent on a much-befouled stream. 
 
 Mines.—Within the last few years valuable mines of various 
 metals have been discovered in the colony. Their discovery has 
 naturally given an impetus to immigration, and the principal 
 immigrants, it is needless to say, have been Englishmen. Cop- 
 per, nickel, iron, cobalt, and coal are all found in the island, 
 and are all worked with more or less success by trading com- 
 panies, some of which are of very considerable magnitude. 
 
 Copper has been discovered in thirty-six different places, but 
 only two mines are in working order at Balade and Boma- 
 moula. The former mine up to the end of 1883 had exported 
 43,000 tons of metal, the pure copper averaging 17 per cent. 
 Over four hundred workmen are employed in these mines, 
 three-quarters of these being convicts on ticket-of-leave. 
 
 Nickel.—The mines of this metal are being worked with 
 oreat success at Thio-Canalo and Houailon, the annual exports 
 amounting in value to about £100,000. Unfortunately, owing to 
 the inability of thoroughly working the ore in the island, it is 
 exported in its natural condition to France, thus enhancing the 
 cost of production, and greatly diminishing the profits of 
 speculation. 
 
 Iron.—Thirty-four concessions have been granted for the 
 working of iron ore in New Caledonia. The principal mine, 
 ‘¢ Lucky Hit,” is in the hands of some Australian miners, who, 
 it is said, are doing exceedingly well. 
 
 Free Emigration.—The present lawless condition of New 
 Caledonia, and the stagnation in the commerce of the colony, 
 has impelled the French Government to look around for means 
 to develop its natural resources. The difficulty lies in the 
 power of inducing freed men to emigrate to a country where 
 the society consists of the scum and refuse of France, and 
 when that society is daily receiving additions from those habitual 
 criminals which the new Récidivist Law empowers Local Tribu- 
 nals to deport to that colony. 
 
 The French Ministry, by means of posting the walls of the 
 towns with placards setting forth the advantages of New 
 
I12 Colonial France. 
 
 Caledonia as a place of residence, and by holding out certain 
 advantages to intending emigrants, are endeavouring to attract 
 attention to the island, but hitherto their efforts have met with 
 but scant recognition. Official docaments dwell on the salu- 
 brity of its climate, the delightful medium of its tempera- 
 ture, the fertility of its soil, alike good for the cultivation of 
 sugar as for the agricultural products of France, and for the rais- 
 ing of cattle—all these points are dilated on with the versatile 
 pen of the official Frenchman. Tree passages are granted to all 
 French citizens who have fulfilled the term of their military 
 service, and on landing in the colony they are entitled to free 
 erants of land amounting to 9 acres for each family, this area 
 being increased to 125 acres if the family consists of four or 
 more souls. On any member of # family, already in possession 
 of a Government grant, marrying, he or she receives a further 
 gratuitous concession of 9 acres. 
 
 Immigrants from Alsace and Lorraine are granted lots of 
 25 acres, thus placing them on better terms than members of 
 those provinces France has been able to retain. 
 
 Europeans of other countries are entitled to what are termed 
 ‘‘Concessions a titre onéreux.” They are permitted to pur- 
 chase land at the price of ten francs an acre, payable in advance, 
 in twenty-four half-yearly instalments. 
 
 Commerce.—It may be owing to the absence of free labour, 
 due to the absurd restrictions and harassing regulations enacted 
 by French officials in their colonies rather than to any natural 
 drawbacks in the soil of New Caledonia, which still keeps the 
 commercial statistics of the colony at such a low figure. 
 Official returns show a dimunition rather than an increase in 
 the annual exports. 
 
 
 
 
 
 i | 1863. 1870. | 1880, | 1881, 
 I*Imports 4..-<+-se-e-: £59,360 | £129,967 | £816,177 | £284,564 
 Exports ace 1,844 12,146 | 110,286 | 61,362 
 | | 
 
 
 
 
 
 In the year 18638 the colony was in its infaney, the principal 
 items of import being the food for the garrison. In 1870 the 
 
Islands in the Pacific. Wie 
 
 penal establishment numbered about 800 souls, and the imports 
 requisite for their subsistence had naturally increased. In 
 1881 close on 10,000 prisoners were distributed over the island ; 
 their rations naturally form a serious item in the amount of 
 exportations from France, which in that year reached the sum 
 of £80,000. 
 
 The movements of navigation during the last two years, of 
 which returns have been published, have been as under :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1880. 1881. E 
 
 ee re Tonnage. | Passengers. ect Tonnage. | Passengers. | 
 Entries . . LAT 36,178 572 127 42,576 1,433 
 Cleared out . 118 31,123 424 121 41,542 1,338 
 
 
 
 Finances.—It cannot be expected that New Caledonia will 
 in anyway be self-supporting; as a penal settlement it must 
 naturally depend on the mother country for heavy pecuniary 
 aid, and this is ungrudgingly bestowed, as in the case of the 
 other French colonies. 
 
 The Local Budget annually aes for 
 the expenditure of ; : £76,600 
 a sum derived from various re- 
 sources, the principal contribu- 
 tions being :— 
 Tax upon Wines and Spirits £14,600 
 Sale of Lands . 7 . 18,360 
 and lax’ .. ’ 2,200 
 *The Budget of the Minister of Marine and 
 
 the Geionics further aids the Colony 
 im, : : : : ; 508,075 
 
 £584,675 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * The items of this sum will be found in Appendix No. 1. 
 
114 Colonial France. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 FURTHER INDIA. 
 
 Early Dealings of the French in Annam—The Jesuit Bishop’s Treaty of 
 1787 directed against the English—Cruelty of Annamites to Mission- 
 aries—French Threats—Occupation of Saigon—War of 1861— 
 Annexation of Cochin-China—Dupuis’ Explorations in Tonkin— 
 Garnier’s Campaign and Death—Riviére’s Expedition—F inal Treaty 
 and Annexation of the whole Eastern portion of the Peninsula— 
 Topography — Population — Government and Administration — 
 Justice — Education—Religion— Public Works — Agriculture and 
 Commerce—Finance. 
 
 Tuer rise of French influence in the peninsula of Further 
 India has been as rapid as its history has been interesting. 
 Ninety-nine years ago, an exile King of Annam, brought into 
 contact with the Jesuit missionaries of Siam, sought the 
 
 assistance of Louis XVI. against the usurper who sat on the. 
 
 throne of Hué. The head of the mission at Bankok accompanied 
 Gialong’s eldest son, Prince Canh Dzue to Paris, and there 
 pointed out, in an able memorandum addressed to the Ministry 
 at Versailles, the advantages to be derived from an alliance with 
 the exiled ruler of Annam. The French power had received its 
 deathblow in Hindostan, and Bishop Pigneau de Behaine saw 
 in the harbours of Further India a means of striking at 
 British commerce and so shattering British supremacy. 
 
 The document is still valuable. Though its arguments were 
 addressed a century ago by a Jesuit Bishop to a French 
 Monarch, they are yet the arguments used by French Ministers 
 to a Republican people. 
 
 ‘‘The balance of power in India seems so much in favour of 
 the English, that one is compelled to regard the re-establish- 
 
Further [ndza. 115 
 
 ment of the equilibrum a very difficult matter to accomplish. 
 Perhaps a settlement in Cochin-China will be the surest and 
 most efficacious way of attaining this end. In fact, if we cast 
 a glance on the products of Cochin-China, and upon the situa- 
 tions of its ports, it is easily seen that the greatest advantages 
 are to be gained from a settlement there—advantages both in 
 time of peace and in time of war. 
 
 ‘“* Firstly. Naturally the most efficacious way of fighting the 
 English in India is to ruin, or at any rate to weaken, her 
 commerce. In time of peace, the profits of their China trade 
 would be greatly diminished, as we should be able to carry on 
 trade with China at far less expense and with greater ease 
 than the English. 
 
 ‘Secondly. In time of war it would be easy to put an abso- 
 lute stoppage on this commerce with any hostile nation what- 
 ever ; for it would be easy to prevent any vessel from either 
 entering or leaving Chinese waters, by merely placing a few 
 cruisers in the straits or at the mouth of the Canton river. 
 
 ‘¢ Thirdly. In Cochin-China we find easy and inexpensive 
 means for careening and cleaning our ships, and even for 
 building new vessels. : 
 
 “ Fourthly. Everything necessary for revictualling our squad- 
 rons, and for supplying our other colonies with the necessaries 
 of life, are easily obtainable in Cochin-China. 
 
 ‘‘ Fifthly. In case of need it will be easy to raise soldiers and 
 sailors from amongst the inhabitants. 
 
 «« Sixthly. It will be easy from this, as a base, to prevent the 
 English from extending their Empire to the East.” 
 
 Louis XVI. and his Ministers were not slow to perceive the 
 immense advantages that might accrue to France were she to 
 occupy a strong position in the peninsula of Further India. 
 The marvellous successes of the French squadron in Eastern 
 waters would have been rendered more striking had they been 
 possessed of harbours less distant than those of the.Isles of 
 France and of Réunion. There were ardent spirits in the 
 country who still dreamed of a revival of French power in 
 Hindostan, and, imbued with these views, an alliance, offensive 
 and defensive, was entered into between His Most Christian 
 
 Ine 
 
116 Colonial France. 
 
 Majesty of France and the exiled sovereign of Annam, in which 
 the former guaranteed to provide five French and two colonial 
 regiments, a million of dollars, and a squadron, for the purpose 
 of setting Gialong on his throne again ; Gialong, on his part, 
 ceding certain territories to France, and further engaging to aid 
 Louis with men, ships, and material in case of need. 
 
 The outbreak of the Revolution prevented Louis XVI. ful- - 
 
 filling his share of the treaty, but the Bishop nevertheless 
 succeeded in inducing a number of Frenchmen to accompany 
 him to Cochin-China. By their aid Gialong recovered his 
 throne, re-organized his army and defences after a European 
 model, and ever remained a warm admirer of his new allies. He 
 was not backward in rewarding his more immediate supporters, 
 and, under his all-powerful protection, Pigneau de Behaine was 
 enabled to prosecute his missionary work with redoubled vigour. 
 The disciples of Confucius, however, did not on all matters 
 agree with their sovereign ; constant and open were the differ- 
 ences between the natives of the kingdom and the Jesuit priests, 
 and on the death of Gialong, Minh Mang, his successor, treated 
 the missionaries with the greatest rigour. In 1833, his fanaticism 
 showed itself more openly, and he issued a royal edict, not only 
 forbidding the entry of fresh priests, but directing all those in 
 his kingdom to withdraw under pain of death. Threats such 
 as these had but little effect on these brave followers of our 
 Saviour. Between the years 1833 and 1840 nine missionaries 
 met with a violent death, and when, in the latter year, Minh 
 Mang died, his successor, Thien Tri, redoubled the persecutions 
 of which his father had been guilty. These persecutions 
 reached the ears of the French Court, and, in 18438, a French 
 frigate anchored off Tourane, a seaport near the mouth of the 
 Hué river, and demanded the release of some Jesuits whom 
 Thien Tri held in captivity. Some of the older councillors 
 still remembered the means by which Thien Tri’s grandfather 
 had regained his throne, and they persuaded the King to release 
 his prisoners. This he did, but with a bad grace, and the 
 frigate left the coast without having exhibited to the natives 
 anything more indicative of the power of France than a boat’s 
 crew and an epauletted officer. Thien Trirepented him of his 
 
further India. P17 
 
 leniency, and straightway redoubled his cruelties ; consequently, 
 in 1847, Admiral Lapierre, commanding the French squadron in 
 Chinese waters, anchored off Tourane, and forwarded a still 
 stronger menace to the King. The menace was answered with 
 insolence, and Lapierre at once bombarded the forts, dismantled 
 the guns, blew up the powder magazines, but, not feeling strong 
 enough to push on to Hué, withdrew his vessels, taking care at 
 the same time to explain to the Mandarins that any further 
 persecution of missionaries would be answered in a more 
 complete manner. 
 
 In the following year Thien Tri died, and his younger son, 
 Tu Duc, succeeded to the throne. No sooner had he put down 
 the inevitable attempts of other claimants to wrest the Crown 
 from him, than he turned his attention to the missionaries, 
 and, in 1851, embarked on a war of extermination; offering 
 rewards, not only for the heads of priests, but for those of 
 Christian converts. 
 
 In 1856, the Emperor Napoleon IJI. despatched a warning 
 missive to Tu Duc, which was without effect, and in 1858, 
 finding that the executions of missionaries were being carried 
 on with ever-increasing vigour, a strong force was despatched 
 to Tourane, and an ultimatum forwarded by the Admiral to 
 Hué. The King vouchsafed no answer; he had accurately 
 gauged the strength of his opponents, and he felt himself 
 secure in his capital. He, however, adopted a temporizing 
 policy, under cover of which he withdrew all his specie and 
 material from the forts at Tourane. When the patience of the 
 Admiral was exhausted, a final message was forwarded to the 
 Mandarin in command by the French Admiral, and on the 
 following morning, the squadron openea its bombardment. 
 The fire was not returned, and on a landing party reaching the 
 works they were found abandoned, and all guns withdrawn. 
 Deficient of transport, it was impossible to march on Hué, so 
 the French Commander was forced to content himself with 
 occupying the deserted works until he should have organized | 
 the roeans of making an advance on the capital. The enforced 
 inactivity was not only hurtful to the French army of occupa- 
 tion, but was decidedly stiffening the back of Tu Duc.  Sick- 
 
idee Colonial France. 
 
 ness was rife. Hundreds of men were in hospitals with fever ; 
 a very high death-rate was already established. All prospect 
 of a rapid move on Tu Due’s stronghold was necessarily 
 abandoned, and Tourane being untenable on account of its 
 unhealthiness, and being useless from a strategic point of view, 
 Admiral Rigault de Genouilly determined to shift the scene of 
 operation to the southern port of Saigon, where every facility 
 existed for the establishment of a powerful military station. 
 Karly in February, 1859, the force embarked, and on the 
 17th after a sharp bombardment, in which the French fleet 
 suffered over 150 casualties, the works in front of Saigon were 
 reduced to ruin, and the town forced to surrender. The French 
 success was complete: 400 cannon of various calibre, and of 
 all patterns under the sun, 6,000 small arms of all sizes and 
 makes, 160,000 lbs. of gunpowder, and 500,000 dollars in 
 specie, fell into the hands of the victors; they forthwith 
 forwarded an ultimatum to the King, who now evinced a desire 
 to treat. 
 
 The terms offered were too onerous; the French insisted on 
 four points, on none of which was it likely the King would yield— 
 
 1. Religious liberty throughout Annam. 
 
 2. Opening of all ports to European commerce. 
 
 o. Cession of Saigon to France. 
 
 4. Recognition of the French claims, under the Treaty of 
 1787, to certain lands in the neighbourhood of Tourane and to 
 she islands of Hai-wen and Poulo Condor. 
 
 Hostilities were again resumed, and the French drove the 
 Annamite Army out of their position near Saigon ; the losses of 
 the victors: were considerable, and unfortunately the outbreak 
 of the rainy season compelled them to adopt a strictly defensive 
 attitude. he outbreak of the China War of 1860 necessi- 
 tated the reduction of the little force in Saigon. Thus 
 reduced to inactivity, they were made the subject of the most 
 persistent attacks on the part of the Annam forces, who were 
 naturally encouraged by the inability of the French to assume 
 the offensive. | 
 
 The signature of the Treaty of Pekin, however, enabled 
 Admiral Charnier to resume active operations, and in February, 
 
further India. 119 
 
 1861, the provinces of Mitho and Bien Hoa were occupied by 
 the French. Overtures were again made by Tu Due, and in 
 June, 1862, a treaty was entered into between France and 
 Annam, in which the latter ceded the provinces of Bien Hoa, 
 Gia Dinh, and Mytho, opened certain ports to Kuropean trade, 
 and sanctioned religious freedom. 
 
 This last clause was the cause of fresh disturbances. On more 
 than one occasion Romish priests were ill-treated in Annam 
 villages, and Tu Due was accused of direct complicity in these 
 persecutions. No proof was adduced against him, but the 
 mere fact of the treaty not having been carried out in its 
 entirety, was considered sufficient excuse for the annexation by 
 France of the three provinces of Vinh-mong, Chan-doc, and 
 Han Tien. 
 
 These wholesale annexations caused Tu Duc to turn to his 
 suzerain, the Emperor of China, to whom the Kings of Annam 
 ever paid tribute, and at whose hands they received their inves- 
 titure. But the sovereign of the Celestial Kmpire had too 
 recently felt the weight of the Western Powers, and he declined 
 to interfere between his vassal and France. Tu Due was accord- 
 ingly compelled to nurse his resentment in silence. 
 
 Secure in the commerce of Southern Annam, France now 
 cast about how she was to prevent the trade of Southern China 
 from filtering through Yunnan into British Burmah. The 
 memorandum of Pigneau de Behaine was, like the writing 
 on Belshazzar’s walls, ever present to the eyes of French 
 statesmen. 
 
 ‘‘The most certain way of damaging the English in India 
 is to ruin, or at any rate to weaken, her commerce.- In time of 
 peace, being situated nearer to China, we should undoubtedly 
 absorb much of her trade; the voyage being shorter, and the 
 expense of transit cheaper, than to India, Chinese merchants 
 would naturally prefer the French ports in Cochin-China to 
 the more distant ones of Calcutta and Madras.” 
 
 Three-quarters of a century previously had those words been 
 written, and in the meantime the French, acting on the advice 
 of the militant Bishop, were masters of Lower Annam. Yet 
 the commerce of England was not weakened, and the Chinese 
 
120 Colonial France. 
 
 merchants had not shown that preference for the ports of 
 Cochin-China which the Reverend Prelate had anticipated. In 
 order to ensure the desired end, it was obvious that the whole 
 peninsula of Further India must be conquered. When France 
 desires annexation, an excuse is not long forthcoming. 
 
 The Taeping rebellion had rendered commerce in the north- 
 ern provinces of Annam dangerous, and the Delta of the Red 
 River of Tonkin had become infested by pirates, who levied 
 blackmail on all traders. Tu Duc, anxious to restore peace 
 and order in his dominions, naturally turned to China, from 
 whose southern frontiers these brigands had escaped, asking 
 the aid of his suzerain towards their subjugation. This was 
 by no means the line the French wished to be followed, and a 
 despatch-boat was directed to proceed to the mouth of the Red 
 River, to ascertain the actual condition of the country, and the 
 feasibility of its occupation. | 
 
 At the same time a daring French merchant, M. Dupuis, 
 
 was encouraged in his scheme of running a cargo of munitions 
 
 of war up the Red River for the force of the Governor of 
 Yunnan. Dupuis’ voyage was successful; but, flushed with 
 his success, he embarked on a second expedition, which was 
 forbidden by the Mandarins of Hanoi. Dupuis, nothing 
 daunted, opposed force to force, and the King, Tu Duc, anxious 
 to avoid a collision with a French subject, begged the French 
 Governor of Saigon to compel the return of his countryman. 
 Admiral Dupré at once detached M. Garnier, an able and gallant 
 but injudicious officer, to inquire into the case. This hot- 
 headed young naval lieutenant, throwing himself heart and 
 soul into the projects of Dupuis, forwarded an ultimatum to 
 the Mandarins of Hanoi, and followed it up by assaulting and 
 carrying the city. His success was not of long duration. 
 Recovering from the surprise occasioned by the suddenness and 
 audacity of his attack, the Annamites drew Garnier into an 
 ambush, where his little force was annihilated and he himself 
 killed. Matters now assumed a serious aspect. The French, 
 in justice, were compelled to disavow the unauthorized conduct 
 of Lieutenant Garnier, and they were averse to entering upon a 
 war the foundation of which had been laid in such an un- 
 
 oe 
 
Further India. 121 
 
 authorized manner. A cautious diplomatist was despatched to 
 Hué, and this gentleman, M. Philastre, succeeded in undoing 
 all the evil wrought by Garnier and Dupuis, and in carrying 
 through a treaty in which Tu Duc opened the Red River to 
 French commerce, and permitted the location of Consuls with 
 armed escorts at certain towns. China, however, refused to 
 acknowledge the validity of the new treaty, and France, weak 
 from the struggle with Germany, was unable to act with suffi- 
 cient vigour to carry it into effect in face of the opposition of 
 the Celestial Empire. Years passed by, years marked by end- 
 less bickerings on the part of the French, by endless remon- 
 strances on the part of the Chinese. Recovering gradually 
 from her weakness and humiliation, France embarked on a 
 policy of feverish activity, and an expedition was despatched 
 to the Red River of Tonkin in the year 1882, with orders to 
 carry into effect the Treaty of 1874, and to clear Tonkin of the 
 piratical bands who rendered the navigation. of that river 
 unsafe. The command was entrusted to Captain Riviere, and 
 the story of Garnier was re-enacted with all Garnier’s dash, with 
 all Garnier’s determination. Hanoi was stormed and captured, 
 and the whole delta of the Red River passed under French 
 protection—a protection France claimed over the whole kingdom 
 of Annam. Then adopting to the full his lamented prede- 
 cessor’s plan of operations, Riviere, with all Garnier’s indiscre- 
 tion, was betrayed into a sortie from the walls of the Residency, 
 and perished miserably in an engagement where the French did 
 not show the gallantry so characteristic of their race. 
 
 There was no doubt that the Mandarins of Tu Due were 
 implicated in the attack on Riviere’s detachment, nor was there 
 any doubt that towns in the vicinity of Hanoi were garrisoned 
 by Chinese troops. France, however, pined for a little glory, 
 and the Ministry had not much difficulty in obtaining credit for 
 a campaien on a sufficiently large scale to admit of the sub- 
 jugation of the whole northern provinces of the kingdom of 
 Annam. The operations opened disastrously enough. Entangled 
 in the swampy rice-fields in the neighbourhood of Hanoi, the 
 French suffered a series of disastrous defeats, which were, 
 however, amply atoned for by the bombardment of Hué and the 
 
122 Colonial France. 
 
 carrying out of a treaty in which Tu Duc’s successor acknow- 
 ledged the French protectorate, and besought their assistance 
 in restoring order in Tonkin. Resolved to make herself mistress 
 of the whole kingdom, and fearing China, whose attitude every 
 day became more threatening, France rose to the occasion. 
 Her Ministers acted with firmness and decision; they decided 
 on no half measures. Large credits were demanded; a corps 
 of 16,000 was at once despatched to Tonkin ; whole squadrons 
 of river launches strengthened the Admiral’s fleet ; the chal- 
 lenge thrown down by China was promptly taken up, and the 
 towns of bac-Ninh and Sontay garrisoned by troops of the 
 Celestial Empire, the capture of which, the French were 
 warned, would be considered a casus belli, were stormed, 
 and after a succession of engagements, in which Western 
 tactics shone conspicuous, the subjugation of the delta was 
 complete. | | 
 
 A treaty was then entered into with China, in which the 
 Tsong-li-Yamen recognized the French protectorate over the 
 whole kingdom of Annam, France on her part guarantee- 
 ing to defend the southern provinces of China from invasion 
 by any European Power. This clause was evidently directed 
 against England. To divert from us the commerce of these 
 southern provinces, France embarked on a long and costly war ; 
 and in order to engender suspicions of our designs on the 
 Celestial Empire, the French Ambassador, M. Fournier, 
 inserted a clause in the Treaty which brought the operations 
 to a close which was in every respect unjustifiable. The Treaty 
 of Tientsin of 1884 was followed up by a solemn ratification 
 of the covenant between the King of Hué and the President 
 of the Republic, and, at a solemn audience in the King’s palace, 
 the seal entrusted to the Sovereigns of Annam by the Empire 
 of China, was formally handed over to the French General, in 
 token of the complete submission to France of kings who for 
 2,000 years have been fiefs of Pekin. 
 
 In dealing, then, with the kingdom of Annam, we are justi- 
 fied by recent events in dealing with it as a French colony. 
 Though as yet French protection only has been announced over 
 the northern provinces, Residents have been appointed at Hué 
 
Further Indta. [23 
 
 and Hanoi—Residents subordinate to the Governor-General of 
 Saigon ; and it is evident that the King of Annam is king only 
 in name. Already an army of occupation is being organized 
 by the enlistment of natives of the soil, and in a few short 
 years we shall doubtless see the whole kingdom administered 
 by a Governor at Hué, with subordinate officials at Saigon and 
 Hanoi. 
 
 Topography.—The kingdom of Annam, at the commence- 
 ment of the century, stretched along the eastern shores of the 
 ereat peninsula of Further India, its southern boundaries being 
 marked by the débouchures of the River Mekong into the Gulf 
 of Siam, its northern by the Chinese provinces of Yunnan 
 and Kwangsi; the kingdoms of Cambodia, Siam, and Burmah, 
 also tributaries of the Celestial Empire, lay contiguous to its 
 western frontier, while on the east it was washed by the waters 
 of the China seas. 
 
 The thirty-one provinces of the kingdom were grouped in 
 three distinct divisions :— ; 
 
 I. The Southern, or Cochin-China, consisted of the six 
 provinces of Saigon, Brien Hoa, Mytho, Kulong, 
 Chandoc, and Hatien; of these, the first three 
 were conquered by the French in 1862, the remain- 
 ing three were ceded to her in 1867. The capital 
 town of this division is Saigon. 
 
 II. The Central Division, now known as Annam, com- 
 prised the twelve provinces of Binh-Thuan, Khan 
 Hoa, Phu-Yen, Bin Dinh, Quang Ngai, Quang Nam, 
 Quang Duc, Quang Tai, Quang Binh, Ha Tinh, 
 Ngeau, and Tau Hoa. The treaty forced down the 
 throat of the young King after the bombardment 
 and occupation of Hué by Admiral Courbet in 1883, 
 placed these provinces under French protection. 
 
 Iil. The Northern Division, or Tonkin, is the most im- 
 portant of the three, because, stretching away to 
 the north-west, it runs contiguous to the fertile 
 southern provinces of China, where for centuries 
 close commercial relations have existed by means of 
 
124 Colonial France. 
 
 the waters of the Red River, a noble stream, navi- 
 gable by vessels of light draught as far as Laokai, 
 on the Chinese frontier. Tonkin comprises the 
 thirteen provinces of Caoban, lLangson, Thai 
 Neuyen, Tuyen Quang, Quangyen, Hung Hoa, Bac- 
 Ninh, Sontay, Hanoi, Haid-Tuong, Hung Yen, 
 Nam Dinh, and Ninh Binh. 
 
 To these we must now add the kingdom of Cambodia, which, 
 by a treaty entered into in 1863 between King Phura Norodom 
 and Admiral Grandiére, declared itself under French protection. 
 In 1884, by a second treaty, the administration of the kingdom 
 was handed over to the Governor of Saigon, the departments of 
 Finance, Justice, Public Works, Customs, and the Army being 
 placed under the control of French functionaries, the King, we 
 believe, being granted a Civil List of £54,000 a year. 
 
 The area of these four divisions embraces in round numbers 
 about 115,000 square miles, and is populated, according to 
 recent estimates, by about twenty million souls. 
 
 We thus find French influence extending over the whole 
 eastern portion of the peninsula. The grand watercourse of 
 the Mekong and Red River are entirely in their possession, 
 together with all the harbours along the coast—not a few in 
 number, and many capable of accommodating large fleets. 
 
 Population.—No accurate statistics are available as to the 
 population of the countries of Annam and Tonkin, which have 
 so recently been brought under French rule; but as regards 
 Cochin-China proper and Cambodia more can be said, though 
 even in this province, which for two-and-twenty years has been 
 administered by the French, the particulars on this head are 
 few and scarce. 
 
 Cochin-China contained 1,550,497 inhabitants at the census 
 of 1881, this number being composed as follows :— 
 
 French Officials : : : : 1,825 
 Other Europeans . : ; : 139 
 Natives . : : : . 1,483,506 
 
 Other Asiatics 2 . ; E 64,027 
 
Further India. 125 
 
 Its principal cities are Saigon,with a population of— 
 
 ~ Europeans : : : : 1,056 
 Natives . : ? : s : 14,028 
 15,084, 
 
 moe 
 
 and Cholen, population— 
 
 
 
 Europeans. : ; : : 72 
 Natives . : ; : : : 20,047 
 Chinese . ; ; : c , 19,181 
 
 39,300 
 
 Hué, the capital of Annam, and Hanoi, the chief city of 
 Tonkin, each contain in round numbers 100,000 souls. 
 
 The population of Cambodia, according to native statistics 
 communicated to the French officials in 1874, amounted to— 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cambodians proper. ; 779,011 
 Foreigners—Chinese . : . 106,764 
 ; a Malays . : . 26,600 
 7 Annamites . é 4,451 
 ae Other Races . : 4,628 
 - 142,443 
 Total : 915,954: 
 
 
 
 Government and Administration.—The four provinces of 
 Cochin-China, Cambodia, Annam, and Tonkin are necessarily 
 administered in diverse ways. The two former are subordi- 
 nated to the Governor of Saigon, and the two latter nominally 
 to the King of Annam, aided by the Resident at Hud. As 
 the treaty by which Cambodia has been placed under the 
 Saigon authorities has only recently received the ratification of 
 the President of the Republic, details as to its proposed adminis- 
 tration are still wanting but it may be assumed that the heads 
 of the various departments of Cambodia will, in conjunction 
 with the Governor of Saigon, be called upon to form the usual 
 administrative assemblies which exist in the neighbouring 
 colony, and that in view of the increased importance of the 
 colony, the solitary Deputy who now represents Cochin-China 
 
126 Colonial France. 
 
 will be replaced in the Houses of Representatives by a Senator — 
 
 and two Deputies, elected by the four provinces. 
 
 Up to the present, Cochin-China has been under the domi- 
 nation of a Governor, assisted by French officials at the heads 
 of the various departments. These gentlemen, aided by two 
 colonists, one named by the Governor, one by the electors, 
 forming as occasion demanded a Conseil Général, Conseil 
 Privé, Conseil Contentieux, and a Conseil Colonial ; this last 
 assembly being composed of sixteen members, six being 
 French-born citizens, six Asiatics, also enjoying civic rights, 
 two official members, and two members nominated by the 
 Chamber of Commerce. | 
 
 The towns of Saigon and Cholen are endowed with munici- 
 pal institutions on the French model. The council of the 
 former town comprises twelve members, eight being French- 
 born, the remainder Asiatics: that of Cholen consists of seven 
 members, three French-born, four being Annamites. In the 
 former town, where the majority of the council are Europeans, 
 the Mayor and his adjoints are elected by the Municipal Coun- 
 cillors ; but in Cholen, in order to obviate the unpleasantness of 
 a native sitting in the Presidential Chair, the Governor of the 
 colony has the privilege of nominating a President, the 
 appointment holding good for three years. 
 
 In all other towns of Cochin-China, and throughout the 
 provinces of Annam and Tonkin, the old system of government 
 holds good. Villages are grouped into districts, and districts 
 into provinces, each of which is ruled over by a Governor or 
 Tongdoc, the Lieutenant-Governors of districts being styled 
 Tuan Phu. The villagers themselves are ruled over by muni- 
 cipal councils, the members of which are elected by the suffrage 
 of all male inhabitants who have attained the age of twenty- 
 one years. These councils have power to levy rates and taxes, 
 and are required to disburse certain sums on the maintenance 
 of public highways, canals, &c. They also keep the village 
 rolls, and furnish a certain number of men annually to the 
 standing army. In fact, Annam, as regards her internal ad- 
 ministration, is not far behind France, and there is such a 
 striking similarity between the institutions of the two coun- 
 
Further [ndia. £27 
 
 tries, that it is improbable that, for the present at any rate, 
 any sweeping changes will be made in the system of village 
 communities. 
 
 In 1873, on the initiation of Admiral Pothau, a special 
 service was created for the purpose of supplying trained offi- 
 cials, conversant alike with the native languages and with French 
 laws, to fill the various executive and administrative appoint- 
 ments in Cochin-China. These posts, on the first annexation 
 of the colony, were filled by officers of the French Marine— 
 much as our civil appointments in newly-annexed provinces in 
 India have usually been filled, and worthily filled, by military 
 men. Some of the most able administrators in Cochin-China 
 have been drawn from the various branches of the navy. 
 Garnier, who perished so nobly in Tonkin, was an executive 
 officer, so likewise was Philastre, whilst M. Harmand, the late 
 Civil Commissioner in that country, was a medical man. 
 
 Admiral Pothau, however, conceived it preferable for many 
 reasons to organize a regularly constituted Civil Service for the 
 colony. There were obvious objections to withdrawing young 
 and rising men from their legitimate profession and placing 
 them in positions of great responsibility, for which they pos- 
 sessed no special training, and in which it was possible they 
 might show no aptitude. It by no means followed that a smart 
 ensigne de vaisseau could administer a district. Further, some 
 discontent was exhibited by the natives, who had loyally co- 
 operated with the French in the administration of the province 
 on annexation, in seeing all executive posts withdrawn from 
 their hands. It was clear that the colony could be more econo- 
 mically administered if all minor officials were natives, super- 
 vision only being entrusted to Frenchmen. With a view, 
 then, of providing a sufficient supply of natives trained to the 
 work, a college was opened at Saigon in the year 1874, where 
 young Annamite gentlemen were instructed in those branches 
 of education which might be useful to them in the public ser- 
 vice. The French, Chinese, Annamite, and Cambodian lan- 
 guages were taught, as were also the principles of French ad- 
 ministration, finance, and law. A searching examination was 
 instituted, on passing which the youths received appointments 
 
128 Colonial France. 
 
 in the various departments of the Civil Service, and on the 
 completion of twelve years’ service they were entitled to a bonus 
 on retirement. 
 
 The recent annexation of Cambodia, Annam, and Tonkin 
 will necessitate a very large addition to the personnel of the 
 province, and an impetus will naturally be given, not only to 
 the influx of native gentlemen to the college at Saigon, but to 
 the study of the dialects of the Peninsula of Further India 
 amongst the youths of France. 
 
 Justice.—Judicial courts exist as in the other colonies, and 
 the inhabitants have been made subject to the various Codes 
 which rule the Criminal and Civil procedure in France. 
 
 A Court of Appeal is located in Saigon, and Tribunals for 
 the disposal of Civil, Commercial, and Criminal cases at Saigon, 
 Binh Hoa, Mytho, Bentré, Vinh Long, Chandoc, Soc-trang, 
 and Priom Penh, fifty-six paid officials forming the staff of 
 these establishments. 
 
 Education.—The population of the country being chiefly 
 Annamites, and the French language never being heard except 
 in the counting-houses of the few merchants of that country, 
 and in the official bureaux, the system of education naturally 
 differs very materially from that in vogue in other colonies. 
 
 In the primary schools, 443 in number, which give instruc- 
 tion to 18,172 boys and 127 girls, the Annamite language, and 
 in some cases the elements of French, are taught. At Saigon, 
 Cholen, Binh Hoa, Mytho, Bentré, Vinh Long, and Chandoc 
 more advanced schools exist, where 1,062 pupils receive in- 
 struction in French, arithmetic, and geography, and such of 
 them as desire to proceed still further in their education are 
 permitted to attend the colleges of Saigon and Mytho, where, 
 during the year 1882, 279 pupils were received free of charge. 
 
 In addition to these establishments, which are conducted 
 under the auspices of the Department of Public Instruction, 
 there are in Cochin-China 414 village schools, where 6,608 
 pupils receive a rudimentary education, and sixty-four mission 
 schools, under the supervision of the Fréres of the Saint Esprit, 
 where 1,893 boys and 1,545 girls are gratuitously educated. 
 
 Compulsory education has for centuries been insisted on in 
 
Further India. 129 
 
 Annam, so that the efforts of the French are now only directed 
 towards the spread of their own language and literature, in 
 a country which hitherto has looked upon China and things 
 Chinese as the acme of civilization. 
 
 Religion.—The religion of the people is that of Confucius ; 
 for centuries the population have shown themselves bitterly 
 hostile to the propagation of the Christian faith, and that 
 hostility has not been diminished by the recent action of the 
 French Government, which, by suppressing the subventions 
 hitherto accorded to priests in distant towns, and granting 
 only the most paltry aid towards the ecclesiastics in Saigon, has 
 shown the inhabitants that it, too, can persecute the followers 
 of Christ, and that it lacks the commonest gratitude to those 
 through whose self-denying zeal and gallant fortitude France 
 owes the richest and most prosperous colony she now pos- 
 SESSES. 
 
 Public Works.—The efforts of the French to develop the 
 resources of the country by the construction of reproductive public 
 works have not been so marked as their efforts to construct the 
 cities of Saigon and Cholen on a scale which rivals Caleutta or 
 Bombay. The Government House and cathedral at the former 
 place have been built with a due regard to effect and an absolute 
 forgetfulness of economy. Streets have been marked out, public 
 offices and barracks erected, and a tramway constructed between 
 Saigon and Cholen. Concessions have been granted for a rail- 
 way between the capital and Mytho, with an eventual prolonga- 
 tion to Vinh-long, and the surveys for this line are actually 
 completed. 
 
 The Local Budget annually provides £240,000 towards the 
 Department of Public Works; but a large proportion of this sum 
 is swallowed up in the army of officials who are employed in 
 surveying the country for new outlets for expenditure. 
 
 Agriculture and Commerce.—Situated under a tropical sun, 
 the kingdom of Annam is absolutely unsuited for Huropean 
 emigration, yet, blind to this fact, the French Government 
 continue to offer inducements to the unwary settler in the 
 shape of free tracts of land, and free passages to the land of 
 promise. 
 
 K 
 
130 Colonial France. 
 
 During the first twenty years of the French occupation of 
 Cochin-China, the total amount of land taken up by immi- 
 grants amounted to 800 acres free, and 752 by sale, a result 
 scarcely in accordance with the opinion expressed by M. Ferry, 
 that the annexation of Tonkin was necessary in order to es 
 vide new homes for fathers of families. 
 
 Of the area under cultivation in Cambodia, Annam, and 
 Tonkin we have no record, but in Cochin-China proper the 
 following statistics are attainable :— 
 
 Rice : . : 5 ; . 1,305,100 acres 
 Sugar . : : : + Fel 11 GOO Bee 
 Betel: Nuts oe ga-ga tose 5,330 | ,, 
 Mulberry-trees : ; : . 8,308. as 
 Cabbage Palms . ; : » « 03,6570mes 
 Cocoa-nut Plantations . : 19:2 00a. 
 Eruitia: : 5 : : ; 0,062) age 
 Palm-nuts . : : : : 2512055, 
 Tobacco. : : : . ; Odo ees 
 Cotton . : : : : 928, 
 Domestic Gulteatios : “-, Jf, 000umes 
 1,546,768 
 
 
 
 In al! about a million and a half acres under cultivation. 
 Domestic agriculture, so necessary for the alimentation of the 
 garrisons and European inhabitants, has received encourage- 
 ment by the institution of Botanical Gardens at Saigon, and 
 by prizes which are annually offered by the Local Government, 
 and by the various Municipal authorities at the meetings of 
 Horticultural Societies recently instituted in many of the 
 Communes. 
 
 Cochin-China is essentially a rice-producing country, as the 
 statistics of cultivable area and of exports shows; but other 
 objects are, in limited quantities, despatched from her ports; 
 the skins of tigers, tusks of elephants, attest the attractions of 
 the country to the sportsman, whilst the sugar, pepper, spices, 
 coffee, and cotton, the cultivation of which is increasing yearly, 
 show that, with care, the peninsula of Further India may 
 
further [ndia. je 
 
 answer the expectations formed of it by Pigneau de Behaine 
 and Garnier. 
 
 The following summary of imports and exports for the last 
 five years, for which returns are available, shows how steadily 
 trade has been increasing ; but the statistics also show that the 
 carrying trade of the colony is in the hands of the Germans 
 and the English, and that but four per cent. of the vessels 
 which enter the harbours of the French dependency fly the 
 Republican flag. 
 
 1878. 1879. 1880. 1881. 1882. 
 Imports. £1,517,920 1,386,830 1,806,830 1,384,254 1,660,402 
 Exports . 1,897,588 2,116,279 1,656,406 1,764,978 2,126,235 
 
 France is by no means favoured in the matter of trade by its 
 youngest colony, for in the year 1882 we find :— 
 
 Imports. Exports. 
 To or from France . . £202,836 £56,706 
 Elsewhere . ; 7 . 1,457,616 2,069,529 
 
 eee 
 
 £1,660,452 £2,126,235 
 
 —-— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Of the imports from France, a very large proportion consisted 
 of articles for the use and subsistence of the troops, of muni- 
 tions of war, or material for the construction of public works— 
 in fact, Government goods. Of the exports, which have now 
 reached the respectable total of two million one hundred thou- 
 sand pounds, rice formed the major portion, upwards of one 
 and a half million pounds worth of that commodity having 
 been exported. Here again we find France and the French 
 colonies aiding but little in the commercial development of 
 Cochin-China; the total value of rice sent to French posses- 
 sions amounting only to £1,749, whilst the British colony of 
 Hong Kong imported £1,248,260. 
 
 Finances.—The receipts of the Local Budget fall far short 
 of the requirements of the colony, the principal items 
 being— 
 
ep Colonial France. 
 
 - 
 ~ 
 
 Locat BupGEt. | 
 Land Tax . : , . . £104,000 : 
 Pol lary  s. : P ye S000 eae 
 Licence Tax... : . tm” 24,000 Ss 
 Poll Tax on Asiatic Immigrants . 48,000 | 
 Sale of Lands and Timber . . 16,000 
 Duty on Saleof Opium . . 280,000 
 Duty on Spirits. . -. . 48,000 
 Custom Dues on Imports and Ex- 
 
 ports. 3 : : . 180,000 
 Miscellaneous Revenue. : 2 2,000 
 
 ee ee 
 
 *Budget of Minister of Marine . 
 
 
 
— 
 Game 
 Oo 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 MARTINIQUE. 
 
 Early French Occupation and Foundation of the Colonoy—British Ex- 
 pedition against it in 1759—Capture of the Island in 1762, and 
 Restoration by Terms of Treaty of Paris—De Bouillé’s Expedition 
 against the British West India Is!ands—Capture of Martinique in 
 1794--Restored by Treaty of Amiens—Retaken in 1809, and again 
 Restored by Treaty of Paris, 1814—Population—Government and 
 Administration — Justice — Education — Clergy — Public Works— 
 Cultivation — Commerce — Finances — Taxation — Garrison and 
 Defences. 
 
 MarTINIQuzE, with the other islands now designated as the 
 French Antilles, was discovered in 1498 by Christopher 
 Columbus. No efforts appear to have been made by the Span- 
 iards to found an establishment in the Caribbean Sea, and it 
 remained unvisited, or at any rate unoccupied, by Europeans 
 until the year 1635, when M. d’Esnambuc, the wealthy mer- 
 chant explorer of Dieppe, and founder of ‘“‘ La Compagnie des 
 iles de Saint Christophe, de la Barbade, et autres a l’entrée du 
 Perou,” in virtue of the concession granted him by Richelieu, 
 took possession of the island. Thus was formed the French 
 colony of the Antilles, a colony founded on royal patronage, and 
 which by virtue of its charter reduced to quasi-slavery, for a fixed 
 period, all Europeans who joined the enterprise. On the other 
 hand, it received many commercial privileges, amongst them 
 being the abolition of all customs duties on its produce when 
 entering France. This alone should have insured success. 
 In their endeavour to make haste to get rich, the founders of 
 the company cultivated only what they could export, and ere 
 long they were almost driven to starvation, so absolutely had 
 they neglected ordinary agriculture. By chance some Dutch 
 
134 Colonial France. 
 
 merchants, learning of their straits, put into Martinique with 
 live stock and fresh vegetables, and thus in defiance of the 
 charter which forbad commercial communication with other 
 countries, a trade sprang up with Holland. Though this was 
 to the advantage of the colony, it deprived the sovereign of his 
 tithe of the produce of the island, and a Royal edict was thun- 
 dered forth, forbidding ‘ all those who leave our shores for any 
 destination whatever, whether it may be to the Kast Indies, or 
 to the island of St. Christopher, or to the neighbouring islands, 
 to purchase, trade in, or to carry away tobacco, annatto, and 
 cotton, the products of those islands, without the express sanc- 
 tion and consent, given in writing by the Directors of the 
 Companies holding charters from the Crown, and on the 
 account of the said companies, under pain of a fine of a thou- 
 sand pounds, and the confiscation of their ships, of the tobacco, 
 annatto, and cotton, or other merchandise, carried in their. 
 vessels, and of all their goods and chattels.’ Stringent as 
 these rules were, they were constantly evaded, and Holland, 
 more than France, grew enriched by the produce of the 
 Antilles. Other laws, no less restrictive in their provisions, 
 were enforced. All colonists were to be of the Catholic faith, 
 and large subventions were accorded for the conversion of the 
 Caribbees. The success of the missionaries not being as rapidly 
 accomplished as His Most Christian Majesty desired, large 
 numbers of the unfortunate natives were put to the sword, and 
 soon a war, envenomed by religious and race distinctions, was 
 waged with pitiless severity between black and white. This 
 warfare lent a charm to the colonial life, and numbers of cadets 
 of good families now joined the ranks of d’ Esnambue’s forces ; 
 indeed, so popular did his command become, that in 1642 he 
 numbered 7,000 emigrants, instead of 4,000 as allowed by the 
 charter. A large number of Jesuit priests lent the religious 
 element to the colony, and these men were, perhaps, the most 
 valuable of all the émigrés, as they supplied the basis of the 
 more learned professions, acted as doctors, engineers, and 
 architects, whilst the young nobles flocked to the ranks of the 
 army, and the artisans and labourers aided in the progress 
 and development of the plantations. Foreigners were inter- 
 
Martinique. 135 
 
 dicted from pursuing any profession or calling on the island, 
 and this, coupled with the exclusion of all who did not profess 
 the Catholic faith, tended to mar the prosperity of the settle- 
 ment. Colbert made an effort to remove these restrictions, and 
 so far succeeded that he at last obtained the Royal sanction to 
 the settlement, in Martinique, of the Calvinists, driven from 
 France by the Edict of Nantes; but the reception of these 
 emigrants was not such as to encourage others to follow their 
 example. 
 
 During the many wars which were waged in the seventeenth 
 century between France and England, the harbour of Marti- 
 nique gave shelter to buccaneers and pirates, who preyed upon 
 our commerce and ruined our West Indian trade; reprisals 
 followed, and the island was brought almost to the brink of 
 ruin. Buccaneering, however, thrived, and in 1759 it was 
 determined to stamp out the nest of sea-robbers who infested 
 the island, and who were supported by considerable bodies of 
 regular French troops, as well as by the money of the wealthier 
 planters. The island was now a French colony, the old Com- 
 pany of the Marquis d’Esnambuc had been succeeded by, ‘‘ La 
 Compagnie des Indes Occidentales,”’ this in its turn had been 
 swept away, and Martinique was now governed by officials 
 named by the King, garrisoned by his troops, and guarded by 
 his Fleet. The expedition of 1759, undertaken by the British 
 Government against Martinique, was one that redounded little 
 to the credit of the officers concerned. It is one amongst the 
 - many instances afforded by a study of English history, of the 
 futility of attempting military enterprises under joint com- 
 mands. 
 
 In November, 1758, a squadron of six sail-of-the-line, con- 
 voying sixty transports, left Spithead and Plymouth under 
 sealed orders. It was, however, well known that the West 
 Indies was its destination, and that the six regiments of foot 
 embarked on the merchantmen, were intended for the subju- 
 gation of the French colonies of Martinique and Guadaloupe. 
 
 On reaching Barbadoes, the force was further strengthened 
 by a fleet of ten line-of-battle ships, six frigates and some 
 smaller craft, as well as by a considerable body of troops from 
 
136 Colonial france. 
 
 North America. The total strength of the land forces, which 
 were under the command of Lieutenant-General Hobson, was 
 about 6,000 men, and the combined squadrons, under Commo- 
 dore Moore, reached the respectable total of eighteen sail-of-the- 
 line, and eight frigates. 
 
 On the 13th January, 1759, the fleet sailed from Barbadoes, 
 and the following morning sighted Martinique, the first. objec- 
 tive of the expedition. Batteries at Point des Négres and at 
 Case des Navires were silenced without loss ; some. Blue-jackets 
 and Marines being landed, these works were occupied, the 
 garrison evacuating them so rapidly that the guns were not 
 even spiked. With these in possession of the British, an easy 
 victory over the French was anticipated, and the troops looked 
 “eagerly forward to a brush which should relieve them from the 
 stigmas which the many unsuccessful descents on the coasts of 
 France had cast on our arms. | 
 
 Under cover of the ships’ guus, the land forces were disem- 
 barked without any opposition, and General Hobson at once 
 advanced on Fort Royal, the principal fortification of the island. 
 The brigade under General Barrington. made a wide detour 
 and seized the Morne Tartancon, a ridge completely command- 
 ing the fort. From this he sent word to Hobson that the 
 capture of the works was one of no difficulty, and that if a 
 couple of ships’ guns were sent him, with which to breach the 
 cates, he could carry Fort Royal with the troops at his own 
 disposal. From the low ground occupied by Hobson the task 
 seemed one of greater magnitude, and he ordered Barrington 
 to delay operations until some heavy guns had been landed, for 
 at the first disembarkation the troops had been landed without 
 artillery. In the meantime the French Commander, imbued 
 with the panic which had seized the garrison of his outlying 
 works, called a council of war, and actually proposed to sur- 
 render without making even a show of resistance, thinking that 
 by this means he would secure easy terms. It is true that his 
 position seemed desperate ; all communication between him and 
 the mother country, or even with the neighbouring colonies, 
 was cut off by Commodere Moore’s squadron. On shore, the 
 heights dominating his fort were held by a strong force of 
 
ee 
 718 
 
 Martinigue. Yaz 
 
 British troops, whilst to the west lay a couple of English 
 brigades, preparing to attack. Resistance in such a case 
 seemed hopeless, but it was ever in such hopeless cases that 
 the valour of the old Royalist officers showed itself. The 
 Commander was overruled, and a young officer named du 
 Couédac, a member of a Breton family which has given to 
 France some of her noblest heroes, received permission to head a 
 sortie against Barrington’s troops. A sharp engagement ensued 
 in which, though the French were driven in to Fort Royal, we 
 sustained some casualties, including two officers killed. 
 
 Now commenced an unseemly altercation between the mili- 
 tary and naval Commanders, which resulted in the Commodore 
 not only refusing to land the ships’ guns, but declining to 
 afford any assistance towards the reduction of the fort by the 
 light ships of his squadron; these might have stood in within 
 cannon shot, and aided the troops very materially, by keeping 
 under the artillery fire of the fort, preparatory to an assault 
 being delivered. The obstinate refusal of the Admiral to lend 
 any guns, and the apprehensions of Hobson that an assault, 
 unprepared by artillery fire, must result in failure, ended as any 
 such expedition must end, where divided counsels exist—in 
 failure. At 7 p.m. to the astonishment and surprise of the 
 French, who were actually preparing to surrender, the British 
 troops re-embarked and set sail for Guadaloupe, before which 
 they arrived on the 23rd January, and against which offensive 
 operations were at once commenced. 
 
 For some reason, for more than four years no further steps 
 were taken to reduce Martinique. With Guadaloupe in our 
 hands, and a strong squadron well provided with numerous 
 ports for refit, its possession was of little moment, and the 
 vigilance of our cruisers prevented any of its wealth filtering 
 through our hands to France. England had put forth her 
 streneth in the East Indies and North America, in regions 
 where French enterprise might check our growing colonies, and 
 it was not until France had been overcome on these two con- 
 tinents that our Government cast about how best they might 
 further harass our crippled enemy. 
 
 Martinique stood out a tempting prize, its warehouses were 
 
138 Colonial France. 
 
 filled to overflowing with the surplus produce of the past year, 
 its garrisons were small, its fortifications by no means formidable, 
 and the theatre of operations was, or ought to have been, well 
 known, owing to the ground having been traversed in Hobson’s 
 expedition in 1759. It was determined, therefore, to make one 
 more attempt to wrest from France all her possessions in the 
 West Indies. To this end a strong force assembled at the 
 Barbadoes, the chief command being entrusted to General 
 Monkton, whilst the naval operations were under the direction 
 of Admiral Rodney. ‘The state of affairs in North America now 
 permitted a withdrawal of a portion of the troops hitherto 
 operating in that country, and this force, with detachments 
 from Belle Isle and the Leeward Islands, brought up the total 
 strength at Monkton’s disposal to 12,000 men. 
 
 On the 7th of January, 1762, the expedition arrived off 
 Martinique, but here again the evils of divided commands were 
 seen. No fixed plan had been decided on prior to the sailing 
 of the armament, and, on sighting the island, the General and 
 Admiral found themselves at variance as to the means to be em- 
 ployed to ensure its reduction. More than ten days were wasted 
 in reconnoitring the coasts and shore defences, but on the 16th 
 the fleet, with comparative ease, silenced the batteries at Case 
 des Navires, and thus enabled the troops to land. Works were 
 at once thrown up for the protection of the men, and recon- 
 naissances undertaken in the directions of Fort Royal and Saint 
 Pierre. 
 
 The reduction of Fort Royal was first determined on, but it 
 was found that the Morne Tartangon, and Mount Garnier, two 
 eminences which commanded the citadel, and which in the 
 previous expedition had been seized without loss, had since 
 1759 been strongly fortified. The approaches to these hills 
 were rugged and precipitous, and little suited for the movements 
 of the ships’ guns, the only artillery with which the force was 
 provided. Nevertheless, General Monkton felt that until these 
 outworks were in our hands it was idle to attempt the capture 
 of the town. A week was spent in constructing roads to points 
 within range of Morne Tartancon, and on the 24th the position 
 was gallantly carried by a division under the command of 
 
Martinigue. 139 
 
 General Grant. The following day, batteries were erected on the 
 captured ground, and preparations commenced for the bombard- 
 ment of the citadel. But the fire from Fort Garnier interfered 
 with the progress of these works ; and although General Monkton 
 had hoped that he could have dispensed with the costly enter- 
 prise of an assault on Fort Garnier, the conduct of the French 
 left him no alternative. On the 27th, the French garrison 
 sallied out of the fort and drove in the working parties on the 
 Tartancon. The trench guards, however, rallied and held them in 
 check until General Haviland, at once getting the nearest troops 
 under arms (these happened to be Lord Murray’s, and another 
 battalion of Highlanders), converted a defensive into an offen- 
 sive action, and pressing back the French, step by step, followed 
 them into Fort Garnier, which, with its vast stores and 
 munitions of war, ere nightfall had passed into our possession. 
 All the heights commanding the town were now held by the 
 English, and the troops at once commenced to construct fresh 
 batteries within closer range of the citadel. This assertion 
 of our strength had the desired effect, and, on the 4th of 
 February, 1762, Fort Royal surrendered to the British. 
 
 Leaving a strong garrison there, General Monkton prepared 
 to transfer the scene of operations to Saint Pierre, the capital of 
 Martinique ; but the civil population, conscious of the terrible 
 ravages which a prolongation of the campaign would necessarily 
 entail on the island, and mindful of the prosperity their sister 
 island, Guadaloupe, was now enjoying under the mild rule of 
 the British, insisted on the Governor abstaining from all further 
 opposition to the British. Before Monkton’s force had reached 
 St. Pierre overtures were made by the French Commander, 
 and on the 10th of February, 1762, the whole island was formally 
 surrendered to the British; our losses ii the total operations 
 haying amounted to 96 killed, and 389 wounded. . Rodney’s fleet 
 _ now proceeded to Grenada and St. Lucia, which were given up 
 without resistance. 
 
 On the 3rd of November, 1762, the Seven Years’ War was 
 brought to a close, and, by the Treaty of Hubertsberg, Mar- 
 tinique, after barely twelve months’ occupation by the British, was 
 ‘retroceded to its original owners. 
 
140 Colonial France. 
 
 During the War of Independence, Martinique was made the 
 head-quarters of the French operations against our West India 
 possessions. Struggling with our own rebellious child, waging 
 a war which necessitated the mightiest exertions on our part, in 
 order to hold our own on the continent of America, England 
 was unable to do more than afford scant assistance to the 
 islands in the Western Atlantic, and realized the folly which had 
 prompted the cession of Martinique in 1763. | 
 
 Fifteen years after it had passed back into French hands, the 
 Marquis de Bouillé led from its harbour an expedition of 20,000 
 men, destined for the conquest of St. Domingo, St. Vincent, and 
 Grenada. The gallantry of Meadows and the 5th Fusiliers 
 saved the former island, and de Bouillé was forced to draw off, 
 leaving 500 unwoundedand1,100 wounded prisoners in the hands 
 of the British. Unfortunately, St. Lucia and Grenada were under 
 the command of men not endowed with the heroism of General 
 Meadows; in the former island seven companies of the 60th 
 surrendered without firing a shot, and in the latter Lord Macart- 
 ney, with a garrison of but 150 men of the 48th Foot and 500 
 Militia, found himself opposed to twenty-five line of battle 
 ships, ten frigates, and a force of 12,000 regular troops. Having 
 sustained a bombardment at the hands of the fleet for three 
 days, he felt himself compelled, from motives of humanity, to 
 haul down the British flag, on the landing of 3,000 troops under 
 Count Dillon. This was not an isolated case of the danger 
 resulting from the restoration of the island to the French. In 
 1782, the Comte de Grasse, making Martinique his rendezvous, 
 issued with an enormous armament, hoping to overwhelm our 
 remaining West India possessions. The French fleet consisted 
 of one vessel of 110 guns, six of 80, twenty-three 74’s, four 
 64’s, anda couple of frigates, and embarked on board these were 
 15,000 sailors under the gallant Marquis de Bouillé. The expedi- 
 tion was originally intended for the reduction of the Barbadoes, 
 but the presence off that island of Sir Samuel Hood with eigh- 
 teen sail-of-the-line, and four frigates, induced de Grasse to 
 make sail for St. Kitts, and he succeeded in throwing de Bouillé 
 into that island with 8,000 men before Hood could interrupt the 
 operation. The British Admiral, however, though opposed to a 
 
Martinique. 141 
 
 yastly superior force, did his utmost to raise the siege de Bouillé 
 was prosecuting, and, with characteristic valour, offered battle to 
 de Grasse. A series of sanguinary engagements ensued, which 
 resulted in the French fleet being compelled to withdraw. Hood 
 now attempted to raise the siege, landing detachments of the 
 13th, 28th, and 69th regiments, which happened to be serving 
 on his ships in the character of marines, and an effort was made 
 by this small force to open up communication with the garrison. 
 The French were, however, too strong, and as it was impossible 
 to weaken the garrisons of our remaining islands any further 
 without leaving them an easy prey to de Grasse, Hood was 
 under the painful necessity of withdrawing from St. Kitts 
 without achieving its relief. On the 10th of February, 1782, the 
 little force, only numbering 600 men, surrendered, and de Bouillé, 
 his road now being clear, despatched a force under the Comte de 
 Barras to Nevis and Montserrat. These islands were in no 
 condition to resist the large bodies of troops poured into them, 
 and by the end of February the whole of our West Indian 
 possessions, except Jamaica, Barbadoes, and Antigua, had passed 
 into the hands of the French. 
 
 There is no doubt the humiliation of these defeats would 
 never have been incurred had the Government of Great Britain 
 stood firm at the close of the Seven Years’ War, and declined to 
 accede to the retrocession of Martinique to the French. It was 
 the harbour of this island that de Bouillé and de Grasse used 
 as a base of operations against our possessions, and it was in 
 the harbours of this island that the corsairs which preyed upon 
 our commerce found their surest shelter. 
 
 During the whole War of Independence we have numerous 
 instances of the refuge afforded to the French fleets by the 
 harbours of Martinique, and of the difficulty Rodney and others 
 had in enticing them out from sucha secure resting-place. 
 The magnitude of our operations in North America and else- 
 where quite precluded the possibility of any troops being avail- 
 able for the reduction of the French West India islands, and 
 without troops it was useless to attempt operations against 
 them. Our Admirals, therefore, contented themselves with 
 keeping a close watch on the harbours with their frigates, 
 
142 Colonial France. 
 
 capturing such merchantmen and cruisers as endeavoured to 
 escape to Kuropean waters, and bringing on, whenever practi- 
 ble, general engagements with the French fleets. 
 
 From the Peace of Versailles of 1783 to the outbreak of the 
 Revolution, Martinique enjoyed peace and prosperity ; but the 
 injudicious proclamations of the Convention, enjoining universal 
 brotherhood, led to vigorous strivings for freedom on the part 
 of the slaves, and to stern reprisals on the part of the owners. 
 Plantations burnt, towns sacked, districts depopulated, women 
 outraged, such were the initial results of the ‘‘ declaration of 
 freedom,” and in a few months Martinique had descended at a 
 bound from the zenith of prosperity to the depths of anarchy. 
 It was once more the turn of England to step in and wrest 
 from France the island which had so easily fallen into our 
 hands in 1762, and which had been the cause of so much 
 annoyance to us during the last war. In 1794 England, find- 
 ing that France, owing to the necessity of massing her forces 
 on the Rhine to keep her frontier inviolate, was unable to spare 
 any troops to strengthen the garrison of her distant possessions, 
 determined to regain possession, not only of the colonial pos- 
 sessions which had been wrested from her during the late war, 
 and which had been, by the Peace of Versailles, confirmed to 
 the French, but also to seize the whole of the West India 
 islands now belonging to the Republic. 
 
 Accordingly in March, 1794, an expedition, under the joint 
 command of Admiral Sir John Jervis and General Sir Charles 
 Grey, proceeded to Martinique. The fleet, standing in to Fort 
 Royal harbour, opened a heavy fire on the works defending it, 
 and, under cover of this bombardment, four battalions under 
 Colonel Symes were landed to take the forts in flank. Jealous 
 of his own profession, and fearful that the honour of the assault 
 would fall to the soldiers, Captain Faulkner, of the Zebra sloop, 
 stood close in shore, and, landing at the head of his Blue-jackets 
 and Marines, succeeded in carrying one of the principal batteries 
 without help ; turning the guns on the neighbouring forts, he 
 was enabled, by a heavy flanking fire, to materially aid the 
 further operations, and by nightfall on the 20th of March, the 
 town was in our possession. The Governor, M. de Rocham- 
 
Martinique. 143 
 
 beau, at once sent in a parlementaire to open up negotiations 
 for a capitulation, and on the 1st of April, all details having 
 been arranged, the British flag was hoisted over the whole 
 island, and the garrison sent as prisoners of war to Jamaica, 
 Sir Charles Grey proceeding onwards to capture St. Lucia and 
 Guadaloupe. Profiting by the lesson taught us by the French 
 in the previous war, our Government now made Martinique 
 the head-quarters of a considerable military force, strong 
 enough, should circumstances arise, to afford help to the neigh- 
 bouring isles. Lord Dalhousie was appointed Governor, and 
 he at once busied himself in strengthening the existing, and 
 constructing new works. The wisdom of these measures was 
 soon apparent. Early in the following year the Republican 
 Commissary, Victor Hugues, commenced his gallant and well- 
 conceived efforts to reconquer the French West India islands. 
 St. Eustatia was captured by Hugues. without difficulty, but 
 owing to the timely reinforcements sent from Martinique, St. 
 Lucia, Grenada, and St. Vincent were, after a desperate struggle, 
 freed from the Republican troops. Not satisfied with this ill- 
 success, Victor Hugues, in June 1794, landed a force on Martin- 
 ique itself; a sharp strugele took place, in which Lord Dalhousie 
 himself was badly wounded: it resulted, however, in the com- 
 plete defeat of the French, Hugues being compelled to re- 
 embark. When one considers the smallness of the force at 
 Victor Hugues’ disposal—not more than 500 men at the most 
 —and that Dalhousie had the 46th, 48th, 54th, 59th, and 60th 
 regiments under his command, it is impossible to withhold a 
 tribute of admiration for the heroic leader who waged such a 
 gallant struggle against such fearful odds. 
 
 No further efforts were made by the French to gain posses- 
 sion of the island, and our flag flew peacefully over it until, by 
 the terms of the Peace of Amiens, we once more, with ill-con- 
 ceived generosity, handed over Martinique to Bonaparte’s envoys. 
 Once more it became necessary, in defence of our own commerce, 
 to take measures for its re-capture. Its harbours were the 
 home of hordes of daring corsairs, and the port of shelter for 
 France’s finest fleets. 
 
 The renewal of the war in 1804, after the short truce afforded 
 
144 Colonial France. 
 
 by the Peace of Amiens, once more brought home to our naval 
 Commanders in the West Indies the value of Martinique as a 
 point @apput for a colonial war. The harbour of Fort Royal, 
 strengthened as it now was, frowned defiance to any force we 
 could in the early days of the war send against it, and our 
 Admirals were powerless to do much more than institute as 
 effectual a blockade as might be of the island. This duty was 
 entrusted to Sir Samuel Hood, and he, noticing the frequency 
 with which vessels escaped his cruisers, by keeping inside an 
 uninhabited and generally considered inaccessible rock, deter- 
 mined to convert this into a fixed British station. The 
 Diamond Rock lies about a mile south-west of Fort Royal ; it is 
 an isolated, precipitous island, about a mile in circumference, 
 and 600 feet in height; in fine weather only is a landing ever 
 practicable ; the sides of the cliffs are so scarped, and the rocks 
 so destitute of vegetation, that no attempts had ever been made 
 to occupy it. Hood, however, was not to be daunted; he saw 
 the value of the island, andin January, 1804, by dint of almost 
 superhuman exertions, and taking advantage of a spell of fine 
 weather, he contrived to land five of the heaviest guns carried 
 by his flag-ship, and his Blue-jackets, rigging up tackles, hoisted 
 two 18-pounders to the very summit of the cliffs. A lower 
 battery, about 100 feet above sea-level, being manned with long 
 24-pounders ; a depot of provisions was formed, tanks cut in the 
 solid rock for a supply of fresh water, and a garrison of 120 
 men, under Lieutenant Maurice of the Centaur, was landed, 
 so that by the end of January, 1804, the Diamond Rock had 
 been converted into a very formidable redoubt. Being out of 
 range of the island, and the upper batteries being at such an 
 elevation that the fire of ship’s guns could not reach them, the 
 crew (for the Diamond Rock was rated as a sloop-of-war), were 
 comparatively free from danger, whilst they very materially aided 
 Hood in his blockade of the island, and contributed very effec- 
 tively in the capture of a large number of craft. The sight of 
 the British flag flying at their very gates was gall and worm- 
 wood to the French, and Bonaparte himself sent peremptory 
 orders to the Governor of Martinique to capture the Rock 
 at all hazards. Many attempts were made by the garrison, 
 
en. a2 - 
 oe ee 
 
 Martinique. 145 
 
 but all were unavailing, until in May, 1805, Villeneuve, with the 
 main body of the French fleet, consisting of twenty sail-of-the- 
 line and four frigates, ran into Martinique in order to effect a 
 junction with Gautheaume’s fleet from Brest when, conjointly, 
 these two Admirals were to proceed to the English Channel and 
 cover Napoleon’s invasion of Great Britain. In passing the 
 Diamond Rock, Villeneuve had been subjected to a very heavy 
 fire, and had sustained considerable damage from the five guns 
 under Maurice’s command. He was powerless to reply at the 
 moment, as his vessels were in urgent need of refit; neverthe- 
 less, he determined, during his enforced stay at Martinique, to 
 capture the Rock. Accordingly, on the 29th of May, two line-of- 
 battle ships, a frigate, eleven gunboats, and 1,500 troops of the 
 ‘line, under Commodore de Cosmao, sailed out of Fort Royal 
 harbour, and anchored within range of the Diamond. A heavy 
 fire was kept up with spirit until nightfall, when a strong land- 
 ing party of French soldiers succeeded in effecting a foothold 
 on the base of the rock; but, in spite of the appearance of two 
 battalions within a couple of hundred yards of his battery, 
 Maurice still held out, and it was not until the 31st of May, 
 when his last cartridge was expended and his last drop of water 
 drunk, that the gallant young lieutenant hove his guns into 
 the sea, and threw outa flag of truce. On the following morn- 
 ing the terms of capitulation were arranged, and Maurice, with 
 -a loss of two men killed and one wounded, had the satisfaction 
 of feeling that for three days he had held at bay a force incom- 
 parably superior to his own, had inflicted on the French a loss 
 far exceeding the total effective strength of his little garrison, 
 and had not surrendered until all means of defence were at an 
 end, and starvation stared his garrison in the face. 
 
 In January, 1809, another effort, and this one more suc- 
 cessful than the last, was made to place Martinique under 
 British supremacy. In January of that year an expedition, 
 consisting of twenty-eight ships of war, of which eight were 
 line-of-battle ships, under Admiral Sir Thomas Cochrane, with 
 transports couveying 10,000 troops, under Lieutenant-General 
 Beckwith, assembled in Carlisle Bay, Barbadoes, and on the 
 28th of that month the armament made sail for Martinique. 
 
 L 
 
146 Colonial France. 
 
 The French garrison of that island consisted only of three 
 battalions of regular troops, about 8,000 militia, and three 
 vessels of war; but the numerous fortifications were constructed 
 with care, they occupied commanding positions, and mounted 
 289 guns, so that our preponderance in men was perhaps 
 counterbalanced by their superiority in artillery. 
 
 The British forces, divided into two divisions under Generals 
 Prevost and Maitland, landed respectively at Bay Robert and 
 Saint Luce. Meeting with no opposition, the first division 
 moved at once to the Grande Lézard river, whilst the second, 
 marching on Lamentin, dispersed the militia, who there en- 
 deavoured to bar their progress, and on the 3rd February opened 
 the siege of Fort Dessaix and captured Pigeon Island. Maitland 
 then advanced to La Costi, and joining hands with Sir George 
 Prevost’s force, completed the investment of Fort Royal. On 
 the 9th General Maitland made a diversion with one brigade 
 towards St. Pierre, capturing that town, whilst Colonel 
 MeNair, of the 90th Regiment, seeing the disturbance created 
 in the town of Fort Royal by the movements in the British 
 camp, seized on the French hospitals in that place, making 
 over 400 prisoners. In the meantime the operations of the 
 fleet, aided by some troops under Colonel Pakenham, whose 
 name alone was a guarantee of the success of the undertaking, 
 carried the Isle de Ramiers. Admiral Villaret Joyeuse, the 
 Governor, now withdrew ali his troops to Fort Dessaix, and our 
 men at once invested the place completely. Ships’ guns were 
 landed and dragged by the enthusiastic sailors to the command- 
 ‘ing heights of Morne Tarancon. This labour was excessive, and, 
 despite the exertions of blue-jackets and redcoats, we were only 
 able on the 19th February to open the bombardment with four- 
 teen 18-pounders and twenty-eight mortars and howitzers. To 
 this fire the enemy replied with 120 cannon. Our bombardment, 
 however, was so effective, that the Governor on the 23rd sent in 
 a flag of truce treating for surrender. He proposed, however, 
 that the French troops should be permitted to proceed to France 
 without any restrictions as to future service ; but General Beck- 
 with, deeming these conditions unadvisable, reopened the bom- 
 bardment at ten the same night, and on the following morning 
 
Martinique. 147 
 
 the majority of the enemy’s guns having been dismounted, and 
 their powder magazine blown up, Admiral Villaret again sent 
 in a parlementaire. It was time. The defence of the forts 
 had absolutely ceased. The garrison, powerless against the 
 plunging fire directed at them from the surrounding heights, 
 had taken refuge in the casemates, and though their losses 
 were proportionately smaller, the siege had degenerated into a 
 one-sided affair, in which the only loss we were suffering from 
 was the expenditure of ammunition. The terms of capitulation 
 having been arranged, the French prisoners were transported 
 to England, and the British forces, with the exception of a 
 brigade which General Beckwith retained as a garrison for the 
 conquered island, returned to their respective garrisons. As a 
 compliment to the 90th Light Infantry, which had especially 
 distinguished itself during the operations, the Commander of 
 the Forces selected Captain Preedy of that distinguished regi- 
 ment to lay at the feet of his Sovereign the three eagles captured 
 in the island, and to bear home the dispatches to H.R.H. the 
 Commander-in-Chief. Our total casualties throughout the opera- 
 tions did not amount to 200 killed and wounded ; but the result 
 was considered so satisfactory, that the thanks of Parliament 
 was voted to the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers 
 serving under General Beckwith. The regiments engaged 
 were authorized to bear the word ‘ Martinique’’ on their 
 colours, and clasps for the expedition were affixed to the war 
 medal. 
 
 The inhabitants of Martinique evinced no disaffection at 
 their change of rule, and at the close of the hot season the 
 Governor felt himself able to dispense with the service of a 
 large portion of the troops. A very strong garrison had been 
 retained by Beckwith to overawe any threatened disaffection ; 
 but when all fear of a rising was past, the majority of the troops 
 were set free for service elsewhere, and one regiment only 
 kept to garrison the forts. The most perfect quiet reigned in 
 the island whilst it remained in the hands of the British, and 
 its prosperity materially increased. By the Treaty of Paris of 
 1814 it was retroceded to the French, in whose hands it has 
 remained ever since. 
 
 i 2 
 
148 Colonial France. 
 
 Population.—At the census of 1881 the population of Mar- 
 tinique amounted to 167,181 souls, the principal points ee 
 of note in this list being— 
 
 Government Employés and their Families . 2,040 
 
 Military Officials and their Families . : . 1,472 
 3.5129 
 era 
 
 Coolies—Chinese Sas : , : ~ 495 
 
 a Negroes , : : . - . 6,412 
 Ps East Indians : : : : , 13,189 
 20,096 
 Ramee aed 
 
 In Martinique women are more numerous than men, the 
 numbers being 87,849 of the former to 79,332 of the latter ; 
 the numbers under fourteen being 18,848 boys and 20, 249 
 girls. 
 
 To some the following table may be of interest— 
 
 1879. 1880. 1881. 1882. 
 Marriages : : 550 573 471 459 
 Births . ; ; 5,407 5,591 5,447 5,567 
 Deaths . : ; 4,453 4,598 4,810 5,248 
 
 as showing, first, the steadily increasing death-rate; and, 
 secondly, the small esteem in which the marriage state is held 
 by the inhabitants of the island. 
 
 Government and Administration.—The administration of 
 the island is confided to a Governor, who has under his orders 
 a number of executive officials directing the various depart- 
 ments; that of education being under the charge of a Vice- 
 Principal of the Home Establishment; that of finance being 
 entrusted to an Accountant-General for one branch, to a Chief 
 of the Treasury for another. An Inspector-General presides 
 over the hospitals, a General of Brigade commands the troops, 
 whilst various civil officials supervise other offices. 
 
 On administrative matters of importance the Governor is 
 
Martinique. 149 
 
 assisted by a Supreme Council, which has the power of vetoing 
 his actions or of endorsing them: it consists of the Attorney- 
 General of the Island, the senior Civil Administrative officer, 
 and two of the chief inhabitants, one named by the President 
 of the Republic, one by the Governor. Should any debate arise 
 between the Governor and the Supreme Council, it is either 
 referred for the decision of the Minister of Marine, or, at the 
 option of either disputant, a ‘* Conseil Contentieux”’ is formed ; 
 this consists of the Supreme Council, strengthened by the two 
 senior magistrates on the island. 
 
 All other colonial questions are relegated to the ‘‘ Conseil 
 Général,” which has the same functions as the Conseils Généraux 
 of the French departments: this comprises thirty-six mem- 
 bers, elected by the inhabitants, the members selecting from 
 amongst their own number a President, Vice-President and a 
 Secretary. 
 
 Martinique is represented in France by a Senator and two 
 Deputies, and a ‘‘ Commission Coloniale,’’ composed of seven 
 members, has been established, endowed with the same func- 
 tions as the ‘‘ Commissions Departmentales ”’ in France. 
 
 The question of control over the immigrants has recently, 
 ‘owing to the representations of the British Government, received 
 much attention. <A functionary styled ‘‘ Commissaire d’Immi- 
 eration ’’ is responsible for their welfare, and he has under his 
 orders a powerful and efficient staff. Immigration services 
 ficure in the Budget for no less a sum than £7,476, a con- 
 siderable item in the local expenditure. 
 
 The island is divided into twenty-five Communes; these are 
 governed on the same principle by which the Local Government 
 of the mother country is carried on. Each one is provided with 
 a Mayor, who is assisted by two or more Adjoints and Munici- 
 pal Councillors, varying in number according to the strength 
 of the Commune ; they are periodically elected. To these bodies 
 are relegated all local questions which do not require the inter- 
 ference of the Conseil Général. Considerable sums of money 
 are annually received by these Municipal Councils in the shape 
 of local rates and taxes, and the sums thus acquired are mainly 
 expended in local improvements or in the support of charitable 
 
150 Colonial France. 
 
 institutions. These twenty-five Communes are grouped in 
 eight Cantons, each of which furnishes one or more members to 
 the Conseil Général of the island, so that in colonial, as well 
 as in merely local questions, every village has a direct and 
 distinct voice. 
 
 The following table shows the list of these Communes, with 
 their receipts and expenditure, and the number of members 
 they furnish to the Conseil Général of Martinique :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Members re- 
 — Receipts. Expenditure. | turned to the 
 Conseil Général. 
 Francs. Francs. 
 Mort de-Hrance., 2. fu ae 501,813 496,823 4 
 Lamentin’® YO Ss eee ae 107,474 | 107,474 3 
 Saint Heprit, -..9. |.) seu ase ee 45,413 44,277 5 
 Dutos- 2. es Ss eee 34,872 33,932 — 
 Hranceis str esa, eee ae ee ee 76,552 76,137 — 
 Rivitre.Saléo- ... 5 yc eee 30,907 30,907 -- 
 Anse'd‘Ariets -. 2. vane 19,787 18,878 —_ 
 Diamant: "4 ett des. eee 19,919 17,397 2 
 Trois [slets,). a: ea ee 20,5838 20,211 — 
 Sainte-Lace ..- i) sve = 4 ee 22,880 22,880 
 Marint;. \an > 1 a ee 37,577 36,954 
 Yanelin «~~ Ny. ee gr ee 35,120 35,120 
 Sainte ‘Anne <e:,. tas; Gere ee 21,173 21,173 — 
 Riviote Pilote: i= ase he ee 51,744 50,770 — 
 NAlbt PICIre 2... one wee eee 439,230 439,230 8 
 Carbet <i, = am, > tls Soe ees - 40,811 40,095 a 
 Précheur 9 2 eee 25,155 25,155 — 
 Case Pil0te i= Fe a4." 5 wees 39,212 37,677 ee 
 ‘Basse Pointe: * 22, 2c. AV Pa ae 44,170 41,216 4 
 Macon ba 9 \e oe, of cee 19,865 19,341 ae 
 Taurain’.< 2a oes hae eee 58,774 58,774 — | 
 winite- if .. dete honk ce See 60,780 - 60,580 6 
 painte: varie .ac.v > ue te ae 538,974 53,974 — 
 itrOs "MOINES * a7 ge oe ee 49,160 39,508 — 
 URODOLE “52 sigh av, Phy Bh als hincwer eee 55,723 55,423 — 
 2,412,688 1,883,906 36 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 eee Eee 
 
 Thus the total amount raised by Local Municipalities is no less 
 a sum than £96,507 10s.10d. This sum, added to the various 
 items figuring in the Local Budget, shows what heavy charges 
 are laid on the backs of the people of the island. 
 
 Justice.—The judicial system of the island dates back to 
 the year 1664, when Louis XIV., by Royal Letters Patent, 
 
Meartinigue. 151 
 
 dated 11th October, created a ‘‘ Conseil Souverain,”’ “‘ in order 
 to judge and determine definitely and as a final Court of 
 Appeal, all processes and cases that may come up for decision.” 
 This council was composed of the Captain-General, the Intend- 
 ant-General, the Lieutenant-Governor, and six of the principal 
 inhabitants, three being named by the King, and three by the 
 Captain-General. It had competence to decide all criminal as 
 well as civil cases, in the more serious processes it was 
 strengthened by the addition of the Procureur-Général of the 
 Island, and of a magistrate named by him. 
 
 In 1768 this court was modified by a royal decree, and 
 henceforth it was to be composed of the Captain-General or 
 Governor-General, the Intendant, the officer commanding and 
 the second in command of the troops, the officer command- 
 ing the naval ships on the stations, and fourteen councillors 
 elected by the colonists. Thus constituted, the court dis- 
 posed of administrative and political questions. When civil 
 or criminal cases were brought before it, the Procureur- 
 Général and four avocats were added to the court. The duties 
 of the ‘‘ Conseil Souverain ’’ were so wide and extended that 
 in 1778 three local courts were established at Saint Pierre, 
 Fort Royal, and Sainte Luce, in order to relieve the higher 
 functionaries of duties little compatible with their rank. 
 
 Matters remained on this footing until September, 1828, 
 when the ‘‘ Conseil Souverain’’ now become the ‘“‘ Conseil 
 Général,” was relieved of all judicial functions, and it was 
 determined that justice should be administered by courts 
 similar to those in France, viz., by Courts of Appeal, Courts 
 of Assize, Tribunals of the First Instance, and Courts of Juge 
 de Paix. This system has remained in vogue up to the 
 present day with but few alterations; the existing courts in 
 Martinique being— 
 
 a. The Court of Appeal; it is composed of the Procureur- 
 Général (an equivalent to the Crown Prosecutor of 
 Scotland). He is assisted by a Premiére and Deux- 
 iéme Substitut, by a President, seven Assistant 
 Judges (conseillers), one Examining Magistrate 
 (conseiller-auditeur) and a Registrar (grettier). 
 
i Colonial France. 
 
 In the year 1882 the Court of Appeal of Martinique was 
 called upon to decide 121 cases, 96 of these being 
 criminal. 
 
 b. The Courts of Assize, before which serious criminal 
 cases are brought. These courts are composed of 
 the Procureur-Général, three Assistant Judges, and 
 four Assessors. 
 
 c. Tribunal of Fort de France, consists of a President, 
 an Examining Magistrate, two Assistant Judges, 
 a Public Prosecutor; a substitute in his absence 
 is selected from amongst the avocats, and a Regis- 
 trar. In 1882, this court adjudicated 991 cases, of 
 
 | which 686 were criminal. 
 
 d. Tribunal of St. Pierre, is composed similarly to that 
 of Fort de France, but its labours were rather more 
 extended, there being 1,114 plaints before it; of 
 these 689 were criminal. a . 
 
 e. Courts of Juges de Paix exist at Fort de France, 
 Lamentin, St. Esprit, Diamant, Marin, Mouillage 
 de St. Pierre, Fort St. Pierre, Basse Pointe, and 
 Trinité. The salaries of these officials vary from 
 £160 to £240 a vear. During the year 1882 these 
 nine courts decided 6,978 cases, of which 5,945 
 were simple police regulations. 
 
 The various courts in the colony are governed by the 
 French Code: during the existence of slavery, some modifica- 
 tion in the Code Napoleon was requisite. Since the emancipa- 
 tion, however, the inhabitants have been invested with civil 
 freedom, and endowed with civil equality; all being French 
 subjects, are equally amenable to French laws. 
 
 Education.—This department is under the charge of a 
 senior official of the Home Establishment, and his functions 
 have been precisely laid down in a recent decree, by which the 
 laicization of the schools for primary instruction (which have 
 hitherto been under the charge of the Fréres de Ploérmel, and 
 of the Sisters of Saint Joseph de Cluny) has been ordained. 
 Since the promulgation of this decree, sixty lay instructors 
 
Martinique. 153 
 
 have been despatched to the colony ; but in order to spare the 
 Local Budget the heavy expenditure which would be forced 
 upon it were all the professors recruited from France, normal 
 training-schools for boys and girls have been instituted in the 
 colony, and it is hoped that these may become the nurseries of 
 the future professors of the Communal schools of Martinique. 
 In 1882 (up to which date the most recent reports have been 
 published) the religious schools had not been entirely sup- 
 pressed, and their instruction was carried on in two methods ; 
 by these 9,866 children were regularly taught, viz. :— 
 
 o Lay Schools for Boys - . i : . 98,410 
 
 Pe CRIP sires . " 122 
 
 ‘i Beneels of the Freres de Ploérmel (Bors) 1,671 
 i for Girls, conducted by the 
 
 Sisters of St. Joseph de Cluny . . 4,683 
 
 Up to the year 1880 the secondary education of youths was 
 carried on in seminaries presided over by priests, and these 
 schools were endowed with a number of scholarships ; but by a 
 decree of the Colonial Government a Lycée was established 
 in the island. The personnel of the educational establish- 
 ments is drawn from the Department of Public Instruction 
 in France, and, on completing a tour of foreign service, these 
 gentlemen are readmitted to the home roster in a higher 
 erade. 
 
 Higher education only exists for those students who are 
 about to follow the profession of law. In January, 1883, a 
 preparatory school for this subject was established in Mar- 
 tinique; on condition of their submitting to a special ex- 
 amination in France at the end of their studies, temporary 
 diplomas are issued to young men on leaving the estab- 
 lishment. In January, 1884, there were over one hundred 
 pupils following this course. 
 
 A school of technical art, under the superintendence of 
 the officer commanding the Engineers has recently been 
 established in a vacant artillery barrack. 
 
 Clergy.—In the year 1850 Martinique was elevated into a 
 bishopric, St. Pierre being selected as the site of the See. 
 
154 Coloneal France. 
 
 The bishop has a right to sit as a member of the Governor’s 
 Supreme Council, when any matters relative to the diocese 
 come up for discussion; two Vicars-General and seventy-four 
 priests are attached to the diocese, which is under the jurisdic- 
 tion of the Archbishop of Bordeaux, its personnel being fur- 
 nished by the Seminary of the Saint Esprit, in Paris, which 
 institution also provided (prior to the laicization of the schools) 
 the professors for the various seminaries in the island, annu- 
 ally transmitting for their support the sum of £2,750. The 
 pay of the professors at the Martinique branch, to English 
 
 eyes, appears marvellously inadequate, the Superior drawing 
 
 £80, and six assistants £60 per annum, whilst the sum of £33 
 is allowed for the support of seventy pupils. Irrespective of the 
 sum allocated to the diocese by the Société of the Fréres of the 
 Saint Esprit, the State allots £7,240 annually towards the 
 payment of the clergy; but efforts are being made to sever 
 Church and State throughout France, and it is anticipated 
 very shortly that priests will be called on to continue their call- 
 ing as did the ancient Apostles—that is, they shall have no 
 money in their purse, neither scrip—and that the sums now 
 allotted to the Church will be transferred to the Educational 
 Services. 
 
 Public Works.—The Government of Martinique has annually 
 for many years spent over £24,000 upon the construction of 
 
 fresh public works or of roads, of which, in the year 1883, over . 
 
 300 miles were open; but the majority were unmetalled. 
 
 At the present moment (1885) the following public works are 
 in progress :— 
 
 1. A Lycée at Port St. Pierre. 
 
 2. A school of technical art at Fort de France. 
 
 8. Construction ofa floating basin at Fort de France. 
 
 4. The cleansing of the channel of Fort St. Louis. 
 
 5. The deepening of the water off the East Quay at Fort de 
 France. 
 
 6. The cleansing of the harbour, which is being silted up by 
 the discharges from the Bouillé stream. 
 
 7. The construction of a breakwater from Fort St. Louis. 
 
 The staff of the department consists of an Engineer in Chief 
 
Martinique. 155 
 
 and of twenty assistants, their salaries figuring in the Local 
 Budget at £3,840. 
 
 Grievous complaints are heard of the smallness of the results 
 achieved by the Public Works Department of Martinique. In 
 reading the admirable brochure of Admiral Aube,* one is almost 
 inclined to think he is alluding to the East Indian possessions 
 of the British Government, not to the French Antilles :—‘‘ In 
 estimating the sums spent on public works at twenty million 
 francs, I am sure I am considerably under the mark. What 
 has become of all these millions?” Unmetalled roads, un- 
 finished buildings, fortifications which in their place combine 
 every possible defect, and are valueless for purposes of defence. 
 Tariffs which choke commerce and a spirit of bigoted opposition 
 to all improvements, which stifles the progress of true economy. 
 The advances of a private firm to connect the two principal 
 towns, Port St. Pierre and Fort de France, were rudely spurned, 
 and even at the present moment no direct macadamised road 
 runs between them. It is true that there is telegraphic com- 
 munication between them; but this is the only wire in the 
 island. 
 
 “« Hyven the graving dock which has been constructed at Fort 
 de France is left tenantless, owing to the exorbitant charges 
 demanded by the colonial authorities; and vessels prefer to 
 proceed to St. Thomas or to New York rather than to submit 
 to their demands. The total expenditure on the excellent and 
 necessary work amounted, up to December, 1883, to £243,000, 
 and the total receipts from vessels using it £11,870. 
 
 ‘‘ One instance will suffice to show that unless the colonial 
 authorities modify their rates even the present receipts will 
 diminish. Two vessels belonging to a French transatlantic 
 line met with similar mishaps; the one entered a graving dock 
 at New York, remained in it for fifty days, and then returned 
 to France after a complete refit, the total dock charges being 
 £3,753 8s. 4d., whereas the Germania, a sister vessel, after 
 twenty-five days’ sojourn in the graving dock at Martinique, at a 
 cost of £3,904, returned to St. Nazaire, having undergone only 
 
 * “Tia Martinique, son Présent et son Avenir,” par le Contre-Amiral 
 Aube. Paris: Berger-Levrault et Cie. 
 
156 Colonial France. 
 
 a temporary repair, as her captain found that the dock charges 
 for the period necessary for a Se overhaul would have 
 been over £20,000.” 
 
 Oultivation.—The wealth of Martinique is in its sugar plan- 
 tations, 61,648 acres of land being devoted to its culture; 
 coffee, cotton, cocoa, and tobacco are also grown, but in a far 
 less degree. It has been estimated that the value of the land 
 devoted to sugar is £1,460,000, of the sugar manufactories 
 £1,560,000, and of the animals and beasts of burden employed 
 on the plantations £340,000, giving a total capital sunk in this 
 industry of £3,360,000. 
 
 In the year 1882, the total produce of these ot ,000 acres 
 amounted to— 
 
 Sugar . ; . 113,332,000 lbs. value £973,680 
 Molasses 7 : 419,000 gallons __,, 15,240 
 
 Rum . ; | i; (00,U00 se ss x 112,196 
 
 or a total gross earning of £1,101,116. 
 
 From this sum must be deducted £584,208, cost of alte 
 tion and manufacture, which raises the net price of sugar to 
 A438 centimes the kilogramme, or about 2d.a pound. At this 
 price the surplus of £516,908 leaves a very handsome profit on 
 the capital sunk, if official statistics can be relied on. Until 
 recently the rudest appliances were in vogue throughout the 
 island in the sugar manufacture. Each planter was, as a rule, 
 his own manufacturer, and this entailed heavy expenditure on 
 machinery and outbuildings—an expenditure which brought to 
 the verge of ruin those not blessed with large capital. So 
 recently as 1880 many of these gentry would with pride point 
 out appliances which had been in use close on two- centuries. 
 Recently a number of central steam factories have been es- 
 tablished, to which the raw sugar is brought; labour is thus 
 economized, and a stimulus has been given to the trade, but 
 unfortunately the almost universal employment of beetroot in 
 France, together with the heavy protective duties of that 
 nation, are counterbalancing the energy of the colonists, and 
 the sugar trade, rich as it is, is languishing, owing to the one- 
 sided policy of the mother country, which, by fostering the 
 

 
 Martin 1gue. 
 
 U7 
 
 clique of sugar manufacturers in the country, and by the im- 
 position of extravagant bounties, throws a heavy weight on the 
 
 poor consumers, and heavily handicaps the colonial producer. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1779 
 1789 
 1832 
 1835 
 1875 
 1876 
 1877 
 1878 
 1879 
 1880 
 1881 
 1882 
 
 The produce of cocoa, coffee, cotton, spices, and tobacco is, 
 with the exception of the former, steadily diminishing. The 
 following table, necessarily incomplete in many particulars, 
 shows the present state of affairs, and may be of interest as in- 
 dicating the position of the colony :— 
 
 
 
 Cocoa, 
 
 5 
 
 #2] 33 
 
 of ES 
 
 a5.) oe 
 
 5 5 p, 
 
 < 
 2,950 — 
 
 — | 378,207 
 1,130 | 361,660 
 1,508 | 616,000 
 1,740 | 770,000 
 1,735 | 600,600 
 
 1,747 |1,127, 060 
 
 1,109,900 
 
 1,713 |1,355,200 
 
 1,76 
 
 5| 506,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Coffee. Cotton. 
 os Be 
 BS | ae | 8] a8 
 of | 83 | ef | 82 
 54 m2 3 pi 2 
 — — 6,815 — 
 1,538 os — — 
 7,/05| — 428 —_ 
 — — — 88,000 
 = a i 94,600 
 — — — 5,720 
 — _— — 12,320 
 —— — — 10,560 
 1,712 — 528 9,592 
 725 _— 265 6,600 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Spices. 
 
 Hy 
 
 od 
 
 go aod 
 a3 39 
 of a3 
 SP. che 
 oe eee 
 o 5 mB 
 < 
 
 s 13,900 
 
 — |Since 1875 
 the culti- 
 
 practically 
 — ceased. 
 
 vation has 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tobacco. 
 o 
 cq : 
 do no 
 Bee iS 
 os 2 3 
 a6 cs 
 es jal gq 
 Bg 5 
 < 
 == 46,200 
 a 30, 800 
 ad 26,400 
 12 3,300 
 
 
 
 Of the total superficial area of the island (246,995 acres) — 
 
 61,643 acres are devoted to the cultivation of Sugar 
 
 1,765 
 723 
 265 
 
 12 
 30,368 
 37,000 
 50,000 
 64,769 
 
 ? 
 
 Forest land not brought into cultivation, 
 uncultivated, but well capable of tillage, 
 
 39 
 
 3) 
 
 39 
 
 Cocoa 
 Coffee 
 Cotton 
 Tobacco 
 Cereals 
 
 swampy ground unsuitable for cultivation. 
 
 Commerce. — The commerce of Martinique seems slowly 
 diminishing. In 1882 the number of vessels entering was 
 764, against 804 of the previous year, whilst the clearances 
 were 752, as against 776. 
 
 
 
158 
 
 Colonial France. 
 
 The value of Exports and Imports for the last four years show 
 
 the same results :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Exports. 
 | 
 F | Other 
 mee | Countries. Total 
 | £ | £ £ 
 | 1879 | 958,527 | 380,607 | 1,289,134 
 | 1880 | 932,408 350,270 | 1,282,678 
 | 1881 | 837,747 | 305,347 | 1,148.094 
 1882 | 801,643 | 288,918 | 1,090,551 
 
 
 
 Tmports. 
 F Other 
 anes Countries. Total. 
 | £ & £ 
 548,625 514,448 1,063,073 
 563,484 689, 496 1,252,970 
 512,501 532,527 1,045, 028 
 501,728 | 513,204 ee 
 
 The shipping movements for 1881 show how very completely 
 the carrying trade of Martinique has passed out of the hands 
 
 of the French; unfortunately, the 
 
 ‘“‘ Tableaux des Movements 
 
 de la Navigation commerciale entre la France et les Colonies 
 
 en 1881.” do not give the tonnage 
 
 of any but French vessels, 
 
 therefore an accurate return is impossible. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Entered. Cleared. 
 Vessels. Tonnage. Vessels. Tonnage. 
 For or to France . i i 45 23,685 117 36,148 
 For or to French Colonies . . | 89 18,999 77 14,995 
 For or to Foreign Countries .j| 640 Of these 153 582 Of these 133 
 were of an had an 
 aggregate | aggregate 
 tonnage of tonnage of 
 83,454 82,932 
 The principal Imports were :— 
 From France—Guano and Chemical Manures . £56,454 
 a e Salt Butter 21,009 
 - 3 Wines and Spirits 66,195 
 a 3 Leather Goods 62,057 
 *. Xs Cotton Goods . 28,436 
 » French Colonies—Dried Cod 15,590 
 » Foreign Countries—Salt Fish 47,716 
 = cs Cereals . 92,562 
 ba bs Coal 16,980 
 _ Molasses ‘ ; 56,664 
 +s 2 Wood for Building 31,032 
 
Martinique. 159 
 
 Finances.—The expenditure and receipts necessary for the 
 administration of Martinique are appropriated in two Budgets, 
 viz., that of the Local Government, and that of the Minister of 
 Marine and the Colonies. 
 
 The former comprises all the payments for the internal 
 administration, and is provided for by taxes levied by the 
 Conseil Général of the colony; the latter is provided for in the 
 Annual Budget, presented by the Minister of Marine to the 
 Chamber of Deputies. 
 
 The items are given below :— 
 
 Locat BupceEt. 
 
 Land Tax : , 7 5 . £13,440 
 Furniture and House Dae ; : a 
 Licences . 9,600 
 Registration ae aeietioe and Manenrene 600 
 Export Duties 2 : : : . 28,000 
 Import Duties : 20,400 
 
 Spirit Licences and feet of net 26,160 
 Stamps on Registration of Deeds and 
 Sales. : : ; ; . 933,480 
 
 Poll Tax. , ; ; . 28,670 
 —- 161,450 
 *Funds supplied by the State in the 
 Budget of Marine and the Colonies 159,870 
 
 
 
 £321,320 
 
 Taxation.— If we add the ‘‘ Contributions Directes,” amount- 
 ing to £53,510, to the local rates levied by the Communal 
 authorities, (£96,507), we arrive at the average taxation per head 
 actually paid by individuals, which reaches the heavy figure of 
 £1 4s. 1d. 
 
 Garrison and Defences.—The garrison of Martinique consists 
 of six companies of the Infantry of the Marine, a battery of the 
 Artillery of the Marine, a company of Marine Gendarmerie, and 
 one of disciplinary troops. 
 
 Their pay is not included in either the Local Budget or in 
 that of the Minister of Marine as an item chargeable to the 
 
 * Details of this sum are given in Appendix No. 1. 
 
160 Colontal France. 
 
 colony, the burden being borne by the mother country. The 
 colony possesses sufficient resources for the rationing of the 
 troops, all fresh provisions being purchased on the spot; but 
 a certain proportion of salt meat is allowed, owing to the high 
 price of fresh meat on the island, 
 
 There are two hospitals in the colony, one at St. Pierre, the 
 other at Fort de France. 
 
 In the brief history of the island I have shown how, in the 
 many wars that were waged between England and France to- 
 wards the end of the last, and at the commencement of this 
 century, the harbour of Fort de France (Fort Royale, as it was 
 termed in those days) afforded a secure point of refuge, from 
 which the fleets of Duquesne, d’Estaing, and de Grasse issued _ 
 forth to harry British commerce and ravage British possessions. 
 When brought to bay by our fleets, the French fought bravely 
 enough, but their admirals more generally were impressed with 
 the truth of the proverb, ‘‘ He who fights and runs away, may 
 live to fight another day”’ ; and if a fair wind for a friendly port 
 was blowing, the French squadron would bear up for that shelter 
 rather than run the risk of capture. Not once or twice in the 
 history of Martinique has it happened that French fleets have 
 found safety under the walls of Forts Louis or Dessaix, and under 
 the lee of the island of Ramiers, which still guards the entrance 
 to Fort de France. But works constructed in the eighteenth 
 century are little calculated to cope with the heavy-range guns 
 of the powerful ironclads of the present day, and though a 
 century ago British troops stood baffled by the works on Morne 
 Tarangon, and British admirals shrank from exposing their 
 frigates to the raking and plunging fire of the other works 
 which guarded the entrance to the harbour, now no difficulty 
 would be experienced in effecting a landing even under the very 
 walls of the forts, whilst in many other parts of the island a 
 descent would be absolutely unopposed. Rear-Admiral Aube, 
 a recent Governor of Martinique, and now Minister of Marine 
 in France, has drawn the attention of the French Government 
 to the defenceless condition of the island, and recently drew up a 
 plan by which, with a somewhat lavish expenditure of money, it 
 might be made impregnable. His suggestions have not been 
 
Martinigue. 161 
 
 acted on. Possibly, remembering the past, the Republic feel it 
 would be more economical to lose the island, and have it re- 
 stored on a General Peace, as has so frequently occurred, than 
 to expend some millions of francs in endeavouring to render it 
 safe against the attacks of a maritime foe. 
 
 M 
 
162 Colonial France. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 GUADALOUPE. 
 
 Early French Occupation—Hostilities with the Natives—Collapse of the 
 First Great Company—Captured by the. British in 1703—Ceded by 
 Peace of Utrecht—Recaptured in 1759, and Restored in 1763— 
 Unsuccessful Attempt to Capture the Island in 1794—Its Capture 
 in 1810—Restored by Treaty of Paris—Topography—Its Depend- 
 encies: Saintes, Marie Galante, Desirade, St. Martin, St. Bar- 
 tholomew — Population — Immigration — Police—Government and 
 Administration—Education—Clergy—Public Works—Cultivation— 
 Commerce—F inances—Garrison. 
 
 GUADALOUPE and the little group of islands (Marie Galante, 
 Desirade, and Saintes) which surround it, was discovered in the 
 early part of November, 1493, by Christopher Columbus. For 
 nearly a century and a half they remained unvisited by 
 Kuropeans, and it was not until Richelieu gave free rein to his 
 projects for the aggrandizement of France that attention was 
 turned to the Antilles. 
 
 In the year 1625, Monsieur d’Esnambue, a wealthy merchant 
 of Dieppe, gifted with a genius for exploration, had navigated 
 the Caribbean Sea, and obtained from the Cardinal authorization 
 to found a company for the colonization of the islands of St. 
 Christopher and Barbadoes. The prohibitive clauses regarding 
 trade and transport stifled the young company in its birth, and 
 d’Esnambue was forced to turn his attention to enterprises un- 
 fettered by royal decrees. Fortunately there were in the vicinity 
 of St. Christopher other worlds to conquer, and in 1635 he 
 fitted out an expedition, consisting of 150 bucaneers and 400 
 Norman labourers, destined for the double object of conquering, 
 occupying, and cultivating the island of Guadaloupe. A Monsieur 
 
Guadaloupe. ros 
 
 Olive, a colonel of the Royal Army, was in military command 
 of the detachment, whilst a M. Duplessis was entrusted with the 
 commercial arrangements. The early efforts of the undertaking 
 were not prosperous. The troops as well as the colonists, young 
 men fresh from the pure air and wholesome food of the North 
 of France, were but little accustomed to the confined space of the 
 ‘tween decks of the small vessels of the seventeenth century, 
 or to the indifferent food and water procurable in tropical 
 voyages. Disease was rife ere the voyage was ended, and 
 scurvy continued to claim its victims even after the force had 
 disembarked, and in addition to sickness want of proper 
 nourishment told heavily on the emigrants. Within six months 
 of landing Duplessis died, and before the close of the year over 
 two hundred Frenchmen had found a last resting-place in the 
 West Indian island.. Sickness and famine were not the only 
 enemies M. Olive had to contend with. From the commence- 
 ment the natives showed themselves decidedly hostile, and, 
 owing to climate and the difficult nature of the country, opera- 
 tions against them could only be conducted on a very limited 
 scale. Whenever the French troops met the aborigines in 
 the open, success was assured, but their losses were very heavy 
 owing to the constant ambuscades into which they were 
 frequently led by the treachery or incapacity of their guides. 
 D’Esnambuewas compelled to transmitvery heavy reinforcements 
 to enable Olive to make headway against the ever-increasing 
 hostility of the aborigines, and to maintain the garrison at a far — 
 higher figure than the commercial future of the enterprise 
 warranted. The arrival of fresh troops enabled Olive to wage 
 a war of pitiless extermination against the Caribbeans, and, after 
 four years of continuous hostilities, the greater part of the 
 inhabitants were driven to take refuge in the neighbouring 
 island of St. Domingo, or in the rocky regions near Grand 
 Terre. 
 
 The expenses of the colony—if colony it might be called— 
 had been enormous, and d’Esnambuc soon found that the 
 pleasure of waging a lengthened war was one incompatible with 
 the private fortune of an adventurer. In fact the ‘‘ Compagnie 
 des tiles de Saint Christophe, de la Barbade, et autres a l’entrée 
 
 M 2 
 
164 Colonial France. 
 
 du Pérou”’ was in a hopeless state of bankruptcy. Efforts were 
 made to carry it to a successful issue, but without avail, and 
 the original proprietors, in September 1649, gladly made over 
 their rights in Guadaloupe, Marie Galante, Desirade and Saintes 
 to the Marquis de Boisseret, who was aided in the undertaking 
 by his brother-in-law, M. Houel. 
 
 During the early years of M. de Boisseret’s occupation, peace 
 and quiet reigned on the island ; the natives were weary of the 
 war, and the planters were anxious to amass a competence and 
 then to return to la belle France. But their over-anxiety to 
 make riches quickly often led them to commit deeds of injustice 
 and of violence. The reckless conduct of some of the lower 
 class of emigrants, such as deserters from emigrant ships, 
 liberated forcats, and others of the same class, led to serious 
 disturbances, and in 1655 the war of races recommenced with 
 redoubled fury. or five years the unequal contest raged, until 
 at last, in March 1660, a treaty was concluded between the French 
 leader and the native chief. French writers of eminence 
 affirm that upwards of 50,000 unfortunate Caribbeans perished 
 in the struggle, at the end of which there were but 6,000 of the 
 original inhabitants left on the island. 
 
 Whilst the struggle lasted, the white population steadily in- 
 creased. War—and such a war—proved an irresistible attraction 
 to the wilder spirits who thronged the neighbouring islands. 
 The scum of the world made it their home, and, though the 
 life was wild and exciting, the prospects of the more peaceably 
 . disposed of the colonists became gloomier than ever. Ruin 
 stared them in the face. Under a firm hand, under a stable 
 Government, under a wise administration, the future prosperity 
 of the island was assured; but under the lawless domination of 
 bucaneering chiefs any hope of financial success was out of the 
 question. Colbert, the far-seeing Minister of Louis XIV., saw 
 this, and in the year 1664 Guadaloupe became a Royal Posses- 
 sion, and was incorporated with the Great Company of the West 
 Indies which was launched at this date, with a flourish of 
 trumpets that reached from one end of France to the other. 
 The triumph was of short duration. ‘‘ The Company was as 
 rapacious in its demands as it was warlike in its actions; the 
 
 
 
Guadaloupe. 165 
 
 selfishness and cupidity of its members, who worked only for their 
 own profit and not for the general good of the Company, was the 
 cause of the stagnation of its commerce, and finally of its ruin.” 
 So wrote an eminent French writer in describing the early years 
 of Guadaloupe. In ten short years, bankruptcy, the usual fate . 
 of the early French colonies, overtook it, and the King, who toa 
 certain extent had guaranteed the funds of the original founders, 
 paid its liabilities and pronounced its dissolution. 
 
 Though all connection between the State and the trading 
 company was severed, Guadaloupe and its dependencies were 
 still considered a Crown colony. A small French garrison was 
 left on the island, and the Dutch settlers, to whose perseverance 
 the wealth of the island is due, were placed under French laws. 
 Some twenty years before, two vessels conveying Dutch refugees 
 from Brazil had arrived at Guadaloupe, and the Marquis de 
 Boisseret, seeing in them material for successful colonists, gladly 
 sold to them considerable tracts of land. In 1653 these gentle- 
 men returned with over a thousand half-castes and slaves, and 
 to their energy and initiation we may date the sugar industry of 
 the island. Though the State-assisted Company, owing to the 
 short-sighted policy of its members, speedily arrived at bank- 
 ruptey, the Dutch planters were rapidly amassing fortunes, and 
 the dues levied on their exports and imports sufficed to pay for 
 the administration of the island after the collapse of the West 
 India Company. 
 
 From 1674, the date of the dissolution of the French West 
 India Company, to 1689, the date of the outbreak of war 
 between France and England, the colony enjoyed a period of 
 great prosperity. Unhampered by the onerous demands of the 
 Royal Intendants, who acted for the benefit of their master, not 
 for the welfare of the island, it was impossible to evade the 
 payment of heavy taxes. Industry suffered, trade languished, and 
 Louis saw that the drain on the mother country, necessary for 
 the government of the country, was not compensated for by the 
 amount transmitted home by his agents, to whose palms the 
 major sums adhered. He saw also that,in the event of war 
 with any maritime Power, these colonies, constituted as they then 
 were, would be a source of danger to the State ; their wealth, 
 
166 Colonial France. 
 
 the property of the Crown, would fall into other hands, and their 
 recovery be a more difficult matter than if the islands. though 
 portions of the State, were divided amongst individual pro- 
 prietors. It was an act therefore of political prudence, as well 
 as one of prudent economy, which induced him in 1674 to hand 
 over the leased estates to their proprietors, and to retain merely 
 the government of the island in his own hands. 
 
 For fifteen years the island prospered under the persevering 
 energy of the Dutch, but in 1689, on the outbreak of the war 
 with England, its flourishing condition naturally attracted the 
 attention of our naval Commanders cruising inthose waters, and 
 for the succeeding forty years its progress was much hampered. 
 
 The Treaty of Ryswick, in 1697, gave it but a temporary respite 
 from the horrors of war, for in.1702 hostilities between England 
 and France again broke out, and British Admirals again looked 
 upon the wealthy plantations of the French West Indies, or the 
 rich galleons which bore their freight to Brest and Havre, as 
 fair and lawful prize. Many a spirited conflict between Ben- 
 bow’s squadron and French fleets took place under the lee of 
 these islands, which then were not in a position to afford a secure 
 port of refit to vessels of their own nation, and so these ships, 
 unable to find refuge under protecting forts, fell an easy prey to 
 those belonging to other Powers. Efforts were made by the 
 colonists to erect defensive works, but France was too much 
 engaged in serious warfare nearer her own borders to be able to 
 spare assistance for her distant dependencies, and the in- 
 habitants themselves were unwilling to spend large sums on 
 fortifications which they maintained should be a charge on the 
 Royal Exchequer. 
 
 In the year 1703, apprised of the defenceless condition of 
 the French West India islands, Admiral Sir George Rooke, 
 commanding in the Mediterranean, despatched a squadron of 
 six seventy-four-gun ships, convoying four battalions of the 
 line, to make a descent on Guadaloupe. General Codrington, 
 who commandéed the land forces, appears to have acted with 
 spirit and judgment. The troops landed, carried such defences 
 as the place possessed, and hoisted the British, instead of the 
 White Flag of France, over the walls of the principal towns. 
 
 
 
Guadaloupe. C1OnTItH 67 ’ 
 
 The naval Commander, Captain Hovenden Walker, was 
 oppressed with a sense of his responsibility, and on a French 
 force appearing to relieve the place, insisted on the re-embark- 
 ation of the troops, and the abandonment of the island, which 
 had been so easily won. Codrington, however, before comply- 
 ing with Walker’s orders, blew up the fortifications and maga- 
 zines, besides destroying a vast amount of public and private 
 property. 
 
 With the Peace of Utrecht, in 1718, dawned a new era of 
 prosperity, and for a second period of forty years Guadaloupe, 
 after its forty years of war, enjoyed a lke space of peace. 
 Thanks to the mild administration of its French rulers, and 
 to the careful habits of the Dutch settlers, emigrants were 
 attracted, and agriculture improved ; and, mindful of the losses 
 incurred during the long war with England, the mother country 
 and the colony conjointly erected a series of defensive works, 
 commanding all the principal harbours, to guard against the 
 incursions they had so grievously suffered from. 
 
 The population of the island, which in 1656 did not reach 
 7,000 souls, of whom more than 6,000 were aborigines, in 
 1756 exceeded 60,000, of whom 41,000 were imported slaves— 
 a marvellous instance of rapid prosperity. 
 
 In that year, however, war between France and England 
 again broke out, and the British fleet once more commenced to 
 scour distant seas. At home, our expeditions were uniformly 
 unsuccessful, and the Duke of Marlborough, with nothing but 
 the prestige of a great name to warrant his selection for com- 
 mand, was ignominiously defeated in an attempt to seize the 
 fortifications of St. Malo. A similar attack on Cherbourg was 
 productive of a like result, and in 1758 General Bligh, who had 
 landed with 6,000 men at St. Lunaire, on the coast of Brittany, 
 and ravaged the neighbouring country, was driven into the sea 
 at St. Cast by the Duc d’Aiguillon and some Breton levies. 
 On the fitting out of these expeditions, the King had truly 
 prophesied ‘that we should brag we had burnt the French 
 ships, and that they would boast and brag they had driven us 
 into the sea.’’ Our successes on the Continent of Europe, in 
 Canada, and the East Indies; and the ease with which the 
 
T6944 Colonial France. 
 
 French settlements on the West Coast of Africa had been 
 reduced, induced our Government to turn their attention to the 
 West Indian possessions of France. 
 
 In the month of November, 1758, a formidable flotilla of 
 eight ships-of-the-line, and sixty transports conveying six 
 regiments of foot, was despatched to the West Indies for the 
 subjugation of the French Caribbean islands. The force was 
 under the command of General Hobson, and, on arrival - at 
 Barbadoes, Commodore Moore, with ten more sail-of-the-line, 
 assumed control of the naval operations. After an ineffectual 
 attempt on Martinique, the expedition arrived off Basse Terre, 
 the capital of Guadaloupe, on the morning of the 23rd Janu- 
 ary, 1759. 2 | 
 
 In opposition to the opinion of the Chief Engineer of the 
 Land forces, Commodore Moore determined to effect the destruc- 
 tion of the fortress of Basse Terre before permitting the troops 
 to land, and in this he was supported by General Hobson. At 
 9 a.m. on the 23rd January, a heavy action between the wooden 
 walls of England and the stone walls of the forts commenced. 
 The Commodore, the better to direct operations, and to be in 
 constant communication with the General commanding the 
 troops, shifted his flag to a frigate, and lay out of gunshot of 
 the batteries. For this conduct he was most severely blamed 
 by his naval subordinates on the spot, who construed the act 
 into a want of courage. In point of fact, Moore was a man of 
 experience and ability, and had shown his bravery on many 
 occasions ; in traversing the space between his flagship and the 
 Woolwich, the Commodore was exposed to a heavy mitraille 
 from the forts, during which he maintained the most perfect 
 composure ; his personal courage was thus testified to by his 
 boat’s crew, and General Hobson himself bore witness to the 
 necessity of the Admiral being in the same vessel as himself, 
 in order that they might determine such time and mode of 
 landing as the occasion demanded. Away from the smoke of 
 the engagment it was more easy to watch the operations and 
 decide on the moment best suited for the landing of the 
 troops. 
 
 The conduct of the bombarding squadron was beyond all 
 
Guadaloupe. 169 
 
 praise. Piloted by the sailing masters, who were dependent 
 on French charts for their information, the vessels stood in 
 shore and laid alongside the strong masonry forts, engaging 
 them with the utmost intrepidity. It was unavoidable that 
 such a feat could be performed without serious loss. The Ripon, 
 running aground, was exposed to the fire, not only of two 
 twelve-gun stone forts, but of an earthwork on a hill which 
 swept her decks, and finally set her on fire. Seeing the danger 
 to the Ripon, the Bristol, who had silenced the work assigned 
 to her, stood in to aid her crippled consort, and, anchoring 
 between her and the shore batteries, relieved Captain Jekyll of 
 a serious responsibility, and enabled the crew of the Ripon to 
 extinguish the flames which threatened the destruction of his 
 ship. 
 
 At 7 p.m. the whole of the outer works were silenced, but no 
 reply being made to signals for capitulation, and a boat carry- 
 ing a flag of truce being fired on from the shore, the small craft 
 of the squadron stood in to the inner harbour, and commenced 
 a bombardment of the town—an act which in these days we 
 should consider unjustifiable and cruel. The masonry build- 
 ings were, however, filled with armed men, and light field- 
 pieces from every corner opened a destructive fire on the 
 flotilla. By midnight the greater part of the town was in flames, 
 still the fierce combat raged, ever and anon the rattle of the 
 musketry and sharp reports of the artillery being overpowered 
 by the dull roar of an exploded magazine. 
 
 As dawn broke on the 24th, the full extent of the destruction 
 was visible, yet the gallant defenders showed no symptom of 
 surrender. The Commodore, at about 7 a.m., flung out the 
 signal to cease firing, and despatched a flag of truce towards 
 the mole; this, too, was fired on, and the boat narrowly escaped 
 capture. It was then determined to overawe the garrison by an 
 immediate display of all our force, and with leadsmen in the 
 chains, piloted by the sailing master of the Bristol, the whole 
 squadron stood in to the inner harbour. On this the fire from 
 the shore slackened, and by 5 p.m. it was deemed expedient to 
 land the troops. This was effected without opposition, and, on 
 reaching the citadel, it was found that the Governor had 
 
170 Colonial France. 
 
 evacuated it, and retired with the troops to a strong defensive 
 position some miles in the interior. The British colours were 
 accordingly hoisted on the forts, and an ultimatum despatched 
 to the Chevalier d’Etreil, the gallant officer who had so nobly 
 defended the fortifications against such fearful odds. To this 
 message the characteristic reply was returned: ‘‘The English 
 have taken everything from us but our honour and our lives ; 
 these are yet in our keeping, and we shall sell them as dearly 
 as possible.”’ 
 
 The nature of the country between Basse Terre and d’ Ktreil’s 
 position was so rugged and mountainous, abounding with 
 passes and defiles of such a difficult and dangerous character, 
 that General Hobson, unprovided as he was with the necessary 
 means for prosecuting an inland expedition, determined to 
 confine his operations to the capture of all the towns on the 
 seacoast, and to compel the surrender of the French forces 
 (now swelled by the addition of a number of armed negroes to 
 a strength of about 16,000 fighting men) by a close investment. 
 His action was construed into a sign of weakness, and the 
 planters, encouraged by the French Commander, entered on a 
 species of irregular warfare, harassing our outposts, and throw- 
 ing up intrenchments on the heights dominating Basse Terre. 
 In fact, it appeared that Hobson himself would be invested, and 
 it was decided to sweep the enemy off the neighbouring hills. 
 This operation was performed in the most gallant manner by 
 the ‘‘ Buffs,” who suffered some loss in the engagement, three 
 officers and fourteen men being killed. 
 
 On the 13th February, a part of the land forces were re-em- 
 barked for the reduction of Fort Louis, on the island of Grande 
 Terre, separated only from Basse Terre by a small channel. 
 After a bombardment of six hours, during which the works 
 were very much shattered, and most of the guns dismounted, 
 the French garrison showing its accustomed heroism, the 
 Highland regiment of Lord John Murray, and the Marines of 
 the squadron, were landed, the works carried with the bayonet, 
 and the British flag ere sunset flew over the walls. 
 
 Our forces, however successful against their open foe, had 
 another and more dangerous enemy to encounter. Practically 
 
Guadaloupe. 171 
 
 cut off from all communication with the interior, surrounded 
 by a bitterly hostile population, dependent on the squadron for 
 their necessary supplies, they soon commenced to succumb to 
 the usual accompaniments of distant expeditions—bad food 
 and exposure. 
 
 Scurvy and yellow fever simultaneously attacked the force, 
 and, working side by side, these implacable foes soon deci- 
 mated the British garrison. General Hobson was one of the 
 first victims. The second in command, Barrington, foreseeing 
 the total destruction of the troops if they remained longer 
 exposed to the pernicious influences of bad food and bad water, 
 blew up all the works except the citadel. This he entrusted 
 to General Debrisay, and, leaving with him one strong regi- 
 ment and a considerable detachment of artillery, re-embarked 
 the remainder of his troops. No sooner had the squadron 
 convoying the army disappeared than D’Etreil, issuing from 
 the mountain fastnesses, subjected the British garrison to a 
 close investment, and bringing up guns to the line of hills 
 which the Buffs had carried in the preceding month, opened a 
 heavy fire on the citadel. A gallant sortie, as skilfully carried 
 out as it had been carefully prepared, enabled the British to 
 check the French operations. But a conflagration which 
 occurred early in March subjected them to far heavier losses 
 than any inflicted by the enemy; the flames were localized to 
 one bastion, but in that one was the principal powder maga- 
 zine, and in an heroic effort to save the lives of their men, 
 Debrisay and thirteen officers of all ranks, including the officer 
 commanding the regiment, perished—blown up by the ex- 
 plosion of the magazine. 
 
 Under cover of the flames of the burning citadel, and taking 
 advantage of the confusion naturally caused by the loss of 
 their commander and so many senior officers, D’Etreil headed 
 another assault on the fort. Major Melville, who succeeded 
 Debrisay in command, met him with the valour which has, 
 since the saving of the colours of the 24th at Isandhlana, in 
 Zululand, become inseparably connected with his name, and 
 defeated him with heavy loss. But Melville was not long left 
 to sustain the unequal contest. So soon as the sea air had 
 
Pa Colonial France. 
 
 stamped out the fever which had so weakened his troops, 
 Barrington directed Commodore Moore to return to the harbour, 
 and he then conceived the design of reducing the island by means 
 of a series of small expeditions operating against all the coast 
 towns. 
 
 No time was to be lost; information reached the General 
 that Admiral de Bompart, with eight sail-of-the-line, three 
 frigates, and 5,000 regular troops, had reached Martinique from 
 Brest, and that immediate steps were about to be taken for 
 the relief of Guadaloupe. Action, to be effective, must be 
 immediate. | 
 
 A battalion with three guns, under Colonel Crump, seized 
 the towns of St. Anne and St. Francis, meeting with but little 
 opposition ; but a smaller force, in attacking Gosier, was 
 rather roughly handled, and did not effect its object until more 
 than half its number were placed hors de combat. Its Com- 
 mander, however, succeeded at last in overcoming all oppo- 
 sition, and finally opened up communication with the British 
 troops garrisoning Fort Louis. 
 
 On the 1st April, 1759, a combined attack by a force of 
 1,500 men, under Clavering, on the towns of Petit Bourg, 
 Goyave, and Saint Mary’s, was unsuccessful ; but, on the follow- 
 ing day, Lord John Murray’s Highlanders being entrusted with 
 the honour of leading, the French were driven from their 
 entrenchments, the Scotchmen losing two officers and thirteen 
 men killed, six officers and eighty-seven men wounded, in the 
 affair. - 
 
 The continued successes of the British, and the terrible 
 
 losses their operations in the interior caused to the planters, © 
 
 induced M. D’Etreil to listen to the proposal of the leading 
 inhabitants that negotiations should be opened with General 
 Barrington. The English Commander, on his part, was glad 
 to come to terms with a foe who had throughout the campaign 
 shown such undeniable gallantry, and on the Ist May a 
 capitulation was signed, the French unconditionally surrender- 
 ing the island. Shortly afterwards, a squadron conveying 
 General Beauharnais and 2,000 troops succeeded in eluding 
 the vigilance of Commodore Moore’s cruisers, and appeared off 
 
Guadaloupe. Ey3 
 
 the island for the purpose of relieving D’Etreil; but, on learn- 
 ing of the capitulation, Beauharnais returned to Martinique, 
 leaving the British in undisturbed possession of Guadaloupe. 
 Under the terms of the Treaty of Paris of 1763, a treaty 
 which brought to a conclusion the Seven Years’ War, Guada- 
 loupe, with other conquests. made by the British, was retro- 
 ceded to France, and placed by the orders of the King under 
 the administration of the Governor of Martinique. Even 
 during the British occupation the prosperity of the island, 
 checked as it naturally had been by the sanguinary war which 
 in 1759 devastated its coasts, made rapid strides, and the 
 twenty successive years of peace which intervened between the 
 departure of the British and the outbreak of the Revolution— 
 so far as it affected the West Indian possessions of France— 
 were perhaps those during which Guadaloupe was at the 
 zenith of its commercial prosperity. Its population, which 
 we have seen in 1756 as amounting to 60,000 souls, received 
 a notable augmentation during the subsequent English occu- 
 pation, upwards of 19,000 slaves having been imported between 
 the years 1759 and 1763. Thus the proportion between white 
 men and black was sensibly altered, and in 1781 we find the 
 population of the island estimated at 100,000, of whom 
 14,000 were Europeans, 1,400 freed negroes, and 84,000 
 slaves, giving a density of about 147 inhabitants per square 
 mile. 
 _ The outbreak of the Revolution in 1790 was productive of as 
 great disorders in Guadaloupe as in France ; the decrees of the 
 Convention were trampled under foot bythe wealthy planters, and 
 welcomed with outrageous enthusiasm by the meaner whites. 
 In the colony, as inthe mother country, the thirst for freedom 
 was slaked only by a civil war, in which the Royalists or Jovers 
 of order were opposed to the Republican faction, who were not 
 slow in persuading the negro population to espouse their cause. 
 Soon the struggle degenerated—or might I say was elevated ?— 
 into one of race; black fought white, and fought for absolute, 
 not merely political, freedom. The wholesale destruction of 
 property was followed by wholesale massacres, and in a few 
 short weeks the interior of the island was in the possession of 
 
174 Colonial France. 
 
 the negroes. Then came a gallant stand by the master race, 
 the tide of reaction set in, civilized force and organized dis- 
 cipline swept all before it, alas! to be followed by that retribu- 
 tion where justice is rarely tempered by mercy, and which, 
 judged by the cold, impartial light of after years, seems more 
 akin to blind revenge. Every planter considered himself a 
 judge, and every judge became his own executioner. It is 
 stated by a French author that no fewer than 20,000 negroes 
 perished in this holocaust, and that over 300 white men, 
 women, and children had been massacred by the slaves at the 
 commencement of the outbreak. 
 
 Scarcely had the embers of the negro insurrection been 
 trampled out ere news arrived of the invasion of France by 
 the Allied Powers of Austria and Prussia, and this was speedily 
 followed by the intelligence that England had espoused the 
 cause of the Monarchs, and was throwing the whole weight of 
 her forces against Republican France. Previous experience 
 had warned Guadaloupe of her fate: the riches of the West 
 India islands and their defenceless condition was a never- 
 failing bait for the cupidity of English Governments, and in 
 the spring of ’94 an armament was fitted out for their reduc- 
 tion. 
 
 After having successfully captured the islands of Martinique 
 and St. Lucia, the expedition, which was under the joint com- 
 mands of Admiral Sir John Jervis and General Sir Charles 
 Grey, arrived before Guadaloupe on the 11th April, 1794. 
 ‘Lhe landing party, consisting of the 48rd and 98rd Regiments, 
 assaulted and captured the Fleur d’Epée fort, whilst the 
 Winchilsea frigate, Captain Lord Garlies, stood in and dis- 
 mounted the guns on the other works. Finding resistance 
 hopeless, the Governor proposed a capitulation, which was 
 accorded him; and the General, leaving what he considered a 
 sufficient garrison under General Dundas, sailed away with the 
 rest of the expedition. On the 8rd June a strong French force 
 appeared off the island, under the command of Victor Hugues, 
 a stern Republican. By his orders secret overtures were made 
 to the French Royalists, who most unwisely had been incor- 
 porated into the garrison of the Fleur d’Epée; and when an 
 
Guadaloupe. 175 
 
 assault was delivered the British Commander had the mortifi- 
 cation of seeing all his men, with the exception of about forty, 
 throw down their arms and fraternize with the enemy. 
 Dundas in the meantime held out, and contrived to transmit in- 
 formation of his straits to the Admiral, and on the 19th of June 
 Sir John Jervis and Sir Charles Grey made an effort to dis- 
 lodge Victor Hugues; but the Republican leader was a born 
 if not a trained soldier, and he successfully resisted the com- 
 bined efforts of the British land and sea forces. Assault after 
 assault was delivered on his position: he not only repelled 
 these, but, finding the British becoming demoralized by their 
 constant failures, he suddenly assumed the offensive, and in- 
 fusing his own vigour and determination into his subordinates, 
 compelled Sir Charles Grey, at the beginning of July, to re- 
 embark his force and leave the island in the hands of the 
 French. Disease was, perhaps, a keener foe to the British 
 forces than even the gallant Victor Hugues. Throughout the 
 operations yellow fever had been decimating our troops, and 
 whereas our losses from the sword amounted to 112 killed and 
 340 wounded, over 700 men had fallen victims to the plague 
 which is the scourge of the West Indies. 
 
 Throughout the remainder of the war with the Republic 
 Guadaloupe was left unmolested, and it was not until the re- 
 sumption of operations against the Empire that fresh efforts 
 were made to wrest it from France. 
 
 The comparative ease with which the reduction of Martinique 
 had been effected, in the spring of 1809, by Sir George Beckwith, 
 induced the British Government to turn their attention to 
 Guadaloupe, now the only island remaining to the French in 
 the Caribbean Sea. Inthe month of November Sir George was 
 directed to concentrate his forces at Dominica for its capture. 
 It was well known that since the Peace of Amiens much labour 
 and money had been expended in order to strengthen the 
 defences of the island, and it was therefore judged advisable 
 to despatch a far larger force than had been considered neces- 
 sary for the capture of Martinique. The troops were massed 
 in three divisions, the first under General Hislop, the second 
 division under General Harcourt, and the reserve under General 
 
176 Colonial France. 
 
 Wall, Vice-Admiral Sir George Cochrane being in charge of 
 the fleet co-operating with the land forces. 
 
 On the 26th of January, 1810, the first division, under Major- 
 General Hislop, left Dominica, and the following morning was 
 successfully disembarked at St. Marie Capesterre ; meeting with © 
 no opposition, it moved forward on the following day, crossing 
 the Bannamer River, and on the 30th, finding the strong pass 
 of Trou-au-Chien undefended, it reached Three Rivers, when, 
 after a sharp brush with the enemy, it found itself in face of 
 the fortified position of D’Olet. The works on the heights 
 above bristled with field-guns, and Hislop, who was deficient 
 in that arm, did not feel justified in risking a frontal attack ; 
 he therefore spent the afternoon in reconnoitring the enemy’s 
 works, meaning to assault them on the morrow. He was 
 spared the trouble ; as dawn broke it was perceived that the 
 French had fled, leaving all their guns behind them. But the 
 credit of this success was mainly due to the sudden appearance 
 of the second division under Harcourt in the enemy’s rear. 
 This corps, leaving Dominica the same day as the first divi- 
 sion, had put into Les Saintes to pick up some details, and on 
 the morning of the 80th, landing at the embouchure of the 
 River du Plessis, had immediately marched to the sound of 
 Hislop’s guns. Fearing their retreat cut off, the French pre- 
 cipitately abandoned the position on the heights of D’Olet, and 
 retired to a still more formidable one behind the River Novie, on 
 the ridge of Beaupére Saint Louis. On the morning of the 
 4th of February a general advance was ordered, the whole of 
 Beckwith’s force now for the first time acting in concert ; the 
 reserve under Wall being sent round to turn the enemy’s left. 
 Out-flanked and ont-numbered, General Ernouf had no alterna- 
 tive but to capitulate, and on the morning of the 5th February 
 eight days after the expedition had sailed from Dominica, 
 Guadaloupe was in our possession. Once more the 90th 
 Regiment was selected for the honour of furnishing the officer 
 who was to convey the despatches and the Eagle of the 66th 
 French Regiment to England. 
 
 The losses of the force under General Beckwith’s command 
 during the expedition to Guadaloupe amounted to 52 killed 
 
Guadaloupe. 177 
 
 and 250 wounded, and the regiments taking part in it were 
 permitted to bear the word ‘‘ Guadaloupe” on their colours 
 and appointments. 
 
 In 1818 the island of Guadaloupe was ceded by Great Britain 
 to Sweden; but on the completion of the Treaty of Paris in 1814 
 it was restored to France, only again to fall into our hands on 
 the renewal of the war with Napoleon. It was again finally 
 ceded to France in. December, 1815. Since then, a period of 
 seventy years, Guadaloupe has enjoyed an unbroken career of 
 peace; but the repeated changes in the administration of the 
 colony, the lack of capital for the development of its industries, 
 the protectionist policy of the French, and the impetus given to 
 the manufacture of beetroot sugar, have all combined to strike a 
 blow at the commerce of the colony. This fatal policy is rapidly 
 ruining all the smaller landowners, increasing the Colonial Budget, 
 and annually making it a heavier burthen on the mother country. 
 
 Topography.—The island of Guadaloupe is very irregular in 
 form, its coast line being impinged on by numerous bays and 
 small harbours, few of which are of value for any but small 
 craft. It is divided into two parts by a canal styled the Riviére 
 Salée, varying in breadth from 35 to 180 yards. Owing to the 
 shallowness of the passage, this channel is navigable only by 
 small vessels employed in inland navigation. 
 
 That portion of the island lying to the west of the Riviére 
 Salée, and generally known as Guadaloupe proper, has a super- 
 ficial area of 869 square miles. The nature of its rocks attests 
 its volcanic origin, though the surface soil is extremely rich 
 and fertile. A range of hills traverse the island, its highest 
 peak being known as the Soufriere: this attains an elevation 
 of 5,111 feet. From this range flow numerous watercourses, 
 which add greatly to the fertility of the land. 
 
 Guadaloupe is divided into sixteen Communes, these again 
 being grouped into four cantons, each of which is represented 
 in the Conseil Général of the colony. The whole of this region 
 is hilly, except in the neighbourhood of the Riviere Salée, where 
 the slopes are rounded off into large beautiful plains, which 
 intervene between the mountains and the sea. These plains 
 are devoted to the culture of sugar, coffee, cocoa, as well as of 
 
 N 
 
178 Colonial France. 
 
 ordinary cereals, and in the lower valleys many varieties of 
 tropical fruits are to be met with. The hills which bound 
 these plains are well wooded, and the soil being extremely rich, 
 as the forests are cleared away fresh tracts of virgin land come 
 under cultivation. 
 
 To the south-west of the Soufriére, and lying close under its 
 feet, is the Basse Terre, the capital of the colony, a town which, 
 though numbering only 8,178 inhabitants, possesses all the cha- 
 racteristics of a chief city—Chambers of Commerce, Chambers 
 of Agriculture, barracks, arsenals, Civiland Military hospitals, 
 a prison, a diocesan college, and a good harbour with excellent 
 wharf accommodation. Three miles to the north of Basse 
 Terre, and on the lower slopes of the Soufriére, at an elevation 
 of 1,788 feet, stands the Sanitarium of Saint Jacob, the Simla 
 of Guadaloupe: here the Governor has his summer quarters, 
 whilst barracks and hospitals have been provided for the troops 
 during the sickly season. 
 
 Grande Terre.—That part of the island to the east of the 
 Riviere Salée is known under the designation of Grande Terre. 
 Unlike the western half of the island the country is generally 
 flat, and almost completely deprived of running water. It is 
 traversed from south-east to north-west by a range of hills of 
 low elevation, well wooded, from which spring a series of ridges 
 running at right angles to the parent chain; the valleys between 
 them are in some cases gloriously fertile and well cultivated, 
 others are arid and barren, destitute of vegetation, and con- 
 sequently left neglected. The area of Grande Terre is about 
 256 square miles; it is divided into ten Communes, which are 
 again grouped into the four cantons of Pointe-a-Pitre, Saint 
 Francois, Moule, and Port Louis; these return between them 
 sixteen members to the Conseil Général. The principal town 
 of Grande Terre, Pointe-a-Pitre, possesses an excellent harbour, 
 capable of receiving ships of the heaviest tonnage ; there is also 
 a bank, a branch of the Crédit Foncier Colonial, Chambers of 
 Commerce and of Agriculture, Civil and Military hospitals, a 
 theatre, two printing presses, and a weekly journal. In one of 
 the suburbs of the town the immense sugar manufactory of 
 Darboussier and Co. is situated; it is said that this establish- 
 
Guadaloupe. 179 
 
 ment is capable of turning out 10,000 tons of sugar annually. 
 A water supply is laid from the hills to Pointe-a-Pitre, which in 
 this respect is in advance of the other towns on the island, as 
 they are unable for want of.means to erect waterworks, and 
 are consequently dependent on the rain, which they collect in 
 large tanks. 
 
 On the eastern coast of Grande Terre lies the port of Moule, 
 available for vessels not exceeding 300 tons; to the north-east, 
 the bay of Port Louis and that of the ‘Little Canal” also 
 offer good anchorages for small craft. 
 
 The island abounds in warm mineral springs, some saline, 
 some sulphurous, some ferruginous; those of Dole, six miles 
 from Basse Terre, of Ravine Chaude, in the Commune of 
 Lamentin, the sulphur springs of Sophia, and the boiling 
 waters of Malouba, enjoy a local reputation, and are much 
 frequented by visitors ordered there by the medical faculty. 
 
 Attached to Guadaloupe, for administrative purposes, are 
 the five neighbouring islands of Marie Galante, Saintes, Desi- 
 rade, St. Martin, and St. Barthélemy. 
 
 1. Marie Galante, the largest of these, is twenty-nine 
 miles south-east of Basse Terre. Its total popula- 
 tion is 15,727 souls. The chieftown, Grand Bourg, 
 possesses the usual public offices, a Chamber of 
 Agriculture, House of Correction, Civil hospital, 
 barracks, schools, and a large sugar factory. The 
 harbour, though commodious, has a very dangerous 
 entrance, which interferes much with the progress 
 of the island. The area of Marie Galante is about 
 37,300 acres, and its principal towns are— 
 
 Population. 
 Grand Bourg : : oes + 6,792 
 Capesterre . ; : ; : . 4,81) 
 Saint Louis . ; : : : . 4,184 
 
 intes.—The little group of islets situated about 
 
 twelve miles south-east of Guadaloupe form the 
 
 second dependency of the colony. One of these— 
 
 Terre de Haut—possesses an excellent harbour, and 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 Colonial France. 
 
 the remains of fortifications which, in the wars of 
 the last century, caused us no small trouble. Our 
 Gallic neighbours have styled it the Gibraltar of the 
 Antilles: it, however, attempted no opposition to 
 the landing of General Maitland, who, after the 
 reduction of Martinique in February, 1809, cap- 
 tured les Saintes without losing a man. The popu- 
 lation of this island in 1881 amounted to 1,678 
 souls, being an increase of seventy-six since the pre- 
 ceding census. 
 
 8. Desirade.—Seven miles to the north-east of Guada- 
 
 loupe lies the island of Desirade; it has an area of 
 about eleven square miles, and the soil is extremely 
 fertile. A large proportion of the inhabitants are 
 engaged in the cultivation of cotton, whereas those 
 living on the coast devote themselves to fishery. 
 The total population in 1881 was 1,914, showing an 
 increase of thirty-two on 1880. 
 
 4, Saint Martin.—The northern portion of the island of 
 
 Saint Martin, covering an area of about twenty 
 square miles, is also annexed to the colony cf 
 Guadaloupe. The remainder of the island belongs 
 to the Dutch. The town of Margiot, the official 
 Trench capital, is the seat of a Juge de Paix. The 
 chief commerce of the island is in salt; large 
 works for its production exist in Margiot. The in- 
 habitants, who number 38,667 souls, also raise cattle 
 for sale in the larger colony, Machete. Saint Mar- 
 tin is about 150 miles north of Gaudaloupe. In the 
 year 1801, the island being in the joint possession of 
 the French and Dutch, and both Powers being at 
 war with England, opportunity was taken of a force 
 being in the neighbourhood for the reduction of St. 
 Bartholomew, to land a force on Saint Martin. On 
 the 24th March, after a sharp conflict, in which the 
 garrison showed much gallantry, it surrendered to 
 the British, to be again restored on the Peace of 
 Amiens. 
 
Guadaloupe. 181 
 
 5. St. Bartholomew lies between the British colony of 
 Saint Christopher and the Dutch island of Saint 
 Eustatia, and is situated about 112 miles NNW. of 
 Guadaloupe. The island is extremely mountainous 
 and rocky, and this, though the soil is fertile, pre- 
 vents any very extended cultivation. Tropical fruits 
 erow in profusion ; these are exported to the neigh- 
 bouring isles by vessels of small tonnage, which 
 trade to Carénage, for this purpose the only port in 
 the island. 
 
 Saint Bartholomew was one of the ancient possessions of 
 the ‘“‘ Compagnie des iles de Saint Christophe, de la Barbade, et 
 autres a l’entrée du Pérou,” and was formally annexed to France 
 in 1648 ; a century and a half later (in 1784) it was ceded by 
 Louis XVI. to Sweden. Gustavus IIL. acquired it with a view 
 of establishing commercial relations between his country and 
 the West Indies. In 1801, the rupture between Great 
 Britain and the Northern Powers. was followed by the expedi- 
 tion to Copenhagen, in which Nelson added to his immortal 
 renown ; and, concurrently with the despatch of the fleet to the 
 Baltic, a force consisting of the Ist Royals, the Buffs, the 11th 
 and 64th Foot, with two newly-raised battalions of West 
 Indian troops, was organized for the conquest of the colonial 
 possessions of Denmark and Sweden. On the 20th March, 
 1801, the squadron conveying the troops appeared before St. 
 Bartholomew, then in possession of the Swedes; but the 
 Governor, having no adequate means of resistance, at once 
 hauled down his flag, and General Trigge, leaving a garrison in 
 the island, passed on to Saintes. The sudden blow struck 
 at Copenhagen, followed as it was by the death of the Emperor 
 Paul, dissolved the Northern Confederacy, and, on the renewal 
 of peace, Saint Bartholomew was restored to the Swedes. 
 Although for close on three-quarters of a century it remained 
 in their hands, the French language and French customs never 
 died out, and in 1877 overtures were made for its recovery by 
 the Republic. On the 10th August of that year, a treaty was 
 signed by which St. Bartholomew again passed into the hands 
 
182 Colonial France. 
 
 of the original owners, and by a clause in the decree of the 
 Senate, ratifying the treaty, the island was attached to the 
 Government of Guadaloupe for all administrative purposes. 
 Its population numbered, in 1881, 2,925. 
 
 Population. —The total population of Guadaloupe, at the 
 census of 1881, amounted to 193,962 souls. 
 
 RESIDENT POPULATION. 
 
 
 
 Males—Adults : ‘ ; . 80,620 
 ,, Boys under 14 . . . 20,L7e 
 Civil Functionaries . Se 
 SS Garrison . : : : 921 
 . Coolies ; : , . 28,604 
 : 105,165 
 Females—Adults . Saar. . 04,227 
 : Under 14 ' : . 27,325 
 = Wives of Functionaries . 763 
 5 Coolies . ; : . 6,481 
 i — 88,796 
 193,962 
 a 
 
 As in its sister isle, Martinique, the marriage state is not 
 held in high honour in Guadaloupe, and the proportion of ille- 
 gitimate births is even greater than in France, arguing an even 
 more advanced state of immorality. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 | | Births. | Marriages. | Deaths, 
 1879 | 4,261 | 496 4,500 
 1880 | 4,554 517 4,864 
 | 1881 | 4,377 492 | 6,171 
 | 
 
 | 
 
 | 
 
 
 
 Giving an average of 29°9 births per thousand inhabitants, 
 30°3 deaths, and but three marriages! No fewer than 250 per 
 thousand of the births are illegitimate! 
 
 From the earliest occupation of the island, the proceedings 
 of both Civil and Criminal courts have always been governed by 
 the codes in vogue in the mother country. So far back as the 
 year 1681 we find a Royal decree laying this down as a funda- 
 mental principle, and it has never since been departed from. 
 
Guadaloupe. 183 
 
 Naturally, certain modifications have from time to time been 
 made in the French codes in order to make the laws more suit- 
 able to the inhabitants of their distant possessions. For in- 
 stance, when slavery was rampant in the island, and before 
 universal freedom was declared, the laws for the white man and 
 the black were by no means the same; but the Penal Code of 
 1877 was made applicable in its entirety to the island, and 
 now, nominally at any rate, all French subjects, black and 
 white, are equal in the eyes of the French law. Foreigners, 
 however, are subject to the same restrictions as in France, 
 as regards bringing actions against French subjects, and 
 in cases amongst themselves they can claim non-juris- 
 diction. 
 
 Immigration.—The condition of the coolies at work on the 
 French plantations leaves much to be desired ; being foreigners, 
 they are powerless to bring cases of breach of engagement 
 without lodging a sum, to be decided on by the court, as costs 
 for the defendants. This sum is generally fixed at such a 
 figure as totally to preclude the possibility of litigation: thus 
 the untutored Indian is forced to bear the ills as best he may. 
 It is true that nominal attempts are made to supervise the 
 coolies, and to ascertain whether they are subject to any hard- 
 ships ; for this purpose a ‘‘ Service d’ Immigration ”’ has been in- 
 stituted. The chief official draws a salary of £240 a year ; he 
 is assisted by two inspectors with salaries of £200, and by nine 
 assistant magistrates at salaries of £160: living, as these men 
 do, in the midst of planters, wealthy men, it is not to their 
 interest to irritate their countrymen, and the smallness of their 
 salaries is a premium on venality. The expenses of the Im- 
 migration Department reach the sum of £19,800. 
 
 Police.—A detachment of the Gendarmerie of the Marine 
 is quartered in the island, but for all practical purposes the 
 Communal police are the only persons employed in the sup- 
 pression and detection of crime. 
 
 Government and Administration. —The administrative 
 organization of Guadaloupe is similar in every respect to 
 that of its sister isle, Martinique—that is to say, it is pre- 
 sided over by a Governor, who is aided by a Supreme Council, 
 
184 Colonial France. 
 
 consisting of the same officials as in Martinique ;* financial 
 questions are decided by a Conseil Général, the thirty-six 
 members of which are elected by universal suffrage in the 
 various cantons. There is a ‘‘ Commission Coloniale,” con- 
 sisting of seven members, and Criminal and Civil procedure 
 is provided for by a Court of Appeal at Basse Terre, a Court 
 of Assize at Pointe-a-Pitre; Tribunals of the First Instance at 
 Basse Terre, Pointe-a-Pitre, Marie Galante, Saint Barthélemy, 
 and Saint Martin; and Justices of the Peace in each of the 
 nine cantons. All these Courts are constituted in a similar 
 manner to those in Martinique. There is, therefore, no neces- 
 sity to recapitulate their organization. It may be of interest, 
 however, to show how litigation was resorted to in this small 
 colony during the last year (1882) for which returns are 
 available :— 
 
 Civil | Commer-| Criminal | Criminal | Si™ple 
 
 
 
 ? (ae Cases. jcial Cases.| Appeals. Cases. pepe 
 Court of Appeal . .. . 14 6 98 — — 
 Tribunal of Basse Terre . , 57 15 _ 333 — 
 Tribunal of Pointe-a-Pitre . 251 101 — 541 — 
 Tribunal of Marie Galante . O45: 2, —- 219 — 
 Tribunal of St. Bartholomew. 2 11 — Ria — 
 Tribunal of St. Martin . . 5 2 — 45 — 
 Nine Courts of Juges de Paix | 791 — — — 2,607 
 
 
 
 As I said before, the island and its dependencies are 
 divided into thirty-three Communes, grouped into nine 
 cantons, the latter returning thirty-six members to the Conseil 
 Général of the colony, which has its head-quarters at Basse 
 Terre. Like Martinique, Guadaloupe is represented in Paris 
 by a Senator andtwo Deputies. As in France, the Communes 
 have extensive powers of levying rates and taxes, and these 
 are expended on local improvements, but how the money is 
 expended it is hard to say; bribery and corruption are as rife 
 in the colony as in the metropolis, and there is certainly little 
 show for the vast sums the municipalities have wasted in the 
 last quarter of a century. 
 
 * See p. 148. 
 
Guadaloupe. 185 
 
 Each Commune is presided over by a Mayor, who has by his 
 side two or more Adjoints, and a certain number of Municipal 
 Councillors, elected by the suffrages of their fellow-towns- 
 men. Local taxation, as the following table shows, falls 
 heavily on the people :— 
 
 
 
 Number of 
 
 
 
 
 
 Members 
 Commune. Inhabitants.| Receipts. |Expenditure.| returned to 
 Conseil 
 Général. 
 Frances. Francs. 
 BERICR eRe eS — 11,615 11,045 oe 
 Romte Novieé . » so.-s —— 30,661 30,661 2 
 Peeeteanis. 7. kw kt —_ 30,381 30,381 — 
 EIGONSSAG. 6 el a ke a 24,835 24,835 — 
 MR AT Vee. ts oy -- 16,149 16,149 — 
 Pemmerwaude . . . . + = 39,300 39,200 
 Eyer PeIre: 5. kk 8,178 126,205 126,205 4 
 PPOMEOYTGls cle se ys _— 22,238 22,192 = 
 RWOGMNOTE a ss ee ks — 12,190 12,160 ain 
 MeEEDIGAAVICTOS » “. cs s — 34,222 34,222 oS 
 EADPRGCTIO. 5c: = os wee — 118,700 118,700 4 
 POWeeOes ss le — 12,329 12,329 — 
 MeieepOUre > . NS —— 38,315 38,315 zat 
 Papeomananlt)- . 9. 6. ys es — 33,690 33,690 a 
 MURMUR gh So as 4s —_ 46,701 46,670 4 
 Pert ROG we. Sk ee — 46,432 46,432 — 
 Poume-a-Pire .. . . . — 389,834 | 389,834 8 
 ee Oe — 19,750 19,750 — 
 CS ae ea — 57,210 57,210 — 
 Memealhaa . . .”. . _— 64,742 64,742 — 
 Sek tee ee — 67,175 67,175 a5 
 i, Fi — 58,053 58,053 3 
 m@espertrand ,... . _— 32,700 32,700 — 
 BeGe eto sc eo el — 101,055 100,934 4 
 MAMEOCADNAS 0 wiey ss _- 66,060 65,773 _ 
 Saint Francois 4 acer oes — 60,216 60,216 1 
 Grand Bourg 6,732 57,010 56,990 
 Marie Galante ~ Capesterre . 4,811 28,670 28,670 4 
 (St. Louis. . 4,184 26,735 26,735 
 Desirade . SN Ree ca 2,000 11,081 11,081 = 
 ee a gt. 2,000 16,409 16,409 =a 
 POTSEUI Sk} Stk od, 1 20,016 20,016 1 
 St. Bartholomew ... . 2,400 16,944 26,944 1 
 1,737,623 | 1,732,396 
 
 
 
 Giving a total amount of municipal taxation of £69,505. 
 Eiducation.—As yet the laicization of the primary schools 
 
 has not been effected in Guadaloupe ; the schools for younger 
 
 boys, which afford instruction to 5,967, are under the super- 
 
186 Colonial France. 
 
 intendence of the Fréres of the Saint Esprit, and those for the 
 girls, where 4,566 receive their education, are conducted by the 
 Scurs of Saint Joseph de Cluny. These schools are inspected 
 by officials from the Department of Public Instruction, now it 
 is in contemplation to extend the system of laicization to the 
 colony ; indeed, at Saint Martin, the schools are already re- 
 moved from the Freres. There is no higher education obtain- 
 able in the island except through private sources; but it has 
 been determined to construct a Lycée, and the building for this 
 is already in progress. 
 
 Clergy.—In 1859 Guadaloupe was converted into a Bishopric, 
 and subordinated to the Archbishopric of Bordeaux: the episcopal 
 seat is at Basse Terre. There are sixty-three priests in the 
 diocese, these being recruited from the Séminaire of the Saint 
 Esprit. Two Protestant pastors, paid by the State, are allotted 
 to Saint Martin and St. Bartholomew ; but already it-is in con- 
 templation to sever the connection between Church and State 
 and relieve the Budget of the heavy burden the payment of 
 religious officials imposes upon it. 
 
 Public Works.—This department is confided to an official 
 drawn from the Ponts et Chaussées in France, who is assisted 
 in his labours by twenty-eight subordinates, their salaries 
 amounting to £4,920. 
 
 A Lycée at Pointe-a-Pitre, a lunatic asylum and a hospital at 
 Saint Martin, are in course of construction, whilst plans are 
 being drawn up for the drainage of Pointe-a-Pitre, which has 
 gained an unenviable notoriety for those evils common to all 
 French towns outside Paris, and from which the capital itself 
 is not free. 
 
 For the maintenance of roads, cleansing of the harbours, 
 construction and repair of colonial buildings, the Local Budget 
 in 1884 voted a sum of £32,000. 
 
 Cultivation.—Like its sister island, Guadaloupe is essen- 
 tially a sugar-producing colony, but efforts also have been 
 made, from the earliest days of its Kuropean occupation, to 
 develop other valuable products, such as cocoa, coffee, cotton, 
 tobacco, and spices; but the protectionist policy of France, 
 abroad as well as at home, stifles commerce ; in the last 
 
Guadaloupe. 187 
 
 few years there has been a material diminution of trade, and 
 the output of the various plantations, except in those devoted 
 to cocoa, has sensibly fallen off. 
 
 The total acreage of Guadaloupe and its dependencies may 
 be thus summed up :— 
 
 Guadaloupe proper 236,978 acres 
 
 Grande Terre . 16307005, 
 - Marie Galante STOLL? Gs 
 Desirade . 6,800 ,, 
 Les Saintes ; : : 4413 ,, 
 Saint Martin . : : : wert s. 042083 
 Saint Bartholomew : 4,500 ,, 
 466,028 ,, 
 
 =e] 
 
 And this again may be subdivided :— 
 
 79,258 Acres devoted to the Cultivation of Sugar, Cocoa, Coffee, 
 Cotton, &c. 
 25,000 Acres to Agriculture. 
 30,000 ,, Swampy Land. 
 112,000 ,, Forest Land capable of partial development. 
 251,258 ,, Uncultivated Ground, 68,000 of which have fallen 
 into disuse. 
 
 The following table shows the present position of affairs in 
 Guadaloupe, and having been enabled to obtain statistics of 
 the output in former years, I have produced these in support 
 of my statement that the condition of the colony is one of 
 retrogression :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Sugar. Cocoa, Cotton. 
 Acreage. Output. Acreage. Output. Acreage. Output. 
 Ibs Ibs, lbs, 
 1789 = — — — | 22,193 — 
 1835 — — = 61,600 | 2,557 ae 
 1875 — aoa —_ 259,600 | 1,545 35,200 
 1876 —_— a ae — 915 46,20 
 1877 — = — —- — — 
 1878 — — a 598,400 es ce 
 1879 _— — — 327,640 —_ — 
 1880 a cae — 226,600 712 27,800 
 1881 64,278 61,637,000 1,000 362,629 1,100 126,159 
 1882 | 60,816 | 54,826,000 | 1,300 | 421,836 860 43,412 
 
 
 
 
 
 ———— — —————  rvwvewvwvWwlowOOO OOO 
 
 
 
 
 
188 Colonial France. 
 
 
 
 Coffee. Roucou. Tobacco. 
 
 Acreage. Output. Acreage. Output. Acreage. Output. 
 Sots {Ste [ae an] eee) eer fie 
 1789 20,000 8,162,000 
 
 1835 | 13,005 = os = a 8,140 
 1875 | 8,000 | 1,581,800 = 891,000 = 46,200 
 1876 | 9,313 | 1,669,200 a a = 22 
 
 1877. | 9,177 | 1,733,600 = = an ae 
 
 1878 | 9,962 | 1,742,400 = = at 35,200 
 1879 | 10,009 996,000 es 972, 400 = 31,316 
 1880 | 10,325 190,300 — | 1,245,200 = 26,400 
 1881 | 12,062 | 2,046,000 — | 1,260,600 = 6,600 
 1882 | 11,248 | 1,876,431 840 | 1,312,517 — 7,200 
 
 
 
 From the above it will be seen that sugar is by far the most 
 profitable industry. It is estimated that the capital sunk in 
 it amounts to— 
 
 Land under Cultivation . : : ~ £2,560,000 
 Plant . é : oe . . 2,080,000 
 Animals employed : ; : ; . — 400,000 
 5,040,000 
 
 ———sweaae 
 
 In 1881 the output of the 64,278 acres was— 
 
 Raw Sugar . ° . 40,101,120 lbs. value £335,391 
 Molasses , 2 . 1,323,014 gallons o 84,192 
 Rum ©. 7 : . 429,968 “6 “fs 62,560 
 
 The agricultural produce of the island is of no note, being 
 insufficient for local necessities. Its total annual value is 
 estimated at £60,000. 
 
 Commerce.—The commerce of the country is summarized 
 in the following tabular statements :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 Imports to Exports from Total. 
 £ £ | £ 
 Fravice 6 .2eccet se eee tees 473,583 857,844 1,331,427 
 French Colonies ............ 54,348 7,012 61,360 
 Other Countries .......:.... 487,516 407,524 895,040 
 
 1,015,447 1,272,380 2,287,827 
 
 
 
 The principal Export being sugar, of which the following 
 movements were recorded :— 
 
G nadaloupe. 189 
 
 Exported to France ; : : . £701,037 
 
 ie Foreign Connttits : ‘ . 401,981 
 
 The chief Imports being— 
 
 Wines and Spirits . 2 oe . £75,959 
 Cotton Goods. : 2 3 : . . 56,822 
 Leather Goods : 2 ; : ; . 100,659 
 Dried Cod : ‘ : : é : . 28,882 
 Flour . ; ; : ; ¢ : ea ie saa 
 Rice ; : a : : . 68,416 
 Guano and other Mana : ? ; eo UL 
 
 The Shipping movements during the year 1881 were as 
 follows :-— 
 
 Entered. Cleared. 
 Ships Tonnage. Ships Tonnage 
 From or for France ............ 116 26,890 151 32,789 
 From or for French Colonies.. 68 7,926 AT 5,860 
 From or for Foreign Portis ... 275 Tonnage 251 Tonnage 
 not given. | not given. 
 
 Finances.—Like all the other colonies of France, the re- 
 sources of Guadaloupe are not enough to meet the necessary 
 expenditure, and heavy contributions are made by the Minister 
 of Marine :— 
 
 Loca Bupeet. 
 The total amount produced by Local 
 Taxation, irrespective of the sums 
 raised by the Municipal Authorities, 
 amounted to . ‘ ; : £181,968 
 The principal items heneee 
 Registration of Deeds, ae eg &e. £20,000 
 
 roa axon. 3 : meee LUM) 
 GandTax.  . ; : j . 12,800 
 Licence T'ax . : , : 0 7,000 
 Import Duties. : : - 40,000 
 
 Export Duties. ‘ ; . 40,000 
 *Funds supplied in Budget of the 
 Minister of Marine . : : 161,630 
 
 £342,598 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 * The details of this sum will be found in Appendix No. 1. 
 
190 ' Colonial France. 
 
 Taxation.—If we add the Contributions Directes to the 
 municipal levies we arrive at an average rate of taxation of 
 ees ela. 
 
 Garrison.—The garrison of Guadaloupe consists of five 
 companies of the Infantry of Marine, one of Marine Artillery, 
 a company of the Discipline troops, and one of Gendarmerie— 
 in all about 1,200 men; there is also a squadron of three 
 vessels told off for the defence of this and its sister island of 
 Martinique, with a total of 48 officers and 785 men. 
 
IQI 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FRENCH GUIANA. 
 
 Its Present Condition—Discovery and Early French Settlements—Their 
 Failure—Its Inauguration as a Penal Colony during the Revolution 
 —Captured by the British in 1807—Restored by Treaty of Paris, 
 1815—Fresh Attempts under the Restoration to Colonize Cayenne 
 —Population — Education — Government and Administration — 
 Justice—Public W orks—A griculture—Arboriculture—Cattle Raising 
 — Gold-mining — Commerce — Comparison with British Guiana — 
 Finance—Garrison and Defence. 
 
 FRENCH Guiana, bounded as itis by the British and Dutch 
 colonies of the same name, stands out a striking illustration of 
 the inability of the French to comprehend the art of colonizing ; 
 its past history fraught with mismanagement, its present con- 
 dition a penal settlement destitute of commerce, its future 
 pregnant with financial disaster, all point to the same moral. 
 The boundaries of the colony are by no means clearly defined. 
 On its western frontier the River Maroni forms a sufficient 
 border line between French and Dutch Guiana, but endless 
 bickerings between France and Brazil testify to the necessity of 
 a rectification, or at any rate of a demarcation, of the eastern 
 boundary. Of its exact area we are equally ignorant. Whilst 
 M. Foncin estimates it at 50,000 square miles, M. Jules Duval 
 considers it to be fully twice as large. There is one point, how- 
 ever, in connection with the colony upon which all French 
 writers are agreed, and that is that the occupation of Guiana by 
 France has been one long conspicuous and humiliating failure. 
 M. Leroy Beaulieu writes :* ‘‘ Upon the continent we are un- 
 doubtedly in a condition vastly inferior to that enjoyed by other 
 
 * “Tia Colonisation chez les Peuples Modernes.” Paris: Guillaumin 
 et Cie. 
 
192 Colonial France. 
 
 nations—the English and the Dutch for instance. Guiana is a 
 proof. We, the first arrivals in these regions, permitted both the 
 English and the Dutch to seize the most fertile lands, whilst we 
 have only been able to establish a settlement of a very inferior 
 nature, sparsely inhabited and languishing for want of trade, 
 whilst our two rivals, England and Holland, have founded two 
 wealthy and prosperous colonies.” 
 
 M. Jules Duval is equally strong :—‘‘ By a fatal combination 
 of circumstances Guiana remains the most despised and the least 
 populous of all our agricultural colonies, whilst at the same 
 time it is the largest in extent, and certainly the richest in the 
 variety of its vegetation. With a surface of 16,000 or 18,000 
 square leagues—half the area of Irance—it possesses only 
 some 20,000 inhabitants, and its exports, amounting to about 
 800,000 francs, are muchthe same as they were a hundred years 
 ago. It costs France upwards of 2,000,000 francs annually, 
 either in the expenses of its administration or in subvention to 
 its Local Budgets, without in return offering the mother country 
 any outlet for her markets, or any important and valuable im- 
 portations. It alone of all our colonies has never raised itself 
 from the depth into which it was plunged by the abolition of 
 slavery, though it has received vast pecuniary subsidies to enable 
 it to emerge fromits many crises. At the same time, we see 
 Dutch Guiana and British Guiana (and such examples are 
 humiliating enough to our national pride) rich and prosperous 
 despite the rough experiences they have undergone. The reason 
 is not far to seek; it is that we attempt to violate the laws of 
 nature and learn nothing from the lessons of experience.”* 
 
 Discovered in 1498 by Christopher Columbus, the coasts of 
 Guiana, although fabled with countless riches, attracted but few 
 adventurers until, in the year 1604, M. La Revardére, a Breton 
 shipowner, brought back to Granville marvellous tales of its 
 boundless riches and wealth. During the ensuing forty years 
 many vessels were fitted out in the harbours of Brittany and 
 Normandy for the express purpose of culling the fruits which 
 La Revardére had so glowingly depicted; and Richelieu in this, 
 as in other cases, granted liberal pecuniary aid to the founders of 
 
 
 
 * Teg Colonies et la Politique Coloniale de la France.” 
 
French Guiana. 193 
 
 the Company established under his auspices for the development 
 of colonization on the banks of the Orinoco and the Amazon. 
 The swampy nature of the low-lying lands and the innumerable 
 watercourses, which rendered cultivation difficult, presented 
 difficulties before which our light-hearted neighbours quailed, 
 and before long the Dutch and the English, more painstaking 
 and more thorough, had established themselves on the soil 
 abandoned by the French, leaving to the latter the less fertile 
 and more broken territories to the south of the Maroni river. 
 The earlier colonists made haste to get rich, and they did not 
 possess sufficient energy to overcome the obstacles in their way, or 
 sufficient acumen to recognize what these obstacles were. A 
 network of roads and canals were essential to the proper develop- 
 ment of the colony, but the settlers did not care to spend their 
 money—and for the most part they were destitute of capital— 
 in what to them would be unproductive public works. Aprés 
 mot le déluge has ever been the cry of the French colonist. 
 The State, far from encouraging the colonists in a true course of 
 development, by advancing money for necessary public works, 
 wasted large sums in enabling the settlers to purchase cattle, 
 tools, and even slaves; but when once the plantations were 
 stocked it was found impossible to transport their produce to 
 the coast, or to maintain communication between the inland 
 settlements and the seaports. Company after Company organized 
 on the same lines died in infancy, the capital being swallowed 
 up owing to the rapacity of the State officials. Military works 
 were considered of primary importance, and for many years the 
 many millions of francs advanced by the Crown were wasted in 
 the construction of fortifications which rendered the town of 
 Cayenne almost uninhabitable. Yet these battlements afforded 
 it no defence when attacked by the Portuguese, Dutch, and 
 English, for French Guiana has fallen successively into the 
 hands of all these Powers. The most energetic of all settlers, 
 viz., the Jews and Huguenot émigrés, who were chased first from 
 France and then from French colonies, fled from Cayenne to 
 Surinam, thus placing their talents, which were considerable, at 
 the disposal of the Dutch, and depriving French Guiana of the 
 very elements it most needed. 
 oO 
 
194 Colonial France. 
 
 In the reign of Louis XV. the Duc de Choiseul made a 
 fresh effort to revive the fallen fortunes of Guiana. Canada and 
 Louisiana had been lost by the Treaty of Paris, and the eyes of 
 France were averted for very shame from the Northern and 
 turned to the Southern Continent of America. With a true 
 reeard for his own interests, that statesman obtained for 
 members of his own family a concession under very favourable 
 conditions. The concession might, indeed, be termed a grant 
 of the whole country. ‘Then availing himself of State aid, 
 which was liberally placed at his disposal, he despatched from 
 12,000 to 15,000 unfortunates to occupy the valley of the 
 Kouron, a district virtually unknown, and practically uninhabit- 
 able by Europeans. The result was as might have been fore- 
 seen—as was indeed foretold by all who possessed any experience 
 of South America. Landed in a country in which no prepara- 
 tion whatever had been made for them, they perished miserably 
 like flies, the wealthier only escaping to France. The disastrous 
 attempt cost the State over two millions sterling. 
 
 In 1778 M. Malonet was deputed to visit Cayenne with a view 
 to inaugurating the new colonial system instituted by Turgot 
 and Necker. Loyal efforts were made by this gentleman to carry 
 out his sovereign’s instructions, and attempts were made to copy 
 the Dutch system of canals and irrigation. Unfortunately, the 
 outbreak of the French Revolution put an end to all reforms, 
 and the injudicious proclamations of universal equality led to 
 conflicts between white and black, which effectually ruined the 
 good work commenced by Malonet, and threw the colony once 
 more into ruin and anarchy. The insalubrity of the climate had 
 long been notorious. Of the 15,000 unfortunates whom the Due 
 de Choiseul had deported there in the reign of Louis XV., it © 
 was computed that the whole had perished miserably in three 
 years. Cayenne consequently was looked upon as a suitable and 
 economical depot for the transportation of the victims of the 
 Revolution. With that refinement of cruelty for which the 
 authors and principal actors in that Reign of Terror have been 
 renowned, French Guiana was selected as the future home of 
 Varennes, Collot d’Herbois, Pichegru, and of many other notables 
 who offended either against the laws of the Directory or the 
 
 
 
 
 
french Guiana. 195 
 
 Empire. Their sojourn in this terrible climate was a short one; 
 death soon ended the sufferings of those who thus experienced 
 the clemency of the Revolutionary leaders. 
 
 Cut off from regular communication with the mother country, 
 the wilder spirits of the colony, ever renowned as a nest of 
 piracy, betook themselves to their old calling, and they suc- 
 ceeded in inflicting considerable damage on ‘the English ship- 
 ping on the one hand, on the Portuguese shipping on the other. 
 The House of Braganza, when ousted from Lisbon by the action 
 of Napoleon in invading Portugal, had taken refuge in Brazil ; 
 and as in Europe England and the Portuguese were successfully 
 pushing back Bonaparte from the Iberian peninsula, so in 
 South America the two naticns organized an equally successful 
 expedition against the distant colonies of their common foes. 
 Early in December, 1808, two Portuguese brigs of war, having 
 on board a detachment of 500 men, accompanied by the British 
 frigate Confiance, a converted French prize, succeeded in land- 
 ing without opposition at the mouth of the Oyapock river. 
 Thus encouraged, it was determined to make an attack on 
 Cayenne, the capital of the colony, a fortified town capable of 
 affording some resistance. On the 6th of January, aided by 
 a favourable wind, the Confiance stood in to the harbour, and, 
 after a brisk cannonade, succeeded in silencing the guns of the 
 sea-forts, thus enabling the Portuguese troops and some British 
 Marines and Blue-jackets, in all about 600 men, to be disem- 
 barked. The French troops were so superior in numbers to the 
 invading forces, and the Portuguese had shown such an evident 
 disinclination to meet them in fair fight, unless well supported 
 by their British comrades, that Captain Yest of the Confiance, 
 feeling it would be injudicious to weaken his numbers by garri- 
 soning the captured forts, dismantled them and pushed on to 
 Beauregard, where the Governor, Victor Hugues, had taken up 
 a strong position to cover Cayenne. After an obstinate con- 
 flict, in which the brave old Republican leader showed more than 
 his usual dogged gallantry, the allies were victorious. Follow- 
 ing up their success by a vigorous pursuit, on the 14th January 
 they had the proud satisfaction of hoisting the British colours 
 on the walls of Cayenne. One thousand prisoners and eighty 
 
 0 2 
 
196 Colonial France. 
 
 cannon were the trophies of the victors, whose total losses 
 amounted to about sixty killed and wounded. Too much 
 credit cannot be given to Yest for his spirited conduct in thus 
 venturing to push on against a fortified town though unprovided 
 with artillery of any sort. 
 
 It was this boldness—boldness akin to rashness—which 
 characterized our nayal officers in the wars of the early part 
 of the century, and which won for them the unshaken con- 
 fidence of their compatriots, and for their country a series 
 of triumphs, the lustre of which remains undimmed to this 
 day. | 
 
 After the capture of Cayenne the British Commander with- 
 drew his forces, handing over the colony to the Portuguese, 
 who continued to administer it until the year 1817, when, in 
 conformity with the terms of the Treaty of Paris, it was restored 
 to the French. | 
 
 Undeterred by previous failures, the French Government, 
 immediately after receiving the island in 1817, made a fresh 
 effort to revive colonization in Cayenne. This time the valley 
 of the Mana was selected as the graveyard of several hundred 
 mechanics, who were shipped off under the most specious 
 promises to seek for wealth in the foetid marshes of French 
 Guiana. Conflicts between the officials of the new venture and 
 the older colonists were not slow in developing themselves, and 
 ere five years had elapsed the colony on the Mana was effaced 
 as effectually as that on the Kouron had been. 
 
 The emancipation of the slaves in 1848 struck a final blow 
 at the colony, already dying of inanition. The liberated blacks 
 evinced a degree of independence against which the emascu- 
 lated whites could not stand. Jn masse the negroes deserted 
 the distant plantations to reside in the coast towns, where food 
 was cheaper and their life one of greater freedom and liberty. 
 Every effort was made by the Local Government to counteract 
 this movement. The negroes, though blessed with universal 
 suffrage, were not allowed to be absent from their domicile for 
 a single night without a passport, and double taxes were im- 
 posed on those residing in towns. Attempts, too, were made 
 to introduce coolies from the East Indies, and these for a time 
 
french Guiana. 197 
 
 by their labour, practically free, so small are the wages given 
 to the Indian immigrant, saved French Guiana from the ruin 
 which threatened to overwhelm it. 
 
 Population.—For its area French Guiana is one of the most 
 sparsely populated, as it is one of the poorest and most insa- 
 lubrious colonies in the world. According to the most recent 
 returns, viz., the census papers of 1881, the population was 
 constituted in the following manner :— 
 
 
 
 Civil Officials ; : ‘ 3 ; 235 
 Garrison : : ? 7 : = - 1,020 
 Members of Religious Orders. . 113 
 Aboriginal Indians : : ; no 
 Refugees from Brazil . : ; 7 ols 
 Local Population . ; 7 ‘ . 16,874 
 Coolies from Hindostan ‘ . 2,673 
 - Africa. : ; d 3aV3 
 
 os China and Annam . : 96 
 Convicts on Ticket Leave . ; L274 
 Officials of the Penal Establishment . 4.68 
 Convicts : , : ‘ : » 0420 
 28,832 
 
 This population being again thus divided— 
 
 
 
 
 
 Males. Females. 
 Adults : «14,193 10,165 
 Under 14. eee ee 2,189 
 16,478 12,354 28,832 
 
 
 
 : pene Ueieeaomusy _ Sai 
 
 
 
 The changes in the condition of the population during the 
 last three years of which there are returns, give— 
 
 Marriages. Births. Deaths. 
 bora) ; : 72 441 798 
 eS) 1) * « : : 7) 482 802 
 1661)... : . 84; 4.56 870 
 
 As the system of registration of births and deaths in country 
 districts is very defective, owing to the scattered nature of the 
 
198 Colonial France. 
 
 population, and as the returns do not include those of the 
 penal establishment, it may safely be assumed that the death- 
 rate has been upwards of 40 per 1,000 during the period 1879- 
 1881, whilst the average of births has been fully 10 per 1,000 
 below that. 
 
 Fiducation.—Primary education is gratuitous. It has been 
 undertaken for a long period of years by the Fréres de 
 Ploérmel for boys, and the Sisters of St. Joseph de Cluny 
 for girls. There are six schools under the guardianship of 
 these religious orders, giving instruction to a total of 1,118 
 children. | 
 
 Secondary education was for many years given in a college 
 under the supervision of the Fréres de Saint Esprit, but 
 the decrees of the Senate of 1882 suppressed this institution, 
 replacing it by a college, the professors of which were furnished 
 by the Department of Public Education in France. In addition 
 to this college the colony provides four scholarships for its most 
 deserving pupils, who are sent to France to complete their 
 education. One of these scholarships is at the Veterinary 
 College in Paris. 
 
 Government and Administration.—The colony of French 
 Guiana is administered in the same manner as Martinique, 
 Guadaloupe, &¢.—that is to say, the Governor is assisted in 
 his functions by a Conseil Privé, consisting of all the senior 
 State officials and two of the principal inhabitants, one named 
 by the President of the Republic, one by the Governor him- 
 
 
 
 self. Guiana being a penal colony, the head of the convict 
 
 establishment is ex-officio a member of this Council. The 
 Conseil Contentieux and Conseil Général are constituted in the 
 same manner as in the other colonies in the same category, 
 with the exception that the number of members in the latter 
 is sixteen, not thirty-six: these are elected by universal 
 suffrage. 
 
 The colony is divided into eleven Communes, each of which 
 is presided over by a Maire, assisted by a Municipal Council ; 
 one of these Communes, however, comprises the penal estab- 
 lishment of Maroni, which is not endowed with municipal 
 institutions. The yarious Communes are thus grouped :— 
 
French Guiana. 199 
 
 
 
 Members returned to 
 
 Circonscription. Commune. Corel General 
 
 First . ; : : Oyapock 9 
 Approuague } 
 
 Second : : : Tour de I’Ile 
 Ile de Cayenne ; 3 
 Roura 
 
 Third . : : : Tonnegrande 
 Montsinéry } 2 
 Macouria 
 
 Fourth : : : Kouron 1 
 
 Sinnamary } 
 
 Fifth . : : ; Traconboo 1 
 Mana } 
 
 Sixth . ; : ; Cayenne, Town of 6 
 Maroni } 
 
 
 
 Justice.—After passing through many phases, the civil and 
 criminal administration of Cayenne has at last been established 
 on the same basis as in the other colonies of France. Courts 
 of Appeal, and Tribunals of the First Instance, were constituted 
 in 1854, but it was only in 1882 that Juges de Paix were nomi- 
 nated to certain Communes. The various Codes of Procedure 
 in force in France have been made applicable to Cayenne, with 
 a few very necessary modifications having reference to the 
 different nature of the population. 
 
 The statistics of the various Courts do not show that love 
 of litigation which floods the Courts in other dependencies ; 
 the total number of cases appearing before all Courts being 
 1,239 in the last year for which returns are available :— 
 
 
 
 Civil Cases. |Commercial.| Criminal. | Minor Police Offences. 
 
 
 
 Court of Appeal : 9 2 20 246 
 Tribunal of the First 150 50 
 Instance . ; 
 Hight Courts of Juges \ 299 J oy 470 
 dePaix . § 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Public Works.—Efforts are being made to develop the agri- 
 cultural and mineral wealth of the country by opening up great 
 
200 Colonial France. 
 
 arteries of commerce, but the revenues of the colony do not 
 admit of any large sums being spent upon public works; con- 
 sequently their progress is slow. In 1881 only £12,000 was 
 voted for this purpose by the Conseil Général, and of this sum 
 £1,780 is expended in salaries of officials. Though the various 
 municipalities are alive to the necessities of the case, but little 
 is done by them towards improving the means of communica- 
 tion in Guiana. Owing to the nature of the country, which is 
 cut up by innumerable streams, and to the heavy rainfall, which 
 necessitates constant repairs to roads and bridges, the Local 
 Government finds the sum accorded for public works scarcely 
 more than sufficient to maintain in a serviceable condition the 
 existing roads and canals; little can be done towards the con- 
 struction of new works. 
 
 Agriculture.—Nature has divided Guiana into three distinct 
 zones—the highlands, or mountainous region, to which the 
 wealthier colonists retreat during the summer season, and the 
 soil of which, though fertile, is so wooded as to render cultiva- 
 tion difficult and expensive; the lowlands, composed of vast 
 alluvial deposits, pierced by innumerable rivers, fertile to ex- 
 cess, but in consequence of the labyrinth of watercourses, and’ 
 the fatal miasma arising from them, unhealthy to live in and 
 expensive to control; the prairies, which, intervening between 
 the mountain and the sea, afford grazing ground for large 
 herds of cattle. Here, again, the humidity of the atmosphere 
 interferes with the produce of the soil; for though the grass of 
 these prairies is fair to look upon, and although the indigenous ~ 
 cattle thrive upon it, the moisture it imbibes deprives it of 
 much of its nourishment, and horses have to be fed on hay 
 imported from Europe, the average cost of which is £12 to £18 
 a ton. 
 
 The cultivation of these zones is again clearly marked—in 
 the highlands, forestry, for Guiana has a considerable export 
 trade in the more valuable sorts of woods; in the lowlands, 
 sugar, roucou, coffee, cotton, &c., whilst the broad, undulating 
 plains are reserved for the rearing of cattle. 
 
 Population.—The population in the same manner have 
 
french Guiana. 201 
 
 divided themselves into three classes; the upper classes look 
 down with contempt on all who meddle with anything less 
 aristocratic than sugar-cane; the smaller proprietors throw 
 their energies into the cultivation of roucou, coffee, cocoa, cotton, 
 and spices; whilst the common people content themselves 
 with growing vegetables, or, in the absence of a small patch of 
 soil, are willing to undertake manual labour. 
 
 Guiana was essentially a sugar-producing colony, though 
 
 various causes are at work here as elsewhere to destroy this 
 industry. In the year 1726 there were but twenty planta- 
 tions in the country; in 1837 there were forty-four; and at 
 the present day there are but fifteen. Capital and credit alike 
 are necessary for sugar cultivation, and these are both wanting 
 in Guiana. The climate is not tempting for the wealthy 
 capitalist, and the business is too speculative a one for the 
 local banks to care to make heavy advances to men of straw 
 on the very doubtful security of a French sugar plantation. 
 In its best days the exports from Guiana never exceeded five 
 and a half million pounds; to-day it is less than three hundred 
 thousand pounds. 
 - In Guiana sugar has found a formidable rival in roucou, a 
 small shrub almost unknown elsewhere, and which, I believe, is 
 indigenous to the country. From its fruit the natives extract 
 a dye, with which they deepen the reddish tint of their skins. 
 Profiting by this, the colonists have developed a rising trade 
 with Europe in this commodity, which now is largely used in 
 colouring silken, woollen, and cotton goods. In 1826 the 
 number of plantations devoted to the cultivation of this plant 
 was but eighty-six ; to-day there are over 300. The plant is 
 exceedinely hardy, is in full bearing in its third year, and 
 continues to give a good crop until its twentieth: the output 
 varies from 660 to 1,900 Ibs. per acre. A steam manufac- 
 tory has recently been erected in Cayenne for the extraction 
 of the dye from the raw plant, thus obviating the expense 
 of its manufacture in Europe; and it has been found that 
 the juice from the fresh plant is far more lasting in its tints 
 than that which has suffered from a sea voyage. 
 
202 Colonial France. 
 
 ‘ 
 = 
 
 Coffee, cocoa, and cotton are amongst the other products of 
 the country ; the former was introduced from Surinam about 
 the year 1716. Cocoa-trees grow in the interior of the colony, 
 where they attain a considerable size; but it was only in the 
 year 1728 that their cultivation was seriously attempted, and, 
 owing to the superior hardiness of the cocoa-tree over the 
 coffee plant, more attention has in recent years been paid to 
 it: the two shrubs begin bearing about their fifth year, though 
 they do not attain their full vigour until their eighth; but the 
 cocoa continues to bear fruit for twenty-five or thirty years, 
 whilst the coffee plant does not last more than half that 
 period. 
 
 Cotton is indigenous to the soil, and the natives cultivate 
 inferior qualities in great quantities; unfortunately, the ex- 
 treme humidity of the lowlands is as unfavourable to the better 
 sorts as also is the soil of the highlands, and this, added to 
 the superior climate of the United States, which permits more 
 vigorous labour on the plantations, has tended to the deteriora- 
 tion of this industry. Twenty years ago, during the American 
 War of Secession, Guiana reaped a rich cotton harvest, over 
 600,000 Ibs. being annually exported ; now the exports do not 
 reach a tenth of that amount. 
 
 Cloves form another important item in the wealth of the 
 colony. Itis asserted that one Poivre, Intendant of the islands of 
 Mauritius and Réunion in the year 1777, commissioned three 
 men, an official of the old East India Company, named Prevost, 
 and two sailors—Trémigon, a hardy Malouine, and Etchevery 
 —to obtain by purchase, fraud, or force, some plants of cloves 
 and nutmegs from the Dutch planters of the Malaccas. At 
 the risk of their lives, Poivre’s employés in two successive 
 voyages succeeded in carrying off by stealth a number of plants, 
 which were distributed throughout the islands of Mauritius, 
 Réunion, Martinique, and Guadaloupe: a further supply was 
 sent to Guiana, and in the neighbourhood of Cayenne it 
 flourished exceedingly. In the year 1837 the total exports 
 amounted to 225,000 Ibs., valued at about £25,000, whereas 
 at the present day the value of the exports is not £600. 
 
French Guiana. 203 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SUGAR. Rovcovu. CoFFEE, 
 
 Acreage Output. | Acreage Output, Acreage Output. 
 
 acres. lbs. Ibs. acres. Ibs. 
 1835 i Bs Pe 560,000 ae 192,800 
 
 1837 | 1,250 e = 1,000,000 as ae 
 1875 ate oer ae Ses 960 84,920 
 1879 BC ue a age 1,330 57,000 
 1880 ie aes A ae 1,000 170,000 
 Pome 1,950 | 1,100,000] ... it 1,035 47,000 
 
 Arboriculture.—-The mountain slopes of Guiana are richly 
 clad with forests of valuable trees, useful alike for building and 
 for the more expensive sorts of furniture. The form of Govern- 
 ment, which stifles every enterprise, and the lack of energy on 
 the part of the inhabitants, has caused the trade to dwindle 
 away. ‘The magnificent exhibits of the woods from Guiana in 
 the Exposition Universelle of 1878, created a fresh impetus in 
 this industry ; but the absence of roads, or even of water trans- 
 port, the lack of saw-mills, and the poverty of the population, 
 in money and spirit, prevents any great resuscitation in the 
 export of woods. In 1835 the value of exports amounted to 
 £10,000, in 1881 it did not reach £2,000. 
 
 Cattle-raising.—I have alluded to the rich plains which lie 
 between the foot of the mountain slopes and the sea as being 
 admirably adapted for cattle-raising. Unfortunately, the expor- 
 tation of cattle is forbidden by the French Government, and 
 the population of the colony being so sparse, there is no sale in 
 Guiana for the numbers that might be raised on these prac- 
 tically boundless prairies. At one period efforts were made to 
 develop the industry, and some good beasts were imported into 
 the colony. The want of a ready sale, however, threw such a 
 damper over the enterprise, that all further efforts were aban- 
 doned, and now cattle, even for the support of the penal estab- 
 lishment, have to be imported from Brazil. Thisis the more 
 to be regretted, as colonists in neighbouring States are making 
 rapid fortunes by cattle-raising, which they find an economical 
 and most profitable employment. 
 
 Gold-mining.—In the year 1878 the action of certain Paris- 
 
204 Colonial France. 
 
 ian capitalists, who flooded London with the most outrageous 
 statements as to the auriferous wealth of Guiana, cast a 
 certain amount of discredit on the value of recent discoveries in 
 the colony. ‘Tradition has placed El Dorado on the borders of 
 a mysterious lake, Parmia, in the depths of the forests of 
 Guiana, and from the earliest days we have evidence confirmed 
 by actual proof of the presence of rich auriferous deposits in 
 the various mountain districts of the colony. An expedition 
 under the auspices of the local Government published, about 
 the year 1837, a most favourable report on discoveries actually 
 made in the valley of the Approuague, and in the same year a 
 concession was granted to a Parisian capitalist of a tract of 
 land, embracing an area of 590,000 acres, for a period of 
 twenty-five years. In the first four years the Company had 
 forwarded to France 7,600 ounces of gold, all obtained from 
 alluvial washings. These results caused a sudden outbreak of 
 gold fever, and at the present moment there are upwards of 
 eighty-eight mines in Ie order, the total exports last year 
 being 61,838 ounces. 
 
 Conmerce.—In regarding the area of the colony of French 
 Guiana, its commerce appears feeble in the extreme; but when 
 we realize that just one-half of the imports, and five-eighths of 
 the imports and exports combined, are for the use of the 
 garrison and convict establishments, and that the expenditure 
 of the colony is one-half of its total commercial movement, 
 one is not surprised to learn that the French have offered the 
 colony, at a very moderate figure, to Brazil, Holland, and 
 England, nor can one be surprised that all these countries 
 have respectfully declined to purchase it at any cost. 
 
 Recent returns give the following movements :— 
 
 Exports to France. Imports from France. 
 
 1876, © , . £12,489 £224,100 
 1S : ee 213,791 
 il Sas oes ; . 11,774 205,314 
 17? ae : . 12,280 204,240 
 1880. : . 22,075 210,571 
 
 And in the year 1881, the last for which detailed returns are 
 
french Guiana. 205 
 
 available, we find that the total commercial movement just 
 exceeds £400,000, viz. :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Imports from France . ; . £258,833 
 7 French Colonies. 4,688 
 A Foreign Countries . 113,651 
 ~ - 377,172 
 Exports to France . : . £29,870 
 - French Colonies . Z 20 
 i, Foreign Countries. 3,870 
 33,765 
 £410,937 
 faeces 
 The principal items of Importation being— 
 Salt Meat . ; A : ‘ . £13,596 
 Salt Butter ; : : : e460 L 
 Suet . . é : ' : rola 
 Rice . : : : ; : ee O.OL 7 
 Winesand Spirits. : : . 58,607 
 Cotton Goods. : : : = 6,000 
 
 These being destined chiefly for the use of the troops. 
 
 The Shipping movements in the colony are inconsiderable, 
 the principal carrying trade being in the hands of the English : 
 fifty per cent. of the vessels entering the port sail under the 
 Union Jack. According to the returns for the year 1881, the 
 numbers entered and cleared were as under :— 
 
 
 
 Entered. Cleared. 
 Vessels. Tonnage. Vessels. Tonnage. 
 From or for France ; . 43 14,698 9 2,671 
 mA French Colonies . 13 7,635 21 9,800 
 G . ( of these 
 | of these 30 were of 
 . Other Countries . 51 < ras 68 ae 
 of 4,217. nage of 
 e L 10,998. 
 
 As the colonies of British and French Guiana are contiguous, 
 and are of nearly the same area, it may be of interest to com- 
 pare their present condition. Such a comparison proves, more 
 than words can express, the difference in the results obtained 
 
206 Colonial France. 
 
 by the two countries, under absolutely similar climatic diffi- 
 culties :— 
 
 French Guiana. British Guiana. 
 Area : : : ; . 100,000 76,000 
 Population . ; ; 27,000" = 252,286 
 Revenue . : : : . £65,693 £403,245 
 Expenditure . : : . £257,852 £421,087 
 Tonnage Entered and Cleared 49,914 tons 519,581 tons 
 Imports . : : : « £377,172 £1,784,145 
 Exports . ; : . £33,765 £2,597,291 
 Customs Revenue . : . £26,836 £214,451 
 
 Finances.—As in the other colonies under French rule, so 
 do we find Guiana largely dependent on the mother country 
 for support, its annual expenditure in 1885 being just three 
 times its revenue, the deficiency being supplied from home. It 
 may be thus summarized :— | | 
 
 Kixpenditure provided for by Local Budget . £65,695 
 *By Budget of Minister of Marine . ; . “LOZ To? 
 
 
 
 £257,852 
 
 
 
 
 
 The principal items of Receipts in the Local Budget are :— 
 
 Licence Tax : . : : . £2,800 
 House Tax. ; : . : ~ La2o 
 Weights and Measures. : 3 76 
 Customs Dues . ; ; ; . W265886 
 
 Garrison and Defences.—The garrison of the colony con- 
 sists of— : 
 Six Companies of the Infantry of the Marine, 
 Half Battery of Artillery of the Marine, 
 One Company of Gendarmerie of Marine. 
 
 And the Naval services are provided for, by two small paddle- 
 wheel despatch boats. 
 
 * Details of this Expenditure are given in Appendix No. 1. 
 
207 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 SAINT PIERRE AND MIQUELON. 
 
 Early Occupation by France of Canada and Newfoundland—The Fish- 
 ing Fleets of St. Pierre and Miquelon—Population—Government 
 and Administration—Juastice—Hducation—Public Works—Agricul- 
 ture and Commerce—Finances. 
 
 Or all the possessions which in the opening years of the 
 eighteenth century enhanced the grandeur of France none were 
 more prized, none more valuable, than those in North America. 
 In Nova Scotia, in Newfoundland, and Canada, in the basin of 
 the Mississippi, and in Mexico, her flag covered more territory 
 than that belonging to England, Spain, and Holland. Ere 
 the close of the century, all that remained to her were the 
 small islands of Saint Pierre and Miquelon, off the coast of 
 Newfoundland ; and now, in the wane of the nineteenth century, 
 we still find the colonial possessions of France in North 
 America restricted to these barren rocks. For close on four 
 hundred years they have been the resort of the hardy fisher- 
 men of the Basque and Breton coasts, the training-ground for 
 the best seamen France has ever possessed. Like her other 
 colonies, these islands are interwoven in the history of every 
 war which has been waged betweea France and England ; in 
 each successive campaign they have passed into our hands, to 
 be restored at each successive peace. All along the French 
 littoral, from Dunkerque to St. Jean de Luz, there is not a 
 hamlet which has not sent forth the prime of its youth to court 
 danger, and to seek wealth on the dreary coasts of Newfound- 
 land. The perils of the fisherman’s calling are immortalized 
 in the verses of the Basque and the Breton peasantry, and 
 the gallantry of the Newfoundland privateers is still sung in 
 
208 Colonial France. 
 
 the ’tween decks of the miserable craft which annually put 
 forth in fleets to the cod fisheries of Newfoundland. 
 
 As advanced posts to the fisheries of Newfoundland, these 
 islands in the seventeenth century were of incalculable value, 
 both stategically and commercially; and even when, by the 
 Treaty of Utrecht, Newfoundland was wrested from France, 
 they remained a welcome port of refuge to the fishing fleets on 
 the great banks, who found a ready market for their industry 
 in Canada as in Europe. During the course of the operations 
 in North America in 1778, a squadron under Admiral Mon- 
 tague was despatched to take possession of these islands, whose 
 hardy inhabitants were causing much damage to English ship- 
 ping. Their garrisons were too feeble to make any opposition, 
 and by the terms of the capitulation arranged between the 
 Governor and the Admiral, the whole population was trans- 
 ported to France. The Treaty of Versailles, in 1783, once 
 more saw these isles restored to their French owners, and the 
 inhabitants were conveyed back to their rocky homes at the 
 expense of the State. ‘Ten years later, on the outbreak of the 
 Revolutionary war, England, mindful of the damage done to 
 her commerce by the privateers of St. Pierre and Miquelon, 
 inaugurated her colonial victories by their bloodless capture ; 
 but on the conclusion of the Peace of Amiens again concluded 
 an act of restitution. No sooner were Napoleon’s real reasons 
 for that hollow truce thoroughly gauged than orders were 
 despatched to the Admiral commanding our fleets on the — 
 North American station to occupy these fishing islets, and in 
 March, 1804, the Tricolour was replaced by the Cross of Saint 
 George. The Treaty of Paris of 1815 restored them to France, 
 and they now remain her sole possession in North American 
 waters. 
 
 For more than three centuries the coasts of Newfoundland 
 have been the principal source whence Catholic Europe derives 
 its supplies of salt fish. It is true that on the coasts of Scot- 
 land and Norway, around Iceland, the Faroes, and Shetland, 
 off the Dogger bank, and even so far south as the Canaries, 
 the fish is caught in large quantities; but, in the face of all 
 opposition, Newfoundland cod retains its popularity, and the 
 
Saint Pierre and Miquelon. 209 
 
 fleets which annually are fitted out in France, England, and 
 the United States for the fisheries off the Newfoundland coasts 
 are more numerous, more powerfully manned, and consist of 
 larger craft than those employed in other waters. For the 
 French fishing fleets St. Pierre and Miquelon offer a welcome 
 harbour of refuge ; during the summer months they are visited 
 by numerous vessels from Basque, Breton, and Normandy 
 ports, all destined for the banks of Newfoundland. These 
 islands of recent years have done more than give shelter to 
 fishing craft, for the naval squadron of the Antilles annually 
 run northwards during the hot season, and the crews get 
 invigorated by the fresh breezes from the Newfoundland banks. 
 In fact, St. Pierre and Miquelon act as sanatoria for the vessels 
 of war stationed in Martinique and Guadaloupe. 
 
 In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the Basque pro- 
 vinces furnished the greater proportion of vessels for the New- 
 foundland fisheries, the little town of St. Jean de Luz being the 
 principal port for this industry. In those days it was a flourish- 
 ‘ing city, its merchants ranked among the richest in the south 
 of France, and their hotels rivalled the palaces of Florence and 
 Venice in the beauty of their architecture and the magnificence 
 of their decorations. Every year a fleet of eighty vessels used 
 to leave the harbour of St. Jean de Luz for the fisheries of 
 Newfoundland : now the harbour is no more, the palaces are en- 
 sulfed, and the town a cheap winter resort for those who dread 
 the expenses of its sister rival, Biarritz. The sea, which 
 made the fortune of its inhabitants, also proved their ruin ; 
 little by little it encroached on the defences art threw up to 
 control nature: first the bar at the mouth of the Nivelle was 
 destroyed, then the diques, constructed at an enormous expendi- 
 ture of labour and money, were washed away. The genius of 
 Vauban was called into requisition, and he, Canute-like, said 
 to the waters of the Bay of Biscay, ‘‘ Thus far shalt thou go, 
 and no farther.’’ But the engineer whose work had defied a 
 Marlborough, and whose name still ranks as the first of all 
 defensive creators, was powerless against the omnipotent sea. 
 Year by year the encroachments continued, until the Newfound- 
 land fleet was compelled to seek more secure winter quarters 
 
 P 
 
210 Colontal France. 
 
 in the north of France. Bayonne gave shelter to some two 
 or three vessels, and Bordeaux to five or six, but the heritage 
 of the Basque fishermen was bestowed on their comrades of 
 Brittany and Normandy. 
 
 The English traveller who,:in the early spring, visits the 
 harbours of these provinces, will be rewarded with a curious 
 spectacle. In the harbours of St. Brieuec, Piampol, and 
 Binic, in the Bay of St. Malo, and at Granville, Fecamp, and 
 Dieppe, he will see craft of all sizes fitting out for their annual 
 cruise. The larger rigs are few in number; some eight or ten 
 barques, and not more than five or six full-rigged ships are in- 
 cluded in the fleet ; but brigs and brigantines, schooners, and 
 even yawls are to be met with in fifties or sixties. Each craft 
 has some distinguishing mark: a green foretopsail one, a brown 
 maintop-gallant sail another, a coloured patch in the courses of 
 a third, obviate the necessity of a code of signals. Stout old 
 craft many of them are ; but under the clauses of Mr. Chamber- 
 lain’s proposed shipping bills, there are few that would not be 
 stopped ere they started on their perilous voyage. Loaded to 
 within a few inches of their main deck, destitute of copper- 
 sheathing, crowded with small skiffs destined for line-fishing on 
 the banks, the vessels look, as many of them are, practically un- 
 manageable and absolutely unseaworthy. The virtue of thrift 
 has in the French race degenerated into the vice of parsimony, 
 and in order that the ‘‘ armateur”’ may derive a rich harvest 
 from his unseaworthy craft, each vessel carries a crowd of 
 passengers or ‘‘ consortés.” I have seen eighty of these on a 
 vessel of 148 tons, which, in addition, was lumbered up with 
 seventeen fishing boats. The crew of such a craft consists of 
 a captain, who by the French fishery laws is exempt from all 
 examinations, and some twenty or thirty men, with a cabin 
 boy, to every ten hands. Many vessels start on their voyage 
 with from two to three hundred souls on board. The naviga- 
 tion practised on board is of the rudest description, and the 
 result is the most appalling loss of life. Never a season passes 
 without the total loss of from eight or ten of the Newfoundland 
 boats with all on board. Founderings from leaks are perhaps 
 the most frequent causes of loss; but collisions with sister 
 
27 
 
 —— 
 
 Saint Prerre and Miquelon. 211 
 
 craft or with icebergs are by no means uncommon. It is rare 
 that a look-out is kept; still more rare, except when near- 
 ing the French coast, that lights are shown ; and when, in a fit 
 of Basque-like extravagance, the Breton skipper hangs out his 
 side-lights, they are invariably either lashed to the mizen rig- 
 ging or abaft of the mizen chains, where the steersman can 
 attend to them without disturbing even the mousse. 
 
 As in whalers, the crews of the fishing fleet are paid accord- 
 ing to the success of the voyage. Prior to starting, each able 
 seaman obtains an advance of from 150 to 200 francs, which is 
 handed over to wife or mother. The produce of the season’s 
 fishing, at the expiration of the voyage, is thus divided :—Four- 
 sevenths goes to the owner, and three-sevenths to the crew. 
 The three-sevenths is again subdivided into shares, of which 
 the captain takes three, the mate two, each able seaman one, 
 and a mousse half a share. The passage-money of the ‘‘ con- 
 sortés,” who vary in number from 50 to 150, according to the 
 size of the craft, is from £4 to £6, and, in addition to this, 
 they are required to pay 100 frances as freight for their boats. 
 On their return voyage they are allowed five quintals of dried 
 fish as free luggage. 
 
 In order to encourage this industry, the French Government 
 erant bounties of £2 to every man, whether sailor borne on the 
 logs, or ‘‘consorté’”’ embarked on board of the Newfoundland 
 fishing-vessels, and a bounty of 8s. 4d. per cwt. (twenty francs 
 per quintal) on all dry cod or cod’s roe imported into France. 
 In the year 1884, over £200,000 was allotted in the Budget as 
 bounties to the fishermen of France. 
 
 Without the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, and the 
 rich bounties which tempt the poverty-stricken fisherman to 
 try a stroke of luck in the fishing fleets, the industry, so far as 
 France is concerned, would perish. On reaching these har- 
 bours of refuge, the vessels destined for the nearer banks lie 
 up for the summer months, whilst the crews and ‘ consortés,” 
 set off in their little skiffs to prosecute their dangerous calling. 
 Every few days, when sufficient fish have been caught, the 
 boats return, and the cod are cleaned, dried, and salted on 
 shore. On the more distant banks this operation is performed 
 
 p 2 
 
ee 
 
 212 Colonial France. 
 
 on board, the vessels returning every now and again to the 
 islands for fresh provisions and water, and to give the crew a 
 run ashore. 
 
 Population.—The population of the islands may be divided 
 into five classes— 
 
 1. The old residents, descendants of the fishermen who, 
 ousted from Newfoundland by the Treaty of Utrecht 
 in 1718, have since clung faithfully to their original 
 calling on these barren rocks. These are, for the 
 most part, sprung from the original Basque and 
 Breton settlers in Nova Scotia—the Acadie of the 
 French. 
 
 2. The ‘“hivernants,” or temporary French settlers, who 
 have emigrated to the islands to pursue some trade 
 or calling, generally in connection with the fishing 
 interests, and who, when they have amassed their 
 little fortune, return to their homes. 
 
 3. The ‘ congortés,’’ or annual visitors, fishermen by 
 calling, thousands of whom arrive every spring, and 
 who return in the autumn to France, carrying with 
 them the proceeds of their industry. 
 
 4, Tradesmen, cabaretiers, employés in the various com- 
 mercial firms which have branches in the islands. 
 
 5. Government officials. 
 
 According to the last census returns (1881), the population 
 is thus divided :— 
 
 
 
 Males. Females. 
 Sedentary—Adults “.. : . 1,830 1,263 
 f Under 14. : : - eeole 831 
 Floating—Officials . : ; i wleo 104: 
 _ roonses ae : ; ere ay 
 - Gendarmes : ; , 29 12 
 3 Summer Visitors ; , 120 nat 
 a Foreigners . : ; Sade aos 4,96 
 2,838 2,706 
 
 Giving a total population of 5,544 souls. The changes in the 
 year 1881 were as follows :— 
 
Saint Prerre and Mrqguelon. 213 
 
 Marriages. : ‘ : ; ' ; -* oo 
 Births . : : ; : : . : etka 
 Deaths : ; ‘ a SZ 
 
 These deaths only include those that actually occurred on the 
 islands, and not those involved in the many shipwrecks which 
 spread sorrow and desolation throughout the French coasts. 
 No accurate returns of these are available; but in the loss of 
 three vessels which have come under my own knowledge, in the 
 the course of the year 1888, 373 fishermen have met a watery 
 erave. 
 
 Government and Administration.—The islands are classed 
 with those colonies unendowed with representative institutions. 
 They are administered by a Governor, who is assisted in his 
 functions by an official of the ‘‘ Service de l’Interieur,’’ and by 
 one of the ‘‘ Service Judiciare.” All questions relating to the 
 colony are discussed by a Council, consisting of the Governor 
 as President, the two above-mentioned officials, and the officer 
 commanding the troops, as members, together with three of 
 the principal inhabitants, who are nominated members of the 
 Governor’s Council by the suffrages of the Municipal Councils 
 of St. Pierre and Miquelon. 
 
 There are municipal institutions presided over by Mayors in 
 the two Communes of St. Pierre and Miquelon, all local 
 works being conducted under their authority and supervision. 
 The revenues are swallowed up in local improvements, thus 
 necessitating the payment by the mother country of a con- 
 siderable sum, in order to maintain the equilibrium between 
 receipts and expenditure. 
 
 In the year 1881, the Communal receipts were :— 
 
 Saint Pierre : : : : . £3,576 
 Miquelon... ‘ : : eet 206 
 £4,842 
 md 
 
 Justice.—The codes which govern the Civil and Criminal 
 procedure in France have been made applicable to these 
 islands, where a Court of Appeal, a Tribunal of the First 
 Instance, and two Courts of Juges de Paix, sit to administer 
 
214 Colonial France. 
 
 justice. In all there are twenty-nine officials of various grades 
 on the rolls of the Judicial establishment, but the returns of 
 the Courts do not show them to be overburdened with work. 
 During the year 1881 the cases they were called on to decide 
 were— 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Civil Cases. |Commercial.| Criminal. | Minor Police Offences. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Court of Appeal ; 19 8 
 Tribunal of the First | 2 
 
 Instance eeha§ 
 Two Courts of Juges | 2 
 de Paix clas 
 
 
 
 Education.—The new rules as to the laicization of schools 
 has not as yet been applied to the islands; the primary instruc- 
 tion for youths being entrusted to the Society of the Saint 
 Esprit, that of the girls being undertaken by the Sisters of 
 Saint Joseph of Cluny. 
 
 In the four boys’ schools 594 boys are ocnceaas and in thir- 
 teen schools for girls 581 children. 
 
 There is a school also conducted by the same Fréres, in 
 which fifty-six boys receive higher education, and in this estab- 
 lishment the colonial expenditure provides ay the payment of 
 six pupils. 
 
 Public Works.—From time to time, the Budget of the Min- 
 ister of Marine and the Colonies has provided for considerable 
 expenditure in connection with the improvement of the means 
 of navigation around the island. Lighthouses, provided with 
 fog-horns, have been constructed on the Isle of Dogs, Sainte 
 Plate, and at Cape Blanc, whilst the harbour at St. Pierre has 
 been deepened, and commodious piers and landing stages built 
 around it. 
 
 Agriculture.—The natural sterility of the soil of these 
 islands has prevented any attempts on a large scale being made 
 to develop their agricultural resources. The harvest of the 
 inhabitants is reaped in the sea, and so long as their fields give 
 them enough vegetables to afford a change in the diet of the 
 crews of the fishing fleets, so long as their landes permit the 
 
Saint Pierre and Miquelon. 215 
 
 grazing of enough cattle to furnish them with fresh food during 
 the year, and to realize a profit by their sale to the ships in the 
 harbours, the population is content. The high downs on 
 Miquelon afford good grazing ground, and considerable herds 
 of cattle are met with on the island; but the climate, as well as 
 the soil, forbids cultivation to any extent. Some few small farms 
 are to be seen, these being generally devoted to the cultivation 
 of vegetables. However, as only 2,500 acres are at present occu- 
 pied, it is evident that the islanders do not look to their land as 
 a source of wealth. 
 
 The more sheltered portions of the highlands of both islands 
 are well wooded with a small species of spruce fir, from which 
 the inhabitants brew a very agreeable kind of light ale, called 
 sapinette. This beverage is much appreciated by the seamen on 
 the fishing craft, and as it is as inexpensive as Breton cider, it 
 is served out to them as a regular ration by order of the 
 administration, its anti-scorbutic properties rendering it most 
 valuable in these regions. 
 
 Although the climate of these islands is rigorous in the 
 extreme, and in the winter months the cold is excessive, all 
 out-door labour being suspended, yet the summers, owing to 
 the proximity of the Gulf Stream, are genial, and this enables 
 the inhabitants to make good and profitable employment of the 
 few acres they devote to the cultivation of vegetables. 
 
 Commerce.—The sole commerce of the colony les in its 
 fisheries. Their produce is exported to every Catholic country 
 in the world. The commercial statistics even of the most 
 distant French colonies on the West Coast of Africa show how 
 dependent the settlers are on the hardy fishermen of Brittany 
 for the means of observing the tenets of their faith. £28,000 
 worth of dried cod are exported to Guadaloupe alone. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Imports from Exports to 
 France : : » £9,452 £255,811 
 French Colonies . Ral) 57,008 
 Foreign Countries =. 250,181 86,195 
 
 £266,143 £399,014 
 
 
 
 aoe TTT 
 
216 Colonial France. 
 
 The principal items of Importation being— 
 
 Wine and Spirits. : . £15,124 
 
 Salt . 5 , : : ; . 9,645 
 
 Flour . : ; ; : : . 41,178 
 The Exportation being— 
 
 Dried Cod in various forms . , £298,746 
 
 Cod-Liver Oil . : ; : . 22 Ore 
 
 In the year 1881, 119 vessels, of a gross tonnage of 16,700, 
 with crews numbering 2,203 men (exclusive of ‘ consortés”’), 
 entered the harbour of St. Pierre and Miquelon, from the 
 various French ports, for employment in the fisheries. 
 
 Though this industry, as far as these islands are concerned, 
 is exclusively in French hands, the commerce is in the hands 
 of foreigners, as the following statistics show— 
 
 French Vessels. Foreign Vessels. 
 No. of Craft. Tonnage. No. of Craft. Tonnage. 
 Eutered . 94, 15,536 1,026 545,238 
 
 Finances.—Although salt cod is in itself an inexpensive 
 luxury, the cost of this edible in the market by no means re- 
 presents the actual value to the French tax~-payer. The fisheries 
 of St. Pierre and Miquelon, when their size and commerce is 
 considered, are very expensive appendages to the Republic. 
 
 The Budget is, of course, divided into two heads, viz., that 
 provided for locally, and that which is included in the accounts 
 of the Minister of Marine, the total expenditure exceeding 
 £300,000 :— 
 
 Expenses provided for by Local Budget . =. £12,094 
 *Budget of Minister of Marine 3 : - 96,547 
 Budget of Minister of Commerce— 
 Bounties on Imported Fish and to Fisher- 
 men . : : : . 221,840 
 £330,481 
 
 
 
 
 
 * Details of this sum will be found in Appendix No. 1. 
 
217 
 
 CHAPTER XI, 
 
 MADAGASCAR. 
 
 Its Geographical Position known to the Ancients—Discovered by the 
 Portuguese—Virst French Expedition in 1642—De Pronis and De 
 Meilleraye settle on the Island—Flacourt annexes it to France— 
 Failure of Attempts to Colonize—Re-attached to France—Jesuits 
 step in to Proselytize Inhabitants—Hnglish Alliance with Radama I. 
 —Island of St. Marie occupied by France—French Collision with 
 Malagese in 1829—Constant Efforts of Jesuits to regain lost 
 Ascendency — Laborde, Lastelle, and Finaz — French encourage 
 Slavery—Occupation of Mohély—Radama II. and the French— 
 His Religious Tolerance—His Death—Religious Intolerance of hig 
 Widow—Her Pretended Baptism and Death—Hostilities with 
 France—Rivalry between France and England—Conduct of Admiral 
 Pierre—Firmness of Lord Granville—Hostile Feeling in France 
 towards Hngland—Leroy Beaulieu on Frerch Colonies—Their 
 Danger to England. 
 
 Despite the Treaty of 1886, which bestows on France the 
 power of controlling the foreign policy of the island, and 
 cedes to her certain important points on the coast, it is some- 
 what premature to consider Madagascar a French colony. Yet 
 our neighbours are never weary of proclaiming their inde- 
 feasible and imprescriptive rights over the island, and their 
 actions during the years 1883-1886 certainly prove their evi- 
 dent determination to resume that nominal proprietorship which 
 existed during the reign of Louis XIV. 
 
 A brief history of the island, dealing more par ticularly with 
 the French connection, may not, then, be out of place. 
 
 This connection has been of long date, and although claims 
 are laid by the more advanced advocates of a spirited colonial 
 policy to the possession of the whole island, in virtue of a 
 
218 Colonial France. 
 
 formal annexation in the year 1644, yet until recently the 
 French have only openly professed rights of sovereignty over 
 the petty islets of Mayotte, Nossi Bé, and St. Marie de 
 Madagascar. 
 
 The main island lies off the south-eastern coast of South 
 Africa, from which it is separated by the Mozambique Channel. 
 It is situated between the 11° 57’ and 25° 88’ parallels of south 
 latitude, and 41° 20° to 50° 81’ east longitude; it has an ex- 
 treme length of about 1,030 with a breadth of 850 miles, its 
 area being 282,000 square miles, and its population, according 
 to different authorities, varies from two to five million souis. 
 Grouped around it in mid-ocean lie the fertile islands of 
 Mauritius, Réunion, Saint Marie, Nossi Bé, Nossi Faly, Nossi 
 Mitsio, Mayotte, and the Comores, all of which, during the 
 reign of Louis XVI., formed portions of the possessions of the 
 French Crown ; but Mauritius, the largest, richest, and most 
 valuable of the group, which had been captured by us in 
 1809, was confirmed in our possession by the Treaty of Paris 
 of 1814, under the terms of which we, on our part, restored 
 to France Réunion (or Bourbon), which, together with Mauri- 
 tius, had fallen into our hands, by right of conquest, in the 
 year 1810. 
 
 It is asserted, and with some show of truth, that Madagas- 
 car was known to the ancients, and savants declare that both 
 Pliny and Ptolemy refer to it under the various names of 
 Phebol, Menuthia, and Cerné. That it was known to the early 
 Arabian and Chinese navigators admits of little dispute. 
 Edrisi, the famous Arab geographer, in his work on Nubia, 
 mentions a personal visit to the island towards the end of the 
 thirteenth century, when he found the commerce between 
 Madagascar, its neighbouring islands and Asia in the hands of 
 the Chinese, who, since the latter part of the ninth century, 
 had been steadily engaged in trade with the Malagese. The 
 Persians, who named it Serendib, also entered into com- 
 mercial relations with the islanders, whom they found adepts 
 in business matters, and well inclined towards strangers. 
 
 Marco Polo, on his return from China in 1298; also makes 
 mention of the trade at that time existing between the island 
 
Madagascar. 219 
 
 and the Celestial Empire, and he is, I believe, the first known 
 geographer who refers to it under its present name. 
 
 The connection between Europe and Madagascar dates from 
 the commencement of the sixteenth century. For the redis- 
 covery of the island we are indebted to those hardy navigators 
 the Portuguese, whose skilful and intrepid commanders have 
 paved the way to so much of England’s commercial success. 
 On the 10th August, 1506, a Portuguese squadron, en route 
 for the East Indies, first sighted Madagascar, and its com- 
 mander, Fernando Suarez, named it St. Laurent, in honour of 
 the day. A few months later Tristan d’Acunha, another of 
 those daring Portuguese voyagers, landed on the western shores 
 of the island, ignorant of the fact that his compatriot had 
 already hoisted his country’s flag on the eastern coast. It was 
 not, however, until 1540 that a small body of Portuguese 
 missionaries established themselves on a little island just off 
 the south-eastern extremity of the mainland. The open 
 hostility of the islanders was soon evinced, attacks on the 
 mission station were frequent, and finally the little band was 
 compelled to return to Europe. The connection, however, 
 between Portugal and Madagascar was by no means severed; 
 from time to time vessels, on going to or returning from Goa, 
 put in to the island in order to maintain commercial relations 
 between the two countries, and, if possible, to re-establish a 
 mission station. In 1615 the efforts of some monks from 
 Goa were so far successful that the King of one of the southern 
 States entrusted to them his only son, aged seventeen years, 
 who was taken to the Mission College at Goa for his education. 
 On his return, a few years later, a fresh attempt was made to 
 open a station in the south, near the spot now known as Port 
 Dauphin, but this again proved a failure. 
 
 Between the years 1618-1640, both the English and the 
 Dutch made attempts to found settlements on the island. A 
 company of traders belonging to the latter nation for some 
 years actually succeeded in founding a settlement in the Bay 
 of Antougil, on the north coast. Sickness, however, decimated 
 them, commerce proved inadequate, and in the year 1640 the 
 Dutch settlers left the island free for other explorers. 
 
220 Colontal France. 
 
 It was now the turn of France to step in, and in the year 
 1642, at the instigation of a naval officer, de Rigault, of 
 Rochelle, a society was formed for the purpose of organizing a 
 system of commerce between France and Asia. Richelieu, 
 ever ready to aid in the material progress of his country, threw 
 himself heart and soul into the undertaking, and with his all- 
 powerful aid La Société d’Orient was established. Its object 
 was to found French colonies in distant waters. Regardless 
 of the rights of the owners of these far-off lands, His Most 
 Christian Majesty granted concessions with no niggard hand 
 to the new-born Company, and La Société d’Orient was en- 
 dowed with the sole privilege of carrying on trade with Mada- 
 gascar for a period of ten years. 
 
 Of this undertaking Charpentier writes :— 
 
 ‘‘The Cardinal indulged in the hope that our commerce 
 would benefit largely from our connection with this island. He 
 thought that our relationship with such a distant land would 
 act very favourably on our mercantile marine, would increase 
 the number of our sailors and of our ships, and would also 
 tend to the development of trade. He also hoped that the 
 island would serve as a powerful port of call for our fleets 
 trading with India.”’ 
 
 It was to develop Richelieu’s plans that, on the 1st March, 
 1642, a little party of Norman sailors, under the leadership of 
 M. de Pronis, embarked at Dieppe on board the good ship 
 Saint Louis for the new colony. After six weary months of 
 ocean buffeting the little barque sighted the promised land, 
 and after many ineffectual visits to different spots on the coast, 
 the colonists determined to land at Mangafiala, on the south- 
 eastern corner of the island. Unfortunately, the anchorage 
 being insecure, and a heavy gale springing up, the Saint Louis 
 was driven ashore, her valuable cargo lost, and all means of 
 communication with France cut off. 
 
 Months passed, and no news of the adventurers reached 
 France. Speculation was rife as to what had happened to the 
 expedition, and it was generally conjectured that the little 
 barque with its gallant crew had gone to swell the list of the 
 many thousand ill-found ships which shall be heard of no more 
 
Madagascar. 221 
 
 until the sea gives up her dead. Disheartened but not dis- 
 couraged, Rigault made fresh representations to the King, and 
 a fresh charter, evidently a transcript of the original one, 
 handed over to de Pronis as token of his authority, was drawn 
 up.* In virtue of the powers thus conferred, some wealthy 
 merchants of Rouen and Dieppe, ever foremost in these distant 
 enterprises, fitted out another vessel, and in the autumn of 
 1643 the Saint Laurent reached Madagascar, bringing sixty 
 fresh colonists to augment de Pronis’ little band. Fever, how- 
 ever, the curse of the coast, soon began its deadly work, and 
 before the close of the year twenty-six of the new arrivals were 
 dead. ‘The inhabitants, too, commenced to show a decided 
 hostility ; the French settlers were unable to leave the walls of 
 their fort without running the risk of attack, and many valuable 
 lives were heedlessly wasted by wanton acts of enmity towards 
 the natives. The insalubrity of Mangafiala, coupled with the 
 undiseuised animosity of the Malagese, induced de Pronis to 
 move his little party further south ; and towards the spring of 
 1648 a formidable work, well armed with cannon, was finished 
 on the promontory of Talangar. It was named Fort Dauphin. 
 There was a fair harpour at the spot, so that vessels going to 
 and returning from India were easily able to open up com- 
 munications with their compatriots in Madagascar ; but, al- 
 though the spot was well suited in many respects, it was soon 
 discovered that the natives of the province were even more 
 hostile than those at Mangafiala. Internal dissensions also 
 agitated the colonists: de Pronis was a Protestant, and much 
 opposed to the proselytizing spirit shown by the Catholic 
 missionaries attached to the party. These men then, as now, 
 showed no mercy towards those whom they are pleased to call 
 heretics, and they found means, on the arrival of the Royal in 
 1644, with ninety fresh colonists, to send a messenger to Paris 
 conveying the gravest charges against the Governor of the 
 colony. Not content with awaiting the issue of this attempt 
 to remove their chicf, the malcontents broke into open mutiny, 
 seized de Pronis, put him in irons, and appointed one Leroy 
 Governor in his stead. The arrival of a ship of war quelled 
 * See Appendix No. I. 
 
222 Colonial France. 
 
 the mutiny ; the captain released the imprisoned Governor, and 
 at his suggestion conveyed a number of the more disaffected 
 back to France. The reports of Captain du Bourg to the 
 Minister of Marine warned the French Government of the 
 necessity of changing the administration of the young colony, 
 and a Monsieur de Flacourt, to whom we are indebted for one 
 of the most interesting books on the island, was despatched in 
 1648 to relieve de Pronis of the command. But though the 
 new Governor acted with spirit and determination, annexing 
 in the name of the King the entire island of Madagascar, 
 matters still continued on the same unsatisfactory footing. The 
 zeal of the missionaries outran their discretion, and gave rise 
 to innumerable conflicts between the French and the natives, 
 whose hostility showed itself in other than open acts of war; 
 all intercourse with the settlers was forbidden, and de Flacourt 
 finally was compelled to open up communications with the 
 island of St. Marie by means of boats, in order to obtain the 
 necessaries of life. 
 
 De Pronis’ return to France was the signal for a fresh attempt 
 at the colonization of the island. He succeeded in winning 
 the favour of the Duke de la Meilleraye, a wealthy and ambitious 
 nobleman of exceedingly enterprising spirit. The Duke, struck 
 by de Pronis’ undoubtedly exaggerated accounts of the riches 
 to be obtained in the new colony, fitted out a squadron, and 
 formally took possession of the island of St. Marie de Mada- 
 gascar about the close of the year 1656. Thus two conflicting 
 interests were at work in the island—La Société d’Orient on 
 the one hand, the Duke de la Meilleraye on the other; but, 
 after a time, the energy, wealth, and influence of the Duke 
 overcame all obstacles, and, finally, the working of the Société 
 d’Orient, so far as Madagascar was concerned, was entirely 
 placed in his hands. Until his death, in 1663, matters flowed 
 on smoothly enough; fortunes were rapidly made, and the 
 promoters of the Company rivalled the old Dutch founders of 
 the East India Company of Holland in riches. Unfortunately, 
 the heirs of the Duke did not inherit his ardent spirit, and it 
 became necessary to reconstitute the Company, which, under 
 Meilleraye’s guidance, promised to bring commercial prosperity 
 
 
 
Madagascar. 223 
 
 to France. The undoubted riches of the island were too 
 attractive a bait to lie long unnoticed, and in the spring of 1664 
 a series of highly coloured reports were submitted to the King, 
 who was pleased to grant a fresh charter to a fresh Company,* 
 and the command of the expedition was entrusted to a 
 M. de Mondevergue. 
 
 Louis XIV. accorded the warmest support to the new under- 
 taking ; he subscribed the enormous sum of three millions and 
 a half livres towards the capital, nominated a Bishop to the 
 
 See of Madagascar, and threw open the Royal dockyards for 
 _ the equipment of the fleet destined to convey the personnel of 
 the Company to their new home. The action of the King was 
 contagious. In every city in France large sums were subscribed 
 to the venture, and young men vied with each other in obtaining 
 appointments to the promised land. Every seaport of im- 
 portance furnished its quota towards the fleet that was to return 
 to French harbours laden with gold and ebony. 
 
 In the spring of 1666 the great expedition set sail from 
 Rochelle, and after many vicissitudes from the tempestuous state 
 of the weather and severe losses from scurvy—over 400 souls 
 perished on the voyage—the squadron put into Réunion to 
 refit, and after a short stay at that island reached Fort Dauphin 
 in the autumn of the same year. _ The work of disenchantment 
 soon commenced. Instead of finding a land flowing with milk 
 and honey, peopled with smiling nations eager for civilization 
 and the Gospel, Mondevergue was welcomed by a half-starved 
 band of French colonists, the remnants of Meilleraye’s unfor- 
 tunate party. A small quantity of rice was all the food left in 
 the magazines of the Fort; their flour and wine had been con- 
 sumed many months previously, and the garrison had often been 
 subjected to the most terrible privations for water. Heavy rain 
 at certain seasons filled the tanks in the Fort, but when these had 
 run dry, the little force was compelled to collect their daily store 
 from a spring some three miles distant, which was, indeed, their 
 only dependable supply. Many of the original colonists had 
 married natives, and had themselves in self-defence embraced 
 idolatry. With such examples before their eyes, it is not to be 
 
 * See Appendix No. I. 
 
224 Colonial France. 
 
 wondered at that the members of the new expedition clamoured 
 to be relieved from the intolerable burden of settling in such an 
 inhospitable country. Sickness had been busy amongst them 
 ever since leaving Réunion, and Mondevergue judged it wisest 
 to abandon all thought of remaining in Madagascar, and deter- 
 mined to return to France. On his arrival in France the outery 
 against him raised itself still louder, and, in obedience to the 
 vulgar clamour, he was tried on the most absurd charges and 
 thrown into prison, where he soon afterwards died. 
 
 Undismayed by the many unsuccessful attempts to colonize 
 the island, another expedition, on even a more gigantic scale 
 than that of M. Mondevergue’s, was undertaken by M. de la Haye 
 in 1670. A fresh garrison was thrown into Fort Dauphin, and, 
 profiting by the experience of his predecessors, the new Governor 
 instituted a régime of the strictest virtue. All intercourse between 
 the soldiery and the women of the country, proverbially immoral 
 and lascivious, was absolutely forbidden. This was little in 
 accordance with the temperament of the French freebooter, and 
 de la Haye found himself confronted by a formidable mutiny. 
 Little by little his numbers decreased, and at last, like de Pronis, 
 and Flacourt, and Mondevergue before him, de la Haye 
 reluctantly came to the conclusion that colonization on the 
 coasts of Madagascar was impossible. In 1674, the arrival of 
 a vessel from France gave the disappointed emigrants the long 
 wished-for opportunity. Sixty-four men, the remnant of 4,000 
 Frenchmen who started with him, embarked on the Dunkerquoise. 
 for Surat, leaving the island untenanted by any official represen- 
 tative of France. 
 
 In short, the Grande Compagnie de l’Orient et de Madagascar 
 found itself unable to pay to His Most Christian Majesty of 
 France its annual tribute of one golden crown and one golden 
 sceptre. Its charter consequently lapsed ; but Louis XIV. was 
 by no means willing to permit the island to fall a prey to other 
 nations, and readily falling in with the suggestions of his 
 Ministers, he issued a decrec,* in the year 1685, annulling the 
 grant of the island to the defaulting Company, and formally re- 
 annexing it to the kingdom of France. 
 
 * See Appendix No. ITI. 
 
Madagascar. 235 
 
 In short, being unable to hold the island, yet unwilling 
 to lose it, Louis XIV. thought that a mere proclamation 
 would be all that was necessary to make it an hereditary fief of 
 the French Crown. Even modern French authors advance the 
 same opinion. The talented M. Jules Duval writes, in his 
 excellent work ‘‘ Les Colonies et la Politique Coloniale de la 
 France ” :— 
 
 “‘Jamais colonie n’a été rattachée 4 une metropole par un 
 acte plus solennel et plus exprés, réunissant toutes les conditions 
 voulues en ce temps de colonisation aventureuse.” 
 
 Still no French representative was left in Madagascar, nor do 
 we even hear of French explorers until in 1733 de Cossigny, 
 and in 1745 La Bourdonnais, visited the west coast. It was in 
 accordance with the strong representations of the last-named 
 gallant Admiral that M. Dumas, Governor of the Isle of France, 
 sent a small force to Foulpointe with a view of opening up 
 commercial communications between the twoislands. For some 
 years this plan met with the most complete success, and the 
 Isles of France and of Bourbon began to look to Madagascar for 
 their supplies of live-stock. Indeed at one time, in 1773, through 
 the energy and perseverance of a Polish settler named Benyowski, 
 there seemed a great probability of the whole island passing 
 into the hands of the French ; but the injudicious treatment this 
 man received created in him an enemy who succeeded in thwart- 
 ing all designs of the French Ministry, and in 1775 we again 
 find the island deserted by all official Frenchmen. 
 
 Missionaries, however, were far from idle, and the Jesuits, ever 
 foremost in thrusting themselves into positions of danger and 
 difficulty, where souls are to be saved, saw in Madagascar a fresh 
 field for their labours. The views of these missionaries of the 
 last century are of the more interest in these days, when we 
 find Monsignor Freppel and the Church party in France support- 
 ing the Third Republic in its colonial policy. 
 
 In 1779, Monsieur Durocher was despatched from l’Orient 
 for the purpose of establishing a mission in theisland. He was 
 also furnished with instructions from the French Government to 
 report as to the possibility of reconstituting the lost colony. 
 His words are worth quoting :— 
 
 Q 
 
226 Colonial France. 
 
 ‘¢No, sir,” wrote the priest to the Minister of Marine, ‘‘ there 
 is no need for troops in Madagascar, all we require are French 
 colonists, men of austere lives and manners, men of honour and 
 of probity, to whom the King should accord all those advantages 
 usually granted to infant colonies. They should be married 
 men, and in time their descendants would form a force from 
 which, if needful, the forces of the colony would be drawn. 
 The neighbourhood of Fort Dauphin offers scanty resources. 
 Tamatave is situated in the middle of the coast line, and in a 
 most fertile country. As to the spread of religion, I see but 
 one obstacle, and that is in the immorality of our own country- 
 men. The people and the chiefs show marked confidence in 
 the French priests; they bring me their infants to baptize and 
 their elder children to instruct; even the adults join in the 
 services of our Church with a devotion and respect which is in 
 marked contrast with the attitude of our own settlers. They 
 witnessed my departure with regrets and tears. The promise 
 I made them that I would speedily return with other priests 
 consoled them not a little, and I count on your assistance, 
 Monseigneur, to fulfil this promise.”’ 
 
 The outbreak of the Revolution put an end to the efforts of 
 the Missionary ‘as well as to the designs of the Minister. On 
 his return to France, in 1789, in order to lay his plans before 
 the King, Durocher found his country plunged into an abyss 
 of misery wherein she is still wallowing. The determination 
 of the great European Powers to put an end to the proselytiz- 
 ing efforts of Revolutionary France, and to stamp out, at all 
 cost, the foul Communistic plague, the spread of which the 
 leaders of the Convention were encouraging by all the means 
 at their disposal, prevented the French Government from aid- 
 ing any further in the establishment of new colonies. Canada 
 and India had been lost to Louis, the armies of Monarchical 
 Europe were thundering at the doors of Republican France, and 
 all her efforts were needed for her own self-preservation. The 
 Republic passed through its various phases, the Empire rose 
 and fell, and it was not until the Monarchy was once more firmly 
 established that France was able to turn her thoughts to that 
 great African island which she still hopes to see pass under the 
 
Madagascar. 227 
 
 sway of the Tricolour. But while changes had taken place in 
 Europe equally great changes had been enacted in the East. 
 The victorious fleets of Great Britain had wrested from France 
 Mauritius and Bourbon ; and though the latter had in a moment 
 of weakness been retroceded to the French Monarch by tie 
 Treaty of Paris of 1814, French supremacy and French prestige 
 had received a fatal blow in the Indian Seas. Changes, too, had 
 taken place in Madagascar. Little by little the Hovas, never 
 friendly to the French, had shown themselves the dominant 
 power in the island, and in 1810 Radama I., a member of that 
 tribe, was recognized by the chiefs of all other tribes as King 
 of Madagascar. The value of Madagascar for commercial pur- 
 poses was accurately foreseen by Sir Robert Farquhar, one of 
 the early Governors of the Mauritius, after that island became 
 a British colony. He speedily opened up communications with 
 the Court of Radama I., and cemented an alliance which con- 
 tinues to this day between the two countries. British mission- 
 aries performed the solemn ceremonials of the Church of Eneg- 
 land in spots where the gorgeous rites of the Romish priesthood 
 had hitherto cast a glamour over a credulous and superstitious 
 race. Schools presided over by Protestant pastors were scattered 
 throughout the land, and when, in 1830, the French endeavoured 
 to regain the position lost by the abandonment of the island in 
 1685, they found British influence too strong. In vain did the 
 Governor of Bourbon adduce old treaties and old deeds of annex- 
 ation in proof of French sovereignty over the kingdom of the 
 Hovas. Sir Robert Farquhar put his own interpretation on 
 the terms of the Treaty of Paris, and refused to recognize 
 French claims, based as they were on the flimsy vapourings of 
 worthless documents—documents that had lain dormant in the 
 Ministry of Marine for over 150 years, and which, even when 
 the ink was still wet, had never possessed more than a fictitious 
 value in the eyes of French Ministers. In this he was supported 
 by the Home Government, and in 1817 a treaty was concluded 
 between Radama J. and the English, in which, to the annoyance 
 of the French, who still laid claim to many points on the main 
 island, that potentate was styled King of Madagascar. 
 
 - The French, however, were determined to maintain their 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 Colonial France. 
 
 rights to the various mission stations occupied by their com- 
 patriots prior to the Revolution, and in 1818 Monsieur Sylvain 
 de Roux solemnly took possession of the island of St. Marie de 
 Madagascar, in virtue of a treaty entered into in 1650 between 
 the Duke de la Meilleraye and the ruler of the islet. He also 
 occupied Nossi Bé, as well as Tamatave, Fort Dauphin, and 
 Tintaque, on the main island. Radama was by no means pre- 
 pared to acquiesce in these acts of aggression. For more than 
 a century and a half no official Frenchmen had resided in 
 Madagascar; the efforts of M. de la Haye in 1670 to re- 
 establish a settlement on the great African island had been 
 the last attempt on the part of the Government, and since 
 then Radama had overpowered the Sakalaves and consolidated 
 his power throughout the length and breadth of the island. 
 It is true that the Jesuits had never wholly abandoned their 
 hold on Madagascar ; but the fact of French missionaries being 
 permitted to pursue their calling in undisturbed peace scarcely 
 gave France a claim to the possession of a kingdom which, 
 though it had been formally annexed by de Flacourt in the 
 middle of the seventeenth century on behalf of His Most 
 Christian Majesty of France, had been abandoned twenty-five 
 years later as en unprofitable possession. Now that the 
 English were in possession of the Mauritius, Madagascar 
 assumed a new value, and M. de Roux threw up petty works 
 at all the stations occupied and held them with French troops. 
 Radama’s remonstrances were unheeded; to his demands for 
 the removal of these armed forces no answers were returned. 
 At last, in 1825, the King, at the head of a considerable body 
 of men, attacked and drove the French out of Foulpointe and 
 Tamatave. For four years France took no notice of this act of 
 just retribution, but on the death of Radama, and on the refusal 
 of his successor, Queen Ranavolana, to afford any satisfaction, 
 a punitive expedition was organized in Bourbon, and on the 
 9th of July, 1829, arrived before Tamatave. No reply being 
 vouchsafed to the French ultimatum the squadron bombarded 
 Tintaque and Tamatave, and a landing-party was disembarked 
 to effect a still greater punishment. The season of the year 
 more than the opposition of the Hovas caused the destruction 
 
Madagascar. 229 
 
 of this body of men, and before reinforcements could arrive from 
 Europe, the Revolution of July, 1830, put a stop to further 
 hostilities, and led to the abandonment of all the points already 
 occupied on the main island. 
 
 Jesuit missionaries, however, still carried on their work, in 
 the hopes of supplanting the curse of Protestantism. In re- 
 counting the difficulties under which they laboured, M. de la 
 Vaissiere, in his interesting work, ‘‘ Histoire de Madagascar, ses 
 Habitants et ses Missionaires,”’ writes :— 
 
 ‘‘ It will be of interest to my readers to recount succinctly the 
 foes which the missionaries of Christ have daily to face in the 
 island of Madagascar. 
 
 ‘‘ The first and the most tenacious of these enemies is the 
 attachment of the nativesto the superstitionsand customs of their 
 own country. If we do not actually come across idols of wood 
 and stone it is because the natives do believe in a God, and 
 do not think He can be worthily represented by carved images. 
 
 ‘* The second great difficulty we have to contend with is the 
 eross immorality prevalent in the island, and its attendant vices 
 of lying, avarice, and drunkenness. 
 
 ‘¢ To superstition and immorality we must add, as a third 
 plague, the curse of Protestantism, a veritable disease sown 
 by false prophets of God in almost every house in the land.” 
 
 Protestantism, this third plague that blights French mission- 
 ary enterprise in Madagascar, is so closely allied to the questions 
 which bind English interests with those of the unfortunate 
 Hovas, that France has taken special care, in the recent treaties 
 of 1886, to retain in her own hands the foreign relations of 
 the island, and the consequent power of striking at English 
 supremacy by the expulsion of English missionaries. 
 
 As long as Protestantism is the dominant religion so long 
 will English counsels prevail, and it is interesting to note how 
 keen has been the struggle between the rival religions, how 
 often the disputes that have arisen between the French and the 
 English and the Malagese have been owing to the action of 
 missionaries, and how often these men have been employed as 
 earthly envoys to intervene between the Courts of St. James 
 and of Antananarivo. 
 
230 Colonial France. 
 
 In 1830 the Governor of Bourbon made a fresh effort to 
 resuscitate French influence on the island, which since 1820 
 had been entirely abandoned even by the missionaries. Mon- 
 sicur de Solages, a Jesuit priest, was despatched on a mission 
 to Antananarivo, furnished with credentials to Queen Ranavo- 
 lana, who had succeeded Radama I. ; and though ostensibly his 
 mission was one of peace, undertaken with a view of re- 
 establishing the Catholic Church on the island, it had, in 
 reality, no other object than that of opening up commercial 
 relations, with the ulterior design of carrying out the time- 
 worn project of placing Madagascar under French protection. 
 The Queen appears to have given orders for General Fever to 
 oppose the advance of the French priest, who died ere he 
 reached the capital. ‘‘ He died, a prey to chagrin and to fever 
 before he had time to open up any communication with the 
 natives ; hunger and misery, too, worked their part in his end. 
 He fell a victim to Pagan superstition, and to the heretical 
 intolerance of the English Methodists. The jealous missionaries 
 of the Society of London guilty of such a crime did not reap for 
 long any profit from it,’’ writes the French historian, de la 
 Vaissisre. His prophecy was fulfilled, for in 1835 Queen 
 Ranavolana ordered the expulsion of the greater part of the 
 missionaries of all denominations from her territories. She 
 showed herself decidedly hostile to all Europeans, and, by a line 
 of conduct much at variance with that pursued by her predeces- 
 sors, nearly provoked a conflict with the great Western Powers. 
 
 Undeterred by the death of M. de Solages, the French 
 Government despatched a fresh ambassador in the person of 
 M. Dalmond, another Jesuit priest, and by his exertions treaties 
 were entered into with the dispossessed King of the Sakalaves, 
 in virtue of which the islands of Mayotte, Nossi Bé, and certain 
 spots on the main island, which he alleged belonged to his 
 ancestors, though now they were in possession of the Hovas, 
 were ceded to France. The treaty is of interest, as on it rests 
 the French claims to the partition of the main island.* 
 
 It is on the strength of this extraordinary document, wrung 
 from an exile King by the wiles of a scheming Jesuit, that 
 
 * See Appendix IV. 
 
Madagascar. 231 
 
 France bases her claim to the sovereignty of the island: she 
 forgets that Tsimandroho was signing away territories which 
 had been conquered from him thirty years previously by the 
 Hovas, and that the whole essence of the treaty lay in the 
 French aiding him to reconquer his lost possessions. This 
 they neglected to do; and thus, having failed in their share of 
 the treaty, it is difficult to realize on what legal or moral grounds 
 they now claim its execution. 
 
 In order the more clearly to establish French rights over the 
 lost kingdom of Tsimandroho, Monsieur Dalmond, as inter- 
 preter, accompanied the Mission of Captain Passot to the 
 islands of Mayotte and Nossi Bé, and drew up subsidiary 
 treaties with Andriantsoly, the Sultan of the former, and 
 Tsiomeko, the Queen of the latter isle. In 1840 formal 
 possession was taken of these places, and plans drawn up for 
 converting Mayotte into an important military position. 
 Kingineer officers were despatched from France, workmen 
 collected on the spot, and for some years operations were 
 pushed on with varying vigour. At times, a handsome credit 
 being voted to the Minister of Marine, a fresh fort was com- 
 menced; at others, when funds were low, all work was sus- 
 pended. For some years the project has fallen into abeyance, 
 and now Mayotte is nothing but a picturesque islet, surrounded 
 with dangerous reefs, endowed with an administration costing” 
 the mother country close on £12,000 a year, surmounted 
 with crumbling forts and half-finished barracks. Several 
 hundred thousand pounds have been expended in perfecting 
 its harbour, and in the construction of the now-abandoned, 
 half-finished forts. Itis not a military station, neither can it 
 in any sense of the word be considered a colony: it is a stand- 
 ing monument—one of many—to the ineptitude of the French 
 for transplanting themselves to other soils, and to the folly of 
 attempting to create strategic positions in spots where strategy 
 can never be called into play. 
 
 Between 1840 and 1849 the French Government was on the 
 one hand endeavouring to convert the group of islets on the 
 north-western coast of the islands into a strong position, in 
 order to counteract the influence of the British in Mauritius. 
 
239 Colonial France. 
 
 The Catholic missionaries, on the other, were penetrating into 
 the heart of the main island, with a view of overturning the 
 dominant influence of the Protestants, whose power was daily 
 on the increase. But the Sakalaves, irritated at the refusal of 
 the French to carry out their promise of regaining from the 
 Hovas the lost possessions of King Tsimandroho, after re- 
 peated demands that the treaty should be fulfilled, rose against 
 the settlement in Nossi Bé, and large numbers crossing over 
 from the main island made common cause with the local tribes. 
 For some time the little colony was in extreme danger, but 
 reinforcements arriving from Mayotte enabled the French to 
 repulse their assailants with heavy loss; and the timely arrival 
 of a vessel of war further permitted the Commandant to follow 
 up the enemy to their homes in Madagascar. In the short 
 campaign which followed, the Jesuit priests showed themselves 
 ever foremost in danger, and by their knowledge of the lan- 
 suage proved of invaluable aid; their fearlessness adding much 
 to the esteem in which they were previously held. There is 
 no doubt that the conduct of the Sakalaves was partly induced 
 by the abolition of the slave trade in the French colonies— 
 one of the first acts of the Second Republic. Striking as it 
 did at the root of ancient institutions, and depriving native 
 proprietors of a large portion of their disposable property (for 
 the sale of slaves was attended with less trouble than the 
 transfer of land, and was one of the most fruitful sources of 
 wealth in the island), the abolition of slavery, without any 
 adequate recompense being made to the slaveholders, was a 
 grievance which the natives were not slow to add to their other 
 just complaints against their conquerors. 
 
 The crushing losses inflicted on the natives during this out- 
 break, followed as it soon was by the death of Tsimandroho, 
 had the effect of reducing the Sakalaves to submission, and 
 for the future the French dwelt unmolested in their newly- 
 acquired islands. Jealous of the position acquired by the 
 English on the mainland, the Jesuits, working in conjunction 
 with the authorities in Paris, determined to effect a settlement 
 there likewise. The old treaty with Tsimandroho was again 
 brought into requisition and in the year 1850 a small party of 
 
Madagascar. 230 
 
 missionaries, under cover of the guns of the brig-of-war Victor, 
 threw up a mission station in the Bay of Baly, on the west 
 coast of the island. The seamen and artificers of the man-of- 
 war aided the missionaries in their labours; and the arrival of 
 the expedition being timed to correspond with a threatened 
 attack of the Hovas on the Sakalave coast, had an appearance 
 of the open assistance of the French being at last accorded to 
 the successors of Tsimandroho. But a station on the sea-coast 
 was not the point aimed at by the Jesuits; and the following 
 extracts from the journal of Father Finaz clearly demonstrate 
 the double objects French Missions ever have in view :— 
 
 “TAMATAVE, April 10, 1855. 
 
 ‘‘Here we are at Tamatave with M. de Lastelle. In a 
 private conversation I had with that gentleman he told me 
 that the moment was not propitious for my proceeding to the 
 capital of the Hovas. He will endeavour, nevertheless, to 
 procure me, as soon as possible, the necessary permission for 
 embarking on this journey, in the guise either of an artist or 
 as a Savant. 
 
 ‘¢The French Protectorate over Madagascar, said M. de 
 Lastelle, is my aim, and the object of all my desires. It is 
 to this end that M. Laborde is at Antananarivo, and for this that 
 I have been working for years’’ ! ! 
 
 M. Laborde plays such an important part in the history of 
 the relations between France and Madagascar that it is neces- 
 sary to refer briefly to his career. Born at Auch in 1806, he 
 was destined for employment in the house of a near relative, 
 the head of a mercantile establishment in Pondicherry. Re- 
 turning from India in 1831, he was shipwrecked on the eastern 
 coast of Madagascar, near Fort Dauphin, and received much 
 kindness and hospitality from M. Arnoux, the only representa- 
 tive of his country then on the island. This gentleman, a 
 partner in a Marseilles firm which possessed an important 
 branch in Réunion, had established a valuable coffee and sugar 
 plantation at the,mouth of the Méhala river, in the province of 
 Antatsiman. Up tothe death of Radama I. this enterprise 
 
234. Colonial. France. 
 
 flourished greatly, and M. Laborde, who had abandoned his 
 Indian connection and thrown in his lot with M. Arnoux, 
 aided not a little in the financial success of the work. Buton 
 the accession to power of Queen Ranavolana, every obstacle 
 was thrown in the way of Europeans: exorbitant taxes were 
 levied ; workmen were forbidden to engage themselves on their 
 properties ; and soon it became apparent that the action of the 
 Queen would paralyze European industry. 
 
 M. Arnoux determined to proceed to the capital, and tt to 
 solicit an interview with the Queen, in order to obtain her per- 
 sonal interference to put a stop to a policy of aggression, of 
 which he felt convinced she was ignorant. His mission was 
 successful ; but fever, contracted in crossing the swampy dis- 
 tricts between the Méhala and Antananarivo, caused his death 
 within a few weeks of his return. His share of the planta- 
 tions was inherited by. his nephew, M. de Lastelle, a hardy 
 sea-captain of St. Malo—a port which has produced some of 
 the finest characters and most daring ease France can 
 boast of. 
 
 Messieurs Laborde and Lastelle, now secure of the Queen’s 
 support, imported from their mother country a strong con- 
 tingent of European assistants. Availing themselves of the 
 local coal and iron, they established foundries and supplied the 
 neighbouring tribes, and even the islands of Réunion and 
 Mauritius, with agricultural tools. They furnished the Queen’s 
 forces with weapons, and, at the instigation of the Jesuit 
 missionaries, aided her in the suppression of a revolt by the 
 loan of a steamer which plied between their head-quarters and 
 Bourbon. Such a line of conduct reaped its own reward. The 
 enterprising French merchants obtained a formal recognition 
 by the Queen of the concession of their estate from the local 
 chieftains, and she also removed all import and export dues at 
 Mehala. 
 
 There is no doubt that it was through the influence of 
 Rakoto, the heir apparent, that these gentlemen were able to 
 effect so much. <A man of some ability, the Crown Prince was 
 addicted to sensual pleasures; in these and the luxuries of 
 the table he was encouraged by his French friends, who grafted 
 
Madagascar. 235 
 
 on him a veneer of Parisian civilization. They were never 
 weary of pointing out to him the shortcomings of the Queen, 
 and of explaining that his subordinate position was one 
 wanting in dignity, and was mainly due to the intrigues of the 
 English, who possessed much influence over his mother. In 
 fact, as M. Laborde owns, his every effort for a quarter of a 
 century was devoted towards the establishment of a French 
 Protectorate over the island. So far back as 1847 M. Lambert 
 induced Prince Rakoto to communicate his desire to enter into 
 negotiations with the French Government with a view of ob- 
 taining their assistance to the dethronement of his mother, and _ 
 his assumption of the kingly power under the protection of the 
 Court of Louis Philippe; but the changes that were then 
 taking place in France precluded the possibility of any inter- 
 _ ference in distant seas, and so the opportunity was lost. 
 
 Messieurs Laborde and Lastelle were much aided, not only 
 in their commercial enterprise, but also in their designs for the 
 establishment of a French Protectorate over Madagascar, by a 
 Monsieur Lambert, a wealthy merchant in the Mauritius, who 
 made use of his position in the British island to warn his 
 coadjutors of all steps made by the British Government 
 towards the cementing of a British alliance with the Court of 
 Antananarivo. Constant communications passed between Port 
 St. Louis and Méhala, and on any important occasion M. 
 Lambert himself would proceed to Madagascar in order to aid 
 with his counsel and presence his African colleagues. It was 
 on one of these visits that permission was demanded of 
 Ranavolana for a French mission station to be located on the 
 main island. 
 
 A few months later, in company with M. Laborde and M. 
 de Lastelle, the Jesuit priest, Pere Finaz, under the guise of 
 an artist, succeeded in reaching the capital, and whilst enjoy- 
 ing the hospitality of the Queen, persuaded Prince Rakoto and 
 some other discontented spirits to entrust him with letters* 
 to the Emperor Napoleon III., begging the French monarch 
 that he would take the entire island under his protection. 
 
 * See Appendix V. 
 
236 Colonial France. 
 
 It is needless to say this letter was kept from the eyes of the 
 Queen. 
 
 The joint efforts of the merchant and the priest were, however, 
 unsuccessful. The Queen would appear to have had her sus- 
 picions aroused by the profusion of presents which were 
 showered around, and though she repaid these crafty dealings 
 with regal hospitality, she took energetic measures to prevent 
 other French settlers from establishing themselves on the coast. 
 A M. Darvoy, who had erected a factory at Ambavatoby, on the 
 north-western coast, was ordered to quit the country. He not 
 only refused to listen to the Royal messengers, but threatened to 
 answer force with force. <A strong body of Hovas was marched 
 against him, and a sharp engagement ensued ; his buildings 
 were destroyed, and he unfortunately perished in the defence, 
 though the ships’ guns which he had mounted on the walls of 
 his factory inflicted heavy loss on the Hovas. An officer and 
 four sailors belonging to a merchant vessel were also seized as 
 they were endeavouring to open up negotiations with some natives 
 in the neighbourhood of Fort Dauphin. 
 
 In the meautime, the English missionaries remained un- 
 molested, and the old rivalry between the two Western Powers 
 was here fought out with pristine bitterness, the French Jesuits 
 being aided by the Crown Prince Rakoto, the English Protestants 
 by the Queen Regnant; and whilst Father Finaz was clan- 
 destinely visiting the capital in the character of an artist and 
 musician, the Reverend Mr. Ellis was openly pursuing his 
 double calling of delegate from the Foreign Office and chief 
 of the Church Missionary Society’s establishment. 
 
 M. Lambert, armed with the letter from Prince Rakoto and 
 the appeal from some of the head men of the capital, proceeded 
 to Paris, in the hopes of inducing the Emperor to annex the 
 island. But the Crimean War was barely ended, the Anglo- 
 French alliance was at its height, the British Government was 
 decidedly averse to a dual control, and Napoleon equally un- 
 desirous of arousing English susceptibilities by undertaking the 
 Protectorate of the island. To the despair of the zealous 
 Frenchmen in Madagascar, the Court of the Tuilleries contented 
 itself with a formal acknowledgment of the communication 
 
Madagascar. 237 
 
 laid before it by M. Lambert, but declined all interference in 
 the matter. Thus were the hopes of a French Protectorate, even 
 of official encouragement, dashed to the ground. 
 
 The conduct of the French Jesuits was not without its fruits. 
 Conceived in deceit, it brought forth bloodshed. Ranavolana, 
 fearing that the French intrigues would result in open rebellion, 
 and seeing Prince Rakoto in close correspondence with the 
 Europeans, who she knew desired the annexation of her island, 
 took the usual semi-civilized method of strengthening her 
 position. Wholesale executions took place of those suspected 
 even of holding communications with the French, and the 
 Governor of the Mauritius was communicated with, with a view 
 of preventing the return to Madagascar of M. Lambert. That 
 official, foreseeing that, in the present temper of the Queen, 
 neglect of her reasonable wishes would in all probability lead to 
 a renewal of the prohibition of commerce between the two 
 islands, issued a proclamation, desiring all English subjects and 
 all foreigners resident in his government to abstain from inter- 
 fering in any way with the internal affairs of Madagascar, warn- 
 ing them that such acts would interrupt the harmonious relations 
 then existing between the Courts of St. James and Antananarivo, 
 and would, under the Penal Code of the island, be punishable 
 with imprisonment and deportation from the Mauritius. 
 
 There was no mistaking the purport of Governor Higginson’s 
 proclamation ; it was directed against Messieurs Lambert and 
 Lastelle, French residents in the English colony, who had pro- 
 ceeded to the capital of Madagascar, accompanied by a Jesuit 
 missionary in the guise of an artist, in order to foment discord, 
 and thus pave the way for French intervention ; and who had 
 further connived at the establishment of a Jesuit mission at 
 Antananarivo by persuading the Queen to entrust them with 
 the task of procuring two doctors to attend her sick son, when 
 they, regardless of the means to attain their desired end, 
 succeeded in introducing more priests to her capital in the 
 garb of physicians. 
 
 The representations of the Queen to the British Governor 
 were followed up by the expulsion of the Jesuit missionaries 
 from the capital ; their hypocrisy had at length been unmasked ; 
 
238 Colonial France. 
 
 but they still were able to continue their labours at Baly, which 
 now became the market for the export of ‘‘ free labourers’ to Ré- 
 union under the very eyes of the Jesuit priests, and, unchecked 
 by them, a veritable slave-trade grew up between Madagascar 
 and the French island of Réunion. This infernal human 
 traffic, once commenced, swung on with vigour, and, as has since 
 happened in the Southern Seas, whenever free labourers saw an 
 opportunity, they rose on their captors ; and though these revolts 
 were more generally suppressed with savage cruelty, cases did 
 not unfrequently occur where officers and men were massacred 
 and the slaves found themselves free again. 
 
 The kidnapping of slaves.in the face of solemn treaty 
 engagements with European Powers was permitted to proceed 
 unchecked by the French Government, though constant represen- - 
 tations were made by Queen Ranavolana to the Governor of 
 Réunion; but when the captain of a slaver was murdered by the 
 blacks in an attempt to escape from the ships to which they had 
 been conveyed, le droit et Vhonnewr of France was insulted, and 
 a corvette was despatched to the coast of Madagascar to demand 
 reparation. Unfortunately, the mission station of Baly, as we 
 have seen, had been made the head-quarters of a slave-trade, and 
 in punishing the unfortunate Sakalaves for their attempt to 
 avoid the perils of slavery, not only were all the villages in the 
 vicinity of Baly bombarded and destroyed, but the mission 
 property too was absolutely ruined. The captain of the corvette, 
 whose authority was limited to his quarter-deck, and whose 
 power did not range beyond cannon-shot, issued a proclamation 
 solemnly declaring Queen Ranavolana deposed, and levied a 
 fine of 14,000 piasters (close on £3,000) on the villages which 
 had been made to feel the weight of his wrath. In commenting 
 on this proceeding the Jesuit Father Jouen says: ‘‘ Si la justice 
 de la France avait été lente a venir elle n’en était que plus 
 terrible.” 
 
 The effects, however, of the punishment were more apparent 
 than real, and fell with greater weight on the missionaries than 
 on the natives; for, while the latter escaped scathless, the 
 former were compelled to abandon the station and to proceed to 
 Nossi Bé in the corvette, so as to avoid the just resentment of 
 
Madagascar. 239 
 
 the Sakalaves. Six months after the bombardment all the 
 villages were rebuilt, not a sou of the indemnity had been paid, 
 and the authority of the Queen was paramount in the district 
 whence she had been formally deposed by the captain of a French 
 man-of-war. In fact the only memento of the bombardment was 
 to be discovered in the charred ruins of the Jesuit mission 
 buildings. 
 
 Checked in Madagascar itself, the zeal of the missionaries 
 allowed them no rest; their next station was Fomboni, in the 
 Comores Islands, at which some ten years previously a member 
 of their fraternity had made the acquaintance of the reigning 
 Queen. Although the rulers were strict Mahomedans, and the 
 missionaries felt there was small chance that they would ever 
 listen to the truth of the Christian religion, yet the labours of 
 the Jesuits,as we have seen, were not all spiritual, nor was their 
 success so apparent in this as in the political line. Jesuits have 
 ever been striking statesmen. omboni was the capital of one 
 of the largest islands in the Comores group ; it possessed a good 
 harbour and offered fair facilities for commerce, being a con- 
 venient resting-place for vessels trading from Zanzibar to Ré- 
 union. The missionaries, therefore, were justified in endeavour- 
 ing to obtain the cession of the country to France: they were 
 successful beyond measure. In the spring of 1861 the Queen 
 addressed an urgent appeal to the Commandant of Mayotte, 
 throwing herself on French protection, and ceding her posses- 
 sions to the Emperor.* 
 
 Such an appeal could not be disregarded, and two vessels, the 
 Seine and the Perle, were despatched to Mohély in the July 
 following, when formal possession of the island was taken, and 
 the Mahomedan chiefs, who had suggested the propriety of 
 demanding English, not French aid, were deported by the 
 senior naval officer to a colony where, by personal observation, 
 they could learn the true state of French greatness. 
 
 In the meantime affairs on the main island were reaching a 
 climax. To worship the rising sun had been the constant aim 
 of the Jesuit missionaries during their stay in the capital. 
 Queen Ranavolana, as we have seen, had shown no disposition 
 
 * See Appendix No. VII. 
 
240 Colonial France. 
 
 to favour them at the expense of their. Protestant fellow- 
 workers, and their interference in the internal politics of the 
 kingdom had irritated her in no small degree. Turning, there- 
 fore, from the Queen, the French made every effort to win over 
 to their side the Crown Prince, Rakoto Radama. This policy 
 was an admirable one, for, on the death of the Queen, in August 
 1861, and on the accession of Radama II., the Jesuits natu- 
 rally found themselves in high favour. An invitation from the 
 King to visit the capital was followed up by a permission for 
 them to carry on their mission work throughout the territory 
 of the Hovas. ‘‘I have but one thought, but one desire,” wrote 
 the King, ‘‘and that is, that the torch of true religion and of 
 civilization should burn through the length and breadth of my 
 kingdom.” 
 
 Further than this, the young King, Radama IL., still under 
 the influence which M. Lambert and Father Jouen exercised 
 over him, consented to enter into a treaty with the French, 
 eranting them certain privileges, to the exclusion of other 
 nations. He also bestowed on the first-named gentleman the 
 cession in perpetuity of an enormous tract of land in the 
 vicinity of Méhala. M. Lambert, we have seen, played a most 
 important part in the negotiations between France and Mada- 
 gascar, and this act of cession* therefore presents many points 
 of interest. 
 
 Armed with full authority from King Radama, and bearing 
 with him the text of a draft treaty which he himself had 
 drawn up, M. Lambert proceeded to Paris, on the congenial 
 task of obtaining from the Emperor Napoleon III. the ratifica- 
 tion of an alliance which was to secure for France a prepon- 
 derating influence in the great African island. M. Lambert 
 was accompanied by a Jesuit priest, who was also the bearer of 
 a missive to the Pope, soliciting the prayers of His Holiness on 
 behalf of the young King. But the Ambassador’s mission was 
 not wholly political. Well versed in the mysteries of Company 
 floating, M. Lambert endeavoured to interest in his own behalf 
 a group of Parisian speculators, feeling convinced that the 
 
 * See Appendix No, VIII. 
 

 
 Madagascar. 241 
 
 introduction of French capital into the island would shortly 
 draw after it the necessity of French protection. 
 
 Thus began once more the recrudescence of French, the 
 decline of British influence, in an island in which France had 
 been struggling for supremacy for over two centuries. Yet 
 Radama no sooner felt himself free from the pernicious influ- 
 ence of his French friends than he commenced to assert his 
 independence. Thus, though with an eye to obtaining Euro- 
 pean support against his island foes, the King had been weak 
 enough to forward a letter to the Pope, the very wording of 
 which betrays its authorship, yet within a few months he 
 felt himself strong enough on the throne to warn the Catholics 
 that he meant to treat all sects with equality, and that though 
 the proclamation fulminated against them by his mother was 
 withdrawn, and they had the privilege of opening schools and 
 building churches, they were not to construe such permission 
 into any intention on his part to indulge in religious intol- 
 erance. 
 
 A comparison between the letter addressed to the Pope, 
 when as yet Radama II. found his throne far from firm, and 
 that in which he warned the missionaries of his desire to 
 maintain harmonious relations with the representatives of all 
 religions, is interesting :— 
 
 «“ ANTANANARIVO, November 7, 1861. 
 
 ‘‘Most Hoty FatHer, _ | 
 
 ‘‘T have the honour, with feelings of the deepest grief, to 
 announce to you the death of my mother, which melancholy 
 event took place on the 16th August, 1861, and of my accession 
 to the throne under the title of Radama II. 
 
 ‘* A creat conspiracy was formed to prevent my succeeding my 
 mother, but God watched over me and confounded the machi- 
 nations of my enemies. I have pardoned all of them, remem- 
 bering the example of Jesus Christ; not a single drop of blood 
 has been shed. I have given freedom to those unfortunates 
 who languished in chains and in prison. 
 
 ‘“«T have only one desire, Most Holy Father, and that is to see 
 my people happy and civilized. I am convinced that the surest 
 
 R 
 
242 Colonial France. 
 
 means to attain this end is to instruct them in the Christian 
 religion. I have, therefore, recalled the missionaries, and 
 have granted them authority to teach throughout my kingdom. 
 Already Father Jouen has arrived in my capital, with two 
 companions, and has opened schools, which are under the 
 direction of his associates, and of the Sisters who have accom- 
 panied him. | 
 
 ‘‘Most Holy Father, though a King, I am young, and I have 
 no experience; I have, therefore, need of help, and require 
 constant aid in the high calling which God has confided to me. 
 IT venture to count on the prayers and intercessions of Your 
 Holiness, and I demand these with all the respect and with all 
 the affection that a son would demand aid from his father. 
 
 ‘Tam, Most Holy Father, 
 ‘* Rapama IT,” 
 
 In quoting this letter, Father le Vaissiére counts too much 
 on the credulity of his readers if he anticipates that any will 
 fail to connect it with the handiwork of the Jesuit priest who 
 three years before almost persuaded Radama to become a 
 Christian. 
 
 Let us now turn to the letter which spread such consternation 
 in the Jesuit camp. It was in answer to a remonstrance 
 addressed to the King by Father. Jouen as to the mode of 
 life indulged in by Radama, and shows a firmness of spirit, 
 and at the same time a breadth of ideas, rarely to be met with 
 in a monarch of such a kingdom :— 
 
 ““T wish to tell you frankly, that so long as I reign and 
 command, I shall look upon commerce and the arts as the 
 only true source of material progress. As to religion, let each 
 one follow that which he desires, whether Catholic, Protestant, 
 Mahomedan, or even Paganism. I do not care to forbid the 
 practice of any religion, nor to follow the example of some 
 Kings of France, of some Popes, who persecuted and even 
 killed people on account of their religion. I simply believe in 
 the Great God who has created the Universe, and I know 
 perfectly well that the religions of Catholics, of Protestants, of 
 
Madagascar. 243 
 
 Mahomedans, or of Pagans, are mere fables, merely lyings 
 and fanaticisms, and I desire free liberty of conscience for all ; 
 and this is what all wise people, whether black or white, also 
 desire. Mark well my words, I tell you all my thoughts, and 
 they change not; they are like the laws of the Medes and the 
 Persians, which never change. 
 ‘¢ Your son and friend, 
 ‘*Raxoto Rapama IT.” 
 
 In order the more fully to give expression to the sentiments 
 conveyed in this letter, which the Jesuits very naturally 
 declared to be the handiwork of the ‘‘ English Methodists,” 
 Radama sent proclamations to the various Courts of Europe, 
 announcing the opening of his country to commerce, inviting 
 merchants to create establishments at the various coast towns, 
 and announcing his intention of abolishing all inland cus- 
 toms dues. 
 
 The Governor of the Mauritius, desirous of securing early 
 benefits for his country from the enlightened measures of the 
 King, despatched a congratulatory embassy to Antananarivo, 
 immediately on hearing of the Queen’s death, and it was to 
 this act of courtesy that the Jesuits owed their being check- 
 mated so early in the game. Six months elapsed before the 
 Court of the Tuilleries entrusted M. Brossard de Corbigny 
 with a similar task ; and though the French envoy was received 
 with courtesy, it was evident that Radama had been touched 
 by the early initiative of the British, had been enlightened as 
 to the probable effect of his injudicious concession to M. Lam- 
 bert, and was by no means disposed to allow any one nation to 
 exercise an invidious authority within his realms. 
 
 Both France and England sent special embassies to repre- 
 sent their respective sovereigns at the coronation of Radama. 
 The French mission reached the capital on the 28th July, that 
 of England on the 8th August, 1862; but although the French 
 had thus eight days’ undisturbed possession of the ground, they 
 made no formal visit to the King until the 15th August, 
 whereas the British envoy the evening of his arrival hoisted 
 the Union Jack over the Consulate, under a salute of twenty- 
 
 : R 2 
 
244 Colonial France. 
 
 one guns: the salute was returned by the Hovas, who furnished 
 a guard of honour. Thus once more international courtesies 
 had the effect of strengthening the growing bond of union 
 between Malagese and British, whilst a neglect of the ordinary 
 rules of politeness was loosening those which already existed 
 between the French and Radama. The King had been much 
 annoyed at the tone of the French Emperor’s congratulatory 
 letter, in which he had been designated as King of the Hovas— 
 not of Madagascar. However, this ill-feeling was smoothed away 
 by the execution of two treaties, one with France, and one 
 with England, in both of which the King had been styled His 
 Majesty Radama IT., King of Madagascar. It will be remem- 
 bered that, in the charter granting a concession of mining and 
 other rights to M. Lambert, the French Consul, M. Laborde, 
 as well as his English colleague, M. Pakenham, had, in attest- 
 ing the signatures of the contracting parties, alluded to the 
 King as Radama II., neither styling him King of the Hovas 
 nor King of Madagascar, but here, in a document authenticated 
 by Napoleon’s own signature, the title King of Madagascar 
 was adopted. Surely this was a tacit recognition of the rights 
 of Radama II. over the whole island, and a virtual renuncia- 
 tion of the absurd proclamation of Louis XIV., if, indeed, such 
 a renunciation was ever necessary. 
 
 On the 20th September, 1862, Radama and his wife, Ram- 
 bodo, were crowned with unusual pomp and splendour, in the 
 presence of an immense crowd of natives, and of the French 
 and British embassies. Valuable gifts from the various 
 European sovereigns were displayed in the palace, amongst 
 them being a medallion and a decoration from the Holy 
 Pontiff. 
 
 Immediately after his coronation the King threw off all sem- 
 blance of respect for the Catholic missionaries, and plunged 
 more and more into debauchery and vice; his many enemies 
 were not slow to take advantage of the confusion caused by his 
 neglect to attend to his duties, and by the attitude of his 
 ministers, who conducted their various departments as seemed 
 best to them. Plots against his life were of frequent occur- 
 rence, and at last the disaffection ended in open rebellion, and 
 
Madagascar. 245 
 
 the rebellion culminated in the assassination of the sovereign 
 on the 12th of May, 1868. 
 
 It would appear as if the hatred shown towards the King 
 was not extended to his wife, for no efforts were made to prevent 
 the Royal power passing, as, according to Madagascar law, it 
 should pass, into her hands, and on the 30th of August, 18638, 
 she was crowned Queen of Madagascar, but with far less 
 splendour than at the ceremonial of the preceding year. The 
 entourage of the Queen was decidedly anti-French ; the Con- 
 suls and missionaries of that nation were warned that Queen 
 Rasoherina would refuse the ratification of the treaty which 
 Messieurs Lambert and Laborde had extorted from her hus- 
 band, and that she would also annul the concession of territory 
 made to those gentlemen prior to the coronation of Radama. 
 Representations were accordingly made by the French residents 
 to the Governor of Réunion, and Admiral Dupré, the Naval 
 Commandant on the East Indian station, was despatched with 
 a squadron to Tamatave to present an ultimatum to the 
 (Jueen. 
 
 But the appearance of a hostile fleet anchored in the harbour 
 of Tamatave spread no consternation in Antananarivo. The 
 Queen resolutely declined either to ratify the treaty or to con- 
 firm the concession. So little did her representatives fear the 
 empty threats of the French, that the bearers of the ultimatum 
 were treated with studied indignity ; and when, in order to avoid 
 bloodshed, further negotiations were opened, the Commandant 
 of Tamatave refused to accord military honour to the French 
 Envoy. That officer proceeded to Antananarivo in obedience to 
 his instructions ; but though at the capital he was received with 
 courtesy, the previous disrespect with which he had been treated 
 so rankled in his mind that he on his part behaved towards the 
 Ministers of the Queen, even towards the Queen herself, in a 
 manner that drew forth stern rejoinders from Her Majesty, and 
 effectually prevented all hope of a reconciliation. 
 
 Finally a compromise was entered into, Admiral Dupré on 
 his part guaranteeing to return the Concession granted to Mes- 
 sieurs Laborde and Lambert, as well as the draft Treaty which 
 had already received the French Emperor’s signature, whilst 
 
246 Colonial France. 
 
 the Queen’s Ministers consented to pay a pecuniary indemnity 
 to the disappointed merchants. The negotiations were suffi- 
 ciently protracted even after this modus vwendi had been 
 arrived at. The French Admiral refused to part either with 
 Treaty or Concession until the indemnity was handed over to 
 him; the Malagese equally obstinately refused to part with 
 their money until the documents were in their possession. 
 Threats of bombarding Tamatave were uttered, but still the 
 Minister held firm. The Admiral dared not commit such an 
 act of hostility on his own responsibility, and the Governor of 
 Réunion declined to give the necessary authority. Representa- 
 tions were made to France, but the Emperor was averse to a 
 course of action which would inevitably ruin all prospects of a 
 commercial treaty with Madagascar, and finally, thanks to the 
 intervention of Consul Pakenham, who throughout this trying 
 period had acted as a mediator between the disputants, it was 
 arranged that the French Admiral should bring the docu- 
 ments ashore, hand them over to the Hova officials, and 
 then receive the money, which was in safe custody in a fort 
 some miles in the interior. 
 
 In December, 1865, the last act of this solemn farce was 
 played out. French officers from the flag-ship landed under a 
 salute from the Hova forts. The famous documents were 
 publicly burnt in the market-place, and the cases containing 
 the indemnity were placed in men-of-war boats and speedily 
 transferred to the Loiret. 
 
 Thus a signal diplomatic victory was achieved by Queen 
 Rasoherina—a victory which did not increase the affection 
 borne by the French towards the Hovas. 
 
 The hatred of the French towards any nation which has 
 defeated them, either fairly in action or by diplomatic means, 
 is proverbial, and it may readily be imagined that their ani- 
 mosity towards Madagascar was not ameliorated on learning 
 that whilst the absurd negotiations with regard to the Laborde 
 Concession had been dragging their weary length, the President 
 of the United States, with characteristic smartness, had succeeded 
 in carrying through a most successful commercial treaty. A 
 similar one had been accorded to Great Britain, within a few 
 
Madagascar. 247 
 
 weeks of Queen Rasoherina’s accession, and in both of these 
 treaties, to the annoyance of the French, Rasoherina had been 
 styled Queen of Madagascar. 
 
 Although unable to induce the Hovas to grant them a treaty 
 similar to that entered into with the English and Americans, 
 the French missionaries found themselves treated with invari- 
 able kindness, so that during the reign of Rasoherina they suc- 
 ceeded in establishing a number of stations throughout the 
 island ; anxious for her special welfare, they made several 
 determined efforts to induce her to embrace the Catholic reli- 
 gion. At last the long wished-for opportunity arrived. In 
 January, 1868, the Queen, who had been in delicate health for 
 some months, contracted a violent fever, and her Ministers 
 called in European doctors, whose success in similar cases had 
 become a matter of notoriety in the island. At that time there 
 was no medical man with the Jesuit mission, but such an 
 opportunity of bringing religious influence to bear on the 
 Queen was not to be lost. As it would have been impossible 
 for a priest to disguise himself without fear of recognition, it 
 was arranged that M. Laborde should assume the réle of a 
 physician. He had a certain knowledge of chemistry and 
 magnetism ; sufficient acumen to impose on the Hovas who 
 surrounded the Queen ; and he was sufficiently trusted by the 
 priests to warrant their belief that he would leave no stone un- 
 turned to secure her conversion to the Church of Rome. De- 
 feated diplomatically, the Jesuits determined to win the battle 
 of religion, which for so many years had been waged between 
 the Romish and Anglican Churches. Once previously they 
 had chanted pzeans of victory at the departure of Bishop Ryan 
 from the island without having achieved the baptism of Radama 
 Il. The credulous Jesuits went so far as to announce that the 
 worthy Bishop had attached himself to the Coronation Embassy 
 of 1862, with a determination to effect, by fair means or by foul, 
 the enrolment of the Sovereign of Madagascar as a Christian 
 monarch. Radama had died in the faith of his fathers; the 
 Jesuits determined that Rasoherina should, at any rate, go 
 through the form of Romish baptism. 
 
 For eight weeks Monsieur Laborde sustained his réle of 
 
248 Colonial France. 
 
 physician, unable to find an opportunity of carrying out his 
 designs. At last, on the 27th of March, the Queen’s illness 
 assumed a more acute form. To quote the words of Pére 
 Finaz :—‘‘ The fits were so violent that on some occasions we 
 thought the end had come; it was then that M. Laborde, 
 approaching the illustrious dying woman, who was in full pos- 
 session of her faculties, breathed into her ears some holy 
 thoughts suggestive of the great act about to be accomplished. 
 She responded by raising her arms and eyes to heaven; then, 
 as if he wished to mesmerize the patient, M. Laborde brought 
 forward a bowl of water, dipped his hands in it, and bathed 
 the forehead of Rasoherina, pronouncing at the same time the 
 sacramental formula. None present had the faintest idea of 
 the pious stratagem employed for the saving of a soul. This 
 baptism—was it valid? Let us hope that the Queen of 
 Madagascar was really baptized.” 
 
 Not unnaturally the Catholic missionaries expressed great 
 delight at the result of this pious stratagem, imagining that 
 the fact of their being able to claim the dying Queen as a 
 member of their Church would knit to their side her many 
 supporters. Rasoherina died the day she received Catholic 
 baptism, and it is doubtful if any of her entowrage were aware 
 of the fact which spread such delight amongst the Jesuits. She 
 was succeeded by her cousin Ramoma, who, on the 2nd of April, 
 1868, was proclaimed Queen of Madagascar, under the title of 
 Ranavolana II. One of her earliest acts was the issue of a 
 proclamation continuing to all sects the privilege of carrying 
 on religious services and religious education as heretofore. 
 Her accession afforded another opportunity for the resumption 
 of negotiations, and finally, in August, 1868, the French Envoy, 
 M. Garnier, was enabled to come to an agreement with the 
 Queen’s Ministers, and on the 8th of that month a treaty, 
 placing France on the same footing as England and America, 
 was entered into, and Ranavolana II. was styled in the original 
 as Queen of Madagascar ; our astute neighbours, however, added 
 as a twenty-third clause the following words :— 
 
 ‘The present Treaty having been translated into French 
 and Malagese, and the two versions having been compared and 
 
Madagascar. 249 
 
 found to have exactly the same meaning, the French text will 
 be considered as the official copy, and will be considered in all 
 respects as valid as that in Malagese ;”’ and in order to retain 
 their fictitious claims over the territories on the north-west 
 coast ceded to them in 1840 by Tsimandroho, King of the 
 Sakalaves, the designation of the Queen in the French version 
 ran as follows :—‘‘ La reine de Vile de Madagascar sous la 
 réserve des droits de la France,” though in the native copy the 
 eight last words were omitted. 
 
 To many the treaty was considered humiliating. The 
 French were not permitted to hold land except as leasehold 
 properties, and all religious edifices were specially notified as 
 being the property of the Queen. Her pronounced Protestant 
 proclivities were known, and when, in February, 1869, she was 
 baptized by an English missionary, the consternation of the 
 French knew no bounds. ‘This feeling was soon intensified. 
 A proclamation was issued in the succeeding June, rescinding 
 the concession made in 1862 by Radama of a large tract of 
 land to the Jesuit mission. But there is no doubt that Rana- 
 volana was much exercised at the attitude adopted by the 
 Jesuits, not only towards the Protestants but also towards her 
 Ministers. It was one of malevolent hostility; indeed, so 
 dangerous an element had they become that M. Garnier, the 
 Enyoy despatched by Napoleon to carry out the Commercial 
 Treaty, conceived it to be his duty to warn the Queen’s 
 Ministers of the dangers likely to arise from their conduct. 
 
 «« Vous n’aurez pas,’’ wrote the Ambassador, “ des difficultés 
 avec la France pour les affaires de commerce. Mais pour ce 
 qui est de la Mission Catholique et de la liberté religieuse 
 prenez-y-garde. L’Empereur se réserve l’avenir.”’ 
 
 The anger and jealousy of the Jesuits reached their limit 
 when the Queen, in July, 1869, laid the foundation-stone of a 
 new Protestant church with great pomp and ceremony, refusing, 
 a few weeks later, to take any official part in the dedication of 
 the Catholic cathedral. 
 
 From this day the struggle between the Jesuits and the 
 Queen continued; and there is good reason for believing that 
 the Protestant missionaries were not slack in inducing Her 
 
250 Colonial France. 
 
 Majesty to prolong the contest. The Jesuits undoubtedly gave 
 ample cause for annoyance: distributed all over the island, 
 their houses became the meeting-place of all the disaffected 
 spirits, and the risings of the Sakalaves may be distinctly 
 traced to their interference. The law of the 29th March, 1880, 
 which expelled the Jesuits from France and from French 
 colonies, only infused fresh bitterness into the war being waged 
 in Madagascar between Protestantism and Catholicism ; but 
 the Hovas mistook the nature of the grievance which the 
 Government of the Republic had against the sect. Ranavo- 
 lana thought she might act with like severity, and in March, 
 1881, she issued a decree forbidding the sale or lease of any 
 property to foreigners. This was in violation of the Treaty of 
 1868, and, coupled with other injudicious acts, brought down - 
 on her the indignation of the French. | | 
 
 They still ignored her claim to the sovereignty of the island, 
 and in virtue of the terms of the old Treaty with Tsimandroho, 
 which they themselves had been the first to break, they de- 
 manded the cession of the old Sakalave territory. But Rana- 
 volana, doubtful of the good faith of the officials from Bourbon, 
 determined to send an embassy direct to Europe and America, 
 with a view of obtaining a settlement of the dispute. France, 
 however, was entering on a spirited colonial policy. Ever 
 since the Treaty of Paris of 1814 her efforts had been 
 directed towards a resuscitation of her authority in the 
 Southern Indian Ocean, and the Admiral commanding the 
 Indian station was instructed to obtain satisfaction for the 
 fancied insults to which the Tricolour had been subjected, 
 and to demand the recognition of French claims over the 
 Sakalave territory. 
 
 On the 17th May, 1883, Admiral Pierre presented his ulti- 
 matum to the Commandant of Tamatave, who forwarded it to 
 Antananarivo. It was immediately answered by a proclamation 
 expelling all French residents from the island, and thus offi- 
 cial warfare was commenced. 
 
 British interests in the island were of too valuable a nature 
 to be left unrepresented during such a struggle; and Com- 
 mander Johnstone, of H.M.S. Dryad, was ordered to proceed 
 
Madagascar. 25a 
 
 to Tamatave and represent our flag in Malagayan waters. 
 Unfortunately Admiral Pierre, a brave and gallant man, was 
 suffering from a cruel and dangerous disease, which tended to 
 increase a naturally irritable temper. In addition to this he 
 was imbued with a bitter hatred of England and all things 
 English, looking upon our country as the sworn enemy of 
 France, and on English missionaries as the cause of all the 
 dissensions in Madagascar. The fact, too, that our flag was 
 represented by an insignificant force may also have had its 
 effect on the Admiral. 
 
 The conduct of Admiral Pierre need not be dwelt upon here. 
 Though hailed with a chorus of approval by the French Press, 
 it was promptly disavowed by the French Government, and an 
 indemnity of £1,000 paid to an ill-used missionary, whom the 
 Admiral accused of acting as a Malagayan spy. The most 
 noticeable feature in this incident was the tone adopted by 
 Parisian and Provincial papers alike—a tone devoid of good 
 feeling, and marked by an utter absence of responsibility. The 
 fecling shown by the Press was echoed throughout the country, 
 and there is no gainsaying the fact that England and France 
 were within a measurable distance of war in July, 1883; and, 
 what is more, the war would have been welcomed by a large— 
 a very large—section of French society. The firm attitude of 
 Lord Granville, the judicious statesmanship of M. Ferry, and 
 the courteous mediation of the English-bred Minister, M. 
 Waddington, averted a catastrophe which every Englishman 
 resident in France dreaded. 
 
 The incident is now closed, though a state of tension still 
 exists between France and England which requires the firmest 
 statesmanship to avoid resulting in a rupture. The French 
 Government still pursues towards Madagascar a policy which 
 bids fair to end in the annexation of a greater part of the 
 island. French Ministers, with their ideal views of coloniza- 
 tion, point to the great African island, as they point to the 
 peninsulas of Further India, as the future home of the rising 
 generation of France. Like Cardinal Richelieu, they look to 
 Madagascar as the means of reviving the stagnant commerce 
 of the mother country; and there is a strong party in France 
 
252 Colonial France. 
 
 who think with the Ministers, and who believe that the revival 
 of a spirited colonial policy will result in France attaining the 
 position she held in the days of Louis XIV., or in the period 
 of Napoleon’s highest fame. . 
 
 There are others who see in such a policy only further losses ; 
 and again there is a third party who, believing that coloniza- 
 tion is the only means of regeneration for France, raise a 
 warning finger when it is suggested to annex Madagascar. ‘To 
 quote one of the ablest economists France possesses, MP: 
 Leroy Beaulieu :— 
 
 ‘‘Some public writers, with whom the taste for colonization 
 is indulged in with more enthusiasm than reflection, dream of 
 the reoccupation by France of the great island of Madagascar, 
 and it is for this reason that they attach a fictitious im- 
 portance to the small islands that we possess in its vicinity. 
 I believe that any thought of a territorial establishment in 
 Madagascar is impracticable, or, at any rate, premature. 
 Too many natural difficulties exist, whether of climate or 
 owing to the inhabitants. Any colony in this island, to be 
 successful, must be an agricultural colony ; its prosperity would 
 depend entirely on a very considerable European immigration. 
 France is in no condition to embark on such an undertaking, 
 the results of which are very problematical, and, even if 
 successful, would be long years ere they were reached. The 
 Colonization Company, which was founded some years back in 
 connection with Madagascar, came to nothing, despite the 
 efforts of a most able man, because he wished to build up a 
 colony upon the intrigues with a barbarian Court or with a 
 barbarian potentate. In fact, Madagascar is by no means a 
 well-selected spot on which to found a prosperous colony. It 
 would be impossible to find more disadvantages and fewer 
 resources. A hardy and brave population, rivers whose en- 
 trances are barred by sandbanks, stagnant lakes, which render 
 the whole coast unhealthy, and immense, impenetrable forests, 
 a damp, debilitating, feverish climate. The island, equidistant 
 from the East Indies and from the Malaccas, is absolutely cut 
 from all communication with the outer world. The choice of 
 such an island as the central point of French colonization is in 
 
Madagascar. 2530 
 
 itself a proof of the utter ignorance that exists in France of 
 the necessary conditions for successful colonization.”’ 
 
 Further comment on the scheme—the grand colonial scheme 
 of the Third Republic—is useless. Here we have an eminent 
 Frenchman, one of the acknowledged economists of the day, 
 not merely objecting to the idea of the establishment of a 
 French colony on an island which has seen the failure of so 
 many similar schemes, but repudiating the Jesuitical schemes 
 which seem to be the necessary accompaniment of all French 
 plans for aggrandizement. 
 
 In Madagascar, as in Tonkin, France bases her claims on 
 the flimsiest of pretexts—-on treaties entered into with banished 
 monarchs, the terms of which have been ignored by her for 
 many years, and the reciprocal clauses of which she has never 
 carried out. The wisdom of enforcing Western civilization by 
 means of ironclads and breechloaders is questionable ; but the 
 action of France in endeavouring to wrest from the Queen of 
 Madagascar the Sakalave territory, in virtue only of the worth- 
 less letter written by King Tsimandroho in 1842 (and which 
 has since been magnified into a treaty), or the still more 
 worthless act of annexation of M. de Flacourt in 1644, is 
 morally and legally indefensible. 
 
 It may be that France has adopted a wise course in attempt- 
 ing to regain some of her ancient colonial grandeur ; it remains 
 to be seen whether such a policy will have any effect in pro- 
 ducing that equilibrium between receipts and expenditure which 
 is more virtually necessary to a country than mere extension of 
 territory. 
 
 For England the colonial policy of France is fraught with the 
 utmost danger : every additional Eastern possession added to the 
 dominions of the Republic gives her a weightier voice in the 
 discussion of Eastern affairs. Already the Suez Canal is the 
 direct high road between France and actual and prospective colo- 
 nies with an area of 220,000 square miles and a population of 
 21,000,000 souls. Already French Ministers talk of strengthen- 
 ing still more the communications between the mother country 
 and her Eastern dependencies by fortifying a point in the Red 
 Sea. Obock is destined to counteract Aden, and will necessitate 
 
254 Colonial France. 
 
 the further strengthening of Perim. Already the French 
 Admiralty discuss the necessity of converting Ajaccio and Bizerta, 
 in the Mediterranean, Obock, Saigon, Réunion, and Madagascar, 
 in Eastern waters, into torpedo stations whence swift cruisers and 
 their attendant satellites would harry our Eastern trade, whilst 
 the other main commercial routes of Great Britain will be 
 patrolled by French squadrons, with their coaling stations in 
 New Caledonia, Tahiti, Martinique and Guadaloupe. 
 
 There is no shutting our eyes to the fact that the distant 
 possessions of France are not colonies in our sense of the word, 
 nor are they looked upon as colonies by our neighbours. They 
 are purely military settlements, destined, in the event of war, to 
 be strategic points whence England’s trade can be crippled and 
 England’s colonies ruined. Scarcely a week passes without some 
 leading Parisian journal betraying this sentiment, and it behoves 
 us to act in time. To be forewarned is to be forearmed. The 
 whole Eastern portion of the Peninsula of Further India is now 
 overrun with French troops, and ere long our frontiers will be 
 conterminous with those of France on the Eastern boundary of ~ 
 India, as they practically are with those of Russia on the 
 Western frontier. 
 
 We may rely upon it that the harbours in Tonkin and in 
 Madagascar will yet be used to give shelter to the squadrons 
 which Admiral Aube and his fellow-workers are now constructing 
 for the express purpose of ruining England’s commerce—a 
 commerce which would have found fresh outlets had our Govern- 
 ments shown themselves firm and prompt in putting an end to 
 the pretensions advanced by the Republic to the island of 
 Madagascar and the kingdom of Annam. Both of these recent 
 French acquisitions are capable of enormous development : their 
 mineral wealth is abundant, their soil fertile, they are watered 
 by navigable rivers, their people are energetic and civilized. In 
 a word, each is capable of becoming a power of itself—a power of 
 conferring wealth on the free settler. 
 
 France, with her military settlements, her swollen bureaucracy, 
 her prohibitive tariffs, will ruin the rising trade of these rising 
 kingdoms, and thrust them back in the scale of civilization to 
 the point to which her other colonies have now receded. Is 
 
Madagascar. 255 
 
 this unavoidable? It seems to me that the map of the world is 
 much like a chess-board ; it is covered with the pieces of England 
 and of France. In the next great game, should the Republic 
 win the first move, we shall have a hard strugele to avoid 
 receiving a checkmate. In the last game we played, England 
 swept the board, only at the finish to restore to France her 
 captured knights and castles. Since then many pieces have 
 been surreptitiously replaced, and our players unfortunately seem 
 blind to the danger thus created. 
 
256 Colonial France. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 OBOCK. 
 
 Its Situation — Population — Climate — Purchased by the French— 
 Harly Neglect—Recent Efforts to improve the Harbour—Trade 
 with Central Africa—Its Value as a Commercial and Military Port 
 —Coal in the Neighbourhood—-A Shelter for Merchant Vessels and 
 Ships of War—Home for Corsairs—Possible Source of Danger to 
 England. 
 
 Tr would be difficult, even under the most liberal acceptation of 
 the term, to style Obock a colony. Originally purchased for the 
 purpose of opening up trade between France and the tribes on 
 the Eastern coasts of Africa, it has failed miserably as a 
 commercial entrepdt, and is, owing to its situation, absolutely 
 unsuited for colonization. It figures, it is true, in the Budget of 
 the Minister of Marine and of the Colonies, and within the 
 last few years over £400,000 has been spent in improving 
 the harbour and in the construction of defensive works in its 
 vicinity, but in the ‘‘ Tableaux de Population, de Culture, de 
 
 Commerce et de Navigation,” published under the authority of 
 
 the same Minister, Obock is conspicuous by its absence. 
 
 The wild dreams indulged in when the new settlement was 
 first brought under the French flag have long since been 
 forgotten, and Obock is now destined to act as a check upon our 
 own military settlement of Aden; it is to form a link in the 
 chain of fortified posts which shall connect France with that 
 Grand Empire in the Far East the foundations of which are once 
 more being laid in the shifting sands of the Tonkin delta. The 
 town of Obock is situated at the head of the Gulf of Aden, upon 
 the northern shores of the Somali territory; it isa mere village, 
 
 built upon a low rocky ridge which stands at an elevation vary- 
 
 a . 
 
 nlite 04 
 
 a ee 
 
Obock. 257 
 
 ing from 30 to 100 feet above sea-level. Further inland the 
 ground becomes more broken and accidental, lofty mountains 
 running north and south separating it from the lands of the in- 
 land tribes. From the mountains innumerable watercourses 
 descend to the sea; but they consist for the greater part of the 
 year of mere sandy beds not entirely destitute of vegetation, a 
 vegetation dependent on the deposit left by the occasional 
 torrents which sweep over these sandy tracks in the short but 
 violent rainy season. Shallow wells are sunk in the dry beds 
 of the streams, and from them a precarious water supply is ob- 
 tainable. 
 
 The population of the country is composed of Arabs, and of 
 offshoots from the Gallas and other Soudanese tribes. They 
 possess herds of camel and are a pastoral race, though the 
 recent religious disturbances in the interior fomented by the 
 Mahdi of Khartoum have induced many hitherto peaceable men 
 to move northwards and join in the crusade against the Kafir. 
 
 The climate of the coast is extremely hot and most ener- 
 vating to Europeans; it is almost insupportable; a certain 
 number of officials, attracted by high pay and pensions, eke out 
 a miserable existence in the place, the non-official element is 
 composed of some half-dozen enterprising merchants, who still 
 hope to attract the caravans of Abyssinia to a French port. 
 
 The history of the French connection with Obock is simple 
 enough. In the year 1856, M. Henri Lambert, French Con- 
 sular Agent in Aden, was entrusted by the Emperor with the 
 task of establishing a French settlement on the west coast of 
 the Gulf of Aden, a settlement which should combine commer- 
 cial as well as strategic advantages. With this end in view 
 Obock was purchased from a Somali Chief for the sum of two 
 thousand pounds. Whether the chief possessed any claim to the 
 large tract of land he thus bartered away is a vexed question. 
 Certain it is that many claimants have arisen to portions which 
 the French now claim as their own, and it is very clear that 
 since the purchase was ratified the French boundaries have 
 stretched west, and north, and south. 
 
 Eight years elapsed before the French Government took any 
 steps to consolidate their power over the territory thus easily 
 
 s 
 
258 Colonial France. 
 
 acquired ; the Crimean War had but just closed, and there were 
 many obvious reasons why the Emperor should abstain from 
 giving offence to the English. It was feared that the establish- 
 ment of a strong military station within a hundred miles of 
 Aden would be unwelcome to the nation which, having sunk 
 past enmities, was now France’s closest ally. Then the un- 
 fortunate Franco-Austrian War of 1859 supervened—a war 
 which M. de Bourquenay, the talented Ambassador at the Court 
 of Vienna, prophesied would be the death-knell of the Empire. 
 Then arose troubles in China; and though the Anglo-French 
 alliance was still at its height, the Emperor saw the drawbacks 
 France laboured under in having no ports of call in Indian seas. 
 The Indian Mutiny had shown the feasibility of transporting 
 troops overland through Egypt. M. de Lesseps’ half-completed — 
 scheme held out hopes that regiments embarked in Europe 
 would be conveyed without a break to the Far Kast. England 
 possessed Aden and Perim in the Red Sea, and virtually closed 
 the southern entrance of the Suez Canal ; it was necessary that 
 France should hold a counterpoise. Attention naturally was 
 directed to M. Lambert’s purchase, and in 1864 the despatch 
 boat Surcouf—happy name for a pioneer in Eastern waters— 
 was ordered to Obock, and her commander, M. Salmon, instructed 
 to report on the capabilities of the port. The carefully prepared 
 plans of Lieutenant Salmon still form the basis of the charts 
 which now are sold in the Bureaux of the Marine, but his 
 reports were relegated to pigeon-holes, and France, plunged into 
 European complications, was unable to devote any attention to 
 the projects of colonial extension. After the terrible humiliation 
 of Sédan, France, deprived of all weight in European polities, 
 determined on adding to her distant possessions, and once more 
 difficulties with China caused all eyes to be turned to Obock. 
 Some thirty years previously Mayotte was to be the Gibraltar 
 of Eastern seas, but the millions engulfed in its harbours were 
 willingly forgotten, and Obock was selected as the spot which 
 should bar the entrance of the Red Sea, be the coaling station 
 for French vessels trading in Eastern waters, and afford a 
 secure shelter to the cruisers which it is intended shall prey 
 upon English commerce. 
 
Obock. 259 
 
 Piers have been constructed which give perfect shelter to 
 eraft lying in the northern harbour, lighthouses built, bat- 
 teries thrown up, Custom-houses established, and a whole 
 army of officials planted on African soil. The harbour is com- 
 modious, easy of access, and well sheltered. There are two 
 excellent approaches—one from the northward, with a minimum 
 depth at dead low water of 87 feet, whilst the southern 
 entrance has double that depth. The harbour itself is sheltered 
 from the north by cliffs some 75 feet in height; from the 
 east by a broad sand-bank, over which the sea barely washes ; 
 on the south by a long coral reef, which at low water is un- 
 covered ; and on the west by the new pier. It is thus secure 
 in all winds and all weathers, and has an area of about 300 
 acres, whilst the roadstead itself, only open to the south, is a 
 mile in length, and half that in width. 
 
 Obock must be looked upon in three aspects—Commercial, 
 Maritime, and Military. 
 
 As regards Commerce, it is the natural outlet for the pro- 
 duce of Abyssinia and the Somali country. 
 
 For Maritime purposes it is valuable as a port of refuge and 
 as a coaling station. 
 
 Considered from the Military point of view, it is, as I have 
 said, a link in the chain which connects France with her 
 Eastern possessions, a menace to Aden, and a centre of one of 
 the proposed ‘‘ Groupes de Combat,’’ which in France occupies 
 the place. of the Russian Volunteer Fleet, so far as English 
 commerce is concerned. 
 
 Of the real wealth of Central Africa we are as yet ignorant. 
 
 The Abyssinian Expedition did but little to open up the hidden 
 ' riches of, till then, the unknown countries through which our 
 armies passed; and the distances which have to be traversed 
 ere the products of these countries can reach the sea are so 
 enormous, that trade with them has necessarily been checked. 
 In spite of these disadvantages, native traders have sought 
 European markets for their wares, and have carried back into 
 the heart of Africa Manchester goods, Sheffield cutlery, and 
 Birmingham fire-arms. Whilst Suakin and Massowah formed 
 the outlets for the trade of the Northern Provinces, Obock, 
 
 s 2 
 
260 Colontal France. 
 
 Tadjourah, and Zeilah formed outlets on the south; and it is 
 the desire of the French to divert to Obock the trade which 
 hitherto has poured into Massowah, Zeilah, and Berberah. 
 
 The roseate hues with which all French pictures of coloniza- 
 tion are tinted compel us to accept with reserve the glowing 
 accounts of the wealth to be found in the vicinity of Obock. 
 British explorers, and also British soldiers, have pushed far 
 into adjacent lands; but no signs of riches were discernible, 
 either in the Suakin-Berber road, or in that which led from 
 Annesley Bay to Magdala. It may be that the wealth is con- 
 centrated to the south, and that the French will derive all the 
 material advantages that were denied us during our occupation 
 of Massowah and Suakin. 
 
 Thus we learn that the mountain ranges which skirt the 
 western borders, of the Red Sea literally abound in precious 
 metals, as wellas in iron, copper, lead, and sulphur. Coal, too, 
 is plentiful, and easily worked ; thus giving the French squad- 
 rons in Eastern seas two stations (Obock and Haiphong, in 
 Tonkin) from which they can draw their own fuel—rendering 
 them independent of England for their motive-power. 
 
 In Abyssinia and the Somali country there are immense 
 forests of valuable trees—trees whose woods gain high prices 
 in European markets. Coffee (which, according to M. Gold- 
 tammer, is equal to the best Mocha), cotton, indigo, tobacco, 
 and the sugar-cane are indigenous, and capable of being highly 
 cultivated ; whilst the commoner sorts of grain—wheat, barley, 
 and maize—are abundant. * 
 
 Immense flocks of sheep and herds of cattle roam over the 
 neighbouring hills: the wool of the former, and the skins of 
 the latter, will, it is estimated, form a very large item in the 
 exports of the colony. Palm oil and various gums are also 
 obtainable. Ostrich feathers, mother-of-pearl, and coral, all 
 form articles of commerce. 
 
 In return for these products the merchants of France are — 
 invited to ship cargoes of Lyons silks and velvets of the com- 
 moner sorts, rough cotton goods, cheap glass, indifferent 
 cutlery and ironmongery, not forgetting the much depreciated 
 five-franc piece, which it is hoped will eventually supersede 
 
Obock. 261 
 
 the Maria-Therése thaler as the currency on the shores of the © 
 Red Sea. 
 
 The commerce of Abyssinia and the Somali country is lan- 
 geuishine for want of sufficient outlets. It is to Obock, then, 
 that the trade of these nations is to be attracted. Its impor- 
 tance naturally will augment when the Abyssinians and Somalis 
 find in this new French colony an easy market for their goods ; 
 and, as the neighbouring tribes have shown themselves well- 
 disposed towards the French, there would seem good ground 
 for hoping that its future may not be so colourless as is the 
 present of so many other distant dependencies of the Re- 
 public. 
 
 Let us now consider the value of Obock to the French as a 
 commercial port, apart from the fact that it is in course of 
 time to become the sole outlet of trade in the Red Sea. Its 
 value as a port depends entirely on the worth of the coal which 
 is said to exist in its immediate neighbourhood. Aden hitherto 
 has been the coaling station for ships of all nations. The fuel 
 being obtained from England, and being proportionately costly, 
 owners of vessels have endeavoured so to arrange that sufficient 
 quantities shall be shipped to enable the passage from Suez to 
 Bombay or to Calcutta being performed without a break. By 
 this means port dues are avoided, and the expensive coal of 
 Aden left untouched. Still, mail steamers, with their large 
 passenger accommodation, have been unable to accomplish this 
 feat; and steamers of all the great Eastern lines, such as the 
 Peninsular and Oriental, Orient, British India, Messageries 
 Maritimes, and Rubattino, have been in the habit of coaling at 
 Aden. If, however, coal of good quality, and in sufficient 
 quantity, is to be found in the near neighbourhood of Obock, a 
 ready and enormous sale would be found for it. Not only 
 ~ would the merchant fleets of all nations run into Obock instead 
 of Aden to refill their bunkers before starting on their passage 
 across the Indian Ocean or up the Red Sea, as the case might 
 be, but the ships of war in Eastern waters, our own East 
 Indian squadron as well as vessels flying the German flag, would 
 of necessity choose the cheap coal of Obock to the expensive 
 Welsh coal of Bombay. 
 
262 Colonial France. 
 
 This one question of coal, irrespective of any theories as to 
 the development of trade with Central Africa, will be enough 
 to determine the future of Obock. Unfortunately here, as in 
 Tonkin, there seems some doubt whether the coal in the neigh- 
 bourhood is in sufficient quantities to repay working; and 
 certain it is that, though so far back as 1876 it was predicted 
 that the mines could be worked at immense profit, and with 
 but little expense, yet, in 1886, the French despatch boat 
 attached to the station fills her bunkers with English coal at 
 Aden, and the produce of Central Africa has not yet been 
 diverted from its original channels. 
 
 Colonies are not built up in a day, and French colonies in 
 particular take long years to develop. Obock is unlikely to 
 prove an exception to the rule. That trade may be attracted 
 to it nobody will deny, and that individual merchants of enter- 
 prise may reap rich harvests from the new colony is also very 
 probable ; but that Europeans can successfully work indigo 
 factories and sugar refineries within eleven degrees of the 
 equator I refuse to believe, as also that any spot on the Red 
 Sea can by any means fulfil the conditions necessary for the 
 creation of a colony in the true sense of the word. 
 
 From a military point of view, Obock presents many ad- 
 vantages. The harbour and roadstead, as I have said, are 
 commodious and well sheltered, and can be easily defended by 
 batteries placed on the cliffs which command the entrances. 
 Giving shelter, as the French Minister of Marine intends it 
 shall, to one of his dangerous ‘‘ Groupes de Combat’’—composed 
 of one swift cruiser, two gun-vessels, and eight torpedo-boats 
 —Obock would practically close the Red Sea to English com- 
 merce ; unless, indeed, a second and more powerful squadron 
 was located at Aden. Defended with powerful batteries, which 
 even now are in course of construction, it will give the French 
 a coaling station in a most important situation, midway 
 between the neutral territories of the Khédive and their own 
 islands of Réunion and Madagascar, and afford a convenient 
 break between the Mediterranean and Cochin-China. 
 
 Obock is no colony, as I said before, but it is an important 
 military settlement, which bids fair—if the French continue 
 
Obock. 263 
 
 to spend as much money on its improvement in the future as 
 they have done in the past—to neutralize Aden, and to neces- 
 sitate very great care and watchfulness on our part to prevent 
 its crippling our Eastern trade, should hostilities ever again 
 arise between France and England. France has not been 
 wanting in her efforts to obtain commanding positions in the 
 Red Sea. Itis not long since an attempt was made to lay , 
 claim to the actual headlands of the Straits of Babel Mandeb, 
 which it was hoped could be converted, at a small cost, into the 
 very key of the Indian Ocean: this project was nipped in the 
 bud. Since then, under the pretence of founding a colony in 
 Tadjourah Bay, close on half a million has been spent in con- 
 structing piers and wharves, public buildings and lighthouses, 
 batteries and magazines, around Obock; and plans are in 
 existence which provide for still heavier expenditure. 
 
 History shows us that we have little cause to dread the 
 military value of French colonies. They have always fallen 
 into our hands with but little trouble, and with but trifling 
 loss; but, unfortunately, their reduction has never been 
 decided on till the corsair fleets, which have found shelter 
 under their guns, have worked havoc with our mercantile 
 marine. The gallant dealings of Surcouf and other privateers 
 in the Indian Ocean compelled us to undertake the capture of 
 the Mauritius and Bourbon; and there is no doubt that in 
 the next great war the Declaration of Paris will remain a dead 
 letter, and that from the harbours of Obock and of the French 
 islands in the Southern Indian Ocean fresh Surcoufs will issue 
 forth to prey on English commerce, and to bring down once 
 more on French colonies England’s just resentment. The 
 situation of Obock is such that it will doubtless be one of the 
 first to join in the crusade against us, and one of the first to 
 fall into our hands. We then should command two admirable 
 ports at the southern entrance of the Red Sea, and might rest 
 satisfied that our Eastern trade was beyond the possibility of 
 injury. 
 
264 Colontal France. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 TUNIS. 
 
 Continuity of French Action in the Regency—KEarly History of Tunis 
 —Louis IX. dies there in 1270—Treaty between the King of Tunis 
 and the Kings of Sicily, Navarre, and France—Invasion by Charles 
 VI. of France—Continual War between Sicily and Tunis—Invasion 
 by Emperor Charles V.—Tunis conquered by the Turks—Power 
 vested in the Deys—French Fleets bombard the Coast in 1683 
 and 1685—Qverthrow of the Deys by Turkish Soldiery—In the 
 -Highteenth Century French Fleets appear off Goletta on many 
 Occasions—Tribute paid to the Bey by all European Powers and 
 by United States—In 1799 the Bey declares War with the Republic 
 —Gigantic Sums paid by Catholic Societies to repurchase Slaves— 
 Lord Exmouth puts an End to Slavery—French Conquest of Algeria 
 —Financial Difficulties of the Bey—French and Italian Rivalry in 
 the Mediterranean—France determines to chastise the Kroumirs— 
 French Troops invade the Regency—Treaty wrung from the Bey— 
 Probable Results of French Power. | 
 
 Tunts, of all the possessions France has recently added to 
 her dominions, must be considered the most important. Tonkin 
 may confer upon her the command of the China seas, and open 
 up to her vast markets in the most populous country in the 
 world ; Madagascar may enable her to paralyze commerce in 
 the Southern Indian Ocean, and may bestow upon her the un- 
 told riches of that great African island ; Obock may enable her 
 to hermetically seal the southern entrance to the Suez Canal, 
 but Tunis places in her hands the Mediterranean, gives her a 
 coast line on that sea some nine hundred miles in length, 
 nullifies to a very great extent the strategical value of 
 Gibraltar and Malta, gives her harbours second to none in the 
 world, converts her into an important Mahomedan power, and 
 makes her the civilized mistress of Northern Africa- 
 

 
 Zunts. 265 
 
 France has dared to do in Tunis what we have shrunk from 
 doing in Egypt ; she has braved the Porte, and shown decaying 
 Islam that a Christian Power, by a mere show of force, can over- 
 awe and trample down the emasculated efforts of the Mahomedan 
 population of a Power which but a century ago claimed tribute 
 from all the sovereigns of Europe, terrorized the Mediterranean, 
 and even ventured to send its corsairs as far as the British 
 Channel. 
 
 The history of the absorption of weak States into stronger ones 
 is rarely edifying reading. Where might is right, arbitrary 
 actions often cut the Gordian knot of interminable discussions, 
 and a perusal of the negotiations which led up to the French 
 Protectorate over Tunis scarcely gives the reader a friendly 
 feeling towards the Republic or towards its agents. History, 
 however, teaches us English that our records with Native States 
 in the Far East have not always been blameless, and we should 
 be the last to cast stones at those who enlarge their boundaries 
 by means we ourselves have never hesitated to use. 
 
 In acting as she has done towards Tunis, France has followed 
 the diplomatic line she embarked on in the conquest of Algeria. 
 Since then it has been the fixed idea of each succeeding Govern- 
 ment to maintain the preponderance of French influence in 
 Tunis. That Province was not merely the key of Algeria, it 
 is the key of the Mediterranean. In the hands of the Turks, 
 it enabled the Sultan to stir up religious warfare amongst the 
 Mahomedan population of Algeria; in the hands of another 
 European Power, it would have wrested from France all sem- 
 blance of strength in the Mediterranean. Whenever Turkey 
 sought to re-establish her ascendency in the Regency, a French 
 squadron appeared to support the demands of the Quai d’Orsay ; 
 when other Powers strove to gain the ascendency over the Bey, 
 diplomatic measures of a nicer sort had to be resorted to; but 
 whether her opponent was Turkey or Italy, or even England, 
 France had but one end in view, and that was to prevent any 
 Power but herself obtaining an ascendency in the Province. 
 To gain this end she has violated pledges, she has torn up 
 treaties, she has waged an unjustifiable war, and she has 
 shed much innocent blood—but she has succeeded ; and now 
 
266 Colonial France. 
 
 Tunis, though nominally under the protection, is in reality a 
 colony of France. 
 
 For Tunis itself, and for the world at large, such a rane will 
 be undoubtedly beneficial. The people will be relieved from 
 the intolerable exactions of their unscrupulous rulers, a firm, 
 even Government will replace the unjust, capricious tyranny of 
 the Beys, taxation will be equalized, religious tolerance en- 
 forced, commerce encouraged, and the country and its finances 
 no longer the sport of concession-hunting speculators. 
 
 A brief sketch of the history of its past under Mahomedan 
 rule may serve to bring into, brighter contrast what we may 
 anticipate for its future, now that it has passed under the 
 domination of a Christian Power. War, piracy, and rebellion ~ 
 were its normal state, no single beneficial measure was ever 
 initiated by Dey or Bey, and those insisted on by the Ambas- 
 sadors of European States were never carried out without severe 
 external pressure. 
 
 To carry back the history of Tunis to the old Carthaginian 
 days would be of little interest, though a cursory glance at the 
 part it played on the world’s stage even in that bygone period 
 is sufficient to show what value attached to the cities which 
 overshadowed the land-locked harbours on the Southern Medi- 
 terranean, and how capable they were of making their power 
 felt from the shores of Spain to those of Syria. My task is 
 chiefly to trace the connection of France with its new depen- 
 dency, and to do this one must go back to the days of the 
 Highth Crusade, when the good Saint Louis, at the head of 
 60,000 men, landed on the shores of Carthage, in order to 
 impose the Christian religion on the new Mahomedan princi- 
 pality which had freshly sprung up in the old kingdom of 
 the Almohades. — 
 
 Strategic reasons, which in discussing the Tunisian question 
 can never be lost sight of, weighed heavily on Louis IX. 
 ‘Tunis,’ said that monarch, ‘faces Sicily, and is on the 
 high road to the Holy Land. Tunis can always harass our 
 communications with the East; we must leave no enemies 
 behind us, we must therefore conquer it first of all.’’ 
 
 On the 17th of July, 1270, King Louis anchored off Cape 
 
Tunts. 267 
 
 Carthage. His landing was unopposed, but no sooner were his 
 troops entrenched amidst the ruins of the great city than a 
 guerilla warfare commenced, of which one is strangely reminded 
 when reading the reports of the campaign waged by Louis’ 
 successors six centuries later. Again has history repeated 
 itself in other details. Sickness stepped in to aid the Moslem 
 hosts, and dysentery and fever claimed far more victims than 
 the sword. The pestilence which ravaged the invading armies 
 was no respecter of persons. Amongst the first to succumb 
 were Tristan, the French King’s son; with him died the Counts 
 of Nemours, of Montmorency, and of Vendome, whilst the Pope’s 
 Legate and the King of Navarre were within ten days of land- 
 ing also struck down by the same fell disease. Louis IX., full 
 of religious zeal and fervour, spared himself nothing in visiting 
 the sick ; and in encouraging his men he, too, fell a victim to 
 the plague, and died on the 20th of August of the same year. 
 The French, enraged at their losses, pushed on the campaign 
 with vigour, aided by King Charles of Sicily, who had landed 
 the day after Louis’ death. It was to the interest of the French, 
 as well as to the Sicilians, to force on a peace before the 
 arrival of the English Crusaders under Edward I., who were 
 daily expected; and shortly before that prince arrived a treaty 
 was entered into between the King of Tunis, Philip the Hardy 
 of France, Charles of Sicily, and Thibault of Navarre, by which 
 the King engaged himself to protect French and Italian sub- 
 jects in his kingdom, to pay a war indemnity of 210,000 ounces 
 of gold, a yearly tribute to the King of Sicily of 24,000 ounces, 
 and to restore all prisoners languishing in his dungeons. 
 Edward of England arrived off Cape Carthage a few days after 
 the treaty was signed, and was so indignant at the manner in 
 which it had been wrung from the Moslem King, that he refused 
 to disembark his men. The three other Christian monarchs 
 remained some months longer in the country, in order to assist 
 the Tunisian King in raising a corps of Christian soldiery, 
 who, whilst serving in his pay, were destined to protect the 
 lives and property of European merchants dwelling in Tunis ; 
 to act, as it were, as a body-guard to the Consuls, and to ensure 
 the prompt collection and payment of the Sicilian tribute. 
 
268 Colonial France. 
 
 From time to time we find this corps mentioned in various 
 treaties, and we also have traces of them in certain Papal 
 Bulls of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In these Bulls 
 they are enjoined to offer aid to Catholic missionaries, and to 
 assist in the release of the many thousand Europeans who 
 from time to time were captured by Tunisian -corsairs. As 
 early as the thirteenth century, we find these corsairs ravaging 
 the whole Mediterranean, and we also find the Venetians, as 
 well as the Sicilians and French, taking retaliatory measures 
 for their suppression. | 
 
 The bitter memories of the pestilential campaign of 1270 
 were not soon forgotten, and no fresh efforts were made to 
 coerce the Tunisians into the due fulfilment of their treaty 
 engagements. Squadrons of war-ships would ravage the coast, 
 lay waste the islands, and throw shot into the seaport towns, 
 but no attempts were made to land an army, in order to com- 
 pel the Kings to conform to the Treaty of Carthage. The 
 Tunisians were quick to profit by the immunity granted them, 
 and piracy throve and prospered; raids were made on the coasts 
 of Spain and of Sicily, and on one occasion the Bishop of 
 Syracuse was seized on the steps of his own altar and carried 
 off to Gabes. 
 
 At irregular intervals, stirred up by the brutal cruelties of 
 the Arab pirates, European Powers would make spasmodic 
 efforts to purge the southern shores of the Mediterranean of 
 their noxious habitants, but these expeditions were ever con- 
 ducted in a half-hearted way. At the close of the fourteenth 
 century Charles VI. of France sent an army, under the com- 
 mand of the Duke of Burgundy, to coerce the King of 
 Tunis. With the Duke were the Counts of Artois and of 
 Clermont, Jean de Vienne, Admiral of France, the Duke of 
 Beaufort, and 300 Genoese galleys ; but the expedition effected 
 nothing, and on its return to France Burgundy fell into 
 disgrace. 
 
 Throughout this period war between Sicily and Tunis was 
 incessant. The memory of the humiliating Treaty of 1270 
 rankled in the breasts of the Tunisians, and they sturdily 
 refused to pay the tribute agreed to.’ It was one thing to sign 
 
7 unts. 269 
 
 a treaty with the armies of France, of Navarre, and of Sicily 
 thundering at your gates, and the fleet of England lying in the 
 offing ; it was another to conform to that treaty, with only 
 Sicily ready to enforce it. And Sicily fought on to maintain her 
 supremacy, but she fought with doubtful success, and finally 
 was glad, in the early part of the fifteenth century, to conclude 
 a peace renouncing all claim to tribute. 
 
 Throughout the fifteenth century the Moslems of Tunis 
 were at war with the Christian world. From time to time 
 treaties would be made between the Kings of Tunis and 
 other Powers, but these treaties were made only to be broken. 
 The slave markets of the kingdom were filled with Christians 
 of every nation, and the coffers of the State were rich with the 
 ingots which members of various religious orders scattered 
 abroad, in order to secure the freedom of their co-religionists. 
 
 In the sixteenth century (1535) Charles V. conquered the 
 country, released all the Christian captives, and then restored 
 the dethroned monarch to the kingdom on his acknowledging 
 the suzerainty of Spain, and agreeing to pay a yearly tribute of 
 12,000 piastres, the Emperor, on his part, guaranteeing to 
 defend Tunis from foreign invasion. The people, however, 
 viewed with little favour Spanish intervention, and for nearly 
 forty years endless revolts and endless war ravaged the 
 country. In 1572 Don Juan of Austria landed with a 
 powerful army, and subdued the country on behalf of his 
 brother, Philip II.; no sooner had he left the shores of Africa 
 than Sinan Pasha, a renowned corsair, -appeared off Goletta 
 and reduced Tunis to the position of a dependency of the Sub- 
 lime Porte. From the 3rd September, 1573, Tunisian coin has 
 always been struck in the Sultan’s name, and Tunisian rulers 
 have ever received their investiture from Stamboul. In 1858, 
 Marshal Pellissier, writing on this point, says, ‘‘ The Pachalik 
 of Tunis is altogether under the suzerainty of Turkey ; the 
 power of the Grand Signor is recognized by law, but more in 
 a theological than in a political point of view. The money is 
 struck in his name, and each day at noon his glory and his 
 virtues are proclaimed by a herald before an empty arm-chair, 
 which represents his throne ; whilst the Kutba, or Friday’s 
 
270 Coloneal France. 
 
 prayer, has been uniformly recited in the name of the reigning 
 sovereign of the Osmanlis.” 
 
 Until the opening of the eighteenth century, Tunis was 
 under the dominion of Deys, who paid tribute and owned 
 allegiance to the Sultan. If piracy flourished under the 
 ancient Kings, it progressed even more favourably under the 
 modern Deys. All Europe was held at bay, and tribute 
 demanded—aye, and paid—by Christian sovereigns to these 
 Moslem robbers. That France and England were subjected to 
 the same treatment that was meted out to the petty States of 
 Italy is evident, and not the many bombardments their sea- 
 ports suffered at the hands of the Western Powers, or the 
 many threatening missives received, served to curb one jot 
 the pride of the Deys, or to induce them to hold in check 
 their piratical fleets. In 1665 an English fleet, under Admiral — 
 Black, bombarded Porta Farina, disembarked a strong landing 
 party, and released all Christian slaves. Seven years later a 
 French fleet performed the same feat at Goletta. 
 
 On each occasion the Dey signed treaties with the success- 
 ful Powers—treaties which were disregarded as soon as the flags 
 of England or of France had sunk below the horizon. Our 
 Consuls and Envoys were treated with contumely, and made to 
 conform to the most humiliating customs, on entering the 
 presence of the barbarous ruler of this Turkish province. In 
 1685, finding their treaty systematically broken, the French 
 despatched another fleet to Goletta, and wrung fresh conces- 
 sions from the timorous Dey—timorous only in the actual 
 presence of danger; for, on receipt of the news of the intended 
 approach of the French fleets, Baba Hassa, the ruling Dey, 
 released French captives, and willingly acquiesced in all 
 demands, only to fall back into his old evil cruelties when 
 d’Estrée’s fleet had returned to Toulon. 
 
 French records give the names of many an unfortunate cap- 
 tive burnt alive by order of these cowardly miscreants, who, 
 despite their cowardice and their weakness, terrorized the 
 Mediterranean, and held all Europe in contempt. 
 
 In 1705 the Turkish soldiers, weary of the cruelties of their 
 rulers, rose, deposed and murdered the Dey (history says they 
 
Zunts. oat 
 
 also ate him), and proclaimed one of their own number Bey 
 
 in his room. The descendants of Houssain Ben Ali, the 
 chosen of the Moslem soldiery, reigned in Tunis uninterrupt- 
 edly from the opening of the eighteenth century until the 
 present day, when the actual ruler, now no longer a servant of 
 the Porte, does the bidding of the French Resident, and leads 
 a life of ease and contentment under the careful guardianship 
 
 of the Tricolour. 
 
 The change of the initial consonant in the style and title of the 
 rulers of Tunis worked no striking benefit in the administra- 
 tion of the country. The same hopeless anarchy reigned within 
 its borders; pirates scoured the Mediterranean, harrying the 
 lesser ports of France, Spain, and Italy ; the Consular repre- 
 sentatives of the great European Powers were still subjected 
 to the most humiliating treatment, and Christian merchants 
 carried on their profession merely on sufferance. 
 
 France seems to have suffered much from Tunisian pirates 
 in the early days of the Beys. In 1798 all diplomatic inter- 
 course between the two countries was suspended ; and though, 
 two years later, a fresh treaty was entered into, this had but little 
 effect in checking the depredations of the lawless corsairs of 
 Goletta. Remonstrances and threats being useless, in 1728 a 
 French squadron appeared off the capital, and the Bey was 
 compelled to enter into substantial guarantees for his good 
 behaviour. Guarantees however, as we know full well, are of 
 little value when extorted by force from an Oriental potentate, 
 and, seven years later, we find a Tunisian embassy despatched 
 to Paris, to apologize for the conduct of pirates who had cap- 
 tured two French craft off Cephalonia, and sold their crews 
 publicly in the market-place of Gabes. 
 
 In 1740 an open rupture took place; the French accusing 
 the Bey of encouraging piracy, while he, on his part, retaliated 
 by accusing France of inciting rebellion in his kingdom. The 
 French Consul was threatened with death, French commercial 
 establishments were razed to the ground, and the island of 
 Tabarea, a Genoese possession, which it was rumoured was 
 about to be sold to France, was occupied by Tunisian troops. 
 France at once took steps for bringing the Bey to reason, but 
 
272 Colonial France. 
 
 war breaking out with England, matters were, of necessity, 
 smoothed over. | 
 
 It is difficult to understand the reasons which induced 
 powerful Christian States to submit tamely to the insolent 
 demands of a Mahomedan puppet, who was powerless to main- 
 tain order in his own dominions, and yet exacted the most 
 absurd and abject ceremonials from European Consuls. In 
 1753 we read of the French Consulate being pillaged and 
 burnt, in 1756 the same scene was re-enacted. The following 
 year the French Consul was threatened with death and thrown 
 into prison ; and in 1770, wearied of the Bey’s promises, France 
 despatched a fleet to Carthage, and bombarded Bizerta, Susa, 
 and Porta Farina; but, on the intervention of the Turkish | 
 Ambassador, a hollow truce was agreed on—a truce by no 
 means pleasing to French susceptibilities. The Bey agreed — 
 to recognize Corsica as a portion of the French kingdom, but 
 he declined to sanction the reconstruction of the mercantile 
 settlements destroyed some years previously, and whilst renew- 
 ing to France the right of coral fishery on the coast, demanded 
 from her heavy pecuniary subsidies, which were paid; these 
 payments, of course, being looked upon by the Bey and his 
 ‘Tunisian subjects as tribute. 
 
 And now commences the long history of French and English 
 rivalry on the shores of the Mediterranean, a rivalry which 
 still exists, and will continue to exist until the millennium, but 
 which, so far as Tunis is concerned, has been set at rest for 
 ever by the determined action of France in placing the Regency 
 under her own protection. In 1777 the French once more 
 endeavoured to obtain possession of the island of Tabarca ; 
 but England interfered, and as the two nations were then 
 at war, it may readily be inferred, from the tone of the letters 
 that passed between George III. and the piratical Bey, that 
 England used substantial arguments in order to support her 
 requests. 
 
 The Court of Saint James was not the only Christian Court 
 that deigned to offer gold to the rulers of Tunis. Austria, in 
 1784, paid a considerable sum of money in order that the 
 ports of the Regency might be opened to Austrian trade; and 
 
Zunts. 273 
 
 the Bey further insisted on a heavy annual tribute being re- 
 mitted to him so long as the privilege remained in force. 
 
 At the same time, Denmark paid 15,000 sequins annually 
 for a similar concession; and though the Republic of Venice 
 sternly refused to accede to a like demand, and shelled Susa, 
 Sfax, and Goletta,in revenge for the ravages of Tunisian 
 pirates, two years later the Venetians also agreed to pay the 
 Bey 40,000 sequins for the same privilege. Spain, Holland, 
 and America entered into treaties of a like nature, the 
 former Power paying 100,000 piastres, the latter £20,000 
 and twenty-eight cannon, with a full complement of ammuni- 
 tion. 
 
 Small wonder that the Beys became puffed up with pride, 
 and ascribed the incomprehensible conduct of Christian kings 
 to their own invincibility. No sooner was the American treaty 
 signed than a Tunisian squadron appeared off the coasts of 
 Sardinia, and carried away the entire population of the island 
 of San Pietro into slavery; and three‘ months later, seeing 
 Republican France hard pressed by Monarchical Europe, the 
 Bey, in accordance with instructions from Constantinople, de- 
 clared war against France, and sent his fleet to aid the English 
 squadron at the mouth of the Nile. The next year, however, 
 a truce was entered on, and in 1802 a formal treaty was signed, 
 under the terms of which the Bey guaranteed to release all 
 French prisoners in his dominions, and faithfully to carry out 
 the provisions of the old Treaty of 1742. Bonaparte’s invasion 
 of Egypt undoubtedly created a profound impressicn through- 
 out the Mahomedan world. It was the first invasion of a 
 Mahomedan country by a Christian Power since the days of the 
 Crusades. Far different from the attempts of Russia to tear 
 down the crescent from the cupola of Saint Sophia, it was 
 looked upon by Islam as the recrudescence of the old idea 
 which animated Christian sovereigns six hundred years before ; 
 and contingents from East and West, from the shores of the 
 Persian Gulf, and from the furthest confines of Morocco, poured 
 into Egypt to oust the infidel invader. On the expulsion of 
 the French by the English armies under Hutchinson and 
 Baird, all ostensible cause of hostility was removed, and by the 
 
 1 
 
274 Colonial France. 
 
 Treaty of 1802 a nominal peace was established between the 
 Bey and the Republic. 
 
 But though peace with France was concluded, the Bey was 
 still on bad terms with other European Powers. Spain and 
 Holland were made to feel the weight of his wrath, and forced 
 to purchase his good graces by presents of ships of war and of 
 money. 
 
 With all Europe paying him tribute, it is no matter for sur- 
 prise that the Bey should have looked scornfully on his neigh- 
 bour of Algiers. The war which lasted for six years between 
 these two Mahomedan States, and which only ended in 1809, 
 should have convinced the Great Powers of the real weakness 
 of the Regency, and ought to have been enough to have in» 
 duced them to tolerate his conduct no more. There seems; 
 however, to have been an erroneous idea of the Bey’s strength, 
 for in 1810 Spain and England both tendered apologies 
 for acts said to have been committed by ships of war of 
 their respective nations, and in violation of international 
 law. 
 
 More than this, England as well as France humbled them- 
 selves before the Bey in order to secure his alliance. In 
 1810 we paid the piratical Pasha 100,000 dollars in order to 
 purchase a treaty between Tunis and Sicily, then occupied by 
 British troops, and although it became necessary to order the 
 Mediterranean Fleet, under Admiral Freemantle, into Tunisian 
 waters in order to enforce our demands, we deemed it wise, in 
 the interests of peace, to pay over to the Bey what he was 
 pleased to term English tribute. 
 
 France now endeavoured to purchase a similar treaty on be- 
 behalf of Naples; but the price of such commodities had risen 
 since the French Navy had sunk in the waters of Cape Tra- 
 falgar, and Hamouda Pasha demanded 400,000 dollars for 
 privileges which he had granted to the British Admiral for a 
 quarter of that sum. 
 
 In spite of these treaties, piracy flourished, and slavery was 
 rampant throughout the Regency. And no wonder, so long as 
 the Bey could command vast sums for worthless treaties; and 
 so long as Christian Societies were willing to repurchase Chris- 
 
Tunts. 275 
 
 tian slaves from their Mahomedan captors, it was evident that 
 piracy and slavery would never die. 
 
 It has been computed by Cardinal Lavigerie that between 
 the years 1198 and 1787 various Roman Catholic missions 
 had purchased the freedom in Tunisian markets of 1,400,000 
 prisoners, at a cost of three hundred and thirty-six million 
 pounds! Inaddition to these numbers, determined on, it must 
 be remembered, after the most careful researches, many hun- 
 dreds of thousands of prisoners had been released from the 
 ‘dungeons of Bizerta, Susa, Sfax, and Goletta, on the armed 
 intervention of the fleets of the various Great Powers, whilst 
 vast numbers had been freed by agencies distinct from those 
 working under the Church of Rome. 
 
 At the Treaty of Vienna, in 1815, the question of piracy 
 and slavery in the Mediterranean came up for discussion, and 
 it was determined that an armed force should be exercised to 
 put down what was felt to be a standing insult to the Great 
 Powers. Lord Exmouth and the British Fleet were entrusted 
 with the civilizing mission, and the Bey, taking warning by the 
 fate of Algiers, which had refused to accept the mandate of 
 the British Admiral, agreed, after some demur, to the prcposed 
 terms. 
 
 Lord Exmouth’s bloodless victory caused immense excite- 
 ment in the Regency; an insurrection broke out, and the 
 Tunisian Navy openly refused to agree to the terms of the new 
 treaty. Suiting their actions to their words, they actually set 
 sail for the English Channel, captured a Bremen ship within 
 one hundred miles of the Lizard, and endeavoured to sell their 
 prize in an English port. Again, with a strange want of firm- 
 ness, vague diplomatic remonstrances were resorted to; and 
 though the Bey once more promised compliance to our wishes, 
 even these promises were not exacted until a combined Anglo- 
 French fleet had appeared in Tunisian waters. This was in 
 1820, and three years later a fresh outrage was committed in 
 seizing some Greek passengers on board an English vessel, in 
 defiance of the remonstrances of our Consul. Again it was 
 found necessary to despatch a British fleet to Goletta, and 
 again the Bey was profuse in promises of amendment. 
 
 2 
 
276 Colonial France. 
 
 In 1830 came the French conquest of Algeria, and from 
 this date French interests in Tunis became intensified, and it 
 was evident to the casual observer that the annexation of Tunis 
 by France was a mere question of time. Every effort was made 
 to strengthen French influence within the Regency, to the ex- 
 clusion of all other Powers. France boldly set the lead in 
 abolishing the humiliations to which Consular officials were 
 ‘subjected when entering the Bey’s presence. In 1836, M. 
 Schewbel, the French Consul, was instructed to refuse to kiss 
 the Bey’s hand, and, after much discussion, Sidi Mustapha 
 agreed to abolish the ridiculous custom. Thus was struck 
 the first blow against the inordinate pretensions of the Beys of 
 Tunis. 
 
 France now seems to have endeavoured to set the Bey 
 against the Porte, possibly thinking that the annexation of the 
 Regency would be much simplified if the Bey had previously 
 thrown off the Sultan’s yoke. Sir Thomas Reade, the English 
 Consul-General, appears to have divined the intentions of the 
 French Ministry, and he sought, by all the means in his power, 
 to strengthen the bonds which united the Regency to its 
 Suzerain. The Beys, however, saw themselves between two 
 stools. English advice seemed disinterested enough, but it 
 was doubtful whether it was preferable to become a mere pro- 
 vince of Turkey, or to be annexed to France. The Bey clearly 
 saw political extinction in the future, and he vainly struggled 
 against the inevitable. 
 
 It is invariably the case in Oriental States that the authority 
 of the ruler extends but a short distance from the capital in 
 remote districts. Governors and sub-Governors enjoy undis- 
 puted sway, and distant tribes are more or less independent. 
 Tunis was no exception to the rule, and from the moment 
 that the French made themselves masters of Algeria, endless 
 troubles arose with the frontier tribes on the western borders of 
 the Regency. 
 
 These tribes owned but scant allegiance to the Bey; for 
 centuries they had been accustomed to carry on raids into 
 Algerian territory, for centuries they had been wont to endure 
 similar attacks. It would be hard to throw the blame entirely 
 
7 unis. | 277 
 
 on the dwellers in Tunisia, for doubtless their fellow-Maho- 
 medans on the other side of the frontier line had given quite 
 as much provocation as they had received. The Beys of Al- 
 giers and of Tunis had allowed these petty raids to pass un- 
 noticed, but a great Power like France was not likely.to tole- 
 rate such a state of anarchy. Russia and England have felt 
 the disadvantages of possessing such neighbours in Asia, and 
 we can spare some sympathy to France when she found it im- 
 possible to induce the Bey to hold his border clans in check. 
 
 With all the good will in the world, the Bey was powerless 
 to act. Civilization had spread to his territories, and, like 
 many another Oriental potentatec, Mahomed-es-Sadib found 
 some temporary relief from the cares of State in financial re- 
 form. ‘The financial reform of the Mahomedan ruler consists 
 in repeated applications to the money-markets of the West, and, 
 like his Suzerain, the Sultan, and his brother-ruler, the Vice- 
 roy of Egypt, the Bey of Tunis sought salvation in a foreign 
 loan. This simple method of raising money proved so attrac- 
 tive that, within a very few years, the Regency was crippled 
 with debt. The reaction now came, creditors became press- 
 ing, extra imposts were ordered ; but the Bey’s writ ran not in 
 the Arab camps away from the capital, and distant provinces 
 refused to pay fresh taxes, except at the point of the sword, 
 and the treasury was unable to pay the troops destined to 
 make the enforced collection. 
 
 The grasp of France was gradually tightening, numerous 
 creditors were pressing for payment, and their claims were sup- 
 ported by energetic remonstrances from the Christian Consuls. 
 A century previously such a catastrophe would have been 
 promptly met. Creditor and Consul would have been strangled 
 in the Bardo ; but the Beys of Tunis sorrowfully had seen their 
 power gradually wither away, and when in 1869 a financial 
 crash was imminent, the Bey recognized the inevitable and 
 sanctioned the appointment of an International Financial 
 Commission. | 
 
 Napoleon III., thoroughly alive to the strategical value of 
 Tunis, and aware of the immense hold over the Bey that the con- 
 trol of this Financial Commission would give him, strove hard to 
 
278 Colonial France. 
 
 carry out the reform single-handed; but Italy and England were 
 too much interested in the matter to allow the International 
 Commission to degenerate into a French control, and finally 
 the Emperor had to content himself with the nomination of an 
 Inspector of Finance, who would look after French interests; the 
 other nations being merely represented by native gentry. 
 
 The outbreak of the Franco-German War put an end for a 
 time to French supremacy in the Regency. There is no doubt 
 that had England at this epoch been properly represented in. 
 Tunis, and had our Foreign Office been in the hands of a far- 
 seeing man, England would have gained a position in the 
 country which would have effectually put an end to French 
 ideas of protection. An English company was laying a rail- 
 way from Goletta to Tunis, an English bank was in full swing, 
 enjoying the confidence of foreigners and natives alike; other 
 English firms were supplying the town with water and with 
 gas; and English agriculturalists were busy in developing the 
 resources of the country, which up till now had been left in 
 darkness. But,alas! with the ball at our feet the game was 
 lost, owing to the perverse ignorance of the Foreign Office, and 
 the French, recovering from the crushing effects of the war of 
 1870, rushed in and carried our ball through the goals. 
 
 In 1875 M. Theodore Roustan was appointed French Consul- 
 General, and from that day the real issue of the Tunisian ques- 
 tion was never doubtful, though the intentions of the Republic 
 were concealed until the return of M. Waddington from the 
 Congress of Berlin, with the verbal assurance of Prince 
 Bismarck that Germany would willingly acquiesce in a French 
 move to Carthage. Up till 1878 France had coquetted with 
 Italy. It was well known that any decided action on the part 
 of France would awaken disagreeable suspicions in the eyes of 
 Italy, and, mindful of the alliance between Germany and Victor 
 Emmanuel in 1866, the Republic of France was not anxious to 
 provoke Italian susceptibilities until certain of German support. 
 That Italy had very strong views on the Italian question was 
 well known. In 1857 Mazzini had written, “‘ One of our prin- 
 cipal paths to progress will be a mission of civilization, to be 
 carried out at the first possible opportunity, on the shores of 
 
Lunts. 279 
 
 Tunis. Just as Morocco belongs to Spain, and Algeria to 
 France, so does Tunis, the key of the centre of the Mediter- 
 ranean, belong to Italy. The Roman flag floated on Mount 
 Atlas after the fall of Carthage, and up to the fifth century we 
 were masters of the country. The French have now cast their 
 eyes upon it, and they will have it too in a short time if we are 
 not up and doing.” 
 
 But Italy was not up and doing, and M. Roustan soon became 
 virtual ruler in Tunis. Ever and anon the Bey would strive to 
 throw off the French yoke, but the appearance of a French 
 squadron off Goletta, with the submission of an ever-ready 
 ultimatum, which it would seem that the French Consul- 
 General carried always preparedin his pocket, never failed to 
 bring the Bey to reason. Roustan’s diplomatic victories were 
 not always achieved with clean hands, but the end justified the 
 means, and the Consul-General knew full well he had the 
 whole Ferry Ministry at his back. 
 
 On the many commercial disputes between French and Ital- 
 ian subjects I do not intend to enter ; these were always made 
 the vehicle for a lively interchange of diplomatic notes, and served 
 to warn Europe that France meant to tolerate no interference 
 but her own with the affairs of Tunis. Suffice to say that in 
 April, 1881, the French, suddenly throwing off the mask, deter- 
 mined to push an Army Corps into Tunis from Algeria, in order 
 to punish a border clan, the Kroumirs, for their repeated viola- 
 tions of French territory. In vain the Bey maintained that 
 he was in a position to enforce obedience amongst the 
 Kroumirs, and despatched an expedition under his own son to 
 the western frontier for that purpose. 
 
 Writers hostile to the French assert that Kroumir raids 
 were manufactured in Paris, and the term chasse aux Kroumirs 
 passed for a witticism in France itself. The campaign was an 
 undoubted fiasco, wretchedly organized and wretchedly planned; 
 and had an enemy of. worth been met with, the French would 
 most certainly have experienced some signal disaster. Military 
 men of all shades of political opinion condemned the campaign 
 in no measured terms, averring that it exposed the weakness of 
 the whole French military system, and the utter incompetency of 
 
280 Colonial France. 
 
 their generals. The mishaps that occurred have been greatly 
 exaggerated, owing to that blind political partisanship which 
 makes the Army in France the shuttlecock of Ministries, and 
 the butt for all the venom and all the satire of an Opposition 
 press. 
 
 If the object of the campaign had been merely the assump- 
 tion of the Protectorate that would have been quickly realized ; 
 but the French apparently failed to recognize that their difficul- 
 ties would only commence when it became known throughout 
 the Regency that a Christian had been substituted for a Ma- 
 homedan ruler. Then all those discontented with the Bey’s 
 Government would band together, a common religion would 
 unite them in one bond of union, the fanaticism of Islam would be 
 aroused, and the country embarked in a religious war which 
 would require immense efforts to stamp out. How often has it 
 happened in our dwn history that the troubles of a campaign have 
 commenced when we have looked on that campaign as termi- 
 nated ! In Burmah in 1826, in 1852, and again in 1885, in 
 Afghanistan in 1839 and in 1879, the General’s congratulatory 
 orders to the troops on the successful result of the campaign 
 have been but the prelude to renewed operations of a more 
 serious nature, and usually far more prolonged and wider in 
 extent than the opening phases of the war. 
 
 So it wasin Tunis. Late in April, 1881, two French columns | 
 crossed the Algerian frontier, moving direct on Beja and Kef, 
 whilst almost simultaneously naval expeditions appeared off 
 Tabarca and Bizerta. The Bey was in no position to resist. 
 Some opposition was anticipated on the part of the Kroumirs, 
 the frontier clan inhabiting the mountains which separate 
 Algeria from Tunis; but the 25,000 fighting men who compose | 
 this tribe submitted without a murmur to the orders of the Bey, 
 and the French advanced, practically unopposed, on Kef and 
 Beja. At the same time the Bizerta column, moving south, 
 appeared under the walls of the capital; and on the 12th of 
 May, the Bey, paralyzed by the rapid movements and strongly- 
 empliasized demands of the French, signed a treaty recognizing 
 the French Protectorate. Although no opposition was offered 
 by the Regency troops, the Bey had made some feeble written 
 
 
 
Tunts. 281 
 
 protests against the actions of the French Commanders ; and 
 theanswers accorded him shows that territorial aggrandizement, 
 and not the punishment of the Kroumirs, was the real purport 
 of the expedition. 
 
 On learning that the French columns were massed on the 
 frontier, and that no acknowledgment had been vouchsafed to 
 his despatch announcing the departure of the heir apparent to 
 the Kroumir country, the Bey addressed a letter, through Ali Bey, 
 then commanding on the frontier, to the French Commander- 
 in-chief, demanding a detailed list of the offences urged against 
 the border clans, in order that he might take cognizance of 
 them. 
 
 To this demand the French Commander, General Forgemol, 
 wrote— 
 
 ** We have received your letter, by which you demand a list 
 of our reclamations, and details of the crimes which the French 
 Government alleges to have been committed by the Khamirs 
 and other mountain tribes. 
 
 ‘‘'We have on several occasions communicated to you the 
 whole details of these occurrences, and it is therefore un- 
 necessary and superfluous to repeat them again. We have 
 orders to punish the tribes which have committed these aggres- 
 sions, and against which you have been impotent to act. We 
 can only obey these orders, but this does not prevent the main- 
 tenance of the friendship which has existed for centuries 
 between the two countries.” 
 
 On the following morning information reached the Bey that 
 the French column had actually crossed the frontier, and simul- 
 taneous protests were forwarded to M. Roustan, the Consul- 
 General, and to the Commander-in-Chief, whilst at the same 
 time a despatch was telegraphed to Lord Granville. 
 
 The Bey of Tunis to M. Roustan, Consul-General of France— 
 
 “Our Governor of Kef informs us that a French military 
 column has entered the territory of the Tunisian tribe of 
 Sharen and threatens the city of Kef. The Governor of Beja 
 also informs us that another body of French troops has 
 
282 Colonial France. 
 
 penetrated into the Khamir territory. The invasion of our 
 Regency has taken place without any notice to our Government, 
 and at a time when you yourself admit that peace exists between 
 Tunis and France. We declare this invasion of our territory to 
 be a violation of the Laws of Nations. We therefore solemnly 
 protest against it in our own name and in that of His Majesty 
 the Sultan, of whose empire Tunis is an integral part, and must 
 appeal to the justice of the Great Powers. We declare the 
 French Republic to be solely responsible for the consequences 
 which may ensue from this invasion of our State.” 
 
 The Consul-General now shielded himself behind the military 
 officers, who by his policy had been called on to the scene, and 
 contented himself with a mere formal acknowledgment of the 
 despatch. General Forgemol, however, ignoring the Bey al- 
 together, addressed his answer to the heir apparent, then en- 
 camped amongst the Khamirs, who was even then using his 
 authority successfully in inducing them to abstain from oppos- 
 ing the French. The General’s letter is worthy of record. It 
 proves him to have been as astute a diplomatist as he was gallant 
 as a soldier. Taking no notice whatever of the Bey’s protest at 
 the violation of his territory, the General wrote— 
 
 ‘‘We have received your second letter, to which we now 
 answer. We have the honour to inform your Highness that . 
 our troops have entered on Tunisian territory in accord with’ 
 the Bey of Tunis, as we are informed by the Minister of War 
 of France. According to this same understanding, the Tunis- 
 ian troops are to give us free access into the country of the 
 enemies whom we have come to punish, and in consequence 
 they must be ordered to retire to such positions as we shall 
 point out. 
 
 “LL, Foreemot.”’ 
 
 It is difficult to unravel the tangled skeins of Oriental 
 duplicity, and it may be that the Bey was throughout acting 
 in concert with M. Roustan, and that the protests forwarded 
 to that official, to the French Generals, to the British Foreign 
 Office and to the Sultan, were merely penned with a view of 
 
Tunts. . 285 
 
 setting himself straight with his Mahomedan co-religionists. 
 Otherwise it is impossible to realize the attitude adopted by 
 men of honour, such as the French Generals undoubtedly 
 were. 
 
 As we have seen, the Bey’s verbal protests were of little avail. 
 The French columns closed around on him, and on the 12th of 
 May he resigned the charge of the Regency into the hands of 
 the French General. On the following day M. Roustan was 
 named Minister Plenipotentiary of the First Class, and Minister 
 Resident at Tunis, and General Bréart was decorated with the 
 Grand Cordon of the Nishan, or Tunisian order of chivalry. 
 
 With the virtual deposition of the Bey French troubles 
 commenced. The Arabs at once threw off all semblance of 
 allegiance to an authority which they fully believed had sold 
 them to a Christian Power, and the French Commanders found 
 that they were face to face with a warfare similar to that which 
 - had afforded their troops such an excellent training ground in 
 Algeria for more than half a century. ‘The extreme heat of the 
 season and ignorance of the country, however, soon put a stop 
 to the irregular warfare which would be necessary in order to 
 ensure the pacification of the country, and the Minister of War 
 contented himself with placing powerful garrisons in Tunis, 
 Bizerta, Kef, Tabarca, Beja, and other centres of disaffection, 
 and in publishing an order of the day, which must have been 
 highly satisfactory to the troops employed in this bloodless 
 campaign. 
 
 The ‘“‘ Order of the Day” was merely intended to throw dust 
 in the eyes of the public; the Minister was well aware that the 
 French were masters of the various places they had garrisoned, 
 the enemy masters of everything outside ; and he also knew that 
 fresh and supreme exertions would be necessary ere peace would 
 reign in Tunis. Anarchy was rampant everywhere, religious 
 animosities were now fairly aroused, and, remembering Algeria, 
 the French prepared to strike hard. Reinforcements were 
 poured into the country, and in September, when the approach 
 of the cool season permitted the resumption of hostilities, 40,000 
 French soldiers stood on Tunisian soil. 
 
 Then, and not till then, General Saussier, the new Com- 
 
284 Colonial France. 
 
 mander-in-Chief, was able to act with vigour, and he at once 
 determined on a plan of campaign which should not merely 
 strike at the insurgents in the mountains, but, by depriving 
 them of all communication with the towns, starve them into 
 submission. He also determined to strike at their religion, 
 and, by occupying the sacred city of Khairwan, prove to them 
 that the military superiority of France enabled it to laugh to 
 scorn the fabled assistance of the Prophet. 
 
 The campaign was productive of some sharp fighting, but 
 the losses received at the hands of the enemy were as nothing 
 compared to those by sickness.. On all sides the loudest com- 
 plaints were heard of the inefficiency of the Commissariat and 
 Medical arrangements. Of the actual French losses no full 
 reports have been published, but hospital returns show that 
 during the first seven weeks of the occupation 1,202 officers 
 and 30,152 men were quartered on Tunisian soil, and that in 
 this force the casualties had been during that period :— 
 
 Officers. Men. 
 Killed by the Enemy... if 17 
 Wounded in Action . : 3 217 
 Died in Hospital : ome 283 
 Passed through Hospital . 114 ~~ 3,495 
 
 In the course of the year 1882 fresh operations were under- 
 taken in order to bring the Arabs to reason, and after a series’ 
 of raids, carried on without much regard to the health and 
 comfort of the men, M. Roustan was enabled to declare the 
 condition of the country satisfactory. Still it was judged 
 advisable to maintain a strong force in the Protectorate to 
 enforce law and order; and even now, asI write, though the 
 French Power is five years old, over 15,000 French troops are 
 required to ensure the pacification of a country with less than 
 9,000,000 inhabitants. 
 
 France has achieved her aim ; she is now supreme in Tunis, 
 and it now remains to be seen whether she will realize those 
 aspirations which have been the dreams of Frenchmen for 
 centuries, and which have been emphasized by the speeches 
 and writings of many well-known authorities, 
 
Tunts. 285 
 
 ‘‘Tunis,” wrote the American Consul-General, ‘‘ has the 
 finest position in North Africa. Commercial preponderance 
 and the control of the Mediterranean are the attractions 
 for the Powers which dispute with each other for its possession 
 or neutralization.”’ 
 
 Captain Villot writes: ‘‘If the Tunis lake were only dredged 
 and deepened and the coast fortified, and if a powerful navy 
 were stationed in the Tunisian roadstead, not only the path to 
 Egypt, but the road to India through the Suez Canal, would 
 once more be closed to the people of the West.” 
 
 In Tunis France has a great future, and when the hollow 
 farce of the Beylical Government is ended, and the Minister 
 Resident transformed into a Governor-General, which post he 
 now virtually holds, we may expect to see the work of develop- 
 ing the country rapidly proceeded with. Of its mineral and 
 agricultural wealth there can be no two opinions. The coast 
 line is indented with many spacious harbours; all that is 
 needed are roads to bring the riches of the interior to the sea- 
 port towns. 
 
 In its configuration Tunis is similar to Algeria, but its soil is 
 immeasurably more fertile and productive, whilst the minerals 
 in its mountains are more readily obtainable. From its moun- 
 tains flow innumerable streams, which need but a slight know- 
 ledge of the science of irrigation to be made the means of 
 fertilizing many thousand square miles of country now lying 
 barren and untilled. The grinding tyranny of the Moslem 
 rule, and the crushing taxation imposed by the Beys, have been 
 the cause of the misery and poverty of the people; these re- 
 moved, there is everything to be hoped for in the future. 
 
 France has a far more easy task in Tunis than she had in 
 Algeria, and so long as she avoids in Tunis that artificial 
 system of colonization which has given rise to so much 
 animosity on the part of the Arabs in Algeria, there is no 
 reason why the Regency should not become a rich source of 
 revenue to the Republic. Huropean agricalturalists can never 
 hope to work profitably on the southern shores of the Mediter- 
 ranean ; the climate is too enervating, the soil too sterile, the 
 resources of the country too few, the life too solitary, for 
 
286 Colonial France. 
 
 Europeans to attempt to earn their living there by hard manual 
 labour. A European would starve on the produce of land which 
 would provide plenty for an Arab family. 
 
 Capital is what is needed for the development of Tones 
 capital spent in bringing to light its hidden treasures—capital 
 to open up roads, to work mines, to irrigate vast tracts. of 
 barren land, to improve roadsteads, to dredge harbours, to 
 construct railways, to encourage commerce, to civilize an un- 
 civilized land, and to show in one more corner of the world the 
 immense advantages of Christian rule. 
 
 France has little intention of staying her hand in Tunis. 
 She has gauged the amount of resistance Europe is prepared 
 to offer towards an extension of her power in Northern Africa. 
 England remained satisfied with polite assurances that annexa- 
 tion was far from the thoughts of the French Ministry, and 
 even when the annexation was an accomplished fact raised not 
 the faintest protest; Italy, checkmated in her own designs, 
 cherished vengeful feelings, but took no action; and Turkey, 
 Oriental like, bowed to the inevitable, and calmly accepted the 
 loss of her westernmost Province. 
 
 There are other countries in Northern Africa on which 
 France has cast the eye of lust, and there is small reason to 
 fear that the remonstrances of Spain and of Italy will be more 
 forcible than those addressed to Paris on the occasion of the 
 seizure of Tunis. ‘Tripoli to the east, Morocco to the west, — 
 form portions of what might be a vast French Africa, and signs 
 are plentiful that France means to enlarge her boundaries so 
 as to include both these States. We were hoodwinked, cajoled, 
 outwitted in the case of Tunis; for years the writing had been 
 plain upon the walls, the interpretation thereof had been 
 pressed home in many a Consular despatch, but successive 
 English Ministries had failed to realize the gravity of the 
 danger which threatened our power in the Mediterranean, and 
 even when the blow fell English Ministers were loath to believe 
 that French statesmen had forsworn themselves. 
 
 The question is now at an end, and Tunis, despite the 
 puppet Bey who so graciously distributes crosses and stars in 
 the Bardo, is an integral portion of the French Republic. As 
 
Tunts. 287 
 
 yet too little time has passed for us to ascertain what progress 
 it has made under the new régime. Of this we may be sure, 
 that the dark pages of Tunisian history, teeming with the 
 records of piracy, rebellion, and crime, are closed for ever, that 
 the humiliating tales of European intrigue in the Bardo will 
 never be heard again, and that a new era of comparative free- 
 dom has dawned for a hitherto oppressed people. 
 
288 Colonial France. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 COLONIAL DEFENCES. 
 
 Defence of English Colonies—Dual System in both Countries—Forces 
 employed in recent French Colonial Wars—Campénon’s Scheme for 
 a Colonial Army—Boulanger’s Scheme— Present System of Garrison- 
 ing Colonies—Naval Forces in French Colonies—Admiral Aube’s 
 Groups of Combat— Destruction of English Commerce—Means of 
 counteracting these Schemes. 
 
 BEForE closing this work it will be necessary to devote a short 
 space to the question of the defence of the French colonies. 
 With us the broad principle is that those colonies in the popu- 
 lation of which the European element predominates, and which 
 are exposed to no danger from native risings, the mother 
 country should, except in the event of a European war, leave 
 the colony to take care of itself. The infant has learnt to walk 
 unaided. The services of the British soldier as a protector 
 are no longer required; and the colony, acquiring self-reliance, 
 and strong in her own self-esteem, takes an especial pride in 
 organizing her own means of defence. There still remain 
 many English colonies which, for a variety of reasons, are 
 excluded from this category: the ever-recurring Dutch and 
 Kaffir questions in South Africa; the paucity of the English 
 labouring-classes in the Straits Settlements, Ceylon, the Gold 
 Coast, the West Indies, the Mauritius, and St. Helena, have 
 led successive Governments to maintain garrisons of regular 
 troops in these places; whilst, for other reasons, a small foree— 
 too small, indeed, to be considered in the light of a defensive 
 force—has been retained in Canada. Some of the places I have 
 here enumerated are garrisoned because they are links in the 
 
Colonial Defences. 289 
 
 ereat chain which binds the British colonies to Great Britain, 
 or are the coaling stations of the fleet which protects England’s 
 commerce, and which, in time of war, would be required to 
 uphold her title of Empress of the Seas. Our colonies, then, 
 for defensive purposes, may be classed in two categories: those 
 which are: self-supporting, and those garrisoned by regular 
 troops, which, for discipline, organization, and administration 
 are subordinated to the War Office. The whole of the forces 
 employed in colonial defences own as their legitimate head the 
 Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief. 
 
 In France, also, a dual system exists; the smaller colonies 
 being garrisoned by detachments from those magnificent bodies, 
 the Infantry and Artillery of the Marine, subordinate to the 
 Minister of the Marine and of the Colonies. The large colonies, 
 on the other hand, are dependent upon the Minister of War, 
 ‘their garrisons being regiments and batteries of the Regular 
 Army, or Native Corps raised on the spot, and officered partly 
 by natives themselves, partly by officers who are willing to 
 expatriate themselves for the additional pay offered for colonial 
 service. We then have the Spahis and other Arab troops of 
 the 19th Army Corps in Algeria, the Tirailleurs of Senegal, of 
 Annam and Tonkin, and the Cipahi companies of the East 
 Indian settlements. Besides these we have the Disciplinary 
 Companies, composed of the scum of the whole French Army. 
 So we have the Minister of War responsible for the efficiency 
 of a large portion of the troops garrisoning the French 
 colonies, and his colleague of the Admiralty responsible for 
 the remainder. 
 
 Such an arrangement has many drawbacks. It was evident 
 from the first, that the short-service system of Germany would 
 break down utterly when applied to a colonial army. We have 
 found out how unsuited our own modifications of the German 
 system are with regard to India and the colonies; what enor- 
 mous expense the constant reliefs entail; and that the youth 
 of twenty years is but a weak reed to rely on in an enervating 
 climate and with a savage foe. ‘The French have discovered 
 this likewise. In the Tunisian campaign—a campaign waged 
 on the shores of the Mediterranean, within forty-eight hours’ 
 
 U 
 
290 Colonial France. 
 
 steam of Toulon—the three-year-old soldiers died like flies ; 
 and, in order to hold a country with something under three 
 million inhabitants, an Army Corps of upwards of thirty thou- 
 sand men became necessary. The operations in Madagascar 
 and in Tonkin have still further shown the French the joints 
 in their armour; and it was found not merely that the mortality 
 amongst the young soldiers was appalling-—that was to be ex- 
 pected—but that the organization of the home army could not 
 stand the terrible drain this spirited colonial policy demanded. 
 In Tunis over 30,000 men were quartered ; in Tonkin the 
 army furnished 33,000, and the navy 8,000 more; and in 
 Madagascar some 10,000 were employed. EHighty thousand 
 men over and above the regular garrisons of the colonies! Small 
 wonder that successive Ministers of War have brought forward 
 projects for the formation of a colonial army which should be 
 composed of old, seasoned soldiers, tempted by high pay and 
 the promise of good pensions, to make the army their ey 
 fession, and the colonies their home. 
 
 Ministers of War succeed each other with such giddy rapidity 
 in France, and each Minister seems to think it criminal to 
 indulge in a continuity of policy, that, as yet, no scheme for 
 a colonial army has received the sanction of the Chamber. 
 
 _ General Campénon, the War Minister in 1885, proposed to 
 form a Colonial Army consisting of—~ 
 
 8 Regular Regiments, each of 4 Battalions, with 2 Depot 
 
 Companies, 
 1 Regiment of 4 Battalions of Annamite Tirailleurs, 
 ke 4, e Tonkinois 7 
 2 4 Senegal + 
 
 2 ecnpanies of Indian Sepoys, 
 2 Regiments of Artillery, each consisting of 3 Horse 
 and 11 Field Batteries, 
 
 viving a total of 42 battalions and 156 guns. 
 
 This scheme received extensive modifications in the present 
 year (1886), and the project now before the Chambers pro- 
 vides very efficiently, not merely for the proper defences of the 
 colonies, but for the furtherance of that scheme of colonial 
 
Colonial Defences. 291 
 
 expansion which is so strongly supported by an influential 
 party in Paris. 
 
 The troops holding the African littoral of the Mediterranean 
 are to be divided into two Army Corps, the 19th and 20th 
 respectively ; the force in Senegal is to be strongly increased, 
 so that the opening up of regular communication between the 
 French dominions on the Congo and in Algeria may speedily 
 be looked for. Whatis this but a step towards the absorp- 
 tion of Morocco, and the conversion of the Mediterranean into 
 a French lake ? 
 
 The garrisons of the other colonies are strengthened and 
 otherwise placed on a more efficient basis, the main idea being 
 to abolish the dual control, and to place the military forces of 
 each colony under one head. That this will tend to consoli- 
 date the colonial possessions of France is undeniable; the 
 only matter for surprise being that it has been delayed so 
 long. These schemes, however, are yet in embryo, and we must 
 look then at the present condition of the forces in the French 
 colonies.* 
 
 First, then, we have the 19th Army Corps garrisoning 
 Algeria. Next we have, in Tunis, troops from the regular 
 army dislocating the territorial system, which never was in- 
 tended to include colonial service within its attributions; we 
 also find provisional regiments from the regular army serving 
 in Tonkin and Madagascar, their presence being made neces- 
 sary by the fact that the troops at the disposal of the Minister 
 of Marine were not equal to the task of furthering the colonial 
 policy inaugurated by the Third Republic. Then we have the 
 Tirailleurs of Senegal, of Annam, and of Tonkin, as well as 
 certain Disciplinary Companies; all these troops being sub- 
 ordinate to the Minister of War. 
 
 In addition to these we have the magnificent soldiers be- 
 longing to the Infantry and Artillery of the Marine, holding 
 the older colonies, such as Martinique, Guadaloupe, Réunion, 
 Guiana, St. Pierre, and Miquelon; Disciplinary Companies, 
 subordinate to the Minister of Marine, in the various colonies ; 
 
 * See Appendix, Tables 7 and 8, 
 uv 2 
 
292 Colonial France. 
 
 and Native Troops, officered partly by educated natives of rank 
 and education, partly by officers drafted from. the various 
 Marine Corps. 
 
 Irrespective of their military garrisons, the colonies of France 
 are further strengthened, in many cases, by naval flotillas. I do 
 not allude to the fleets organized with a view of showing the 
 French flag in distant waters, and if need arises, of acting on 
 the offensive. Like England, France has her fleets in the 
 Mediterranean, in the East Indies, in China, the Pacific, and 
 elsewhere. I allude exclusively to the flotillas placed at the 
 disposal of Colonial Governors for Colonial purposes. 
 
 Off St. Pierre, and Miquelon, vessels are needed for the 
 superintendence and protection of the fishing interests. The 
 Resident at Tunis requires coasting craft, to warn the corsair- 
 bred seamen of Barbary that their power for evil has for ever 
 departed. The rivers of Senegal, of Gaboon, of Tonkin, and 
 Cochin-China, need constant patrolling. Réunion, Obock, and 
 Tahiti, want means of communication with neighbouring 
 states. Guiana and New Caledonia, require constant blockad- 
 ing, in order to keep in check the convicts who daily seek 
 means of escape. The naval services thus rendered entail the 
 employment of forty-nine craft of various sizes, and over four 
 thousand men.* 
 
 With the fever for colonial expansion has come the recollec- 
 tions of what the colonies did for France in the great wars 
 waged between her and England; how they were made the 
 bases of operations in many a successful expedition against 
 English colonies, and how their harbours gave shelter to fleets 
 that gallantly fought our own, and to corsairs that swept our 
 commerce from the seas. 
 
 Dreams of the revival of a Colonial France very naturally 
 bring with them dreams of the destruction of English trade. 
 Colbert’s great maxim, ‘‘ Commerce begets wealth, and wealth 
 furnishes the sinews of war,” is not yet forgotten, and there 
 still live in France men who look to the day when the renewal 
 of a European war will enable the hardy sailors of Dunkerque 
 and St. Malo to emulate the deeds of their corsair fathers. 
 
 * See Appendix, Table 9. 
 
Colonral Defences. 293 
 
 The present Minister of Marine, himself an ex-Colonial Gover- 
 nor, is one of the most practical of these dreamers, and he has 
 elaborated a scheme of colonial naval defence which, if success- 
 fully put into execution, would place each colony beyond the 
 reach of attack, and make it at the same time a centre of dis- 
 turbance against British trade. 
 
 Admiral Aube’s views have been soberly advanced in journals 
 of weight and influence, and he had the powerful support of 
 one of the ablest pens in France—alas! I should have to write 
 had: for the talented advocate of the Groupe de Combat system 
 of warfare, Monsieur Gabriel Charmes, has passed away to 
 the majority whilst yet in the flush of youth, and in the very 
 height of his fame. Admiral Aube will have much difficulty 
 in finding a journalist possessed with such a facile pen and 
 such wide experience, as the one who thrust into Kuropean 
 notoriety the French Minister’s scheme of naval warfare. 
 
 Admiral Aube’s views are, that each colony should be made 
 the headquarters of one or more Groups of Combat, destined 
 not merely for the defences of that colony, but to harass the 
 trade of any nation with which France might be at war. A 
 glance at the map will show how fatally destructive such a 
 scheme would be to English commerce. 
 
 These groups are to consist of one swift steaming cruiser of 
 about 2,500 tons, capable of steaming twenty knots an hour, 
 and of keeping the sea at a rate of ten knots for a distance of 
 3,000 miles; the craft isto be armed with two five-inch breech- 
 loading guns, a couple of torpedo-tubes, and a considerable 
 number of Hotchkiss cannon. She is to be the flag-ship of the 
 little squadron, and is to carry reserve crews, and reserve sup- 
 plies of food, coal, ammunition, and provisions for her satel- 
 lites; these comprise two swift-steaming gun-vessels and eight 
 sea- eerie torpedo-boats. 
 
 The gun-vessels are to be craft of about 400 tons Hnither 
 and armed with one five-inch breechloader, a nomena tte 
 number of machine guns, and a crew of fifty men. They, too, 
 are to possess a fete rate of speed, and to be capable of ae 
 ing the sea for a considerable time. 
 
 The torpedo-boats are invariably to be worked in pairs, the 
 
294 Colonial France. 
 
 one carrying two Whitehead torpedoes, and no other weapon of 
 offence or defence; the other, a spar torpedo, and a couple of 
 powerful Hotchkiss. The duty of the former craft is to threaten 
 and destroy an enemy’s vessel; the duty of the latter to protect 
 her consort from the attack of small craft, and if necessary, to 
 use her own spar torpedo in self-defence. 
 
 Working in groups, these eleven swift-steaming vessels ought 
 to outshine the deeds of the schooners and luggers which Sur- 
 couf and Fourmentin led against us in the last great war; but, 
 unfortunately for Admiral Aube’s scheme, sea-going torpedo- 
 boats have not as yet proved themselves capable of keeping the 
 sea. Our own experiences off the West coast of Ireland in 
 the summer of 1885, and the experiences of the French craft 
 now operating in the Gulf of Toulon, prove these vessels to be 
 valuable only in smooth weather. The idea of Groupes de 
 Combat is a good one, and is capable of modification. If for 
 his eight torpedo-boats the French Minister substituted one 
 more large cruiser and two more gun-vyessels, and maintained 
 such squadrons at each colony, there is no doubt that we should 
 be compelled to make similar efforts, or be obliged tamely to 
 submit to the destruction of our commerce. French colonies 
 lie in the fair way of every single trade route we possess. Their 
 squadrons could swoop down on the flank of our great commer- 
 cial highways, and ruin our maritime supremacy. Algeria and 
 Tunis are destined to become the headquarters of a Groupe de 
 Combat which should sweep the British flag from the Mediter- 
 ranean ; Obock would hermetically seal the Red Sea; Saigon 
 and Haiphong would paralyze our China trade; Réunion and 
 Madagascar would give shelter to groups destined to dominate 
 the Indian Ocean ; Tahiti and New Caledonia would be a source 
 of grave danger to Australia; from the harbour of Gaboon 
 vessels would swoop down on ships engaged in our African 
 trade ; whilst Martinique and Guadaloupe would enable France 
 to put a finishing touch to the disasters which overhang our 
 West Indian possessions. Such schemes sound well in a lec- 
 ture hall, and can be painted vividly enough to strike the imagi- 
 nation in a magazine article. But Englishmen must remember 
 that, though Surcouf and his fellow-corsairs worked damage 
 
Colonial Defences. 295 
 
 enough to English trade, and inflicted ruin upon thousands of 
 English merchants, our commerce was by no means destroyed, 
 and the evils we suffered were due to our own faults of 
 omission. 
 
 For every letter of marque France issued we might well 
 have issued two, and if the sea-wolves of Brittany are bold 
 and daring, surely our own seafaring population can produce 
 men as brave and spirits as enterprising. Admiral Aube’s 
 scheme of Colonial Naval Defence will be successful so long 
 as it is allowed to proceed unchallenged; but it is a scheme 
 that may be checkmated. 
 
 Counter groups can without difficulty be evolved out of the 
 swift-steaming merchant vessels of Great Britain’s monster 
 fleet. The French ships are not yet built; ours are even now 
 cruising in distant oceans, or lying in Colonial harbours. If 
 Bizerta and Algiers can give shelter to a squadron which is to 
 sweep the English flag from the Mediterranean, we have har- 
 bours equally commodious in Gibraltar, Malta, and Cyprus ; if 
 Obock can hermetically seal the Red Sea, there is no reason 
 why Aden should not hermetically seal Obock. Singapore and 
 Hong-Kong may be used as a counterpoise to Saigon and 
 Haiphong, and Mauritius made the base of operations against 
 Réunion and Madagascar. Our Australian harbours can give 
 shelter to vessels that would sweep the New Caledonian squad- 
 ron off the seas and transport the récidivists of France back to 
 the Boulevards which spurn them. Fiji and the Falkland 
 Islands would not submit tamely to the insults of a mosquito 
 fleet located in Tahiti, and Martinique and Guadaloupe might 
 do worse than us to place them a third time under English 
 protection. 
 
 France will be wise in adopting the motto—‘‘ Defence, not 
 Defiance,’ tor her colonial policy. So long as the schemes for 
 Colonial Defences embrace only measures of defence, and are 
 not aimed at the supremacy of other nations, France will be 
 allowed to pursue her dream undisturbed. Our policy towards 
 her has never been one of aggression, nor have we ever made a 
 descent upon any one of her colonies except in pure self- 
 defence. Not until these colonies became nests of corsairs did 
 
296 Colonial France. 
 
 we even threaten their capture, and not until they had been 
 made the bases of descents on our own colonies did we carry 
 these threats into execution. 
 
 The formation of a Colonial Army is a just and politic mea- 
 sure, one which will give relief to the nation at large and be a 
 distinct benefit to each individual colony ; but the formation of 
 a fleet based on Admiral Aube’s scheme of Groups of Combat, 
 is a distinct threat to English and German commerce, and 
 would of necessity be met by counter measures, which, though 
 at first partaking somewhat of the character of a game of brag, 
 would eventually lead to recriminations, reprisals, and the 
 inevitable dismemberment of Colonial France. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 —_o— 
 
 No. I. 
 
 Ratification of the Powers granted to the ‘‘ Compagnie pour 
 le Commerce d’Orient et de Madagascar et d’establer des 
 Colonies francaises aux isles de l’Orient,’’ which was constituted 
 by Royal Charter in 1642. 
 
 “Louis & tous ceux, etc. Salut. 
 
 ‘Le feu Cardinal Duc de Richelieu, comme Grand Maitre, Chef et 
 Surintendant de la Navigation et Commerce de France, ayant de son 
 vivant, en vertu du pouvoir & lui donné par notre trés honoré Seigneur 
 et Pere, le Roy desfunt, qui Dieu absolve, accordé, donné, et octroyé au 
 Sieur Rigault l’un de nos Cappitaines entretenus en la marine pour 
 nostre service et ses associez, leurs heretiers et aiaus cause, plein 
 pouvoir et permission d’envoyer aux Isles de Madagascar, costes de 
 Mozambic et aux Isles et terres adjacentes de l’Orient des vaisseaux 
 armez en guerre et marchandise affin d’y établir un negoce et Colonie 
 de Fran¢ois pour le bien et utillité de ce royaume suivant et ainsi quwil 
 est porté par la Concession qui lui en avoit esté faicte 3X cette fin en 
 datte du 28 Janvier, 1642. Ht desirant de nostre part apporter tout ce 
 qui peut estre requis pour l’entretien de la navigation, des voyages de 
 long cours aux autheurs et entrepreneurs auxquels nous voulons & 
 Pavenir donnés toutes les protections et assistemens 4 nous possibles pour 
 leur établessement et manutention de leurs negoces affin que par cette 
 facilité et sous nostre appuy ils se porte plus librement 2 former des 
 Compagnies pour la descouverture des navigations longtaines et en 
 rapporter euxmesme en notre royaume, des avantages que nos sujets 
 son obligés de mandier 4 grands couts aux autres nations de Europe. 
 Nous avons conforménient & l’arrest de notre conseil du 15 Février, 1642, 
 y attaché avec la coppié collationnée de la dicte concession, confirmé, 
 loué, ratisfié et approuvé, confirmons, louons, ratisfions et approuvons 
 le contenu du dict pouvoir et concession. 
 
 “Voulons ordonnons et nous plaist qu’elle soit en son plain et 
 entier effet. Ht que du contenu en icelle le dict Rigault et ses associez, 
 
298 Appendix. 
 
 heritiers, successeurs, et alaus cause jouissent plainement et paisiblement 
 sans qu’il y soit contrevenu en quelque sorte et maniére que ce soit sur 
 les peines portées. par icelle. 
 “Sy donnons en mandement 4 nostre tres cher cousin le Due de 
 Fronsac, Marquis de Brezé, Grand Maitre, Chef, et Surintendant-general 
 de la Navigation et Commerce de France, nos Officiers de la Marine, et 
 aux Juges et Officiers 4 qu’il appartiendra que la contenu en la dicte 
 Concession, ils fassent entretenir, garder et observer et d’icelle jouir et 
 user le dict Rigault ses associez, leurs heritiers et aiaus cause faisant 
 cesser tout trouble et empeschement quelconque et commandons a tous 
 huissiers et sergents de faire pour l’exécution d’icelle en vertu des pre- 
 sentes non obstant clameur de pars chartre normande prise & partie ou 
 autres choses & ce contraire pour lesquelles ne sera differe. 
 
 «Fn temoing nous donnong, ete., A Paris, 
 le 20me Septembre, 1643.” 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
Appenarx. 299 
 
 No. II. 
 
 Extract from the Letters-Patent of Louis XIV., dated 
 1st September, 1684, for the Foundation of the Company of 
 the East Indies. 
 
 Art. 29.—* Nous avons donné, concedé et octroyé, donnons, concedons, 
 octroyons a ladite Compagnie, l’ile de Madagascar ou Saint Laurent avec 
 les iles circonvoisines, forts, habitations qui peuvent y avoir été con- 
 struits par nos sujets; et tant que besoin est nous avons subroyé 
 ladite Compagnie a celle ci-devant établie pour ladite ile de Madagascar 
 en conséquence du contrat de delaissement fait par les interessés de 
 ladite Compagnie, avec les Syndics de la nouvelle passé par le notaire 
 au Chatelet de Paris le jour du présent mois, que nous avons approuvé 
 et ratifié approuvons et ratifions par ces présentes pour en jouir par 
 ladite Compagnie & perpetuité et en toute propriété Seigneurie et justice 
 ensemble des droits contenus au précédent article (referring to the 
 rights conferred on the Company, so far as Hindostan was concerned), 
 ne nous réservant aucun droit ni devoir pour tous lesdits pays compris 
 en la présente concession que la seule foi et hommage lige que ladite 
 Compagnie sera tenue de nous rendre, et 4 nos successeurs rois avec le 
 redevance & chacun mutation de roi d’une couronne et un sceptre d’or da 
 poids de 100 marcs. 
 
 « Art. 30.—Sera tenue, ladite Compagnie établier des ecclésiastiques 
 esdites Isles de Madagascar, et autres lieux qu’elle aura conquis. 
 
 “Louis XLV.” 
 
300 Appendix. 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Arrét du Conseil d’Etat concernant Madagascar. 
 
 “Le Rors’estant fait representer en son conseil Sa Majesté y estant son 
 édit d’Aoist, 1664 pour letablissement de la Compagnie royalle des Indes 
 Orientalles par lequel Sa Masxsté auroit en l’Article 29 entr’autres 
 choses donné et concédé a la dicte Compagnie, l’isle de Madagascar ou 
 de St. Lauran avec les isles circonvoisns forts et habitations qui pouvoient 
 y avoir esté construits par ses sujets, pour en jouir par la dicte Com- 
 pagnie en toute propricté et seigneurie, sans autre réserve que de la 
 foy et hommage lige 4 Sa Majesté et a ses successeurs Roys sous la 
 redevance d’une couronne et d’un sceptre d’or du poids de cents mares 
 au cas marqué par le dict Article 29. La déclaration de Sa Majeste du 
 mois de Fevriér, 1685, pour letablissement d’une nouvelle Compagnie 
 pour faire le Commerce des Indes portant aussy entr’autres choses 
 qu’en cas que la dicte nouvelle Compagnie trouvast 4 propos de renoncer 
 ala propricté et seigneurie de la dicte Isle de Madagascar ou de St. Lauran 
 elle demeurera deéchargée de la foy et hommage lige ensemble de la 
 redevance portée par le dict Article -29, de edit de 1664. La deliberation 
 prise en l’assemblée des Directeurs Généraux de la dicte Compagnie a 
 Paris le 16™° November 1685: par laquelle il auroit este arresté que 
 Sa Majesté sera supplice de les décharges de la garde de la dicte isle de 
 Saint Lauran ou de Madagascar a la propriété et seigneurie de laquelle ils 
 renoncent ensemble de la foy et hommage et redevance portée par le dict 
 Article 29 tout considéré. 
 
 “Sa Masesté extant en son Conseil en conséquence de la renonciation 
 faite par la Compagnie des Indes Orientalles, a la propriété et seigneurie 
 de l’Isle de Madagascar qui Sa Majesté a agrée et approuvée, a réuny et 
 réunit &son domaine la dicte Isle de Madagascar, forts, habitations en 
 dépendant et mouvant compris dans la Concession, portait par l’édit 
 d’establissement de la Compagnie des Indes Orientalles du mois d’Aoiist, 
 1664, pour par Sa Majesté en disposer en toute propriété seigneurie et 
 justice tout de méme et ainsy qu'elle aurait pu faire auparavant son 
 dict édit et en conséquence demeurera la dicte Compagnie des Indes 
 Orientalles deschargée comme des a présent. Sa Majesté la décharge 
 de la foy et hommage lige et de la redevance d’une couronne et d’un 
 sceptre d’or du pois et au ces mentionné par le dict Article 29, et pour 
 Yexécution du présent arrest toutes lettres nécessaires seront expediées. 
 
 “(Signé) BovucHErat.” 
 
Appendix. 301 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 Déclaration de Tsimandroho au Grand Rot de France, 
 @ Alger, de Bourbon et de beaucoup @autres leux. 
 
 ** Mor, Tsimandroho de la famille de l’or, ci-devant roi de Vohémar 4 la 
 Grande Terre de Madagascar, 4 présent maitre d’une partie de Nossi Bé 
 de Nossi Faly, ayant été vanicu 4 la Grande Terre par les Hovas nos 
 cruels ennemis, je ne suis pas en état de me defendre contre leurs 
 attaques. Si un autre roi ne vient & nos secours nous sommes tous 
 perdus. 
 
 “ J’ai réuni tous mes Conseillers et les principaux chefs pour délibérer 
 sur ce que nous avions 4 faire. Nous reconnaissons que le roi de France 
 est capable de vaincre des Hovas, et qu'il ne nous trompera pas. S’il 
 vient & notre secours nous vivrons tous ainsi que nos familles. 
 
 “C’est pourquoi je me mets entre les mains du grand roi de France. 
 Je lui donne tous mes terres, mes villages et mes sujets. Je le prie de 
 nous aider contre les Hovas. Tous mes gens désirent d’apprendre a 
 combattre comme les Frangais, et d’aller au combat avec eux. Je désire 
 beaucoup mie faire le parent du roi de France. Qwil soit mon pére et 
 moi son fils. Je suivrai les ordres du roi de France et des ses Envoyés 
 dans ce pays; s'il me dit de rester debout, je resterai debout; s’il me dit 
 de m’asseoir, je m’asseirai; sil me dit de travailler, de combattre, je 
 ferai, ce qu’il me dira. 
 
 “Nous ne savons rien, nous désirons tous que le roi de France nous 
 envole des personnes pour nous enseigner a lire, & écrire et beaucoup 
 d’autres choses. 
 
302 Appendix. 
 
 INOS ays 
 
 “ Sirr,—Je conjure Votre Majesté de recevoir les paroles de M. Lambert 
 et les prieres qu’il vous fera en mon nom, comme si elle les entendait 
 sortir de ma bouche, car c’est moi qui les lui ai transmises avec des 
 détails qu’il n’était pas opportun de confier au papier. Veuillez done 
 considérer M. Lambert comme un autre moi-méme.” 
 
 On behalf of the chiefs discontented with the rule of Queen 
 
 Ranavolana, a second letter was written. 
 \ 
 
 “Non, il n’est pas possible que l’Empereur des Francaises repousse 
 les pri€res qui lui sont faites en faveur de Madagascar, lorsqu’il apprendra 
 tous les maux qui désolent ce malheureux pays; la multitude de per- 
 sonnes assassinées chaque jour, Jes femmes et les enfants vendus comme 
 esclaves le taughen administré sur de simple soupcons, des corvées et des 
 services continuels qui enlevent tous les hommes 4 leurs travaux sans la 
 moindre compensation. Jl semble qu’on n’ait en vue que de dépouiller 
 le peuple Malgache et de faire mourir de faim ce qui aura été épargné par 
 la sagaie et le taughen. Que Votre Majesté ne soit pas étonnée de voir 
 si peu de signatures a cette leitre! Hille se couvrirait de noms si nous la 
 présentions aux nombreux partisans de Rakoto d’Radama et de la civilis- 
 ation; mais la prudence nous fait une loi de tenir caché ce qui pourrait 
 couter de vie a des milliers de personnes.” 
 
 
 
 
 
A pbendix. 303 
 
 Now VI- 
 Extract of Letter from Father Jouen. 
 
 * Le recrutement des travailleurs venait de s’organiser dans la baie du 
 Baly, il jeta subitement sur toutes ces plages une foule de navires attirés 
 par l'appat d’un gain fabuleux. L’engagé qui s’obtenait sur les lieux 
 pour vingt ou trente piastres ne se cédait guére a la Réunion & moins de 
 deux cents ou deux cents quarante piastres (1,000 to 1,200 francs). 
 Qu’on juge jusqu’a quel point dut se trouver sur excitée la cupidité des 
 commercants. Celle des Malgaches ne le fut pas moins ala vue des 
 liqueurs fortes, des barils d’arrack et des cadeaux de toute espece qui leur 
 étaient prodigués. Des lors, ce ne fut partout de leur part que guerres 
 et incursions pour voler des hommes et les revendre aux blancs. Libre 
 ou esclave ou enlevait impitoyablement tout ce qui tombait sous la 
 main. Combien de fois nous-mémes n’avons nous pas rencontré de ces 
 malheureux attachés & un long poteau, les fers au cou et aux pieds, 
 couchés sur le sable en attendant V’heure de lembarquement. C’etaient 
 des engagés volontaires pour Vile de Réunion. Que resultdit-il de ces 
 funestes operations? C’est que unefois & bord ces infortunés, pettés, 
 volés, arrachés brutalement 4 leur pays et a leur famille, n’aspiraient 
 qu’a se soustraire 4 une si affreuse servitude. Les chefs qui les avaient 
 vendus étaient les premiers, sous main, & leur en suggérer l’idée et A leur 
 en fournir les moyens dans l’espoir infernal de les reprendre bientdt pour 
 les revendre une seconde fois: ajoutez l’incurie des capitaines et deg 
 équipages qui plus d’une fois ont raissé leurs navires presque seuls et 
 sans défense 4 la merci de ces forcenés, la tentation était trop forte pour 
 n’y pas succomber.” 
 
 
 
 No. VII. 
 Monety, 20” Avril, 1861. 
 
 ‘*MOoNSIEUR LE COMMANDANT SUPERIEUR,— 
 
 “Je suis 4 la derniere extremité et si ’on ne vient promptement 
 & mon secours je suis perdu sans ressource. 
 
 “M. le Commandant je mets ma personne, celle de nu enfants et mon 
 ile sons la protection de la France. 
 
 ** Pour premier acte de ce protectorat envoyez moi de suite un navire 
 avec des forces enfin de me delivrer d’une maniére ou d’une autre de mes 
 oppresseurs qui pressureat aussi mon peuple. 
 
 “'TomBI Fatouma.” 
 
304 Appendix. 
 
 No; VEEL. 
 
 Text of the Charter granted to Monsieur Laborde. | 
 
 “Nous Radama IT. Roi de Madagascar,— 
 
 “Vu notre charte en date du 15 Alahamady, 1856 (28° Juin, 
 1855), par laquelle nous avons donné pouvoir exclusif & notre ami 
 J. Lambert de constituer et de diriger une Compagnie ayant pour but 
 Vexploitation des mines de Madagascar et la culture des terrains situés 
 sur les cétes et dans l’intérieur. 
 
 “ Attendu qu’il est important d’arréter les termes de la Charte 
 définitive que nous accordons & J. Lambert pour les services qu’il nous a 
 rendus et le mettre & méme de former cette Compagnie que nous appelons 
 de tous nos voeux pour nous aider dans nos projets de civilisation de 
 notre pays. 
 
 CHAPITRE [°, 
 
 “ Nous autorisons J. Lambert & former une Compagnie ayant pour but 
 l’exploitation des mines de Madagascar, des foréts et des terrains situés 
 sur les cdtes et dans l’intérieur. 
 
 “ Ladite Compagnie aura le droit de créer des routes, canaux, chantiers 
 de construction, établissements d’utilité publique, faire frapper des 
 monnaies 4 l’effigie du Roi, en un mot elle pourra faire tout ce qu'elle 
 jugera convenable au bien des pays. 
 
 CHAPITRE []™=, 
 
 “Art. I.—Nous accordons et concédons 4 la Compagnie le privilége 
 exclusif de l’exploitation de toutes les mines de Madagascar, soit de 
 celles qui sont deja connues, soit de celles qui pourraient plus tard étre 
 découvertes. 
 
 “ Art. 2.—Nous accordons et concédons également & ladite Compagnie 
 soi pour elle-méme, soit pour ceux qu'elle admettra en participation de 
 cette faculté le privilége de choisir sur les cdtes et dans V’intérieur du 
 pays des terrains inoccupés pour étre misen culture. En conséquence la 
 Compagnie deviendra propriétaire qu’elle aura choisis dés qu’elle aura 
 fait connaitre sa prise de possession. 
 
 « Art. 3.—La Compagnie ne payera aucuns droits sur les minéraux 
 exploités ni sur les produits qu’elle pourra faire. 
 
 « Art. 4.—Les produits de lexploitation des mines de Madagascar et 
 
 ~ 
 
Appendix. 305 
 
 de des cultures jouiront du privilége de libre exportation, sans droits de 
 sortie. Ses propriétés ne seront pas susceptibles d’étre grevé2s d'impéts. 
 Ce qui entrera pour le service de la Compagnie ne payera aucun droit. 
 
 * Art. 5.—Nous engageons a favoriser cette Compagnie de tout notre 
 pouvoir et spécialement a Vaider 4 se procurer des travailleurs. 
 
 “Nous abandonnons 4 la Compagnie toutes les usines de Soatsima- 
 -namprovana afin de la mettre 4 méme d’employes immédiatement des 
 ouvriers. 
 
 “Nous donnons également le Chateau de Soanirana pour y établir le 
 siége de son administration. 
 
 “De son coté la Compagnie s’engage envers nous par une réciprocité 
 loyale & nous aider selon son pouvoir dans nos projets d’amélioration et 
 de civilisation de notre pays, se rappelant qu’elle est fondée dans le but 
 de procurer le bien et la prosperité de notre Gouvernement. 
 
 * Voulons que la présente Charte faite de bonne foi en présence de 
 Dieu pour aider a la civilisation de notre pays soit une garantie pour 
 notre ami J. Lambert en méme temps qu’elle sera pour lui un témoignage 
 de notre reconnaissance afin de l’aider & former cette Compagnie que 
 nous désirons voir se constituer le plustdt possible afin qu’elle soit une 
 gage de notre parole royale qu'il ne nous est plus permis de retirer. 
 
 ‘*M. Lambert s’engage 4 donner 4 S. M. Radama II. et & ses suc- 
 cesseurs le dix pour cent sur les bénéfices net que la Compagnie fera. 
 
 ‘* ANTANANARIVO, 
 “8 Alakarabo, 1862 (8° November, 1861). 
 
 (Signé) ‘ Rapama II, 
 
 “* Roi du Madagascar; 
 “ RAHANIRAKA, 
 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs ; 
 ** RAINILAIRIVONY, 
 
 ** Commander of the Forces ; 
 ** RAINIKETAKA, 
 
 “Minister of Justice. 
 
 “Je certifie la présente traduction conforme 4 la Charte Malgache 
 donnée par S. M. Radama II. 4 M. Lambert, le neuf Novembre, mil huit 
 cent soixante et un. 
 
 **Le Consul de France. 
 *(Signé) Lasorpe. 
 * ANTANANARIVO, 
 “13 Sep. 1862. 
 “(Signé) J. Dupre, 
 “Le Chef de la Mission Francaise 4 Madagascar.” 
 
Appendix. 
 
 306 
 
 01Z‘99% 
 Z6P ‘806 ‘SL 
 ZE0 ‘SSE ‘S 
 6F2‘TLL‘9 
 140‘90P 
 608 0ST ‘0 
 OST ‘9TL‘T 
 90P ‘8% 
 
 G1 ‘G8L‘E 
 gee ‘LOL 
 PPS ‘ChE 
 991‘GL9 ‘FG 
 *surnjor ou 
 IPL ‘G8 
 1GL‘T¥6‘S 
 G9Z‘LOL‘S 
 SEL ‘096 °LT 
 
 12F‘860 ‘68 
 aR 
 
 *sy10dxq 
 
 898 °96Z 
 681 ‘EhS ‘EI 
 *suiInqor ou 
 StF ‘666 ‘T 
 909 ‘8F6 ‘9 
 816 ‘0ZE 
 199 66¢ ‘GZ 
 901 ‘S82 ‘T 
 984 ‘9 
 
 16g ‘986 ‘9 
 SF8‘L9 
 
 OG VSP 
 OZT ‘100 ‘F9 
 “SUINJoO.L OU 
 698 ‘FS 
 ZG1‘°S96‘S 
 ISP ‘118 ‘F 
 991919 ‘8T 
 
 $99 ‘9ST ‘89 
 bi 
 
 *sy10d uly 
 
 
 
 
 
 "S6F Jo yuvip Ammsvary, 8 sopnpouy F 
 
 SIF ‘OLE 
 L18‘980'6 
 6066126 
 868 ‘G69 
 698 ‘618 ‘G 
 916 ‘ESF 
 GZ0‘L1Z‘6 
 PES ‘LIFT 
 TLS ‘8361 
 FSP ‘886‘T 
 IzF ‘TE 
 116‘L61 
 egg ‘T9e ‘GT 
 8g1‘1969 
 S16 LF 
 GLP ‘6SL 
 99¢‘0LS‘S 
 SIL ‘ere ‘9 
 G09 ‘0G ‘S 
 
 ‘SUO, 
 
 “porvoyy 
 pue poze, ugy 
 STOSSO A 
 jo osvuuoy, 
 
 100‘80F - 
 SLE 00% 
 998066 ‘T 
 P81‘G 
 
 090 ‘908 ‘8g 
 000‘8g 
 0g1‘9 
 
 ELS ‘6L0 ‘FS 
 
 C0 ‘FSS 
 
 89908 ‘0GT 
 
 eee 
 
 OOL6FL 
 PLZS6LS 
 006 ‘6g 
 
 123 ‘008 ‘T9T 
 Gr 
 
 44°C 
 
 
 
 806 ‘SFIq 
 661 ‘60% 
 689 ‘0G 
 G81 ‘6FP 
 260 PLP ‘T 
 ZLF‘S8 
 106 ‘F923 ‘OL 
 G98 ‘CLS 
 408 ‘OL 
 0F9 ‘09 ‘9 
 L08°2 
 89F ‘86 
 F69LFL ‘FS 
 G18 ‘GES 
 G68 ‘P 
 183 ‘L06 
 G88 ‘FST 
 9FT ‘OSS 
 GZ6 ‘688 ‘OL 
 ae 
 
 * 
 
 ‘OINgIpUSd XA 
 
 688 ‘FOL 
 694 ‘ZI 
 $09 ‘Gh 
 B68 ‘OOF 
 SOL ‘SI¢‘T 
 G9 ‘08 
 GIL ‘080°2 
 F90°G8S 
 116 ‘6e 
 829 ‘FFL‘S 
 1396 
 €Z9 ‘16 
 06°16 ‘CS 
 068 ‘FPS 
 082 °F 
 
 896 ‘098 
 ZoL ‘OL ‘T 
 1Z6 629 
 
 ISP LZL ‘TL 
 eg 
 
 “ONTIOADY 
 
 SLT 98L 
 282 ‘6FT 
 188 ‘8T 
 981 ‘SSS 
 PPL ‘S13'T 
 OOF ‘LF 
 ZE9 ‘ZE8‘s 
 996 “6FL 
 6G0‘G 
 
 TZ9 ‘ESL ‘T 
 ggg ‘T 
 
 G60 ‘12 
 099 ‘ZFS 
 GOP ‘O9L 
 86Z'9 
 SLE°L18 
 $86 ‘E91 
 PSE ‘SbF 
 ZFL‘I6L ‘GG 
 G68 ‘064‘86L 
 
 ‘toryepndog 
 
 
 
 c6g‘g 
 vary 
 
 Eh 
 
 000‘60T 
 $96 ‘ZL 
 6LP‘9 
 269 ‘OIG ‘S 
 068 ‘0 
 L¥ 
 
 OSF ‘88S 
 00¢‘9 
 OFL‘S 
 ZPS LOLS 
 0g 
 
 0g 
 
 SIL 
 
 G98 ‘GZ 
 GLP‘ 
 08260 
 
 PLE ‘898 
 "so “bg 
 
 "VOlyV 
 
 ‘OShF JO JuviIy Arnsvory, & SOpNypoUy » 
 
 snidig 
 ; Sa 
 TBY[RIQ UO 
 Vaurny) Wsitig 
 : * SpURIS]T VIPUT 4S9\\ 
 : SBINPUOFT pus vpnusog 
 : : BoILoULW YILON 
 : * BOLITY JO ySvOH 4SOM 
 ; ~~ SUH StS 
 ‘adoy pooy jo ody pure [eqeyy 
 : : So] PEVPIS 
 . . . * . lh 
 eI[el{suy 
 * Suoy-suoy 
 uenqery 
 SNIqWIavyy 
 . . . . uopsan 
 S}UWO9UIITIIE S7TBI4G 
 , "soqeqg oatzeny SS 
 sf 8 Ysigig: “erpuy 
 
 
 
 SNOJSSHASSOd HSILIYEA TO NOILLISOd INASHYd ONIMOHS WIV 
 
307 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 8F9 SS 
 
 GLL‘SFSS. 
 
 908 ‘ZL ‘T 
 
 Z69°E8 
 LL0‘L41 
 SIS ‘66 
 883°8 
 &1‘68S 
 OPP ‘096 
 8hS OST 
 G68 ‘F6P 
 Go ‘F96 
 a 
 
 
 
 “sqyodxq 
 
 LEL ‘818 
 P89 ‘64S ‘S 
 
 10968 
 G19 ‘Sh 
 199 ‘GAT 
 eee‘TZ 
 916 ‘LT 
 POL‘ LOF 
 911 ‘788 
 869 ‘Bag 
 198 “G68 
 829 ‘G6S 
 F 
 
 *sqtod uy 
 
 coe 
 
 IGP ‘162 ‘S 
 
 eee 
 
 *SUOL, 
 
 “poreoio 
 pue poroq ug 
 STOSSO A 
 jo osvuUuoy, 
 
 eee 
 
 “3990 
 
 ISP ‘LIZ 
 PIL ‘SIg 
 
 T80‘G08 
 PEh 910° 
 L&P ‘ST 
 PLE ‘SOT 
 666 ‘0G 
 1F0% 
 679 ‘6 
 B88 °60E 
 Osh 61S 
 906 ‘P86 ‘T 
 BPS ‘96 
 
 F 
 
 ‘aInpIpusd xy 
 
 €69 ‘G9 
 SLP ‘Erg 
 
 0&6 ‘SST 
 
 0F9 ‘6 
 000‘? 
 0096 
 1P9 
 760 ‘GL 
 0€¢‘9LT 
 00994 
 000 008 
 268 ‘GL 
 Ge 
 
 “ONUOADY 
 
 r6L‘8 
 LVG‘GS 
 6896 
 ebteL 
 rEg ‘G 
 780'98% 
 138 GE 
 7e8ee9'T 
 BGO ‘8% 
 
 ‘morye[ndog 
 
 6b 
 06 
 09 
 06 
 L10'T 
 0F‘9 
 
 F6L 
 “sort “bg 
 
 "eolVW 
 
 wuRINy) WOU 
 
 ednoyepeny puv onbrurzre yy 
 
 * RolLIfY JO ISVOD 489A, 
 
 * Bllos[y 
 a} 0keV 
 - Tye, 
 
 Oe IS8ON 
 
 IvoSesepeyY Op LIV] “049 
 
 uojonbiyy puv s1101g 49 
 
 ‘SNOISSHSSOd HONWUT FO NOLLISOd LNASHUd ONIMOHS ATEViL 
 
 * worunay 
 
 BIMOPITVO MONT 
 
 BUIYD-UIIO0/ 
 
 * SOIpUy yseq 
 
 
 
 
 
 a ee ee eee eS 
 
 
 
 x 
 
Martinique . 
 Guadaloupe 
 Réunion 
 Guiana 
 Senegal 
 
 Gaboon 
 
 St. Pierre and Miquelon 
 
 Ste. Marie de Madagascar 
 
 Nossi Bé 
 Mayotte . 
 Tabiti . 
 New Caledonia. 
 Kast Indies . 
 Cochin-China 
 Tonkin 
 Obock 
 Algeria 
 Tunis 
 Madagascar . 
 
 General Service 
 
 
 
 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 
 
 No. 1.—TABLE SHOWING THE PRINCIPAL 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a8 ge z z E : g 
 - 3,654| 38,028 11,979 5,191 8,784 
 3,654| 32,185 13,223'5,163] 9,172 
 3,497, 26,258) 15,660/11,787)5,051) 6,614 
 2,742} 14,111] 16,172} 5,179)2,454) 8,836 
 7,351} 182,031| 53,695! 2,306/1,370/29, 078 
 3,197| 41,060 
 1,510| 5, 907| 54,200; 996 499) 1,145 
 1,253; 1,560 425| 405] 965}. 
 1,253] 1,485 425| 287; 161 
 2,350| 14,372| 33,189] 2,080] 788] 2,015 
 4,430| 28,049] 31,181] 3,670| 973] 9,539 
 3,866, 5,304 6,276| 729] 1,982 
 3,138] 42,441) 48,332 19,056 
 104,774 
 1,426] 4,394) 5,172] ... | ... | 1,085 
 1,613,360 /2,387,253| 10,525|60,491/3,510 
 16,300} 807,080] 23,217 | 
 348,479 
 
 12,946 2,618] 214 
 
 
 
 11,600 784 
 
 
 
a EE EE 
 
 Appendix. | 309 
 
 ITEMS OF COLONIAL EXPENDITURE. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 : a \)/#3 : a 
 g ze ce 5 g ee =e a a 
 & | £& |eés| 28| & | 888] de | 382 eg 
 e a 3,512 i 15.174 . - a . “871 87,193 
 4,278] 1,200114,544 1,084) . 84,503 
 Spee. (8,280! ... {15,845 133,352 
 2,320| 3,970/11,342| 83,612)... i ms 2 145,738 
 817,617; ... |7,100) 3,014/69,520 24, G12) alee “s ns 573,082 
 1,762 46,019 
 476| 1,532] 1,290 67,555 
 t 1,400 1,400 
 980} 2,000] 1,715 2,090} 11,3938 
 970] 2,000) , 45 2,168 8,791 
 1,720] 3,689] 5,171 65,374 
 131, 888 3,284) 7,527/36,595/225,694| ... | 20,000)... eS 502,830 
 2.979) -... 714). | 21,150 
 308,4625,072) ... |58,405! 484,906 
 24,400 a2,000,000 
 360}... 792 4,319} 17,498 
 271,662|159, 848 177,298|171,715| ...  |220,772)55,076, 434 
 35,200 881,797 
 ce 60,000 
 398,344|3,217/15,400} 366] 16,240... Py .» | 29,746] 494,775 
 
 
 
 Total . £10,989,250 
 
 Deduct Receipts from Colonial Sources 1,346,977 
 
 Total . £9,642,273 
 
 a The position of these colonies being exceptional, I have merely placed the estimated cost of 
 occupation. This will naturally be much exceeded. 
 b» Of this sum £1,322,000 is raised by taxation in Algeria. 
 
= = 
 
 310 
 
 No. 2-—TABLE SHOWING SOME OF TH: 
 
 
 
 
 i} 
 
 Sugar. Molasses. | Reais ef 
 
 lbs. gallons. gallons, — |. Tbs 7 lbs. 
 Martinique. . «| 118,019,000 | 473,880 1,862,080 | 176,0 D 
 Guadaloupe 124,493,017 |1,492,282 | 471,614 |1,556,01% 
 Réunion . , «| 74,055,848| 452,760 208,978 |1, 12,0 
 Guiana 4° - Esa. 25,430} 55,000 | 57,200 | 
 Senegal | : ; . " * a 
 Gaboon . 
 
 St. Pierre and Miquelon 
 
 Ste. Marie de Madagascar 
 “Noasi.B6 {40 
 
 Mayotte . 
 
 Tahiti . ° 
 
 New Caledonia . 
 
 Kast Indies . 
 
 Cochin-China . 
 
 
 
 
 1,957,175 | =... {4,701,950} 
 7,190,412| ... [1,766,996 
 
Appendix. 311 
 
 PRODUCTS OF THE VARIOUS FRENCH COLONIES. 
 
 Cocoa. 
 
 Ibs. 
 517,000 
 
 229,922 
 
 Spices.| Vanilla. | Pepper.| Tobacco. 
 
 lbs. 
 
 lbs. 
 
 212] 13,565 
 
 2,860/37,466 135, 463 
 
 37,400 
 
 76 
 
 2,191 
 
 lbs. 
 
 990 
 
 lbs. 
 9,460 
 
 6,710 
 
 
 
 2,914,919 
 
 3,487) 
 
 
 
 
 
 Copper 
 Anatto. Rice. Salt Fish. | and other 
 Metals. 
 lbs. lbs. lbs. lbs. 
 1,316,227 
 121,900 
 37,292,607 
 550,000 
 701,800 
 8,378,583 
 847,000,000 
 
 
 
 
 
312 
 
 Appendix. 
 
 No. 3—TABLE SHOWING ACREAGE UNDER 
 
 CROPS IN THE 
 
 
 
 Martinique 
 
 Guadaloupe 
 Réunion 
 Guiana . 
 Nossi Bé 
 Mayotte . 
 Tahiti. 
 Kast Indies 
 
 Cochin-China 
 
 64,575 650 263 1,635 
 
 65,738 | 12,863 1,213 1,110 7 
 
 96,088 | 14,395 18 162 95 
 38 1,085 610 
 
 4,493 
 
 12,972 5,327 
 
 
 
 
 
 No. 4.-(1) TABLE SHOWING NUMBER OF VESSELS 
 
 Martinique . 
 Guadaloupe 
 Réunion 
 Guiana 
 
 Senegal 
 
 St. Pierre and Miquelon 458 64,000 | 3,617 | 1,072 
 
 East Indies . 
 
 ENTERED INWARDS IN THE PRINCIPAL 
 FRENCH COLONIES IN 1882. 
 
 French Vessels. | Flying Foreign Flags. 
 
 
 
 Number. | Tonnage. | Crews. | Number. rains Crews. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 395 |137,900| 7,114 545 
 246 41,973 | 2,348 283 
 198 87,724 | 4,819 31 
 
 65 22,035 | 1,198 32 
 844 | 106,300] 5,736 102 
 
 The Returns show no trace 
 of Tonnage of Foreign Vessels. 
 
 They, however, are known to be 
 in excess of French Ships. 
 
 142 90,509 | 3,627 461 
 
 
 
Appendix. 213 
 
 CULTIVATION OF SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL 
 FRENCH COLONIES. 
 
 Vanilla. Pepper. Tobacco. Anatto. Rice. Vegetables. 
 Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. Acres. 
 43 ae a 38,975 
 10 1,078 oa 28,182 
 18 - 1,050 i. 56,775 
 18 1,325 1,050 ane 5,175 
 40,390 
 11,800 ie 1,715,477 
 
 
 
 No. 4.—(2) TABLE SHOWING NUMBER OF VESSELS 
 CLEARED OUTWARDS IN THE PRINCIPAL 
 FRENCH COLONIES IN THE YEAR 1882. 
 
 French Vessels. Flying Foreign Flags. 
 
 Number. | Tonnage. | Crews. | Number. |Tonnage| Crews. 
 
 Martinique . : : 409 130,936 | 6,712 516 
 Guadaloupe. : 265 55,577} 2,551 511 
 Réunion ‘ ; ‘ 85,481 | 4,819 ol 
 Guiana . 3 : 18,589 | 1,004 30 
 
 
 
 Senegal : : 7 110,919 | 5,919 
 St. Pierre and Miquelon 62,538 
 
 The Returns show no trace 
 of Tonnage of Foreign Vessels. 
 They, however, are known to be 
 in excess of French Ships. 
 
 East Indies . : ; 25,915 | 2,165 
 
 
 
 
 
314 Appendix. 
 
 No. 5.—TABLE SHOWING THE NATIONALITY OF THE 
 VARIOUS VESSELS THAT CLEARED OUT 
 FROM SAIGON (COCHIN-CHINA) IN 1882. 
 
 Sailing Vessels. Steamers. 
 Flag. 
 Number. | Tonnage. Ee ‘Number, | Tonnage. Ona 
 
 1 | England . , 11 5,141 ae 203 178,534 
 2 | Germany. : 9 3,580 Rs 62 52,194 
 8 | France . : 6 3,670 oe 31 21,150 
 4 | Denmark : 2 478 i 15 13,377 
 5 | Holland . : 3 1,397 fs 12 11,539 
 6 | Russia . : as oe rf 6 4,763 
 7 | Norway . : i] 602 ae 1 958 
 8 | Spain. : a = ai 2 971 
 9 | United States. | 1 970 
 10 | Siam - ‘ 1 300 
 11 | Sweden . ‘ 1 281 
 
 
 
 In the ahove Table are not included Vessels which merely put into Saigon as a 
 port of call. These numbered some 83 Steamers, including many Transports for 
 China and Tonkin. 
 
 It will be seen from the above that England virtually monopolizes the trade, 
 the totals giving— 
 English Ships, 214 . . . Tonnage, 183,675. 
 Other-Flags,) 7 153..; S 115, 230. 
 
315 
 
 e 
 
 ua 
 
 Z, 
 
 Append. 
 
 NN 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 eee eee - eae eee eee eee eee e a é ie elIOSTV 
 Z68 ‘P6P IPZ‘Z8F | 0G 109 ‘ZI 198 °G6E LIL ‘TVS [ra 0g9 ‘eg ‘  * BUTT) -UTG90H 
 agg ‘$96 pso‘Tle | F9L‘OF 106 ‘TSS 829 ‘G6% 690'9G6 | 8L0‘9T ISP 02 ‘t+ SoTpUuy 4seqy 
 SFG ‘98ST vee vee see 9zG ‘EGE vee eee wee 3 - VIMOpeyTey AON 
 LL0‘L¥T 9F1 ‘EOL ne 186 ‘FF 199 GLI G66 ‘GCL % 9980S ee ae ae ee TY, 
 269 ‘8 Z0g‘G - 060'82 G19°SP 90L°LT as 696‘ “aaa ayj0ke 
 SIE ‘66 eee eee see cee‘T) ose eee see 3 - é 9g ISSON 
 8&3 ‘8 + a s 916 ‘TI rai = A TeoseSepryy Op OLAV] ‘249 
 GZL‘68S POS‘GIL | L9z‘eTT | FEg‘ecs POT ‘LOP 91‘89% | 9%9‘F ZIS‘LZ1 * uopenbiyy pue o11e1g “49 
 90e‘ZZL'T | OSe‘ZIL | 440°67L | 669°098 140°968 ISL°LOh | SOL‘sst | 882018 - + + | + TeFeueg 
 SF9 ‘ZS 18¢‘T 0ZZ% Z68 ‘0G Z6L‘8TE 000 ‘68 pes's 846 ‘IZ% ~~ tay BUCIOE) 
 OFF ‘096 PGP ‘EIG | 868°, 819 ‘6S 941°088 ZO9S‘OTE | LE8‘ZE 119 ‘GSE oe) Le ee uCranpy 
 997°Z19'L | GOF‘6ZG | ZOL ‘LT ZOSGSL‘T || SSOPIL‘T | sPo‘9rs | 898‘09 BLL°L04 "+ + ednopepeny 
 60L°6G¢‘T | 9F9‘CT 199‘°6FS | 90P‘P6L‘T 9F6FELT | O8S°Glg | OLL CD 969 ‘91S ss onbraryrey 
 a a os oe oe F a a 
 "TROL Panetta gars ee oe Te10], ici eae “soul 
 OL, OL OL mol, WOT] peel 
 "SLUOd XY “SLUOdNT 
 
 
 
 eee Ea ea lan iia mal 
 ‘2881 UVAA AHL YOX SAINOTIOO HONAUA TVdIONIdd | 
 qHL JO SLYOdWI GNV SLUOdXad AHL JO AOIVA AHL YNIMOHS WIAVL—9 ON 
 
COLONTAL 
 
 General Staff of the Colonies . 
 
 Staff of Engineers and Artillery . 
 
 Colonial Gendarmes 
 
 Native Artificers for Artillery 
 Conductors for Maraernde 
 Spahis 
 
 Disciplinary Troops 
 
 Native Troops 
 
 Obock Militia 
 
 Commissariat 
 
 Tmeripaen Maritime 
 
 Employés in Magazines 
 
 Lodging and Firing Allowances, 
 
 and other Indemnities 
 Garrison of Algeria . 
 ae SOLOns 
 
 ri », Madagascar 
 
 SERVICE. 
 
 Officers. 
 
 t 
 
 35 
 129 
 
 84 
 
 1,349 
 
 505 - 
 
 73 
 
 2,291 
 
 
 
 105,885 
 
 37 
 212 
 713: 
 
 166 
 208 
 187 
 
 
 
 617 | 
 
 1,895 
 
 ie 
 
 
 
 | 
 vi 
 | 
 
 2,887 88 rs 
 
 
 
Appendix. | 217 
 
 No. 8—TABLE SHOWING NUMERICAL STRENGTH OF 
 THE INFANTRY AND ARTILLERY OF THE MARINE. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Infantry of the Marine. Artillery of the Marine. 
 France. | Colonies. | Tl || ryance. | Colonies. | Total. 
 Generals of Division. 1 i 1 1 
 Generals of Brigade 4 4 2 2 
 Colonels . 6 1 Yi 10 et 10 
 Lieutenant-Colonels 9 5 14 5 Be 5 
 Battalion or Squadron Com- 
 
 Inanders . ; : 43 15 58 20 he 20 
 First Captains. ; 94 51 145 67 10 Le 
 Second Captains . ‘ 93 47 140 23 6 29 
 Garde eee pal: Ist Class — a ie 4 ue 4 
 
 rf - end ys aes Bes a 15 we 15 
 First Lieutenants. . 99 49 148 23 13 36 
 Second _,, ‘ : 98 47 145 27 1B} 40 
 Gardes, 1st Class. ; fe et a 18 oss 18 
 
 Seen ,; : ‘ os ee sks 25 e 25 
 
 Pee Ord) 4, » : ie: ee ae 33 os 33 
 Sous-Lieutenants . ; 110 83 193 25 ee 25 
 Non-Commissioned Officers 
 
 and Artificers . ; 217.) 1,026 35701 1,100 312 | 1,412 
 Buglers and Drummers. 469 306 775 168 60 248 
 Privates and Gunners . 8,522 | 6,203 | 14,725 2,491 | 1,158 | 3,644 
 
 
 
 
 
 11,123 | 8,333 |19,456 || 4,057 | 1,567 | 5,624 
 
 
 
 The pay and allowances of this force amounts to £552,138, and is budgeted 
 for in the Ministry of Marine. 
 

 
 SUCH AS EAST INDIAN, MEDITERRANEAN, | 
 
 AND AMERICAN SQUADRONS. 
 
 N ewfoundland, St. Pierre, and Miquelon 
 
 Tunis ; : ae : 
 Senegal " ins 
 
 West Coast of Africa and Gaboon 
 Guiana. ‘ 
 
 Tahiti 
 
 New Caledonia 
 
 Tonkin | : 
 
 Cochin-China 
 
 Réunion ; : : : : 
 Obock . : ; 
 
 Algeria . y : i “ 
 
 Tuni Ss . . . ° e 
 
 ° 
 
 Number of 
 Ships. © 
 
 GG OG WS Cc =) po. et 
 
 ee pb! 
 
 _ 
 
 49 
 
 
 
 Officers _ | 
 - and Men. | 
 
 4 
 1 
 i 
 
 1.» ee 
 
INDEX. 
 
 —o— 
 
 Abolition of slavery, 9 
 
 Abyssinian Expedition, 259 
 
 Active, ship, captured by Dutertre, 
 49 
 
 Addington captured by Dutertre, 
 50 
 
 Aden, 253, 261 
 
 Admiral Aplin captured by Sur- 
 couf, 48 
 
 Admiral Aube, 254 
 
 Africa, French colonies in, 23 
 
 Agriculture in Senegal, 35; Re- 
 union, 57; Nossi Bé, 65; Ste. 
 Marie de Madagascar, 67; 
 Mayotte, 72; Hast Indies, 90; 
 Tahiti, 102; Further India, 
 129; Martinique, 156; Guada- 
 loupe, 186; French Guiana, 
 200; St. Pierre and Miquelon, 
 214: 
 
 Aiguillon, Duc d’, defeats General 
 Bligh, 167 
 
 Ajaccio, 254: 
 
 Al Agni, 31 
 
 Alcméni, French frigate, visits New 
 Caledonia, 104 
 
 Algiers, 274 
 
 Ali Bey, 281 
 
 Ambavatoby, 236 
 
 Amber, Cape, 60 
 
 America. Treaty with Tunis, 273 
 
 Amiens, Peace of, 47 
 
 Amphitrite, privateer commanded 
 by Leméme, 49 
 
 Andriantsoly, Sultan. of Mayotte, 
 
 231 
 Annam, 254 
 Annesley Bay, 260 
 Antananarivo, capital of Mada- 
 
 gascar, 229 
 
 Antatsiman, 233 
 
 Antougil, Bay of, 219 
 
 Approuague, Valley of the, 204 
 
 Arcot, 82 
 
 Arnoux, Monsieur, 233 
 
 Artois, Comte d’, 268 
 
 Asia, 1 
 
 Assinie, 40 
 
 Aube, Admiral, 254. 
 
 Auspicious, ship, captured by Sur- 
 couf, 4:7 
 
 Australian opposition to Récidivist 
 Bill, 106 
 
 Austria. Treaty with Tunis, 273 
 
 Baba Hassga, 270 
 Bac Ninh taken by French, 121 
 Baillie, Colonel, defeated at Peram- 
 _ btkan, 84 
 Baird, Sir David, 50 
 Bakel, 28 
 Baly, Bay of, 233 
 » bombarded, 238 
 Banks, Colonial, 17 
 » ishing, of Newfoundland, 
 208 
 
 | Barbadoes, 188 
 
320 L[ndex. 
 
 Barras, Comte de. Expedition 
 against Nevis and Montserrat, 
 141 
 Barrington, General, 136 
 Bartholomew, Island of St. (Guada- 
 loupe), 181 
 Basque fishermen, 207 
 Basse Terre, Fortress of, bombard- 
 ment of, 168 
 _ capital of 
 loupe, 178 
 Beaufort, Duke of, 268 
 Beauharnais, General, at Guada- 
 loupe, 172 
 Beaulieu, Leroy, on Guiana, 191 
 Madagascar, 
 252 
 Beckwith, General. Expedition 
 against Martinique, 145; expe- 
 dition against Guadaloupe, 175 
 Beja, 280 
 Bejapore, 81 
 Belle Combe, M. de, 84 
 Benyowski, 225 
 Berber, 260 
 Berberah, 260 
 Beti, King, 66 
 Bien Hoa ceded to France, 119 
 Bigot, 7 
 Binic, Harbour of, 210 
 Bizerta, 254: 
 Black, Admiral, 270 
 Blanc, Cape, 32 
 Bligh, General, Defeat of, 167 
 Boisseret, Marquis de, occupied 
 Guadaloupe, &c., 164 
 Bompart, Admiral de, arrival at 
 Martiniqne, 172 
 Bonaparte, invasion of Egypt by, 
 273 
 Bora Bora, 99 
 Bouet-Willaumez, 38 
 Bougainville visits Tahiti, 95 
 Bouillé, Marquis de, 140 
 Boulais, De, Governor of Réunion, 
 51 
 
 Guada: 
 
 99 39 
 
 
 
 Boulanger, 290 
 
 Bounties to French fishermen, 21 
 
 Bourbon, see Réunion, 42 
 
 DO La, visits Madagascar, 
 29! 
 
 Bourg, Captain du, 222 
 
 Bourquenay, Viscomte de, 258 
 
 Braganza, House of, in Brazil, 195 
 
 Braithwaite captures Pondicherry, 
 86 
 
 Brazil, 195 
 
 Bréart, General, 283 
 
 Breton fishermen, 207 
 
 . Brieuc, St., Harbour of, 210 
 
 Brittany, Fishing fleets of, 210 
 
 Buccaneers, 135, 162 
 
 Budgets of Colonies, 308 
 
 Buffs, the gallantry of, at Guada- 
 loupe, 170 
 
 Burgundy, Duke of, 268 
 
 Caledonia, New, see New Caledonia 
 Calvinists. Settlement in Martin- 
 ique, 135 
 
 -Campénon’s scheme for Colonial 
 
 Army, 290 
 Canada, 8 
 Canh Dzue, Prince, 114 
 Cape Antougil, 
 
 », Blanc Lighthouse, 214 
 
 » Breton, 
 
 » of Good Hope, 
 Captains-General, 9 
 Caribbean Islands, 162 
 
 y Sea, 162 
 Carron, 77 
 Carthage, 267 
 
 Cartier, Jacques, visits Newfound- 
 land, 3 
 
 Casa des Navires, 136 
 Cast, St., British defeat at, 167 
 Cayenne, capital of French Guiana, 
 193 
 » captured by the Allies, 
 195 
 Oenturion, H.M.S., 45 
 
Index. 
 
 Cerné, 218 
 Challemel-Lacour and the Récidi- 
 vist Bill, 106 
 Chandernagore, 80, et seq. 
 Chandoe ceded to France, 119 
 Charles VI. of France, 268 
 ey, 209 
 Weeeting, of Sicily, in Tunis, 
 267 
 Charmes, Gabriel, 293 
 Charnier, Admiral, conducts opera- 
 tions in Cochin-China, 118 
 Charpentier, M., 220 
 Cherbourg, Attack on, defeated, 167 
 China, 119 
 Chinese trade with Madagascar, 218 
 Choa, 70 
 Choiseul, Duc de. Attempt to im- 
 prove condition of Guiana, 194. 
 Christophe, St., Island of, 133 
 Christopher Columbus. Martinique, 
 133; Guadaloupe, 162 
 Clarisse, privateer, 47 
 Clavering at Guadaloupe, 172 
 Clermont, Comte de, 268 
 Clive, Lord, 82 
 Cloves introduced into Guiana, 202 
 Cochin-China, 114 
 Cochrane, Sir Thomas. Expedition 
 against Martinique 145; expe- 
 dition against Guadaloupe, 176 
 Codrington, General. Descent on 
 Guadaloupe, 166 
 Colbert founds second Hast India 
 Company, 42 
 Rs Great Company of 
 the West Indies, 
 164 
 Colibri, French frigate, 61 
 Colonial Army, 288 
 » Assembly, 11 
 = Banks, 17 
 - Civil Service, 12 
 5» Commissions, 10 
 * Constitutions, 10, 11 
 a Defences, 288 
 
 
 
 
 
 Or 
 bo 
 — 
 
 Colonies in Africa, 2 
 
 < America, 2 
 _ Asia, 1 
 = Pacific, 2 
 
 Commerce of Senegal, 35 ; Réunion, 
 57; Nossi Bé, 65; Ste. Marie 
 de Madagascar, 67; Mayotte, 
 72; Hast Indies, 91; Tahiti, 
 102; New Caledonia, 112; 
 Further India, 129; Mar- 
 tinique, 157; Guadaloupe, 188 ; 
 French Guiana, 204; St. Pierre 
 and Miquelon, 215 
 
 Commission Coloniale, 10 
 
 Comores Islands, 239 
 
 Compagnie de la Nacelle de St. 
 Pierre fleurdelisée, 4; de Mor- 
 bihan, 5 
 
 Compagnie des Iles de St. Chris- 
 tophe, de la Barbade, et autres 
 a Ventrée du Perou, 133, 162, 
 163 
 
 Concord, H.M.S8., captures Leméme, 
 49 
 
 Confiance, privateer, 47; H.M.S., 
 195 
 
 Conseils Coloniales, 10 
 
 : Contentieux, 10 
 3 Générals, 11 
 c Privés, 10 
 
 Consortées, 211 
 
 Cooke, Captain, 
 Caledonia, 94 
 
 Coote, Sir Eyre, 83 
 
 Copper mines of New Caledonia, 
 111 
 
 Corbigny, de, 243 
 
 Cornwallis, Admiral, 86 
 
 Corsica, 271 
 
 Cosmao retakes Diamond Rock, 14:5 
 
 Cossigny, de, visits Madagascar, 
 92.5 
 
 Couédac, du, 137 
 
 Courier, French ship, 45 
 
 Crédit Foncier Colonial, 21 
 
 Croix, St., French settlement in, 4 
 
 Vi 
 
 discovers New 
 
322 Index. 
 
 Crump, Colonel. Seizure of St. 
 Anne and St. Francis, 172 
 
 Crusades, 267 
 
 Oybéle, French ship, 45 
 
 Dabou, 38 
 
 Dalhousie, Lord, appointed Gover- 
 nor of Martinique, 143 
 
 Dalmond, Monsieur, 230 
 
 Darvoy, Monsieur, 236 
 
 Dauphin, Fort, Madagascar, 221 
 
 David Fort, St., 82 
 
 Debrisay, General, Death of, 171 
 
 Denis, St., 55 
 
 Denmark. Treaty with Tunis, 273 
 
 Derby, Earl of, and Récidivist Bill, 
 106 
 
 Desirade, Island of, Guadaloupe, 
 180 
 
 Devicottali captured by Lally, 82 
 
 Deys of Tunis, 270 
 
 Diamond Rock taken by British, 
 144 
 
 Diana, The, captured by Surcouf, 
 46 
 
 Dieppe, 210 
 
 Dillon, Count, landed in Grenada, 
 140 
 
 Dioméde, H.M.S., 45 
 
 Directory, The, 195 
 
 Domingo, St., successfully defended 
 against French, 140 
 
 Don Juan of Austria, 269 
 
 Dryad, The, 250 
 
 Duguay-Trouin, 43 
 
 Dumas, M., Governor of Isle of 
 France, 225 
 
 Dundas, General, at Guadaloupe, 
 174 
 
 Dunkerque, 207 
 
 Dunkerquoise, The, 224 
 
 Dupetit-Thouars, Admiral, annexes 
 Hivaoa, 95; overbearing con- 
 duct in Tahiti, 96 
 
 Dupleix’ successes in India, 82 
 
 
 
 
 
 Duplessis, Monsieur. Expedition 
 against Guadaloupe, 163 
 
 Dupré, Admiral, 245 . 
 
 Dupuis, M., in Tonkin, 120 - 
 
 Duranton, 30 
 
 Durocher, M., Jesuit Missionary, 
 225 
 
 Dutch, The. Arrival in Guadaloupe, 
 165; settlements in Madagas- 
 car, 219 
 
 Dutertre, M., his successes as a 
 privateer, 49 
 
 Duval, Jules, on Guiana, 192; on 
 Madagascar, 225 
 
 Dzaoudzi, 70 
 
 East India Companies inclnde 
 Mauritius, Bourbon, and Ma- 
 dagascar, 42; early Compa- 
 nies, 74 
 
 East Indies, French settlements in 
 —First French Expedition to, 
 76; Carron’s attempt, 77; Mar- 
 tin assumes power, 78; worsted 
 by Dutch, 79; founds Pondi- 
 cherry, 79; Mahé founded by 
 Labourdonnais, 81; early wars 
 of French and Englishin India, 
 82; Madras captured by 
 French, 82; English capture 
 Pondicherry, 83; population of 
 French colonies, 86; adminis- 
 tration, 88; agriculture, 90; 
 industries and commerce, 91 ; 
 finances, 93 
 
 Edrisi. Visit to Madagascar, 218 
 
 Education in Senegal, 35; Re- 
 union, 56; Nossi Bé, 65; Ste. 
 Marie de Madagascar, 67; 
 Mayotte, 71; Hast Indies, 89; 
 Tahiti, 101; New Caledonia, 
 110; Further India, 128; Mar- 
 tinique, 152; Guadaloupe, 185 ; 
 French Guiana, 198; St. Pierre 
 and Miquelon, 214 
 
 ei ta i i 
 

 
 Lndex. 
 
 Edward I. Arrival off Cape Car- 
 thage, 267 
 
 Hiao, 98 
 
 Highty-sixth Regiment at capture 
 of Réunion, 52 
 
 Ellis, Rev. Mr., 236 
 
 Elmina, 3 
 
 Emigration to New Caledonia en- 
 couraged, 111 
 
 Emile, privateer, 46 
 
 Emperor Napoleon, 117 
 
 Emperor of China, 119 
 
 English successes in India, 83; 
 capture Pondicherry, 84 
 
 Ernouf, General, at Guadaloupe, 
 176 
 
 Esnambue, Monsieur, authorized to 
 develop West Indies, 6; took 
 possession of Martinique, 135; 
 fitted out expedition to conquer 
 Guadaloupe, 162 
 
 Estrée, d’ Admiral, 270 
 
 Htriel, Chevalier d’. Heroic defence 
 of Basse T'erre and Island of 
 Guadaloupe, 170 
 
 Exmouth, Lord, 275 
 
 Expenditure in Colonies, how regu- 
 lated, 13; tables of, see Appen- 
 dices. 
 
 Faidherbe, Colonel, his achieve- 
 ments in Senegal, 30 
 
 Falema River, 28 
 
 Fans, The, 39 
 
 Fantin, 3 
 
 Farquhar, Sir Robert, Governor of 
 Mauritius, 227 
 
 Faulkner, Captain, 142 
 
 Febvrier-Despointes takes posses- 
 sion of New Caledonia, 104 
 
 Fécamp, 210 
 
 Ferry and Récidivist Bill, 105; 
 policy in Madagascar, 251 
 
 Fever, General, 230 
 
 Fitth Fusileers. Gallantry at St. 
 Domingo, 140 
 
 
 
 325 
 
 Finances of Senegal, 36; Réunion, 
 59; Nossi Bé, 65; Ste. Marie 
 de Madagascar, 68; Mayotte, 
 72; Hast Indies, 92; Tahiti, 
 103: New Caledonia, 113; 
 Further India, 131; Martin- 
 ique, 189; Guadaloupe, 189 ; 
 French Guiana, 206; St. Pierre 
 and Miquelon, 216 
 
 Financial officers, 16 
 
 Finaz, Father, 233, 235 
 
 Fishing fleet of Brittany, 210 
 
 Flacourt, de, Governor of Madagas- 
 car, 222 
 
 Fomboni, 239 
 
 Foncier Crédit, 21 
 
 Foncin, Monsieur. 
 Guiana, 191 
 
 Fonta Djalon, 33 
 
 Forgemol, General, 281 
 
 Fort Louis, Guadaloupe, captured 
 by British, 170 
 
 Forty-third Regiment. Guadaloupe, 
 174 
 
 Foulepointe, 225, 228 
 
 Fournier, M., concludes peace with 
 China, 122 
 
 France, Isle de, blockaded by Eng- 
 lish, 45 
 
 Fraser, Colonel, at Réunion, 52 
 
 Freemantle, Admiral, 274 
 
 French. The Navy opposed to Re- 
 publicanism, 44 
 
 French privateer successes Pernt 
 English commerce, 44: 
 
 Further India, 114; annexation of 
 eastern portion by French, 122; 
 agriculture, 129; trade, 181; 
 finance, 132 
 
 Estimate of 
 
 Gabes, 268 
 
 Gaboni, 39 
 
 Gaboon, 38 
 
 Galam, 26 
 
 Gallas, Soudanese tribe, 257 
 
 | Gambier islands, 99 
 
324 
 
 Garlies, Lord, at Guadaloupe, 174 
 
 Garnier in Madagascar, 248 
 ss Tonkin, 120 
 
 Garnier, Mount, 138 
 
 Garrisons of Senegal, 37; Martin- 
 ique, 159; Guadaloupe, 190; 
 French Guiana, 206 
 
 George III., 272 
 
 Gia Dinh ceded to France, 119 
 
 Gialong, King of Cochin-China, 116 
 
 Goa, 219 
 
 Godavery, 81 
 
 Golconda, 78 
 
 Gold in French Guiana, 204 
 
 Goletta, 269 
 
 Gonneville, 
 Africa, 3 
 
 Governor North, The, 49 
 
 Governors-General, 7 
 
 Grand Bassam, 33 
 
 Grant, General, 139 
 
 Granville, 210 
 as Earl, on useless protes- 
 tations, 97, 2o1 
 
 Grasse de, Admiral, commanded ex- 
 pedition against British West 
 India, 140 
 
 Grenada given up to British, 139; 
 
 Paulmier de, visits 
 
 surrendered by Lord Macart- 
 
 _ ney to French, 140 
 
 Grenoble, 77 
 
 Grey, Sir C., Expedition against 
 Martinique, 142; expedition 
 against Guadaloupe, 174 
 
 Gros Morne, 150 
 
 Guadaloupe, 162; early occupation, 
 162; declared a Royal pos- 
 session, 164; arrival of Dutch 
 refugees, 165; occupied by 
 British, 166; outbreak of war, 
 167; British attack on, 168; 
 heroism of French, 170; sur- 
 rendered to British, 172; retro- 
 ceded to France, 173; civil 
 war, 173; retaken by British, 
 174; retaken by French, 175; 
 
 
 
 I[ndex. 
 
 recaptured by British, 176; 
 ceded to Sweden, 177; final 
 cession to France, 177; topo- 
 graphy, 177; Grande Terre, 
 178; population, 132 ; immigra- 
 tion, 183; police, 183; govern- 
 ment and administration, 183; 
 education, 185; clergy, 186; 
 public works, 186; cultivation, 
 186; commerce, 188; finance, 
 189; taxation and garrison, 190 
 
 Guiana, 191; present condition, 
 191; discovery and settlement, 
 192; captured by allied British 
 and Portuguese; 195;  re- 
 stored to France, 196; popula- 
 tion, 197; education, 198; 
 government and administra- 
 tion, 198; justice, 199; public 
 works, 199; agriculture, 200; 
 arboriculture, 203; cattle-rais- 
 ing, 203; gold-mining, 203; 
 commerce, 204; finance, 206 ; 
 garrison and defence, 206 
 
 Gulf of Aden, 256 
 
 Haidar Ali, 83 
 
 Haiphong, 260 
 
 Hanka, 98 
 
 Hanoi captured by French, 121 
 
 Han Tien ceded to France, 119 
 
 Hapou, 98 
 
 Harcourt, Comte d’, visits New 
 Caledonia, 104 
 
 Harcourt, General. 
 Guadaloupe, 176 
 
 Harmand, 127 
 
 Hatutou, 98 
 
 Haviland, General, 139 
 
 Haye, dela. Expedition to Mada- 
 gascar, 224 
 
 Helle, Admiral, 61 
 
 Helleville, 65 
 
 Henri IV. encourages Colonial 
 policy, 3; grants patents to 
 Governors-General of Canada 
 and East Indies, 3 
 
 
 
 ‘ 
 ‘ 
 
 Capture of | 
 
L[ndex. 3 
 
 Hermitage, ship, 76 
 
 Higginson, Governor, 237 
 
 Highlanders’ capture of Fort Louis, 
 170; of Petit Bourg, Goyave, 
 and St. Mary’s, 172 
 
 Hirondelle, The, commanded by 
 Leméme, 48 
 
 Hislop, General. Capture of Guada- 
 loupe, 176 
 
 Hivaoa annexed by French, 95, 
 98 
 
 Hobson, General. Attack on Mar- 
 tinique, 136; attack on Guada- 
 loupe, 168; death of, 171 
 
 Holland. Treaty with Tunis, 273 
 
 Holy Land, The, 266 
 
 Hood, Admiral. Engagements 
 with de Grasse, 141; blockade 
 of Fort Royal, 144 
 
 Houailon, 109 
 
 Houet, M., aided Marquis de 
 Boisseret to occupy Guada- 
 loupe, 164 
 
 Houssain Ben Ahi, 271 
 
 Hovas, The, 227 
 
 Hubertsberg, Treaty of, 159 
 
 Hué bombarded and captured by 
 French, 121; Treaty of, 122 
 
 Huguenot Emigrés. Flight from 
 Cayenne, 193 
 
 _ Hugues, Victor. Attempt to re- 
 
 conquer West Indian Islands 
 
 for France, 143; defeats 
 
 British at Guadaloupe, 175; 
 
 gallant defence of Cayenne, 195 
 
 Industries of Hast Indies, 91 
 
 Intendants, Abuses by, 7 
 
 lron mines in New Caledonia, 
 LT 
 
 Islands in the Pacific, 94 
 
 Isle of Dogs Lighthouse, 214 
 
 Jacques Cartier, The, 46 
 Java, 3 
 
 
 
 
 
 bo 
 
 5 
 
 Java Company, 3 
 
 Jean Bart, The, 45 
 
 Jean de Luz, Saint, harbour of 
 the Basque Provinces, 209 
 
 Jervis, Sir J. Expedition against 
 Martinique, 142; Guadaloupe, 
 174 
 
 Jesuit Missionaries. In Martin- 
 ique, 134; in Madagascar, 
 225; in the Comores Islands, 
 239 
 
 Jews. Flight from Cayenne, 193 
 
 Johnstone, Captain, in Madagas- 
 car, 250 
 
 Jongoni, 70 
 
 Jouen, Pere, 238 
 
 Justice in Senegal, 33; Réunion, 
 56; Nossi Bé, 64; Ste. Marie 
 de Madagascar, 67; Mayotte, 
 71; East Indies, 88; Tahiti, 
 
 101; New Caledonia, 109; 
 Further India, 128; Mar- 
 tinique, 150; Guadaloupe, 
 
 183; French Guiana, 199; St. 
 Pierre and Miquelon, 213 
 
 Kalarun, 79 
 
 Kanala, 109 
 
 Karikal, 81 
 
 Keatinge, Colonel, at descent on 
 Réunion; capture of Rodri- 
 guez, O1-; of Bourbon, 52 
 
 Kef, 280 
 
 Kent, The, captured by Surcouf, 
 47 
 
 Khairwan, 284 
 
 Khamirs, The, 282 
 
 Khasso, 30 
 
 Kitts, St., taken by French, 141 
 
 Koeni, 70 
 
 Kouron River, 194: 
 
 Kroumirs, 279 
 
 Laborde, Monsieur, 233 
 
 La Bourdonnais’ successes in India, 
 82 
 
326 L[ndex. 
 
 Lally-Tollendal besieges Madras, 
 82; defeated by Sir Eyre 
 Coote, 83 
 
 Lambert, Henri, in Obock, 257 
 
 Lambert, Monsieur, in Madagascar, 
 235 
 
 Lapierre, Admiral, bombards Tou- 
 rane, 117 
 
 Lastelle, de, 233 
 
 Laurent, St., 219 
 
 Laurent, St., The, 221 
 
 Lavigerie, Cardinal, 275 
 
 Leméme, the Corsair, 48; his suc- 
 cesses, 48 
 
 Leroy, 221 
 
 Lesseps, Monsieur de, 258 
 
 Loans contracted by colonies must 
 first receive Ministerial sanc- 
 tion, 15; by colonial banks, how 
 restricted, 19. 
 
 Local Budgets, how adjusted, 14 
 
 Loiret, The, 246 
 
 Louis, Saint, offers shelter to pri- 
 vateers, 43 
 
 Louis, St., The, 220 
 
 Loyalty Isles, 104 
 
 Lucia, Isle of St. given up to 
 British, 139; surrendered to 
 ‘French, 140 
 
 Macartney, Lord, 140 
 
 MacNair, Colonel. Taking of Fort 
 George, 146 
 
 Madagascar, 217 
 
 Magdala, 260 
 
 Mahomedans in the 
 Islands, 239 
 
 Mahomed-es-Sadib, 277 
 
 Mahdi Al Agni, 30 
 
 Mahdi of Khartoum, 257 
 
 Mahé, 81 
 
 Maitland, General. Recapture of 
 Martinique, 146 
 
 Malacca, 3 
 
 Malartie, Governor of Mauritius, 
 47 
 
 Comores 
 
 Malleson’s History of the French 
 in India, 81 
 
 Malo, St., home of privateers, 43; 
 fishing fleets of, 210 
 
 Malouet, M., visits Cayenne, 194 
 
 Malrousse, 49 
 
 Mangafiala, Madagascar, 221 
 
 Mangles, captured by Surcouf, 48 
 
 Marco Polo. Reference to Mada- 
 gascar, 218 
 
 Marie Galante, Island of, 179 
 
 Marie, Ste., de Madagascar, 66, 228 
 
 Marines. Capture of Fort Louis, 
 170 
 
 Marlborough, Duke of, defeated at 
 St. Malo, 167 
 
 Maroni River, Guiana, 191 
 
 Marquesas Isles, 94, 98 
 
 Martin, St., Island of, 180 
 
 Martin’s gallant conduct in India, 
 78; founds Pondicherry, 79 
 
 Martinique, 133; population, 148; 
 government and administra- 
 tion, 148; finance, 150; jus- 
 tice, 150; education, 152; 
 
 public works, 154; cultivation, 
 
 156; commerce, 157; taxation, 
 159 
 
 Mascarenhas discovers Réunion, 42 
 
 Massowah, 259 
 
 Masulipatam, 80 
 
 Matam, 31 
 
 Maures, 28 
 
 Maurice, Lieutenant. Defence of 
 Diamond Rock, 145 
 
 Mauritius, Island of, 218 
 
 Mayotte annexed by French, 69; 
 population, 70; commerce, 71 
 
 Mazarin, 76 
 
 Meadows, General. Heroic defence 
 of St. Domingo, 140 
 
 Medina, 30. 
 
 Mediterranean, Tunis key of, 264 
 
 Méhala River, 233 
 
 Meilleraye, Duke de la, takes 
 
 . possession of Madagascar, 222 
 
 i i a I a i 
 
 j 
 j 
 ry 
 
 oe ae 
 
I[ndex. 
 
 Melgund, Lord, 52 
 
 Melville, Major, gallantry of, 171 
 
 Menuthia, 218 
 
 Micawby,The, captured by Surcouf, 
 47 
 
 Mindanao discovers Tahiti, 94 
 
 Mines in New Caledonia, 111 
 
 Minh Mang, King of Cochin- 
 China, 116 
 
 Minto, Lord, organizes expedition 
 to reduce Isles of France and 
 Bourbon, 51 
 
 Miquelon, Island of, 207; early 
 occupation, 207; taken by 
 English, 208; fishing fleets of, 
 209; population, 212; justice, 
 
 213; education, public works, 
 
 and agriculture, 214; com- 
 merce, 215; finance, 216 
 
 Mohély, 239 
 
 Mondevergue, de. Expedition to 
 Madagascar, 223 
 
 Monkton, General. Expedition 
 against Martinique, 158 
 
 Montague, Admiral, at St. Pierre 
 and Miquelon, 208 
 
 Montcalm, General, 8 
 
 Montmorency, Comte de, 267 
 
 Montserrat taken by French, 141 
 
 Moore, Commodore. Martinique, 
 136; Guadaloupe, 168 
 Morea, 99 
 
 Morne Tarancon, 156 
 
 Morocco, 273, 286 
 
 Motani, 98 
 
 Motuitu, 98 
 
 Moule, Port of, Guadaloupe, 179 
 
 Mount Garnier, 138 
 
 Munro captures Pondicherry, 84 
 
 Murray, Lord. Capture of Fort 
 Louis, 170 
 
 Mytho ceded to France, 119 
 
 Napoleon the Great, 273 
 » the Third, 277 
 Navarre, King of, 267 
 
 Necker, 194. 
 
 Nemours, Comte de, 267 
 
 Nevis, Island of, taken by French, 
 141 
 
 New Caledonia, 
 colony, 103 
 
 New Endeavour, ship, captured by 
 Surcouf, 48 
 
 Newfoundland visited by Cartier, 
 3; fisheries, 208 
 
 Nickel mines in New Caledonia, 
 CEE 
 
 Niger to be connected with Sene- 
 gal, 32 
 
 Ninetieth Regiment, 147, 176 
 
 Ninety-third Regiment at capture 
 of Guadaloupe, 174 
 
 Normandy, Fishing fleets of, 210 
 
 Nossi Bé occupied by French, 60; 
 annexation by Captain Passot, 
 61;. rising of natives, 62; 
 government, 64; commerce, 65 
 
 Nossi Faly, 301 
 
 Noukahive annexed by France, 
 95, 98 : 
 
 Noumea, Terrible condition of, 105 
 
 94; details of 
 
 Obock. Situation, 256; population 
 and climate, 257; French con- 
 nection, 257; natural wealth, 
 259; commercial and military 
 value, 261 
 
 Oceania, 94. 
 
 Olive, Colonel, commanded expedi- 
 tion against Guadaloupe, 163 
 
 Onégoa, 109 
 
 Orient, The, captured by Surcouf, 
 48 
 
 Orinoco, 193 
 
 Osborne, Captain, blockades the 
 Isle of France, 45 
 
 Osyevas, 39 
 
 Ouala, 28 
 
 Oualoo, 27 
 
 Oulema, 28 
 
228 
 
 Pacific, Islands in the, 94: 
 
 Pakenham, Colonel. Capture of 
 Isle de Ramiers, 146 
 
 Pardaillan captures Mahé, 81 
 
 Parmia, Lake, 204 
 
 Passot, Captain, annexes Nossi Bé, 
 61, 231 
 
 Patouhoukou, 98 
 
 Patouhiva, 98 
 
 Pellissier, Marshal, 269 
 
 Penguin, The, captured by Surcouf, 
 46 
 
 Perambtiikan, Col. Baillie defeated | 
 
 at, 84 
 
 Perim, 254: 
 
 Perle, The, 239 
 
 Peron, 133 
 
 ‘Persian trade with Madagascar, 
 218 
 
 Phebol, 218 
 
 Philastre, in Tonkin, 120, 127 
 
 Philip the Hardy, King of France, 
 in Tunis, 267 
 
 Piampol, Harbour of, 210 
 
 Pichegru exiled to Cayenne, 194. 
 
 Pierre, Admiral, 250 
 
 Pierre, St.,and Miquelon. Early oc- 
 cupation, &c., 207; fishing in- 
 dustry, 209; population, 212; 
 justice, 213; education, public 
 works and agriculture, 214; 
 commerce, 215; finance, 216 
 
 Pierre, St., capital of Martinique, 
 attacked by British, 139 
 
 Pigneau de Behaine. Views on value | 
 
 of Cochin-China to 
 114 
 
 Pine islands, 104 
 
 Plate, Sainte, Lighthouse, 214 
 
 Plinv. Knowledge of Madagascar, 
 218 
 
 Podor, 29 
 
 Point Dauphin, 221 
 
 Point de Negre, 136 
 
 Pointe-a Pitre, chief town of Grande 
 Terre, Guadaloupe, 178 
 
 France, 
 
 
 
 
 
 Index. 
 
 Poivre, M., 202 
 
 Polo, Marco, 218 
 
 Pomare, King of Tahiti, cedes his 
 kingdom to the French, 97 
 
 Pondicherry, 79 
 
 Population of Senegal, 34; Ré- 
 union, 53; Nossi Bé, 64; . Ste. 
 Marie de Madagascar, 67; 
 Mayotte, 70; Hast Indies, 80; 
 Tahiti, 99; New Caledonia, 
 108; Further India, 124; Mar- 
 tinique, 148; Guadaloupe, 182; 
 French Guiana, 197; St. Pierre 
 and Miquelon, 212 
 
 Porta Farina bombarded, 270 
 
 Port Dauphin, 219 
 
 Port Royal attacked by British, 136 
 
 Portuguese. Rediscovery of Mada- 
 gascar, 219 
 
 Pothau, Admiral, 127 
 
 Potier, his success as a Corsair, 50 
 
 Précepteurs des Contributions, 17 
 
 Preedy, 143 
 
 Prevost, General Sir George. Re- 
 capture of Martinique, 146 
 
 Prince de Mombany, Leméme cap- 
 tured in, 48 
 
 Princess Royal, 49 
 
 Pritchard, Consul in Tahiti, 96 
 
 Pronis, de, founds colony in Mada- 
 gascar, 220 
 
 Protestantism, a Jesuit missionary’s 
 views on, 229. 
 
 Ptolemy. Knowledge of Mada- 
 gascar, 218 
 
 Public works in Senegal, 33; Ré- 
 union, 56; Tahiti, 101; New 
 Caledonia, 110; Further India, 
 129; Martinique, 154; Guada- 
 loupe,186; French Guiana,199; 
 St. Pierre and Miquelon, 214 
 
 Radama I., King of Madagascar, 
 227 
 
 Radama II., King of Madagascar, 
 240 
 
 
 
Index. 
 
 Raiateia, 99 
 
 Raivavai, 99 
 
 Rakoto, Prince of Madagascar, 235 
 
 Rambodo, 244. 
 
 Ramoma, 248 
 
 Ranavolana, Queen of Madagascar, 
 228 
 
 Ranavolana II., Queen of Mada- 
 gascar, 248 
 
 Rapa, 99 
 
 Rasoherina, Queen of Madagascar, 
 245 
 
 Reade, Sir Thomas, 276 
 
 Receipts in Colonies, how adjusted, 
 13 
 
 Receipts extraordinary, 15 
 
 Receveurs des Contributions, 17 
 
 Récidivists, 105; Bill for their de- 
 portation, 107 
 
 Red River, the, of Tonkin, 120 
 
 Red Sea, 258 
 
 Religion, Administration of, in Se- 
 negal, 35; Réunion, 56; Paci- 
 fic Islands, 101; Further India, 
 129; Martinique, 153; Guada- 
 loupe, 186. 
 
 Republic IIL., Colonies grouped 
 under, 10 
 
 ~ Reserve Funds, 15 
 
 Réunion, its discovery, 42; cap- 
 ture of by English, 52; popu- 
 lation, 53; government and 
 administration, 54; justice, 56; 
 
 cultivation and commerce, 57 ; 
 
 finances, 59 
 
 Revardiere, Monsieur La, 192 
 
 tevenant, the privateer, 47 
 
 Revolution, outbreak of, interferes 
 with French projects in the 
 East, 116 
 
 Rice, Produce of, in Cochin China, 
 130 
 
 Richardais, 43 
 
 Richelieu, Cardinal, authorizes 
 colonization of St. Christopher 
 and Barbadoes, 162; aided co- 
 
 
 
 329 
 
 lonization of Guiana, 192; es- 
 tablishment of La _ Société 
 d’Orient, 220 
 
 Rigault de Genouilly captures 
 Saigon, 118 
 
 Rimatara, 99 
 
 Riviere, in Tonkin, 121 
 
 Roche, de la, made Governor of 
 Canada, 3 
 
 Rodney, Admiral. Expedition 
 against Martinique, 138 
 
 Rodriguez captured by Commodore 
 Rowley, 51 
 
 Rooke, Admiral Sir George. 
 scent on Guadaloupe, 166 
 
 Rossy, du, authorized to develop 
 West Indies, 6 
 
 Rouen, Merchants of, 3 
 
 Rouroutu, 99 
 
 Roustan, Monsieur, 281 
 
 Roux, Sylvain de, 228 
 
 Rowley, Captain, daring descent on 
 Reunion, 51 
 
 Loyal, The, 221 
 
 Ryan, Bishop, 247 
 
 De- 
 
 Saigon captured by French, 117; 
 endowed with municipal insti- 
 tutions, 122 
 
 Saint Domingo successfully de- 
 fended against French, 140 
 
 Saint Louis, capital of Senegal, 
 27 
 
 Saintes, Island of, 179 
 
 Sakalaves, 232 
 
 Salmon, Monsieur, 258 
 
 Sapinette, 215 
 
 Saussier, General, 283 
 
 ‘Schewbel, Monsieur, 276 
 
 Schmaltz, Governor of Senegal, 27 
 
 San Pietro, 273 
 
 Sardinia, 273 
 
 Seine, The, 239 
 
 Senegal. Harly connection with 
 France, 25; Company of, formed 
 in 1573, 25; captured by Eng- 
 
 Z 
 
330 L[ndex. 
 
 lish, 26; restored, and retaken 
 and restored, 27; French 
 troubles in, 27; boundaries of, 
 32; public works in, 33; jus- 
 tice, 34; education, 35; agri- 
 culture and commerce, 35; 
 finances, 36; garrison, 37 
 
 Serendib, Persian name of Mada- 
 gascar, 218 
 
 S fax; 273 
 
 Sicily. War with Tunis, 268 
 
 Sidi Mustapha, 276 
 
 Sinan Pasha, corsair, 269 
 
 Société d’Orient, La, 220 
 
 Solages, de, 230 
 
 Somali, 256 
 
 Somali country, 260 
 
 Sontay captured by French, 122 
 
 Spain. Treaty with Tunis, 273 
 
 Stamboul, 269 
 
 Suakin, 259 
 
 Suarez, Fernando. Rediscovery of 
 Madagascar, 219 
 
 Subvention, 
 
 Success, The, captured by Surcouf, 
 
 48 
 
 Suez Canal, 253 
 
 Suffren, 45 
 
 Sugar, acreage under cultivation in 
 French colonies, 312 
 
 Surat, 80 
 
 Surcouf, his successes in Indian 
 Ocean, 45 
 
 Surcouf, The, despatch boat, 258 
 
 Susa, 272 
 
 Susanna captured by Surcouf, 48 
 
 Sybil, H.M.S., captures Leméme, 
 49 
 
 Symes, Colonel, 142 
 
 Syracuse, Bishop of, 268 
 
 Tabarca, 271 
 
 'Tadjourah, 260 
 
 Taeping Rebellion, 120 
 
 Tahiti, 94 
 
 Tahuata annexed by France, 95 
 
 
 
 Talangar, Madagascar, 221 
 
 Tamatave, 228 
 
 Tanata, 98 
 
 Tanjore, 78 
 
 Taxation in Martinique, 159. . 
 
 Temano, King, surrenders his power 
 to France, 95 
 
 Thibault of Navarre in Tunis, 267 
 
 Thiers converts New Caledonia into 
 a penal colony, 105 
 
 Thomé, St., 78 
 
 Thien Tri, 116 
 
 Tintaque, 228 
 
 Tirailleurs of Senegal and Annam, 
 290 
 
 Tonkin, 114; war in, 121 
 
 Touho, 109 
 
 Tourane- bombarbed by French, 
 117 
 
 Tours, 77 
 
 Trafalgar, The, captured by Sur- 
 couf, 48 
 
 Trazzas, 30 
 
 Trincomalee, 78 
 
 Tripoli, 286 
 
 Tristan d’Acunha, 219 
 
 Tristan, Prince, Death of, 267 
 
 Triton captured by Surcouf, 47 ~ 
 
 Tsimandroho, 231 
 
 Tsiomeko, Queen of Nossi Bé, 231 
 
 Tsong-li-Yamen recognized French 
 protectorate over Annam, 122 
 
 Tuamotu, 99 
 
 Tubuai, 99 
 
 Tu Duc, King of Annam, 117 
 
 Tunis, 264; French action in, 264; 
 early history, 265; landing of 
 Louis 1X., 267; treaty with 
 France, Sicily and Navarre, 
 267; piracy, 268; war with 
 Sicily, 268; conquered by 
 Charles V., 269; Turkish in- 
 vasion, 269; European Powers 
 in, 272; International Financial 
 Commission, 277; French supre- 
 macy, 283 
 
 
 
L[ndex. 
 
 Uni, privateer, commanded by Le- 
 méme, 49 
 
 Vaissiére, de la, 229 
 
 Varennes exiled to Cayenne, 194 
 
 Vendome, Comte de, death of, 267 
 
 Venice. Treaty with Tunis, 273 
 
 Victor, The, 233 
 
 Vienne, Jean de, 268 
 
 Villaret Joyeuse, Admiral. With- 
 drawal to Fort Dessaix, 146; 
 surrenders Martinique, 147 
 
 Ville de Bordeaux, The, commanded 
 
 by Leméme, 48 
 
 Villeneuve, Admiral. Capture of 
 Diamond Rock, 145 
 
 Villot, Captain, on Tunis, 285 
 
 Vinh Mong ceded to France, 119 
 
 Oo 
 Oo 
 — 
 
 Waddington, Monsieur, 251 
 
 Wall, General. Capture of Guada- 
 loupe, 176 
 
 Walthamstow, 
 board, 49 
 
 Wellesley, Lord, determines on re- 
 duction of Isle of France and 
 Bourbon, 50 
 
 Willoughby, Captain, at capture of 
 Réunion, 53 
 
 Winchelsea, The, 174 
 
 Leméme dies on 
 
 Yest, Captain. Attack and capture 
 of Cayenne, 195 
 
 Yotete, 95 
 
 Yunaon purchased by French, 82 
 
 Yunnan, 120 
 
 Woodfall & Kinder, Printers, Milford Lane, Strand, London, W.C. 
 

 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 clear 4 ey 
 ; on ea: $ to Tope h) 
 
 ae a) venigy x 
 x He Usage hae Pas ‘ cae 
 
 ake dd tre) ag. 
 
 We i 
 aa ee a 
 MS. Shits . % "eg : 
 
 . “ ae A 
 pom ee, 
 
 
 
 
 Atalay Le ‘ses ek. 
 
 g ~p 
 Bs . sided) 
 
 : e 
 Wr ae ve ie 
 > " Ge ? “Rare eye 
 pangs) SP a ae 
 
 hibjeer( ted | Tere 
 
 po bek 
 fhe erat 
 
 he pai awit a7 *t to’ re a lay F 
 
 . oe 
 
 “etal = 
 
 ; ’ 
 
 we wi? ; oe pee ‘ 
 
 iv 
 me Wr / , 
 
 ¥ se) Agel ; ae i 
 
 q S. J ; , 
 at ; 
 7 + adele ge atu 
 
 m4 7 ‘ Cpt, Fate ah 
 
 
 
 ‘ . ‘ 
 P 7 A ‘ . 
 , & ed ) r,t & \ 
 2 WE = ave ' 
 pedals 4 ce i £) '% ¥ 
 5 i ' aa" 
 ; vl atl i par Olas 
 . , “et a - 
 : : ‘=P ie ‘ 
 ythe\ soe ane t Da or j 
 < 7 “a wr Iv é 
 . Apt shell a ee 
 4] _- is 7 et ¥ ‘ ' ~g 
 aie in 
 ait? : esd ae 
 . ae aoe 
 4 eer is JJ Lib 
 r 1 3 . 7 é j 
 - qo Be 
 * a : 
 y J y Mt Pes z 
 — ~ 
 4 . 
 iT ¥ Lae eet ~ ith j 
 Dill. abs bh ' 7 ¥ rian , : 
 eu Bi ia UP hfs 
 E tard { ; r i 
 i a Le ptal ae 
 a wats : ‘ 
 I 
 r)TsA . r y¥ i 
 Ai ay A Meee 
 tig? J : i 
 oe “ oA ol 
 - 1 
 
 sca: Sate - 
 
 . 
 "7 
 ; 
 
 
 
 
 a 
 a 
 “ 
 
 ‘wh ( , iD 
 
 ae 
 
 ae td 
 . 
 
 ‘ 
 . 
 t 
 . 
 
 . 
 

 
 
 
 Oscarit 
 
 * Highest latinde wacked . 
 [Bight 2 
 
 by Parry a 182 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 SP XK 
 Tr, Charlesl 
 
 XE 
 chee Polyynia. I* 
 Laat T Pr, 
 
 roe cate . am a oC Maurits 
 
 S Gelt « 
 iy dag? S Sek 2 Sy z , ue : 4 Barents B (TeeHave | 
 ZO “4 ; 
 + 1D d | : . ay Willy a y ' 
 \ + a s : F Ki 
 
 d.Stregelov' 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 $ 
 ¢ Lonely. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bear le 
 
 
 
 
 De 
 ; ee B. 
 
 
 
 f Fan Maye 
 
 
 
 iaigucr ratty : 
 
 f ObU 
 
 Kamin, 
 
 wag S°P?TOUrES 
 
 e 
 ° 
 
 
 
 
 
 Arctic | Ci: 
 
 Christiansund_g 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Farvel? 
 o@ 
 ° Shetland 
 Rima YES ? z i GN Diane Sec aon . 
 ‘ \ 3 er a ad flobolsk ee 
 sia Sp 4 Oi 4 ee sia 5 ae a d : = ATS Saar ian 
 r ‘. ai ‘ i { : LARD S a f 3 BY ppburg we be Jtomsk C ~ 
 Pr} Waal Uy 3 : ¢ ; AAW) ‘ J sai 3 ns eo 
 
 
 
 rt A. 
 Royal 
 
 
 
 Sore 7 § 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 imolinsk 
 “e 
 
 
 
 
 Senipolat po Dag R innnnes 
 yy scieaatet Se aes 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 oe . ; K : } wo Urga alex f 
 Brest x ; - Te ash | - HT niente i 
 
 Bay of § A Siete Pesth. * : \ as OO ieee’ CO) BH TiN - 
 Biscay = J m 5 : s vl af 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bordeaw 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Azores © 
 
 Gulf of 
 
 C Sable 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Tropic of | Cancer 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Mexic 
 i 
 
 rx on 
 
 
 
 
 
 Teinah 
 pees ink. 
 3s” Adabian Sea 
 
 wt 
 S Sacotra| 
 
 C.Guardafui LaccadiveT* 
 CLomorin 
 
 “a a 
 Gor B* 
 Maldive 14° 
 
 
 
 2 
 [ Pat dona pur 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Fanning 1. 
 
 
 
 
 
 - Christmas I. Equator t 
 Tarvia T. Galapagos 13 5:°  Chimbore 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Gof Guayaquil 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Maldent 
 
 Mombas £Seychelle I? 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 a Speak , Aminante 
 Le ee Geeatp Penri aoe: s eee amore s 
 Midcpentenel Se iacsaica a Re $¢ Pau de Lown “Fama 
 z y 
 ‘ . Benguela b © Amber 5 Chdeany, 
 emo, or cet og Pa ae } Keeling a loietmas 
 Boscawen hj torte Seguro oS Heldna. Gt Fiah B. fe L « eg pie iY ; 5 Melville 
 ae Talmerstayy 1 f ete SY ¢ i x > Coral Sea 
 {Tciend)y Hervey 12 “anit = 2 } = s : Ws -iedrigues i! lita B. 
 STongatabni fr een : on oe Deters Trinidad : ~Sfofula|S Fi 4 
 “Pylatanrt Mangoia "0 2. sGombier3s Ve Pale iq. Junciro | °o alunite 
 | ‘Elizabeth 1 iy 1 ; ; pater | 
 : Ss ; d “Durie z | Tropie of Capricorn 
 | yz Piteairn 1 cee mat f lagen 
 | Lancasterls; ~., A Basta, — Salay Gomer si we = | - 
 | Bass F\ te 5 | Mi | - 
 | Aerradee Le | | om | font Natal s Champion F. 
 q A N | 
 | Perth 
 ee | O Cc 5 y 
 ce (a Plata Tristan, @Acunila. he Pon I . \ N ‘ 
 Maria Theresa Ayres | oat Wty, | Nbw 
 Rock | | es | | es | _Ambterdam 
 ., Se ae 2 a 2 ae — —" ihe  — StPaul a En es 
 “Gough | . 
 Nicolson | 
 aS | 
 eer: Chatham. 1s | al i by | | 
 1 Port Otago | cs Moles Pen'¥ ‘ aie 
 sls sor gael Tete | | \Prkdward 1 ‘Crozet I? 
 é : | 
 Bounty 1+ | Wellipaton ily ee i | Marton 
 Antipodcal + | | | | PKerguelen jj, 
 > , + 
 } \ | rales san six f>% Falkland 1* A | | +: Royal dom pany Tf 
 layellan Str, | 7 _— a 
 | eM | 
 | M At P Hesolation NS; acl nie | BGeorgia | Mend 
 latin < 
 | ad > C.llorn | Bouvet! | 
 " | © Nimrod. 1 SHOWING | : | 
 | he 
 ‘ SI Es e | Kemp I? 
 690 || — SS pS Elephant 17 a 4 - : } 
 : eee <e 4 T V 1 ’ 1 1 1 
 oo South 3 rteney A [N 7 A R ( T T ( O ( +— 6o 
 | | THROUGHOUT THE WORLD. ae | A N 
 | 12} pouis Philipe ret 
 Huughar p a PS | 
 \\ British Possessions marked Red, Pineal It Probus G | | | ZI ign 
 | L ly | | 
 French 4s 9» Blue. Meme hn ‘and. | | | | ‘ 5 obo ee am u | 
 | | | ; are Tel | Ant ar tic| Circle | } ret a) Sia y Rd F oe aa kre 
 | | | Adelaide 17 | | | — emp I ; RY... y gine. atkers'¥8 
 | | | | | =a : > 2S Sse  Ballerey It 
 | | | | | | ' 
 | | | Veter Le Aecander Def | | 
 | | | | | fund 7 | | 
 | ——$ — : = = _ — a = x = ii = = oo = = ee = ii — = — T te = = == = =F re = == See — = —+ ——- ———- = ; 
 it 180 Limgitude 40 | 120 100 80 60 rt) 20 40 | 60 RO 1+ > wae 
 [it ee Ad peace ee ee —— = =: a eT a see = et Y x00) 12.6 ) Longitude 160 East 180 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 LONDON W H. ALLEN & CO., WATERLOO PLACE 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 «! 
 
resesapeie 
 
 t 
 
 oe) 
 baestes tet 
 3 
 
 3 it 
 Siete 
 rsa e ge 
 
 $e5¢32 
 ae 
 Hepasis 5