Students, and oth' rs who desire to shorten their hours of sti do so by using HAMILTOM. LOCKE S OURICS mm OF mmwi \imm A GREAT AID TO STUDENTS. The poet Milton says : "We do amiss to spend seven or eight years mere together so imich miserable Latin and Greek as might be learned otherwise delightfully in one year." LATIN INTERLINEAR TRANSLATIONS. Tn ntlP vnlnm . DEPARTMENT OF M ^.0^. Sax. I ^ fi£4*fi€l*6£ CHAMPAIGN, ILLINOIS. ^ # ^fm^ t h Books are not to be taken from the Library Room. ^ r beth, and by John Milton, the best Latvu scholar and tvriter of in testimony of it John Locke says : " When by this way of interli and English one with another, he has got a moderate knowledge of tongue, he may then be advanced a little further. JVor let the object will then hnotv it only by kotp: fright any one. This, when well e is not of any moment against, but plainly for, this way of learning a The languages are only to be learned- by BOTE, and he that speaks 1 has no other rule but that." 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University of Illinois Library NOU 16 19: L161— H41 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/standardspeakercOOsarg_0 TUB STANDARD SPEAKER; CONTAININa FOR DECLAMATION lU SCHOOLS, ACADEMIES, LYCEUMS, COLLEGES i KEWLY TKANSIiATED OR COMPIIiED FROM CELEBEATED ORATORS, AUTHORS, AND POPTJLAR DEBATERS, ANCIENT AND MODERN, A TREATISE ON ORATCEY AND ELOCUTION. NOTES EXPLANATORY AND BIOGRAPHICAL. By EPES SARGENT. SIXTIETH EDITIOX, PHILADELPHIA: CHAKLES DeSILVER & SONfe, PUBLISHERS. Entered lecording to A«t of Congrese, in the year eighteen hundrmi and fefSy. two, Dy Epes S4RGENT, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court cf the Unite* States, to- the Eastern District of Pennsylvania ^ Many of tiie single pieces in this collection ar« prt>teoted S»/ che oopjiight PREPACE. The distinguishing features of the present collection are, the unusuaJ yanety and methodical arrangement of the materials ; a comprehensive grouping, such as has not hitherto been attempted, of exercises from the most celebrated orators and popular debaters of ancient and modern times : the allotment of a liberal space to original translations from the French and other languages ; and the introduction of notes, explanatory and bio- graphical, with the dates of the birth and death of authors. Side by side with those pieces of acknowledged excellence, that justify the title of the work, wiD be found a large number that are now, for the first" time, pre sented as exercises for recitation and declamation. In the case of selee tions, care has been taken to collate them with the latest and mos' authentic editions of the works from which they are extracted ; and thai many current errors and mutilations have been avoided. Of tie British parliamentary specimens, many are valuable, not onl) as models of style, but as illustrating the early history of our own country Much original research has been bestowed on this part of the volume. The privilege of occasional compression beipg indispensable, it has been exercised with as scrupulous a regard as possible to the integrity of the text. Most of the extracts from Chatham, Pitt, Fox, and Sheridan ; nearly all from Burke, Grattan, Curran, and Brougham ; all but one from Canning and Macaulay ; and all from Vane, Meredith, Wilkes, Sheil, Croker, Talfourd, Peel, Cobden, Palmerston, Russell and others, are now, for the first time, introduced into a " Speaker." Among the familiar masterpieces of American oratory will be found many new extracts, not unworthy of the association. They belong to tlie whole country, and no sectional bias has influenced the choice. Of the brilliant specimens of the senatorial eloquence of France, all but two have been translated expressly for this work. In the other depart- ments of the volume, there has also been a considerable expenditure of original editorial labor ; all the highly effective exercises from Massillou, Hugj, Pichat, Mickiewicz, and many others, having been translated; all those from Homer, Schiller, Delavigne, Bulwsr, Mazzini, Kossuth, and t3 01 ^ PREI'4.CB. Brovming , aiid nearly aU from Knowles, Croly, Horace Smith, and other, together with the comic dialogues from Morton, Mathews, and Coyne having been selected or adapted for this coUection. It wiU be seen that the oratory of the ancients has supplied an unusua. number of exer.cises. A certain novelty has, however, in many instances, been imparted here, by original translations. We have had little in modern times, to surpass the Philippics of Demosthenes or the Lrv mvective of ^schines. The putative speeches from Livy, Tacitus, an^ ^Uust, have been newly translated or adapted. In two or three instances, the translation has been so liberal that a nearer relationship to the original than that of a paraphrase has not been claimed. The speeches of Brutus Cams Marms, Canuleius, Virginius, and others, have been expanded or abridged, to serve the purpose of declamation. The two speeches of Spar- tacus, that of Regulus, with several others, are now, for the first time, pubhshed. The extracts from that strangely depreciated work, Cowper's Homer, have the vivid simplicity and force of the original, and are among he most appropriate exercises for elocution in the whole scope of Eng lish blank verse. ^ ^ Throughout the present volume, in deciding upon the insertion of a piece, the question has been, not " Who wrote it? " or, "What country produced It ? " but, " Is it good for the purpose ? " Like other arts, that of eloquence IS unhedged by geographical lines ; and it is as inconsistent with true culture, to confine pupils to American models in this art, as it would be in sculpture or painting. While exercising great freedom of range m selection, however, it has been the editor's study to meet all the demands of a liberal patriotism ; to do justice to all" the noblest masters of eloquence, and to all schools and Styles, from which a grace may be borrowed ; and, above aU, to admit nothing that could reasonably offend the ear of piety and good taste. The Introductory Treatise embodies the views, not only of the editor but of many of our most experienced and distinguished teachers, in regard to the unprofitable character of those " systems " which profess to teach reading and speaking by the rule and plummet of sentential analysis oi rhetorical notation. Of these attempts the pupil may weU exclaim, in the words of Cowper, ~ ** Defend me, therefore, common sense, say I, From reveries so airy, — from the toil Of dropping buckets into empty wells. And growing old in drawing nothing up ! *» Tue preceptive portion of the Treatise presents no particular claim to origi oality ; the object being merely to give ^ summary of all the discoveriei and hints that can be serviceable to the student, in the development of ttie vocal and elocutionary powers. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTORY TREATISE Page Distinctness to be Studied, .28 Oratory am"*t]!g tlie Ancients, . Modulation of the Voice, . . . . . .26 ... .15 " from Bhakspeare, . . . .28 Modern Oratory, .... 16 Illustration from Shakspeare, .... 16 . . . .29 .... 16 .... 36 Aniei''can Oratory, .... 16 Illustration from Shakspeare, . . . .SO .... 16 " fromTalfourd, . . .... 16 Mr. Webster's Opinion, . . • .... 16 ... .17 " B'om Shakspeare, . Steele's Measure of Speech, . . .... 18 Engraved Representations, " System of Mai'ks, . . . . 18,19 . . . .32 .... 19 ... .32 .... 19 Rules of Inflection, .... " from Shakspeare, . . 20,21 Illustration from Shakspeare^ ... .21 Their Insufficiency, .... ... 22 Wl?.ately's Objet^tions, . . . . , 22,23 Failure of Walker's Method, . 22, 23 ... .23 Dress and Manner, . . . .'ift ... .23 Attention the Seer ;t, . . . . .23 .... 24 IV Strengthening the Voice, . , John Quincy Adams, . . . 24 Management of the Breath, . . . .St> Divisions of Elocution, . . 24 . . .86 Reading Aloud, . . . 30 . . 38 (mportaDC<} of Dictionarios, . . 2A> EXPLANATORr MaBKS, . CONTEXTS. PAKT FIRST. MORAL AND DIDACTIC 9, 10. n 12. 13. 14. 15 16. 17. 18. 19 20. 21. 22 2.3 24 25 26 27 28 29 80 31 Truth, Immortalify, . . . . , Utility of the Bea-;itiful, The Mind of Man, . The Wor|d, .... Mechanical Epoch, . To-day, ...... Dueiiist's Konor, , . Bay Conceals what Pag-e Frayssinous, 37 . Massiilon, 38 . . Ruskin, 39 . . Akenside, 40 • . Ta/fourd, 41 . ■ Kennedy, 41 mtkins-ton, 42 • . England, 43 Night Reveals, „ , Nichol, 44 Donnet, White 45 . Man s Material Triurophs, . . , Fayet, 45 fortitude, Anonymous, 46 . The Cmted States of Europe, . . Hu"-o ■ The Peaci Oongress of the Union,' „ . Everett, 48 TheSpmtofthe Age, . . . Beckwith,4:d Mosea in Sight of the Promised Land, XT : ■ Peabody, 50 Necessity of Law, Hooker, 50 Carlyle, 51 lo-morro\v, Cotton 5-' Eloquence of Action, ... Webster, 53 Suicenty the Soul of Eloquence, Goethe, 53 The Christian Orator, . . Fillemain, S,i Affectation in the Pulpit, . . . Covjper, 55 Utility of History, . . . . De Segur, 56 talse Coloring Lent co Wair, Chalmers, 57 Death's Final Conquest, . . . Shirley, 58 j^eligion, Lamartine, 58 The Saviour's Reply, Milton, 59 Nobihty of Labor, Dewey, 60 Labor is Worship, Osgood, 61 Moral and Physical Science, . . Chapin, 62 The Order Natui-e, Powe 63 Future Empire of our Language' p, ' Bethune, 63 Compensations of the Imagination, _ ^ Akenside, 64 ihe Great Distinction of a Nation, urn i. ,^ , Channing, 65 What Makes a Hero, .... Taylor, 66 it a Last Hours of Socrates, 66 I'o ^ 9'"'^^' Yankee, 67 America's Contributions, Ferplanck, 68 rhe True King, ^t,^/ 69 40. Death is CompensatioR Rousseau 41. Fate of Charles Xn., . . .Johnson, 42. Our Duties, story, 43. Love of Country, . Montgomery 44. Natu)-e a Hard Creditor, . . Carly'e 45. Time's Midnight Voice, . . . Young 46. The Common Lot, . . 3Iontgomer%, 47. True Som-ce of Reform, . . Chapin 48. The Beacon Light, .... Pardoe 49. Cleoii and I, . Mackay, 50. Problem for the U. States, Boardman, 51. American Experiment, . . Everett 52. The Ship of State, Luni ^2- Lines, Longfellow, 55. Death Typified by Winter, Thomson, 56. Religious Inducements, . . . James 57. Never Despair, Lovr 58. Charity, Talfourd, 59. The Battle-field, Bryant 60. Dizzy Activities, Everett 61. The Good Great Man, . . Coleridge' 62. Taxes, Sydney Smith, 63. The Press, Elliot, o4. Defence of Poetry, . ... Wolfe 65. Great Ideas, Channing] 66. England, Elliot, 67. Hallowed Ground, .... Campbell, 68. Nature Proclaims a Deity, Chateau- - briand, 69. What we owe the Sword, . . Grimke, 92 70. Abou Ben Adhem, Hunt, 93 71. Polonius to Laertes, . . Shakspeare 94 t'2. Where is he, Neele' 94 73. International Sympathies, Wayland, 9? 74. Worth of Fame, Bailli" 91 92 75. Frivolous Pleasures, .... Youn"- "■"^ " Hiber, 97 97 6. For^^ 77. Science Religious, , . . Hitchcock. 78. Triumphs of the English Language, Lyons, 93 /9. The Water Drinker, . . E. Johnson, 99 BO. The Days that are Gone, . Mackay, 100 81. The Work-sliop and Camp, .... 101 "2. The Wise Man's Prayer, Johnson, IM 98 PART SECOND. MARTIAL AND POPULAR. 1 Scipio to his Army, Li^y^ 103 2 Hannibal to his Army, M., 104 3 Regulus to the Roman Senate, On'g^l, ]05 4. Leoiiidas to his Three Hundred, Pichnt, 107 5. Brutus over the dead Lucretia, Ortir'/ and compiled, 107 6. Achilles' Reply, Cowper's Homer, 108 7. Hector's Re))uke, Id., ^09 8 H.ctor's lOxplcvit, /,/., no 8 f-ctor Slain, la., m 10 It leiiiachus to the Chiefs, Fenelon,U'.i i\ Titus Quintiua . . Lii^y m 12. Cams Manus, SanH.<6. Richelieu to the King, • . . Bulwer, 474 ' 27. Hamlet to the Players, Id., 502 6. Cromwv>ll by Coffin of Charles I., Id., 475 i 28. Hamlet's Soliloquy, Id., 50S 1. Virtue of Great Examples, . . Byron, 476 I 29. Not ashamed of his Trade, . Morton, 504 -.-^ Mai-ino Faliero to Conspirators, Id., 477 j 30. The Union and Government, . Simms, oOl 9. Marino Faiiero's Dying Speech, . Id., 478 | 31. Colonna to the King, SheiU 507 ^10. CatiUne to his friends, .... Croly, 480 ; 32.sifAddres3 to the Swiss, . . . Schiller, 508 11. Catihne's Defiance, Id., 481 j 33V Wm. Tell m Wait for Gesler, . . Id., 509 12. Pride of Ancestry, /d., 482 34. Wm. TeU's Escape, Id., 511 13. Lochiel's Warning, . . . Campbell, 483 : 35. Wallenstein's Soliloquy, . . . Id., 512 14. Van Artevelde's Defence, . . Taylor, 485 36. Belief in Astrology, Id., 513 15. Duty to One's Csuntry, . . . . More, 486 i 37- Grief of Bereavement, Id., bU . . J.6. St. Pierre to Ferrardo, . . Knowles, 487 I 38. Priuli and Jaffier, ..... Otway, 514 17. Wm. Tell on Switzerland, .... Id., 488 j 39. Nothmg in it, Mathews, 517 18. Tell among the Mountains, . . . Id., 489 i 40. Moses at the Fan-, Coyne, 519 19. The Fractious Man, .... Brueys, 489 j 41. Van den Bosch and Artevelde, Taylor, 520 i». Balthazar and the Quack, . . Tobin, 491 42. The Weathercock, . . . Allingharn, 523 21. Erutus and Titus, Lee, 492 43." Saladm and Malek Adhel, ..... b2& 22. Cato's Soliloquy, Addison, 495 ' 44. Damon to Syracusans, . . . Banim^ 530 PAUT NINTH. COMIC AND SATIRICAL. Paj8 1. Speech of Buzfuz, Dickens, 531 2. Art of Book-keeping, .... Hood, 633 5. Magpie and Monkey, . . . Triarte, 534 4. Rich Man and Poor, , . Khemnitzer, 536 6. Whittling, J. Pierpont, 537 6. City Men in the Coimtry, . Holmes, 538 7. Fuss at Fires, Anon., 639 8. One Story 's Good till another is Told, Swain, 640 t. The Great Musical Critic, 641 Page 10. Dramatic Styles, M2i 11. Merchant and Stranger, . H. Smith, 64?- 12. Victim of Reform, 544 13. Not Fine Feathers make Fine Birds, 54o 14. Culprit and Judge, . . Horace Smith, 546 15. Jester Condemned to Death, . . . Id., 547 16. Poet and Alchemist, /d., 547 17. Blindman's Buff, / Noblest Public Virtue, 317 " Expunging Resolution, 318 " Independence of Greece, .... 319 Clemens, Intervfention, 348 Clinton, Foreign Conquest, 301 CoBDEN, American Vessels, 280 CoLEK^GE, The Good Great Man, .... 87 ^ Charaouny, 467 « Translations, . . . 612, 513, 514 Coi.UNS, Hov7 Sleep the Brave, . ... 120 " Ode on the Passions, . . . . • 448 OoMBE, On the Exercise of Speaking, ... 36 JoMPiLATiON, Religious Persecution, . . 209 " Against Duelling, . ... 308 Conrad, The Death of Taylor, 454 Cotton, To-morrow, 52 CowPER, Affectation in the Pulpit, .... 55 » Translations, . . 108, 109, 110, 111 Coyne, Moses at the Fair, ... • ... 519 Crittenden, Government Extravagance, . 351 Croker, Reply to Macaulay, 275 " Perils of Reform, 275 CiiOLY, Death of Leouidas, 131 " Catiline to the Conspirators, . . . 132 ■" Catiline's Last Harangue, . . . . 133 « The Cruciflxion, 401 " Seventh Plague of Egypt, .... 403 *' The Greek and Turkman, .... 450 " Catiline to his Friends, 480 " Catiline's Defiance, 481 " Pride of Ancestry, 482 C^XRAN, The Pension System, 244 " Threats of Violence, 245 " Religious Distinctions, 246 " Liberty of the Press, 353 " Mr. Rowan, 353 « Habeas Corpus Act, 354 " To Lord Avonmore, 355 CtJSHTNQ, Sectional Services, 345 " Agricultural Interest, 396 Delavigne, Thi-ee Days of Columbus, . . 405 Dbmosthenes, Against Philip, 159 " Degeneracy of Athens, . .160 "\ " Democracy Hateful to Philip, 161 " Venality the Ruin of Greece, 162 " Exordium on the Crown, . . 165 " Public Spirit, 166 " Not Vanquished by Philip, . 167 DkWet, Nobility of Labor, 60 Dickens, Speech of Buzfuz, 531 DiMOND, Sailor-boy's Dream, 425 Doddridge, The Christian Life, 470 pR/.KE, The American Flag, 148 Bllict, The Press, 88 " England, 90 BiiMKT, On being found Guilty, . . . j . 357 ' England, The Duellist, 43 Erskinb, Great Minds and Christianity, . 362 Everett, The Pea«e Congress of the Union, 42 " American Experiment, .... 78 " Dizzy Activities of the Times, . . 88 ** Relations to England, 386 ** ureat Examples, 387 " Civilizatii in of Africa . . .387 ♦* Good of the Monument, .... 388 •* Supposed Indian Speech, . . . 552 f ATET Man's Material Triumphs, .... 45 haiBLOS On Gesture, ... .32 releuLacb 13 to the AUied Chle&i, 113 Fox, The American War, ...... 231 Washington's Foreign Policy, . . 23d Liberty is StrengU* 237 Democratic Governint,ut9, ..... 238 Partition of Poland, , . 239 Franklin, On the Federal Constituuan, . 288 " God Governs, 287 Fratsinnotjs, Truth 37 Galgacos, Speech of, 117 Gaston, Party Intemperancs, 302 Goethe, Smcerity the Soul of Eloquence, . 53 Grattan, Irish Rights, 22S " Reply to Flood, 224 " - National Gratitude, 225 *' Catholic Disqualifications. . . . 226 " Heaven on the Side of Prir.ciple, 226 " Against Corry, 227 « Union with Great Britain, ... 228 " The Catholic Question, .... 229 " Religion Independent, 230 " Sectarian Tyranny, 231 Greene, Baron's Last Banquet, 420 Grey, Lord, Reform in Parliament, . . . 242 Grimke, The Sword, .......... 92 Halleck, Marco Bozzaris. 156 Hamilton, On Government, 290 " The Federal Constitution, ... 291 Hayne, Reply to Webster, 339 " The South in 1776, 340 " The South in 1812, 341 Heber, Forgive, 97 Hector, His Rebuke, 109 " His Exploit, 110 " Slain, Ill Hemans, The Spartans' March, 119 " The Greeks' Return, ...... 119 " Bernardo del Carpio, 411 " Casablanca, • • • 412 " Rocks of my Country, ..... 413 " The Two Homes, 413 " Invocation, 414 Henry, Patrick, Resistance, 281 " " War Inevitable, .... 282 " " Return of Fugitives, . . 283 Hitchcock, Science Religious, 9» Hoffman, Fulton's Invention, 344 Holmes, Old Ironsides, 4o9 " City Men in the Country, ... 558 Hood, Art of Book-keeping, 533 Hooker, Necessity of Law, 50 Homer, Achilles' Reply, 10-8 " Hector's Rebuke, 109 " Hector's Exploit, 110 " Hector Slain, Ill Hoyt, The World for Sale, 452 HcGHES, Belshazzar's Feast, 4C8 H0GO, v., The United States of Europe, . 56 *' " Practical Religii>us Instruotioo, . 186 " " Necessity of Religion, 187 " " Universal Sufifrage, 188 " " Liberty of the Press, 189 " " Repu))lic or Monarchy, .... 190 " " The Two Napoleons, 191 " " The Death-penalty, 371 " " Rome and Carthage, 471 Hunt, Leigh, Abou Ben Adhem, 93 » " The Ti-ue King, 61 HUSKISSON, The Consfrvntive Innovator, . 243 IciLiiis, On Virginia's Scix.me, 118 Jackson, ITniim with Liberty, 311 James, J. A., Inducements to Religion, . 83 Jefferson, The Strongest Government, . 297 Jeffrey, The Jixample of America, . 373 Job, True Wisdom, ... . 463 " A Nation'* Strength, ... 4M INDEX TO NAMES OF AUTHORS, ETC. Pa.je iomsoTS, Dr, Fate of Charles XII., ... 70 " " The Wise Man's Prayer, . . 102 Johnson, E., The Water Drinker, .... 99 Johnson, R., Eunjpe's Struggles, .... 396 JONSON, BiiN, Catiline to his Army, . . . 122 Kellogg, Spartacus to the Gladiators, . . 123 Kennedy, The Mecluiuical Epoch, .... 41 Khemnitzer, Rich and Poor, 536 Sing, Future of tlie U. S., 395 Biso-WTuEH, J. S., S!)eech of Caius Gracchus, 116 " " " Alfred to his Men, . . . 337 ^ u u u Caesar at the Rubicon, . . 473 M « " St. Pierre to Ferrardo, . . 487 " " " Wm. Tell on Svritzerland, 488 u u u fjyjj among the Mountains, 489 Knox, The Curse of Cain, 451 KORNER, Battle-liymn, 158 Kossuth, Appeal to the Hungarians, . . . 377 " Contentment of Europe, .... 378 " Hungarian Heroism, 379 " In a Just Cause, 379 " Peace inconsistent, 380 Lamartinb, Revolutionary Men, 58 " Byron to the Greeks, .... 151 " The Republic, 185 Lee, For Independence, 285 Lee, Nathanikl, Brutus and Titus, . . . 492 Legake, The S. Constitution, 313 " On Returning to the U. S., ... 314 Livingston, Aristocracy, 292 LiVY, Scipio to his Array, 103 " Hannibal to his Array, 104 " Titus Quintius to the People, . . . 114 " Virginius against Claudius, .... 120 " Canuleius against Patricians, . . . 121 Logan, Speech of, 553 Longfellow, Lines, 80 " Ex'celsior, 444 Lover, Never Despair, 84 LowTH, Translation from Isaiah, .... 464 LuNT, The Ship of State, 79 Lyons, Triumphs of English Language, . . 99 " The Tempest Stilled, 443 Lytton, Sir E. B., The Bard's Summons, . 135 " " " " Caradoc to Cymrians, . 136 " " " " Damon and Pythias, . 427 •ft « u « f£[^g Battle, 429 " " " Richelieu to the King, . 474 u u u u Cromwell at Coffin, . . 475 SiACACLAT, Icilius on Virginia's Seizure, . 118 " Battle of Ivry, 143 " Irish Church, 267 '* Hours of Labor, 268 *' Reform to Preserve, 269 " Men fit to be Free, 270 « Second Bill of Rights, . . . . 270 Public Opinion and the Sword, 271 " A Government should Grow, . 272 " Reform irresistible, 273 " Fate of Virginia, 432 " Horatius at the Bridge, . . . 433 It^CKAT, Cleon and I, 77 " The Days thi^t are Gone, .... 100 Mackintosh, England and America, . . .254 " Defence of Peltier, 365 Madison, Innovations, 302 Mamsfikld, Lord, Present Popularity, . . 214 " " Attempts to Bias, ... 364 SIarttllus, To the People, 126 Hassillon, Immortality, 38 Mathews, Nothing in it, 517 BlAzziin, Address to Young Men, .... 375 McDuFFiE, Popular Elections, 324 Mt:LEAN, Moral Power, 370 SlEaBDTJ!H, Frequent Executions 207 Par* MiCKiEwicz, The Moor's Revenge, .... 45€ Milton, The Saviom-'s Reply, 59 " Moloch's Address, ..... . 12* " Belial's Address, 131 Destruction of the Philistines, . . 407 " Satan's Encounter with Death, . . 408 " Hymn of our First i^arents, . . „ 464 MiRABEAU, Against the Nobles, &c., . . . 171 " On Necker's Plan, .172 " Disobedience to the Assembly) 173 " Reply, 174 " On being Suspected, 175 " Eulogium on Franklin, . . . ,177 " Church and State, 177 MiTFORD, Rienzi to the Romans, 138 Montgomery, James, Love of Country, . . 72 " The (jommon Lot, . 7.5 " Patriot's Pass-word, 139 Moore, The Torch of Liberty 424 More, Duty to Country, • . . 486 Morris, Judiciary Act, 299 " Free Navigation, 300 Morton, Not ashamed of his Occupation, . 504 Mocntford, Plea for the Sailor, 385 Napoleon, To tiie Army of Italy, .... 150 Natlor, American Laborers, 343 Neelb, Where is he, ■. . . 94 NiCHOL, Day conceals, 44 Norton, The Soldier from Bingen, .... 422 NoYES, Translation from Job, 561 " Translation — True Wisdom, . . . 462 " Translation from Psalms, . . . ■ 463 O'Connbll, Religious Liberty, ..... 257 " Irish Disturbance Bill, . . . 25« Osgood, Labor is Worship, 61 Otis, James, Supposed Speech of, ... . 284 Otway, PriuU and Jaffier, 614 Palmerston, Lord, Civil War, 265 Pardoe, The Beacon Light, 77 Patten, The Seminole's Defiance, .... 158 Paul, Defence, 460 Peabody, Moses, ,50 Peel, Legislative Union, 279 PiCHAT, Speech of Leonidas, 107 Pierpont, Whittling, 537 PiNKNEY, Disunion, 304 Pitt, American War Denounced, .... '232 " On the Censure of Ministry, . . . 232 " Attempt to make him Resign, . . 233 " Barbarism of Ancient Britons, . . 234 Pope, The Order of Nature, 63 " The Dying Christian, , 469 Praed, Charade, 458 Prentiss, S. S., Defalcations, ... . 342 " " " Relief to Ireland, . . 384 Preston, Eloquence and Logic, . , , S83 Procter, Courage, ■ . , . 456 PuLTENEY, Reducing the Army, 198 Pushmataha, Speech of, 653 Ptm, End of Government, ,192 QuiNCY, The Embargo, 303 QuiNCY, J., Jr., British Aggressions, , . 883 Randolph, E., Extent of Country, ... 293 Randolph, John, British Influence, ... 304 " " Greek Question, .... 306 " " Vkginia Constitution, . 307 Regulus, Speech of, 108 Richard, To the Princes of the Crusauie 140 Richmond, To his Men, 141 Rienzi, To the Romans, , . 138 Robespierre, Against War, ... 18fi " Morality the Basis. ... 181 " Last Speech 183 Rousseau, Death, 69 Rush, On the Voice, ... .... . V ov INDEX TO NAMES OF AUTHORS, ETU. BrsKiN, TJdlity )f the Beautiful, 39 BcssELL, Lord J., Parliaxaent Reform, . . 266 Ballust, Caius Marius, 115 Schiller, Damon and Pythias, 427 The Ba. lie, 429 " The Glove, 431 " To the Swiss, 508 Tell in Wait for Gesler, .... 609 " Tell's Escape, . 511 " Wallenstein's Soliloquy, .... 612 " Belief in Astrology, 513 " Grief of Bereavement, .... 514 llciPio, to his Army, 103 Scott, Sir Walter, Princes of Crusade, . 140 " " " Lochinvar, 415 " " " Marmion taking Leave, 416 " " " Death of Marmion, . . 417 " " " Death of Bertram, . . 418 " " " Loveof Country, . . .419 Segur, De, Utility of History, 56 Sergeant, Military Qualifications, .... 325 Shakspeake, Polonius to Laertes, .... 94 " MaruUus to the People, . . .126 " Brutus on Caesar's Death, . 126 " Mark Antony, 127 " Richmond to his Men, . . . 141 " Henry V. to his Men, ... 142 " Brutus and Cassius, .... 500 " Regrets of Drunkenness, . . 498 " Cassius instigates Brutus, . 500 « Cardinal Wolsey, 501 " Hamlet to the Players, . . . 502 " Hamlet's Soliloquy, .... 503 Shea, The O'Kavanagh, 447 Shelley, Peace and War, 437 " Drones of the Community, . . . 472 SiiEiL, Charges against Catholics, .... 260 " Irish Aliens, 261 " Irish Establishment, 262 " Repeal of Union, 263 " England's Misrule, 264 " Colonna to the King, 507 Sheridan, Atheistic Government, . . . 240 " Political Jobbing, 241 " People and King, 241 " Rolla to Peruvians, 473 " Puff's Account of Himself, . . 550 3HIRLEY, Death's Final Conquest, .... 58 SIMMS, The Union and Government, . . . 507 BiHTH, Horace, Merchant and Stranger, . 543 " " Culprit and Judge, . • . 546 " " Jester Condemned, . . . 547 " " Poet and Alchemist, . . . 547 " " Blindman's Buff, .... 548 " « Moral Cosmetics, .... 554 " « Farmer and Counsellor, . 549 - " " Death, 655 " " Lachrymose Writers, . . 556 " " The Sanctuary, 547 gMiTH, Sydney, Taxes, 87 " " Government Vigor, . . . 874 " " Rejection of Reform, ... 374 Smith, W. R., Prosperity, 349 gouTHEY, Wat Tyler to the King, .... 146 SfjOTHEY, Cakoline B., Paupcr's Death-bed, 554 8PABTAC03, To the Gladiators, 123 " To Roman Envoys, ..... 124 Shkagxte, Art, 80 Btselb, Measure of Speech, ....... 18 Stockton, Flogging in the Navy, .... 350 Story, Our Duties, 71 *TRAifFORi>, Earl of, Defence 193 IwAiN, 0-e Story 's Good, &c., 540 Tacitus, Speech of Galgacua, . . . lit Talfoord, The World, .... . 41 " Charity, 84 " Copyright, 27a " Literary Property, 2T. * " International Copyright, . . . 27? Taylor, What Makes a Hero, 66 " Van Artevelde to Men of Ghent, . 145 " Van Artevelde's Defence, .... 486 " Van den Bosch and Artevelde, . 526 Telemachus, To the Allies, 113 Thomson, Death Typified by Winter, . . 82 " Universal Hj-mn, 465 Thurlow, Lord, Reply, 214 TiTDS Quintius, Speech of, 114 ToBiN, Balthazar and the Quack, . . 491 Tocqdeville, De, Democracy, 185 Trelat, To the Peers, 183 Uhland, The Passage, ... 455 Vane, Against Richard Cromwell, .... 196 Vergniadd, To the French, 178 " Ten-orism of Jacobins, . . . 179 Verplanck, America's Contributions, . . 68 Virginia, Ballad of, 432 ViRGiNius, Against Claudius, 120 Villemain, The Christian Orator, .... 64 Walker, Rules of Inflection, 19 " On Gestm-(3, 33 " Failm-e of his Method, ..... 22 Walpole, How to make Patriots, .... 196 " Against Pitt, 197 Washington, To the Army, 150 " France and the U. S., . . . 294 " Foreign Influence, .... 294 ■ Wat Tyler, Speech of, 146 Wayland, International Sympathies, . . 95 Webster, Eloquence of Action, 53 " Supposed Speech of J. Adams, . 288 " Opposition, 326 " Moral Force, 327 " Sympathy with South America, 328 " The Poor and Rich, 329 " Sudden Conversions, 330 " Constitution Platform, .... 331 " Resistance to Oppression, . . . 332 " Peaceable Secession, 333 " Clay's Resolutions, ...... 333 " Justice to the Whole, 334 " Matches and over Matches," . . 335 " S. CaroUna and Mass., .... 338 " Liberty and Union, 338 " Gviilt cannot keep its own Secret, 369 " To Revolutionai-y Veterans, . . 389 " State Obligations, 361 " Fourth of July, 391 " Apostrophe to Washii.gton, . . 333 " Power of Public Opinion, ... 394 " Standard of the Constitution, . 89Q Whately, Against Artificial Elocution, . 22 White, J. Blanco, Sonnet, 46 Wilkes, Bold Predictions, 213 . " Conquest of Americans, .... 213 Wirt, Instigators of Treason, 368 " Burr and Blennerhassett, 367 " Reply to Wickham, 368 Withington, To-day, 43 Wolfe, Gen., To the Army before Quebec, 147 Wolfe, Charles, Defence of Poetry, . . 89 " " Burial of Sir J. Moore, . 16J Yankee, To a Child, «7 YocNG, Time 's Midnight Voice, 74 " Frivolous Pleasures, 9"! Yriarte, The Monkey and Magpie, . . Ul STANDARD SPEAKEH INTRODUCTORY TREATISE. I. ORATORY. Oratory, which has its derivation from the Latin verb oro, signlfyirjg t« plead, to beseech, may be defined the art of producing persuasion or convic- tipn by means of spoken discourse. The word eloquence, in its primary sig- nification, as its etymology implies, had a single reference to public speaking ; but it is applied by Aristotle, as well as >'y modern writers, to compositions not intended for public delivery. A similar extension of meaning has been given to the word rhetoric, which, in its etymological sense, means the art of the orator, but now comprehends the art of prose composition generally. ORATORY AMONG THE AWCIENTS. It is apparent, from the speeches attributed by Homer to the chiefs of the Iliad, as well as by the commendations which he bestows on Nestor and Ulysses for their eloquence, that the art of Oratory was early understood and honored in Greece. But it was not till Demosthenes appea.red that Gre- cian eloquence reached its perfection. Demosthenes, who, by the consent of all antiquity, was the prince of orators, still maintains his preeminence. Of his style, Hume has happily said : " It is rapid harmony, exactly adjusted to the sense ; it is vehement reasoning, without any appearance of art ; it is lisdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in a continued stream of argu- ment ; and of all human productions, the orations of Demosthenes present to is the models which approach the nearest to perfection." It is related of this great orator, that, in his first address to the people, he was laughed at •4nd_ interrupted by their clamors. He had a weakness of voice and a stam- cuering propensity which rendered it difficult for him to be understood. By Immense labor, and an undaunted perseverance, he overcame these defects , md subsequently, by the spell of his eloquence, exercised an unparalleled sway )ver that same people who had jeered at him when they first heard him speak in public. The speeches of Demosthenes were not extemporaneous. There were no writers of short-hand in his days ; and what was written could only come from the author himself. After the time of Demosthenes, Grecian eloquence, which was coeval with Grecian liberty, declined with the decay of the latter. In Rom*- the military •pirit 80 incompatible with a high degree of civil freedom, long checked thi 16 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. growtti of that popular intelligence which is the only Element in which tbi noblest eloquence is nurtured. Rhetoricians were baDlsheol from the country as late as the year of the city 592. A few years subsequent W this period, Ihe study of Oratory was introduced from Athens ; and it at length found a zealous disciple and a consummate master in Cicero, whcJe fame is second only to that of his Athenian predecessor. The main causes to which the extraordinary perfection of ancient Oratory is to be ascribed are the great pains bestowed on the education of the young in this most difficult art, and the practice among speakers of preparing nearly all their finest ov(xiov£ fcefore delivery. MODERN ORATORY In modern times, Oratory has not been cultivated with so much care «s among the ancients. The diffusion of opinions and arguments by meauy of the Press has, perhaps, contributed in some degree to its neglect. A speakev is now mainly known to the public through the Press, and it is often more important to him to be read than heard. Still, the power of Oratory m repub- Ucan countries must always be immense, and the importance of its cultivation must be pronortionata We see it flourish or decay according to the degree ef freedom among the people, and it is a bad sign for a republic when Oratory is slighted or undervalued. It was not till France began to throw oflt the trammels of her monarchical system, that ehe produced a Mirabeau. Her parliamentary annals will show that the eloquence of her National Assembly Has been in proportion to the predominance of the element of constitutior aJ freedom in her government. ^ a - 4.u The struggle against incipient despotism in England, which resulted m the execution of King Charles the First, was productive of some great bursts eloquence from Vane, Pym, Eliot, and other champions of popular rights ; Whose speeches, however, have been strangely slighted by the majority of English critics. The latter part of the eighteenth century was illumined by thf genius of Chatham, Pitt, Burke, Fox, Sheridan, and Grattan ; all of whoM were roused to some of their most brilliant efforts by the arbitrary course of government towards our ancestors of the American colonies. Ireland is well represented in this immortal list. Her sons have ever displayed a true gemua ^"^Thefittle* opportunity afforded for the cultivation of forensic or senatorial eloquence by the different governments of Germany has almost entirely checked its growth in that country ; and we may say the same of Italy, bpam and Portucral, and most of the other countrie? of Europe. To the pulpit Oratory of France, the illustrious names of Bossuet, Bourdaloue and MassiUon, have given enduring celebrity ; and in forensic and senatorial eloquence, France has not been surpassed by any modern nation. But it is only in her intervals of freedom that her senatorial eloquence reaches . its high note. The growth of eloquence in the United States has been such as to inspire th« hope that the highest triumphs of Oratory are here to be achieved Already we have produced at least two orators, Patrick Henry and Daniel Webster, to horn none, since Demosthenes, in the authority, majesty and amplitude, of i.ieir eloquence, can be pronounced superior. In proportion to the extent of our cultivation of Oratory as an art worthy our entire devotion, must be our Buocess in enriching it with new and precious contributions. And ot tne tw wer of a noble Oratory, beyond its immediate circle of hearers, who can doubt ' " Who doubts ? " asks Mr. Webster, " that, in our own struggle for freedom and independence, the majestic eloquence of Chatham, the protound reasoning of Burke, the burning satire and irony of Bai-re, had influence on our fortunes in America ? They tended to diminish the confidence of the British ministry in their hopes to subject us. There was not a reading man Who did not struggle roore boldly for his rights when thoiw exhilaratrnfi ELOCUTION. sonncli, attsrcd in the two houses of Parliament, reached him from across tht jeas." SUCCESS IN ORATORY. For the attainment of the highest and most beneficent triumphs of th» orator, no degree of labor can be regarded as idly bestowed. Attention, energy -of will, daily practice, are indispensable to success in this high art The author of " Self-Formation " remarks : " Suppose a man, by dint of med itation on Oratory, and by his consequent conviction of its importance, to have wrought himself up to an energy of will respecting it, — this is the life and soul of his enterprise. To carry this energy into act, he should begin VTith a few sentences from any speech or sermon ; he should commit them thoroughly, work their spirit into his mind, and then proceed to evolve that spirit by recitation. Let him assume the person of the original speaker, — put himself in his place, to all intents and purposes. Let him utter everv sen- tence, and every considerable member of it,— if it be a jointed one,— distinctly, sustainedly, and unrespiringly ; suiting, of course, everywhere his tone and emphasis to the spirit of the composition. Let him do this till the exercise shall have become a habit, as it were, a second nature, till it shall seem unnatural to him to do otherwise, and he will then have laid his corner-stone." Quintilian tells us that it is the good man only who can become a great orator. Eloquence, the selectest boon which Heaven has bestowed on man, can never ally itself, in its highest moods, with vice. The speaker must be himself thoroughly sincere, in order to produce a conviction of his sincerity in the minds of others. His own sympathies must be warm and genial, if he would reach and quicken those of his hearers. Would he denounce oppres- sion ' His owfi heart must be free from every quality that contributes to make the tyrant. Would he invoke mercy in behalf of a client ? He must a:.mself be humane, generous and forgiving. Would he lash the guilty ? His own life and character must present no weak points, to which the guilty may point m derision. And not only the great orator, but the pupil who would fittingly interpret the great orator, and declaim what has fallen from hib lips, must aim at similar qualifications of mind and heart. DIVISIONS OF ORATORY. The Greeks divided discourses according to their contents, as relating to precept, manners, and feelings ; and as therefore intended to instruct, to please and to move. But, as various styles may oftentimes be introduced into the same discourse, it is difficult to make a strictly accurate classification, ihe modern division, into the eloquence of the Pulpit, the Bar, and the Senate, 18 hardly more convenient and comprehensive. Oratory comprehends the four following divisions : invention, disposition, Blocu^wn, and delivery. The first has reference to the character of the sen- timents employed ; the second, to their arrangement, and the diction in which t'^i^^^ clothed ; the third and fourth, to the utterance and action witfe ^h\^h they are communicated to the hearer. It is the province of rhetoric to pve rules for the invention and disposition of a discourse. It is with tha -attor two divisions of Oratory that we have to deal in the present treatise 11. ELOCUTION. Elocution is that pronunciation which is given to words when they are wrranged into sentences, and form discourse It includes the tones of voice, the utterance, and enunciation of the speaker, with the proper accorapani. ments of countenance and gesture. The art of elocution may therefore 2 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. iefined to be that system of rules wliieh teaches us to pronounce written oi Bxtemporaiieous composition with justness, energy, variety and ease ; an'l, agreeably to this definition, good reading or speaking may be considered aa that species of delivery which not only expresses the sense of the words so as to be tarely understood, but at the same time gives them all the fcrc«, be&atjr »ttd \ariety, of which they are susceptible. ' ELOCUTION AMONG THE ANCIENTS, fhi Greeks and Romans paid great attention to the study of elocutioa. f hey distinguished the different qualities of the voice by such terms as hard, smooth, sharp, clear, hoarse, full, slender, flowing, flexible, shrill, and rigid. They were sensible to the alternations of heavy and light in syllabic utter- ance ; they knew the time of the voice, and regarded its quantities in pronun- ciation ; they gave to loud and soft appropriate places in speech ; they per- ceived the existence of pitch, or variation of high and low ; and noted further that the rise and Ml in the pronunciation of individual syllables are made by a concrete or continuous slide of the voice, as distinguished from the dUcrete notes produced on musical instruments. They designated the pitch of vocal sounds by the term accent ; making three kinds of accents, the acute (') , the grave C), and the circumflex('), which signified severally the rise, the fall, And the turn of the voice, or union of acute and grave on the same syllable. MODERN THEORIES OF ELOCUTION. THE MEASURE OP SPEECH. For the modern additions to elocutionary analysis, we are indebted oainly to the labors of Steele, Walker, and Dr. James Rush of Philadelphia. The measure of speech is elaborately explained by Up Steele, in his " Pros- odia Rationalis." According to his analysis, measure, as applied to speech, consists of a heavy or accented portion of syllabic sound, and of a light_ or unaccented portion, produced by one effort of the human voice. In forming the heavy or accented syllable, the organs make a stroke or beat, and, however instantaneous, are placed in a certain position, from which they must be removed before they make another stroke. Thus, in the repetition of fast, fast, there must be two distinct pulsations ; and a pause must occur betwixt the two, to enable the organs to recover their position. But the time of this pause may be filled up with a light syllable, or one under remission ; thus, faster, faster, occupy the same time in the pronunciation as fast, fast. This remiss or light action of the voice may extend to two and three syllables, as in circumstance, infinitely, &c. The stroke or pulsative effort of the voice, then, can only U on one syllable ; the remission of the voice can give several syllables after the pulsation. Tliis pupation and remission have been illustrated by the plant- ing and raising of the foot in walking ; hence the Thesis and Arsis of the Greeks. The first is the pulsative, the second the remiss action. Now, apart from the pauses of passion and connection, there must be frequent pauses arising from the nature of the organs of speech ; these are denoted in exam- ples marked, according to Steele's system, by the figure ^ , and the pulsatm and remiss syllables by •.• and ... It has been said that the pulsative effort ean be made only on one syllable ; if the syllable have extended quantity, if may be pronounced both with the pulsative effort and die away in the rernis- Pion ; but if it is short in quantity, a pause must occur before the pronun. jlation of the next syllable. One syllable, then, may occupy what is called a measure, the voice being either prolonged, or the time being made up with a pause. This pause, as already remarked, is denoted by the figure [; a repetition of the same figure is used to denote the longer pauses, which are determined by passion, or the intimacy and remoteness of the sense. ^ Steele'* •ysiem has been adopted by several teachers of elocution ; by Mr (Ihapnian ELEMENTS OF ELOCUTION. iRi his Rhythmical Grammar, and by Mr. Barber, iu his Grammar of Eloca don The following lines are marked according to Mr. Steele's plan Arms and the | man I | sing | | who*^ | forced by | fate. Hail I noly | light | offspring of | Heaven | first \ bom. | "WALKEK'3 ELEMENTS OF ELOCUTION. INFLECTIONS OF THE VOICB. Towards tl*e close of the last century, Mr. John Walker, author of the excel- ^J^t " Critical Pronouncing Dictionary-' which bears his name, promulgate &!S analysis of vocal indection. He showed that the primary division of speak- ing sounds is into the upward and downward slide of the voice ; and, that what- ever other diversity of time, tone or force, is added to speaking, it mus! necessarily be conveyed by these two slides or inflections, whicli are, there- fore, the axis, as it were, on which the power, variety, and harmony of speak- ing turn. In the following sentence: — "As trees and plants necessarily arise from seeds, so are you, Antony, the seed of this most calamitous war," — the voice slides up at the end of the first clause, as the sense is not per- fected, and slides down at the completion of the sense at the end of the sen tence. The rising slide raises expectancy in the mind of the hearer, and the ear remains unsatisfied without a cadence. Walker adopted the acute accent (') to denote the rising inflection, and the grave accent to denote the fall- ing inflection ; as thus — Does Cassar deserve fkme' or blame^ 1 Lvery pause, of whatever kind, must necessarily adopt one of tnese two inflections, or continue in a monotone. Thus, when we ask a question without the contrasted interrogative words, we naturally adopt the rising inflection on the last word ; as, Can Cassar deserve blame' 1 Impossible' ! Bere blame — the last word of the question — has the rising inflection, con trary to the inflection on tliat word in the former instance ; and impossible, with the note of admiration, the falling. Besides the rising and falling inflec- tion. Walker gives the voice two complete sounds, which he terms circumjlexes : the first, which he denominates the rising circumf.e.x, begins with the falling and ends with the rising on the same syllable : the second begins with the rising and ends with the falling on the same syllable. The ) ising circum- flex IS marked thus, the falling, thus, '\ The monotone, thus marked, » denotes that there is no inflection, and no change of key. Having explained the inflections. Walker proceeds to deduce the law of dehvery from the structure of sentences, which he divides into compact, looxe, direct periods, inverted periods, &c. By the term series, ho denotes aa enumeration of particulars. If the enumeration consists of single wonis, it IS called a simple series ; if it consists of clauses, it is called a coinpouni tertes. When the sense requires that there should be a rising slide on tlifi mt particular, the series is called a commencing series ; and when the eerieg requires the falling slide on the last oarticular, it is termed a concludinA uriei The simple commencing series is illustrated in the following sentea^e sa-ping two (1' 2') members : — " Honor' and shame' from no condition rise." Jhe simple roncluding series is illustrated in the following sentence of foiu (V 2 8 4* ) members- — "Remember that virtue alone is bmor', glorr wealth , and happiness " THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Among the Euies laid down by Walker and his followers are the following, which we select as the most simpi'e. The pupil must do^ take them, kowever an infallible guide. Some are obvious enough ; but to others tb® excep. tions are numerous, — so numerous, indeed, that they vonid be a burtliensom€ charge to the memory. The Rules, however, may b<3 serviceable in cases where the reader desires another's judgment in regard to the inflection of voice that is most appropriate . Rule I. When the sense is finished, the falling inJUction takes place as, " Nothing valuable can be gained without labor\" II. In a compact sentence, the voice slides up where the mean ing begim ta be formed ; as, " Such is the course of nature', that whoever lives long, must outlive those whom he loves and honors." There are many exceptions to this rule. For instance, when a,n emphatic woM is contained in the first part of the compact sentence, the filling inflec- tion takes place ; as, " He is a traitor to his country\ he is a t.-aitor to the human kind', he is a traitor to Heaven\ who abuses the talen:s which God has given him." III. In a loose sentence, the falling inflexion is required ; as, "It is of the last importance to season the passions of a child with devo"'tion ; which seldom dies in a mind that has received an early tincture of it" IV. In a compound commencing series, the falling inflection takes plact on every member but the last ; as, " Our disordered Ji9arts\ our guilty pas- sions\ our violent prejudices^ and misplaced desires', ai^ the instruments of the trouble which we endure." V. In a compound concluding series, the falling infection takes place on every member except the one before the last; as, " Chi'icer most frequently describes things as they are^ ; Spenser, as we wish^ thfi.! to be ; Shakspeare, as they would' be ; and Milton, as they ought^ to be." VI. In a series of commencing members forming a crmax, the last mem- ber, being strongly emphatic, takes a fall instead of a ri^e ; as, *' A youth\ a bp/, a child\ might understand it." VII. Literal interrogations asked by pronouns or adverbs {or questions requiring an iminediaie answer) end with the falling inflection ; as, " Where are you going^ ? What is your name^ ? " Questions asked by verbs require the rising inflection, when a literal question is asked ; as, " Are you coming' ? Do you hear' ? " To these rules the exceptions are numerous, however. Emphasis breaks through them continually ; as, Was ever woman in this humor wooed' 1 Was ever woman in this humor won^ 1 VIII. The inflection which terminates an exclamation is regulated by the common rules of inflection. This rule is, of course, broken through by pas- tion, which has slides and notes of its own. As a general rule, it may be stated that exclamations of surprise and indignation take a rising slide in a loud tone ; those of sorrow, distress, pity and love, the rising slide in a gentle tone ; and those of adoration, awe and despair, the falling infleZ' lion. IX. A7iy intermediate clause affecting the sen e of the sentence {genera!!^ termed the modifying clause) is pronounced ir a different key from that iii which the rest of the sentence is spoken. As th intermediate words are fre- quently Lfie pivot on which the sense of the entence turns, the mind iu directed to it by a change of voice. The voict finks at the beginning tf thf, clause, but rises gradually towards the conclus m ; as, " Age, in a virtuous' person, carries in it an authority which makes it preferable to all the plee* lares of youth." X. The Parenthesis is an intermediate clause, not necessary the aense a it pronounced in a different key from that in which the sentence it prv PHILOSOPHY OF THE HUMAN VOICE. 21 nouneed, in order to distinguish it from the body of the sentence ^ and it is pronounced more quickly, thai the hearer may not be diverted by it into tor- getting the ^connection of the. sentence. It generally terminates with the injlection of the claii.se preceding it. When it contai7t,s a strongly emphdUc VDora^ the falling inflection is necessary : Let us (since life can little more sup^,.^ Than just to look about us and to die) " Expatiate free o'er all this scene of man ; A mighty maze ! but not without a plan. XI. An echo, or the repetition of a word or thought introductoi y to si im particulars, requires the high rising inflection, and a long paxise after it. This is frequently the language of excitement; the mind recurs to the excit- ing idea, a7id acquires fresh intensity from the repetition of it ; as, " Can Parliament be so dead to its dignity and duty as to give its sanction to measures thus obtruded and forced upon it ? — Measures', my Lords, wluch have reduced this late flourishing Kingdom to scorn and contempt." XII. When words are in contradistinction to other words, either expressed or understood, they are pronounced with einphatic force , when the contra distinction is not expressed, the emphasis must be strong, so as to suggest the word in contradistinction ; as, " How beautiful is nature in her wildest* scenes ! " That is, not merely in her soft scenes, but even in her wildest scenes. " It is deplorable when age' thus errs." Not merely youth, bat age. XIJI^ J[ climax must be read or pronounced with the voice progressively ascend' g to the last member • accompanied with the increasing eiiergy^ ani fixation, r pathos, corresponding with the nature of the subject. See, what a gi-ace was seated on this brow ! Hyperion's curls'; the front of Jove himself; An eye like JMars', to threaten and command'; A station like the herald Mercury", New lighted on a heaven-kissing hilP; A combination' and a form' indeed, Where every god' did seem to set his seal". To give the world assurance of a man\ rush's philosophy of THE HUMAN VOICB. I>r. Rush, whose "Philosophy of the Human Voice" presents the moat mixmiQ and scientific analysis of the subject that has yet appeared, adopts an arrangement of the elementary sounds of our language into tonics subtonics atonies and aspirates. He distinguishes the qualities of the voice under the following heads : the Orotund, which is fuller in volume than the common voice ; the Tremor ; the Aspiration ; the Guttural ; the Falsette ; and thQ Whisper. The complex movement of the voice occasioned by the union of the rismg and fallmg slides on the same long syllable he calls a wave. Ifc IS termed by Steele and Walker the circumflex accent. Dr. Rush illustraief the slides of_ the voice by reference to the Diatonic scale, consisting of a sue cession of eight sounds, either in an ascending or descending series and limbrju-,mg seven proximate intervals, five of which are Tones, and two 8omi» Sones Each sound is called a Note ; and the changes of pitch from any one cote to another are either Discrete or Concrete, and may be either rising cr falling. Concrete changes of Pitch are called slides ; and of these movements there are appropriated to speech the slides through five different intervals, — the Semitone, the Second, the Third, the Fifth, and the Octave. By a carefal analysis of the speaking voice, Dr. Rush shows that its movements can be measured and set to the musical scale ; and that, however various the combi- nations of thQm vocal movements may at first a-ppear, they may readily be 82 THE STANDARD SPEAKER^ redAced to six, oaDcd Phrases of Melody. These are the Monoto.*e, the Ri8in| and Falling Ditone, the Rising and Falling Tritone, and the Alternate Phrase. By a more careful analysis, we ascertain that some of the simpler styles of delivery take their character from the predominance of some one of these piu*a«eB of melody. Thus we have the Diatonic Melody, the Melody of the Monotone, c-f the Alternate Phrase, and of the Cadence ; and to these are added the Chro matic Melody which arises from the predominance of the Semitone, and the Brsken Melody. INSUFFICIENCY OF ARBITRARY SYSTEMS OF ELOCUTION. it would be impossible, in the space we have given to the subject, to do just- ice to any one of these ingenious analyses; and it would be quite unprofitable to enumerate the many systems that have been deduced from them up to th« present time. The important question is. Do they establish, severally or collect- ively, a positive science of elocution, which will justify the pupil in laboring to master it in its details, and to accomplish himself according to its rules of practice? We believe there are very few students, who have given much time and attention to the subject, who will not render a negative reply. The shades of expression in language are often so delicate and undistinguishable, that intonation will inevitably vary according to the temperament of the speaker, his appreciation of the sense, and the intensity with which he enteis into the' spirit of what he utters. It is impossible to establish rules of mathe- matical precision for utterance, any more than for dancing. Take the first line of Mark Antony's harangue : Friends, Romans, countrymen, lend me your ears ! An ingenious speaker will give, at one time, the falling inflection, and at another the rising, to the word countrymen; and both modes shall seem equally expressive and appropriate. Nay, he will at one moment place the chief stress upon lend, and the next upon ears ; and he will make either mode of rendering the verse appear appropriate and expressive. We do not deny that there are passages in regard to which there can be little doubt as to the inflection and emphasis to be employed; but these are precisely the passages in reference to which rules are not needed, so obvious is the sense to every intelligent reader, and so unerringly does nature guide us. " Probably not a single instance," says Archbishop Whately, " could be found, of any one who has attained, by the study of any system of instruction that has appeared, a really good delivery; but there are many — probably nearly as many as have fully tried the experiment — who have by this means been totally spoiled." There is one principle, he says, radically erroneous, which must vitiate every system founded on it, — the principle, ^' that, in order to acquire the best style of delivery, it is requisite to study analyti- cally the emphasis, tones, pauses, degrees of loudness, fyc, which give the proper etfect to each passage that is well delis'ered; to frame Rules founded on the obwervation of these; and then, in practice, deliberately and carefully to conform the utterance to these rules, so as to form a complete artificial system of Elocution." "To the adoption of any such artificial scheme there ar« three weighty objections : first, that the proposed system must necessarily b« ivipe rfect ; secondly, that if it were perfect, it would be a circuitous path to the object in view; and thirdly, that even if both these objections were removed, the object would not be effectually obtained." The first of those objections, which is not denied by the most strenuciM flidvocates of the artificial systems, would seem to be all-sufficient. Any number of Rules must needs leave the subject incomplete, inasmuch as the analysis of sentences, in their structure, and their relations to vocal inflection, may ba Cftrned to almost any extent. Few Rules can be laid down to which many ouforeseen exceptions cannot be made. Mr. Walker, in his " Rhetor-oal ARBITRA.iY SYSTEMS OF ELOCDTi-^N. 2h Grammar/ * pnbLshed some years after his " Elements of EiUicnth^: had been before ;he public, admits the practical failure of the systemd foui ' t»i on his amilysis. "The sanguine expectations I had once entertained," ha days, that this Analysis of the Human Voice would be received by the learned with avidity, are now over." And, his imagination kindling at a ray of hope, he adds : " It is not improbable that the active genius of the French, who ar« ■0 remarkably attentive to their language, may first adopt this vehicle" of inatruction in reading and speaking. But more than forty years have passed iiace this suggestion was thrown out; and the French, so quick to adopf improvements based on scientific analysis, have been as backw^ard as Walker's awn countrymen in applying to practical uses his discovery. But although Ike Science of Europe has weighed these artificial systems in the balance, and found them wanting for practical purposes of instruction, the hope seems to be entertained that Young America will not yet a while concur in the judg ment. "It is surely a circuitous path," says Archbishop Whately, "when the learner is directed first to consider how each passage ought to be read (that is, what mode of delivering each part of it would spontajieously occur to him, if he were attending exclusively to the matter of it) ; then to observe all the nodulatious, &c., of voice, which take place in such a delivery; then to note these down, by established marks, in writing ; and, lastly, to pronounce according to these marks." " Such instruction is like that bestowed by Moliere's pedantic tutor upon his Bourgeois Gentilhomme, who was taught, to his infinite surprise and delight, what configuratioutS of the mouth he employed in pronouncing the several letters'of the alphabet, which he had been accustomed to utter, all his life, without knowing how." The labors of Steele, Walker and Rush, are important, and their analyses of vocal expression may always be studied with profit. But the attempt to egtablish a practical system of elocutionavy rules, which may be a consistent and reliable guide to the pupil in reading aloud and in declamation, has been eontinually baffled. The subject is not one that, in its nature, admits of a resolution into rigid analytical rules. Thought and language being as various as the minds of men, the inflections of the human voice must partake of their plastic quality; and passion and genuine emotion must break through all the rules which theorists can frame. Anatomy is a curious and a profitable study; but what if we were to tell ^he pugilist that, in order to give a blow with due effect, he ought to know how the muscles depend for their powers of contraction and relaxation on the nerves, and how the nerves issue from the brain and the spinal marrow, with similar facts, requiring, per- haps, a lifetime of study for their proper comprehension, — would he not laugh at us for our advice ? And yet, even more unreasonable is it to say, that, to accomplish ourselves in reading and speaking, we must be able tc classify a sentence under the head of " loose" or " compact," and their sub. divisions, and then to glibly enunciate it according to some arbitrary rule, to which, the probability is, there are many unsurmised exceptions. Whea Edmund Keau thrilled the heart of a great audience with the tones cf inde- scribable pathos which he imparted to the words, *' Othello's occupation 's gone," a Woald have puzzled him to tell whether the sentence was a " simple dscls*. fttiT's" or an " imperfect loose." He knew as little of "intensive slides," "bends," "sweeps," and "closes," as Cribo, the boxer, did of osteologj. He studied the intonation which most touched his own heart ; and he gav« it, reckless of rules, or, rather, guided by that paramount rcle, which seeks tha highest triumphs of art in elocution in the most genuine utterances of nature. Attention is the secret of success in speaking, as in other departments of buir.«i*n effort Si/ .isaao Newton was one day asked how he had discovereJ 24 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. ihe true system of the universe. He replied, " By continually thmkiu| apon it." He was frequently hea,rd to declare that, "if he had done thi world any services, it was due to nothing but industry and patient thought, that he kept the subject under consideration constantly before him, and waited till the first dawning opened gradually, by little and little, into a full and clear light." Attention to the meaning and full effect of what we utter in Xoiamation will guide us, better than any system of marks, in a right dis- position of emphasis and intiection. By attention, bad habits are detected and repudiated, and happy graces are seized and adopted. Demosthenes had a. habit of raising one shoulder when he spoke. He corrected it by sus- pending a sword, so that the point would pierce the offending member when smduly elevated. He had a defective utterance, and this he amended by practising declamation with pebbles in his mouth. Practice in elocution, under the guidance, if possible, of an intelligent in- structor, will lead to more solid results than the most devoted endeavors to learn, by written rules, what is above all human attempt at "circumscription and confine." Possess your mind fully with the spirit of what you have to utter, and the right utterance will come by practice. If it be a political speech of a remarkable character, acquaint yourself * with the circumstances under which it was originally uttered; with the history and peculiarities of the speaker; and with the interests which were at stake at the time. Enter, with all the warmth of your imaginative faculty, into the speaker's feelings; lose your- self in the occasion; let his words be stamped on your memory; and do not tire in repeating them aloud, with such action and emphasis as attention will suggest and improve, until you have acquired that facility in the utter- ance which is essential to an effective delivery before an audience. If it be a poem which you have to recite, study to partake the enthusiasm which the author felt in the composition. Let the poetical element in your nature be aroused, and give it full play in the utterance of " thoughts that breathe, and words that burn." The practice of frequent public declamation in schools cannot be too much commended. The advantages of such training, if not immediai/., will b€ recognized later in life. In awakening attention, inspiring confidence, acquaint- ing the pupil with the selectest models of Oratory, compelling him to try his voice before an audience, and impressing him with a sense of the importance of elocutionary culture, the benefits which accrue from these exercises are inestimable. The late .John Quincy Adams used to trace to hia simple habit of reciting, in obedience to his fi^ither, Collins' little ode, " Hoav sleep th« brave," &c., the germ of a patriotic inspiration, the effects of which he felt throughout his public career ; together with the early culture of a taste foi lloeution, wliich was of great influence in shaping his future pursuits. DIVISIONS OF ELOCUTION. Elocution Is divided into Articulation and Pronunciation , Inflection sod Modulation ; Emphasis ; Gesture. ARTICULATION AND PRONUNCIATION. Correct articulation is the most important exercise of the voice, and jf ik* CiPgans of speech. A public speaker, possessed only of a moderate voice, if he articulate correctly, will be better understood, and heard with greater pleasure, than one who vociferates, without judgment. The voice of the latter may, indeed, extend to a considerable distance, but the sound is dissipated in con • As an assistance to the pupil in carrying out this reoommendation, the autho9 bos, in many instances, appended illustrative notes, or brief bi'igraphical sketoheii JO tiie extracts from the speeches of graat orators. PRONUNCIATION. 2d /usion. Of the formfti voice, not the smallest vibration is wasted every stroke is f erceived at the utmost distance to which it reaches, and hence it may often appear to penetrate even further than one which is loud, but badly articulated " In just articulation," says Austin, " the words are not hurried over, not precipitated_ syllable over syllable. They are delivered out from the lips. a» beautiful coins, newly issued from the mint, deeply and accurately impressed, perfectly finished, neatly struck by the proper organs, distinct, sharp, in du« succession, and of due weight." Pronunciation points out the proper sounds of vowels and consonants, and the distribution of accent on syllables. Articulation has a reference to the posi- tions and movements of the organs which are necessary to the production of those sounds with purity and distinctness; it also regulates the proportion of the sounds of letters in words, and of words in sentences. Articulation and pronunciation may thus be said to form the basis of elocution. An incorrect or slovenly pronunciation of words should be carefully avoided. The most elo^ quent discourse may be marred by the mispronunciation of a word, or by a vicious or provincial accent. The dictionaries of Worcester or Webster, in which the pronunciation is based mainly on the accepted standard of Walk*»r, should be carefully consulted by the pupil, wherever he is doubtful in regard to the pronunciation of a word, or the accent of a syllable. These dictiona- ries also contain ample rules for the guidance and practice of the reader iu the attainment of a correct pronunciation of the rudimental sounds of the vowels and consonants. They should be carefully studied. A speaker who eontinually violates the ear of taste by his mispronunciation must never hop« to make a favorable impression upon an educated audience. DEFECTS IN PRONUNCIATION. The omission to sound the final in such words as moving, rising, as if they were spelled niovin, risin, — is one of the most frequent defects which irtattentive readers exhibit. A habit also DS-evaiis of slurring the full sound of the italicised letter in such words as belief, Doiite, political, w/tisper, wAich; several, every, deliverer, traveller; histoij, memorable, melody, philosophy; society, variety, &g.; also of mufiiing the r in such words as alarm, reform, arrest, warrior; omitting the e in the last syllable of sudden, mitten, &c.; corrupting the a in musical, social, whimsical, metal, &c.; the't' in certainly,' fountain, &c.; the last o in Bostan, notion, &o.; giving e the sound of u in momentary, insolent, and the like; and a the same sound in jubilant, ar'-o- gant, &c. ; giving the sound of er to the final termination of mch words aa fellow, potato, folio?/;, hallow ,- giving to r in war, warlike, partial, &c , the sound of w ; prolonging the sound of w in law;, flaw;, as if there were an r tacked on at the end of the words; in such words as nature, creature, leo-is. lature, &g., failing to give the full sound to the u and e of the last syllable as they are sounded in pure, sv,re, &c.; giving to the a in scarce the sound of m purse ; slurring the final o in occasion, invention, condition, &c.; giv- ing the sound of u to the a in Indian; giving the sound of urn to the final m m chasm, patriotiS7«, &c.; the sound of?: to the e in go-v^dness, matchless; the sound of fie to the/w/ of awful, beautifwl, and the like. The c in the fii-gt syllable of such words as terminate, mercy, perpetrate, &c., ought, according to the stricter critics in elocution, to have the sound of e in merit, terror, &c A habit of speaking through the nose, in the utterance of such words as no-o •o?e, 13 pre /alent in New England, and should be overcome by all who roui(J not make themselves ridiculous in educated society. Otlier cour mou defects in pronunciation are thus satirized by Holraea " Learning condemns, beyond the reach of hope, The careless churl that speaks of soap for soap ; Her edict exiles from her fair abode Hw olowni^h voice that utters road for roaA j THE STANDARD SPEAKER. fiess stem to him who calls his coat a coat. And steers his boat, believing it a boat ; She pardoned one, — our classic city's boast, — Who said, at Cambridge, most instead of most ; But knit her brows, and stamped her angry foot; To hear a teacher call a root a root. " Once more ; speak clearly, if you speak at ail ; Carve every word before jou let it fall ; Dpn't, like a lecturer or dramatic staa*. Try over-hard to roll the British R ; Do put your aosents in the proper spot ; Don't — let me beg you — don't say " How 1 " for " \»Tiat I " And, when you stick on conversation's bur?. Don't strew your pathway with those drecidful ur^ ! ^ It lb 6 beginning of a course of elocution, it is necessary that a jainutv attea tit,n be paid to the producing of the exact sounds on the unaccer.teJ syllables, and ooagb this maj be censured by many, as affected and ihe^^trical, it must for a ciij^e, be encouraged. Most persons will give , the sound of a in accessory distinctly aud purely, as the accent is on it; but, if the accent is on the second syllable of a word beginning in the same way, as in accord, the greater numbei of people would give the ac an obscure sound, as if the word were uccord. The same remark holds with regard to the initial ab, ad, af, ag, al, am, an, ar, ap, as, at, av, az, con, col, &c. ; e, de, re, i, in, o, oh, op, &c. Thus, the o in omen, the e in exact, will be sounded correctly by most persons; but, in opinion^ proceed, and emit, as the accent is shifted, these vowels would be generally sounded upinion, pruceed, and imit. Through the same neglect, the second in nobody is not sounded like the o in body, as it should be; and the a in cir- cumstances is different from the a in circumstantial; — the former words being Bounded nob'dy, circuir nces. The terminational syllables mejtt, 7iess, tion, ly, ture, our, ous, en, tl, la, &c., are also generally given impurely, the attention being directed principally to the previous accented syllable ; thus, the word compliments is erroneously given the sound of complivdnts; nation^ that of nashn ; only, onle (the e as in met) ; nature, natchvr ; valor, valer : famous, f amass ; novel, novl ; chicken, chickn ; Latin, Latn. Sometimes, the concluding consonant is almost lost in the unaccented syllable, while it id preserved in the accented ; thus, in the noun subject, in which the accent is on the first syllable, the t is scarcely sounded by many who would sound it in the verb to subject, in which the accent is on the last syllable. In d and / final, the articulation is not completed until the tongue comes off from the roof of the mouth. Distinctness is gained by this attention to the quality of unac- cented vowels, and to the clear and precise utterance of the consonants in unaccented syllables. Care must be taken, however, that the pupil do not enunciate too slowly. The motions of the organs must frequently be, rapid in their changes, that the due propo.'tions of syllables may be preserved.. As emphasis is to a sentence what accent is to words, the remarks which hav3 been made on accented and unaccented syllables apply to words emphatic and unemphutic. The unemphatic words are also apt to become inarticulate from t've insufiicient force which is put upon them, and the vowel-souads, ai hi can as, and the consonant d in and, &c., are changed or lost. In certain Wor^ sucb as my, mine, thy, thine, you, your, the unemphatic pronuncia^ Jaon is different from the emphatic, being sounded m.e,-min, the, tkm, ye, yur- fts, this IS min own, this is yur own. In solemn reading, this abbreviate pronunciation is avoided, and the words ^re pronounced as they are wheo aingle. MODULATION OR MANAGEMENT OF THE VOICJB. The modulation of the voice is one of the most important requisites' in i ^lio speaker. Even to the private reader, who wishes to execute his tas> MODULATION OP THE VOICE. 27 pleasure to others, it is a necessary accomplishment. A. vjicp which keeps long in one key, however correct the pronunciation, delicate thj inflec- don, and just the emphasis, will soon tire the hearer. The voice has been considered as capable of assuming three keys, — the low, the high, and the mid- dle. This variety is undoubtedly too limited ; bat, for the first lessona of a student, it may be useful to regard the classification. A well -trained voic« is capable of ranging in these with various degrees of loudness, softness, stress, ecntiuuity, and rapidity. These dilferent stater, of the voice, properly managed, give rise to that strike Ing and beautiful variety which is essential to eloquent delivery. The diiFe\ euce between loud and soft, and high and low tones, should be well understood Pian'y and forte have no relation to pitch or key, but to force and quantity And, when applied to the voice, they relate to the body or volume which the speaker or singer gives out. We can, therefore, be very soft in a high note, and very \o\l^ in a lew one ; just as a smart stroke on a bell may have ex actly the same note as a slight one, though it is considerably louder. It ought to be a first principle, with all public readers and speakers, rather to begin below the common level of the voice than above it. A good practical rule for the speaker, in commencing, is to speak as if he would have his voice reach those in the centre of the hall. He thus- will begin on a level tone, from which he may easily rise. Some abrupt forms of speech require, however, a loud tone of voice, even at the commencement, to give them their due eftect; as, for instance : " How long, 0 Catiline ! wilt thou abuse our patience?" The right assumption of the keya constitutes what may be termed the feeling of a composition; — without it, acting is lifeless, and argument tiresome. It is a want of this variety which distinguishes the inanimate speaker. His inflec- tion may be correct, and have even what has been termed a musical cadence; but, without this variety of key, ho must tire his audience. The elfect of a taransiticn from the major to the minor key in music is not more striking than the variety which the voice will occasionally assume. A change of key is gen- erally necessary at the commencemeot of a new sentence. When, in the pre- ceding sentence, the voice has sunk down towards the close, in the new sentence It sometimes recovers its elasticity, and sometimes it continues in the depressed note on which the preceding sentence terminates. In common conversation, our tone is light, and appears to come from the sip ; in serious and impressive speaking, it appears to be foi-med further back, and is accompanied by a greater tension of the muscles of the throat. The deeper formation of the voice is the secret of that peculiar tone which is found in actors and orators of celebrity. Some have this voice n ttm-ally; but the greater number must acquire it by assiduous practice. The pupil must be required to speak " further down in the throat." This peculiar voice, which is adapted to the expression of what is solemn, grand and exciting, " is formed in those parts of the mouth posterior to the palate, bounded below by the root of the tongue, above by the commencement of the palate, behind by the most posterior part of the throat, and on the sides by the angles of the jaw. The tongue, in the mean time, is hollowed and drawn back; and the mouth is opene'.i in such a manner as to favor, as much as possible, the enlargement of the cavity described." LOW KEY. To acquire strength and distinctness in this key, the remarks in the last |>aragraph will be found useful. Nothing more unequivocally marks the fin- ished speaker than a command over the low notes of his voice ; it is a raw accomplishment, but one which is a most valuable principle in Oratory Strengthening the low notes, after forming them, should be a great object witb the master in Elocution ; but it too often happens that the acquisition of it screaming high note is reckoned the desideratum in speaking. Th? difficulty if being distinct aui audible in the low key is at first discouraging ; butpra<> 28 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. tice will, m most cases, attain the object. Smiles in poetry fcim proM examples for gaining a habit of lowering the voice. He above the rest, In shape and gesture proudly eminent, Stood like a tower. His form had yet tv^t lost All her original brightness, nor appeare,* Less than archangel ruined, and the excess Of glory obscured : as when the sun new-risen ' Looks through the horizontal misty air Shorn of his beams ; or from behind the moon. In dim eclipse, disastrous twilight sheds On half the Nations, and with fear of change Perplexes Monarchs. ^ Til© following passage, in which King John takes Hubert aside, and tomptt kim to undertake the death of Arthur, requires, in the enunciation, a full, aad' Me tone of voice, in a low key : K. John. I had a thing to say, — but let it go; The sun is in the Heaven, and the proud day. Attended with the pleasures of the world, Is all too wanton and too full of gauds To give me audience. If the midnight bell Did, with his iron tongue and brazen mouth, Sound one unto the drowsy race of night: If this same were a church-yard where we stand. And thou possessed with a thousand wrongs; — Or if that thou couldst see me without eyes. Hear me without thine ears, and make reply Without a tongud, using conceit alone, — Without eyes, ears, and harmful sound of words, — Then, in despite of broad-eyed watchful day, I would into thy bosora pour my thoughts. But, ah ! I will not, — yet I love thee well ; And, by my troth, I think thou lov'st me well ! Hub. So well, that what you bid me undertake. Though that my death were adjunct to my act. By Heaven, I 'd do 't ! K. John. Do I not know thou wouldst % Good Hubert, Hubert, Hubert, throw thine eye On that young boy: I'll tell thee what, my friend. He is a very serpent in my way. And wheresoe'er this foot of mine doth tread. He lies before me ! Dost thou understand me 1 Thou art his keeper. Hub. And I '11 keep him so That he shall not olfend your majesty K. John. Death. Hub. My Lord 1 K. John. A grave. Hub. He shall not live. K. John. Enough. I could he merry now. Hubert, I love thee: Well, I '11 not say what I 'ntend for thee; Remember. Shakspeare's King John, Act lii. Seme ft MIDDLE KEY. Tys is the key of common discourse, and the key in which 8 speaker toust •."ually deliver the greater part of his speech. Sheridan points out a simpl« method of acquiring loudness n. this key. " Any one, who • hrough habit, ^ fallen into a weak utterance, cannot hope suddenly to chan^ it be mufi MODULATION OF THE TOICE. 2h (b it by degrees, and constant practice. I would theref^>re reoommend it tc him that he should daily exercise himself in reading or repeating, in the hearing of a friend ; and that, too, in a large room. At first, his friend should stand at such a distance only as the speaker can easily reach, hi his usual manner ot delivering himself. Afterwards, let him gradually increaoe his distance, and the speaker will in the same gradual proportion increase the force of his voice.'* In doing this, the speaker still keeps on the same tone of voice, but gives it with greater power. It is material to notice, that a well-forme I middle tone, and even a low one, is capable of filling any room ; and that th® neglect of strengthening the voice in these leads a speaker to adopt the higli, shouting note which is often heard in our pulpits. Hamlet's address to the players should be mostly delivered in this middle key. HIGH KEY. This key of the voice, though very uncommon in level speaking or read ing, ought to be practised, as it tends to give strength to the voice generally, and as it is frequently employed in public speaking and declamation. Every one can speak in a high key, but few do it pleasingly. There is a compression necessary in the high notes, as well as the middle and low; this compression distinguishes the vociferous passion of the peasant from that of the accomplished actor or orator. The following passage will bear the most vigorous exercise of the high key ; Fight, gentlemen of England ! fight, bold Yeomen ! Draw, archers, draw your arrows to the head ; Spur your proud horses hard, and ride in blood: Amaze the welkin with your broken staves ! — A thousand hearts are great within my bosom; Advance our standards, set upon our foes ; Our ancient word of courage, fair St. George, Inspire us with the spleen of fiery dragons ' Upon them ! Victory sits on our helms ! It should be borne in mind, that it is not he who speaks the loudest who can be heard the furthest. "It is a curious fact in the history of sound," Bays a scientific observer, "that the loudest noises always perish on the, spot where they are produced, whereas musical notes will be heard at a great distance. Thus, if we approach within a mile or two of a town or village in which a fair is held, we may hear very faintly the clamor of the multitude, but more distinctly the organs, and other musical instruments, which are played for their amusement. If a Cremona violin, a real Amati, oe played by 11«5 Bide of a modern fiddle, the latter will sound much louder than the former; but the sweet, brilliant tone of the Amati will be heard at a distance the other cannot reach. Dr. Young, on the authority of Durham, states that at Q braU tar the hum-in voice may be heard at a greater distance than that oi any other animal; thus, when the cottager in the woods, or the open plain, w-she? to call hrr husband, who is working at a distance, she does not shout, but pitches her voice to a musical key, which she knows from habit, and by thai means reaches his ear. The loudest roar of the largest lion could not penetrate so far. Loud speakers are seldom heard to advantage. Burke's roice is said to have been a sort of lofty cry, which tended as much as the fermality of his discourse in the House of Commons to send the members to their dinner. Chatham's lowest whisper was distinctly heard. 'His middle tones were sweet, rich and beautifully varied,' says a writer, describing the orator; 'when he raised his voice to the highest pitch, the House was com- pletely filled with the volume of sound; and the effect was awful, except when he wished to cheer or animate — and then he had spirit-stirring notds which were perfectly irresistible. The terrible, however, was his peculiar power. Then the Hc-i«e sank before him; still, he «ras dignified, and, wondar so THE STANDARD SPEAKER. fill as was his eloquence, it was attended with this important effect, tL«4t U possessed every one with a conviction that there was something in him fia«t than his words, — that the man was greater, infinitely greater, tiao tho orator.' " MONOTONE. A monotone is intonation without change of pitch: that is, preserving • falness of tone, without ascent or descent on the scale. It is no very difficult matter to be loud in a high tone; but to be loud and forcible in a low tone, requires great practice and management; th:s, however, may be facili- tated by pronouncing forcibly at first in alow monotone. A monotone, thougii in a low key, and without force, is much more sonorous and audible than when the voice slides up and down at almost every word, as it must do to b« various. This tone is adopted by actors when they repeat passages aside. It conveys the idea of being inaudible to those with them in the scene, by being in a lower tone than that used in the dialogue; and, by being in a monotone, becomes audible to the whole house. The monotone, therefore, is an excellent vehicle for such passages as require force and audibility in a low tone, and in the hands of a judicious reader or speaker is a perpetual source of variety. It is used when anything awful or sublime is to be expressed, as 0 ! when the last account twixt Heaven and earth Is to be made, then shall this hand and seal Witness against us to damnation. The language of the ghost in Hamlet is mostly uttered in a deep monotone, rhe following passage from Ion is' partly given in a solemn monotone : Dark and cold Stretches the path, which, when I wear the Crown, 1 needs must enter ; — the great Gods forbid That thou shouldst follow it ! The monotone is varied, in the itP'I-cized part, to the tone of pas^ionatt emotion and supplication. TIME. Modulation includes, also, the consideration of time, which is natural m the pronunciation of certain passages. The combinations, then, of pitch, force and time, are extremely numerous : thus, we have low, loud, slow; low, soft, Blow ; low, feeble, slow ; low, loud, quick, &c. ; middle, loud, slow ; middle Boft, slow ; middle, feeble, slow, &c. Thus, we have a copious natural lari'. guage, adapted to the expression of evei-y emotion and passion. IMITATIVE MODULATION. Motion and sound, in all their modifications, are, in descriptive reading, more or less imitated. To glide, to drive, to swell, to flow, to skip, to whirl, to turn, to rattle, &c.„ all partake of a peculiar moditi(5ation of voice. Thin sxpression lies in the key, force, and time of the tones, and the forcible pro- oranciation of certain letters which are supposed more particularly to eipreiM tSse imitation. Soft is the strain when Zephyr gently blows. And the smooth stream in smoother numbers flowB; But when loud surges lash the sounding shore. The hoarse, rough verso should like the torrent roai Whnn Ajax strives some rock's vast weight to throw, TT'ft line too labors, and the words move slow; Not so, when swift Camilla scours the plain, Fliee o'er the unbending cor n, and skims alone the maiu. PAUSES^ Grammatical punctuation does not always demand a pause , and the time ttf the pauses at various points is not correctly stated in many books on read- ing. In some treatises, the pause at the period is described as being uni- formly four times as long as that at a comma ; whereas, it is regulated entirely Dy the nature of the subject, the intimacy or remoteness of the connection between the sentences, and other causes. "I am convinced," says Mr. Kiiowles, " that a nice attention to rhetorical punctuation has an extremelj mischievoas tendency, and is totally inconsistent with nature. Give thf sense of what you read — mind is the thing. Pauses are essential only wheet the omission would obscure the sense. The orator, who, in the act of delrn v- Lng himself, is studiously solicitous about parcelling his words, is ;mre tfi .eave the best part of his work undone. He delivers words, not thoughts, Deliver thoughts, and words will take care enough of themselves." EMPHASIS. By emphasis is meant that stronger and fuller sound of voice, by which in reading or speaking, wo distinguish the accented syllable, or some word,' on Which we design to lay particular stress, in order to show how it alfects the rest of the sentence. On the right management of the' emphasis depend the Whole life and spirit of every discourse. If no emphasis be placed on any word, not only is discourse rendered heavy and lifeless, but the meaning left often ambiguous. If the emphasis be placed wrong, we pervert and confound the meaning wholly. In order to acquire the proper management of the emphasis, then, the great rule, and, indeed, the only unexceptional rule, is, that the speakcjr or reader study to attain a just conception of the force and spirit of those forms of expression which he is to pronounce To give a common instance : such a simple question as this, " Do you ride to town to-day? " is capable of no fewer than four acceptations, according as tne emphasis is differently placed on the words. If it be pronounced thus : Do you ride to town to-day ? the answer may naturally be, No ; I send my servant m my stead. If thus : Do you ride to town to-day ? Answer. No i I intend to «;a//c. Do you ride io town to-day? No; I ride out into th« iields. Do you ride to town to-cfai/ ? No; but I shalUo-wj or row. And there S yet another expression that this little sentence is capable of, which would oe given by placing the emphasis on the first word, do, being a necessary entorcement of the question, if the person asked had evaded giving a reply thus : "Z>o you ride to town to-day ? " The tone implying : Come, tell me at once, do you, or do you not ? There are four obvious distinctions in the sound of woras, with respect tc force. First, the force necessary for the least important words, such as con- junctions, particles, &c., which may be called feeble or unaccented. Second the force necessary for substantives, verbs, &c., which may be called accented. Inird, that force wh.ch is used for distinguishing some words from others commonly called emphasis of force. Fourth, the force necessary for emphasis of sense. Ag opposition is the foundation of all emphasis of Pense, whatever words are contrasted with, contradistinjjuished from, or set in opposition to pr^e another, they are always emphatic. Hence, whenever there is antithesis m the sense, whether words or clauses, there ought to be emphasis in the nro- nanciation. ^ ^ The variations of emphasis are so numerous as to defy the formation »f riiles that can be appropriate in all cases. Give a dozen well-traineo slocutioaists a sentence to mark emphatically, and probabJy no two woul<; perform the task precisely alike. What though the field be lost 1 All is not lost ; the unconqueirable m \ And study of 'n)enge, immortal fia^e. 8& THE STANDARD SPEAKER, And courage never to submit or yield, — ■ Thca glory never shall His wrath or might Extort from rru. The following speech of Othello is an example of what is termed oumuU^ve smphasis : If thou dost slander her and torture me, Never pray more ; abandon all remorse; ' On horror's head horrors accumulate ; Do deeds to make Heavev weep, all earth amazed — For nothing canst thou to damnation add Greater than this ! III. GESTUKE. Gestube, considered as a just and elegant adaptation of every part of the feody to the nature and import of the subject we are pronouncing, has always Deen considered as one of the most essential parts of Oratory. Cicero says, that its power is even greater than that of words. It is the language of nature in the strictest sense, and makes its way to the heart without the utterance of a single sound. I may threaten a man with my sword by speech, and produce little eifect ; but if I clap my hand to the hilt simulta- aeously with the threat, he will be startled according to the earnestness of the action. This instance will illustrate the whole theory of gesture. According to Demosthenes, action is the beginning, the middle, and the end of Oratory. To be perfectly motionless while we are pronouncing words which require force and energy, is not only depriving them of their necessary support, but rendering them unnatural and ridiculous. A very vehement address, pro- nounced without any motion but that of the lips and tongue, would be a bur- lesque upon the meaning, and produce laughter ; nay, so unnatural is this total absence of gesticulation, that it is not very easy to speak in this manner. As some action, therefore, must necessarily accompany our words, it is of the utmost consequence that this be such as is suitable and natural. No matter how little, if it be but akin to the words and passion ; for, if foreign to them it counteracts and destroys the very intention of delivery. The voice and gesture may be said to be tuned to each other ; and, if they are in a ditferent key, as it may be called, discord must inevitably be the consequence. " A speaker's body," says Fenelon, " must betray action when there ia movement in his words ; and his body must remain in repose when what he utters is of a level, simple, unimpassioned character. Nothing seems to vsxi 80 shocking and absurd as the sight of a man lashing himself to a fury in the utterance of tame things. The more he sweats, the more he freezes my very blood." Mr. Austin, in his " Chironomia," was the first to lay down laws for th€ regulation of gesture ; and nearly all subsequent writers on the subject have borrowed largely from his work. He ilhistrates his rules by plates, showing the different attitudes and gestures for the expression of certain emotions. Experience has abundantly proved that no benefit is to be derived from thfl •tmdy of these figures. They only serve as a subject for ridicule to boys; and are generally found, in every volume in use, well pencilled over with satirical marks or mottoes, issuing from the mouths of the still-looking gentlemen who ftre presented as models of grace and expression to aspiring youth. The following is an enumeration of some of the most frequent gestures, t« which the various members of the body contribute : The Head and Face. The hanging down of the head denotes shame, OJ grief. The holding it up, pride, or courage. To nod forward, implies assent, fo toss the head back, dissent. The inclination of the head implies bashful ftiluess or languor. The head is averted in dislike or horror. It leans fop vari in attention. GESTUItE AND ATTITtrUE. 33 Tl.e Eyes. The eyes are raised, in prayer. They weep^ in sorrow. Burn, m anger. They are cast on vacancy, in thought, 'i'hey are thrown in differeat directions, in doubt and anxiety. The Jlxtus. The arm is projected forward, in authority Both arms src spread extended, in admiratitsn. They are held forward, m imploring help They both fall suddenly, in disappointment. Folded, thej ienote thv.ughtful aess ThrS Hands. The hand on the head indicates pain, i»r distress. On tic tjres, shame. On the lips, injunction of silence. On the breast, it appeals t© e-oascience, or intimates desire. The hand waves, or flourishes, in joy, or con 'empt. Both hands are held supine, or clasped, in prayer. Both descend prone, in blessing. They are clasped, or wrung, in affliction. The outstretched fiands, with the knackles opposite the speaker's tace, express fear, abhorrence, rejection, or dismissal. The outstretched hands, with the palms toward the fac6 of the speaker, denote approval, acceptation, welcoming, and love. The Body. The body, held erect, indicates steadiness and courage. Thrown back, pride. Stoopijig forward, condesu *ision , or compassion. Bending, reverence, or respect. Prostration, the utmost humility, or abasement. The Lower Limbs. Their firm position signifief courage, or obstinacy Bended knees, timidity, or weakness. Frequent change, disturbed thoughts They advance, in desire, or courage. Retire, in aversion, or fear. Start, in terror. Stamp, in authority, or anger. Kneel, in -submission and prayer. Walker says that we should be careful to let th( stroke of the hand which marks force, or emphasis, keep exact time with tne force of pronunciation that is, the hand must go down upon the emjhatic word, and no other Thus, in the imprecation of Brutus, in Julius Caesar When Marcus Brutus grows so covetous. To lock such rascal counters from nis friends, Be ready, Gods, with ail your thunderbolts. Dash him in pieces ! Here, says Walker, the action of the arm which enforces the emphasis ought ■ t« be so directed that the stroke of the hand may be given exactly on the word dash ; this will give a concomitant action to the organs of pronunciation, and by this means the whole expression wi\l be greatly augmented. Archbishop Whately contends, on the contrary, that the natural order of action is, that the gesture should precede the utterance of the words. " An emotion, struggling for utterance, produces a tendency to a bodily gesture, to express that emotion more quickly than words can be framed; the words fol low as soon as they can be spoken. And this being always the case with a real, earnest, unstudied speaker, this mode, of placing the action foremost, gives (,'if it be otherwise appropriate) the appearance of earnest emotion actually present in the mind. And the reverse of this natural order would alone be sufficient to convert the action of Demosthenes himself into unsuccessful and ridiculous mimicry." Where two such authorities clash, the pupil's own good taste must give th« to his decision. ATTITUDE. «^ fhe gracefulness of motion in the iiuman frame," says Austin, in hia Cfliroaomia, " consists in the facility and security with which it is executed: ftnd the grace of any position consists in the facility with which it can be varied. Hence, in the standing figure, the position is graceful when the iveight of the body is principally supported on one leg, while the other is so placed as to be ready to relieve it promptly, and without eftbrt. The foot which flastains the principal weight must be so placed that a perpendicular line, lei ^11 from the pit of the neck, shall pass through the heel of that foot. Of Bourse, thu centre of gravity of the body is, for the time, in that line; whUaJ 3 54 THE STANDARD SPEAKEK. the other foot assists merely for the purpose of keeping tha body balanced It ihe positicn, and of preventing it from tottering. In the various positions oi the feet, care is to be taken that the grace which is aimed at be attended with simplicity. The position of the orator is equally removed from the awkward- ness of the rustic, with toes turned in and knees bent, and from the affectation of the dancing-master, whose position runs to the opposite extreme. The orator is to adopt such positions only as consist with manly and simple grace. The toes ar^ to be moderately turned outward, but not to be constrained; tha limbs are to be disposed so as to support the body with ease, and to admit ot flowing and graceful movement. The sustaining foot is to be planted firmly i the leg braced, but not contracted; the other foot and limb must press lightly, and be held relaxed, so as to be ready for immediate change and action. In changing the positions of the feet, the motions are to be made with the utmost simplicity, and free from the parade and sweep of dancing. The speaker must advance, retirn, or change, almost imperceptibly; and it is to be particularly observed that changes should not be too frequent. Frequent change gives the idea of anxiety or instability, both of which are unfavorable." Nothing can bf more unbecoming than for an orator to be constantly tripping from one si(.e 4)0 the other, on the stand, and walking so fast as to seem to outrun his speech Such an orator was said, anciently, to run after a cause, instead of pleaduig it; and it is stated of Flavins Virginius, that he asked a speaker, very much addicted to this habit, how many miles he had spoken that day. Of an orator, whose favorite action was rising on tiptoe, it was said, that he must have been accustomed to address his audience over a high wall. The bow of the speaker to his audience, previous to his speech, should be graceful and dignified; as far removed from a careless, jerking abruptness, as from a formal and unnecessary flourish. REGULATION OF THE HANDS, ARMS, &C. In Oratory, the regulation of the hand is of peculiar importance, not only as it serves to express passion, but to mark the dependence of clauses, and to interpret the emphasis. . All action without the hand, says Qumtihan, is weak and crippled. The expressions of the hand are as varied as language. It demands, promises, calls, dismisses, threatens, implores, detests, fears, ques- tions, and denies. It expresses joy, sorrow, doubt, acknowledgment, depena- ence, repentance, number and time. Yet, the hand may be so employed as not only to become an unmeaning, but an inconvenient appendage. One speaker may raise his hands so high that he cannot readily get them down. One, cannot take them from his bosom. One, stretches them above his head; and another lays about him with such vigor, that it is dangerous to be within his reach. . . j t ij In using the arms, a speaker should give his action in curves, and should bear in mind that different situations call for more or less motion of the limbs. The fingers of the hand should not be kept together, as if it were intended by nature that they should unite; nor should they be held forth unmeaningly, Uke a bunch of radishes; but they should be easily and naturally bent. _ Tlie speaker who truly feels his subject will feel it to his very finger-tips, %ud these last will take unconsciously the right bend or motion, btudy weU, therefore, what you have to say, and be prepared to say it m earnest. _ The hand and arm should usually be moved gracefully m semi-circlea, ♦xcept m indicative j^assages, as thus : " X charm thy life ! Lord Cardi nai, to you I «peak ! " To lay down rules as to how fixr the arms may be extended, or to what elevation the hand may be raised, would be superfluous. A speaker should avoid throwing his arms up, as if he were dettermined tc fling them from him; and he should avoid letting them fall with a vicleno* •ufitcijnt to bruise his thigh; yet it is mdispensable that the arm shouW &U |.U(i that it shoul"' not remain pinioned to +he side. MODES OF IMPHOTING THE VOICE ft is as esgeitial for a speaker to endeavor, by his appearance and manner, to please the eye, as by his tones to please the ear. His dress sh)uld be decent Mid unaffected. His position should be easy and graceful. If he stand in a perfectly perpendicular posture, an auditor would naturally say, " He looks hke a post." If the hands work in direct lines, it will give him the appear, ance of a two-handled pump. The first point to be attained is to avoid awk ward habits : such as resting the chief weight of the body first on one foot and then on the other; swinging to and fro; jerking forward the upper part of the body, at every emphatic word; keeping the elbows pinioned to the sides; and sawing the air with one hand, with one unvaried and ungraceful motion. A3 gesture is used for the illustration and enforcement of language, sc it should be limited, in its application, to such words and passages as admit of or require it. A judicious speaker will not only adapt the general style and manner of his action to the subject, the place, and the occasion, but even when he allows himself the greatest latitude, he will reserve his gesture, or, at least, the force and ornament of^.it, for those parts of his discourse for which he also reserves his boldest thoughts and his most brilliant expressions. As the head gives the chief grace to the person, so does it principally con- tribute to the expression of grace in delivery. It must be held in an erect and natural position. For, when drooped, it is expressive of humilitv • when turned upwards, of arrogance; when inclined to one side, it expresses languor; and when stiff and rigid, it indicates a lack of ease and self-possession. Its move- ments should be suited to the character of the delivery; they should accord with the gesture, and fall in with the action of the hands, and the motions of the body. The eyes, which are of the utmost consequence in aiding the expres- sion of the orator, are generally to be directed as the gesture points; except when we have occasion to condemn, or refuse, or to require any object to be removed; on which occasion, we should at the same moment express aver- sion in our countenance, and reject by our gesture A listless, inanimate expression of countenance, will always detract from the effect of the most eloquent sentiments, and the most appropriate utterance. TRAINING AND STRENGTHENING THE VOICE. In order to read and speak well, it is necessary to have all the vocal elements under complete command, so that they may be duly applied when- ever they are required for the vivid and elegant delineation of the sense and sentiment of discourse. The student, therefore, should first practise on the thirty-five alphabetic elements, in order to insure a true and easy execution of their unmixed sounds. This will be of more use than pronouncing words in which they occur; for, when pronounced singly, the elements will receive a concentration of the organic effort, which will give them a clearness of sound and a definite outline, if we may so speak, at their extremes, making a fine preparation for their distinct and forcible pronunciation in the compounds of speech. He should then take one or more of the compound sounds, and carry it through all the degrees of the diatonic and concrete scales, both in an upward and a downward direction, and through the principal forms of the wave. Ho should next take some one familiar sentence, and practise upon it with every variety of intonation of which it will admit. He should afterwards run through the various vocal keys, and the forms of the cadence; and, lastly, he should recite, with all the force that he can command, some passage which requires great exertion of the voice. If he would acquire power and volume of utter- ance, he must practise in the open air, with his face to the wind, his body perfectly erect, his chest expanded, his tongue retracted and depressed, and the cavity of his mouth as much as possible enlarged; and it is almost unnec- «8_sa,ry to add, that anything which improves the general tone of the health «nU proportionably affect the voice. If to this elementary practice the student Wd a earef"!} and discriminating analysis of some of the best pieces which our ^6 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. language oontains, both in prose and verse, and if he strenuousTj cr dca^w U apply to them all the scientific principles which he has learned, there can b« no doubt that he will acquire a manner of delivery which will do ampk 'ustice to any subject on which he may be called to exercise his voeai Oowers. In all reading and public speaking, the management of the breath rcquire« great car3, so as not to be obliged to divide words from one another which have su intipaate a connection that they ought to be pronounced in th® sam« breath, and without the least separation. Many sentences are marred, and th« force of the emphasis totally lost, by divisions being made in the wrong place. To avoid this, every one, while he is reading or speaking, should be careful to provide a full supply of breath for what he is to utter. It is a great mistake to imagine that the breath must be drawn only at the end of a period, when the voice is allowed to fall. It may easily be gathered at intervals of the period, when the voice is only suspended for a moment; and, by this manage- ment, we may have always a sufficient stock for carrying on the longest sentence, without improper interruptions. The importance of a skilful management of the breath in utterance will be made apparent by a little practice. It is a good exercise for the pupil to repeat the cardinal numbers rapidly up to twenty, inhaling a full breath at the commencement. He may, by practice, make his breath hold out till he reaches forty and more, enunciating every syllable distinctly. • It must always be part of a healthful physiological regimen to exercise the voice daily, in reading or speaking aioud. The habit of Demosthenes, of walk- ing by the sea-shore and shouting, was less important, in accustoming him tc the sound of a multitude, than in developing and strengthening his vocal organs. The pupil will be astonished to find how much his voice will gain in power by daily exercise. " Reading aloud and recitation," says Andrew Combe, " are more useful and invigorating muscular exercises thaa is gene- rally imagined; at least, when managed with due regard to the natural powers of the individual, so as to avoid effort and fatigue. Both require the varied activity of most of the muscles of the trunk to a degree of which few are conscious till their attention is turned to it. In forming and undulating the voice, not only the chest, but also the diaphragm and abdominal muscles, are in constant action, and communicate to the stomach and bowels a healthy and agreeable stimulus." Btow doubly important does the judicious and methodical exercise of the 7oice thus become to him who would make it at once an effective instrument of conveying truth to his fellow-men, and of improving his own physical itrength and capacity ! EXPLANATORY MARKS The length of a vowel is indicated by a horizontal Une^ (-) ever it; aa, ^ tatlnus. Its shortness is marked by a curve (" ) ; as, Regulus. If two vowels, which, in ordinary circumstances, form a diphthong, or ar« Ukely to be fused together in their utterance, are to be pronounced separately the second is marked with (") ; that is, a diajresis; as, atrial. This rul« is not always observed in familiar instances. , • i. • The acute accent (') is employed to indicate that the vowel over which it » placed is not merged in the preceding syllable ; as, blessed, Tempe ; th« accent showing that these words are to be pronounced in two syllablea. In poetry, the past participle, which in prose is in one syllable, often has to M pronounced in two, to preserve the harmony of the verse. THE STANDARD SPEAKER. PART FIRST. MOKAL AND DIDACTIC. 1. TRUTH THE OBJECT OF ALL &TVJ)mS. — Original Translation The supreme want, as well as the supreme blessing of man, is tru! a. 7es,_ truth in religion, which, in giving us pure and exalted ideas of the Divinity, teaches us, at the same time, to render Him the most worthy' and intelligent homage ; — truth in morals, which indicates their duties t{» all classes, at once without rigor and without laxity ; — truth in politics, which, in making authority more just and the people more acquiescent, saves governments from the passions of the multitude, and the m altitude from the tyranny of governments ; — truth in our legal tribunals, which strikes Vice with consternation, reassures Innocence, and accomplishes the triumph of Justice ; — trutli in education, which,' bringing the conduct of instructors into accordance with their teachino-' exhibits them as the models no less than the masters of infancy and youth ; — truth in literature and in art, which preserves them from the contagion of bad taste, from false ornaments as well as false thoughts ; — truth in the daily commerce of life, which, in banishing fraud and imposture, establishes the common security ; — truth in everything, truth before everything, — this is, in effect, what the whole human race, at heart, solicit. Yes, all men have a consciousness, that truth is ever beneficent, and falsehood ever pernicious. And, indeed, when none but true doctrines shall be universally inculcated, — when they shall have penetrated all hearts, — when they shall animate every order of society, — if they do not arrest all exut- ing evils, they will have, at least, the advantage of arresting a great many. They will be prolific in generous sentiments and^ virtuou? actions , and the world will perceive that truth is, to the body sucial. a principle of life. ^ But, if, on the other hand, error, in matters of uapital import, obtain dominion in the minds of men, — especially of those who are called to serve as guides and models, — it will mislead and confound them, and, in corrupting their thoughts, sentiments an«i wU, it will ^ecome a principle of dissolution and death. 38 THE STANDARD SPEAKER 2. IMMORrALlTY. — Original Translation from Massillon. Juan 3aptiste Massillon, one of the most eloquent preachers of any age, was bom in Pit* ence, France, in 1663. lie became so celebrated for his eloquence, that he was called to Paris (There he drew crowds of hearers. In 1717, he was made Bishop of Clermont ; and died, 1743- If we wholly perish with the body, what an imposture is this whok system of laws, manners and usages, on which human society is foitinded ! [f vfQ wholly perish with the body, these maxims of charity, patience, Justice, honor, gratitude and friendship, which sages have taught and good men have nractised, what are they but empty words, possessing 0.0 real and binding efficacy? Why should we heed them, if in this life only we have hope ? Speak not of duty. What can we owe to the dead, to the living, to ourselves, if all are, or will be, nothing ? Who shall dictate our duty, if not our own pleasures, — if not our own passions ? Speak not of morality. It is a mere chimera, a bugbear of human invention, if retribution terminate with the grave. If we must wholly perish, what to us are the sweet ties of kindred ? what the tender names of parent, child, sister, brother, husband, wife,, or friend ? The characters of a drama are not more illusive We have no ancestors, no descendants ; since succession cannot be predi- cated of nothingness. Would we honor the illustrious dead ? How absurd to honor that which has no existence ! Would we take thought for posterity ? How frivolous to concern ourselves for those whose end, like our own, must soon be annihilation ! Have we made a promise ? How can it bind nothing to nothing ? Perjury is but a jest. The last injunctions of the dying, — what sanctity have they more than the last sound of a chord that is snapped, of an instru- ment that is broken ? To sum up all : If we must wholly perish, then is obedience to the laws but an insensate servitude ; rulers and magistrates are but tne phantoms which popular imbecility has raised up ; justice is an un- warrantable infringement upon the liberty of men, — an imposition, a^n usurpation ; the law of marriage is a vain scruple ; modesty, a prej- udice ; honor and probity, such stuff as dreams are made of ; and incests, murders, parricides, the most heartless cruelties, and the black- est crimes, are but the legitimate sports of man's irresponsiole nature ; while the harsh epithets attached to them are merely such as the policy of legislators has invented, and imposed on the credulity of the pooplo. Here is the issue to which the vaunted philosophy of unbeliever must inevitably lead. Here is that social felicity, that sway of rea- won, that emancipation from error, of which they eternally prate, as the fruit of their doctrines. Accept their maxims, and the whole world falls back into a frightful chaos ; and all the relations of l-ife are confounded ; and all ideas of vice and virtue, are reversed ; and the most inviolable laws of society vanish ; and all moral disciplin« perishes; and the government of states and nations has no longoi any cement to uphold it ; and all the harmony of the body politin MORAL AND DIDACTIC. RUSKIN. becomes discord ; and the human race is no more thai an :jsseniblag€ >jf reckless barbarians, shameless, remorseless, brutal, denaturalized, with no other law than force, no other check than passion, no other bond than irreligion, no other God than self! Such would be th© world which impiety would make. Such would be this world, wcm ft i>ftlief in God and immortality to die out of the human heart. 3. THE UTILITY OP THE BEAUHIYVL. — Jokn Eusktn. Man's use and function — and let him who will not grant mc this follow me no further — is to be the witness of the glory of God, and to advance that glory by his reasonable obedience and resultant happiness. Whatever enables us to fulfil this function is, in the pure ind first sense of the word, useful to us. And yet people speak, ii this working age, as if houses, and lands, and food, and raiment, were done useful ; and, as if sight, thought and admiration, were all profit- less : so that men insolently call themselves Utilitarians, who would turn, if they had their way, themselves and their race into vegetables; men who think, as far as such can be said to think, that the meat is more than the life, and the raiment than the body ; who look to thf earth as a stable, and to its fruit as fodder ; vine-dressers and hus bandmen, who love the corn they grind, and the grapes they crush, Detter than the gardens of the angels upon the slopes of Eden ; hewers of wood and drawers of water, who think that the wood they hew, and the water they draw, are better than the pine-forests that cover the mountains like the shadow of God, and than the great rivers that move like His eternity. And so comes upon us that woe of the preacher, that though God " hath made everything beautiful in his time, also He hath set the world in their heart, so that no man can find out the work that God maketh from the beginning to the end." This Nebuchadnezzar curse, that sends us to grass like oxen, seems to follow but too closely on the excess or continuance of national power and peace. In the perplexities of nations, in their struggles for exist- ence, — in their infancy, their impotence, or even their disorganization, — they have higher hopes and nobler passions. Out of the suffering (X)mes the serious mind ; out of the salvation, the grateful heart ; out of the endurance, the fortitude ; out of the deliverance, the faith. Deep though the causes of thankfulness must be to every people at peace with others and at unity in itself, there are causes of fear also,' — a fear greater than of sword and sedition, — that dependence on Goi may be forgotten, because the bread is given and the water is sure ; fchat gratitude to Him may cease, because His constancy of protectiou has taken the semblance of a natural law ; that heavenly hope maj grow faint amidst the full fruition of the world ; thar selfishness maif take place of undemanded devotion, compassion be lost in vain-glory and love in dissimulation ; that enervation may succeed to strength •ipathy tG patience, and the noise of jesting words and the foulness oi THE STANDARD SPEAKER. daik thoughts to the earnest purity of the girded loins and the hum iiig lamp. Let us beware that our rest become not the rest of stoneak which, so long as they are torrent-tossed and thunder-stricken, main tain their majesty, but, when the stream is silent, and the storni passed^ mffer the grass to cover them and the lichen to feed on them, 4ud are ploughed down into dust. 4. THE WORLD WITHOUT AND WITHIN. — Thomas Noon Talfourdt. Existence has become almost a different thing since it began with some of us. It then justified its old similitude of a journey, — it quick- ened with intellect into a march; it is now whirling with science and speculation into a flight. Space is contracted and shrivelled up like a scroll. Time disdains its old relations to distance. The intervals between the " flighty purpose " and the " deed " are almost annihi- lated ; and the national mind must either glow with generous excite- ment, or waste in fitful fever. How important, then, is it, that throughout our land the spiritual agencies should be quickened into kindred activity ; that the few minutes of leisure and repose which may be left us should, by the succession of those " thoughts which wander through eternity," become hours of that true time which is dialled in Heaven ; that thought, no longer circling in vapid dream, but im.pelled right onward with divine energy, should not only out- speed the realized miracles of steam, but the divinest visions of atmos- pheric prophecy, and still " keep the start of the majestic world " ! Mr. Canning once boasted, of his South American policy, that he had " called a new world into existence, to balance the old." Ee it your nobler endeavor to preserve the balance even between the world within us and the world without us ; not vainly seeking to retard the life of action, but to make it steady by Contemplation's innnorta. freightage. Then may we exult, as the chariot of humanity flies onward, with safety in its speed, — for we shall discover, like Ezekiei of old, in prophetic vision, the spirit in its wheels. All honor, then, to those who, amid the toils, the cares, and the excitements, of a season of transition and struggle, would rescue the golden hours of the youth around them from debasing pleasures and more debasing sloth, and enable them to set to the world, in a great crisis of . its moral condition, this glorious example of intellectual cour- Ige and progress ! 6 THE MECHANICAL EPOCH. — Hon. John P. Kennedy. The world is now entering upon the Mechanical Epoch. There ie QOthing in the future more sure than the great triumphs which that «poch 'is to achieve. It has already advanced to some glorious con quests. What miracles of mechanical invention already crowd upon OS ' Look abroad, and contemplate the infinite achievements of th« MJEAL AND 7>IDACTIC. — AKENSIDE. 4 steam power. Reflect a moment on all that has been done by the railroad. Pause to estimate, if you can, with all the help of imagm&. lion, what is to result from the agency now manifested in the oper- ations of the telegraph. Cast a thought over the who.e field of scientific mechanical improvement and its application to human wants, m the last twenty years, — to go no further back, — and think what a world it has made ; — how many comforts it has given to man, how Jiany facilities ; what it has done for his food and raiment, for km communication with his fellow-man in every clime, for his instructioD .n books, his amusements, his safety ! — what new lands it has opened, »vhat old ones made accessible ! — how it has enlarged the sphere of' ^is knowledge and conversancy with his species ! It is all a great, astounding marvel, a miracle which it oppresses the mind to think of. It is the smallest boast which can be made for it to say that, in ail desirable facilities in life, in the comfort that depends upon mechanism, and in all that is calculated to delight the senses or instruct the mind, the man of this day, who has secured himself a moderate competence, IS placed far in advance of the most wealthy, powerful and princely of ancient times, — might I not say, of the times less than a century gone by ? And yet we have only begun ; — we are but on the threshold of this epoch. A great celebration is now drawing to a close, — the cel- ebration, by all nations, of the new era. A vast multitude of alj peoples, nations and_tongues, has been, but yesterday, gathered under a magnificent crystal palace, in the greatest city of the world, to illustrate and distinguish the achievements of art, — no less, also, to dignify and exalt the great mechanical fraternity who have filled that palace with wonders. Is not this fact, of itself, charged with a volume of comment ? What is it but the setting of the great distinct- ive seal upon the nineteenth century? — an advertisment of the fact that society has risen to occupy a higher platform than ever before ? --a proclamation from the high places, announcing honor, honor immortal, to the workmen who fill this world with beauty, comfort and power ; honor to be forever embalmed in history, to be perpetuated in monuments, to be written in the hearts of this and succeeding geri- 6. THE MIND OF MAIH. — Mark Afcenside. Born, 1121 i died^im Say, why was man so eminently raised Amid the vast creation, — why ordained Through life and death to dart his piercing eye. With thoughts beyond the limit of his frame, — ' But that th' Omnipotent might send him forth In sight of mortal and immortal Powers, As on a boundless theatre, to run I'he great career of justice ; to exalt His geuerous ^im to all diviner deeds * ♦2 THE STANJ>i^,<0 SPEiKm To chase eacfi partial purpose from his breast, And through the mists of Passion and of Sense, And through the tossing tides of Chance and Pain, To hold his course unfaltering, while the voice Of Truth and Virtue, up the steep ascent Of Nature, calls him to his high reward, The applauding smile of Heaven ? The high-born i05l Disdains to rest her Heaven-aspiring wing Beneath its native quarry. Tired of earth And this diurnal scene, she springs aloft Through fields of air ; pursues the flying storm ; Rides on the volleyed lightning through the Heavens Or, yoked with whirlwinds and the Northern blast, Sweeps the long tract of Day. Mind, Mind alone (bear witness, Earth and Heaven*^ The living fountains in itself contains Of beauteous and sublime : here, hand in hand, Sit paramount the Graces ; here, enthroned. Celestial Venus, with divinest airs. Invites the Soul to never-fading joy. Look, then, abroad through Nature, to the rangt Of planets, suns, and adamantine spheres, Wheeling unshaken through the void immense , And speak, C man ! does this capacious scene With half that kindling majesty dilate Thy strong conception, as when Brutus rose Refulgent from the stroke of Caesar's fate, Amid the crowd of patriots, and his arm Aloft extending, like eternal Jove, When guilt brings down the thunder, called aloud On Tully's name, and shook his crimson steel, And bade the father of his country hail ? For lo ! the tyrant prostrate in the dust, And Rome again is free ! 7. THE TRUE TO-DAY —H. Withington. Born, 1818 ; diei, 1848. All that there is in what we call To-day is in the life of thougnt thought is the spirit's breath. To think is to live ; for he who thinki not has no sense of life. Wouldst thou make the most of life. — wouldst thou have the joy of the present, — let Thought's invisible shuttles weave full in the loom of Time the moment's passing threadfi. To think is to live ; but with how many are these passing hours as so many loose filaments, never woven together, nor gathered, but scat- tered, ravelling, so many flying ends, confused and worthless ! Time and life, unfilled with thought, are useless, unenjoyed, bringing no ple;isure for the present, storing no good for future neqd To-da^ if MORAL AND DIDACTIC- ENGLAND. 43 the golden chance, wherewith to snatch Thought's blftssed fniition, - the joy of the Present, the hope of the Future. Thought makes tkt time that is, and thought the eternity to come : "0 bright presence of To-day, let me wrestle with thee, grarioiis angel; I will not let thee go except thou bless me; bless me, then, To-day ' 0 sweet garden of To-day, let me gather of thee, precious Eden; J have stolen bitter knowledge, give me fruits of life To-day. 0 true temple of To-day, let me worship in thee, glorious Zion; 1 find none other place nor time than where I am To-day. 0 living rescue of To-day, let me run into thee, ark of refuge; 1 see none other hope nor chance, but standeth in To-day. 0 rich banquet of To-day, let me feast upon thee, saving manna; 1 have none other food nor store but daily bread To-day." 8. THE DUELLIST'S IlOmB.. — Bishop England. Born, 1786; died, 1842. Honor is the acquisition and preservation of the dignity of om nature: that dignity consists in its perfection; that perfection is round in observing the laws of our Creator ; the laws of the Creator are the dictates of reason and of religion : that is, the observance of what He teaches us by the natural light of our own minds, and by the special revelations of His will manifestly given. They both con- cur in teaching us that individuals have not the dominion of the-^ own lives ; otherwise, no suicide would be a criminal. They concur teaching us that we ought to be amenable to the laws of the societ of which we are members ; otherwise, morality and honor would be consistent with the violation of law and the disturbance of the social system. ^ They teach us that society cannot continue to exist where the public^ tribunals are despised or undervalued, and the redress of injuries withdrawn from the calm regulation of public justice, for the purpose of being committed to the caprice of private passion, and the execution of individual ill-will ; therefore, the man of honor abides by the law of God, reveres the statutes of his country, and is respect- ful and amenable to its authorities. Such, my friends, is what the reflecting portion of mankind has always thought upon the subject of honor. This was the honor of the Greek ; this was the honor of the Roman ; this the honor of the Jew ; this the honor of the Gentile ; this, too, was the honor of the Christian, until the superstition and barbarity of Northern devastators darkened his glory and degraded Uis character. Man, then, has not power over his own life ; much less is he jufjti- ged in depriving another human being of life. Upon what grcund can he who engages in a duel, through the fear of ignonony, lay claim to courage ? Unfortunate delinquent ! Do you not see by how many lir.ks your victim was bound to a multitude of others ? Does his vain and idle resignation of his title to life absolve you from the enormous claims which society has upon you for his services, ~ his family for that support, of which you have robbed them, without youi own enrichment ? Go. stand over that body ; call back tha^ sou. THE feTANiARD SPEAKEK. whicls you have d riven ft-om its tenement ; take up that hand whicfc. your pride refused to touch, not one hour ago. You have, in youf ^ride and wrath, usurped one prerogative of God. You hare inflicted death. At least, in mercy, attempt the exercise of another ; breathe into those distended nostrils, — let your brother be once more a hving Boul ! Merciful Father ! how powerless are we for good, but how mighty for, evil ! Wretched man ! he does not answer, — he cannot rise. All your efforts to make him breathe are vain. His soul is already in the presence of your common Creator. Like the wretched Cain, will you answer, " Am I my brother's keeper ? " Why do you turn away from the contemplation of your own honorable work ? Yes, go as far as you will, still the admonition will ring in your ears : It was by your hand he fell! The horrid instrument of death is still in that hand, and the stain of blood upon your soul. Fly, if you will, — go to that house which you have filled with desolation. It is the shriek of his widow, — they are the cries of his children, — the broken sobs of his parent ; — and, amidst the wailings, you distinctly hear the voice of imprecation on your own guilty head ! Will your hmorable feelings be content with this ? Have you now had ahun* d tnt and gentlemanly satisfaction ? 8. DAY CONCEALS WHAT NIGHT REVEALS. P. m'cAoZ. Vast as our firmament may be, has it boundaries, or does it stretch away into infinitude ? Are those awful spaces, that surround it on every side, void, empty, — or are they tenanted by worlds and systems similar to our own ? No wonder that a mind like Herschell's should hayc r ashed to the conclusion that the space around our system was a vault, in whose capacious bosom myriads of mighty clusters like our own universe are placed. If it be true that this great scheme of ours is simply that which Herschell first supposed it, but still a great, sep- arate, distinct scheme, whose nature is, perhaps, more than anything else, represented by these singular Nebulae, what must we think with regard to it ? Surely it is, that notwithstanding its innnense difiusion, its vast confines, the great space through which its different portioas range, there must lie around it, on every side, vast untenanted spaces ; and, if this be so, may it not be that amid all that space, also, there are floating great schemes of being like ours, — schemes, I fsay, of different shape, of different character, but lying in these vasi regions of space like ours, — schemes quite as magnificent as that vast system to which we ourselves belong ? If this be so, what a conception, in regard to the material universe, must press itself upon our notice i How strange that this Universe is only yet cognizable by one human sense ! that the veil of the sun's light entirely conceals its wonden from our view ! that, had the light of that Sun not been veiUid b^ the curtain of night we had lived amid it and never have known of the axiatence of the Stellar Universe ! May it not, then, be trao, thas MOKAI. AND DIDACTIC. ^5 during midnight, wlf.en these infinite orbs apjy ai* to \m from thoii anmeasured depths, --may it not be true that through ^eOs as thiu, we are withheld now from the consciousness of other Universes, vasj even aa the world of stars ? But, in reference to an idea sc lofty, le* me use the lanmiao-e of a crreat mind : o o o " Mysterious Night ? when our first parent knew Thee by report divine, and heard thy name. Did he not tremble for this lovely frame, ^his glorious canopy of light and blue '] Yet 'neath a curtain of translucent dew, loathed in the rays of the great setting Qacno, Hesperus and the hosts of Heaven came. And, lo ! Creation widened in man's \'iew. Who could have thought such darkness lay concealed Within thy beams, 0 Sun ! or who could find. Whilst fly and leaf and insect stood revealed. That to such countless orbs thou mad'st us blind Why do we, then, shun death with anxious strife 1 — If Light can thus deceive, why may not Life 1 " 10. MAN'S MATERIAL TRIUMPHS. — Orig-ma/ Translation. When we contemplate man in his relations to the rest of citation, how lofty, in the comparison, appears his lot! He subdues all the pow- ers of nature. He combines or separates them according to his wants- — according to his caprices. Master of the earth, he covers it at wiW with cities, with villages, with monuments, with trees, and with har- vests. He forces all the lower animals to cultivate it for him, to serve him for use or pastime, or to disappear from his domain. Master of the sea, he floats at ease over its unfathomed abysses ; he places dylces to its fury, he pillages its treasures, and he makes itss waves hia highway of transportation from clime to clime. Master of the ele- ments, fire, air, light, water, docile slaves of his sovereign will, are imprisoned in his laboratories and manufactories, or harnessed to hie cars, which they drag, invisible couriers, swift as thought ! Wliat grandeur and what power, in a n-ail being of a day, a hardly perceptible atom amid that creation, over which he acquires such em- pire ! And yet this creature, so diminutive, so weak, has received an intelligent and reasoning soul ; and, alone, among all the rest, enjoys the amazing privilege of deriving from the Fountain of life and light an intellectual radiance, in the midst of worlds whose glow is but the pale reflex of material orbs. The empire of the world has been given to him because his spirit, greater than the world, can measure, a^lmire, comprehend, and explain it. Nature has been subjected to him, because he can unveil the marvellous mechanism of her laws, penetrate her profoundest secrets, and wrest from her all the treasures which she holds in her bosom. Placed at such a height, man would 'ndee^. be perilously tempted; — giddy and dazzled, he wciild forgel ♦ J= Blanco Whit© 46 THE STANDAEr SPEAKER. the adorable Benefa^^tor, who had made him so great, and admire ano adore hinxself as the principle and the first source of his grandetir, but that Divine Goodness has been quick to secure him from thh danger, by graving in his being a law of dependence, of original in- firmity, of which it is impossible for pride itself to efface the celestial imprint. And SO' has Nature been commissioned to render up her secrets and her treasures with a reluctant hand, one by one, at the price of har- assing labors and profound meditations ; to make man feel, at every movement, that if she is obliged to succumb to his desires, she yields less to his will than to his exertions ; — a sure sign of his dependence. And so shall there be no progress, no conquests for man, which are no"t at once i signal proof of his strength and his weakness, and which do not bear the indelible impress at once of his power and his insuffi- eieacy. 11. FORTITTTDE AMID TRIALS. — Anonymous. 0, NEVER from thy tempted heart Let thine integrity depart ! When Disappointment fills thy cup, Undaunted, nobly drink it up ; Truth will prevail, and Justice show Her tardy honors, sure though slow. Bear on — bear bravely on ! Bear on ! Our life is not a dream, Though often such its mazes seem ; We were not born for lives of ease, Ourselves alone to aid and please. To each a daily task is given, A labor which shall fit for Heaven ; When Duty calls, let Love grow warm ; — Amid the sunshine and the storm, With Faith life's trials boldly breast, And come a conqueror to thy rest. Bear on — bear bravely on ! 12. THE UNITED STATES OP EUROPE — Original Translation Prom Victor Hugo's Presidential Address at the Peace Congress, 1849. A DAT will come when you, France, — you, Russia, — you, / t-aly — yom, England, — you, Germany, — all of you. Nations of tiw Oon- .inent, — shall, without losing your distinctive qualities &nd your glorious individuality, blend in a higher unity, and form a European fraternity, even as Normandy, Brittany, Burgundy, Lorraine, Alsace,* %L the French provinces, have blended into France A day will yyme ♦ Pronounced A^sasa. MORAL AND DIDACTIC. HUGO. 47 W'hen war shall seem as absurd and impossible between Paris iihd Lon. ioD, between Petersbui^g and Berlin, as between Rouen * and Amiens 1 between Boston and Philadelphia. A day will come when bullet* %rid bombs shall be replaced by ballots, by the universal sufiVagcs cf the People, by the sacred arbitrament of a great sovereign Senate which ^ shall be to Eurcpe what the Parliament is to England, what the Diet is to Germany, what the Legislative Assembly is to France. A day will come when a cannon shall be exhibited in our museums, m an instrument of torture is now, and men shall marvel that such things could be. A day will come when shall be seen those two tmmense groups, the United States of America and the United State® of Europe, in face of each other, extending hand to hand over the ocean, exchanging their products, their commerce, their industry their arts, their genius, — clearing the earth, colonizing deserts, and ame- horating creation, under the eye of the Creator. And, for that day to arrive, it is not necessary that four hundred years should pass : for we live in a fast time ; we live in a current of events and of ideas the most impetuous that has ever swept along the iN ations ; and at an epoch when a year may sometimes effect the work of a century And to you I appeal, — French, Elnglish, Germans, Kussians, bclaves, Europeans, Americans, — what have we to do to hasten the coming of that great day ? Love one another ! To love one another, m this immense work of pacification, is the best way of aiding God For God wills that this sublime end should be accom- plished. And, see, for the attainment of it, what, on all sides, He is doing! bee what discoveries He causes to spring from the human brain, all tending to the great end of peace ! What progress ! What simplifications ! How does Nature, more and more, suffer herself to be vanquished by man ! How doe3 matter become, more and more the slave of intelligence and the servant of civilization ! How do tht causes of war vanish with the causes of suffering ! How are remote Nations brought near ! How is distance abridged! And how doe', this abridgment make men more like brothers ! Thanks to railroads Europe will soon be no larger than France was in the middle ages' Jhanks to steamships, we now traverse the ocean more easily than we could the Mediterranean once ! Yet a few years more, and the elec- trie thread of concord shall encircle the globe, and unite the world ' VVhen 1 consider all that Providence has done for us, and all that pditicians nave done against us, a melancholy consideration presents itsell We Jearn, from the statistics of Europe, that she now spend, annua I Jy, for the maintenance of her armies, the sum of five hundred millions of dollars. If, for the last thirty-two years, this enormous sum had been expended m the interests of peace, - America n« can- while aiding Europe, - know you what would have happened ? The ^ of he world would have been changed. Isthmuses would haw &eeo cut through; rivers would have been channelled; mountalni ♦ Pronounced Rooang. ^ Ahmoeang, 48 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. tunnelled. Raili-oads would have covered the two ccnllft^nts. The merchant tonnage of the world would have increased a hundred-fold. There would be nowhere barren plains, nor moors, nor marshes Cities would be seen where now all is still a solitude. Harbors would have been dug where shoals and rocks now threaten navigation. Asia would be i-aised to a state of civilization. Africa would be restored to man. Abundance would flow forth fronx every side, from all the veins of the earth, beneath the labor of the whole family of man ; and uiisery would disappear ! And, with misery, what would also disap. pear ? Revolutions. Yes ; the face of the world would be changed. ] nstead of destroying one another, men would peacefully people the A' iste places of the earth. Instead of making revolutions, they would establish colonies. Instead of bringing back barbarism into civi'iza- tioo, they would carry civilization into barbarism. (3, THE PEACE CONGRESS OF THE UNION. — ^dujurd Z'verett. June llth, 1860. Among the great ideas of the age, we are authorized in reckoning a growing sentim.ent in favor of peace. An impression is unquestion- ably gaining strength in the world, that public war is no less reproach- ful to our Christian civilization than the private wars of the feudal ihieft in the middle ages. A Congress of Nations begins to be re- garded as a practicable measure. Statesmen, and orators, and phi- lanthropists, are flattering themselves that the countries of Europe, which have existed as independent sovereignties for a thousand years, and have never united in one movement since the Crusades, may be Drought into some community of action for this end. They are calling conventions, and digesting projects, by which Empires, Kingdoms, and Republics, inhabited by different races of men, — tribes of Slavonian, Teutonic, Latin, and mixed descent, — speaking different languages, believing different creeds,— Greeks, Cath- olics, and Protestants, men who are scarcely willing to live on the same earth with each other, or go to the same Heaven, — can be made to agree to some great plan of common umpirage. If, while these sanguine projects are pursued, — while we are thinking it worth while to compass sea and land in the expectation of bringing these jarring nationalities into some kind of union, in order to put a stop to war, — if, I say, at this juncture, the People of these thirty Unit'id ferates, most of which are of the average size of a European King- dom, destined, if they remain a century longer at peace with each other, to equal in numbers the entire population of Europe ; States, which, drawn together by a general identity of descent, language and fiiith, have not so much formed as grown up into a National Confod- eration, possessing in its central Legislature, Executive and Judi diary, an efficient tribunal for the arbitration and decision of contro. rersies, — an actual Peace Congress, clothed with all the pcwers of a «)mmon Constitution and law and with a jurisdiction extending t« MORAL AND DIDACTIC. — BECKWITH. 49 the individual citizen (which this projected Congress of Nations does liOt even hope to exercise), — if, while we grasp at this shadow of a Congress of Nations, we let go of — nay, break up, and scatter to the winds — this substantia] union, fhis real Peace Congress, which, for sixty years, has kept the country, with all its conflictfng elements, in a state of prosperity never before equalled in the world, we shall com- mit a folly for which the language we speak has no name ; against which, if we, rational beings, should fail to protest, the dumb stones of yonder monument would immediately cry out in condeu) nation ' 14. THE SPIRIT OF THE AGE ADVERSE TO WAR.^Jtex,. ^. C. Beckwith. War will yet cease from the whole earth ; for God Himself has said it shall. As an infidel, I might doubt this ; but as a Christian, I can- not. If God has taught anything in the Bible, He has taught peace ; if He has promised anything there, He has promised peace, ultinjate peace, to the whole world ; and, unless the night of a godless scepticism should settle on my soul, I must believe on, and hope on, and work on, until the Nations, from pole to pole, shall beat their swords into ploughshares, their spears into pruning-hooks, and learn war no more. _ Yes, Sir ; I see, or I think I see, the dawn of that coming day. I see it in the new and better spirit of the age. I see it in the Press the Pulpit, and the School. I see it in every factory, and steamship and rail-car. I see it in every enterprise of Christian benevolence and reform. I see it in all the means of general improvement, in all the good influences of the age, now at work over the whole eartii, Y es ; there is a spirit abroad that can never rest until the war-demur) IS hunted frona the habitations of men. The spirit that is now push- ing its enterprises and improvements in every direction ; the spirit that is unfurling the white flag of commerce on every sea, and bartering ite commodities in every port ; the spirit that is laying every power of nature, as well as the utmost resources of human ingenuity, under the largest contributions possible, for the general welfare of mankind , the spirit that hunts out from your cities' darkest alleys the outcast^ of poverty and crime, for relief and reform ; nay, goes down into the barred and bolted dungeons of penal vengeance, and brings up its sallous, haggard victims, into the sunlight of a love that pities even wlule i1 smites ; the spirit that is everywhere rearing hospitals for the S7ck retreatf for the insane, and schools that all but teach the du^b tc speak, the deaf to hear, and the blind to see ; the spirit that harnesses the fire-horse in his iron gear, and sends him pant- ing, with hot but unwearied breath, across empires, and continents, and sea£ ; the spirit that catches the very lightning of Heaven, and makes it bear messages, swift, almost, as thought, from city to citv. trom country to country, round the globe ; the spirit that subsidizes all these to the godlike work of a world's salvation, and employs thein to scatter the blessed truths of the Gospel, thick as leaves of autuu^u, 4 50 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. or dew-drops of morning, all over the earth; the spirit that is at bngth weaving the sympathies and interests of car -Vvhole race into the web of one vast fraternity, and stamping upon it, or writing over it, in characters bright as sunbeams, those simple yet glorious truths, he fatherhood of God, and the brotherhood of man ; — is it pcesibie for such a spirit to rest until it shall have swept war from the eartSk forever ? (6. MOSES IN SIGHT OF THE PROMISED LAND.— ^. B. O. Peabody. B. 1799 ; d. 184?- The legislation of Moses ! Let me ask, what other legislation of ancient times is still exerting any influence upon the world ? What philosopher, what statesman of ancient times, can boast a single dis- ciple now ? What other voice comes down to us, over the stormy waves of time ? But this man is at this day, — at this hour, — eF''^,rt- ing a mighty influence over millions ; the whole Hebrew Nation do homage to his illustrious name. Though the daily sacrifice has ces sed, and the distinction of the tribes is lost, — though the temple has not reft one stone upon another, and the altar-fires have been extinguii hed iong ago, — still, wherever a Jew is found, — and they are fcrund wherever the foot of an adventurer travels, — he is a living monu]>tenf of the power which this great Hebrew statesman still has over tk minds and hearts of his countrymen. And now let us take one glance at this prophet, at the close (>f a life so laborious and honored. Up to his one hundred and twenti*-'t.h year, his eye was not dim, nor had his strength abated. _ But now, when he stands almost on the edge of the promised land, his last hour of mortal life is come. To conduct his People to that land had been his daily efi"ort, and his nightly dream ; and yet he is not permitted to enter it, though it would never have been the home of Israel, but for him. He ascends a mountain to die, and there the land of promise spreads out its romantic landscape at his feet. There is Gilead, with its deep valleys and forest-covered hills ; there are the rich plains and pastures of Dan ; there is Judah with its rocky heights, and Jericho A^ith its palm-trees and rose-gardens ; there is the Jordan, seen from Lebanon downward, winding over its yellow sands ; the long blue Ime of the Mediterranean can be seen over the mountain battlements of the West. On this magnificent death-bed the Statesman of Israel breathed his last. Lest the gratitude which so often follows the dead, taough denied to the living, should pay him Divine honors, they buned nim in darkness and silence ; and no man knoweth of his sep'ilcum mto this day. 16. NECESSITY OF LAW. — Richard Hooker. Born, 1663 ; died. 1600 The stateliness of hoTises, the goodliness of trees, when we behold khem, delighteth the eye; but that foundation which beareth up the ^ne, that root which imnistereth unto the other nourishment and Ufa MOR^L ANE DIDACTIC. CARLYLB. 51 k m the bosom of the earth concealed; and if there be occasion at any time to search into it, such labor is then, more necessary than pleasant both to them which undertake it and for the lookers on In like manner, the use and benefit of good laws, all that live under them may enjoy with delight and comfort, albeit the grounds and first origmaJ causes from whence they have sprung be unknown, as t') the greatest part of men they are. Since the time that God did first proclaim the edicts of His law npon the world. Heaven and earth have hearkened unto His voice, and ^eir labor hath been to do His will. He made a law for the rain : He gave His decree unto the sea, that the waters should not pass His commandment. Now, if Nature should intermit her course, and leave altogetW, though it were for a while, the observation of her own law; il those principal and mother elements of the world whereof all things m this lower world are made, should lose the qualities which now they have; if the frame of that Heavenly arch erected over our heads should loosen and dissolve itself; if celestial spheres should forget their wonted motions, and by irregular volubility turn themselves any way as it might happen; if the prince of the lights of Heaven,_ which now, as a giant, doth run his unwearied course should, as it were through a lang-uishing faintness, begin to stand and to rest himself ; if the moon should wander from her beaten way • the times and seasons of the year blend themselves by disordered and confused mixture; the winds breathe out their last ffasp • the clouds yield no rain; the earth be defeated of Heavenly influence; the truits ot the earth pme away, as chUdren at the withered breasts of their mother, no longer able to yield them relief, — what would be- come of man himself, whom these things do now all serve ? See we not plainly that obedience of creatures unto the law of nature is the stay ot the whole world ? Of Law there can be no less acknowledged than that her seat is the bosom of God; her voice the harmony of the world; all thincrg in Heaven and earth do her homage; the very least as feeling her Sare and the greatest as not exempted from her power. Both angels and men, and cieatures of what condition soever, though each in di£Perem sort and manner, yet all, with uniform consent, admiring her as the (notner ot their peace and joy. 17. JUSTICE — Thomas Carlyle. In this God's world, with its wild-whirling eddies and mad foam- ooeans, where men and Nations perish as if without law, and judgment for an unjust thing is sternly delay 3d, dost thou think that therein therefore no justice ? It is what the fool hath said in his heart. It what the wise, m all times, were wise because they denied, and knew forever not to be I tell thee again there is nothing else bit px.tice. One strong thing I find here below : the just thin|, ^he true 92 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. thing. Mj friefid, if thou hadst all the artillery of Woolwich truu dling at thy back in support of an unjust thing, and infinite bonfires visibly waiting ah€)ad of thee, to blaze centuries long for thy victory on behalf of it, I would advise thee to call halt, to fling down thy baton, and say, " In God's name. No ! " Thy " succ<;ss ! ~ Poor devil, what will thy success amount to ? If the thing is unjust, thoia hast not succeeded ; no, not though bonfires blazed from North to South, and bells rang, and editors wrote leading-articles, and the just thing lay trampled out of sight, to all mortal eyes an abolished and annihilated thing. Success ? — In few years thou wilt be dead and gark — all cold, eyeless, deaf ; no blaze of bonfires, ding-dong of bells, or leading-articles, visible or audible to thee again at all forever. What kind of success is that ? 18. TO-'MORROW. —Nathaniel Cotton. Born, 1T07 ; died, 1788. To-MORROw, didst thou say ? Methought I heard Horatio say. To-morrow. Go to — I will not hear of it — To-morrow ! 'T is a sharper, who stakes his penury Against thy plenty, — who takes thy ready cash, And pays thee naught, but wishes, hopes, and promises. The currency of idiots, — injurious bankrupt, That gulls the easy creditor ! — To-morrow ! It is a period nowhere to be found In all the hoary registers of Time, Unless perchance in the fool's calendar. Wisdom disclaims the word, nor holds society ~ With those who own it. No, my Horatio, 'T is Fancy's child, and Folly is its father ; Wrought of such stuff as dreams are, and as baseless As the fantastic visions of the evening. But soft, my friend, — arrest the present moment For be assured they all are arrant tell-tales : And though their flight be silent, and their path Trackless, as the winged couriers of the air. They post to Heaven, and there record thy folly ; Because, though stationed on the important watch, Thou, like a sleeping, faithless sentinel. Didst let them pass unnoticed, unimproved. — And know, for that thou slumberest on the guard, Thou shalt be made to answer at the bar For every fugitive ; and when thou thus Shalt stand impleaded at the high tribunal Of hoodwinked justice, who shall tell thy audit I Then stay the present instant dear Horatio; Imprint the marks of wisdom on ite wings * MORAL AND DIDACTIC. GOETEB. Tis of more worth thau Kingdoms ! far more precious Than all the crimson treasures of life's fountain. 0 ! let it not elude thj grasp ; but, like The good old patriarch upon record, Hold the fleet angel fast until he bless thee. 19. THE ELOQUENCE OF ACTION.— Danic/ TfTebster. When piiblic bodies are to be addressed on momentous occasions, «iheii great interests are at stake and strong passions excited, nothing !s valuable in speech, further than it is connected with high intellect- ual and moral endowments. Clearness, force and earnestness, are the qualities which produce conviction. True eloquence, indeed, does not consist m speech. It cam )( t be brought from far i^abor and learn- ing may toil for it, but tlo^ will toil m vam Words and phrases may be marshalled in evoi way, but they cannot compass it. It must exist in the man, in th^ subject, and in the occasion. AflFected Dassion, intense expression, liie iomp of declamation, all may aspire after it- -they cannox reach t It comes, if it come at all, like the outbreaking of a fountain from ci.e earth, or the bursting forth of volcamc fires, with spontaneous, original, native force. The graces taught m the schools, the costly ornaments and studied contrivances of speech, shock and disgust mtn, whei their own lives, and the fate of their wives, their children, and their country, hang on the decision of the hour. Then, words have lost then power, rhetoric is vain, ana' all elaborate oratory contemptible Kv. n genius itself then feels rebuked and subdued, as in the piebence of higher qualities. Then, patriotism is eloquent; then, self-devotion is eloquent. The clear conception, outrunning the deductions of logic, the high purpose, the firm resolve, the dauntless spirit, speaking on the tongue, beaming from the eye, informing every feature, and urging the whole man onward, right onward, to his object, — this, this is eloquence; or, rather, it is something greater and higher than all eloquence, — it is action' 5«)ble, sublime, godlike action ! aC. SINCERITY THE SOUL OF ELOQUENCE. - Goethe. Born, 1749; rf.ed, im How shall we learn to sway the minds of men By eloquence ^ to rule them, or persuade ? Bo you seek genuine and worthy fame ? Reason and honest feeling want no arts Of utterance, — ask no toil of elocution ! And, when you speak in earnest, do you need A search for words ? 0 ! these fine holiday phrases. In which you robe your worn-out commonplaces, These scraps of paper which you crimp and curl. 54 THE STANDARD SPEAKJJR. And twist into a thousand idle shapes, These filigree ornaments, are good for notiiing, • — Cost time and pains, please few, impose on no om Are unrefreshing, as the wind that whistles, In autumn, 'mong the dry and wrinkled leaves. If feeling does not prompt, in vain you strive. If from the soul the language does not come, By its own impulse, to impel the hearts Of hearers with communicated power. In vain you strive, in vain you study earnestly, — Toil on forever, piece together fragments, — Cook up your broken scraps of sentences. And blow, with pu£&ng breath, a struggling light. Glimmering confusedly now, now cold in ashes, — Startle the school-boys with yom* metaphors, — And, if such food may suit your appetite. Win the vain wonder of applauding children ! But never hope to stir the hearts of mew. And mould the souls of m.any into one. By words which come not native from the heart ! 21. THE CHRISTIAN OB.ATOH. — Original translation from Fillemain. JSy the introduction of - Christianity, a tribune was erected, from which the most sublime truths were boldly announced to all the world; from which the purest lessons of morality were made famUiar to the ignorant multitude ; a tribune so authoritative, so august, that before it Emperors, soiled with the blood of the People, were humbled ; a tribune so pacific and tutelary, that more than once it has given refuge to its mortal enemies ; a tribune, from which many an interest, aban- doned everywhere else, was long defended ; a tribune which, singly and eternally, has pleaded the cause of the poor against the rich, of the oppressed against the oppressor, and of man against himself. There, all becomes ennobled and deified. The Christian, orator, with his mastery over the minds of his hearers, elevating and startling them by turns, can reveal to them a destiny grander than glory, or terribler than death. From the highest Heavens he can draw down an eternal hope to the tomb, where Pericles could bring only tributary lamentations and tears. If, with the Roman orator, he commemorates the warrior fallen on the field of battle, he gives to the soul of the departed that immortality which Cicero dared promise only to his renown, he charges Deity itself with the acquittal of a country's gratitude. Would the orator confine himself to evangelical preaching ? That ecience of morals, that experience of mankind, those secrets of tlio passions, which were the constant study of the philosophers and orators »f antiquity, ought to be his, also, to command. It is for him, eve* MORAL Am DIDACTIC. COWPER, Ob OiOre tlian it was for them, to know all the windings of tbe huinan Qeart, all the vicissitudes of the emotions, all the sensibilities of the soul ; not with a view to exciting those violent aflfection;s, those popu^ lar animosities, those fierce kindlings of passion, those fi]-es of ven gcance and of hate, in the outbursts of which the triumph of ancieni eloquence was attained ; but to appease, to soften, to purify, the soul Armed against all the passions, without the privilege of availing hini- self of any, he is obliged, as it were, to create a new passion, if hy fchat name wo may profane the profound, the sublime sentiment, whicb can alone vanquish and replace all others in the heart, — an intelli- gent religious enthusiasm ; and it is that, which should impart to his elocution, to his thoughts, to his words, rather the inspiration of a prophet thai?, the art and manner of an orator. ^ AIFECTATION IN THE PULPIT. — ^TiYftamCowjoer. Bom, 1731 ; died, ISOO In man or woman, — but far most in man, And most of all in man that ministers And serves the altar, — in my soul I loathe All afiectation. 'T is my perfect scorn ; Object of my implacable disgust. What ! — will a man play tricks, — will he indmge A silly, fond conceit of his fair form. And just proportion, fashionable mien, And pretty face, — in presence of his God ? Or will he seek to dazzle me with tropes, As with the diamond on his lily hand, And play his brilliant parts before my eyes, When I am hungry for the bread of life ? He mocks his Maker, prostitutes and shames His noble office, and, instead of trutli, Displaying his own beauty, starves his flock ! Therefore, avaunt all attitude, and stare. And start theatric, practised at the glass ! I seek divine simplicity in him Who handles things divine ; and all besides, Though learned with labor, and though much admired By curious eyes and judgments ill-informed, To me is odious as the nasal twang Heard at conventif le, where worthy men, Misled by custom strain celestial themes Through the pressed nostril, spectacle-bestrid. I venerate the man whose heart is warm, Whose hands are pure, whose doctrine and whose life, Coincident, exhibit lucid proof That he is honest in the sacred cause. To such I render more than mere respect l-HE STANDARD SPEAKER. Whose actions say that they respect themselves. But loose in morals, and in manners vain, In conversation frivolous, in dress Extreme, at once rapacious and profuse ; Frequent in park with lady at his side, Ambling and prattling scandal as he goes • J3ut rare at home, and never at his books, Or with his pen, save when he scrawls a card Constant at routs, familiar with a round Of ladyships — a stranger to the poor ; « Ambitious of preferment for its gold ; And well prepared, by ignorance and sloth, By infidelity and love of world. To make God's work a sinecure ; a slave To his own pleasures and his patron's pride ; — From such apostles, 0, ye mitred heads. Preserve the Church ! and lay not careless hands On skulls that cannot teach, and will not learn ! 23, UTILITY OF HISTORY. — Ong-maZ Translation from De S^^ur. B. 1753; 1 ISSO. Whatever your career, a knowledge of history will always be to you a source of profit and delight. Examples strike deeper than precepts. They serve as proofs to convince, and as images to attract. History gives us the experience of tne world, and the collective reason of ages. We are organizcl like men ol the remotest times ; we have the same virtues and the same vices ; and. hurried forward, like them, by our passions, we listen with distrust to those warnings of wisdom which would thwart our inclinations. But History is an impartial •nstructor, whose reasonings, which are facts, we cannot gainsay. It exhibits to us the Past, to prefigure the*^ Future. It is the mirror of truth. Nations and men, the most renowned, are judged in our eye& from a point of time which destroys all illusion, and with a singleness of purpose which no surviving interest can mislead. Before the tribunal of History, conquerors descend from their tri- impha] cars ; tyrants are no longer formidable by their satellites ; prince)= appear before us unattended by their retinue, and stripped of that false grandeur with which Flattery saw them invested. You detest, without danger, the ferocity of Nero, the cruelties of Sylla, the hypocrisy of Tiberius, the licentiousness of Caligula. If you have seen Dionysius terrible at Syracuse, you behold him humbled at Corinth. The plaudits of an inconstant multitude do not delude your judgment in favor of the envious traducers of the good and great , and you follow, with enthusiasm, the virtuous Socrates to his prison, the just Aristides into exile. If you admire the valor of Alexander on the banks of the xranicus, on the plains of Arbela, — fou condenm, without fear, that iiimeasured ambition which hurr;e DEATH'S FINAL CONQUEST. —James Shirley. Bom, 1694 ; 4*ed,Wt The glories of our blood and state Are shadows, not substantial things ; There is no armor against Fate ; Death lays his icy hand on Kings ' Sceptre, Crown, Must tumble down, And in the dust be equal made With the poor crooked scythe and spade. Some men with swords may reap the field, And plant fresh laurels where they kill ; But their strong nerves at last must yield, — They tame but one another still. Early or late, They stoop to Fate, And must give up their conquering breath, When they, pale captives, creep to Death. The garlands wither on your brow ! — Then boast no more your mighty deeds : Upon Death's purple altar now See where the victor-victim bleeds ! All heads must come To the cold tomb : Only the actions of the just Smell sweet, and blossom in the dust. IB rXELIGION OF REVOLUTIONARY MEN. — Ori^-inaZ Adaptation from Lamardne I KNOW — I sigh when I think of it — that hitherto the Frencli People have been the least religious of all the Nations of Europe. The great men of other countries live and die on the scene of history, looking up to Heaven. Our great men live and die looking at the c'pvctator ; or, at most, at posterity. Open the history of America the history of England, and the history of France. Washington and Franklin fought, spoke and sufiered, always in the name of God, for whom they acted ; and the liberator of America died confiding to God the liberty of the People and his own soul. Sidney, the young martyr of a patriotism guilty of nothing but impatience, and who iied to expiate his country's dream of liberty, said to his jailer, " I fcioice that I die innocent toward the king, but a victim, resigned to the King on High, to whom all life is due." The Repubncans of Ororawell sought only the way of God, even in the blood of battles but look at Mirabeau on the bed of death. " Orown me with flow ers ' said he ; " intoxicate me with perfumes. Le^ me die to^ the mund of delicious music." Not a word was there of God or of bii MuRAL AND DIDACTIC. — MILTON 5{f own &oul! Sensual philosopher, supreme sensualism was hiH kst desire m his agony ! Contemplate Madame Roland, the strong-hearted woman of the Revolution, on the cart that conveyed her to death. Not a glance toward Heaven ! Only one word for the earth she was quittmg : " 0 Liberty, what crimes in thy name are committed ' " Approach the dungeon door of the Girondins. Their last night is a banquet, — their only hymn the Marseillaise ! Hear Danton on the platform of the scaflfold : " I have had a good time of it ; let me go to sleep." Then, to the executioner : "You will show my head to the People; it is worth the trouble !" His faith, annihilation; his lust sigh, vanity! Behold the Frenchman of this latter age ! What must one think of the religious sentiment of a free People, whose great figures seem tnu5 to march m procession to annihilation, and to whom death itself recally neither the threatenings nor the promises of God ! The Republic ot these men without a God was quickly stranded. The liberty, wou by so much heroism and so much genius, did not find in France a con- science to shelter it, a God to avenge it, a People to defend it, against that Atheism which was called glory. All ended in a soldier, and some apostate republicans travestied into courtiers. An atheistic Kepublicamsm cannot be heroic. When you terrify it, it yields When you would buy it, it becomes venal. It would be very foolish 00 immolate itself. Who would give it credit for the sacrifice, — the People ungrateful, and God non-existent? So finish atheistic Lev- olutions ' n THE SAVIOUR'S REPLY TO THE TEMVTm.- John Milton. Bom,im ; diecs o.ir liberty bear gr.nerous fruits ? Does it exalt us in manlv spirit, in public virtue, a.bove countries trodden under foot by De^5po^ ism ? ^ TsU me not of the extent of our country. I care not how large if is, if it multiply degenerate men. Speak not Df our pros- verity. Better be one of a poor People, plain in manners, reverenc- ing God, and respecting themselves, than belong to a rich country, which knows no higher good than riches. Earnestly do I desire for thifii "ountry, that, instead of copying Europe with an undiscermng 66 THE STANDABD SPEAF15R. mlity, il may have a character of ita own, correspoDding to 'lit freedom and equality of our institutions. One Europe is enough. One Paris is enough." How much to be desired is it, that, separated, as we are, from the Eastern continent, by an ocean, we should be stili more widely separated by simplicity of manners, by domestic parity, by inward piety, by reverence for human nature, by moral indepe'Ed» eaoe, b;^^ withstanding the subjection to fashion, and that debilitAtbt lensuality, which characterize the most civilized portions of the Old World ! Of this country, I may say, with peculiar emphasis, that its happiness is bound up in its virtue ! 35. WHAT MAKES A '[lEROf — Henry Taylor. What makes a hero ? — not success, not fame, Inebriate merchants, and the loud acclaim^ Of glutted Avarice, — caps tossed up in air, Or pen of journalist with flourish fair ; Bells pealed, stars, ribbons, and a titular name — These, though his rightful tribute,^ he can spare ; His rightful tribute, not his end or aim. Or true reward ; for never yet did these Refresh the soul, or set the heart at ease. What makes a hero ? — An heroic mind, Expressed in action, in endurance proved . And if there be preeminence of right, Derived through pain well suffered, to the height Of rank heroic, 't is to bear unmoved, ^ Not toil, not risk, not rage of sea or wind, Not the brute fury of barbarians blind. But worse — ingratitude and poisonous darts. Launched by the country he had served and loved. This, with a free, unclouded spirit pure. This, in the strength of silence to endure, A dignity to noble deeds imparts. Beyond the gauds and trappings of renown • This is the hero's complement and crown j This missed, one struggle had been wanting still, — One glorious triumph of the heroic will, One self-approval in his heart of hearts. 86. THE LAST HOURS OF SOGB-AT^. — Original Adaptation. Sof^RATES was the reverse of a sceptic. No man ever looked upon life with a more positive and practical eye. No man ever pursued hia mark with a clearer perception of the road which he was trav(»llmg. No man e\er combined, in like manner, the absorbing enthusiasm of a missionary, with the acuteness, the originality, the inventive rasouries. MORAL AND DIDACITC. YANKEE. 67 ftpd tne generalizing comprehension, of a pMlosopher. And yet this man was condemned to death, — condemned by a hostile tribunal of more than five hundred citizens of Athens, drawn at hazard from all elates of society. A majority of six turned the scale, in the most momentous trial that, up to that time, the world had witnessed. And the vague charges on which Socrates was condemned were, that he was a vum babbler, a corrupter of youth, and a setter-forth of straige Gods! It would be tempting to enlarge on the closing scene of his life, — a scene which Plato has invested with such immortal glorv '; — on the affecting farewell to the Judges; on the long thirty days which passed in prison before the execution of the verdict ; on his playful equa^ nimity, amid the uncontrollable emotions of his companions ; on the gathering in of that solemn evening, when the fading of the sunset hues on the tops of the Athenian hills was the signal that the last hour was at hand ; on the introduction of the fatal hemlock ; the immovable countenance of Socrates, the firm nand, and then the burst of frantic lamentation from all his friends, as, with his habitual ease and cheerfulness, he drained the cup to its dregs ; then the sol- emn silence enjoined by himself ; the pacing to and fro; the stron<^ religious persuasions attested by his last words ; the cold palsy of the poison creeping from the extremities to the heart; the gradual torpor ending in death ! But I must forbear. 0 for a modern spirit like his ! 0 for one hour of Socrates ! 0 tor one hour of that voice whose questioning would make men see what they knew, and what they did not know ; what they meant, and what they only tkouffht they meant ; what they believed in truth, and what they only believed in name ; wherein they agreed, and wherein they differed. That voice is, indeed, silent ; but there is a voice m each man's heart and conscience, which, if we will, Socrates has taught us to use rightly. That voice still enjoins us to give to ourselves a reason for the hope that is in us,— both hearing and asking questions, it tells us, that the fancied repose which seif-iuquiry disturbs is more than compensated by the real repose which it gives ; that a wise ques- tioning is the half of knowledge ; and that a life without self-examin^ atiQi IS no life at all. 37. TO A CHILD. — F5n,lsc. Things of high import sound I in thine ears, Dear child, though now thou mayst not feel their power; But hoard them up, and in thy coming years Forget them not, and when earth's ten pt/sts lower, A talisman unto thee shall they be, To give thy weak arm strength — to make thy dim eyes seo. Seek Truth, — that pure celestial Truth, — whose birth VV'as m the Heaven of Heavens, clear, sacred, shrined 68 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. In lleason's light. — Not oft she visits earth, But her majestic port, the willing mind, Through Faith, may sometimes see. Give her thy som, Nor faint, though Error's surges loudly 'gainst thee roll ■^Q free — not chiefly from the iron chain, ' But from the one which Passion forges — be The master of thyself. If lost, regain The rule o'er chance, sense, circumstance. Be free. Trample thy proud lusts proudly 'neath thy feet. And stand erect, as for a heaven-born one is meet. Seek Virtue. Wear her armor to the fight ; Then, as a wrestler gathers strength from strife, Shalt thou be nerved to a more vigorous might By each contending, turbulent ill of life. Seek Virtue. — She alone is all divine ; And having found, be strong, in God's own strength and thiQft. Truth — Freedom — Virtue — these, dear child, have power, If rightly cherished, to uphold, sustain. And bless thy spirit, in its darkest hour ; Neglect them — thy celestial gifts are vain — In dust shall thy weak wing be dragged and soiled ; Thy soul be crushed 'neath gauds for which it basely toiled, 38. AMERICA'S CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE WORLD. -Gu«an C. Verplanek. What, it is asked, has this Nation done to repay the world for the t>enefit8 we have received from others? — Is it nothmg for the uni- rersal good of mankind to have carried into successful operation a Bvstem of self-government,— uniting personal liberty, freedom of opm- ion, and equality of rights, with national power and digmty, — such as nad before existed only in the Utopian dreams of philosophers ? is it nothing, in moral science, to have anticipated, in sober reality numer- ous- plans of reform in civil and criminal jurisprudence, which are, Dut now received as plausible theories by the politicians and econo- 2iii£t3 of Europe? Is it nothing to have been able to call forth, on every emergency, either in war or peace, a body of talents always equal to the difficulty? Is it nothing to have, in Jess than half a century, exceedingly improved the sciences of political ecciomy, ot law, and of medicine, with all their auxiliary branches- to have enriched human knowledge by the accumulation of a great mass ot .iseful facts and observations, and to have augmented the power and the comforts of civilized man by miracles of mechanical invention ? Is it nothing to have given the world examples of disinterested patri- r,tism, of political wisdom, of public virtue; of Icarmng, eloquencQ wj4 valor, never exerted save for some praiseworthy end? it u MORAL AND Dli ACTIO. ROUSSEAU. 89 Bufl&cient to have briefly suggested these considerations; every mind would anticipate me in filling up the details. No, Land of Liberty ! — thy children have no cause to blush for Giee. What, though the arts have reared few moimments among us, and scarce a trace of the Muse's footstep is found in the paths of our forests, or along the banks of our rivers, — yet our soil has beun consecrated by the blood of heroes, and by great and holy deeds of peace. Its wide extent has become one vast temple, and hallowed asylum, sanctified by the prayers and blessings of the persecuted of oveiy sect, and the wretched of all Nations. Land of Eefuge, — Land of Benedictions ! — Those prayers still arise, and they still are heard : " May peace be within thy walls, and plenteousness within thy palaces ! " " May there be no decay, no leading into captivity, and m complaining, in thy streets ! " " May truth flourish out of the earth, and righteousness look down from Heaven ! " 39. THE TRUE KINQ. — Translated from Seneca, by Leigh Hunt. 'Tis not wealth that makes a King, Nor the purple coloring ; Nor a brow that 's bound with gold, ^or gate on mighty hinges rolled. The King is hb, who, void of fear, Looks abroad with bosom clear ; Who can tread ambition down. Nor be swayed by smile or frown ; Ncr for all the treasure cares. That mine conceals, or harvest wears, Or that golden sands deliver, Bosomed in a glassy river. What shall move his placid might ? Not the headlong thunder-light, Nor all the shapes of slaughter's trade, With onward lance, or fiery blade. Safe, with wisdom for his crown, He looks on all things calmly down , He welcomes Fate, when Fate is near Nor taints his dying breath with fear. No — to fear not earthly thing, This it is that makes the King ; And all of us, whoe'er we be May carve us out that royalty. 10 DEATH IS COMPENSATION — Original Trans, from Rousseau. B. m2} A im The more intimately I enter into communion with myself, — thf wore I consult my own intelligence, — the more legibly do I find writ- "0 THE STANDARD 8PBAKEK. ten in soui these words : Be just, and thou shali e e happt But let I.1S not base our expectations upon the present state of things, The wi'ikcd prosper, and the just remani oppressed. At this fras- tration of our hopes, our indignation is kindled. Conscience takea umbrage, and murmurs against its Author , it murmurs, lliou hast deceived me!"' — "I have deceived thee, say'st thou^ How dost thou know it ? Who has proclaimed it to thee ? Is thy soul anni- bilisted ? Hast thou ceased to exist ? 0, Brutus ) 0, my son SoE not thy noble life by turning thine own hand against it. Ijeave not thy hope and thy glory with thy mortal body on the field of Philip Why dost thou say, virtue is nothing, when thou goest to enjoy th«. price of thine ? Thou goest to die, thou thinkest ; no, thou goest to live, and it is then that I shall fulfil all that I have promised thee." One would say, from the murmurs of impatient mortals, that God owed them recompense before merit, and that He ought to requite their virtue in advance. 0 ! let us first be good, and afterwards we shall be happy. Let us not exact the prize before the victory, nor the wages before the labor. It is not on the course, says Plutarch, thai? the conquerors in our games are crowned ; it is after they have gone ever it. If the soul is immaterial, it can survive the body ; and, in that survival. Providence is justified. Though I were to have no other proof of the immateriality of the soul than the triumph of the wicked and the oppression of the just in this world, that spectacle alone would prevent my doubting the reality of the life after death. So shocking a dissonance in this universal harmony would make me seek to explain it. I should say to myself : " All does not finish for "ZiQ with this mortal life ; what succeeds shall make concord of what Tent before." U. FATE OF CHARLES THE TWELFTH.— Somuef ./oAnsow. Born, 1709? died. 17S4. On what foundation stands the warrior's prida How just his hopes, let Swedish Charles decide ' A frame of adamant, a soul of fire, No dangers fright him, and no labors tire ; O'er love, o'er fear, extends his wide domain, Unconquered lord of pleasure and of pain ; No joys to him pacific sceptres yield. War sounds the trump, he rushes to the field , Behold surrounding Kings their powers combine. And one capitulate, and one resign ; Peace courts his hand, but spreads her charms m vain , »' Think nothing gained," be cries, " till naught remaip • On Moscow's walls till Gothic standards fly, And all be mine beneath the Polar sky." The march begins in military state, And Nations on his eye suspended wa5t Stern Famine guards the solitary coast, MORAL AND DIDACTIC. — BTORF. 71 And "Winter barricades the realms of Frc«.t ; He comes — nor want nor cold his course delay - Hide, blushing Glory, hide Pultowa's day! The vanquished hero leaves his broken bauds, And shows his miseries in distant lands ; Conaemned a needy supplicant to wait, While ladies interpose, and slaves debate. But did not Chance at length her error mend Did no subverted empire mark his end ? Bid rival monarchs give the fatal wound ? Or hostile millions press him to the ground ? His fall was destined to a barren strand, A petty fortress, and a dubious hand ; He left the name, at which the world grew pale, To point a moral, or adorn a tale ! 42. OUR DUTIES TO THE REPUBLIC— Jud^e Story. Born, 1779 ; died, 1846 Thu Old World has already revealed to us, in its unsealed books, the beginning and end of all its own marvellous struggles in the cause of liberty. Greece, lovely Greece, " The land of scholars and the nurse of arms,'* where Sister Republics, in fair procession, chanted the praises of lib« erty and the Gods, — where and what is she ? For two thousand years the oppressor has ground her to the earth. Ber arts are m more. The last sad relics of her temples are but the barracks of a ruthless soldiery. The fragments of her columns and her palaces are > in the dust, yet beautiful in ruins. Slie fell not when the mighty were upon her. Her sons were united at Thermopylae and Marathon , and the tide of her triumph rolled back upon the Hellespont. She was conquered by her own factions. She fell by the hands of her own People. The man of Macedonia did not the work of destruction. It was already done, by her own corruptions, banishments, and dis- sensions. E-ome, republican Rome, whose eagles glanced in the rising and setting sun, — where and what is she? The eternal city yet remains, proud even in her desolation, noble in her decline, venerable in the majesty of religion, and calm as in the composure of death. The malaria has but travelled in the paths worn by her destroyers. More than eighteen centuries have mourned over the loss of her empire. A mortal disease was upon her vitals before Csesar had crossed the Rubicon ; and Brutus did not restore her health by the deep probings of the Senate-chamber. The Goths, and Vandals, and Huns, the swarms of the North, completed only what was already begun at home. Romans betrayed Rome. The Legions were boughi and sold ; but the People offered the tribute money. We stand the latest, and, if we fail, probably the last experiment yf self-government by the Pe/)ple, We have begun it urder cii-cum- n THE STANDARD SPEAKER. $tanecs of the most auspicious nature. We are in the vigor o) youth. Our growth has never been checked by the oppressions^ oi tyranny. Our constitutions have never been enfeebled by the vicei or luxuries of the Old World. Such as we are, we have been from the beginning, — simple, hardy, intelligent, accustomed to self-government, and to self-respect. The Atlantic rolls between us and any formi- dable foe: Within our own territory, stretching through many degree? of latitude and longitude, we have the choice of many products, and many means of independence. The Government is mild. The Press Is free. Religion is free. Knowledge reaches, or may reach, every home. What fairer prospect of success could be presented ? What means more adequate to accomplish the sublime end ? What niore is necessary than for the People to preserve what they have themselves created ? Already has the age caught the spirit of our institutions. It has already ascended the Andes, and snuffed the breezes of both oceans. It has infused itself into the life-blood of Europe, and warmed the sunny plains of France and the low lands of Holland. It has touched the philosophy of Germany and the North; and, mo^dng onward to the South, has opened to Greece the lessons of her bet- ter days. Can it be that America, under such circumstances, can oetray herself? Can it be that she is to be added to the cataLgu6 or Republics, the inscription upon whose ruins is : _ They were. Bin THEY ARE NOT ? Forbid it, my countrymen ! Forbid it, Hca\OD ' 43. LOVE OF COUNTRY AND WWE,. — James Montgomery There is a land, of every land the pride. Beloved by Heaven o'er all the world beside ; Where brighter suns dispense serener light. And milder moons emparadise the night ; — There is a spot of earth supremely blest, A dearer, sweeter spot than all the rest. Where man, creation's tyrant, casts aside His sword and sceptre, pageantry and pride, While ii? his softened looks benignly blend The sire, the son, the husband, brother, friend ; — " Where shall that layid, that spot of earth, be found ' Art thou a man ? — a patriot ? — look around ! 0, thou shalt find, howe'er thy footsteps roam. That land thy country, and that spot thy home ! On Greenland's rocks, o'er rude Kamschatka's plaina In pale Siberia's desolate domains ; When the wild hunter takes his lonely way, Tracks through tempestuous snows his savage prey, Or, wrestling with the might of raging seas, Where round the Pole the eternal billows freczn. MORAL AND DIDACTIC. — CARLYLE. "3 PJucks from their jaws the stricken whale, in vain Plunging down headlong through the whirling main 5 His wastes of snow are lovelier in his eye Than all the , flowery vales beneath the sky , And dearer far than Caesar's palace-dome, His cavern-shelter, and his cottage-home. O'er China's garden-fields and peopled floods, Id California's pathless world of woods ; Round Andes' heights, where Winter, from his thro£se Looks down in scorn upon the Summer zone ; By the gay borders of Bermuda's isles, Where Spring with everlasting verdure smiles ; On pure Madeira's vine-robed hills of health ; In Java's swamps of pestilence and wealth ; Where Babel stood, where wolves and jackals drink 'Midst weeping willows, on Euphrates' brink ; On darmel's crest ; by Jordan's reverend stream, Where Canaan's glories vanished like a dream ; Where Greece, a spectre, haunts her heroes' graves, And Home's vast ruins darken Tiber's waves ; • Where broken-hearted Switzerland bewails Her subject mountains and dishonored vales ; Where Albion's rocks exult amidst the sea, ' Around the beauteous isle of Liberty ; — Man, through all ages of revolving time, Unchanging man, in every varying clime. Deems his own land of every land the pride, Beloved by Heaven o'er all the world beside ; His home the spot of earth supremely blest, A dearer, sweeter spot than all the rest ! 44. NATURE A HARD CREDITOR. — TAomos Car/z/.'e. Nature admits no lie. Most men profess to be aware of this. Out few in any measure lay it to heart. Except in the departments of mere material manipulation, it seems to be taken practically as if thi£ grand truth were merely a polite flourish of rhetoric. Nature keeps silently a most exact Savings-bank and official register, correct to the most evanescent item, Debtor and Creditor, in respect to one and all of us ; silectly marks down. Creditor by such and such an unseen act of veracity and heroism ; Debtor to such a loud, blustery blunder, twenty-seven million strong or one unit strong, and to all acts and words and thoughts executed in consequence of that, — Debtor, Debtor, Debtor, day after day, rigorously as Fate (for this is Fate that is writ^ ing) ; and at the end of the account you will have it all to pay, my friend ; — there is the rub ! Not the infinitesimallest fraction of a far- thing but will be found marked tb^^re, for you and against you ; and 74 THE STANDARL! SPEAKER. with the due rate of interest you will have to pay it, neatly, ojmpletely us sure as you are alive. You will have to pay it even in money, if you live : and, poor slave, do you think there is no payment but i| money ? There is a payment which Nature rigorously exacts of men and also of Nations, — and this I think when her wrath is sternest,— in tlio shape of dooming you to possess money : — to possess it ; to havr * your bloatbd vanities fostered into monstrosity by it ; your foul paBsioiiS blown into explosion by it; your heart, and, perhaps, your very stomach, mined with intoxication by it ; your poor life, and all its manful activ- ' ities, stunned into frenzy and comatose sleep by it ; — in one word, a8 the old Prophets said, your soul forever lost by it : your soul, so that, through the Eternities, you shall have no soul, or manful trace of ever having had a soul ; but only, for certain fleeting moments, shall have had a money-bag, and have given soul and heart, and (frightfaller still) stomach itself, in fatal exchange for the same. You wretched mortal, stumbling about in a God's Temple, and thinking it a brutal Cookery- shop ! Nature, when her scorn of a slave is divinest, and blazes like the^blinding lightning against his slavehood, often enough flings him a bag of money, silently saying : " That ! Away ; thy doom is that ! ^ 45. miE'B MIDNIGHT VOICE. —Edward Fowng-. Born, 1681 ; died, 1786 Creatiov sleeps. 'Tis as the general pulse Of life stood still, and Nature made a pause, An awfal pause ' prophetic of her end. The bell strikes one. We take no note of time, But from its loss. To give it, then, a tongue, Is wise in man. As if an angel spoke, I feel the solemn sound. If heard aright, It is the knell of my departed hours. Where are they ? With the years beyond the flood It is the signal that demands despatch : How much is to be done ! My hopes and fears Start up alarmed, and o'er life's narrow verge Look down ~ on what ? a fathomless abyss ! A dread eternity ! How surely mine ! And can eternity belong to me. Poor pensioner on the bounties of an hour ? How poor, how rich, how abject, how augusu, How 3on plicate, how wonderful, is man ! How passing wonder He who made him such ! Who centred in our make such strange extremes • From difierent natures marvellously mixed, Connection exquisite of distant worlds ! Distinguished link in being's endless chain ' Midway from nothing to the Deity ! A beam ethereal, sullied, and absorpt ' MOilAL AND PIDACTlC. MONTGOMERr. rhough sullied, and dishonored, still divine Dim miniature of greatness absolute ! An heir of glory ! a frail child of dust ! Helpless immortal ! insect infinite ! A worm ! a god ! — I tremble at mj self. And in myself am lost ! At home a stranger, Thought wanders up and down, surprised, aghast, And wondering at her own : how Reason reels ! 0 what a miracle to man is man. Triumphantly distressed ! What joy, what dread Alternately transported, and alarmed ! "V^liat can preserve my life, or what destroy ? An angel's arm can't snatch me from the grave ; Legions of angels can't confine me there ! Even silont night proclaims my ^oul immortal ! 46. THE COMMON LOT. -- Jam^o Montgomery. Once, in the flight of ages past. There lived a man ; and Who was He ? Mortal ! howe'er thy lot be cast, That Man resembled Thee. Unknown the region of his birth, The land in which he died unknown : His name has perished from the earth ; This truth survives alone : — That joy and grief, and hope and fear, Alternate triumphed in his breast ; His bliss and woe, — a smile, a tear ! — Oblivion hides the rest. The bounding pulse, the languid limb, The changing spirit's rise and fall ; We know that these were felt by him, For these are felt by all. He suffered, — but his pangs are o'er ; Enjoyed, — but his delights are fled ; Had friends, — his friends are now no mor« And foes, — his foes are dead. He loved, — but whom he loved the grave H^,th lost in its unconscious womb : 0, she was fair ! — but naught could save Her beauty from the tomb. He saw whatever thou hast seen ; Encountered all that troubles thee : He was — whatever thou hast been : He is — what thou shalt be. THE STANDARD SPEAKER. The rolling seasons, day and night, Sun, moon and stars, the earth and mM% Ere while his portion, life and light, To him exist in vain. The clouds and sunbeams, o'er his eye That onoe their shades and glory threw Have left in yonder silent sky No vestige where they flew The annals of the human race. Their ruins, since the world began, Of him afford no other trace Than this, — There lived a Man ■ 47. THE TRUE SOURCE OF REFORM. — Rev. E. H. Chaptn. Tub gieat element of Reform is not born of human wisdom , it does ,,B;t draw its life from human organizations. I find it only in Gkris- jpiANiTi. " Thy kingdom come ! " There is a sublime and pregnant Durden in this Prayer. It is the aspiration of every soul that goes forth in the spirit of Reform. For what is the significance of this Prayer ? It is a petition that all holy influences would penetrate and Bubdue and dwell in the heart of mc^n, until he shall think, and speak, and do good, from the very necessity of his being. So^ would the institutions of error and wrong crumble and pass away. So would sin die out from the earth ; and the human soul living in harmony with the Divine Will, this earth would become like Heaven. It is too late for the Reformers to sneer at Christianity, — it is foolishness for them to reject it. In it are enshrined our faith in human progress, — our confidence in Reform. It is indissolubly connected with all that is hopeful, spiritual, capable, in man. That men have misunderstood it, and perverted is true. But it is also true that the noblest efforts for human melioration have come out of it, — have been based upon it. Is it not so ? Come, ye remembered ones, who sleep the sleep of the Just, — who took your conduct from the line of Christian Philosophy . — come from your tombs, and answer ! Come, Howard, from the gloom of the prison and the taint of the lazar-house, and show us what Philanthropy can do when imbued with the spirit of Jesus. Come, Eliot, from the thick forest where the red man listens to the Word of Life ; — come, Penn, from thy sweet eoun- feel and weaponless victory, — and show us what Christian Zeal and Christian Love can accomplish with the rudest barbarians or the fiercest hearts. Come, Raikes, from thy labors with the ignorant and the poor, and show us with what an eye this Faith regards the lowest and least of our race ; and how diligently it labors, not for the body, not for the rank, but for the plastic soul that is to course the ages of immor- tility. And ye, who are a great number, — ye nameless onea, — who liave done good in your narrow spheres, ccntei.; to forego renown oo MORAL AND DIDACTIC. MACKAT. larth, and seeking your Keward in the Record on High, — come And teL as how kindly a spirit, how lofty a purpose, or how strong a courage the Religion ye professed can breathe into the poor, the hiunble, and the weak. Go forth, then. Spirit of Christianity, to thy great work of Reform ! The Past bears witness to thee in the blood of thy mar tyrs, and the ashes of thy saints and heroes ; the Present is hopeiii! because of thee ; the Future shall acknowledge thy omnipotence. 48. THE BEACON LIGHT. — Mm Parrfoc. Darkness was deepening o'er the seas, and still the hulk drove on ; No sail to answer to the breeze, — her masts and cordage gone ; Gloomy and drear her course of fear, — each looked but for a grave,-- 'When, full in sight, the beacon light came streaming o'er the wave. Then wildly rose the gladdening shout of all that hardy crew ; Boldly they put the helm about, and through the surf they flew. Storm was forgot, toil heeded not, and loud the cheer they gave, As, full in sight, the beacon light came streaming o'er the wave. A nd gayly of the tale they told, when they were safe on shore ; How hearts had sunk and hopes grown cold amid the billow's roar When not a star had shone from far, by its pale beam to save ; Then, fiill in sight, the beacon light came streaming o'er the wave. Thus, in the night of nature's gloom, when sorrow bows the heart, — When cheering hopes no more illume, and prospects all depart, — Then, from afiir, shines Bethleaem's star, with cheering light to save . And, full in sight, its beacon light comes streaming o'er the grave. 49. « CLEON and I.» — Charles Mackay. Cleon hath a million acres, — ne'er a one have I » Cleon dwelletb in a palace, — in a cottage, I ; Cleon hath a dozen fortunes, — not a penny, I ; But the poorer of the twain is Cleon, and not I. Cleon, true, possesseth acres, — but the landscape, I ; Half the charms to me it yieldeth money cannot buy ; Cleon harbors sloth and dulness, — freshening vigor, I ; He in velvet, I in fustian, — richer man am I. Cleon is a slave to grandeur, — free as thought am I ; Cleon fees a score of doctors, — need of none have I. Wealth-surrounded care-environed, Cleon fears to die ; Death may come, — he '11 find me ready, — happier man am L Cleon sees no charms in Nature, — in a daisy, I ;• Cleon hears no anthems ringing in the sea and sky Nature sings to me forever, — earnest listener I ; State for state, with all attendants, who would change ? Not I THE STANDARD SPEAKER. 50. Tim PROBLEM FOR THE UNITED STATES. — IZei;. Hemy A. Boardman. This Union cannot expire as the snow melts from the rock, or a star disappears from the firmament. When it falls, the crash will be heard in all lands. Wherever the winds of Heaven go, that will go, bear- ing sorrow and dismay to millions of stricken hearts ; for the subver- sion of this Government will render the cause of Constitutional Libertj hopeless throughout the world. W^hat Nation can govern itself, i f tbii Nation cannot ? What encouragement will any People have to esta,b- Hsh liberal institutions for themselves, if ours fail ? Providence has laid upon us the responsibility and the honor of solving that problem in which all coming generations of men have a profound interest, — whether the true ends of Government can be secured by a popular representative system. In the munificence of His goodness. He put us in possession of our heritage, by a series of interpositions scarcely less signal than those which conducted the Hebrews to Canaan ; and He has, up to this period, withheld from us no immunities or resources which might facilitate an auspicious result. Never before was a Peo- ple so advantageously situated for working out this great problem in favor of human liberty ; and it is important for us to understand that the world so regards it. If, in the frenzy of our base sectional jealousies, we dig the gi'ave of the Union, and thus decide this question in the negative, no tongue may attempt to depict the disappointment and despair which will go along with the announcement, as it spreads through distant lands. It will be America, after fifty years' experience, giving in her adhesion to the doctrine that man was not made for self-government. It will be Freedom herself proclaiming that Freedom is a chimera ; Liberty ringing her owji knell, all over the globe. And, when the citizens or mhjects of the Governments which are to succeed this Union shall visit Europe, and see, in some land now struggling to cast ofl" its fet- ters, the lacerated and lifeless form of Liberty laid prostrate under the iron heel of Despotism, let them remember that the blow whicb lestroyed her was inflicted by their own country. ** So the struck Eagle, stretched upon the plain, No mor6 through rolling clouds to soar again, Viewed his own feather ou the fatal dart, And winged the shall that qiwvered in his heart. Keen were his pangs, but keener far to feel He nursed the pinion which impelled the steel; While the same plumage that had warmed his nest Drank the last life-drop of his bleeding breast." 51. THE AMERICAN EXPERIMENT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT. Edward Everett We are summoned to new energy and zeal by the high nature of the experiment we are appointed in Providence to make, and tho grandeur of the theatre on which it is to be performed. At a moment of deep and general agitation in the Old World, it pleased Heaven to r»p«D this last refuge of humanity, TVc ftttemrt Vap Vvegrun and is MORAL AND DIDACTIC. LUNT. 79 going OD, iar fi-om foreign corruption, on the broadest scale, anJ andsi the most benignant prospects ; and it certainly rests with us to solve the great problem in human society, — to settle, and that forever, the momentous question, — whether mankind can be trusted with a pureJ) popular system of Government ? ^ One might almost think, without extravagance, that the departoti wise and good, of all places and times, are looking down from their happy seats to witness what shall now be lone h^^ us that they who lavished their treasures and their blood, of old, — who opake and wrote, who labored, fought and perished, .in the one great cause of Freedom and Truth, — are now hanging, from their orbs on high, over the last solemn experunent of humanity. As I have wandered over the spots once the scene of their labors, and mused among the prostrate columns nf ^ their senate-houses and forums, I have seemed almost to hear a voice from the tombs of departed ages, from the sepulchres of the Nations which died before the sight. They exhort us, they adjure us, to be faithful to our trust. They implore us, by the long trials of struggling humanity ; by the blessed memory of the departed ; by the dear faith which has been plighted by pure hands to the holy cause of truth and man ; by the awful secrets of the prison-house, where the sons of freedom have been immured ; by the noble heads which have been brought to the block ; by the wrecks of time, by the eloquent ruins of Nations, — they conjure us not to quench the light which is rising on the world. G-reece cries to us by the convulsed lips of her poisoned, dying Demosthenes ; and Rome pleads with us in the mute persuasion of her mangled Tully. 52. THE SHIP OF STATE.— Rev. Wm. P. Lunt. Break up the Union of these States, because there are acknowledged evils in our system ? Is it so easy a matter, then, to make everything in the actual world conform exactly to the ideal pattern we have con- ceived, in our minds, of absolute right ? Suppose the fatal blow were struck, and the bonds which fasten together these States were severed, would the evils and mischiefs that would be experienced by those wha are actually members of this vast Republican Community be all thai would ensue ? Certainly not. We are connected with the several Nations and Races of th^ world as no other People has ever been con- nected. We have opened our doors, and invited emigration to our soil from all lands. Oar invitation has been accepted. Thousands Kave come at our bidding. Thousands more are on the way. Other thoinsands still are standing a-tipt do on the shores of the Old Worl« deceive us, and there is, properly speaking, no East or West, no North M South in the world. 69. WnAT WE OWE TO THE SWORD. — T. S. Grimki. Born., 1778; died, 1834. To the question, " what have the People ever gained but by Revo- lution." I answer, boldly. If by Revolution be understood the law of the Sword, Liberty has lost far more than she has ever gained by it. I'he Stvord was the destroyer of the Lycian Confederacy and the Achaean league. The Sword alternately enslaved and disenthralled rbsbes and Athens, Sparta, Syracuse and Corinth. The Sword of Rome conquered every other free State, and finished tho murder 0/ MORAL ANE DIDACTIC. — HLTsl 9S &bert7 in the ancient world, by destroying h^^rself. TVbit but th<» Swojd, in modern times, annihilated the Republics of Italy, tha Hanse. atic townS; and the primitive independence of Ireland, Wales and Scotland ? What but the Sword partitioned Poland, assassinated the rising liberty of Spain, banished the Huguenots from France, and made Cromwell the master, not the servant, of the People ? And what but the Sword of Republican France destroyed the Independence of half of Europe, deluged the continent with tears, devoured its niilliona upon millions, and closed the long catalogue of guilt, by founding and defending to the last the most powerful, selfish, and insatiable of mil- itary despotisms ? The Sword, indeed, delivered Greece from the Persian invaders, expelled the Tarquins from Rome, emancipated Switzeiland and Hol- land, restored the Bruce to his Throne, and brought Charles to the scaffold. And the Sword redeemed the pledge of the Congress of '76, when they plighted to each other " their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor." And yet, what would the redemption of that pledge have availed towards the establishment of our present Government, if the spirit of American institutions had not been both the birthright and the birth-blessing of the Colonies ? The Indians, the French, the Spaniards, and even England herself, warred in vain against a People, born and bred in the household, at the doL^estic altar, of Liberty herself. They had never been slaves, for they were born free. The Sword was a herald to proclaim their freedom, but it neither created nor preserved it. A century and a half had already beheld them free in infancy, free in youth, free in early manhood. Theirs was already the spirit of American institutions ; the spirit of Christian freedom, of a temperate, regulated freedom, of a rational civil obedience. , For such a People, the Sword, the law of violence, did and could do nothing, but sever the bonds which bound her colo- nial wards to their unnatural guardian. They redeemed their pledge. Sword in hand ; but the Sword left them as it found them, un- changed in character, — freemen in thought and in deed, iastinct wit.ii the .inimortal spirit of American institutions ! ABOTJ BEN KDRmi. — Leigh Hunt Abou Ben Adhem (may his tribe increase !) Awoke one night from a deep dream of peace, And saw within the moonlight of his room, Making it rich and like a lily in bloom, An angul writing in a book of gold. Exceeding peace had made Ben Adhem bold, And, to the presence in the room, he said, " What writest thou ? " The vision raised its head, And, with a look made of all sweet accord, A-nswered, ' The names of those who love the Lord ! THE STANDARD SPEAKER. •* And is mine one ? " asked Abou. — Nay, not so,*' Replied the angel. Abou spake more low, But cheerly still ; and said — " I pray thee, then, Write me as one that loves his fellow-men." The angel wrote and vanished. The next night It came again, with a great wakening light, Aiid showed the names whom love of God had blest • And lo ! Ben Adhem's name led all the rest ! POLONIUS TO LAERTES. — William Shakspeare. Born, 1564 ; ditd 1816. My blessing with you ! And these few precepts in thy memory Look thou charac'ter. Give thy thoughts no ton^nie Nor any unproportioned thought his act. Be thou familiar, but by no means vulgar : The friends thou hast, and their adoption tried, Grapple them to thy soul with hoops of steel ; But do not dull thy palm with entertainment Of each new-hatched, unfledged comrade. Beware Of entrance to a quarrel ; but, being in. Bear it that the opposer may beware of thee. Give every man thine ear, but few thy voice ; Take each man's censure, but reserve thy judgment Costly thy habit as thy purse can buy. But not expressed in fancy ; rich, not gaudy : For the apparel oft proclaims the man ; And they in France, of the best rank and station, . Are most select and generous chief in that. Neither a borrower nor a lender be ; For loan oft loses both itself and friend. And borrowing dulls the edge of husbandry.' This above all, — to thine own self be tmo, A.nd it must follow, as the night the day. Thou canst not then be false to any man. 72 WHERE IS HE? — Henry iV^ee/e. Born, 1798 ; died, im " Man giveth up the ghost, and where is be ? " * And where is he ? " Not by the side Of her whose wants he loved to tend'; Not o'er those valleys wandering wide. Where, sweetly lost, he oft would wend. Thfit form beloved he marks no more ; Those scenes admired no more shall see , "^ose scenes are lovely as before, — And she as f ar, — but where is he ' MORAL AN! DIDACTIC WAYLAND. No, no ! the radiance is not dim, That used to gild his favorite hill - The pleasures that were dear to him Are dear to life and nature still But, ah ! his home is not as fair Neglected must his garden be The lilies droop and wither there And seem to whisper, Where is he ? His was the pomp, the crowded hall But where is now his proud display ? His riches, honors, pleasures, — all. Desire could frame ; but where are they And he, as some tall rock that stands, Protected by the circling sea, Sftrrounded by admiring bands. Seemed proudly strong, — and where is The church-yard bears an added stone ; The fire-side shows a vacant chair ; Here Sadness dwells, and weeps alone ; And Death displays his banner there ! The life has gone ; the breath has fled ; And what has been no more shall be ; The well-known form, the welcome tread, 0 ! where are they ? A\A where is he ? 73. GROWTH OF INTERNATIONAL SYl^lPATBms. - President TFaylana. In many raspects, the Nations of Christendom collectively are becommg somewhat analogous to our own Federal Rep..blic. Anti- quated distinctions are breaking away, and local animosities are sub siding. The common people of different countries are knowino- each other better esteeming each other more, and attaching themselves to each other by various manifes'':ations of reciprocal good will. It ia true, every nation has still it? separate boundaries and its individual interests ; but the freedom of commercial intercourse is allowing those interests to adjust themselves to each other, and thus rendering the wauses of collision of vastly less frequent occurrence. Local questions are becoming of less, and general questions of greater importance Ihanks be to God, men have at last begun to understand the right** md feel for the wrongs of each other ! Mountains interposed do not 60 much make enemies of nations. Let the trumpet of alarm be sounded, and its notes are now heard by every nation, whether of l^urope or America. Let a voice borne on tiie feeblest breeze tell th^t the rights of man are in danger, and it floats over valley and mountain, across continent and ocean, until it hoB vibrated on the ear ot the remotest ^weVer in Christendom. Let the arm {"»r>pressio» 96 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. 6e raised to crusli the feeblest nation on earth, and there will be heard everywhere, if not the shout of defiance, at least the deep-toned mur mur of implacable displeasure. It is the cry of aggrieved, insulted, much-abused man. It is human nature waking m her might from thfl slumber of ages, shaking herself from the dust of antiquated institu« tions, girding herself for the combat, and going forth conquering and to conquer and woe unto the man, woe unto the dynasty, woe watA the party, and woe unto the policy, on whom shall fall the scathe fici blighting indignation ! 74 THE WORTH OF ^A^ilE. —Joanna Baillie. Born, 1165', deed, 18j» 0 ! WHO shall lightly say that Fame Is nothing but an empty name, Whilst in that sound there is a charm The nerves to brace, the heart to warm, As, thinking of the mighty dead, The young from slothful couch will start, And vow, with lifted hands outspread, Like them to act a noble part ! O ! who shall lightly say that Fame Is nothing but an empty name. When, but for those, — our mighty dead« All ages past, a blank would be. Sunk in oblivion's murky bed, — A desert bare, a shipless sea ? They are the distant objects seen, — The lofty marks of what hath been. 0 ! who shall lightly say that Fame Is nothing but an empty name, When memory of the mighty dead To earth-worn pilgrim's wistful eye The brightest rays of cheering shed. That point to immortality ? A twinkling speck, but fixed and bright, To guide us through the dreary night, Each hero shines, and lures the soul To gain the distant, happy goal. For is there one who, musing o'er the grave Where lies interred the good, the wise, the brave, Can poorly think, beneath the mouldering heap. That noble being shall forever sleep ? No , saith the generous heart, and proudly swells, — " Though his cered corse lies here, with Grod his spirit dwelU" MORAL AND DIDjidTIC. HEBEK 97 75. THE PURSUrr OF FRIVOLOUS PLEASURES. — Young O, THE dark days of vanity ! while here Uqw tasteless, and how terrible when gone ! Gone ! they ne'er go ; when past, they hauut us still j The spirit walks of every day deceased, And smiles an angel, or a ftiry frowns. Nor death nor life delights us. If time past And time possest both pain us, what can please That which the Deity to please ordained. Time USED ! The man who consecrates his hours By vigorous effort and an honest aim. At once he draws the sting of life and death ; He walks with Nature, and her paths are peace. Ye well arrayed ! ye lilies of our land ! Ye lilies male ! who neither toil nor spin (As sister lilies might), if not so wise As Sqlomon, more sumptuous to the sight ' Ye delicate ! who nothing can support, Yourselves most insupportable ! for whom The winter rose must blow, the Sun put on A brighter beam in Leo ; silky-soft Favonius breathe still softer, or be chid ; And other worlds send odors, sauce, and song, And robes, and notions, framed in foreign looms,—' 0 ye Lorenzos of our age ! who deem One moment unamused a misery Not made for feeble man ; who call aloud For every bauble drivelled o'er by sense For rattles and conceits of every cast , For change of follies and relays of joy, To drag your patient through the tedious length Of a short winter's day, — say, Sages, say ! Wit's oracles ! say, dreamers of gay dreams ! How will ye weather an eternal night, Where such expedients fail • 76. forgive. - Rishop Heber. Born, 1783 ; died, 1826. 0 God ! my sins are manifold; against my life they cry, And all my guilty deeds foregone up to Thy temple fly. Wilt ihjM release my trembling soul, that to despair is driven ? Forgive! " a blessed voice replied, "and. thou shalt be forgiven." My foemen. Lord, are fierce and fell ; they spurn me in their pride ITiey render evil for my good ; my patience they deride • Arise :^ my King ! and be the proud in righteous ruin driven \ — Forgive ! " the awful answer came, " as thou wouldst be forgiven " THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Seven times, 0 Lord. I 've pardoned them ; seven times they 've euined rhev practise still to work me woe, and triumph m ray pain , _ rfut let them dread my vengeance now, to just resentment dnyen « Forgive ! " the voice in thunder spake, or never be forgiven! 77. TRITE SCIENCE OUGHT TO BE Ti^UBWUS. - PreHdenI HIKM I AM far from maintaining that science is a sufficient guide U. religion. On the other hand, if left to itself, as I fully admit, « It leads to bewilder, and dazzles to blind." Nor do I maintain that scientific truth, even when properly appre- ciated, will compare at all, in its influence upon the human those peculiar and higher truths disclosed by Eevelation. AH I con- Ind for is, that scientific truth, illustrating as it does the divme char- acter plan and government, ought to fan and feed the flame of true ^e y in the hearts of its cultivators. He, therefore who knows the To I of science, ought most pK^werfuUy to feel this religious influence^ He is not confined, like the great mass of men, to the outer court of Nature's magnificent temple; but he is admitted to the mtcrior, and allowed to trace its long halls, aisles and galleries, and ga^e upon its 1 fty domes and arches nay, as a priest he enters theym*aZ« the holy of holies, where sacred fire is always burmng upon the altaj where hovers the glorious Schekinah; and where, from a full orche - to anthem of praise is ever ascending. _ Petrified indeed, must be his heart, if it catches none of the inspiration of such a spot. He Lhtt« go forth from it, among his fellow-men with radiant glory on his face, like Moses from the holy mount. He who sees most of God in His works ought to show the stamp of Divmity upon his character, and lead an eminently holy life. . , , . Yet it is only a few gifted and adventurous mmds that are able, trom some advanced mountain-top, U> catch a glimpse of the entire stream truth, formed by the harmonious union of all principles ami flow- ing on Majestically into the boundless oc<«m of knowledge he ilnite miid. But when the Christian philosopher shall be pemittod to resume the study of science in a future world, with powers of bvestl^tion enlarged and clarified, and all obstaeles removed, he will S et tro^e onlard the various ramifications of truth, till they «mt^ ^to higher and higher principles, and become one m t^at cent^ of Ltres? the Pivine Mind. That is the Ocean from which all truth rSy sprang, and to which it ultimately return. To mce out Te^shorL of that shoreless Sea, to m«.sure ts measured extent^ and ,to fathom its unfathomable depths, wil be the noble and the Joyour Lk of eternal ages. And yet eternal ages may pass by and «« th« woitk only begun ! MOKAL DIDACTTO. JOHNSON. 78. TRIUMPHS OP THB ENGLISH LANGUAGE. -«,„. J. g l^^, TT'jf"'! f ?• bards, -let harps and hearts be strung. To ce ebrate the trmmphs of our own good Saxon tongue ! * It ^ with PKEEDO.V, Thought and Truth, to rouj and^ th. Sttut Albion hears its household lays on every surf-wom shore And Scotland hears its echoing far 'as Orkney's breakTroar ' It chmbs Nevr England's rooky steeps as victor mounte aXolie Niagara knows and greets the voice, still mightier than its oZ!' ^LT^ "^^""^ P''*^ -^"^P Weak Canadian plains And where on Esseqmbo's banks, eternal Summer reigns ^ It tracks the loud swift Oregon, through sunset valley! rkled .4nd soars where California brooks wash down their saK gold It kindles realms so far apart, that while its praise you sin.. These m^ay^be clad with Autumn's fruits, an'd thos^ „ithXers of It quickens lands whose meteor lights flame in an Arctic skv And lands for wbch the Southern' Cross hangs orbU tro^high It goes with all that Prophets told, and righteous Kings desired • With al that great Apostl^ taught, and glorious Ss aXir^l. W h S,T'' ^""^ "'"i Milton's lofT;^i;d ; With Alfreds laws, and Newton's lore, to cheer and bless mankind 79. THE WATER-DRINKER -E. Johnson 0 WATER for me » bright water for me, And wme for the tremulous debauchee. Water cooleth the brow, and cooleth the brain, And maketh the faint one strong again : l^Tl 'n '^T ^^'^ brfeze from the , All freshness, like infant purity : water, bright water, for me, for me. Wwe wme, giye wine, to the debauchee ^ THE STANDARD SPEARER. Fill to the brim ! fill, fill to the brim ; Let the flowing crystal kiss the rim ! For my hand is steady, my eye is true. For I, like the flowers, drink nothing but dew. 0, water, bright water 's a mine of wealth, And the ores which it yieldeth are vigor and health. So wat^r, pure water, for me, for me ' And wine for the tremulous debauchee Fill again to the brim, — again to the brim ! For water strengtheneth life and limb ! To the days of the aged it addeth length, To the might of the strong it addeth strength ; It freshens the heart, it brightens the sight, 'T is like quafl&ng a goblet of morning light . So, water, I will drink nothing but thee, Thou parent of health and energy ! When over the hills, like a gladsome bride, Morning walks forth in her beauty's pride, And, leading a band of laughing hours, Brushes the dew from the nodding flowers, 0 ! cheerily then my voice is heard Mingling with that of the soaring bird, Who flingeth abroad his matin loud. As he freshens his wing in the cold, gray cloud. But when evening has quitted her sheltering yew. Drowsily flying, and weaving anew Her dusky meshes o'er land and sea. How gently, 0 sleep, fall thy poppies on me J For I drink water, pure, cold, and bright. And my dreams are of Heaven the livelong night. So hurrah for thee, Water ! hurrah ! hurrah ! Thou art silver and gold, thou art riband and star Hurrah for bright water ! hurrah ! hurrah ! 80. THE DAYS THAT ARE GONE. — Charles Mackay Who is it that mourns for the days that are gone, When a Noble could do as he liked with his own ? When his serfs, with their burdens well filled on their banks Never dared to complain of the weight of a tax ? ' When his word was a statute, his nod was a law, And for aught but his " order " he cared not a straw ? When each had his dungeon and racks for the poor, And a gibbet to hang a refractory boor ? They were days when the oword settled questions of right And Falsehood was first to monopolize might ; MORAL /.ND DIDACTly When Law never dreamed it was good to relent, '^r thought it less wisdom to kill than prevent; When Justice herself, taking Law for her guiae, Was never appeased till a victim had died ; And the stealer of sheep and the slayer of men Were strung up together, again and again. They were days when the Crowd had no freedom of speech, And reading and writing were out of its reach ; When Ignorance, stolid and dense, was its doom, And Bigotry swathed it from cradle to tomb ; When the Few thought the Many mere workers for them, To use them, and when they had used, to contemn ; And the Many, poor fools ! thought the treatment their due And crawled in the dust at the feet of the Few ! No ! The Present, though clouds o'er her countenance roll, Has a light m her eyes, and a hope in her soul ; And we are too wise like the Bigots to mourn For the darkness of days that shall never return. Worn out and extinct, may their history serve As a beacon to warn us, whenever we swerve, To shun the Oppression, the Folly and Crime, That blacken the page of that Record of Time. Their chivalry lightened the gloom, it is true, And Honor and Loyalty dwelt with the Few; But small was the light, and of little avail, Compared with the blaze of our Press and our Rail; ■ buccess to that blaze ! May it shine over all, • Till Ignorance learn with what grace she may fall, And fly from the world with the sorrow she wrought. And leave it to Virtue and Freedom of Thought 81. TEE WORK-SHOP AND THE G^MV. -For a Mechanic Ce.X The Camp has had its day of soner that the li«man Senate -the Roman People -are lookmg, wi h anxious eyes, to our exertions ; and that, as our jalor and our strength BhaU this day be, such will be the fortune of Rome -such the wel- fare — nay, the very existence, of our country . 2. HANNIBAL TO HIS AEKY.-^*ri -What next? " Saguntum is on tiie Iberus. You must not move a step in any direction '" — Is it a Bmail thing that you have deprived us of our most ancient provinces. feicilyandSardmia? Will you take Spain also? Should we yield bpam, you will cross over into Africa. Will cross, did I say ? Thev Splinr""* ^^"^ ^'''''''^ ''''^ ^^^^ther to Soldiers, there is nothing left to us, in any quarter, but what we can vindicate with our swords. Let those be cowards who have Bomething to look back upon ; whom, flying through safe and unmo- lested roads, their own country will receive. There is a necessity for us to be brave There is no alternative but victory or death ; and, if it ^''r. 9 n^f -' ^^"^ '^''^^^ ""^^ ^^^^^^ encounter it in battle than in flight i Ihe immortal Gods could give no stronger incentive to vie tory ^ Let but these truths be fixed in your minds, and once again ^ proclaim, you are conquerors ! 3. REGULUS TO TIIE ROJIAN SENATE. - Ori^-ma^. Ill does it become me, 0 Senators of Rome ! — ill does it become Kegulus, — after having so often stood in this venerable Assembly clothed with the supreme dignity of the Republic, to stand before you a captive — the captive of Carthage ! Though outwardly I am tree, — though no fetters encumber the limbs, or gall the flesh — vet the heaviest of chains, — the pledge of a Roman Consul, — makes me the bondsman of the Carthaginians. They have my promise to return to them, m the event of the failure of this their em*bassy. My life IS at their mercy. My honor is my own ; — a possession which no reverse of fortune can jeopard; a flame which imprisonment cannot Btilie, time cannot dim, death cannot extinguish. Of the train of disasters which followed close on the unexampled Buccesses of our arms, — of the bitter fate which swept ofl" the flower ot our soldiery, and consigned me, your General, wounded and sense- less, to Carthaginian keeping, — I will not speak. For five years a rigorous captivity ha^ been my portion. For five years, the society of family and friends, the dear amenities of home, the sense of freedom and the sight of country, have been to me a recoUection and a dream, — no more ! But during that period Rome has retrieved her defeats 8be nas recovered under Metellus what under Regulus she lost. She has routed armies. She has taken unnumbered prisoners. She has Btruck terror to the hearts of the Carthaginians; who have now sent me hither with their Ambassadors, to sue for peace, and to propose that, m exchange for me, your former Consul, a thousana common! prison*3rs of war shall be given up. You have heard the Amba&sa [06 THE STAND ASD SPEAKEK. ilors Their intimations of some unimaginable horror - - I Know not Rrhat —impending over myself, should I fail to induce you to accept their terms, have strongly moved your sympathies in my behalf Another appeal, which I would you might have been spare d, has lent force to their suit. » A wife and children, threatened with widowhooa and orphanage,' weeping and despairing, have knelt at your feet, on thft very threshold of the Senate-chamber. -(Conscript Fathers! Shall ^lot Reo-ulus be saved? Must he return to Carthage to meet the --ruolties which the Ambassadors brandish before our eyes?— With one voice you answer, No ! — Countrymen ! Friends ! For all that I have sufiered — for all that I may have to suffer — I am repaid in the compensation of this moment! Unfortunate, you may hold me; but, (3, not undeserving! Your confidence in my honor survives ail the ruin that adverse fortune could inflict. You have not forgotten the Dast. Republics are not ungrateful ! May the thanks ]. cannot litter hvimr down blessings from the Gods on you and Rome !J Conscript Fathers ! There is but one course to be pursued. Aban- lon all thoucrht of peace. Reject the overtures of Carthage ! Reject them wholly and unconditionally! What! Give back to her a thousand able-bodied men, and receiv^ in return this one attenuated, war-worn, fever-wasted frame, — this weed, whitened m a dungeons darkness, pale and sapless, which no kindness of the sun, no softness of the summer breeze, can ever restore to health and vigor i It must not — it shall not be ! 0 ! were Regfilus what he was once, before captivity had unstrung his sinews and enervated his limbs, h3 might pause, — he might proudly think he were well worth a thousand of the foe ; — he might say, " Make the exchange ! Rome shall not lose by it!" But now — alas! now 't is gone, -that impetuosity of strength, which could once make him a leader indeed, to penetrate a phalanx or guide a pursuit. His very armor would be a burthen now. His battle-cry would be drowned m the dm of the onset. His sword would fall harmless on his opponent's shield. J3ut, if he cannot live, he can at least die, for his country ' Do^ not deny him this supreme consolation. Consider : every indignity, every torture, which Carthage shall heap on his dying hours, will be better than a trumpet's call to your armies. They will remember only Regains, their fellow-soldier and their leader. They will forget hia deftats. They will regard only his services to the Republic iunis, Sardinia, Sicily, - every well-fought field, won by hs blood and theirs — will flash on their remembrance, and kindle their avenging wrath' And so shall Regains, though dead, fight as he never fought befor- against the foe. ht -i c^^ Conscript Fathers ! There is another theme. My family -- for- give the thought! To you, and to Rome, I confide them. I leave them no legacy but my name, — no testament but ray example. AmbassSiors of Carthage I have spoken; though not as you expected. I am your captive. Lead me back to whatever fate may await me. Doubt not that you shall find, to Roman hearts, countxjf ^ dearer than life, and integrity more precious thau freedom ! MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — BRUTUS * LEONILAS TO HIS THREE HUNDRED. _ On.nnaZ Translation from Pickat. Ye men of Sparta listen to the hope with which the Gois inspire Leonidas ! Consider how largely our death maj redound to the glorv and benefit of our country. Against this barbarian King, who, in hi? battle array, reckons as many nations as our ranks do soldiers, what could united Greece effect? In this emergency there is need that ^me unexpected power should interpose itself; — that a valor and devotion unknown hitherto, even to Sparta, should strike, amaze, eonfound this ambitious Despot ! From our blood, here freely shed 7^' t n ^^''""^ P^"^^""' '""^^^^^ ^^^'^0^ 0^ patriotism, pro- ceed. To Greece It shall teach the secret of her strength: to the l ersians, the certainty of their weakness. Before our scarred and bleeding bodies, we shall see the great King grow pale at his own victory, and recoi affrighted. Or, should he succeed in forcing the pass ofThermopylae, he will tremble to learn, that, in marching upo« ^^.if T V ^?^'t" ihou^^nd., after us, equally prepared for death. ^ Ten thousand, do I say? 0, the swift contagion of a^generou. enthusiasm! Our example shall make Greece all fertile in heroe. An avenging cry shall follow the cry of her affliction. Countrv • Independence! ^rom the Messenian hills to the Hellespont, every heart shall respond; and a hundred thousand heroes, with one sacred accord, shall arm themselves in emulation of our unanimous death. Hiese rocks shall give back the echo of their oaths. Then shall our little band, — the brave three hundred, — from the world of shades revisit the scene; behold the haughty Xerxes, a fagitive, re-cross tS Hellespont m a frad bark ; while Greece, after eclipsing the mos glorious of her exploits, shall hallow a new Olympus in the mound that mvpra nny +nTviKo ^ ^^u-uu Yes, fellow-soldiers, history and posterity shall consecrate our ashes merever courage is honored, through all time, shall Thermopyl^ and the Spartan three hundred be remembered. Ours shaU be an immor- tality such as no human glory has yet attained. And when ages shall have swept by and Sparta's last hour shall have come, then, even m her rums shall she be eloquent. Tyrants shall turn away from them, appalled ; but the heroes of liberty — the poets the sais fh« historians of all time-shall invoke and bless tL Lm^^^^^^^^^ Z gaUant three hundred of Leonldas ! ^ 6. BRUTUS OVER THE DEAD LUCRETIA. - Original and Comp^.ea. You are amazed, 0 Eomans! even amid the general horror ai ter\ i^^'iw ^^^"^ ^^^^ bit^^rto only i n-/ ; .1 J-u f ^^"g^^ge bearing of a man R ?rV-^' p ^^^^^^ ^^"^^ fr^^ ? I that fc^^ ; Brutus bids Rome be free ! If he has played the fool, it was to sd a wise man's opportumty Here he throws off the mask of madness L^-.trT^. l^T. now, your countryman, who calls upon you, b| this lOQCcent blood, to swear eternal vengeance against kings ' IQ^ THE STANDARD SPEAK.EK. Look, Romans! turn your eyes on tliis sad spectacle 'ht aaughtei- of Lucretius, Collatmus' wife ! By her own hand she died See there a nc.ie lady, whom the ruffian lust of a Tarqum reduced to the necessity of being her own executioner, to attest her mnocence fl,>spitably entertained by her as her husband's kmsman, Sextus, the .erfidiousVest, became her brutal ravisher The chaste, the genorou« Lcretia, could not survive the outrage. Heroic matron ! But cm^ )nly treated as a slave, life was no longer endurable! And it .he, with her soft woman's nature, disdained a life, that depended Dn a tyrant's wiU, shall we — shall men, with such an example betoro their eyes, and after five-and-twenty years of ignominious servitude -shall we, through a fear of death, delay one moment to assert our freedom ? No, Romans ! The favorable moment is come The tnrio IS — now ! Fear not that the army will take the part of their ben- erals, rather than of the People. The love of liberty is natural to all ; and ;our fellow-citizens in the Camp feel the weight of oppression as sensibly as you. Doubt not they wHl as eagerly sei.:e the opportunity of throwing off their yoke. u^„^ Courage, Romans! The Gods are for us! those (^ods whose tem- pies and "altars the impious Tarquin has profaned. By the blood of the wronged Lucretia, I swear, - hear me, ye Powers Supreme ! - this blood, which was once so pure, and which nothing but roy"ny could have polluted, - 1 swear that I will pursue to the ^^^f^f^^'^ Tarquins, with fire and sword ; nor will I ever suffer any one of that family, or of any other family whatsoever, to be King m Rome . — On to the Forum! Belr the body hence, high in the pnbhc Jiew through all the streets ! On, Romans, on! The fool shall set jox^ free ! ^ ■ » REPLY OF ACHILLES TO THE ENVOYS OP AGAMEMNON, SOLlCrilNG i BXO 9 uiiit-iix yj o^GlUATlQ^.—Cowper's Homer. ■ I MUST with plainness speak my fixed resolve ; For I abhor the man, — not more the gates Of hell itself! — whose words belie his heart. So shall not mine ! My judgment undisguised Is this : that neither Agamemnon me , Nor all the Greeks shall move ! For ceaseless M Wins here no thanks ; one recompense awaits The sedentary and the most alert ! The brave and base in equal honor stand, — And drones and heroes fall unwept alike ' I, after all my labors, who exposed My life continual in the field, have earned No very sumptuous prize ! As the poor bird Gives to her unfledged brood a morsel gained After long search, though wanting it herself, So I have worn out many sleepless nights. And waded deep through many a bloody day MARTIAL AND POPULAR. HOMW^ In "battle for their wives. I have dest^eJ jLliDj;\^^ jv'V Twelve cities with my fleet ; and twelv^^ve one On foot contending, in the fields of Troy/^^ v. "^^^J^^" From all these cities precious spoil T took ^^^^jLJIvJ Ql^' Abundant, and to Agamemnon's hand ^'^^'SSs^s^Sii?-^ Gave all the treasure. He within his ships Abode the while, and, having all received, Little distributed, and much retained. He gave, however, to the Kings and Chiefs A portion, and they keep it. Me alone, Of all the Grecian host, hath he despoiled ! My bride, my soul's delight, is in his hands ! Tell him my reply : And tell it him aloud, that other Greeks May indignation feel like me, if, armed Always in inipudence, he seek to wrong Them also. Let him not henceforth presume — Canine and hard in aspect though he be — To look me in the face. I will not share His counsels, neither will I aid his works. Let it suffice him, that he wronged me once, — Deceived me once ; — henceforth his glozing arts Are lost on me ! But, let him rot in peace, Crazed as he is, and, by the stroke of Jove, Infatuate ! I detest his gifts ! — and him So honor as the thing which most I scorn ! And would he give me twenty times the worth Of this his offer, — all the treasured heaps WTiich he possesses, or shall yet possess. All that Orchomenos within her walls. And all that opulent Egyptian Thebes Receives, — the city with a hundred gates, Whence twenty thousand chariots rush to war, — And would he give me riches as the sands, And as the dust of earth, — no gifts from him. Should soothe me, till my soul were first avenged For all the offensive license of his tongue. I will not wed the daughter of your Chief, — Of Agamemnon. Could she vie in charms With golden Venus, — had she all .the skill Of blue-eyed Pallas, — even so endowed. She were no bride for me ! Bear ye mine answer back. HECTOR'S KEBUKE TO POLYDAM AS. — Cou-per^ /fowift-. i^ia^sA. PoLYDAMAS to dauutlcss Hoctor spake : Oittimes in council, Hector, thou art wont lie THE STANDARD SPEAKER. To censure me, although advising well Yet hear my best opinion once again . l^rooeed we not in our attempt against The Grecian fleet. The omens we have seen All urge against it. When the eagle flew, ^ Clutching the spotted snake, then dropping it Into the open space between the hosts, Troy's host was on the left. Was this propitionf No. Many a Trojan shall we leave behind, Slain by the Grecians in their fleet's defence^ An augur skilled in omens would expound This omen thus, and faith would win from all. To whom dark-louring Hector thus replied : Polydumas ! I like not thy advice ; Thou couldst have framed far better ; but if this Be thy deliberate judgment, then the Gods Make thy deliberate judgment nothing worth, Who bidd 'st me disregard the Thunderer's firm Assurance to myself announced, and make The wild inhabitants of air my guides, Which I alike despise, speed they their course With right-hand flight toward the ruddy East, Or leftward down into the shades of eve ! Consider we the will of Jove alone. Sovereign of Heaven and Earth. Omens abound ; But the best omen is our country's cause.* Wherefore should fiery war thy soul alarm ? For were we slaughtered, one and all, around ^ The fleet of Greece, thou need'st not fear to die, Whose courage never will thy flight retard. But if thou shrink thyself, or by smooth speech Seduce one other from a soldier's part, Pierced by this spear incontinent thou diest ! l HECTOR'S EXPLOIT AT THE BARRIERS OF THE GRECIAN FIEET.^ Idem So hung the war in balance, — Till Jove himself, superior fame, at length. To Priameian Hector gave, who sprang First through the wall. In loAy sounds thai reached Their utmost ranks, he called on all his host : Now press them ! now, ye Trojans, steed-renowned, Rush on ! break through the Grecian rampart ! hurl At once devouring flames into the fleet ! Such was his exhortation. They, his voice • The nobleness of this reply may have been paralleled, but not Burpaawd. In struts of B ioceeding times. MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — HOMER. AH hearing, with close-ordered ranks, direct Bore on the barrier, and up-swarming showed On the high battlement their glittering spears. But Hector seized a stone ; of ample base, But tapering to a point; before the gate It stood. No two men, mightiest of a land (Such men as now are mighty), could with ease Have heaved it from the earth up to a wain ; He swung it easily alone, — so light The son of Saturn made it in his hand. As in one hand with ease the shepherd" bears A ram's fleece home, nor toils beneath the wniehi. bo Hector, right toward the planks of those Majestic folding-gates, close-jointed, firm And solid, bore the stone. Two bars within Their corresponding force combined transverse To guard them, and one bolt secured the bars. He stood fast by them, parting wide his feet ^or 'vantage sake, and smote them in the midst. He burst both hinges ; inwai-d fell the rock Ponderous, and the portals roared ; the bars Endured not, and the planks, riven by the force Of that huge mass, flew scattered on all sid^^s. In leaped the godlike Hero at the breach, oomy as night in aspect, but in arms All-dazzling, and he grasped two quivering spears Him entering with a leap the gates, no force Whate'er of opposition had repressed, Save of the Gods alone. Fire filled his eyes", Turning, he bade the multitude without Ascend the rampart ; they his voice obeyed ; Part climbed the wall, part poured into the gate I he (xrecians to their hollow galleys flew, Scattered ; and tumult infinite arose. 9. HECTOR SLAIN BY ACHILLES. -Co w,;,er', homer Bright as among the stars the star of all, Most radiant Hesperus, at midnight moves, So in the right hand of Achilles beamed His brandished spear, while, meditating woe To Hector, he explored his noble form, Seeking where he was vulnerable most.' But every part, his dazzling armor, torn From brave Patroclus' body, well secured. Save wheie the circling key-bone from the neck Di^oms the shoulder there his throat appeared THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Wtence injured life with swiftest flight escapee. Achilles, plunging in that part his spear, Impelled it through the yielding flesh beyond. The ashen beam his power of utterance left Still unimpaired, but in the dust he fell And the exulting conqueror exclaimed But Hector ; thou had'st once far other hopes, And, stripping slain Patroclus, thought'st thee safe. Nor cared'st for absent me. "Fond dream and vam ! I was not distant far. In yonder fleet He left one able to avenge his dea th, ^ And he hath slain thee. Thee the dogs shall rend Dishonorably, and the fowls of air,— But all Achaia's host shall Mm entomb ! To whom the Trojan Chief languid replied : By thy own life — by theirs who gave thee birth — And by thy knees — 0 ! let not Grecian dogs Rend and devour me ; but in gold accept And brass a ransom at my father's hands, And at my mother's an illustrious price. Send home my body ! — grant me burial rites Among the daughters and the sons of Iroy ! To whom, with aspect stern, Achilles thus i Dog ! neither knees nor parents name to me ! I would my fierceness of revenge were such That I could carve and eat thee, to whose arms Such griefs I owe ; so true it is and sure That none shall' save thy carcass from the dogs ! No, trust me, would thy parents bring me, weighed, Ten — twenty — ransoms, and engage, on oath, To add still more ; — would thy Dardanian Sire, Priam, redeem thee with thy weight in gold, — Not even at that price would I consent That she who bare should place thee on thy bier. With lamentation I Dogs and ravemng fowls Shall rend thy body, while a shred remains ! Then, dying, warlike Hector thus replied Full well I knew before how suit of mine ^ Should speed, preferred to thee. Thy heart is steel But 0! while yet thou liv'st, think, lest the Gods Requite thee on that day, when, pierced thyself, By Paris and Apollo, thou shalt fall, Brave as thou art, before the Scaean gate ! He ceased ; and death involved him dark around. His spirit, from his limbs dismissed, the house Of Adcs sought, mourning, in her descent, Youth's prime and vigor lost, — disastrous doom MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — PENELON. But him though dead, Achilles thus bespake ; I)ie thou ! M/ death shall find me at what hour Jove gives commandment, and the Gods above a XEIEMACmiS TO THE ALLIED CHIEFS. -^^ene.on. ^o.„, 1651 ; uil Original Abridgment. Fellow-solmers and confederated chiefs ' I mt vn,- If „ «an deserved to We the weapon of stratagem S decei't taZI against h.m, ,t ,s he who has used it himself so often - the S stn*t„''d"bTloultterb';'fraidt Tf r — - P-MiL? of Adrastus without ^l^'J.^:, I^t presen attempt to punish him is unwarrantable. You have " wo " of the W^iZ' a depo.sit in lheTaS Seri'ditrrhirUet::; ;i sst "LTf^ still subsisting; and the Gods'haye nottrgXTjour oal .i^trS^^^^^^ fhaS\n^t.t tred o^Sg t frus you What security can you ever give for Ir Ld fall A solemn treaty ? You have trampled one under f J fn oath - defied the 7X ir''"'' -rr^ ™^ P™fi'*. »d have jreoSry:^.£; Id astus HeTll'^rP'"-. P^'-j"^ ^ '^1 triumphT Aarastns ! He will not need to attack you himself ynnr own teeasions your own mistrusts, your own duplicity wOl be yo^ ^ °. Z''"'*^' '•^"^"'^'^ "magnanimity and wbdom nenu^d and brave governing uncounted thousands, _ despir^rC amiisel of a you h ! To whatever extremity war may reduce v , W dC;ir~if%''"^^'"^ t'f- forl^^e ran';t'^ despair. But f you once pass the barrier of honor and integrity, ^jrj:^Z^T^^ . - -ther ree:stfblis^: the ruin that coiifideuoe without which*-;;" T4ir of imll^r ^ «d nor can you briug men back to the reverence of tto v ,U"h ch ™u have taught them to despise. What have you to fear / ll notour eomage equal tc victory, without the aid of fraud ? Your o™ poC THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Mv"^ thrimp^L Adr'a^tuB, is In our power, provided - Sded "dain to imitate the cowardice and treachery «hich have sealed his ruin ! U TITTTS QTTINTIUS AGAINST QUARRELS BETWEEN THE SENATE U. Tirbb uuiiMxu^ PEOPLE. — ^6rid§7nen« /row LiuJ/. Though I am comcions of no fault, 0 Romans, i' i^^^^f, at^st shame I have come forward to l^-l ^^^y;^^^::^^ Been it- posterity will know it - that, ™ j, ^ ,„a L'^^ishoSd^ed.inniy^ird^^ „ostdasta«Uy — J^Z^^^^^^^^^ If you, Romans, Trtt bir m%Cit <>oa-or m^ make yo^^^^^^^^^ offences ! - only may you repent. No, Romans the conM enemies is not from a belief m their own themselves granted Tribunes Yon -ere ^ger to ^^ve De^mv _ ^ ^^^XtelrSlf^the-tl^t te these dissension.. Wl^n t^Z^, SdS t:fd in .J., the whol, country laid waste with fire and . ; , g^eui the spell 0< Extinguish, 0 Romans, these fetal . , '^jf you this enchantment, which ren e^^^^^^^^ md put to flight these ravagers of our teintoiies, ana 9wn cities the terror of wai MARTIAL AND POPULAJR. — salluST. XI 5 statues " they exclaim ■' IT» at "us. He has no faniUi cestors " WhatTen' Wnr'? 7"* "'"^''-ious line cf ai »es, help figJy„Ltt"ies» tut ''"T°'^ "oti°nles. these, irt the perilous houA' R » • ^""^ '° "PP^^l to . men, to intruft th: of^^u "™Ttr"'' cation for it would be the virtue of h s f„ °f T 71 ""'^ "l"*"^- and unexperienced butofnm.t ,1 ^''rf^'^'-s ! to one untried Bhow a solitary scar bit " lmhf% "'"' ^T''^' ""^^ """l-l not the first rudinenl of CrK/ ""''''^^ "''"knew Truly I have known of such hX',, ! P'" '''''^-* '° P'^'^igrees! considerations, to a comrTand fc^Me^ when the n>o,nent for acStri -ed e IS i^'th'"^'' " ' and trepidation, to mve to ,o,„p infl • their ignorance Plebeii theWer1^;%?er;:o':Znf°^^-'" son. despised , thesTttlll^eT'te^^^^^^^^^ read, I have achieved or sha ed if wt^l "P^"™'' books, r have seen written on ba tl. fi U .u"^ ''f " ^"t'-^" object to my humbir birth t?"'''-''"''^'' ™'"> »d Wood. They tentobjectio^nl I^n^ml'JiL s^e ^^wLfe S'^^^^^ M (bear witness, Gods!), -where but in thl -l "^'^ "^^ lodged? and where hi dishnnn. h V" ^ P'"*' 1^'^ "o^ility be his unworthy deel' ? Te fthe/e' r^Ws ^tTl """^'^ '"^"''°''> " haughty lineage could not mT. ,t ^^faction, their never make ml base noble- my hun-ble birth could I profess no indifference to noble descent T* ;» j • number great men among one's aneestrv R,,, I, T** "".'"S ^ dwarfed in the comparison it sho.tu h„ ' "l'? ^ descendant ia a boa.t. These PatrSs'cannot ' ■ u ^ 'haa titles of nobility da e fern Lell^^^^^^^ "-'V ^''"'^> *heir myself have rendered. Ld .'f T T"'"' ""^i^l- ^ I can show the standards the atlr "° '^""'•S' ' have wrested from th UlisCd ' ^ fvounds received in combat,°nrtL • '^'"'^ -^^y statues! These the honor 4„La^^^^^^^^ i"™ "J 8nce,Iike theirs; but earned bv t^I '«"'«f<3ental inherit, douds of dust and sea^ of blood . ^ ™lor; amid effeminate Patricians Tho w™,U ' ^ "^^'tion, in wnich these have never da™d to' app j e^'ec™, Romans, are «v credeE. '"i; ' ''•^f ^P^^tators ! Here. 116 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. HL CAIUS ORVCCHUP. cited before the censors, Ai-PEAIfl TC IS. CAIUS Adaptation from J. S. ^ It appears [ am cited here because I have returned Without my General's leave, and for the crime Of having raised the tumult at Fregella. ^ First, with the first. I have remained my time Nay, I have over-served it by the laws, — The laws which Caius Gracchus dares not break. But, Censors, let that pass. I will propose A better question for your satisfaction : — " How have I served my time ? " I 'H answer that : — " How have I served my time ? For mine own gain, Or that of the Republic ? " What was my office ? Qusestor. What was its nature ? Lucrative, — So lucrative, that all my predecessors Who went forth poor returned home very rich. I went forth poor enough. But have returned still poorer than I went. Ye citizens of Rome, behold what favor Your masters show your brethren ! I have borne My country's arms with honor ; over-served My time ; returned in poverty, that might Have amassed treasures, — and they thus reward me : - Prefer a charge against me without proof, Direct or indirect ; without a testimony, Weighty or light ; without an argument, Idle or plausible ; without as much Of feasibility as would suffice ^ To feed suspicion's phantom ! Why is this ? How have I bought this hatred ? When my brother, Tiberius Q-racchus, fell beneath their blows, I called them not assassins ! When his friends Fell sacrifices to their after-vengeance, I did not style them butchers ' — did not name them ' The proud, perfidious, insolent Patricians ! Ye men of Rome, there is no favor, now. For justice ! Grudgingly her dues are granted ! Your great men boast no more the love of country. They count their talents; measure their domains; Enlarge their palaces ; dress forth their banquets ; Awake their lyres and timbrels; and with their floodi Of ripe Falernian drown the little left Of virtue ! — Romans, I would be your Tribune. Fear not. Censors ! I would raise no tumult ; This hand 's the first to arm against the man Whoe'er he be, that favors civil discord * PARTIAL AND POPULAR. — TACITOS. I have no gust for blood, nor for oppression . ' ' ' i sacrifice to Justice and to Mercv ' Th. wVl.r Vi^^! • ^^'^^^^^ right the guard • The wealth, the happiness, the freedom of ^ Sold ^t""" ■ ^^^'".^^ ^'^^'^^ tl^em, •^d them corrupted them from the pure letter ? Why do they guard the rich man's cloak from a rent, And tear the poor man's garment from his back ? Why are they, m the proud man's grasp, a sword. And m the hand of the humble man, a r;ed ? ' i)emand them m my country's sacred name! btill silent ? Reckless still of my appeal ? KomanF ' I ask the office of your Tribune ! 1. GALaACIIS TO THE CALE^^^^^LTI;".,,, =t= riE^^cr^rfrf r ^^^^ coTeted by their ranaoitv tT a- poverty are alike '^resnnieIfXeprl^S\I\T^f' *» make seiz- a desert, they Xt ^eao;* ^ ' t'"'? ™ta r^xxTe^t^fr^^^^^^^^ ter^„j-h/rr^ ftS- — .hed tears oStaIn T thelr^Juc^^ Twt''" ''t' T\'' THE STANDARD gPEAKER- the very line of the enemy we shall find friends Britom, ^^^^ (,auls the rrermans, will recognize their own cause n ours. Here ii a laL her ' an army ! There are tributes, and levies and badges of trvM^^ which to assume, or to trample under foot tever, Ses now in^the power of your arms Forth then, Oaledon^^^^^ ^ the Md! Think of your ancestors! Think of your descendante > i&. ICILIUS ON VIRGINIA'S SEIZURE. - T. B. Macaulay. Now by your children's cradles, — now, by your fathers' gravos, Be men to-dny, QuirTtes, or be forever slaves ! "s did Servius give us laws ? For this did T--rece bleed^^ For this was the great vengeance wrought on Tarqums evil seed I F , tb^s did those false sons make red the axes of their sire ? For this did Scaevola's right hand hiss in the Tuscan fire^? Shall the vile earth-tbx awe the race that stormed he ^'^^^ f^l , Shall we, who co^ald not brook o- lord c.ouch to the w^^^^^^ Ten« 0 for that ancient spirit which curbed the Senate s wilK 0 for the tents which in old time whitened the Sacred tLU ! In those brave days our fathers stood fimi y, side by side ; They faced the Mercian fury ; they tamed the Fabian prme ; They drove the fiercest Quinctius an outcast for h from Rome They sent the haughtiest Claudius with shivered fasces home. But what their care bequeathed us, our madness flung away . All the ripe fruit of threescore years was Wig^^ted m a day. Exult, ye proud Patricians! The hard-fought fight is o ex. ^strove for honors, - 't was in vain : for freedom, - 't is no nora No crier to the polling summons the eager throng ; No Tribune breathes the word of might, that guards the weaK fron« Our veiTWts, that were so high sink down beneath your will. Rrches, and lands, and power, and state -ye have them.~-k«ej them still. , , Still keep the holy fillets ; still keep the purple gown. The axes and the curule chair, the car and laurel crown Still press us for your cohorts, and, when the fight is done, Stm fin your garners from the soil which our good swords have won. But by the Shades beneath us, and by the Gods above. Add not mito your cruel hate your yet more cruel love Have ye not graceful ladies, whose spotless lineage springs From Consuls, and High Pontiife, and ancient Alban kings? Then lea-c the poor Plebeian his single tie to lile-- The sweet, sweet love of daughter, of sister, and of wite glntk speech, the balm for aW his vexed soul endures. The kiss, in which he half forgets even such a yoke as yours. SHU let the maiden's beauty swell the father's bi^ast w,th pnd« Still let the bridegroom's arms enfold an unpolluted bride MARTIAL ANP POPULAR. — HEMiNS. Hj Spare il> the inexpiable wrong, the unutterable shame, lhat turns the coward's heart to steel, the sluggard^s blood to flame Lest when our latest hope is fled, ye taste of otr despair, ' And learn, by proof, in some wild hour, how much the wretched dare 13 THE SPARTANS' MARCH.-f.,^c^■a^.^«n.. Born, m,; aie^, IBS, wMedtft^^xc^^^^^^^^^^ -ys Thucydidos, because the, Bivas made to the Doria^ T WAS morn upon the Grecian hills, where peasants dressed the vine. SurJight was on Cith^ron's rills, Arcadia's rocks and pines. And brightly through his reeds and Hwer,, Eurotas wandered by. ^^hen a sound arose from Sparta's towers of solemn harmony. ^ \\ as It the hunter's choral strain, to the woodland-goddess poured ? Did virgm hands, m Pallas' fane, strike the full-sounding chord ? ' But hehns were glancing on the stream, spears ranged in close array And shields flung back a glorious beam to the morn of a fearS'ay And the mountam echoes of the land swelled through the deep-blue sify ;W hile io soft strains moved forth a band of men that moved to die Thj marched not with the trumpet's blast, nor bade the horn peal out And the laurel-groves, as on they passed, rung with no battle shout ! l\7Z^^^ '^'T'' TT ^^"^^ ""'^^ i^P^Jse hicb And still .r^^'f' "1^'^' ^r*^" '^-^ of liberty ! And still sweet flutes, their path around, sent forth ^olian breath • They needed not a sterner sound to marshal them for death ' bo moved they ca mly to their field, thence never to return * bave bringing back the Spartan shield, or on it proudly borne ' 17. THE GREEKS' RETURN FROM B ATTLE. - /i^d. lo ! they come, they come I garlands for eveiy shrine ! Swn' S It ^T-^'"^ ^'"^^ • ^^^"S roses, pour ye wine ! Sing It where oliyes wave, and by the glittering sea, mfrvZ T ' ^'^^^ ^'^ is free ! HnJ^I J ! ^•'''''"g. ^<'<^ the spears that light the deep ! vl !lft Tf^"f P"'' tl^^ l^'ls °f battle sweep - B«h hath brought back his shield ; - maid, greet thy lover home ' Mother, W that proud fieId,-Io ! thy son is come ! ' Wlio murmured of the dead? Hush, boding voice ! We know rhat many a .hming head lies in its glory low ™ '''~es tOKlay ! They shall have their pn« ere lona Aci 1 nower all hearts to sway, in ever-burning song ^ ^ '™» 12Q THE STANDARD SPEAKE&. But mm shed flowers, pour wine, to hail the conquerors horm Bring wreaths for every shrine, — lo ! they come, they com* 18, ODE. — William Collins. Born. 1720 , diect, 1756. How sleep the brave, who sink to rest, By all their country's wishes blest ! When Spring, with dewy fingers cold, Returns to deck their hallowed mould, She there shall dress a sweeter sod Than Fancy's feet have ever trod. By fairy hands their knell is rung ; By forms unseen their dirge is sung ; There Honor comes, a pilgrim gray, To bless the turf that wraps their clay; And Freedom shall a while repair, To dwell, a weeping hermit, there. U VmaiNIUS AS tribune, refuses the appeal OE APPIUS CLA-JDIIJB U V in^i-iyLUi^ _ ^^.^.^^i Puraphrase from Livy. 1 AFFIRM, 0 Romans, that Appius Claudius is the only rnan not entitled to a participation in the laws, nor to the common privileges ol fvU or human society. The tribunal over which, as perpetual Decemvir he presided, was made the fortress of all viUames. A despiser of Go^ and\iien, he vented his fury on the properties and persons of ci izens, threateninc^ all with his rods and axes. Executioners, not Lictois, His passions roaming from rapm^ /o ir^rd^^^ from murder to lust, he tore a free-born maiden as ^he we^^ ^ prisoner of war, from the embraces of me, her father before the ^yes of the Roman People, and gave her to his creature, the purveyor of his secret pleasures ! Ye heard, my countrymen, the cruel decree, SrusLision. Ye beheld the t^-^.^f the fatW armed against his daughter. Armed against, do I say ? No bj aLed in her hehalf^^^.n^. it was to rescue ^^^^^^ honor, tliat I sheathed in her mnocent bosom the knife ! heara the tyrant, when the uncle and the betrothed hiisband of Virginia rlJZ ifeless body, order them to be taken off to prison Yes Eans even at tha^ragical moment, the miscreant Claud^^^^ more moved by the disappointment of his gross sensual appetite than by the untimely death of the unoffending victim ! ^ And Appius Claudius now appeals ! You hear his word. 1 ftnneal ' " This man, who, so recently, as Decemvir, would have con- a free-born maiden to bonds and to dishonor, utters tliat sacred 'expression that safeguard of Roman liberty, ^ " I appc. ! c may ve stand awc-struck and silent, 0 my countrymen! see, at fength that there are Gods who overlook human affairs ; that there i iuch a thias; as retribution ! Ye see that punishment must soonei MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — LITY. 22] a!^ fin II !. ^ ' protection of the People" And finally, the man who used to call the prison the fitting domicUe of ^e Koman commons shall now find that it was built for S also Wherefore, Appius Claudius, though thou shouldst appeal Sn Tnj agam to me the Tribune of the People, I will as ofterrefef thee "o itfiLZ " "t'^' °^ ^ froe person to slavery And mnce thou wilt not go before a Judge, well knowing that S p^r^rtdrmS"' ' 20. CANULEIUS AGAINST PATRICIAN ARROGANCE Original Parapiirase from Livy. d.3!JV' ^ tl^^t Patridan arrogance h,« denied to us the rights of a common humanity. What do we new demand ? F.rst, the right of intermarriage ; and then, thL the People may confer honors on whom they please.^ And why, h, the Lme of reiused < Why, tor claiming them, was I near being assaulted iu,t now, m the senat«.house ? Will the city no longer sLid - wffl C rercluldto™';r'r",T? t™J''=" «h;il no longe and bv f ' Gonsulsliip? Truly these Patricians will, by and by, begrudge us a participation in the light of day ; they w Z StTof t = ™ share^withThem the tafiulty of speech ; that we wear the forms of human beings ' But T cry them mercy. They tell „s it is contrary to religion ?hat a P I i"tr^rt2,°i1 ' 'T'^^ ^-P'ig- g/wforMs" tL„T' I 7 1. ? 7'" ^''y this pretence to the facts ' pS '"^ *" ™^ to the commentaries of the f^t of t^e wn ^°'"^?r™•^ ""^i^"^. in ~n with he rest of the world, we well know. We know that there were Kinc.» before thei^ were Consuls in Rome. We know that Consuk pS; no prerogative, no digmty, not formerly inherent in Kings We^kr' lofa PrriVifTf"/'' "'"''^ "Ot oZ not a Patrician, but not even a citizen ; that Lucius Tarquinius who wa^ not even of Italian extraction, was made King; tha SeV^^ u.^ Tn'Vo '"'^e''- '""^ State are withheld from 7 u\f intermarriage of members of their order with Plebeian ^an thlrvvh" "T, '^t'^ '■^^'Snity, a more humiliating t 7t l>an this ? \\h, not legislate against our living in the .same neigb I '22 THiii STANDARD SPEAKER. Mrhood, dwelling under the same skies, walking the same sartht Ifrnominy not to be endured ! Was it for this we expelled Kmgs Was it for this that we exchanged one master for many ? .^o . Let the rights we claim be admitted, or let the Patricians fight the battles of the State themselves. Let the public offices be open txi all • let every invidious law in regard to marriage be abolished ;^ or, oy the Gods of our fathers, let there be no levy of troops to achieve victories, in the benefits of which the People shall not most anipiy and equally partake ! I) CATILINE TO HIS ARMY, NEAR F^SUK*:.— Ben Jonson. Born, 1574 5 died l«3l A paraphrase of the celebrated speech which Sallust attributes to Catiline, previous toth* 5J;g?.gemem which euded in the rout of his army, and his own death. I NEVER yet knew. Soldiers, that in fight Words added virtue unto valiant men ; Or that a General's oration made An army fall or stand : but how much prowess, Habitual or natural, each man's breast Was owner of, so much in act it showed.^ Whom neither glory nor danger can excite, 'T is vain to attempt with speech. Two armies wait us, Soldiers ; one from Rome The other fror the provinces of Gaul. The sword must now direct and cut our passage. I only, therefore, wish you, when you strike, To have your valors and your souls about you ; And think you carry in your laboring hands The things you seek,— glory and liberty ! For by your swords the Fates must be instructed ! If we can give the blow, all will be safe ; We shall not want provision, nor supplies ; The colonies and free towns will lie open ; Where, if we yield to fear, expect no place, Nor friend, to shelter those whom their own fortune And ill-used arms have left without protection. You might have lived in servitude or exile, Or safe at Home, depending on the great. But that you thought those things unfit for men ; And, in that thought, my friends, you then were variant . F)r no man ever yet changed peace for war But he that meant to conquer. Ilold that purpose. Meet the opposing army in that spirit. There 's more necessity you should be such. In fighting for yourselves, than they for others. He 's base who trusts his feet, whose hands are arm«t Mcthinks I see Death and the Furies waiting What we will do, and all the Heaven at leisure MARTIAL AND POPULAR. 123 B'or the great spectacle. Praw, then, jour sworda , And, should our destiny begrudge our virtue The honor of the day, let us take care To sell ourselves at such a price as ma^ Undo the world to buy us ! 22. SPARTACUS TO THE GLADIATORS AT CAPUA - E. Kellogg. It had been a day of triumph in Capua. Lentulus, returning vitli Tnctorious eagles, had amused the populace with the sports of the amphitheatre to an extent hitherto unknown even in that luxurious city. Ihe shouts of revelry had died away ; the roar of the lion had ceased ; the last loiterer had retired from the banquet ; and the lights m the palace of the victor were extinguished. The moon, piercin Ahe tissue of fleecy clouds, silvered the dew-drops on the corslet of the Roman sentinel, and tipped the dark waters of the Vulturnus with a wavy, tremulous light. No sound was heard, save the last sob of some retiring wave, telling its story to the smooth pebbles of the beach • and then all was still as the breast when the spirit has departed In the deep recesses of the amphitheatre, a band of gladiators were assem- bled; their muscies still knotted with the agonv of conflict, the foam upon their lips, the scowl of battle yet lingering on their brows: when bpartacus, starting forth from amid the throng, thus addressed them : Ye call me chief; and ye do well to call Mm chief who for twelve ong years, has met upon the are'na every shape of man or beast the broad empire of Rome could furnish, and who never vet lowered his arm. If there be one among you who can say, that ever, m public fight or private brawl, my actions did belie my tK)no-ue, let him stand forth, and say it. If there be three in all your company dare face me on the bloody sands, let them come on. And yet I wa^ not always thus, — a hired butcher, a savage chief of still more sav- age men! My ancestors came from old Sparta, and settled amonc. .he vme-clad rocks and citron groves of Syrasella. My early life ran quiet as the brooks by which I sported ; and when, at noon, I gath- ered the sheep beneath the shade, and played upon the shepherd's flute, there was a friend, the son of a neighbor, to join me in the pastime We led our flocks to the same pasture, and partook together our rustic mea One evening, after the sheep were folded, and we were all seated beneath the myrtle which shaded our cottage mv grandsire, an old man, was telling of Marathon, and Leuctra ;'and how, m ancient times, a little band of Spartans, in a defile cf the mcuntams, had withstood a whole army. I did not then know whai war was ; but my cheeks burned, I knew not why, and I clasped the knees of that venerable man, until my mother, parting the hair from off my forehead, kissed my throbbing temples, and bade me go to rest, and think no more of those old tales and savage wars. That very night, the Romans landed on our coast. I saw the breast that had nounshed nie trampled by the hoof of the war-horse; the bleedin^ body 0. mv father flung amidst the blazing rafters of our (Veiling • " i24 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. " To»day I killed a man in tlie arena ; and, when I broke his h6k met-clasps, behold ! he was my friend. He knew me, smiled faintly gasped, and died ; — the same sweet smile upon his lips that . had marked, when, in adventurous boyhood, we scaled the lotty chh to pluck the first ripe grapes, and bear them home in childish triumph . I told the;prsetor that the dead man had been my friend, generous and brave ; and I begged that I might bear away the body, to burn it on a funeral pile, and mourn over its ashes. Ay ! upon my knees, amid the dust and blood of the arena, I begged that poor boon, while all the assembled maids and matrons, and the holy virgms they call \ es. tals, and the rabble, shouted in derision, deeming it rare spojt forsooth, to see Kome's fiercest gladiator turn pale and tremble at sight ot that piece of bleeding clay ! And the praetor drew back as I were pollu- tion,and sternly said, — ' Let the carrion rot; there are no noble men but Romans !' And so, Mhw-gladiators, must you, and so must £ die like do^s. 0, Rome ! Rome ! thou hast been a tender nurse ti me. Ay !°thou hast given, to that poor, gentle, timid shepherd lad, who never knew a harsher tone than a flute-note, muscles oi iron and a heart of flint ; taught him to drive the sword through plaited mail and links of rugged brass, and warm it in the marrow ot his ioe ;. — to ffaze into the glaring eye-balls of the fierce Numidian lion, even as a boy upon a laughing girl! And he shall pay thee back, until the yellow Tiber is red as frothing wine, and in its deepest ooze thy lite- blood lies curdled ! , ^^ n " Ye stand here now like giants, as ye are ! The strength of brass is in your toughened sinews ; but to-morrow some Roman Adonis, breathinLr sweet perfume from his curly locks, shall with his lily fino-ers pat your red brawn, and bet his sesterces upon your blood. Ha'J-k ' hear ye yon lion' roaring, in his den ? 'Tis three days since he tasted flesh ; but to-morrow he shaU break his fast upon yours, — and a dainty meal for him ye will be ! jjlf ye are beasts, then stand here like fat oxen, waiting for the butcher's knife ! If ye are men. — M^ low me ! Strike down yon guard, gain the mountain passes, and there do bloody work, as did your sires at Old Thermopylae ! Is Sparta dead # Is the old Grecian spirit frozen in your veins, that you do crouch and cower like a belabored hound beneath his master's lash O, com- Hides ' warriors ! Thracians ! — if we must fight, let us fight tor our- nelves ' If we must slaughter, let us slaughter our oppressors! it we must die, let"^e under the clear sky, by the bright waters, m uobb, honorable battle ! " ' 23. SPARTACUS TO THE ROMAN ENVOYS IN ETRDRIA.— Orig-ina Envoys of Rome, the poor camp of Spartacus is too much honoreO .n your presence. And does Rome stoop to parley with the escape.! "rladiator, with the rebel ruffian, for whom heretofore no slight Boon too scornful ? You have come, with steel in your right hand, ind with gold in your left. What heed we give the former, ask MARTIAL .ND POPULAfl. I2fe Cossimus ask Clauaius ; ask Varinms ; ask the bones of your legiona that fertilize the Lucanian plains. And for your gold — would ye kDcw what we do with that, — go ask the laborer, the trodden poor the helpless and the hopeless, on our route ; ask all whom Eoman tyranny had crushed, or Roman avarice plundered. Ye have seen me before : but ye did not then shun my glance as now. Ye have seen me in the arena, when I was Rome's pet ruffian, daily smeared with blood of men or beasts. One day — shall I forget it ever ? — were present ; — I had fought long and well. Exhausted as I was your munerdtor, your lord of the games, bethought him, it were an equal match to set against me a new man, younger and lighter than I, but fresh and valiant. With Thracian sword and buckler, forth he came, a beautiful defiance on his brow ! Bloody and brief the fight "He has It!" cried the People; ^Wmbet / hahei But still he lowered not his arm, until, at length, I held him, gashed and taintinn-, m my power. , I looked around upon the Podium, where feat yoiTr Senators and men of State, to catch the signal of release, of mercy. But not a thumb was reversed. To crown your sport, the vanquished man must die ! Obedient brute that I was, I was about to slay him, when a few hurried words — rather a welcome to death than a plea for lite — told me he was a Thracian. I stood transfixed. The arena vanished. I was in Thrace, upon my native hills ! The sword dropped from my haPxds. I raised the dying youth tenderly in my arms 0, the magnanimity of Rome ! Your haughty leaders, en- raged at being cheated of their death-show, hissed^their disappoint- ment, and shouted, "Kill! " I heeded them as I would heed the howl of wolves. Kill — They might better have asked the mother to kill the babe, -smiling in her face. Ah! he was already wounded unto death ; and, amid the angry yells of the spectators, he, ai, ^ ™ scourged for disobedience. I shall not forget It. Should memory fail, there are scars here to quicken it. Well; do not grow impatient. Some hours after, finding myself with seventy fellow-gladiators, alone in the amphitheatre, the laborma thought broke forth in words. I said, — I know not what. I only know that, when I ceased, my comrades looked each other m the tace — and then burst forth the simultaneous cry— "Lead on' lead on, 0 Spartacus ! " Forth we rushed, — seized what rude weapons enhance threw m our way, and to the mountains speeded. There day by day, our little band increased. Disdainful Rome sent after us a handful of her troops, with a scourge for the slave Spartacus. Iheir weapons soon were ours. She sent an army ; and down from Old Vesuvius we poured, and slew three thousand. Now it was Spar- tacus the dreaded rebel ! A larger army, headed by the Praetor, was sent, and routed ; then another still. And always I remembered thaV, tierce cry, riving my heart, and calling me to " kill ! » In three patched battles, have I not obeyed it ? And now afi-righted Rome 128 THE STANDAB^^ SPEAKER Bends her two Consuls, and puts forth all her strength bj ^and and sea as if a Pjrrnus or a Hannibal were on her borders ! Envoys of Rome ! To Lentulus and Gellius bear this message : '* Their graves are measured ! " Look on that narrow stream, a siivei thread, high on the mountain's side ! Slenderly it winds, but soon is swelled by others meeting it, until a torrent, teirible and ^strong, it sweeps to' the abyss, where all is ruin. So Spartacus comes on ! Bo swells his force, — small and despised at first, but now resistless I On, on to Rome we come ! The gladiators come ! Let Opulence iremble in all his palaces ! Let Oppression shudder to think the oppressed may have their turn ! Let Cruelty turn pale at thought of redder hands than his ! 0 ! we shall not forget Rome's many les- sons. She shall not find her training was all wasted upon indocile pupik. Now, begone ! Prepare the Eternal City for our games ' 24. MARULLTJS TO THE ROMAN POPtfLACE.— 5/taA:s;?eare., Wherefore rejoice that Caesar ccmes in triumph ? What conquest brings he home ? What tributaries follow him to Rome, To grace in captive bonds his chariot- wheels ? You blocks, you stones, you worse than senseless things ' 0, you hard hearts, you cruel men of Rome ! Knew ye not Pompey ? Many a time and oft Have you climbed up to walk and battlements, To towers and windows, yea, to chimney-tops, Your infants in your arras, and there have sat The life-long day, with patient expectation, To see great Pompey pass the streets of Rome ; And when you saw his chariot but appear, Have you not made an universal shout, That Tiber trembled underneath her banks To hear the replication of your sounds, Made in her concave shores ? And do you 7iow put on your best attire ? And do you now cull out a holiday ? And do you now strew flowers in his way, That comes in triumph over Pompey's blood ? Begone ! Run to your houses, fall upon your knees Pray to the Gods to intermit the plague That needs must light on this ingratitude ! i5. MARCUS BRUTUS ON THE DEATH OF C2ES>hB..—Shakspeart. Romans, countrymen, and lovers ! Hear me for my cause ; and bt nlent, that you may hear. Believe me for mine honor; and bavi9 respect to mine honor, that you may believe. Censure me in youi Tisdoni and a\^'ake youi- senses, that you may the better judger If MARTLiI, AKh POPULAR. — SHAKSPEARIS. (27 strth^aVZh *M ^rn^'-^">'^^-rfnend of Caesar's., to Mm 1 say, that Bmtus love to Caesar was not less than his. If then that rill r ^""v^' I l^^e^ i^ome more. Had yon rather Caesar were hvinxr, and die all skvp^ fK^n +1,0 I n dead, to live al, freemen!' As c4r lotneX^yrhi^^'H he was fortuBate, I rejo ce at it; as he was valiant, I honor hiT ^ he w<« an>b.t.ous, I slew him. There are tears for Us We • ic^ Whot hre^so^'basHLt'" M T'^'I -bi'tS »yno IS nere m base, that would be a bondman ? If any sneak ■ frr ^m^T .^^^"i? 'l.l^-^ - that ZVC be ; woman ? If any, speak ; for him have I offended. Who is here so VTle that will not love his country ? If any sneak • for hil T, r offended. I pause for a reply ^' ^ ' " ^"^ ^ r^L^ - was Ct-ZaTrff ^-^h-n not? iA^tll thtl aepart . ihat, as I slew my best lover for the good of Rome I havs S ^^^^^ pi-- --t;7to 26 MARK ANTONY TO THE PEOPLE. ON CESAR'S DEATH. -5.a.«^«,^ Friends Romans, Countrymen! lend me your care I come to bury C^sar, not to praise him. Ihe evil that men do lives after them ; The good is oft interred with their bones : bo let It be with Caesar ! Noble Brutus Hath told you Caesar was ambitious : If It were so, it was a grievous fault ; And grievously hath Caesar answered it ' Here under leave of Brutus, and the rest ~ i^or Brutus is an honorable man ! So are they all ! all honorable men,— Come I to speak in Caesar's funeral. He was my friend, faithful and just to me.— But Brutus says he was ambitious ; And Brutus is an honorable man ! He hath brought many captives home to Rome. Whose ransoms did the general coffers fill: Old this in Caesar seem ambitious ? Wlien that the poor have cried, Caesar hath wept ^mbition should be made of sterner stuff ' Vet Brutus mys he was ambitious . THE STANDARD SPEAKER. And Brzitus is an honorable man ! You all did see, that, on the Lupercal, I thrice presented him a kingly crown, Which he did thrice refuse : was this amHtion ?— Yet Brutus says he was ambitious ; And sure he is an honorable man ! I speak not to disprove what Brutus spoke ; But here I am to speak what I do know. You all did love him once ; not without cause : What cause withholds you, then, to mourn for him I 0 judgment ! thou art fled to brutish beasts, And men have lost their reason ! Bear with me : My heart is in the coffin there with Caesar ; And I must pause till it come back to me. — But yesterday, th^ word of Caesar might Have stood against the world ; — now lies he there, And none so poor to do him reverence ! 0 masters ! if I were disposed to stir Your hearts and minds to mutiny and rage, 1 should do Brutus wrong, and Cassius wrong, Who, you all know, are honorable men ! — I will not do them wrong : I rather choose To wrong the dead, to wrong myself and you. Than I will wrong such honorable men ! — But here 's a parchment with the seal of Caesar, — I foand it in his closet, — 't is his will ! Let but the commons hear this testament, — Which, pardon me, I do not mean to read, — And they would go and kiss dead Caesar's woun(2s And dip their napkins in his sacred blood ; Yea, beg a hair of him for memory. And, dying, mention it within their wills, Bequeathing it, as a rich legacy, Unto their issue ! If you have tears, prepare to shed them now You all do know this mantle : I remember The first time ever Caesar put it on : 'T was on a summer's evening, in his tent,- That day he overcame the Nervii ! — Look! in this place, ran Cassius' dagger through t See what a rent the envious Casca made ! — Through this, — the well-beloved Brutus stabbed And, as he plucked his cursed steel away, Mark how the blood of Caesar followed it ! As rushing out of doors, to be resolved If Brutus so unkindly knocked, or no I For Brutus, as you know, was Caesar's angel MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — MILTON. 129 Judge, 0 ye Gods, how dearly Caosar loved him! This was the most unkindest cut of all ! tor when the noble Caesar saw him stab, Ingratitude, more strong than traitors' arms, Quite vanquished him. Then burst his mighty heart And, in his mantle nmffling up his face Even at the base of Pompey's statue, ~ Which all the while ran blood ! — great Csesar fell > 0, what a fall was there, my countrymen ! Then I, and you, and all of us, fell down ; Whilst bloody treason flourished over us ! 0, now you weep ; and I perceive you feel The dint of pity : these are gracious drops ! Kind souls ! what ! weep you when you but behold Our Ciesar's vesture wounded ? — look you here ! Here is himself, — marred, as you see, by traitors ! Good friends ! sweet friends ! let me not stir you up To such a sudden flood of mutiny ! They that have done this deed are honorable ! What private griefs they have, alas ! I know not, That made them do it : they are wise and honorable, And will, no doubt, with reasons answer you. I come not, friends, to steal away your hearts : I am no orator, as Brutus is ; But, as you know me all, a plain, blunt man, That love my friend, — and that they know full well That gave me public leave to speak of him, — For I have neither wit, nor words, nor worth. Action, nor utterance, nor the power of speech, To stir men's blood : I only speak right on. I tell you that which you yourselves do know ; Show you sweet Caesar's wounds, — poor, poor, dumb roo^itia And bid them speak for me. But, were I Brutus, And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony Would rufile up your spirits, and put a tongue In every wound of Caesar, that should move The stones of Borne to rise and mutiny ! 27. MOLOCH TO THE FALLEN ANGELS —Milton. My sentence is for open war : of wiles, More unexpert, I boast not : them let those Contrive who need, or when they need ; not now. For, while they sit contriving, shall the rest, Millions that stand in arms, and longing wait The signal to ascend, sit lingering here Heaven's fugitives, and for their dwelling-plaoe THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Accept this dark opprobrious den of shame, I'he prison of His tyranny who reigns By our delay ? No, — let us rather choose, Ai-nied with hell-flames and fury, all at once O'er Heaven's high towers to force resistless way> Turning our tortures into horrid arms Against the Torturer ; when to meet the noise Of His almighty engine He shall hear Infernal thunder ; and, for lightning, see Black fire and horror shot with equal rage^ Among His angels ; and His Throne itself Mixed with Tartarean sulphur and strange fire, His own invented torments. But perhaps The way seems difficult and steep, to scale With upright wing against a higher foe. Let such bethink them, if the sleepy drench Of that forgetful lake benumb not still, That in our proper motion we ascend Up to our native seat : descent and fall To us is adverse. Who but felt of late, When the fierce Foe hung on our broken rear Insulting, and pursued us through the deep, With what compulsion and laborious flight V/e sank thus low ? The ascent is easy, then : — The event is feared : — should we again provoke Our Stronger, some worse way His wrath may find To our destruction ; if there be in hell Fear to be worse destroyed. — What can be worse Than to dwell here, driven out from bliss, condemned. In this abhorred deep, to utter woe, V/here pain of unextinguishable fire Must exercise us without hope of end. The vassals of His anger, when the scourge Inexorable and the torturing hour Call us to penance ? More destroyed than thus, We should be quite abolished, and expire. What fear we, then ? What doubt we to incense His utmost ire ? which, to the height enraged, Will either quite consume us, and reduce To nothing this essential, — happier far, Than miserable to have eternal being; — Or, if our substance be indeed divine, And cannot cease to be, we are at worst, On this side nothing : and by proof we fee. Our power sufficient to disturb His Heaven. And with perpetual inroads to alarm. Though inaccessible, His fatal Throne : Which, if not victory is yet revenge MARTIAL AND POPULAR. MILTON. 28. BELIAL'S ADDRESS, OPPOSING W AH. -Milton I SHOULD be much for open war, 0 Peers, As not behind in hate, if what was urged, Main reason to persuade immediate war. Did not dissuade me most, and seem to cast Ominous conjecture on the whole success ; — When he, who most excels in fact of arms, In^ what he counsels, and in what excels. Mistrustful, grounds his courage on despair And utter dissolution, as the scope Of all his aim, after some dire reveno-e ' First, what revenge ? — The towers of Heaven are With armed watch, that render all access Impregnable : oft on the bordering deep Lncamp their legions : or, with obscure win^, bcout far and wide into the realm of nieht, bcornmg surprise. - Or, could we break our way i3y force, and, at our heels, all hell should rise. With blackest insurrection, to confoun'd Heaven's purest light; yet our great Enemy, All incorruptible, would, on His throne, ^it unpolluted ; and the ethereal mould, ^capable of stain, would soon expel Her mischief, and purge off the baser fire, Victorious. Thus repulsed, our final hope Is fiat despair: we must exasperate Ihe Almighty Victor to spend all His rage, And that must end us ; that must be our cure, — Ihough full of pain, this intellectual bein^, Ibose thoughts that wander through eternity — - lo perish rather, swallowed up and lost In the wide womb of uncreated night Devoid of sense and motion? — And who knows, lict this be good, whether our angry Foe Cap give it, or will ever ? How He can. Is H^jubtful ; that He never will, is sure. Will He so wise, let loose at once His ire ^ehke through impotence, or unaware, lo give His enemies their wish, and end Ihem in His anger, whom His anger savas To punish endless ? _ Wherefore cease we, then ? bay they, who counsel war : " we are decreed. Keserved, and destined to eternal woe : Whatever doing, what can we suffer more. What can wt .uffer worse ? " Is this, then, worst. rbus sitting, thus consulting, thus in arms « THE STANDARD SPEAKER. W hat when we fled amaiij, pur&ued and struck With Heaven's afflicting thunder, and besought The deep to shelter us ? this hell then seemed A refuge from those wounds ! or when we lay Chained on the burning lake ? that sure was worse. What if the breath that kindled those grim fires, Awaked, should blow them into seven-fold rage, And plunge us in the flames ? or, from above. Should intermitted vengeance arm again His red right hand to plague us ? what, if all Her stores were opened, and this firmament Of hell should spout her cataracts of fii-8, Impendent horrors, threatening hideous fall One day upon our heads ? while we, perhaps Designing or exhorting glorious war, Caught in a fiery tempest, shall be hurled, Each on his rock transfixed, the sport and prey Of racking whirlwinds ; or forever sunk ^ Under yon boiling ocean, wrapped in chains ; There to converse with everlasting groans, XJnrespited, unpitied, unreprieved, Ages of hopeless end ? — this would be worse. War, therefore, open or concealed, alike My voice dissuades. 29. THE DEATH OE LEONID AS. — Bfeu. George Croljf. It was the wild midnight, — a storm was in the sky, The lightning gave its light, and the thunder echoed by ; The torrent swept the glen, the ocean lashed the shore, — Then rose the Spartan men, to make their bed in gore ! Swift from the deluged ground, three hundred took the shield Then, silent, gathered round the leader of the field. He spoke no warrior-word, he bade no trumpet blow ; But the signal thunder roared, and they rushed upon the foe. The fiery element, showed, with one mighty gleam, Bampart and flag and tent, like the spectres of a dream. All up the mountain side, all down the woody vale, AL by the rolling tide, waved the Persian banners pale. And King Leonidas, among the slumbering band, Sprang foremost from the pass, like the lightning's living brand Then double darkness fell, and the forest ceased to moan. But Ihere came a clash of steel, and a distant dying groan. Anon, a trum])et blew, and a fiery sheet burst high, That o'or the midnight threw a blood-red canopy. A host glared on the hill ; a host glared by the bay ; But the Greeks rushed onward stilJ like leopards in theii plai MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — CROLT. Igg The air wns aU a yell, and the earth was all a flame, Where the Spartan's bloody steel on the silken turbans came And still the Greek rushed on, beneath the fiery fold, Till, like a rising sun, shone Xerxes' tent of gold rhey found a royal feast, his midnight banquet, there ! And the treasures of the East lay beneath the Doric spear ihen sat to the repast the bravest of the brave ' That feast must be their last, that spot must be their grave They pledged old Sparta's name in cups of Syrian wine, And the warrior's deathless fame was sung in strains divine, ihey took the rose-wreathed lyres from eunuch and from slave. And taught the languid wires the sounds that Freedom gave. now the morning star crowned (Eta's twilight brow. And the Persian horn of war from the hill began to blow • Up rose the glorious rank, to Greece one cup poured high. Then, hand m hand, they drank, — " To Immortality ! '' Fear on King Xerxes fell, when, like spirits from the tomb, With shout and trumpet-knell, he saw the warriors come ; l^ut down swept aU his power, with chariot and with charge: Down poured the arrowy shower, till sank the Dorian targe. They marched within the tent, with all their strength unstrung: lo Greece one look they sent, then on high their torches flumr : lo Heaven the blaze uprolled, like a mighty altar-fire ; And the Persians' gems and gold were the Grecians' funeral pyra Their King sat on his Throne,'his Captains by his side, While the flame rushed roaring on, and their psean loud replied ! Thus fought the Greek of old ! Thus will he fight again ! bhalJ not the self-same mould bring forth the self-same men ? 18 CATILINE TO THE GALLIC CONSPIRATORS. -Original Adaptatton f om Cr,l^ Men of Gaul ! What would you give for Freedom ? For Freedom, if it stood before your eyes ; For Freedom, if it rushed to your embrace ; For Freedom, if its sword were ready drawn To hew your chains off" 2 Ye would give death or life ! Then marvel not lhat I am here — that Catiline would join you! — The great Patrician ? — Yes — an hour ago — But now the rebel ; Rome's eternal foe. And your sworn friend ! My desperate wrong 's my pled« There s not in Rome, — no — not upon the earth, A man so wronged. The very ground I trea^ THE STAJNDAJID SPEAKER. Is grudged me. — Chieftains ! ere the moon be do?ftt» My land will be the Senate's spoil ; my life, The mark of the first villain that will stab For lucre. — But there 's a time at hand ! — Gaze on If I had thought you cowards, I might have come And told you lies. But you have now the thing I am ; — Rome's enemy, — and fixed as fate To you and yours forever ! The State is weak as dust. Rome 's broken, helpless, heart-sick. Vengeance sits Above her, like a vulture o'er a corpse. Soon to be tasted. Time, and dull decay. Have let the waters round her pillar's foot ; And it must fall. Her boasted strength 's a ghost Fearful to dastards ; — yet, to trenchant swords, Thin as the passing air ! A single blow, In this diseased and crumbling state of Rome, Would break your chains like stubble. But " ye 've no swords " ! Have you no ploughshares, scythes ? When men are brave, the sickle is a spear ! Must Freedom pine till the slow armorer Gilds her caparison, and sends her out To glitter and play antics in the sun ? Let hearts be what they ought, — the naked earth Will be their magazine ; — the rocks — the trees — Nay, there 's no idle and unnoted thing, But, in the hand of Valor, will out-thrust The spear, and make the mail a mockery ! 31. CATILINE'S LAST HARANGUE TO HIS ARMY.-/d. Brave comrades ! all is ruined ! I disdain To hide the truth from you. The die is thrown And now, let each that wishes for long life Put up his sword, and kneel for peace to Rome. Ye are all free to go. — What ! no man stirs • Not one ! — a soldier's spirit in you all ? Give mo your hands ! (This moisture in my eyea Is womanish — 't will pass.) My noble hearts ! Well have you chosen to die ! For, in my mind, The grave is better than o'erburthened life ; — Better the quick release of glorious wounds, Than the eternal taunts of galling tongues ; — Better the spear-head quivering in the heart, Than daily struggle against Fortune's curse ; — Better, in manhood's muscle and high blood, To leap the gulf, than totter to its edge MARTIAl AND POPULAR. — BULWER Id poverty, dull pain, and base decay.— Once more, I say, — are ye resolved ? Then, each man to his tent, and take the arms That he would love to die in, — for, this hour, We storm the Consul's camp. — A last farewell ! When next we meet, we '11 have no time to look, How parting clouds a soldier's oountenance : — Few as we are, we '11 rouse them with a peal That shall shake Rome ! — Now to your cohorts' heads , — the word 's — Revenpi THE BARD'S SUMMONS TO WAR. -5zr Edward Bulwer Lytton Leaning against a broken parapet. Alone with Thought, mused Caradoc the Bard, When a voice smote him, and he turned and met A gaze, prophetic in its sad regard. Beside him, solemn with his hundred years. Spoke the arch hierarch of the Cymrian seers : " In vain through yon dull stupor of despair Sound Geraint's trump and OT^aine's battle-cry ; In vain where yon rude clamor storms the air, The Council Chiefs stem maddening mutiny ; From Trystan's mail the lion heart is gone, And on the breach stands Lancelot alone ! " Drivelling the wise, and impotent the strong ! Fast into night the life of Freedom dies ; Awake, Light-Bringer, wake, bright soul of song » Kindler, reviver, re-creator, rise! Crown thy great mission with thy parting breath, And teach to hosts the Bard's disdain of death ! *' So be it, 0 voice from Heaven," the Bard replied " Some gratefiil tears may yet embalm my name; Ever for human love my youth hath sighed, And human love's divinest form is fame. Is the dream erring ? shall the song remain ? Say, can one Poet ever live in vain ? " Then rose the Bard, and smilingly unstrung His harp of ivory sheen, from shoulders broad Kissing the hand that doomed his life, he sprun Light from the shattered wall, — and swiftly ''strode Where, herdlike huddled in the central space, Drooped, in dull pause, the cowering populace. Slow, pitying, soft it glides, — the liquid lay,— Sad with the burthen of the Singer's soul ; 136 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Tnto the heart it coiled its lulling way , Wave upon wave the golden river stole ; Hushed to his feet forgetful Famine crept, And Woe, reviving, veiled the eyes that wept. Then stern, and harsh, clashed the ascending stram, Telling of ills more dismal yet in store ; ' Rough with the iron of the grinding chain, Dire with the curse of slavery evermore ; Wild shrieks from lips beloved pale warriors hear, Her child's last death-groan rends the mother's ear Then trembling hands instinctive griped the swords , And men unquiet sought each other's eyes ; — Loud into pomp sonorous swell the chords ! Like linked legions march the melodies ! Till the full rapture swept the Bard along, And o'er the listeners rushed the storm of song ! And the Dead spoke ! From cairns and kingly graves, The Heroes called ; — and Saints from earliest shrinet And the Land spoke ! — Mellifluous river-waves ; Dim forests awful with the roar of pines ; Mysterious cave^, from legend-haunted deeps ; And torrents flashing from untrodden steeps ; — The Land of Freedom called upon the Free ! All Nature spoke ; the clarions of the wind : The organ swell of the majestic sea ; The choral stars ; the Universal Mind Spoke, like the voice from which the world began, " No chain for Nature and the Soul of Man ! " As leaps the war-fire on the beacon hills, Leapt in each heart the lofty flame divine ; As into sunlight flash the molten rills. Flashed the glad claymores, lightening line on line ; From cloud to cloud as thunder speeds along, From rank to rank rushed forth the choral song. Woman and child — all caught the fire of men ; To its own Heaven that Alleluia rang ; Life to the spectres had returned again ; And from the grave an armed Nation sprang ! n CARADOC, THE BARD TO THE CYMRIANS. —Sir E. Bulwer Lyttan No Cymrian bard, by the primitive law, could bear weapons. Hark to the measured march ! — The Saxons come ! The sound earth quails beneath the hollow tread ' Your fathers rushed upon the swords of Rome And climbed her war-«hips, when the Caesar fled MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — KNOWLES. Die Saxons come ! why wait within the wall ? They scale the mountain : — let its torrents fall ! Mark, ye have swords, and shields, and armor, yb No mail defends the Cymrian Child of Song ; But where the warrior, there the Bard shall be ! All fields of glory to the bard belong ! His realm extends wherever godlike strife * Spurns the base death, and wins immortal life Unarmed he goes — his guard the shield of all. Where he bounds foremost on the Saxon spear ! Unarmed he goes, that, falling, even his fall 'Shall bring no shame, and shall bequeath no fear ! Does the song cease ? — avenge it by the deed, And make the sepulchre — a Nation freed ! i ALFRED THE GREAT TO HIS MEN. ~ Oris inal Adaptation from Knou>le» My friends, our country must be free ! The land Is never lost that has a son to right her, And here are troops of sons, and loyal ones ! Strong in her children should a mother be : Shall ours be helpless, that has sons like us ? God save our native land, whoever pays The ransom that redeems her ! Now, what wait we ? — For Alfred's word to move upon the foe ? Upon him, then ! Now think ye on the things You most do love ! Husbands and fathers, on Their wives and children ; lovers, on their beloved; And all, upon their country ! When you use Your weapons, think on the beseeching eyes, To whet them, could have lent you tears for water ' O, now be men, or never ! From your hearths ihrust the unbidden feet, that from their nooks Drove forth your aged sires — your wives and babes .' Ihe couches, your fair-handed daughters used To spread, let not the vaunting stranger press Weary from spoiling you ! Your roofs, that hear Ihe wanton not of the intruding guest, That mocks their masters, — clear them for the sake Of the manhood to which all that 's precious clings l^lse perishes. The land that bore you — 0 ! Do honor to her ! Let her glory in Your breeding ! Rescue her ! Revenge her, — or Ne er call her mother more ! Come on, my frienda And, where you take your stand upon the fieH However jou advance, resolve on this, IHE STANLARD SPEAKEK 'Diat you ivill ne'er recede, while from the tongues Of age, and womanhood, and infancy, The helplessness, whose safety in you lies, Invokes you to be strong ! Come on ! Come on ^ I '11 bring you to the foe ! And when you meet liinij^ Strike hard ! Strike home ! Strike while a dying blow fs in an arm ! Strike till you 're free, or fall ; 36. KimZl TO TIIE ILOMANS:. — Mary Russell Mit ford. Friends ! I come not here to talk. Ye know too well The story of our thraldom. We are slaves ! The bright sun rises to his course, and lights A race of slaves ! He sets, and his last beam Falls on a slave : not such as, swept along By the full tide of power, the conqueror leads To crimson glory and undying fame, — But case, ignoble slaves ! — slaves to a horde Of petty tyrants, feudal despots ; lords, Rich in some dozen paltry villages ; Strong in some hundred spearmen ; only great In that strange spell — a name ! Each hour, dark fraud Or open ra'^ine, or protected murder, Cry out against them. But this very day, An honest man, my neighbor, — there he stands, — Was struck — struck like a dog, by one who wore The badge of Urslni ! because, forsooth. He tossed not high his ready cap in air, Nor lifted up his voice in servile shouts, At sight of that great ruffian ! Be we men, And suffer such dishonor ? Men, and wash not The stain away in blood ? Such shames are commcn. I have known deeper wrongs. I, that speak to ye I had a brother once, a gracious boy, Full of all gentleness, of calmest hope. Of sweet and quiet joy ; there was the look Of Heaven upon his face, which limners give To the beloved disciple. How I loved That gracious boy ! Younger by fifteen years Brother at once and son ! He left mj side, A summer bloom on his fair cheeks — a smilt Parting his innocent lips. In one short houi, The pretty, harmless boy was slain ! I saw The corse, the mangled corse, and then I cried For vengeance ! Bouse, ye Ronians ! Bouse, ye slavw Have ye brave sons ? — Look in the next fierce brawl To aeo them die ' Have ye fair daughters 1 — Look Martial and popular.— Montgomery. "SS To see them live, torn from your arms, distained, Dishonored ; and, if ye dare call for justice. Be answered by the lash ! Yet, this is Rome, ^at sate on her seven hills, and from her throne Of beauty ruled the world ! Yet, we are Romans Why, m that elder day, to be a Roman Was greater than a King ! And once again — Hear me, ye walls, that echoed to the tread Of either Brutus ! — once again I swear The Eternal City shall be free ! — _ — 36. THE PATRIOT'S PASS-WORT).- James Montgomery " Make way for liberty ! " he cried, - Made way for liberty, and died ! In arms the Austrian phalanx stood, A living wall, a human wood ; Impregnable their front appears. All horrent with projected spears. Opposed to these, a hovering band Contended for their father-land , Peasants, whose new-found strength had broke From manly necks the ignoble yoke ; Marshalled once more at Freedom's call, They came to conquer or to fall. And now the work of life and death Hung on the passing of a breath ; The fire of conflict burned within • The battle trembled to begin ; Yet, while the Austrians held their ground, Point for assault was nowhere found ; Where'er the impatient Switzers gazed, The unbroken line of lances blazed ; That line 't were suicide io meet. And perish at their tyrants' feet. How could they rest within their graves, To leave their homes the haunts of slaves ? Would they not feel their children tread, With clanking chains, above their head * It must not be ; this day, this hour, Annihilates the invader's power I All Switzerland is m the field. She will not fly ; she cannot yield • 140 THM STANDARD SPEAKER. She must not fall ; her better fate Here gives her an immortal date,, Few were the numbers she could boast But every freeman was a host, And felt as 't were a secret known That one should turn the scale alone While each unto himself was he On whose sole arm hung Victory. It did depend on one, indeed ; Behold him, — Arnold Winkelried ! There sounds not to the trump of Fame The echo of a nobler name. Unmarked, he stood amid the throng, In rumination deep and long. Till you might see, with Sudden grace, The very thought come o'er his face ; And, by the motion of his form, Anticipate the bursting storm ; And, by the uplifting of his brow, Tell where the bolt would strike, and how. But 't was no sooner thought than done, -— The field was in a moment won ! " Make way for liberty ! " he cried, Then ran, with arms extended wide, As if his dearest friend to clasp ; Ten spears he swept within his grasp. " Make way for liberty ! " he cried ; Their keen points crossed from side to side ; He bowed amongst them, like a tree, And thus made way for liberty. Swift to the breach his comrades fly, — " Make way for liberty ! " they cry. And through the Austrian phalanx dart, As rushed the spears through Arnold's heart While, instantaneous as his fall, Eout, ruin, panic, seized them all . An earthquake could not overthrow A city with a surer blow. Thus Switzerland again was free Thus Death made way for liberty 1 W. RICHARD TO THE PRINCES OF THE CRUSADE.— 5ir Walter Scotl B 1771 , i ISSa And is it even so ? And are our brethren at such pains to note th« uifirmities of our natural temper, and the rough precipitance of our zeal, which may have sometimes urged us to issue commands when thert was little time to hold council ? I could not have thought that ofteocea. MARTIAL AND POPUl^AE. SHAKSPBaRB. Hi "asual and unpremeditated, like mine, could find sucli deep loot in th« hearts of my allies in this most holy cause, that, for m^ sake, they should withdraw their hand from the plough when the furrow was near the end ; for my sake, turn aside from the direct path to Jeru- salem, which their swords have opened. I vainly thought that my small services might have outweighed my rash errors; that, if it were remembered that I pressed to the van in an assault, it would not be forgotten that I was ever the last in the retreat ; that, if I ele- vated my banner upon conquered fields of battle, it was all the advan- tage I sought, while others were dividing the spoil. I may liave called the conquered city by my name, but it was to others that I yielded the dominion. If I have been headstrong in urging bold counsels, I have not, methinks, spared my own blood, or my people's, in carrying them into as bold execution ; or, if I have, in the hurry of march or battle, assumed a command over the soldiers of others, such have ever been treated as my own, when my wealth purchased the provisions and medicines which their own sovereigns could not procure. But it shames me to remind you of what all but myself seem to have forgotten. Let us rather look forward to our future measui^es ; and, believe me, brethren, you shall not find the pride, or the wrath, or the ambition of Kichard, a stumbling-block of offence in the path to which religion and glory summon you, as with the trumpet of an archangel ! 0, no, no ! never would I survive the thought that my frailties and infirmities had been the means to sever this goodly fellow- ship of assembled princes. I would cut off my left hand with my right, could my doing so attest my sincerity. I will yield up, volun- tarily, all right to command in the host even mine own liege subjects. They shall be led by such sovereigns as you may nominate ; and their King, ever but too apt to exchange the leader's baton for the adven- turer's lance, will serve under the banner of Beauseant among the Templars, — ay, or under that of Austria, if Austria will name a brave man to lead his forces. Or, if ye are yourselves a- weary of this war, and feel your armor chafe your tender bodies, leave but with Kichard some ten or fifteen thousand of your soldiers to work out the accomplishment of your vow ; and, when Zion is won, — when Zion is won, — we will write upon her gates, not the name of Richard Plantagenet, but of those generous Princes who intrusted him with she means of conquest ! (8 THE EARL OP RICHMOND TO HIS ARMY. — Shakspear 6. More than I have said, loving countrymen. The leisure and enforcement^ of the time Forbids to dwell on. Yet remember this : - God, and our good cause, fight upon our side , The prayers of holy saints, and wronged souls, Like high-reai-ed bulwarks, stand before oar faces THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Richard except, those whom we fight against Had rather have us win than him they follow. For what is he they follow ? Truly, gentlemen. A bloody tyrant and a homicide ; One raised in blood, and one in blood established; One that made means to come by what he hath, And slaughtered those that were the means to help hini A base, foul stone, made precious by the foil Of England's chair, where he is falsely set ; One that hath ever been God's enemy. Then, if you fight against Grod's enemy, God will, in justice, guard you as his soldiers ; If you do sweat to put a tyrant down, You sleep in peace, the tyrant being slain ; If you do fight against your country's foes, Your country's fat shall pay your pains the hire If you do fight in safeguard of your wives. Your wives shall welcome home the conquerors; If you do free your children from the sword. Your children's children quit it in your age. Then, in the name of God and all these rights, Advance your standards, draw your willing swords. For me, the ransom of my bold attempt Shall be this cold corpse on the earth's cold face ; But, if I thrive, the gain of my attempt. The least of you shall share his part thereof. Sound drums and trumpets, boldly and cheerfully : God, and St. George ! Kichmond and victory ! 39. HENRY V. TO HIS BOLDIE^S.—Shakspeare. What 's he that wishes for more men from England ? My cousin Westmoreland ? No, my fair cousin ; If we are marked to die, we are enow To do our country loss ; and if to live. The fewer men, the greater share of honor. I pray thee do not wish for one man more. By J ove, I am not covetous of gold ; Nor care I who doth feed upon my cost ; It yearns me not if men my garments wear ; — Such outward things dwell noi in my desires : But if it be a sin to covet honor, I am the most ofiending soul alive. No, 'faith, ray Lord, wish not a man from England : I would not lose, methinks, so great an honor As only one man more wourld share from me, For the best \ ope I have. 0 ! do not wish one raort MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — MACAU; Rather, proclaim it, Westmoreland, through m lhat he, which hath no stomach to this fi Let hmi depart; his passport shaL be made, And crowns for convoy put intc his purse • We would not die in that man's company That fears his fellowship to die with us. This day is called the feast of Crispian He that outlives this day, and comes safe home, WiJl stand a tip-toe when this day is named. And rouse him at the name of Crispian • He that outlives this day, and sees old ao-e, Will yearly on the vigil feast his neighbors, And say — to-morrow is Saint Crispian ! Then will he strip his sleeve, and show his scars. Old men forget ; yet all shall be forgot But he '11 remember, with advantages. What feats he did that day. Then shall our names, familiar m his mouth as household words, — Harry the King, Bedford and Exeter, Warwick and Talbot, Salisbury and Gloster,— Be in their flowing cups freshly remembered. Ihis story shall the good man teach his son : And Crispin Crispian shall ne'er go by. From this day to the ending of the world, But we in it shall be remembered ; We few, we happy few, we band of brothers : ^or he, to-day that sheds his blood with me, bhall be my brother : be he ne'er so vile, Ihis day shall gentle his condition. And gentlemen in England, now a-bod, bhall think themselves accursed they were not here: And hold their manhoods cheap, while any speaks lhat fought with us upon St. Crispian's day/ 40. THE BATTLE OP IJRY.-T. B. Macaulay. glory to the Lord of Hosts, from whom all glories are ' And glory to our Sovereign Liege, King Henry of Navarre . Now let there be the merry sound of music and the dance, llirough^thyjo^^ green, and sunny vales, 0 pleasant W of And ^hou, Rochelle, our own Rochelle, proud city of the water., .^gain let rapture light the eyes of all thy mourdng daughters^ As thou wert constant m our ills, be joyous in our foy, Hurr.t ; ? ^^^^^^ chance of war Hurrah ! hurrah ' for Ivry and Kiog Henry of Navarre ' 144 THE STANI>ARD SPEA&ER 0 . how our hearts were beating, when, at the dawn of day. We saw the army of the League drawn out in long array ; With all its priest-led citizens, and all its ^-ebel peers, And Appanzel's stout infantry, and Egmont's Flemish spears 1 There rode the brood of flilse Lorraine, the curses of our land ! And dark Mayenne was in the midst, a truncheon in his hand ; And, as we' looked on them, we thought of Seine's empurpled flood And good Joligni's hoary hair all dabbled with his blood ; And we cried unto the living God, who rules the fate of war, To fiijht for His own holy Name, and Henry of Navarre. The King has come to marshal us, in all his armor drest, And he has bound a snow-white plume upon his gallant crest . He looked upon his People, and a tear was in his eye ; He looked upon the traitors, and his glance was stern and high. Eight graciously he smiled on us, as rolled from wing to wing, Down all our line, in deafening shout, " God save our lord, the King! " And if my standard-bearer fall, — as fall full well he may, For never saw I promise yet of such a bloody fray, — Press where ye see my white plume shine, amid the ranks of war. And be your oriflamme, to-day, the helmet of Navarre." Hurrah ! the foes are moving ! Hark to the mingled din Of fife, and steed, and trump, and drum, and roaring culverin ' The fiery Duke is pricking fast across Saint Andre's plain, ,^ > With all the hireling chivalry of Guelders and Almajnie. Now, by the lips of those ye love, fair gentlemen of France, Charge for the golden lilies now, upon them with the lance ! A thousand spurs are striking deep, a thousand spears in rest, A thousand knights are pressing close behind the snow-white crest And in they burst, and on they rushed, while, like a guiding star, Amidst the thickest carnage blazed the helmet of Navarre. Now, God be praised, the day is ours ! Mayenne hath turned his roin. D'Aumale hath cried for quarter — the Flemish Count is slain ; Their ranks are breaking like thin clouds before a Bi«-.ay gale ; The field is heaped with bleeding steeds, and flags, and cloven mail And then we thought on vengeance, and all along our van « Remember St. Bartholomew ! " was passed from man to man , But out spake gentle Henry, then, — " No Frenchman is my foe ; Down, down with every foreigner ! but let your brethren go." 0 ' was there ever such a knight, in friendship or in war, As our sovereign lord, King Henry, the soldier of Navarre Ho! maidens of Vienna ! Ho ! matrons of Lucerne ! Weep, weep and rend yr.ur hair for those who never shall rsturn . Ho ! Philip, send for cliarity thy Mexican pistoles. That Antwerp monks may sing a mass for thy poor spearmen's souis MARTIAii AND POPULAR. TAYLOR. 145 He gallant nobles of the League, look that jour arms be bright . Ho birghers of St. Geneneve, keep watch and ward to-nio-ht ' For our God hath crushed the tyrant, our God hath raised the sla^ And mocked the counsel of the wise and the valor of the bi ave. ThiQ glorj to His holy name, from whom all glories are ! imd ^hry to our sovereign lord, King Henry of Navarre ! 41. PUILIP VAN ARTEVELDE TO THE MEN OF GHENT. -jyenry Taylot Sirs, ye have heard these knights discourse to you Of your ill fortunes, telling on their fingers The worthy leaders ye have lately lost. True,^ they were worthy men, most gallant chiefs ; And ill would it become us to make light Of the great loss we Scoffer by their fall They died like heroes ; for no recreant step Had e'er dishonored them, no stain of fear, No base despair, no cowardly recoil. They had the hearts of freemen to the last, And the free blood that bounded in their veins Was shed for freedom with a liberal joy. But had they guessed, or could they but have dreamed, The great examples which they died to show Should fall so fiat, should shine so fruitless here, That men should say, " For liberty these died, ' ' Wherefore let us be slaves," — had they thought this, O, then, with what an agony of shame. Their blushing faces buried in the dust, Had their great spirits parted hence for Heaven ♦ What ! shall we teach our ch.roniclers henceforth To write, that in five bodies were contained The sole brave hearts of Ghent ! which five defunct, The heartless town, by brainless counsel led, Delivered up her keys, stript off her robes, And so with all humility besought Her haughty Lord that he would scourge her lighi]v It shall not bo — no, verily ! for now, Thus looking on you as ye stand before me, Mine eye can single out full many a man Who lacks but opportunity to shine As great and glorious as the chiefs that fell. But, lo! the Earl is "mercifully minded "! And, surely, if we, rather than revenge The slaughter of our bravest, cry them shame, And fall upon our knees, and say we Ve sinned, fhen will my Lord the Earl have mercy on ua, A.nd pardon us our strike for liberty ' 10 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. O, Sirs ! look round you, lest ye be deceived Forgiveness may be spoken with the tongue, Forgiveness may be written with the pen, But°think not that the parchment and mouth pardoE Will e'er eject old hatreds from the heart. There 's that betwixt you been which men remember Till they forget themselves, till all 's forgot, - Till the"'deep sleep falls on them in that bed From which no morrow's mischief rouses them. There 's that betwixt you been which you yourseives Should ye forget, would then not be yourselve?. , For must it not be thought some base men's souls Have ta'en the seats of yours and turned you out, If, in the coldness of a craven heart. Ye should forgive this bloody-minded man For all his black and murderous monstrous crimes ! V^JS TYLER'S ADDRESS TO THE KISQ. — Robert Southey. B. 1774; d. I King of England, Petitioning for pity is most weak, — The sovereign People ought to demand justice. I lead them here against the Lord's anointed, Because his Ministers have made him odious ! His yoke is heavy, and his burden grievous. Why do ye carry on this fatal war, To force upon the French a King they hate ; Tearino- our young men from their peaceful homes, Forcing his hard-earned fruits from the honest peasant Distressing us to desolate our neighbors ? Why is this ruinous poll-tax imposed. But to support your Court's extravagance, And your mad title to the Crown of France ? Shall we sit tamely down beneath these evils, Petitioning for pity ? King of England, Why are we sold like cattle in your markets. Deprived of every privilege of man ? Must we lie tamely at our tyrant's feet, And, like your spaniels, lick the hand that beats us You sit at ease in your gay palaces : _ The costly banquet courts your appetite ; Sweet music soothes your slumbers : we, the while, Scarce by hard toil can earn a little food, And sleep scarce sheltered from the cold night wmd, Whilst your wild projects wrest the little froir. us Which might have cheered the wintry hours of age ! The Parliament forever asks more money; MARHAL and fOPULAR. WOLFE. 147 We toil and sweat for money for your taxes ; Where is the benefit, - what good reap we trom all the counsels of your government? Ihmk you that we should quarrel with the French ? VV hat boots to us your victories, your dory ? pay, we fight, — ,jou profit at your ease* ' Vo you not clann the country as your own « Do you not call the venison of the forest, 1 he birds of Heaven, your own ?_ prohibiting us, w\ V xt"^^ ""^^^ seize the prey Which Nature offers ? King ! is all this just ? Think you we do not feel the wrongs we sufier ? Ihe hour of retribution is at hand And tyrants tremble, - mark mc'lving of England AndThfJ? iT' «ig^t-cloud had lowered, Ana the sentinel stars set their watch in the sky • And thousands had sunk on the ground overpowered, Ihe weary to sleep, and the wounded to die When reposing that night on my pallet of straw, A, I f Z :'T''''^ ^^^^^ ^^'^^ g^^^-^^ed the slain, At the dead of the night a sweet Vision I saw And thrice ere the morning I dreamed it again. . Methought, from the battle-field's dreadful array, i^ar, far I had roamed on a desolate track • 1 was autumn, _ and sunshine arose on the way To the home of my fathers, that welcomed me back I flew to the pleasant fields, traversed so oft In life s morning march, when my bosom was youncr I heard my own mountain-goats bleating aloft And knew the sweet strain that the corn-rolpers sung. Then pledged we the wine-cup, and fondly I swore From my home and my weeping friends never to part • My little ones kissed me a thousand times o'er ' And my wife sobbed aloud in her fulness of'heart Stay stay with us, - rest, thou art weary and worn » ' And fam was their war-broken soldier to stay 1 ' But sorrow returned with the dawning of morn And the voice m my dreammg ear melted away. ^ fO THE AKM. BEFORE QHEBEC, 1759.-^... 3,^^ Oie'spTrHnTL^lsS^^^^ "T^^^ fellow-soldie'rs, or P-Lurenter;rr-l-tt.a 148 THE STANDARD SPEAKEU. sarmounted ; and the city of Quebec, the object of all our toils, aow stands in full view before us. A perfidious enemy, who have darea tc exasperate you by their cruelties, but not to oppose you on equaJ ground, are now constrained to face you on the open plam, without ramparts or intrenchments to shelter them. You know too well the forces which compose their army to dreaxl tbeir superior numbers. A few regular troops from old France, weak- ened }>y hunger and sickness, who, when fresh, were unable to with- stand the British soldiers, are their General's chief dependence. Those numerous companies of Canadians, insolent, mutinous, unsteady, and ill-disciplined, have exercised his utmost skill to keep them together to this time ; and, as soon as their irregular ardor is damped by one firm fire, they will instantly turn their backs, and give you no further trouble but in the pursuit. As for those savage tribes of Indians, whose horrid yells in the forests have struck many a bold heart with affright, terrible as they are with a tomahawk and scalping-kmfe _ to a flying and prostrate foe, you have experienced how little their ferocity is to be dreaded by resolute men upon fair and open ground : you can now only consider them as the just objects of a severe revenge for the unhappy fate of many slaughtered countrymen. ^ This day puts it into your power to terminate the fatigues ot a siege which has so long employed your courage and patience. Possessed with a full confidence of the certain success which British valor must gain over such enemies, I have led you up these steep and dangemua rocks, only solicitous to show you the foe within your reach, ihe impossibility of a retreat makes no difference in the situation of men resolved to conquer or die : and, believe me, my friends, if your con- quest could be bought with the blood of your General, he would most ebserfullj resign a life which he has long devoted to his country, i& THE AMERICAN FLAG. —J. R. Drake. Born, 1795 ; died, 1820 When Freedom, from her mountain height, Unfurled her standard to the air, She tore the azure robe of night, And set the stars of glory there. She mingled with its gorgeous dies The milky baldric of the skies, And striped its pure celestial white, With streakings of the morning light Then, from his mansion in the sun, She called her eagle bearer down. And gave into his mighty hand The symbol of her chosen land. Majestic monarch of the cloud, Who rear'st aloft thy regal form, To hear the tempest trumpings loud MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — DRAKE. And see the lightning lances driven. When strive the warriors of the storm, And rolls the thunder-drum of Heavesa, Child of the Sun ! to thee 't is given To guard the banner of the free ; To hover in the sulphur smoke, To ward away the battle-stroke ; And bid its blendings shine afar, Like rainbows on the cloud of war, The harbingers of victory ! Flag of the brave ! thy folds shall fly, The sign of hope and triumph high. When speaks the signal trumpet tone, And the long line comes gleaming on, — - Ere yet the life-blood, warm and°wet,' Has dimmed the glistening bayonet,— Each soldier's eye shall brightly turn To where thj sky-born glories burn ; And, as his springing steps advance, Catch war and vengeance from the glance. And, when the cannon-mouthings loud Heave in wild wreaths the battle shroud, And gory sabres rise and fall Like shoots of flame on midnight's pall, Ihen shall thy meteor glances glow, And cowering foes shall fall beneath Mch gallant arm that strikes below That lovely messenger of death. Flag of the seas ! on ocean's wave Thy stars shall glitter o'er the brave When Death, careering on the gale, Sweeps darkly round the bellied sail, And frighted waves rush wildly back, Before the broadside's reeling rack, Each dying wanderer of the sea Shall look at once to Heaven and thee: And smile to see thy splendors %, In triumph, o'er his closing eye. Flag of the free heart's hope and home ±sy angel hands to Valor given ! Thy stars have lit the welkin dome, And all thy hues were born in Heaven i^orever float that standard sheet ! Where breathes the foe but falls before ruu A /^^^ soil beneath our feet, And Freedom's banner streaming o'er us t ^fy^ THE STANDARD SPEAKER ™ ™ -™ ■ The time is now near at hand which must prohably determm. whether Americans are to be freemen or toes ; whether they are to ^vranY pZe ty they can call their own ; whether the,r houses and Ss are to be iuaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned t« a ["wretcheLsrfrom which no human efforts will IcUver them The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the cour j iic tate 01 rai""'" q j ^1 umelentrng enemj ?irl:5tel:'c:orb';ave resistance, or the most abject sul. mission We haye, therefore, to resolve to conquer or to die. Our own^ our country's honor, calls upon us for a — s and maS"; eTerUon; and i/ we Xl?" ■u^=e,'"a:^d\S:fi^^ is, to animate and encourage us to great ^"^^ nob e act^n^^^^ The eyes mmmsm only, and tney navo endeavor to intimidate various occasions by a ^^ppo ed with firmness and cool- their men are conscious ot it ; and, ir opposca witu v„^^U,lo-fl until he is sure of doing execution. «, TO THE ARMY OF ITALY, MAY 15, im. -Napoleon Bonaparte. B. 1769 jd. 1821 Original Translation. S-^natSS^lS^^^^ 'F^ct^kilan ^ yours; and over all ^om^-^^^^^^f '^^^^^^^ %Stwl:e«S.^^^^^^^^^^^ MiiHTIAL AND POPULAR. LAMAMZNE. 151 daj Tho^vvauntedrampartsof Italy proved insufficient, ^ou trav ersed them as rapidly as you did the Apennines. Successes sa Qumci'ous and brilliant have carried joy to the heart of your country Your representatives have decreed a festival, to be celebrated in ali the communes of the Republic, in honor of your victories. There will jour fathers, mothers, wives, sisters, all who hold you dear, reioict. over your trmmphs, and boast that you belong to them Yes, Soldiers, you have done much ; but much still remains for you to do. bhall^ It be said of us that we knew how to conquer, but not to profit by vic-tory ? Shall posterity reproach us with having found a Capua m Lombardy ? Nay, fellow-'soldiers ! I see you alreadv eager to cry " to arms ! " Inaction fatigues you; and days lost to glory are to you days lost to happiness. Let us, then, be-one ! We have yet many forced marches to make ; enemies to vanquish ; laurels to gather; and injuries to avenge! Let those who have sharpened the poniards of civil war in France, who have pusillanimously assassi- nated our Ministers, who have burned our vessels at Toulon — le< them now tremble ! The hour of vengeance has knolled ' But let not the People be disquieted. We are the friends of everT People: and more especially of the descendants of the Brutuses, the bciDios and other great men to whom we loot as bright exemplars. To reestablish the Capitol ; to place there with honor the statues of the neroes who made it memorable; to rouse the Roman People, un- nerved by many centuries of oppression, - such will be some of the fruits of our victories They will constitute an epoch for posterity, loyou, Soldiers will belong the immortal honor of redeeming the fairest portion of Europe. The French People, free and respected by he wnole world, shall give to Europe a glorious peace, which shah mdemmfy It for all the sacrifices which it has borne, the last ciz years. Then, by your own firesides you shall repose ; and your fellow- 48. LORD BYRON TO THE GREEKS. - Alphonse De Lamartine. Original Translation. A STRANGER to jour dime, O men of Greece ! — born under a sun less pure of an ancestry less renowned, than youi-s,-I feel how unworthy .s the^offering of the life I bring you- you, who numb^ kin^ heroes and demi-gods, among your progenitors^ But, through out the world wherever the lustre of your history has shed its rays -wherever the heart of man has thrilled at the thought of g orZr nd h °f misfortune, -Greece may'count I frLd ^d her children an avenger. I come not here in the vain hone to -timulate the courage of men already roused and resolved OnTso^ cry remained for you, and you have uttered it. Your lanrnm^c ha^ »ow one only word - Liberty - Ah! what other invSofn^ f52 THE STANDARD SPEAKER the men of Sparta — of Athens — to bid them rise? Ihese Wu4 Heavens, these mountains, these waters, — here , are your orators — here is your present Demosthenes ! Wherever the eye caa range, wherever the feet can tread, your consecrated &:)il recounts a ^tri- umph or a glorious death. From Leuctra to Marathon, every mch of ground responds to you — cries to you — for vengeance! liberty !;rlory ' virtue ! country ! These voices, which tyrants cannot stifle, demand, — not words, but steel. 'T is here ! Receive it ! Arm . Lek the thirsting earth at length be refreshed with the blood of^her op- pressors' What sound more awakening to the brave than the clank of his country's fetters ? Should the sword ever tremble m your 0-rasr), remember yesterday ! think of to-morrow ! t i u ° For myself, in return for the alliance which I bring you, 1 ask but the recompense of an honorable grave. I ask but the privilege of shedding my blood with you, in your sacred cause. I ask but to know, in dying, that I too belong to Greece — to liberty ! Yes, might the Pilgrim hope that, on the pillars of a new Parthenon, his name might, one day, be inscribed,— or, that in the nobler mausoleum ot your hearts his memory might be cherished, — he were well content. The tomb where Freedom weeps can never have been prematurely reached by its inmate. Such martyrdom is blessed, indeed. Whal bigaer fortune can ambition covet? ). BURIAL OF SIR JOHN MOORE, 1809 —Rev Charles Wolfe. Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note, As his corse to the rampart we hurried ; Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot O'er the grave where our hero we buried. We buried him darkly, at dead of night, The sods with , our bayonets turning ; l5y the struggling moonbeams' misty light, And the lantern dimly burning. No useless coffin enclosed his breast. Nor in sheet, nor in shroud, we wound him ; But he lay, like a warrior taking his rest, With his martial cloak around him. Few and short were the prayers we said. And we spoke not a word of sorrow ; But we steadfastly gazed on the face of the dead And we bitterly thought of the morrow. We thought, as we hollowed his narrow bed, And smoothed down his lonely pillow. That the foe and the stranger wouM tread o'er \m head» Ani we far awa/ on the billow ! MARTIAL AND POPULAR. — CAMPBELL, Lightly they '11 talk of the spirit that 's gone, And o'er his cold ashes upbraid him ; But little he 'ii reck, if they let him sleep on, In the grave where a Briton has laid him ! But half of our heavy task was done, When the clock struck the hour for retiring And we heard the distant and random gun. That the foe was sullenly firing. Slowly and sadly we laid him down, From the field of his fame, fresh and gory ! We carved not a line, we raised not a stone, But we left him — alone with his glory ! m. THE BATTLE 0¥ HOHENLINDEN, 1800. — TAoTrcoa CampbeU On Linden when the sun was low, All bloodless lay the untrodden snow At id dark as winter was the flow Of Iser, rolling rapidly. But Linden saw another sight, When the drum beat at dead of night, Commanding fires of death to light The darkness of her scenery. By torch and trumpet fast arrayed, Each warrior drew his battle-blade. And furious every charger neighed, To join the dreadful revelry. Then shook the hills with thunder riven, Then rushed the steeds to battle driven, And louder than the bolts of Heaven Far flashed the red artillery. And redder yet those fires shall glow On Linden's hills of blood-stained snow , And darker yet shall be the flow Of Iser rolling rapidly. T is morn ; but scarce yon lurid sun Can pierce the war-clouds, rolling dun, While furious Frank and fiery Hun Shout in their sulphurous canopy. The combat deepens. On, ye brave Who rush to glory, or the grave ! Wav?, Munich, all thy banners wave Ard charge with all thy chivilry » THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Ah ! few shall part where many meet The snow shall be their winding-sbjset. And every turf beneath their feet Sha^l be a soldier's sepulchre 61 &ONG OP THE GREEKS 1S22. — Thomas Campbell. Again to the battle, Achaians ! Our hearts bid the tyrants defiance , Qui land, — the first garden of Liberty's tree, — It has been, and shall yet be, the land of the free For the cross of our faith is replanted. The pale dying crescent is daunted, And we march that the foot-prints of Mahomet's siaves May be washed out in blood from our forefathers' gravefc Their spirits are hovering o'er us, And the sword shall to glory restore us. Ah ! what though no succor advances, Nor Christendom's chivalrous lances Are stretched in our aid ? — Be the combat our owu ! And we Tj perish or conquer more proudly alone ; For we 've sworn by our country's assaulters, 3y the Ttrgins they've dragged from our altars, Sy our"" massacred patriots, our children in chains. By our heroes of old, and their blood in our veins, That, living, we will be victorious. Or that, dying, our deaths shall be glorious. A breath of submission we breathe not : The sword that we 've drawn we will sheathe aot Its scabbard is left where our martyrs are laid. And the vengeance of ages has whetted its blade. Earth may hide, waves engulf, fire consume us, But they shall not to slavery doom us : If they rule, it shall be o'er our ashes and graves : — But we 've smote them already with fire on the waves, And new triumphs on land are before us ; — To the charge ! — Heaven's banner is o'er us. This day — shall ye blush for its story ? Or brighten your lives with its glory ? — Our women — 0, say, shall they shriek in despair. Or embrace us from conquest, with wreaths in their hair ? Accursed may his memory blacken. If a coward there be that would slacken Till we 've trampled the turban, and shown ourselves worth Being sprung from, and named for, the gfod-like of earth MARTIAL AND POPULAR.— CAMPBELL. 158 Strike home ! — and the world shall revere ns As heroes descended from heroes. Old Greece lightens up with emotion ! Her inlands, her isles of the ocean, Fanes rebuilt, and fair towns, shall with jubilee ring-, And the Nine shall new hallow their Helicon's spring. Our hearths shall be kindled in gladness, ^ That were cold, and extinguished in sadness Whilst our maidens shall dance with their white waving aima Smgmg joj to the brave that delivered their charms,— When the blood of jon Mussulman cravens Shall have crimsoned the beaks of our ravens ! 52. FALL OF WARSAW, 1794. - Thomas Campbell. 0 ! SACRED Truth ! thv triumph ceased a while, And Hope, thy sister, ceased with thee to smile, When leagued Oppression poured to Northern wara Her whiskered pandours and her fierce hussars Waved her dread standard to the breeze of morn. Pealed her loud drum, and twanged her trumpet horn ! Tumultuous horror brooded o'er her van, Presaging wrath to Poland — and to man ! Warsaw's last champion from her heights surveyed Wide o'er the fields a waste of ruin laid — 0 Heaven ! he cried, my bleeding country save! Is there no hand on high to shield the brave ? Yet, though destruction sweep these lovely plains. Rise, fellow-men ! our country yet remains I By that dread name, we wave the sword on high, And swear for her to live ! — with her to die ! He said; and on the rampart heights arrayed His trusty warriors, few, but undismayed ; Firm paced and slow, a horrid front they form. Still as the breeze, but dreadful as the storm ; ' Low, murmuring sounds along their banners fly,— . "Revenge, or death ! " — the watchword and reply ; Then pealed the notes, omnipotent to charm. And the loud tocsin tolled their last alarm \ In vain, alas ! in vain, ye gallant few ' From rank to rank your volleyed thunder flew ,~ 0 ! bloodiest picture in the book of Time, Sarmatia fell, unwept, without a crime ; Found not a generous friend, a pitying foe, Strength in her arms, nor mercy in her woe ! Propped from her nerveless grasp the shattered spear 56 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Olosed her bright eye, and curbed her high career Hope for a seascn, bade the world farewell, And Freedom shrieked, as Kosciusko fell ! 0 righteous Heaven ! ere Freedom found a grave, Why slept the sword, omnipotent to save ? Where was thine arm, 0 vengeance ! where thy rod, That smote the foes of Sion and of God ? Departed spirits of the mighty dead ! Ye that at Marathon and Leuctra bled ! Friends of the world ! restore your swords to man, Fight in his sacred cause, and lead the van ! Yet for Sarmatia's tears of blood atone, And make her arm puissant as your own ! 0 ! once again to Freedom's cause return The patriot Tell,— the Bruce of Bannockburn Yes, thy proud lords, unpitied land ! shall see That man hath yet a soul, — and dare be free f A little while, along thy saddening plains, The starless night of Desolation reigns ; Truth shall restore the light by Nature given. And, like Prometheus, bring the fire of Heaven ! Prone to the dust Oppression shall be hurled, Her name, h3r nature, withered from the world ' 53 MARCO B0Z2JkB.IS, —Fitz-Greene Halleck. Ma TO Bozzaris, the Epaninonaas of modern Greece, fell In a night attack apon the Turkic »Sp at KS the site of the ancient Plat^a, August 20, 1823, and expired mJLe a.omeat d Kiy. Hi3 last words were : - To die for liberty is a pleasure, and not a paia. At midnight, in his guarded tent, The Turk was dreaming of the hour When Greece, her knee in suppliance bent, Should tremble at his power : In dreams through camp and court he bore The trophies of a conqueror ; In dreams his song of triumph heard ; Then wore his monarch's signet ring, — Then pressed that monarch's throne,^ — a king As wild his thoughts, and gay of wing As Eden's garden bird. An hour passed on, — the Turk awoke • That bright dream was his last ; He woke, to hear his sentries shriek, — " To arms ! they come ! the Greek ! thi Greek ' He woke, to die midst flame and smok^, And shout, and groan, and sabre-stroke, And death-shots falling thick and fast MARTIAL AND POPOLAR. — HALLECK, As lightnings from the mountain cloud , And heard, with voice as trumpet loud, Bozzaris cheer his band : — " Strike — till the last armed foe expires ! Strike — for your altars and your fires ! Strike — for the green graves of your sires . God, and your native land I " They fought, like brave men, long and well ; They piled the ground with Moslem slain ; They conquered ; but Bozzaris fell, Bleeding at every vein. His few surviving comrades saw His smile, when rang their proud hurrah, And the red field was won ; Then saw in death his eyelids close, Calmly, as to a night's repose, Like flowers at set of sun. Come to the bridal chamber, Death ! Come to the mother's when she feels For the first time her first-born's breath ; Come when the blessed seals That close the pestilence are broke. And crowded cities wail its stroke ; Come in Consumption's ghastly form. The earthquake shock, the ocean storm ; Come when the heart beats high and warm, With banquet song, and dance, and win0,-iss And thou art terrible : the tear, The groan, the knell, the pall, the bier And all we know, or dream, or fear. Of agony, are thine. But to the hero, when his sword Has won the battle fbr the free. Thy voice sounds like a prophet's word, And in its hollow tones are heard The thanks of millions yet to be. Bozzaris ! with the storied brave Greece nurtured in her glory's time, Rest thee : there is no prouder grave, Even in her own proud clime. We tell thy doom without a sigh , For thou art Freedom's now, and Fame's^" One of the few, the immortal names, That were not boi'n to die ! 15 THE STANDARD SPEAKE2. 54 THE SEMINOLE'S DEFIANCE. — G. W. Patten Blaze, with your serried columns ! I \? ill not bend the knee ; The shackle ne'er again shall bind the arm which now is free ! I 've mailed it with the thunder, when the tempest muttered low , And 77here it falls, ye well may dread the lightning of its blow. [ 've scared you in the city ; I 've scalped you on the plain ; Gro, count your chosen where they fell beneath my leaden rain ! [ scorn your proffered treaty ; the pale-face I defy ; Revenge is stamped upon my spear, and " blood " my battle-cry ! Some strike for hope of booty ; some to defend their all ; — I battle for the joy I have to see the white man fall. I love, among the wounded, to hear his dying moan, And catch, while chanting at his side, the music of his groan. Ye 've trailed me through the forest ; ye 've tracked me o'er the stream And struggling through the everglade your bristling bayonets gleam But I stand as should the warrior, with his rifle and his spear ; The scalp of vengeance still is red, and warns you, — " Come not here ! Think ye to find my homestead ? — I gave it to the fire. My tawny household do ye seek ? — I am a childless sire. But, should ye crave life's nourishment, enough I have, and good ; I live on hate, — 't is all my bread ; yet light is not my food. I loathe you with my bosom ! I scorn you with mine eye ! And I '11 taunt you with my latest breath, and fight you till I die ! [ ne'er will ask for quarter, and I ne'er will be your slave ; But I '11 swim the sea of slaughter till I sink beneath the wave ! 66. BATTLE HYMN. — Theodore Korner. Born, 1791 ; fell in battle, 1813. Father of earth and Heaven ! I call thy name ! Round me the smoke and shout of battle roll ; My eyes are dazzled with the rustling flame ; Father ! sustain an untried soldier's soul. Or life, or death, whatever be the goal That crowns or closes round the struggling hour, Thou knowest, if ever from my spirit stole One deeper prayer, 't was that no cloud might lower On my young fame ! — 0 hear ! God of eternal power ! Now for the fight ! Now for the cannon-peal ! Forward, — through blood, and toil, and cloud, and fir« Glorious the shout, the shock, the crash of steel, The volley's roll, the rocket's blasting spire ! They shake ! like broken waves their squares retire ! On them, hussars ! Now give them rein and heel ; Think of the orphaned child, the murdered sire : Earth cries for blood ! In thunder oil them wheel ! This hour to Europe's fate shall set the triumph-seal TART THIRD. SENATORIAL. 1. AGAINST PHILIP. -Dem»«4™.,. Original T,an,lalU,n. .■iira\T4S:r;irii*o! "s? ?L!tfsrL°;t'? i-" "°* ^« -^^ vhocgh his lun-» were \7eak hi^ pvHr., if ^ • he determined to study elDouence. impediments heovZ 'n^Ilf^^^^^^ his gestures awkwid. ^Tbesa don, alarmed the Greci-.-n stated ^Jl^o t t|ie encroachments of Philip, Kin- of Mace- ■ of harangues, so celebrat^rtha^ s^m?l« r:^.'^^' --^^^e^bis countrymen to resistance by a sS lnfluence%yhich he a^quTred hf emp Iv^^^ T'l^ef- "^'^^ ^^^"^^ Philippics. S come down of his cowardice anrv^S^bdl^^^^^^^ 'r^' charges that have «lgMh and m„,h Philippic,, Si/,, io^ Le^hS « :TT'J'°''J''^ Cro™, are chiefly tra„Wfrom Sti*vcSt?SlS Vvyy^S^TcrSf "'^ °° Begin 0 Men of Athens, by not despairing of your situation how ever deplorable it may seem; for the%ery cause of C form^ reyerses oilers the best encounxgement for the future/°L how fce tr*""'""''' ^ brought about your disasters' If these had come upon you in spite of your £ost strenuous eirti^n ' hen only might all hopes of an amelioration in your affdrs ab"n' du?W m ?' H «™"try"^»-' when^ will y fd R?;' ■ ^"ly- » «™nt ! or else, by jLter neces lor my^,ell, 1 can conceive of no necessity more ursjent to free snnk than the pressure of dishonor. Tell me, is it your wfeh to go atou FlT'u^""' ™^ »o««"»ally, asking, '.y/iXs there new ? Ah ! what should there be new if not tl nt I ul ^ • «>uld _r Athens, and lord it over gT^ e ? " Is p\iKd'" are ^uteTe^h^r to W ^"^^ « Athenia'ns, that non of you (60 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Lei, us but attack, 0, Athenians, and the war itself will disclose the enemy's weak point. But, if we tarry at home, lazily listening ta Bpeech-makers, in their emulous abuse of one another, never, — no. never, shall we accomplish a single necessary step ! . i • Some among you, retailing the news, affirm that Philip is plotting with Lacedsemon the ruin of Thebes and the dismemberment of our democracies; others make him send ambassadors to the Great King; others tell he is fortifying 'places in lUyria. All have their differ- ent stories. For myself, Athenians, I do, by the Gods, believe that this man is intoxicated by his magnificent exploits ; I believe that a thousand dazzling projects lure his imagination ; and that, seeing no barrier opposed to his 'career, he is inflated by success. But, trust me, he does not so combine his plans that all our fools of low degree may penetrate them; which fools — who are they but the gossips? If, leavin-'J. ti-^ laxities which engender in In ISf '"jT^.i"' ™ ™™™ '•««0"'-ces of war, monrt;,ffl. ^ r% !?y^"**g'=,^ paralyzed, crushed, by an infa, mons traffic. And all this you behold with your own eres, and my tetimony m regard to it is quite superfluous ! J- ' my * ~he™ ™™ce"d._^,.1.,„„«. ^,^.„^ ,«»r f"^ ?™the„es boasts to you, 0 Athenians, of his Democratic be, but what he really ,s ; _ redoubtable in words, impotent m deeds plausible m speech, perfidious in action. As to hiL coLge - hThe fiy the laws of Athens, the man who refuses to bear arms, the eowari THE STANDARD SPEAKER. .he desefter of his post in battle, is excluded from all share in tht piiMic deliberations — denied admission to our religious rites, m6 rendered incapable of receiving the honor of a crown Yet now it i£ proposed to crown a man whom your laws expressly disqualify Which, think you, was the more worthy citizen, — TheniLstocles.whc commarided your fleet when you vanquished the Persian at Salamis,. or Demosthenes the deserter ? — Miltlades, who conquered the barba- rian^ at Marathon, or this hireling traitor ?— AristTdes, suriiamed the Just, or Demosthenes, who merits a far different suniame ? By all the Gods of Olympus, it is a profanation to mention m the same breath this monster and those great men ! Let him cite, if he can, one among them all to whom a crown was decreed. And was Athens ungrate- ful? No' She was magnanimous ; and those uncrowned citizens were worthy of Athens. They placed their glory, not in the letter ot a decree, but in the remembrance of a country, of which they had mer ited well, — in the living, imperishable remembrance ! And now a popular orator — the mainspring of our calamities — a deserter from the field of battle, a deserter from the city - claims ot us a crown, exacts the honor of a proclamation ! Crown Imn ? Fro- claim Ms worth ? My countrymen, this would not be to exalt Demos- thenes but to degrade yourselves, - to dishonor those brave men who perished for you in battle. Crown Mm/ ShaU recreancy wm what was denied to their devotion? This would mdeed be o msult the memory of the dead, and to paralyze the emulation ot the iivmg . When Demosthenes tells you that, as ambassador, he wrested Byzantium from Philip, — that, as orator, he roused the Acarnanians, and subdued the Thebans, — let not the braggart impose on you He aatters himself that the Athenians are simpletons enough to believe him —as if in him they cherished the very genius of persuasion, instead of a vile calumniator. But, when, at the close of his defence, he shall summon to his aid his accomplices in corruption, imagine then 0 Athenians, that you behold, at the foot of this tribune, from which 1 now address you, the great benefactors of the Republic arrayed against them Solon, who environed our liberty with the noblest institutions, — Solon, the philosopher, the mighty legislator, — with that benignity BO characteristic, implores you not to pay more regard to the honeyed phrases of Demosthenes than to your own oaths your own laws. Aristides, who fixed for Greece the apportionment of her contributions, fnd whos; orphan daughters were dowered by the People, is move^ to indignation at this prostitution of justice, and exclaims: ^ Thmk on vour fathers ! Arthmius of Zelia brought gold from Media into orrecce. Ld for the act, barely escaped death in banishment ; and now Demo8. thenes, who has not merely brought gold, but who received it as the price of treachery, and still retains it, — Demosthene^ it is unblush S proposed to invest with a golden crown ! " From those who fell at Marathon and at Platoea-from Theimstocles - from the very Bcpxilchres of your ancestors — issues the protesting groan ot conioui. nation and rebuke 1 BENATORIAL. DEMOSTHENES. 165 ft ^ORDmM.-Demostkenes on ae Crown. Lord BrougUm^s T '^^jUz<.^. ^Isohines became a sti4uous -idvoca e of< oL, on? '^'1^'^ ^n^:'^"- ^^'^ ^^^'^^ Philip, lately in favor of active resi^l^^r Af^^^^^^^^^^ be-in,^ as resS irith the repairiiijr. of tlie fortifications of (-Hp p ^^T"f^' ^^^mosthenes was intrusted of which he paid three fron h ow Zrse Pt*^ f^h °^ ^-^'^ ^hi'-^^^" talents, ^oted him. ^Eschines L ntained hat nndP, ^ proposed that a ^^olden crown should hi brought a suit nomina l^St S^^^^ "^""T'^' ^"^^^1. and causes, the trial was delayed ef.ht yeafs ' if last it c^^^^^^ Demosthenes From various groat effort. But Demosthenes was hTeskV;h1; u V>! '^'^^^on;' f«^cuser's speech was a t*.rs," is the phrase which LoS a pHes o t^^^^ T^^' ^^'^^^^'^^^ ^'^^ acquitted by a considerable majority/^sclS wSt Ctesiphon wa* set up a school of rhetoric. He once read thP mUIf .f i^ ban shment at Rlodes, where hs their expressing theii- ad^-ation of It hfsaS ' ^^^^ Demosthenes to his pupils. Upon tbe lion hLmselt7" ^-^"o^^ said, What would you have thought, had you heard Power,Th,fT' f • ™P'°™g' of Heavenly mv Sl^ 1 <■ ."^"k t'ndly sentiments which I have, ti,ro„ghout m~ h ' ."I"' towards this country and eaeh one of you, may now by you be shown towards me in the present contest! ' In two respects my adversary plainly has the advantige of me. First we to untler 1 f f • , """^ unprovoked mt?,v 1 ' ™P'^*™«nt- My other disadvantage is, the natural proneness of men to lend a pleased attention to invective and accusation, but to g,ve little heed to him whose theme is his own rin- dicaf on. To my adversary, therefore, falls the part which mTnisto' to your gratiacafon, while to me there is only left that whic™rmay almost say, ,s distasteful to all. And yet, if I do not speai of myS "dwThoT -^°f"f*'I^l'f defenceless against his chX" jnd w thout proof that my honora were well earned This, therefore the blame of my dwe Img on personal topics must justly rest upon him who has instituted this personal Impeachment. upon mm At least, my Judges, you will admit that this question concerns me Z Z ^.'^'t^'P''™' ™d Justifies on my part an eaual anxiety To be stripped of any possession, and more especially by an enemy is gnevous to b^r; but to be robbed of your co'nfidenfe and e teem!'-! of all possessions he most precious, -is indeed intolerable. Such th«n being my stake in this cause, I coniure you all to give ear to mv defence against these charges, with that imnartialit/whicrth^ onTv ^"J°"''-.tl'°^t'"™ which he fixed. Z only by engraving them on brazen tables, but by the sanction of tha oaths you take when sitting in judgment; because he perceived that he accuser being armed with the advantage of speakino fii^t the t £ c7!'?i^''"'*'' ^haJl receive with ftvcr WI tiTmll ""^"^ last, and, lending an equal ear tolK>th parti^ shaJ I thus make up your mmds upon the whole of the case. •Jnt, ca this day, when I am about to render up an account as it « m tie outset, implore the Gods, and in you? presence, pour out to THE STANDAKB SPEAKEK. them my supplications,- first, to grant me at your hands the same bnA aess, iu this conliict, which I have ever borne towards our country anC 01 of you ; and next, that they may incline you all to pronounce upoi this Imperlchm^nt the decision which shall best consult the g ory of th. SUte, an'' • - . jligious obligations of each mdmdual J udge ! 7, PUBLIC SPIRIT OF AIHENUNS.— Demosllienes on the Crown. tue Athenians never were known to live contented in a slavifil aiou^h secure obedience to unjust and arbitrary power. JNo. Unl whole history is a series of gallant contests for preeminence . the "hole period of our national existence hath been spent m braving dan- Irs for th= sake of glory and renown. And so highly do you esteem S onduct, as chaLteristic of the Athenian ^P^"^'^^^^' '^^f'l your ancestors who were most eminent for it are ever the most fivvor. objects of your praise. And with reason: for, who can reflect '^thout astonisLentf on the magnanimity of those men w^o resigned their lands gave up theL- city, and embarked m their ships, latner han a the bidding of a Langer ? The Athenians of that day out for no speaker, no general, to procure them a state of easy kvery! They had the spirit to reject even life, miless they were Sowed to enjoy that life in freedom. For it was a principle fixed Sy in o'i/breast, that man was not born to his parents only, but to ^country. And mark the distinction. He who regards him»clf ^toironly tohis parents waits in passive .submission for the hour rf Z natural dissolution. He who considers that he is the cMd o? his country, also, volunteers to meet death rather than behold that S^^ntiT Snced tova.ssalage; and thinks those insults and disgrae^ which he must endure, in a stote enslaved, much more terrible than ^'thoM I attempt to assert that it wa. t who inspired you with sen- timents worthy of your ancestors, I should meet the just resentment "7 hearer. No : it is my point to show that such sentiments Tre properi; your own; that they were the sentiments of my coun rj loi gTefo^ my days. I claim bit my share of merit in having acted in fuch princi^esi every part of "y. adminjstraUon. He^ t^^^^^ condemns every part of my administration, -he who directs you to treat me with severity, as one who hath involved the state m terrors and (^n- ^rsT- while hJ labors to deprive me of present >^onor, robs you of ti« inclause of all posterity. For, if you now pronounce, that, a^ my pub- KXthath^otbeL right, Ctesiphon must stand condemned ^ must be thought that you yourselves have acted wrong, not that you present state to the caprice of fortune -Bu . cannot be ■ No, my .iuntrymen, it cannot be that you hav% acted w,„„g^, ..ne made aware hat I am eC mo™ ^u^^^: State thai thoTS 10. CATIMNE EXPELLED Cicer„ B.i;" 'r^'?' ^u"?'' ' We have driven nim forth drunk with fury breathing mischief, threatening to revisit mth fire and sword He is gone; he is fled; he has escaned; hTh^ broken awa.y. x,o longer, within the very waUs of the city, shall he jon. Ihe bad citizen is now the avowed traitor. His flight is the »ntesion of his treason! Would that his attendants had^Sot been » tew. Be speedy, ye companions of his dissolute pleasures: bo Let tlmln "'''^ ^7^^°'' "'S'^'- °° A^relian r aS^ Let him not languish, deprived of your society. Haste to join the ongenial crew that compose his army; Ms army, I say,_frwho And such an army • Outcasts from honor, and fugitives from debt • SdSarratf* r ^ ' '"^"^^ ^^^^ ^-^^ --^^ Against these gallant troops of your adversary, prepare 0 Roman, your garrisons and armies; and first to tb^t-^maild and fettered gkdiator oppose your Consuls and Generals ; next, a-rainst "Lt mii- .We outcast horde, lead forth the strength and floCof a^l ry'' On the one side chastity contends ; on the other, wanton-ncs. hera pur^y. (here pollution; here integrity, there treachery Xepier ftere profaneness; here constancy, there rage ; here honesty S fortitude' „™denTT"',*"-\'™V eq^tJ "-i^er no^" tortitude, prudence, struggle with iniquity, luxury cowardice rash- t^n Z7 7"t '''' ' J^^tly. cent s Hes be. tween well-grounded hope and absolute despail I„ such a conflict ^chcT,"-^"""""-"''^ " faa. would not the^mmortol G i lZ^^^^ «ch conspicuous virtue to triumph Tcer such complicated viceT Y'j^ THE Si'ANDARD SPEAKER. 11. VERRES DENOUNCED. — Czcero. An opinion has long prevailed, Fathers that, in public P^^^^^ of wealth, howe'ver clearly con^ted, are f ways ^f^^ ^ r^;ulttTto^sr^^^^^^^^^^^^ lite ana icuuus a ^.^^^^^^ g^^. TZ his cSes it sSoT be through the lack of a criu>inal, or 0? a prrcutor, but through the failure offhe m.msters of justice to do the™ duty. Passing over the shameful n-regulanties of hi youth, what ZI the qu^estorship of Verres exhibit b-t one — ^ ;,.ene of villanies ? The public treasure squandered, a Consul stiipped nnd Ltra^d an army deserted and reduced to want, a province robbed, 2 cWu indreLToJ rights of a People trampled on! But hispra,- t^iX n sl ly has crowned his career of wickedness and completed toismp 111 oiuiij iicio ^ r. , . . TTiq rlppisions have violated ail ^I'ask now Verres, what have you to advance against these charges « ^^.^XtZ remotest regioi., are a passport to protection,- 4,^^ige^Koma„«^ SENATORIAI, MIRABEAU. 271 i^lrain the merciless monster, who, in the confidence of his richea And shall this man escape ? Fathers, it must not be ' It must be, un ess you would undermine the very foundations of sec aHafetv nScTmr^^^^^ -born at Bignon, in France, on the 9th of tion offered a field for his energ es BeinfrSted a the f i!^.^ f T^ , ^^'^^'^^ Ity of Provence, he hired a warehouse, put uS's Sc^nttn » I'^l^''^"*^"'' and was elected deputy from the third estaL of iTx ^Tn"'"? ^ of his eloquence as surprising and iiTesistible "He ir.J ^""^"^P^'-^^^es speak of the effect .ty of a master, and the imperial a^^ oTa kTn..'' Person^^^^^ '""V"' T^^'"^'"^ has said, in a letter to a lady who had not seen him .^"^"^i?"^ '^'"^'^ "^^^ himself pox and you may form some notimi ofiylatu^s ~ « h/wT ^ >f "'"'''^'^ ^^'^'^ ^^^^W f;;s^t^-?isrjse's^^^^ of speaking from his seat, as in Tf o"Slve rf ^.S """^ i»stead .n elevated piatfo™, or p'nipit, ^^^iS::^!^^^^;^;^;'^:;^^^;;^^ "'"'■"^ Z^r^:^ I ' t "P"'^" ^'^^^ ^^^3^ bosom of the aristoc racy, it has been at him preeminently that they have struck, er^er tn TnV;^^ ^/ ^l^v-tion of their vi^ctim So p^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ only by peace. Be firm, not obstinate; courageous not turbS^ free not undisciplined; proiupt, not precipitate." Stop n t e"eet Y2 THE STANDARr SPEAKS31 praters only, be sure that the vain clamors, the wrathful menaces, fniurioiLS protestations, — all the convulsions, in a word, of expiring prejudices - shall not on me impose ! hat ! shall he now pause m his civic course, who, first among all the men of France, emphatically proclaimed his opinions on national affairs, at a time when circumstances were much less urgent than now, and the task one of much greatei peril ? Never ! No measure of outrages shall bear down my patience, i have been, I am, I shall be, even to the tomb, the man of the Public Liberty, the man of the Constitution If to be such be to become the man of the People rather than of the Nobles then woe to the privileged orders! For privileges shall have an end, but tM People is eternal ! 13 NECKER'S FINANCIAL PLAN, Sept. 26, 1789. -Miraieaw. Orig. Translation. iiSiiilfSiii prodigious." The minister of finance has presented a most alarming picture ol the state of our afi-airs. He has assured us that delay must aggrava^. the peril ; and that a day, an hour, an instant, may render it tatai. We have no plan that can be substituted for that which he proposes. On this plan, therefore, we must fall back. But, have we time, tlemen ask, to examine it, to probe it thoroughly, and verify its caku- lations ? No, no ! a thousand times no ' Hap-hazard conjecture^j, msignificant inquiries, gropings that can but mislead, - these aie an that" we can give to it now. Shall we therefore miss the de.^^.e moment? Do Gentlemen hope to escape sacrifices and taxation t>y a plun^re into national bankruptcy ? What, then, is bankruptcy, but the most°cruel, the most iniquitous, most unequal and disastrous of unposts ? Listen to me for one moment ! Two centuries of plunder and abuse have dug the aoyss which threatens to engulf the Nation. It must be filled up - this terrible chasm. But how ? Here is a list of proprietors.^ Choose from the wealthiest, in order that the smallest number of citizens may be sacri- ficed. But choose! Shall not a few perish, that the mass of the People may be saved ? Come, then ! Here are two thousand Nota- bles whose property will supply the deficit. Restore order to your L;ces, peaL a'nd prosperity to the Kingdom ! Strike ! l^^ol^^ w-ithout mercy, these unfortunate victims ! Hurl them mto the abyss. You recoil with dismay from the contemplation Inconsistent and pusillanimous! What! Do you not perceive that,m decreeing a public bankruptcy, or, what is worse, in rendering it inevitable with eSSNATORIAL. — MIXABEATJ. ^ 73 wt decr«>mg it, you di^race yourselyes by an act a thousand time, more criminal, and - folly mconceiyable !_ gratuitously criminal For m the shocking alternative I have supposed, at least the dTfieit «^ou d be wiped off. But do you imagine that, in refusing to pay, you shall cease t« owe ?^ Think you that the thousands, th! miluL of men who will lose in an instant, by the terrible explosion of a bank, ruptey, or its re™lsion, all that formed the consolation of their liW and perhaps their sole means of subsistence, - think you that thev will leave you to the peaceable fruition of your crime? Stoical snell t.te of the incalculable evils which this catastrophe wouU dtZe upon France ; impenetrable egotists, who fancy tlm^ these convursioS of despair and of misery will pass, as other calamities have palsed - »d all the more rapidly because of their intense violence, -are you indeed certain that so many men without bread will leave you tran- quilly to the enjoyment of those savory viands, the number and dell oacy of which you are so loth to diminish ? x\o ! you will perish and, m the universal conflagration, which you do not shrink from kin: ling, you will not, m losing your honor, save a single one of your detestable indulgences. This is the way we are goino;. And I Cy to you, that the men who, above all others, are^nt-eresttd in the enforcement of these saeriSees which the Government demands are you yourselves ! Vote, then, this subsidy extraordinary ; and m^y i? prove sufficient r Vote it, inasmuch as' whatever doubts you iy entertan as to the means, - doubts vague and unenlightened, -Z can have none as to the necessity, or as to our inability te provide f S ''t- J ^"'^f bee-'e the cTrcuni- 8 anees of the country admit of no evasion, and we shall be responS- ble for all delays. Beware of demanding more time ' MisfoKe accords it never Why, Gentlemen, it wa^ but the othe dfy tat "n reference to a ridiculous commotion at the Palais-Koyal,.-a Ouixot c insurrection, which never had any importance save in the feeble iW mations or perverse designs of certain faithless men,_you Tea d the£ e,a e> And verily there was neither a Catiline nor a Rome neither perils nor factions around you. But, to-day banl-n,rcv' hi^us bankruptcy, is there before /on, and threktl t^;^:!?!!' yourselves, your property, your honor,-and yet you deliberat^! ^ lalimfiom Miraieau. "''"""^^ ASSEMBLY, JiK. 9, mo. - Orig inal Tr^ t»,3,r^' ''"['"^ yt'sterday, those words which you have teught Frenchmen to yxn\„^r^-orders, privileges-m on my ear- when a private corporation of one of thf ProvLes of tWs Empire jy-J THE STANDARD SPEAKER. BDoketo you of the impossibility of consenting to the execution M ^ur decrees, sanctioned by the King ; when — Joag|Stra^ , declared to you, that their conscience and thetr honor toM^ the.t Sence to your laws, - I said to myself, Are these, then, dethroned ^vercigns, who, in a transport of imprudent but generous pride, ar« Tddressfng successful usurpers ? No ; these are men, whose arrogant teSofs have too long ten an insult to all ideas of ^-al orde. ; champions, even more interested than audacious, of a system which has cost France centuries of oppression, public and prwate, political Z Za, feudal and judicial,-and whose hope is to make us regre and revive that system. The people of Brittany have s"°"S sixty-six representatives, who assure you that the new Coji^ ™ crowns all their wishes ; - and here come eleven Judges of the Prov- mue who cannot consent that you should be the benefactors of their »tfnt7y They have disobeyed yo^r laws; and they pride themseh-c« rlfr disobeLnce, and believe it will make t\"- ^«"°[.f nosteritv. No, Gentlemen, the remembrance of their folly will not ^s 0 posterit; What avail their pigmy efforts to brace themselve ^^a nst L pro^re^s of a Revolution the grandest and -o^* if the world's history, and one that must infallibly ^l^g^ *^ the slobe and the lot of humanity ? Strange presumption, that would arreft Lrty in its course, and roll back the destmies of a great ^luJ not to antiquated transactions, - it is not to musty treaties where n fraud combLd with force to chain men to the car of ce ton hau.'hw masters, -that the National Assembly have resorted, in their mvS&s inio popular rights. The titles we offer are more^impr. ingbj far; ancient as time, saered and ™P™f ■'P'*)'^^^'^ What ! Mu.st the terms of the marriage VrNnHes ti ' Brittaav make the People of that Piovmce slaves to the Nobles til fhe colmmation of the'ages ? These refractory -^^if^^.^'^^^l the statutes which "»«m«toMy fix our f^^rs of legislation, /m^^^ tahln fix' 0, how that word tears the ved from their innermost hothte' H;w would they like to have abuses immntalle^m th° and e^lTternal ! InLd, what is lacking to their cb^ity^-^ the perpetuity of that feudal scourge, which unhapply l^^^^Z^ iix centuries') But it is in vain that they rage. All now is changed r ctan7n? There is nothing immutable save Reason -save the lerdgSty of the People -save the inviolabdity of its decrees! Original Translation. . SENATORIAL. MIKABEAU. 27 fi Assembly that the Nation had reoognized, recovered, reconquered its ngnts i As if it were not through the National Assembly that the French had, m truth become a Nation ! As if, surrounded by the monuments of our labors, our dangers, our services, we could becom^ suspected by the People - formidable to the liberties of the People « As If the regards of two worlds upon you fixed, as if the spectacle of your glory, as if the gratitude of so many millions, as if the verv pride of a generous conscience, which would have to blush too deenk tobdieit^elf-werenotasiifficientguaranteeofyourfid^ FjZ (atriotism, of your virtue ! j j -i yuiu Commissioned to form a Constitution for Prance, I wiD not ask v^hcther, wtli that authority, we did not receive also the power to^o all that was necessary to complete, establish, and confirm that Consti- tution. I will not ask, ought we to have lost in pusillanimous consX tl-TuZ "Bur?'r 'if would have rreived ner death-blow? But if Gentlemen insist on demanding when and how, from simple deputies of bailiwicks, we became all at once tran^ ZZt TC^fT"^ ^ ^^P'^' I* » that da" Xn, hndmg the hall where we were to assemble closed, and bristlin^ aiTd ^Uuted with bayonets, we resorted to the first plice whe we reunite to swear to perish rather than submit to such an Trder of things 1 That day, if we were not a National ConventL we belm, one; became oue for the destruction of arbitrary power, Ld for the defence of the rights of the Nation from all violence. The strivil of Despotism which we have auelled ths r„.,.;i<, .-^^ ''^""ngs averted, the violence which wl^arSessed, hU u^^^^^^^^^^ Our successes have consecrated them ; the adhesion, so often renewed InedTVf Empire, has legitimized and sanctified them Su n- Pont, !- • ? •'^.t? in-esistible tocsin of necessity, our National Convention is above all imitation, as it is above all auiL-^L n • save hi crn/rff" "T"'^' of thit'R«man^ who, to ~r7w:ro&orhrr^^^^ .une e.ac.ed of him the oath that he^adCScl^Ithosi:^^ iurf oV of T™'*' alternati™ oS )ury or of an embarrassing avowal. "Swear" o^u ,1,0 t -1,^ •'that you have observed the laws." swel- " rfnlied^he ^ «^n,-"I swear that I have saved the K^tblic ""^ Genttmrf »wicaJ yjQ THE STA'^DARD SPEAKER. partiam rivalry, ttie machinations of intrigue and malevolence F« Srht days, now, it has been given out that those members of the Nitional Assembly in favor of the provision requirmg the coneurrenc* of the royal will for the exercise of the right of peace and war ar« parricides of the public liberty. Kumors of perfidy of corruption, have been bruited. Popular vengeance has been invoked to enforce the tyranny of opinion; and denunciations have been uttered as if, on - subject invJing one of the most delicate and difficult question affect, L the organiltion of society, persons could not dissent w. hout a crime. What strange madness, what deplorable mfatuation is this. wWch thus incites aglinst one another men whom -let debate run never so high -one common object, one mdestructible sentiment of patrotism, ought always to bring together, a ways to reumte ; bu ^ho thus substitute, alas! the irascibility of self-love for devotion to the public good, and give one another over, without compunction, to the hatred and distrust of the People! ij v ™ w„„ And me, too -me, but the other day, they would have borne ii triumph ; - and now they cry in the streets. The gkeai teeasos op Z Co4t of MmiB.Av! I needed not this les^n to teach me how short the distance from the Oap^tolto the Tarpe^an Sock ' But the man who battles for reason, for country, does not so easdy admit that he is vanquished. He who has the consciousness that he deserves well of that country, and, above all, that he ,s ^lU able to .ervehcr; who disdains a vain celebrity and F>^««7'^"t''^l« f above the successes of the day ; who would ^P«/ t^e . truth, and kbo for the public weal, independently of the iiuctuations of popular opinion, 1 such a man carries in his own breast the recompense of h^ Bervicc , the solace of his pains, the reward of his dangers The har- vest he ooks for - the destiny, the only destnij, tc ^^ich a^pir^ _ is that of his good name ; and for that he ,s content to tiust to time, - to time, that incorruptible judge, who dispenses justice to all . Let those who, for these eight days past, have been •g"»''"% dieting my opinion, - who, at this moment, ««l™°.f ;! »/ without compehendingit,-let them chaise me if they wiU^ with beginning to offer incense to the impotent idols I have ovcrtuined- wii being the vile stipendiary of men whom I have never ceased fc combat ; let them denounce as an enemy of the Revolution A»« who at least has contributed so much to its cause, that his safety, it not his glory, lies in its support ; - let them deliver over to the rage of a . Li;ed Pecple him, who, for twenty years, has warred against oppression in ill its forms; -who spoke to F-^enchmen of L te t^, of a Constitutfon, of Kcsistance, at a time when his vile .«>l"">»"^tor were mucking the milif of Courts, - bving on those dominant abuse which he dJ^iounced : - what matters it ? These underhand attack Bhall not step me in my career. I will say to if you can, and then calumniate to your hearts content! A"^ now I relnter the lists, armed only mth my principles, and a stcadfiist con. Hcience. SENATOKIAL. — MIRABEAU. J 77 i.. lULOQlUM ON FHANKLIN, Juke 11 l7Qft . T.^ . , , ' ^ 1790.-i^f^.«ftea^^. Original Translation. wlioir. the History of Emnires nn,! t!,» n;J, "<"'a^"''t each be hhnself religiZ w^ T X'^l/f ^ \^ ""'^ should only as he wouFd teledded toTat unlw " ' r'* the ^hola human race w re to ab u'e Tt In'd f '° f' u'^^^^'' point we consider rpliVinn * T . ^^"^ whatever Son insigSnt'orla.*" " '^"'^'"^ >' " desig™. ^^g THE STANDARD SPEAKEK. Would it be -as the arbiter of its truth, or as the judge of its apri- iude to form good citizens, that the Legislature would make a religioii oonstitutiouar? But, in the first place, are there natwnal truths In the second place, can it be ever useful to the public happme.s K fetter the conscience of men by a law of the State ? The law umte. HS only in those points where adhesion is essential to social organiza^ tion. Those points belong only to the superficies of our being, in thought and conscience men remain isolated ; f ^ their associa ic 3 leavS to them, in these respects, the absolute freedom of the state ''^ Whar'a spectacle would it be for those early Christians, who to escape the sword of Persecution, were obliged to consecrate their altars in caves or amid ruins,-what a spectacle would it be for them^o^^^ they this day come among us, and witness the glory with which heir despised religion now sees itself environed ; the templeB, the lo ty steeples bearfng aloft the glittering emblem of their gelic cross, whfch crowns the summit of all^ the departments of this great Empire! What a transporting sight for those who, m descendino- to the tomb, had seen that rehgion, during t^^^ir lives honored ?nly in the lurking-places of the forest and the desert Methinks I hear them exclaim, even as that stranger of the old time exclaimed, on beholding the encampment of the People of Ood - "How GOODLY ARE tSy TENTS, 0 JaCOB, AND THY TABERNACLES, O Israel ' " Calm, then, ah ! calm your apprehensions, ye ministers of the God of peace and truth ! Blush rather at your mcendiary exaggerations, and no longer look at ^^^^f f ^^^^^^^^^^ through the medium of your passions. We do not ask it of you to take an oath contrary to the law of your heart ; bu we do ask it of yot in the name of that God who will judge us all, not ^ confound human opinions and scholastic traditions with the sacred and mvio labl rules of the Gospel. If it be contrary to morality to act again, one's conscience, it is none the less so to form on^s —nee after false and arbitrary principles. The obhgation to form and enlighU^n one's conscience is anterior to the obligation /of ^ one's consc cn^^^ The greatest public calamities have been caused by men who believed they were obeying God, and saving their own souls. 19 TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE, im.- Original Translation from Vergniaud Veriniaua, fne most eloquent orator^ the cel« • Kh"nre^^^^^^^^^ His speec.es were a,.a.e wxefully preiiared beforehand Preparations for war are manifest on our frontiers; and we hear of renewed plots against liberty. Our armies reassemble ; mi gh^ movements agitate the Empire. Martial law having become mves- Try it lias seemed to -xs just. But we have succeeded only m bm. dish ng for a moment the thunderbolt m the eyes of rebc41mn wxiction of the King has been refused to our decioos. The prme«i SEMATORIAt. VEKGNIAITD. " ^'^ t'^'' .inspirators againrt TJr/ .P^? *f , They furnish tl,e^ ^ notTrJf ^ hem gold, arms, liorses, and munitions, h not the patience suicidal which tolerates all this? Doubtless voa navo renounced all projects of conquest; but you have notTom sed to endure such insolent provocations. You have shaken off fhe yoke of your yrants; but U was not to bend the knee to foreign des^ts But beware! You are environed by snares. They seek to diiv« m, by disgust or lassitude, to a state of languor^^l to your tl"^' ''"•'^''t'™- They seek to separate ™u i smbi; tbL""""^™ ' of calumny Igainst the\Yatio^^" ABsimbly, they incnmmate your Revolution in your eyes beware of these attempts at pr nic ! Repel, indignantly theTe imBos' tors, who, while they affect a hypocritical zeal for the Consti Xn w"/-, r T? """"to-revolution! The monarchy? It is the The &nie b -^hat is it but taition, feudality f litetv I' tZ -tTfT":'' P""* *he sublime Lspiration State? Whnt W K ' ^""^ ^"'"'S" ^^'''""^'^ 'he midst of the Private flune, ^ 'If ""'P ''''h your assignats, youx Cism and of V ' 'h? furies of lanaticism and of vengeance, — assassinations, pillage and inoen bood'"'."T'" '^"^^ ^■'^ <'«='th, disp;tLg,t;er rive of grandeur, the oth" 4 IblenL r ^i. 1 ' for servitude ! Th. noMitv' Ih ^1^ J''""^' tut^ilf' *he success of these conspiracie" that Europe ,s now put in motion against you! Be it so ' Bv^ «)Iemn declaration must these guilty hopes^be crushed Yes the c'LSrwmT i ^T^' ""f?''^" attachment to tt constitution, will be buried beneath its ruins, before they consent tn » reassured ! They would raise the Nations against you • — thev will mse only princes The heart of every People s with you ^fi vl Tf '^h.ch you embrace, in defendhig your own E.el abhorred be war ! It is the greatest of the crime^s of men'- ill tZ t rl'lVtoT '""T'^ • arTirisi^t ly Lk!!; ' T , *° 'he course of your destinies. Who can foiesi 20^ AGAINST THE TEHROP.ISM OF THE JACOEINS, 1792.-/.. Ori,. Tra^ IS W tw"^""^ ^'''i''^''' P'^'r^ ^^11 themselves free. Alas! ii fC^Z VZT^""^"'^ *>^--*«' but they an Slaves 3f men the most vile, and of wretche. ihe most dct>^4]e 18(^ THE STA^DAKD SPEAKER. men who continue to imagine that the Revolution has ijeen made fol themselves alone, and who have sent Louis XVI. to the Temple, M M'der that they may be enthroned at the Tuileries ! ^ It is time tp oreak these disgraceful chains — to crush this new despotism. It is time that those who have made honest men tremble should be made to ti^mible in their turn. I am not ignorant that they have pon'ardfi at their service. On the night of the second of September — that night of proscription!— did they not seek to turn them against several deputies, and myself among the number ? Were we not denounced to the People as traitors ? Fortunately, it was the People into whose hands we fell. The assassins were elsewhere occupied. The voice of calumny failed of its effect. If voice may yet make itself heard from this place, I call you all to witness, it shall not cease to thunder, with all its energy, against tyrants, whether of high or low degree. What to me their ruffians and their poniards ? What his own life to the representative of the People, while the safety of the country is at stake ? . When William Tell adjusted the arrow which was to pierce the fatal apple that a tyrant had placed on his son's head, he exclaimed, " Perish my name, and perish my memory, provided Switzerland may be free ! " And we, also, — i^e will say, " Perish the National Assem- bly and its memory, provided France may be free ! " t Ay, perish the National Assembly and its memory, so by its death it may save the Nation from a course of crime that would affix an eternal stigma to the French name ; so, by its action, it may show the Nations of Europe that, despite the calumnies by which it is sought to dishonor France, there is still in the very bosom of that momentary anarchy where the brigands have plunged us— there is still m ojj^ country some public virtue, some respect for humanity left ! Perish the National Assembly and its memory, if upon our ashes oui more lortu nate successors may establish the edifice of a Constitution, which shall assure the happiness of France, and consolidate the reign ot hberty and equality ! « — 21. AGAINST WAR, Jan. 13, 1192.— Robespierre. Original Translation. Shall we await the orders of the War Office to overturn Thrones I Shall we await the signal of the Court ? In this war against aristo- crats and Kings, shall we look to be commanded by these same Patn- cians, these eternal favorites of Despotism? No! Alone let us • Pronounced Tweelree. . , .,, „,,^v,„ ♦ Tlie deputies here rose, as by an unanimous impulse, and ''^Pf ™ f iiasm, the oath of Vcrgniaud. The audience, who occupied f ^ mingled their voices with those of the deputies To appreciate ^^ ly ^^ '^'^nt eloquence of this speech, it should bo reme.ube.-cd tha 1 -m^o waj f Tirtrally under the sanguinary dictatorship of the -iMob n Club , -i"'! '^'^^ ck proscri/tions and massacres threatened to involve al v;ho did nut acquiesce ii tho« «asures. Vergniaud soon afterward paid the penalty ol Ins courage ; and jusUlie- his bold words by a bold death on the scallold. eUta-^OKlAL. EOBESPIEEEE. 185 mrch Oar own leaders let us be ! If it is the war of the Court Shat we mus accept, -the war of the Ministers, of Patriciaas sE mng patriotism - then, alas! far from anticipa ing iJe eXncC ment ot the worhl, I shall not even belie™ that your own Hb^rrvl secure. Our wisest course now is to defend it against Zr^^d Jot those internal enemies who would beguile you wfth these herdc m„ «ons. I^veproved that liberty has no' more mortal enemy th^ ffai. I have proved that war, recommended by men of doubtfid Suton • ff, but a meansV annihilate tte constitution — but the issue of a plot against the Revolution Tc favor these projects of war, under whateve? pretext, is, then to ioin , conspiracy against the Kevolution. To recommend co'nfiden'cf in "h Executive, -to invoke public favor in behalf of the Generals - is :«:rgy'°ote:t"°" If, then, the moment of emancipation for the Nations be not vet arrived, we should have the patience to await it. If th s t„ "Itfon be destmed only to struggle on in the slough of those vifcs wt re »es,»tism has plunged it, - if the theatre of our RevoTu ioT be loomed to present to the world no other spectacle than, thl m erabk contests of perhdy and imbecility, egotism and ambition, - th™ to the ' nsing generation will be bequeathed the t^k of purifyin. the noUuted earth Tha generation shall bring -not the peace of Dcspotlm ZsnLX::iTr f ^ut the torch' and the sXd to consume Ihrones, and exterminate oppressors ! Thou art not alien to thee dT'f, ' 'hee we brave thel storms f^ thee defy the plots of tyranny. Disheartened ofttimes by the obstl TaJyit'of liberty, '"^^ »f t^e mi no secui-ityla principle which is not Si on befe?S OodLtl """^ »" P"""*.- «»^e courage to resist tyranny, greater contempt fc, pleasurTw 182 THE STANDARD BPEAKER. death ? You, who regret a virtuous friend, can you end iro th» fhought that h:'=t noblest part has not escaped dissolution ? You. who weep oxGv the remains of a child or a wife, are you consoled by the thought that a handful of dust is all that is left of the beloved object ^ You^the unfortunate, who expire under the stroke of the assassin, is Qot your last sigh an appeal to the justice of the Most High ? Inno cence on the scaflFold makes the tyrant turn pale on his triumphal car. Would such an ascendency be felt, if the tomb levelled alike the op- pressor and the oppressed ? The more a man is gifted with sensibility and genius, the more does he attach himself to those ideas which aggrandize his being and exalt his aspirations ; and the doctrine oi Eien cf this stamp becomes the doctrine of all mankind. A great man, a veritable hero, knows his own worth too well to experience compla- cency in the thought of his nonentity. A wretch, despicable in his own eyes, repulsive in those of others, feels that nature but gives him his deserts in annihilation. Confusion to those who seek, by their desolating doctrines, to extin- guish this sublime enthusiasm, and to stifle this moral instinct of the People, which is the principle of all great actions ! To you. Repre- sentatives of the People, it belongs to hasten the triumph of the truths we have developed. If we lack the courage to proclaim them, then deep, indeed, must be the depravity, with which we are environed Defy the insensate clamors of presumptuous ignorance and of stubborn hypocrisy ! Will posterity credit it, that the vanquished factions have carried their audacity so far as to charge us with lukewarmness and aristocracy for having restored to the Nation's heart the idea of tl\e Divinity, the fundamental principle of all morality? Will it be believed that they have dared, even in this place, to assert that we have thereby thrown back human reason centuries in its progress ? 0, be not surprised that the wretches, leagued against us, are so eager to put the hemlock to our lips ! But, before we quaff it, we will save the country ! 13. JIOBESPIERRE'S LAST SPEECH. — Ong-maZ Translation. The day rtfl'jr this speech, — delivered July 28th, 1794, and addressed to an assembly bent ou bis destructioia,-Robespierre was executed, at the early age of thirty-five, under circumstances of accumulated horror. His fate is a warning to rulers who would cement even he best ot Governments iviihiblood. Robespierre's character is still an enigma •, some rega. duig h.m an an hocest feaUic, and others as a crafty demagogue. Perhaps the traits of either predoml. Sted at times. " Destitute," says Lamartine, " of exterior graces, and of that gift of extenipu Wneous speakmg which pours forth the unpremeditated insi)irations of natural eloquence Robes- ^e had taken so much pains with himself, - he had meditated so much, written and era...^ M much, — he had so often braved the inattention and the sarcasms of his audiences, - .hat. n K^l, he succeeded in giving warmth and suppleness to his style, and .n transforming ^ b whol^ person, despite his stiff and meagre figure, his shrill voice and abrupt gesticulation, mto an engine of elocjuence, of conviction and of passion." The enemies of the Republic call me tyrant ! Were I such they would grovel at my feet. I should gorge them with gold, — I should grant them impunity for their crimes, — and they \\ould be gratetul Were I such, the Kini^s we have vanquished, far from denouncing R/ bcspTerre. would lend'me their guilty support. There would be 9 SieNATORIAL. — TRELAT. mvmmt between them and me. Tyranny must have tools. But the enemies of tyranny, — whither does their path tend? To the tomb lltrnrfv'^' What t^^-ant is my protector? To what faction do I belong ? Yourselves ! What faction, since the beginning cf the Revolution, has ci^ushed and annihilated so many detected tmitors^ 1 ou — the People, — our principles, — are that faction ! A factior iay is banded^! '''' ''''^ ^^'""^ scoundrelism of the M.5\'l.'''^?™n°" ^'P^^^^' ^^^^ obj^^t' and I know that ^the Republic can be established only on the eternal basis of morality. Against me, and against those who hold kindred principles, regiet . I have seen the Past ; and I foresee the Future. What triend of his country would wish to survive the moment when he could no longer serve it,- when he could no longer defend innocence against oppression ?_ Wherefore should I continue in an order of thirs where mtngue eteimlly triumphs over truth; where justice ^is' aZt^ti^ "^j^^^' ^ost absurd, oveinde the sacred interests of humanity? In witnessing the multi tude of vices which the torrent of the Revolution has rolled in turb d feared that I should be sullied, in the eyes of posterity, by the impure neighborhood of unprincipled men, who had thrust themselves ^in o a sociation with the sincere friends of humanity; and I rejoice tS these conspirators agamst my country have now, by their reckles. trfe'mer demarcation l^tween'thLselves and ali ihSTf'''' f"''*^'^' ''^f defenders of liberty, in all Il^o ' TUo ^fd ""Tt^Ti ^/ ^^-^^ ^-^'--rs died vprv ^-ff f ^^'^PP^^^ ^^^'^ ^'^^ the earth ; but in very diiferent conditions 0, Frenchmen ! 0, my countrym^ ! Le" not your enemies, with their desolating doctrines, degrade your soX eterrsTet^^"^^^^^^^^^ No, Chaumette,^ no ! Lth 'is .o. eternal sleep ! Citizens ! efface from the tomb that motto, graven by ^crilegious hanas, winch spreads over all nature a funereal ^rape, takes Bation ot death ! Inscribe rather thereon these words : - Death is the ^---tality!" I leave to the oppre^o of h People a terrible testament, which I proclaim with the independence d'eT''""" -arlyUed; it is the awfal St " 24. ADDRESS TO IHE CHAMBER OF PEERS, 1835 - Tr^^a* --le^IoJrmif necessary -that it was ine^t:d>]c we should meet face to face: we do so now. Gentlemen Peers, re:,Sr Z ;ra7ut.1tat the public 184 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. our mutual enmity is not the birth of yesterday. In 1814, in common with mimj, many others, I cursed the power which called you^oi your predecessors to help it in chaining down liberty. In 1815 I took up arms to oppose the return of your gracious master of that day In 1830 I did my duty in promoting the successful issue of the evepi which then occurred ; and eight days after the Revolution, 1 again took up my musket, though but little in the habit of handling warlike instruments, and went to the post which General Lafayette had as- signed us for the purpose of marching against you personally, Gentlo- men Peers ! It was in the presence of my friends and myself that one of your number was received ; and it is not impossible that we had some influence in occasioning the very limited success of his embassy. It was then he who appeared before us, imploring, beseeching, with tears in his eyes; it is now our turn to appear before ynu, — but we do RO without imploring, or beseeching, or weeping, or bending the knee. We had utterly vanquished your Kings ; and, they being gone, you had nothing left. As for you, you have not vanquished the People ; and whether you hold us as hostages for it or not, our personal position troubles us very, very little ; — rely upon that. Your prisons open to receive within their dungeons all who retain a free heart in their bosoms. He who first placed the tri-colored flag on the palace of your old Kings — they who drove Charles the Tenth from France — are handed over to you as victims, on account of youl new King'. Your sergeant has touched with his black wand the courageous deputy who first, among you all, opened his door to the Revolution, The whole thing is summed up in these facts : It is tha Revolution struggling with the counter-revolution ; the Past with the Present, with the Future ; selfishness with fraternity ; tyranny with liberty. Tyranny has on her side bayonets, prisons, and your embroidered collars, Gentlemen Peers. Liberty has God on her side, the Power which enlightens the reason of man, and impels him forward m the great work of human advancement. It will be seen with whom victory will abide. This will be seen, — not to-morrow, not the day after to-morrow, nor the day after that, — it may not be seen by us at all ; — what matters that ? It is the human race which engages our thoughts, and not ourselves. Everything manifests that the hour of deliverance is not far distant. It will then be seen whether God will permit the lie to be given Him with impunity. Gentlemen Peers, I did not stand up with the purpose of defending myself. You are my political enemies, not my judges. In a fail trial, it is necessary that the judge and the accused should understand, — should, to a certain extent, sympathize with each other In tha present case, this is quite out of the question. We do not fee 1 alike we do not speak the same language. The land we inhabit, humanit) itself, its law3, its requirements, duty, religion, the sciences, the artb, industry, all that constitutes society, — Heaven, earth, — nothing appears fcf» us in the same light that it does to you. There is a wa- M between us You may condemn me ; but I accept you nojb as judges for you wo unable to comnrchond mo SENATOKIAL. — 1)E lOCQCEVimi. 186 86. THE ESTABLISHMENI OF THE REPUBLIC, im.-rMmrline. that mo»t needs the contumed inspiration and benediction of God- for of the reason of the People should be obscured or misled, there is *>ngcr a sovereign. There is an interregnum, anarchy, death Z omei that a Government may be durable, a°nd worthy o/ the sanction of religion, it must contain a principle that is true, that is divi^ tS IS best adapted to the welfare of the many. Without thirZ s t. utu,n IS a dead letter ; ,t is nothing nje than a edleetl "nrf laws It IS wi thout soul ; It no longer lives ; it no longer produces fruit Th^ new princip e of the Republic is political equaltty a.nong a 1 c W of citizens This principle has for its exponent universaf suff^e for ts resul the sovereignty of all ; for its moral consequence, frate n "y among all. We reign according to the full measure of our reason of our into hgence, of our virtue. We are all sovereigns over ourTeh^ t Isltl^'f P • ^ ^ Constitutio'n, and to ^et"' It, IS not all. A People is needed to execute it Citizens ! all progress requires effort. Every effort is painful and l" "''Th^r r^-~^"% transfoiLatrsTr aboiious. The People are the artificers of their own future Let hem reflect upon that. The future observes and awaits them T shame upon the cowards who would draw back ! Prudence to the incoS! erate, who would precipitate society into the unknown ! Glory to t^e good, to the wise, to the persevering !_ may God be with them ' Trans m. DEMOCKACY ADVERSE TO SOCIALISM. Tocueville. Ori natnre'ofT'-'~^"'''''™l ^hy profess to associate what] in the nature of things, can never be united ? Can it be, Gentlemen that this whole grand movement of the French Revolution is destined to terminate in that form of society which the Socialists have wTth so much fervcr, depicted? A society, marked out with eommls and rue; m which the State is to charge itself with everythi„/and the fort' W-S' wTs t f *" P«'-«»'»l Z\ I f •■Jf " °f beavers and of bees, a society .th tlf'^ "™ ^''^ »d civilized, _;asTtfS such that the French Revolution was accomplished? Not so' ll wafl for a greater, a more sacred end ; one morl worthy of humanity racv I r^'^' ^ development of Dem^ .f this word Democracy. I shall not, as gentlemen did yciterda? raverse the garden of Greek roots, to find the derivation of [h s worf I shall ponit you to Democracy, where I have seen it, living, a^ive triumphant; m the only country in the world where i truly extte rtere it has been able to establish and mamtaia, even to the^ preLm time s,imetiimg graud and durable to claim our Ldmiratiou, Jgg THE SiiNDARD BVEiKIM. New World, — in America,— There shall you see a People, am«n| whom all conditions of men are more on an equality even than among where the social state, the manners, the laws, - everything democratic ; where all emanates from the People and returns to the People; and where, at the same time, every individual enjoys a greater amount of liberty, a more entire independence, tiian m any other part of the world, at any period of time;-a country, I repeat it, essentiallr Democratic the only Democracy in the wide world at th>s the only Republic, tr^dy Democratic, which we know of ^^^f^^ And in this Kepnblic you wii! look m vam for Socialism ^ot only have the theories of the Socialists gained no ^^^''-^^T.t^. public mind, but they have played so trifling a part m the discns^ions a"d affairs of that great Nation, that they have not even reached the ^'^lilS Sy that country, of the whole ^^^^^^^^^^^^^ sovereignty of Democracy is most practical and complete and it is at he sa^ time that where the doctrines of the Socialists, which you oretaKl to find so much in accordance with Democracy, are the east f„ vogue ; 'he country, of the whole universe, where the men sustain- ngXe doctrines would have the least chance of making an impres- sion For myself personally, I do not see, I confess, any g>eat objee- t on ^ the em^gratL of these proselyting g™*!-"™ ^JJ^fX^s I warn them that thev will not find tliere any field ^^^'f^ylfT:. No Gentlemen, Democracy and Socialism are the antipodes of each other While Democracy extends the sphere of individual mdepend- ence Soldism contracts' it. Democracy develops a man's whole mlhood Socialism makes him an agent, ^-^--^^^l:^^^^- Democracy and Socialism assimilate, on one pmnt ' which they introduce; but mark the difference: Demociacy seeks Tquality in liberty, whUe Socialism seeks it in servitude and con- straint. ^ ■a PKACTIOAL E15LIGI0U3 INSTRUCTION.-Onsina/ Translation fi.m Victor Hugo. The question is, shall we confide the public education of yonth to a clerical party, independent of the State,-or to the State, mdependen ofTc e ieal party Free instruction - but free mstruction under L suTerrnteilnJe of the State, and not of a -t- is what I would see It is not to the clerical party that I would intrust it. lo thaf Ta' tv I now address myself, and I say : In the proposi ion before tl.e rai rssembly, we'see your hand ; and, t^^e candid, we d,^^^^^^ vnu The nronosed law is a law with a mask. Under tl e disguise 0?Uberty iraims at sul^eetion. But think not that I contound your die rines' your ambition , your intrigues, - think not hat I confound JXthe XLl party,-'with the Church, any more than I confound the mistletoe with the oak. You are the parasites of the tlmicn, S: to of the Church. Call her not your ™ther -^^^^^^^^ midie her your slave. Leave her, this venerable Church, this ^ tnora SENATORIAL. HUGO. Ig* &Ie motner to her t^litude, her abnegation, her humilit:y All these compose bor grandeur. Her solitude will attract the crowd he/ abnegation is her power ; her humilitj is her majesty. You speak of religious instruction. Know you what it i« — that rentable religious instruction, which must ever command our homaw Without awakening our distrust ? It is the Sister of Charity at the p ilow of the dying. It is the Brother of Mercy ransoming the slave It IS Vincent de Paul rescuing the foundling. It is the Bishop ol Mareeilles ministering to the plague-stricken. It is the Archbishop A r-''™ ^it^^ a smile that formidable Faubourcr of St Antome,* elevating his crucifix above the smoke of civil war and counting It ittle loss to encounter death, so that he might bring peace • noX T'v t'f 'f^'T "-^-«^--'-P-found, efficacious; popular; and which, happily for religion and for humanity, makes even more Christians than you unmake ! J, 28. NECESSITY 0^ ^nELlGIO^. -Ori^.inal Translation from Victor Hu^^ but hTrri ' 'f/'* ^''"^^'J P^^™* instruction, tTori rn lf So far from Wishing to proscribe religious instruc tion, I maintain that it is more essential at this day than ever The TLTZ^IT' T\^' ^edraws'neare i better ought he to recognize His existence. It is the th it onlf ^^^^^ Z '^""i'° ^ff-^^' ^ " 7 V"^^^ everything into this narrow span. In im- It^f^r liv """^ "'"^ ''''''''''^ material existence, we fff l f hi^s miseries by the terrible negation at its close We add 0 the burdens of the unfortunate the Insupportable weight of^a hopeless hereafter. God's law of suifering we convert, by our unbe' ef, mto hell's law of despair. Hence these deplorable sodal convul Dions. That I am one of those who desire - I will not say with sincer- tj merely, but with mexpressiblo ardor, and by all possible means!! to amehora e the material condition of the suffering cias es in L hfe, no one m this Assembly wiU doubt. But the first and ™ es of amehorations .s to nnpart hope. How do our finite miseries dwMIe m ^e presence of an mfinite hope ! Our first duty, then, whetb r wo be clergymen or laymen, bishops or legislators, priests or writer Is ^t merely to direct all our social energies to the Ltementlf phys ^ misery, but at the same time, to lift every droopin.. head towards l72.~'"r^ the attention and the faith ^f evi,.ytium"n ^oul t «^rded " ' ''>''7.J>^^>««,«hall preside, where justice shall awarded ! Let us proclaim it aloud to all, No one shall uniustlv oi Si^: o .P'^^"^ V"*\*f'°"-. ^^-'»»f the matKr?] fwars God. Let us not forget - let us everywhere teach it — Thew • Pronounced Foboorg of SaH^anH■lw • Pronounced Ve.ev Uaunpphrehr. t Ya^nah t Mon^hme^nl..^ BBNATORIiL. - EARL OF STRAtFORD. 193 rfce Trill allow We have passed through our evidence and tU result IS, that - remains clearly proved that the Earl of Straflfor.l hath ^ndeavored by His words, actions and counsels, to subvert the fiinda- mental laws of ,»^ngland and Ireland, and to introduce an arbitrary and tyrannical government. This will best appear if the quality of the ofience be examined by that law to which he himself appea.od, that pZlof ' TK -'T""'! P^pidi,-ihe welfare of the People ! This is the element of all laws, out of which they ^re derived ; the end of a 1 laws, to which they are designed, and in which they are perfected. The offence comprehends all other offences Der uriir t\ 1' w?^ ^^P^"^^' oppressions Dp Ti K Tf" seminary virtue, whereby it doth pro- duce all herbs and p ants, and other vegetables; there is in this crime re sonof r . "f' Yf""^ ' ^-^ider the reason ot it, it must needs be so. The law is that which puts a difference betwixt good and evil,- til Wn f ""■'"S- *e law, all things wiM ^Z a .^^™'-J become a law to himself, which, m the deprayed condition of human nature, must needs produce many Iw • 7 1. become a law, and envy ^ill become a law coretousness and ambition will become laws ; and what dictsites, what decisions, such laws will produce, may easily be discerned in the Iat« government of Ireland ! The law is the safeguard, the eustod^ States I t- •'r^'f' liberties and „'l,t Vf. ' l"^- Without this, every m.an hath a like right to everything; and such is the condition int« which the Irish were brought by the Earl of Strafford ! Ihis arbitrary and tyrannical power, which the Earl of Strafford did exercise with his own person, and to which he did advise his Majesty, is inconsistent with the peace, the wealth, the prosperity, of a Nation; it is destructive to jiatice, the mother of peace ; ti industry, the spring of wealth; to valor, which is the actL vikue whereby enkrJS' T^T^ 1 t °™ ^ P™^™'"'' <'°"S™ed, and enlarged. It is the end of government, that virtue should be cherished, viee suppressed ; but, where this arbitrary and unlimited power is se and ITof " ™i ''"""'y- 1^"* *e advancement and encouragement of evil. It is the end of Government, that aU accidents and events, al counsels and designs, should be im^d to ti^tjT^L^ tbis^itrary power -.ould dispose aS to the 34. THE EARL OF STRAFFORD'S DEFENCE .K.^ ^'Tu' ^f'^/.^ ^^^^t^oned upon a law which cannot be •hown. Where hath this fire lain hid so many hundred years, with^ {g4 STANDAKB SPBAKEE. out rmnke to discover it, till it thus bursts forth to consume ine aud BIT chiidren? It will be wisdom for yoursekcs, for your posterity, nd for the whole Kingdom, to cast into the fire these bloody and mys- terious Tolumes of constructive and arbitrary treason, as the pnmitiTC Christians did their boolis of curious arts, and betake yourselves tfl Ihe dain letter of the law and statute, that telleth us what is i-nd what is not treason, without being ambitious to be more leamed in tto art of killing than our forefathers. It is now two hundred and forty vears since £iy man was touched for this alleged crime, to this height, before myself. Let us not awaken these sleeping lions to our destruc- tion, by taking up a few musty records that have lain by the wall so many a-^es, fo?gotten or neglected. May your Lordships please not w add this to my other misfortunes; let not a precedent be deriTed from me, so disadvantageous as this will be, m its consequences to the " Mfffihe words for which I am here arraigned were not wantonly or unnecessarily spoken, but they were spoken m full Council Ihere, by the duty of my oath, I was obliged to speak according to heart^nd conscience. In all thirigs concern ng^ the Kmg's ™ If I had forborne to speak what I conceived to be for tne benefit of the King and People, I had been per ured towaras Almighty God. Li, for^delivering my mind openly and freely, shall I be m dang^^ of my life as a traitor 2 If that necessity be put^ upon ™e, I thank God, by His blessing, I have learned not to stand m fear of him who eln only kill the body. If the question be, whether I must be traitor Tman^r perjured to God, I will be faithful to my Creator; and, whatsoever U befall me from popular rage, o>- ness, I must leave it to that Almighty Being, and to the justice and "Tylrdl^S^e bom to great thoughts; you are nursed up for the great and weighty employments of the Kingdom. B^*. f '* once^admitted that a councillor delivenng his opm»n wuh others a the council-table, under an oath of secrecy and faithfulness, shal De brouXt nto question upon some misapprehension or ignorance ofdaw ^Tf every word that he speaks from a sincere and noble intention Bha beTawn against him for the attainting of him, his children and TOS erity -I know not any wise or noble person of fortune who will^ Tpon ueh perilous and unLfe terms, adventure to be cou-i«or ^ the Kin^rj,j;^ iQb9. ~ Sir Henry Fane. The fallowing rern..lca.le st^, ^ ^^Z^^t^^^^^^^ Brittanica, did not fail m effect Richa d Orora^^^^^^ biographers, " swept every tMng ca9 delivered. - This impet^f /^^^^^^ of Uber"y, neve achieved 1 mor^ complete triun.ph. •efore it. Oratory, genms, ^^'L^S.^Zs and irresistible. It broke, and forever, the power ol It was signal an.l de^'^J^'^^.-'.P^.l^^^^^^^^^^^^ bor Tn Kent, England, in 1612 ; was the fourth Kr^or 0? the c'^nV of SLs^aSsett^in 1636 ; and was executed for high treason oa Tow« Hill, in 1662. Mr. Speaker, - Among all the people of the universe, I know nono who ha™ show; so much zeal for the liberty ofth«r ^o™';? - English at this time have done they have, by the help of dmne Providence, overcome all obstacles, and have ^ff^^^^^^^^^^^ We have driven away the hereditary tyranny of the house ot btaart, the Expense of much blood and treasure, in hopes of enjoymg hered- try liberty after having shaken off the yoke of kingslnp ; and there B not aln amon. uswho eould have imagined that any person would te so bo d as to fire to attempt the ravishing from us that freedom which cost us so much blood, and so much labor. But so >t happens J Sw notby what nLisfortune, we are fallen into the errorof those who ™Cned the Emperor Titus to make room for Dom.t.an ; who ma^^ ^ay Augustus It they might have Tiberms ; and «hang^ Claudi^ L!rei=tr£;rs ii^Santei^iS-;S;— ^^^^^^ r-lr^iiC^rs^rrr^^^^^^^ srfd^^-ix^e^^^^^^^^^ venLble Uy from whom he received his authority, he usurped irGovernment. His merit was so extraordinary, that our judgment^ lur naslfons mic^ht be blinded by it. He made his way to empire by Ws tM« ' Wetave seen that he had a sword by his side ; hnt did h ever tow it" And, what is of more importance in this case, is fit " t oWilnce fro; a mighty Nation, who could >»f ^/^^X*; ^ \ w .7 -Vm must recQo-nize this man as our iving, unaer St ! For my part, I declare. Sir, it shall never be said that I made such a man my master ! It has teen observed, Mr. Speaker, by several gentlemen, m vindi. ci;. of to motion, that, if it should be earned, neither my life SENA'f )IIIAL. — -WaLPOLE. fiberty nor estate, will be affected. But do the honorable gentlfjnen consider my character and reputation as of no moment ? I;, rt no mputation to be arraigned before this House, in which I have aat fort? years, and to have my name transmitted to posterity with disgrati and nifamy ? I will not conceal my sentiments, that to be named in Parliament as a subject of inquiry, is to me a matter of great con- -^•rn ; but I have the satisfaction, at the same time, to reflect that the impression to be made depends upon the consistency of the charo-e, and the motives of the prosecutors. Had the charge been reduced'^tc fipecihc allegations, I should have felt myself called upon for a specific 'lefence. ^ Had I served a weak or wicked master, and implicitly obeyed his dictates, obedience to his commands must have been m*y only justification But, as it has been my good fortune to serve a master who wants no bad Ministers, and would have hearkened to none, my defence must rest on my own conduct. The consciousness Dt innocence is sufficient support against my present prosecutors barvey and examine the individuals who usually support the measures of Government, and those who are in opposition. Let us see to whose side the balance preponderates. Look round both Houses and see to which side the balance of virtue and talents preponderates' Are all these on one side, and not on the other ? Or are all these to be counterbalanced by an affected claim to the exclusive title of patri- Dtism? Gentlemen have talked a great deal about patriotism: A venerable word, when duly practised ! But I am sorry to say that ot late it has been so much hackneyed about, that it is in danger of tailing into disgrace. The very idea of true patriotism is lost ; and the term has been prostituted to the very worst of purposes A patriot birj — Why, patriots spring up like mushrooms! I could raise fifty of them within the four-and-twenty hours. I have raised toany of them^ in one night. It is but refusing to gratify an unrea- sonable or an msolent demand, and up starts a patriot. I have never been afraid of making patriots ; but I disdain and despise all their eiiorts This pretended virtue proceeds from personal malice, and from disappointed ambition. There is not a man amongst them whose particular aim I am not able to ascertain, and from what motive ha has entered mto the lists of opposition ! 38. AGAINST MR. PITT, 1741 Td. Sir, — I was unwilling to interrupt the course of this debate whUe luffeTthr^ "'^ with calmness and decency, by men who do not Butter the ardor of opposition to cloud their reason, or transport them to such expressions as the dignity of this assembly does not admit. I ttaje hither o deterred io answer the gentleman who declaimed against the bill with such fluency of rhetoric, and such vehemence of ges- ture,-- who charged the advocates for the expedients now proposed mth having no regard to any interest but their own, and with making only to consume paper, a-nd tJireatened them with the defection 19m the standard speaker. of their adherents, and the loss of their influence, upon this new Ji* wvery of their folly, and their ignorance. Nor, Sir, do^ I now answer him for any other purpose than to remind him how httle th« clamors of rage, and the petulancy of invectives, contribute to. the purposes for which this assembly is called together ; — how little the discovery of truth is promoted, and the security of the Nation estab- lished, by pompous diction, and theatrical emotions. Formidable sounds and furious declamations, confident assertions and lofty periods, may affect the young and inexperienced ; and perhaps the gentleman may have contracted his habits df oratory by conversing more with those of his own age than with such as have had more opportunities' of acqiiirina knowledge, and more successful methods of communi- eatino- their sentiments. If the heat of his temper, Sir, would suffer him t°o attend to those whose age and long acquaintance with business crive them an indisputable right to deference and superiority, he would fearn in time, to reason rather than declaim, and to prefer justness of argument, and an accurate knowledge of facts, to sounding epithets, and splendid superlatives, which may disturb the imagination for a moment, but which leave no lasting impression on the mmd. Me will learn. Sir, that to accuse and prove are very different ; and ttiat reproaches, unsupported by evidence, affect only the character of him that utters them. Excursions of fancy, and flights of oratory, are indeed, pardonable in young men, but in no other; and it would surely contribute more, even to the purpose for which some gentlemen appear to speak (that of depreciating the conduct of tne administra- tion), to prove the inconveniences and injustice of this Bill, than barely to assert them, with whatever magnificence of language, or appearance of zeal, honesty, or compassion. 39. REPLY TO SIR R. WALPOLE, \U\.- William Pitt, afterwards Earl of Chatham Willinm Pitt, first Earl of Chatham,-one of the greatest orators ially endeared to Americans for his eloquent appeals in then- beha f ^^f'^^t jlm^^ ■„ ter of Debates, and probably received many touches from his pen. #HM^ The atrocious crime of being a young man, which the honor- »bk gentleman has, with such spirit and decency, charged upon me 1 iOiall neither attempt to palliate nor deny ; - but content mj^e f with wi»hini£ that ] may be one of those whose follies may cease with then ftFJJATURlAL. EARl OF CHATHAM. path, and not of that number who are ignorant in spite of experience* Whether youth can be imputed to any man as a reproach, I will not 3ir, assume the province of determining ; — but surely age may become justly contemptible, if the opportunities which it brings have passcy away without improvement, and vice appears to prevail when the passions have subsided. The wretch who, after having seen the con- sequences of a thousand errors, continues still to blunder, and whose has only added obstinacy to stupidity, is surely the object of either abhorrence or contempt, and deserves not that his gray hairs should secure him from insult. Much more. Sir, is he to be abhorred, who. as he has advanced in age, has receded from virtue, and becomes more wicked with less temptation ;— who prostitutes himself for money which he cannot enjOy, and spends the remains of his life in the ruir of his country. But youth. Sir, is not my only crime : I have been accused of acting a theatrical part. A theatrical part may either imply some peculiarities of gesture, or a dissimulation of my real sentiments, and an adoption of the opinions and language of another man. In the first sense. Sir, the charge is too trifling to be confuted, and deserves only to be mentioned, to be despised. T am at liberty, like every other man, to use my own language; and though, perhaps, I may have some ambition to please this gentleman, I shall not lay myself under any restraint nor very solicitously copy his diction or his mien, how- ever matured by age or modelled by experience. If any man shall, by charging me with theatrical behavior, imply that I utter any sen timents but my own, I shall treat him as a calumniator and a villain — nor shall any protection shelter him from the treatment he deserves i shall, on such an occasion, without scruple, trample upon all those forms with which wealth and dignity intrench themselves, nor shall anythmg but age restrain my resentment age, which always brin^a owe privilege, that of being insolent and supercilious without punish- ment. But with regard. Sir, to those whom I have offended T am of opimon that, if I had acted a borrowed part, I should have avoided their censure: the heat that offended them is the ardor of conviction and that zeal for the service of my country which neither hope nor fear shall influence me to suppress. I will not sit unconcerned while my liberty is invaded, nor look in silence upon public robbery. I will ^^Z'Z^.w /r'^^^^^^ '^nK^^' a^s,4sor,and iiag the thief to justice, — whyever may protect SiW in^^ villany and whoever may partake of^^ plunder. I 40. IN REPLY TO MR. GRENV^LE, 1766. -Car n/Chsth^. SiK_ » charge is brought against Gentlemen sitting in Ihis Hoase of giving birth to sedition in America. Several have spoken then sentiments with freedom against this unhappy act, - and that freedon. ha.s become their crime. Sorry I am to hear the liberty of speech ic ^00 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. feWs House imputed as a crime. But the imputation shall not dii* sourar^e me. The Gentleman tells us, America is obstmate ; Ameri^ is alSost in open rebellion. I rqioice that America has resisted. ]W millions of people so dead to all the feelings of liberty as volun- tarily to let themselves be made slaves would have been fit instruments to mlike slaves of all the rest. I come "lot here armed at all points with law cases and acts of Parliament, with the statute-book doubled down in do^s' ears, to defend the cause of liberty. I would not debate a particular point of law with the Gentleman. I know his abilities. But, for the defeDce of liberty, upon a general prmciple, upon a ton- Btitutional principle, it is a ground on which I stand firm, — on which i dare meet my man. . The Gentleman boasts of his bounties to America. Are not thoso bounties intended finally for the benefit of this Kingdom? If they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. He asks, When were the Colonies emancipated? I desire to know when they were made slaves ! But I dwell not upon words. I will be bold to afcrm that the profits of Great Britain from the trade of the Colonies, through all its branches, are two millions a year. This is the tund that carried you triumphantly through the last war. This is the pri.^6 America pays for her protection. And shall a_ miserable financier come, with a boast that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the Exchequer, by the loss of millions to the Nation ? =^ A sreat deal has been said, without doors, of the power, ot the Btreno-th, of America. It is a topic that ought to be cautiously meddled with. In a good cause, the force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the valor of your troops ; I know the Bkill of your officers. But on this ground, — on the Stamp Act, when so many here will think it a crying injustice, — I am one who will lift up my hands against it. In such a cause even your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the State, and pull down he Coxistitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace ? To sheathe the sword, not in its sca,bbard, but in the bowels of your countrymen ? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the whole House of Bourbon is united against you? While France disturbs your fisheries m New- foundland, embarrasses your slave-trade to Africa and withholds from your subjects in Canada their property stipulated by treaty ? while the Lnsom for the Manillas is denied by Spam? The Americans have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by )™ you punish them for tfie madness you have occasioned ? Bather le Ldl^nce and temper come first from this side ! I will undertake for America that she will follow the example. « Bo to her faults a little blind ; 13e to her virtues very kind." l^t the Stamp Act be repealed; and let the reason for the repeal - • Mr. Nugent had said that a peppercorn in acknowledgment of the rigbl ku. America was of more value than million? without it SENATORIAL. - ilARI 01 CHATHAltt. 201 hcause the Act was founded on an erroneous prirtdple assigned. Let it be repealed absolutely, totally, and immediately! * • ^^^,fj^2f TO RECONCILIATION WITH AMERICA -Earl of Ckatkma Jan. JO, 1/ /5, on his motion to withdraw the British troops from Boston. f nS '^.fY^! speech, we find in the diary of Josiah Quincy, jr., the follovrin- memoraa " Attended the delates in the House of Lords. Good fo.t^e'gave irone'of t£ places for hearmg, and taking a few minutes. Lord Chatham rose like Marcel us Hi; |uage, voice and ges -are, were more pathetic than I ever saw or hear.l befoS at the Bar o' Senate. He seemed hke an old Roman Senator ri^-n"- with the diV,, fv nf Z V , Jith the five of youth.' Dr. Franklin, who was^als'^ptesI^t^t'tL'Sfe,!; f ^'Thi^^ America, my Lords, cannot be reconciled to this country --she ought not to be reconciled — till the troops of Britain are withdrawn How can America trust you, with the bayonet at her breast ? How can she suppose that you mean less than bondage or death ? I there- tore move that an address be presented to his Majesty, advising that immediate orders be despatched to General Gage, for removing, his Majesty s forces from the town of Boston. The way must be iminedi- ately opened for reconciliation. It will soon be too late An hour now lost m allaying ferments in America may produce years of calam- ity.^ ever will I desert, for a moment, the conduct of this weiehtv business. Unless nailed to my bed by the extremity of sicknel I will pursue it to the end. I will knock at the door of this sleepinc; and confounded Ministry, and will, if it be possible, rouse them to I sense of their danger. I contend not for indulgence, but for justice, to America. What is our right to persist in such crural and vindictive acts against a loyal respectable people ? They say you have no right to tax them without their consent. They say truly. Eepresentation and taxation must go together ; they are inseparable. I therefore urge and conjure yoSr Lordships immediately to adopt this conciliating measure. If illegal violences have been, as it is said, committed in America, prepare the way -open the door of possibility — for acknowledgment and satis- taction; but proceed not to such coercion — such proscription : cease your indiscriminate inflictions; amerce not thirty thousand ; oppress no three millions ; irritate them not to unappetis^ble rancor, for the ault of forty or fifty. Such severity of injustice must forever render ncurable the wounds you have inflicted. What though you march trom town to town, from province to province? mat thouc^h vou entorce a temporary and local submission ; - how shall you secure the Dl^edience of the country you leave behind you in your progress How grasp the dominion of eighteen hundred miles of continent populous in numbers, strong in valor, liberty, and the means of resistance ? j ^ yj The spirit which now resists your taxaUon, in America, b the same «rhich lormerly o])posed loans, benevolences and ship-money, in Eno, lani : - the same sp^nt which called aU England on its legs, and, iTj 202 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. ♦he of Kights, vindicated the English Con-stitation ; - the samj wit which established the great fundamental essential maxim of eour liberties, that no subject of England shall be taxed but by hu own consent. This glorious Whig spirit animates three milhonb in America, who prefer poverty, with liberty, to gilded chams and sordid affluence ; and who will die in defence of their rights as men, as free men. What shall oppose this spirit, aided by the congenial flame glowing in the breast of every Whig in England ? " ;T is liberty to liberty engaged," that they will defend themselves, their families and their country. In this great cause they are immovably alhed: it is the alliance of God and nature, — immutable, eternal, — hxed as the firmament of Heaven. 42. -REPEAL CLAIMED BY AMERICANS AS A RIGHT. - From iy Lords, this rumous and ignominious situation, where we cannot act with success nor suffer with honor, calls upon us to remonstrate in the strongest and loudest language of truth, to rescue the ear of Majesty from the delusions which surround it. You cannot, I ven- ture to say It, you aiNNOT conquer America. What is your present ituation there ? We do not know the ,wor.t ; but we know that in three campaigns we have done nothing, and suffered much. You may swell every expense, and strain every efiort, still more extravagantly ZZ"^^ ^^'7. r^'-^v ^ tr^^ffic a^^d bar-' vJn ^^^'^f^^^^f foreign country : your efforts are forever vam and impotent, - doubly so from this mercenary aid on which you rely;^ for it irritates to an incurable resentment the minds of your enemies, to overrun them with the sordid sons of rapine and of plunder, devotmj them and their possessions to the rapacity of hire- ing cruelty ! If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a toreign troop was landed in my comitry, I never would lay dok my arms ! — never ! never ! never .> ">vu my 47. ON FREQUENT EXECUTIONS. 1111. ~ Sir JV. Meredith. Whether hanging ever did, or can, answer any good purno^ 1 doubt : but the cruel exhibition of e.ery execution-day is a prSat hanging carries no terror with it. The multiplicity of our^ han< t laws has produced these two things : frequency of condemnation and frequent pardons. If we look to the execuLnsLmselve whareia^^^^^ pies do they give ? The thief dies either hardened or penitent. Ill that admiration and contempt of death with which heroes and martyi^ inspire good men in a good cause, the abandoned villain feels, in seeL a desperado like himself meet death with intrepidity. The penitent makes the sober villab think, E by robbery, forgery or murder, he can relieve all his wants; and if he Z ZtlJ^eriT'^ P"'^'"^"* ^^^^"^ trifling,'and tb. h^l^Z^y. ^^^^^^"^^^t brings in a new hanging law, he ^cation. One Mar^ Jones was executed, whose case T shaU ju^i jQjJ THE STANDAKb SPEAKEK. mention Shf was very young, and most remarkably hanason-e. Sli« we" to a line„.draper'JsLp,Lk sorne coarse Hnen off the counter and slipped it under her cloak ; the shopman saw her and she laid i down : for this she was hanged. Her defence wa. (I have the tn^ t mw nocket) "that she had lived in credit and wanted for nothing, &ri~Lcr.me and stole her husband from her ; but, since then he h^d nobbed to lie on ; nothing to give her children to eat; and th y were almost naked : and perhaps she might have ^| wnfn. for she hardly knew what she did." 'Jte pansh offiecis te,t - fie the truth of this story : but it seems there had been a good deal of shop-l ft n<.about Ludgate; an example was thought necessary ; fnd thfs woinan was hanged for the comfort and satisfaction of some ^Tnrr;LttC:astcl'3 creation robbed of this its noblest woAT t was for no injury; but for a mere « Jo '^loth^^^ two naked children by unlawful means! Compare this with what the State did and with what the law did ! The State bereaved t^ie woman of L hosbaXand the children of a father, who wa. all their sui> It ;^^e w deprived the woman of her life, and the children of their remaining parent, exposing them to every danger, m^ult, ana Sess treatment, thit d^titute and helpless orphans can suffer. Take aU the circum tances together, I do not believe that a fouler mur- dor wa ever eommitted a^a&st the law than the murder ol this woman Tthe law ! Some who hear me are perhaps blaming the Judges the and the hangman; but neither judge, jury nor hangman, are to Ee _thev are but ministerial agents: the true hangman is the member of Parliament. Here, here are the guilty ; he who frame. Sloody law is answerable for the bloody deed, _ for all the injustice, all the wretchedness, ail the sin, that proceed from it! 48. ON PARLIAMBNTAEY INNOVATIONS. - Mr. BeW"?- To calumniate innovation, and to decry i'.f P>-°P°"; there never been any innovations on the Constitution ? Can it be tor. ^t en for one moment, that all the advantages, civil and political Swe enjoy at this ho;r, are in reality the immediate and fortuna^ Sectslf innovation ? It is by innovations that the English Constitu- Ss Zwn and flourished.' It Is by innovations that the Hoi^. of Commons has risen to importance. It was at different eras that ho ^unto and towns were em'powered to elect representatives Even th XeeofSpealterwasan innovation; for it was "ot liea>-d of tilHho ?le of R chard the Second. What was more, the freedom of speech Tw ^ highly valued, was an innovation ; for there were t.m.^ whe no member- dared to a-ow his sentiments, and wheu his he.id must Tavrant ered for the boldness of his ton^e To agn. agams mn^- vitions ia to ar"ue against improvements of every kind. VV lien mi Mowek. of Wickliffe maintained th. cauM of humanity and i-eaao, SENATORIAL. 209 igamst absurdj'tj and superstition, " No innovation/' wat, the cry; and the fires of persecution blazed over the Kingdom. " Let there be no innovation," is ever the maxim of the ignorant, the interested, and the worthless. It is the favorite tenet of the servile advocate of tyranny. It IS the motto which Bigotry has inscribed on her banners. It is the barrier that opposes every improvement, political, civil, and religioua To reprobate all innovations on the Constitution, is to suppose that it IS perfijct. But perfection was not its attribute either in the Saxon or NoTmnn times. It is not its attribute at the present moment. Alterations are perpetually necessary in every Constitution ; for thci Government should be accommodated to the times, to the circum- stances, to the wants of a People, which are ever changing. 49. THE FOLLY OF SELIQIOUS mnS^CVTIO^. ~ Compilatton. Mr. Speaker, it behoves the piety as well as the wisdom of Parlia- ment to disappoint these endeavors to make religion itself an ent^ne of sedition. Sir, the very worst mischief that can be done to reliSon is to pervert it to the purposes of faction. Heaven and hell are not more distant than the benevolent spirit of the Gospel and the malia. nant spirit of party. The most impious wars ever made were those called holy wars. He who hates another man for not being a Chris- tian IS himself not a Christian. Toleration is the basis of all public quiet. It is a charter of freedom given to the mind, more valuable. I think, than that which secures our persons and estates. Indeed^ they are inseparably connected ; for, where the mind is not free, where the conscience is enthralled, there is no freedom. I repeat it ; perse- edition is as impious as it is cruel and unwise. It not only opposes every precept of the New Testament, but it invades the prerogative of God Himself. It is a usurpation of the attributes which belong exclu- sively to the Most High. It is a vain endeavor to ascend into His Throne, to wield His sceptre, and to hurl His thunderbolts. And then its own history proves how useless it is. Truth is immor tal; the swprd cannot pierce it, fire cannot consume it, prisons cannot incarcerate it, famine cannot starve it; all the violence of men, stirred up by the power and subtlety of hdl, cannot put it to deatn. In the person of -'fs martyrs it bids defiance to the will of the tyrant who per- secutes 11 id with the martyr's last breath predicts its own full ai.d final tri.iiiiplis. The Pagan persecuted the Christian, but yet Chri^ tiamty lives. The Roman Catholic persecuted the Protestant, but yet Protestantism lives. The Protestant persecuted the Roman Catholic, but yet Catholicism lives. The Church of England persecuted the Nonconformists, and yet Nonconformity lives. Nonconformists perse- cuted Episcopalians, yet Episcopacy lives. When persecution is car- ried to its extreme length of extirpating heretics, Truth may bo extin- guished in one p^ace, but it will break out in another. If opinioni? '^not be put down by argument, they cannot by power. Truth gaim ^IQ THE STANDARD SPEAKEK. .iie victory in the end, not only by its owrx evidences, but ly the snffet in^ of its confessors. Therefore, Sir, if we have a mmd to estabhsa >pace among the People, we must allow men to judge freely in matters of relioion, and to embrace that opinion they thmk right, without any hope of temporal reward, without any fear of temporal punishment/ ■ (' AMERICA'S OBLIGATIONS TO ENGLAND, 1765. - Co^. Barr^, -.n reply te K , A.MJ!-tiiUA . u rpo^riHhend, a member of the Ministry. The honorable member has asked : — " And now will these Amer- leans, children planted by our care, nourished up by our mdulgence and protected by our arms, — will they grudge to contribute their mite ? They planted by your car«/ — No, your oppressions planted them in \merica! They fled from your tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country, where they exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable ; and, among others, to the cruelties of a savage foe the most subtle, and I will take upon me to sav the most formidable, of any People upon the face of God s earth; and yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, our American brethren met all hardships with pleasure, compared with tnose they suffered in their own country from the hands of those that should have been their friends. They nourished up hy your indzdgence ! gr^^ ^ pur neglect of them! As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule them, m one department and another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies to some mem- bers of this House, sent to spy out their hberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them; men whose behavior, on many occa- Bions has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them'- men promoted to the highest seats of justice, some who, to my knowledge, were glad, by going to a foreign country, to escape beincr broucrht to the bar of a court of justice m their own. They protected by your arms ! - They have nobly taken up arms in vour defence ! — have exerted a valor, amidst their constant a^.d laborious industry, for the defence of a country whose frontier was drenched in blood, while its interior parts yielded all its Me Havmga to your emolument. And, believe me, — remember I this day told vou so, — that same spirit of freedom which actuated that People at first will accompany them still; but prudence forbids me to explain mvself further. God knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat. What I deliver are the genuine sentiments ot my heart. However superior to me, in general knowledge and expo- rienoe, the respectable body of this House may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been "onvcrsant in that country. The People, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the King has ; but they are a People jealous ot their liberties, and who will vindicate them to the last drop of theu hlood, if they should ever be violated. JENArORIAL. BARRE. 211 M, REPLY TO imiy NORTH, 1774. - CoL Barrtigmatize a whole People as persecutors of innocence, and men inca- pable of doing justice; yet you have not a single fact on which to ground that imputation ! I expected the noble Lord would have sup- ported this motion by producing instances in which officers of Govern- ment m America had besn prosecuted with unremitting vengeance and brought to cruel and dishojiorable deaths, by the ^violence and nju..ice of American juries, i^ut he has not produced one such instance; and I will tell you more, Sir,-he cannot produce one ! The ii^tances whic^ have happened are directly in the teeth of his propo- sition. Ul. Preston ana the soldiers who shed the blood of the Peo- ple were fairly tried, and fully acquitted. It was an American jury a ^ew England jury a Boston jury, which tried and acquitted them; of thf vpIv"; ^"''.^"^t- wh"^; r^^^'^^ ^''^^''^ '^^^ inhabitants of the very town m which their fellow-citizens had been sacrificed were his advocates and defenders. Is this the return you make them ? l' ^' l^^^^^^^ them to persevere in so laudable a Bpirit of justice and moderation? But the noble Lord says "We must now show tlie Americans that we will no longer sit quiet under heir msmts." Sir I am sorry to say that this is declamation, unbe' coming the character and place of him who utters it. In what moment have you been quiet ? Has not your Oovernment, for many years past, been a series of irritating and offensive measur s, without policy, pnnciple_ or moderation? Have not your troops and your htK their'streets and in thl harbors? Have you not stimulated discontent into disaffection, and Z h^Ju "7 ^'"i disaffection into rebellion ? Can you expect to be well mformed when you listen only to partisans? Can you expeci to do justice when you will not hear the accused ? • ly[ ' . """"i d<^sperate, this destructive issue. In assenting to your ate Bill,^ I resisted the violence of America ^t ^he Wd of my popularity there. I now resist your frenzy at the same risk THE STANDARD SPEAKER. here I know the vast superiority of your disciplined troops over the Provincials ; but beware how you supply the want of discipline by to Deration ' What madness is it that prompts you to attempt obtaimng that by force which you may more certainly procure by reirity, had not put the nil/ 8ENAT0EIAL. BCEKE. 211 orcastof Its ycathfiil exuberance to the mouth of its ^hausted parent, ruraing from the agricultural resources of the Colonies, consider the wealth wh.ch they have drawn from the sea by their fisheries. The spirit in which that enterprising employment has been exercised ought to raise your esteem and admiration. Pray, Sir, what in the worldis cqua toit? Pass by the other parts, and look at the m^ Der m which the People of New England have of late carried on the whale fishery Whilst we follow them among the tumbling mountain! ofice, and behold them penetrating into the deepest frozen recesses of Hudson's Bay, and Davis' Straits, whilst we are looking for them beneath the Arctic Circle, we hear that they have pierced into the opposite region of Polar cold, that they are at the antipodes and engaged under the frozen serpent of the^ South. Falkland land which scemed_ too remote and romantic an object for the grasp of national ambition IS but a stage and resting-place in the proircss of their victorious industry. Nor is the equinoctial heat more discour- aging to them than the accumulated winter of both the Poles We inow that whilst some of them draw the line and strike the harpoon on the coast of Africa, others run the longitude, and pursue fteir gigantic game, along the coast of Brazil. No^ea but whal is vexed by their hshcnes. No chm.ate that is not witness to tlieir toils. Neither he perseverance of Holland, nor the activity of Prance, nor the dex- ^In^l^™ fr^*^-1 ^"S''^'^ ""^^''P"^''' ^""'i^d this most 1. t\ hardy industry to the extent to which it has been pushed by his recent People a People who are still, as it were, but mu ^T'"' '■""^ ^""^ '""■'1<^"«-<^<'-P»<'^- But no eoinmodity will bear tnree-pence, or will bear a penny, when the general feelini of m™ are irritated, and two millions of men are resoFved not to paf iSritain. Uenrs were formerly the feelings of Mr. Hampden, wi-^ THE stand;ied speaker tailed upon for the payment of twenty stiffings Would twentj hU brh-e ^"'^'i Hampden's fortune? iHo! but the n.ent of half twenty shillings, on the prmciple i was demanded, would have made him a slave ! It is the r^'fJ^'^A V^f t'Z which you are so fond, and not the weight of the duty, that the Imericans are unable and unwUling to bear You are, tlfrefore at this moment, in the awkward situation of fighting for » phantom, a quiddity; a thing that wants, not only a substance, but even a name! for a thing which is neither abstract right, nor profitable "They teil you. Sir, that your dignity is tied to it. I know not ho« it liaopen., but this dignity of yours is a terrible incumbrance to you for it has of late been ever at war with your interest, your equity, Sid every idea of your policy. Show the thing you contend for to be ^on show it to be common sense, show it to be the means of oUa nln' sle useful end, and then I am content to allow it what d^n™; you please. But what dignity is derived f™™ /'j'^ P^g- verauce in absurdity, is more than I ever could discern ! Let us, bir, IXce on e syste^; or other before w. end this session. Do you mean to tax America, and to draw a productive revenue fro»> ^ If you do, speak out: name, fix, ascertain his /evenue; settle ita quantity ; define its objects ; provide for its collection ; and then fight^ when you h.ave sometb^ig to fight for. If you mui'der, rob; if you km. take possession : and do not appear in the character of m^adm n, as well as assassins, - violent, vindictive, bloody and tyraiimeal, with- out an object. But may better counsels guide you ! 69. DESPOTISM INCOMPATIBI.E WITH RIOHT, nSS.-M. My Lords, you have now heard the principte on which Mr. Hsat- inas governs ihc part of Asia subjected to *e .Britmh eminre Her^ he has declared his opinion, that he is a despotic prince ; that he is to ul arbitrary power ; and, of course, all his acts are covered wrth tha Sd "I know," says he, "the Constitution of Asia only from ite nraHi^e" Will TOur Lordships submit to hear the corrupt practic^ rf mankind made the principles of Government ? He have arb, rary "J^^er'-MrLords, the kst-India Company have not arbitrary TOwer to give him ; the King has no arbitrary power to g,™ himj Zr I^rlsWDS have not ; nor" the Commons ; nor the whole Legida, Ce We have no arbitrary power to give, because arbitrary powet brthin7wS neither any man can hold nor any man can give^ L mln -cairiawfully govern h'imselfaccordm^^^ less can one person be governed by the wiU f. horn in subiection, — all born equally, high and low, governors ana gov S in Bubject on to one great, immutable, preexistont l^'W, prj" M .1 our devices, and prior to\ll our contrivances. Paramount to all cm ylT and to k ov! sensations, antecedent to our very exist«n.e, br SENATOKIAL. — BnEKB 218 »liich wc are knit and connected in the eterna W of ti.; univeraa put of which we cannot stir. un.»ei8e, This great law does not arise from our conyeptions or compacts ■ on ie contrary, it gives to our conventions and compacts all the force a^d ^nction they can t?ve; -it does not arise from\urvain insd u iom fcvery good gift ,s of God , all power is of God ; - and He whoTas gfyen he power and from whom alone it originates, will never suffer IS Z:::tS lfft P'^fr f ? foundation Z Z poiyer itself. If, then all dominion of man over man is the effect of the wrih'T'"r' ''"""'l.Vtbe eternal laws of Him tha gave it! with which no human authority can dispense; neither he tha! ILr m d e ' "I'o ^^-0 ^"bject to it; and, if they were mad enough to make an express compact, that should release tie r magistrate from his duty, and should declare their lives, liber L and properties, dependent upon, not rules and laws, but his m;re clpriciou. will, that covenant would be void. capiicious ^ This arbitrary power is not to be had by conquest. Nor can any sovereign have ,t by succession; fbr no man can succeed to fraud rapine, and violence. Those who give and those who rece ve arbi- SftTkeT foVr"''' and there is no man but iXnd t Te torii P""'"'' '* ^1"'" ^^0^ it« face to trate l'd"'^w!f™^ ^^"^ Name me a magis- trate,and I wil name property; name me power, and I will name K wr, ^* ' — iotion in terms, it is bla«pheniy 1^1^111" IS wickedness m polities, to say that any man can hive arMt?a"y power. In every patent of office the duty is included. For Xt rstt?t„ 1, ^ ^",1"^ SO™™'^'^ tti^ eternal laws of wm b„f we b f chains,™ wa wdi , but we shall be made to know ourselves, and be taught that man fc/itt rr4tt7 -^"^ 60. IMPEACHMENT OF WAEREN HASTINGS, 1788. ~ /d f^^''^^'J'^':f^^^''^tion of posterity. U^sti^is LrLe^^^ he believed an honest STtT W^"" '^'■'^ half-liour, I looked up to thSor in T, J ''^ ' eloquence against U, 1795. on .t, orAp.i 1,06, H..S„ ^^^a ?SXT£e'Xi'^ r>f i^Sp^ 'o? This"-LrM^ tet' ^-^^ *° ^^-""^ 22C THE. STANDARD SPEAKER. ite ends which all Governments ought, in common, to have in vie^ In the name of the Commons of England, I charge all tbs vjllanj UDon Wai-ren Hastings, in this last moment of my apphcamon to you. ' My Lords, what is it that we want here, to a great act of nationaJ lustice ? Do we want a cause,.my Lords ? You have the cause of oppressed princes, of undone women of the first rank, of desolated Provinces, and of wasted Kingdoms. Do you want a criminal, my Lords? When was there so much iniquity ever laid to the charge of any one?— No, my Lords ym must not look to punish any other such delinquent from Lidia. Warren Hastings has not left substance enough m India to nourish Buch another delinquent. . ^ r My Lords, is it a prosecutor you want ? You have before you the Commons of Great Britain as prosecutors; and I believe my Lords, that the sun, in his beneficent progress round the world, docs noi behold a more glorious sight than that of men, separated from a remote people by the material bounds and barriers of nature, umted by the bond of a social and moral community ; — all the Comnions of Lng- laud resenting, as their own, the indignities and cruelties that are offered to all the people of India. n Do we want a tribunal ? My Lords, no example of antiqmty, nothing in the modern world, nothing in the range of human imagin- ation, San supply us with a tribunal like this. We commit saiely the interests of India and humanity into your hands. Therefore, it is • with confidence that, ordered by the Commons, _ I impeach Warren Hastings, Esquire, of high crimes and mis- demeanors. ^ „ „ x -d -j. • I impeach him in the name of the Commons of Great Britain m Parliament assembled, whose Parliamentary trust he has betrayed _ I impeach him in the name of all the Commons of Great Britain, whose national character he has dishonored. I impeach him in the name of the people of India, whose laws, rights and liberties, he has subverted; whose properties he has destroyed ; whose country he has laid waste and desolate. , I impeach him in the name and by virtue of those eternal laws of lustice which he has violated. , . i i I impeach him in the name of human nature itself, which he has smelly outraged, injured and oppressed, in both sexes, m every age rank, situation, and condition of life. 61. PERORATION AGAINST WARREN HASTINGS. -£dmund Burke. My Lords, at this awful close, in the name of the Commons, ana njrrounded by them, I attest the retiring, I attest the advancmg gener- ttions, between which, as a link in the great chain of eternal order, we ,tand. We call this Nation, we call the world to witness, that the Oom- mons have shrunk from no labor ; that we have been guilty of no pro- iraricatioP ^hat we have made na compromise with crime; thai we ha?« SENATOJIIAL. BUaKE. 221 ttct feared any odium whatsoever, in the long warfare which we aave earned on with the crimes, with the vices, with the exorbitant wealth, with the enormous and overpowering influence of Eastern corruption. My Lords, it has pleased Providence to place us in such a stat* that we appear every moment to be upon the verge of some great mutations. There is one thing, and one thing only, wtiich defies all mutation : that which existed before the world, and will survive the fabric of the world itself, — I mean justice ; that justice which, ema- nating from the Divinity, has a place in the breast of every one of us, given us for our guide with regard to ourselves and with regard to others, and which will stand, after this globe is burned to ashes, our advocate or our accuser, before the great Judge, when He comes to call upon us for the tenor of a well-spent life. My Lords, the Commons will share in every fate with your Lord- ships ; there is nothing sinister which can happen to vou, in which we shall not all be involved; and, if it should so happen that we shall be subjected to some of those frightful changes which we have seen,— if It should happen that your Lordships, shipped of all the decorous distinctions of human society, should, by hands at once base and cruel, be led to those scaflfolds and machines of murder upon which great kings and glorious queens have shed their blood, amidst the prelates, amidst the nobles, amidst the magistrates, who supported their thrones, — may you m those moments feel that consolation which I am per- suaded they felt in the critical moments of their dreadful a^rony! My Lords, if you must fall, may you so fall ! but, if you stand,— and stand I trust you will, — together with the fortune of this ancient monarchy, together with the ancient laws and liberties of this great and illustrious Kingdom, may you stand as unimpeached in honor as in power; may you stand, not as a substitute for virtue, but as an ornament of virtue, as a security for virtue; may you stand long, and l^ng stand the terror of tyrants ; may you stand the refuge of afflicted i^ations ; may you stand a sacred temple, for the pei-petual residence 01 an inviolable justice ! 62. TO THE ELECTORS OF BmSTOL.- Edmund Burke. Gentlemen, I have had my day. I can never sufficiently express my gratitude unto you for having set me in a place wherein I could lend the slightest help to great and laudable designs. If I have had roy share in any measure giving quiet t6 private property and private conscience ; if by my vote I have aided in securing to families the best possession, peace; if I have joined in reconciling kings to their sub- jects, and subjects to their prince; if I have assisted to loosen the toreign holdings of the citizen, and taught him to look for his protee- tion to the laws of his country, and for his comfort to the good will of his countrymen : if I have thus taken my part with the h.st of men ^n the best of their actions, - I can shut the book ; — I might wish 222 THE STANDARD SPEAKER- to read a pag-e or two more, — but this is enougli fci my measure. 1 Uave not lived in vain. Aod now, Gentlemen, on this serious day, when I come, as it were, to make up my account with you, let me take to myself some degree of honest pride, on the nature of the charges that are against me. I do not here stand before you accused of venality, or of neglect of duty. It is not said that, in the long period of my service, I have, m a smgla instance, sacrificed the slightest of your interests to my ambition, or to my fortune. It is not alleged that, to gratify any anger or revenge of my own, or of my party, I have had a share m wrongmg or oppress- ing any description of men, or any one man in any description. No I the charges against me are all of one kind, — that I have pushed the principles of general justice and benevolence too far, — farther than a cautious policy would warrant, and further than the opinions of many would go along with me. In every accident which may happen through life, — in pain, in sorrow, in depression and distress, — I will 3all to mind this accusation, and be comforted. 63. MARIE ANTOINETTE, 1790 * — Edmund Burke. It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the Queen of France, then the Dauphiness, at Versailles ; and surely never hghted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful visiom I saw her just above the horizon, decorating and cheering the elevated sphere she just began to move in, — glittering like the mornmg star, ♦uU of life, and splendor, and joy. O ! what a revolution ! and what a heart must I have, to contemplate without emotion that elevation and that fall ! Little did I dream, when she added titles of venera- tion to those of enthusiastic, distant, respectful love, that she should ever be obliged to carry the sharp antidote against disgrace concealed in that bosom ; little did I dream that I should have lived to see such disasters fallen upon her, in a Nation of gallant men, m a Nation ot men of honor, and of cavaliers ! I thought ten thousand swords must have leaped from their scabbards, to avenge even a look that threatened her vith insult. „ , . • j. ^ But the ao-e of chivalry is gone ; that of sophisters, economists and calculators, has succeeded; and the glory of Europe is extinguished forever Never, never more, shall we behold that generous loyalty to rank and sex, that proud submission, that dignified obedience, that Bubordination of the heart, which kept alive, even in servitude itselt, the spirit of an exalted freedom ! The unbought grace of lite, the cheap defence of Nations, the nurse of manly sentiment_ and heroic enterprise, is gone ! It is gone, that sensibility of pnncipl'>, that smistity of honor, which felt a stain like a wound which inspired -ouv'Je whilst it mitigated ferocity, which ennobled whatever i touched, and under which vice itself lost half its evil, by losing aU ltd arTossness- * Born, 1755 : beheaded, 1792. SENATORIAL. GRATTAN 225 64. J)ECf.ARATI(3N OF IRISH RIGHTS, 1780. - tfenr^, Gra«an renowned of Irish orators, vras born In Dublin en thfi 3^ «r earnest advocate of vhe entire emancipation of the Cathoifcs from^Jl nv d?>n^ f ^ """'i J.ere delivered before the popular branch of tL ?mper^S pSl^nt Of Grm '.'^ Sir, I have entreated an attendance on this day, that you might in the most pubhc manner, deny the claim of the British Parliament to make law for Ireland, and with one voice lift up jour hands a^rainst It. i^ngland now smarts under the lesson of the American war° her enemies are a host, pouring upon her from all quarters of the earth her armies are dispersed; the sea is not hers ; she has no minister, no ally no admiral, none in whom she long confides, and no general whom Bhe has not disgraced ; the balance of her fate is in the hands of Ire- land; you are not only her last connection, — you are the only Nation m J^urope that is not her enemy. Let corruption tremble;" but let the friends of liberty rejoice at these means of safety, and this hour of redemption. You have done too much not to do more ; you have gone too tar not to go on ; you have brought yourselves into that situation m which you must silently abdicate the rights of your country, or publicly restore them. Where is the freedom of trade? Where is the security of property? Where is the liberty of the People? I therefore say, nothing is safe, satisfactory or honorable, nothing except a declaration of rights What ! are you, with three hundred thousand men at your back, with charters in one hand and arms in the other airaid to say you are a free People ? If England is a tyrant, it is you have made her so; it is the slave that makes the tyrant, and then murmurs at the master whom he himself has constituted. ^ The British minister mistakes the Irish character; had he intended to make Ireland a slave, he should have kept her a beggar. There m no middle policy: win her heart by the restoration of her ric^hts, or Zlrl ' "^u' ^'.,gi-^^% emancipate, or fundanTentally destroy. We may talk plausibly to England, but so lone as she exercises a power to bind this country, so long are the Nations in a state of war; the claims of the one go against the liberty of the other dri nf T*"ki"*'/^ ^'t^^'' SO to oppose those claims to the las diop of her blood. The English opposition, therefore, are light; mere trade will not satisfy Ireland. They judge of us b; other |rea Nations; by the Nation whose political life has been a strugc^lf for iberty,- America! They judge of us with a true knowledge and dst deference for our characte that a country enlightened a^ Ir^ ^^1 b! rT^ Ire .and, armed as Ireland, and injured as Ireland will be satisfied with nothing less than liberty. I mi^ht. as a constituent, come to your bar and demand my libertv 224 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. r call upon you, W the laws of the land and their violataon by th. „stru« o7o? eighteen centuries, by the arms, insp,rat,on and prov- "^he present moment, tell us the rule ^7^^*/% wlllfo; the law of Ireland ; declare the liberty of the bud. I wil uol ^answered by a public lie in the shape of an amendment; neither ™aS for the subject's freedom, am I to hear of faction I w^h rnoufing but to breathe, in this our island, in common with my id- ,V,1„P°- the air of liberty. I have no ambition, unless it be the ^^bSX b e r;„„ ch^in! and contemplate your glory. I neyer 1 be °aiisfied so long as the meanest cottager m Ireland has a link with the prophet, but survive him. 65 REPLY TO MR. FLOOD, IISZ.- Henry Grattan. Attheti^eof this ^peech in the l.ish Fl^d ^^^^ friends, stood hefore the British pi^^hc as ma^^^^^^^^ ^ ,p,^king of his oppc^ them ; au.l Grattat, havin- !^/^f;f,,7^^f,^/,^ , " 'jtrgreat asperity, denouncing Urattan as " a uent's "affectation of '"^11^"^^^' ' sum of money, then sold his country for oiendicant patriot," who, "bought country j^^^.^ Chatham." To these prompt payment." He also sneered at J|;;"tm„nt o which we here give. An arrangement for Lnts Grattan replied ^ ^l^'^^t'des wa^the « of this speech-, but Flood was of political dissolution. I will suppose l^™' '" Xve been "corrupt ; «fe^ to have b.en i-t-P-J^^'^t^rcrve^omed"^^^^^^^^^ and in the last, seditious ; - that, ='"6^ an en ^^^^^ sons and measures of a suceession "^^'^^^y.^^^ne ^^^^^ tion agamst their profusion of ministei-s had from ours, 1 will suppose i.uio f, „„^:„„, i,„„ liberty, and voted decided and unreserved ; that he voted agamst her^'^« > :„oreovc,^ fbr ^^e c^M t^f bu^^^^ -S- thr«iteof thc.Ymencans; *.vt he ^al ed t les . i,,-,^ ^t^J^ZZl'^:^'^^ the liberties of manVi.. SENATORIAL. GRATTAN 22<) rh-ds defective in every relationship, whether to constitution oom- merce, and toleration, I will suppose this man to have added mu^b Dnvate improbity to public crimes ; that his probity was like his patriotism, and his honor on a level with his oath. Ho loves t-o dehvcr panegyrics on himself. I will interrupt him, and say : dir, you are much mistaken if you think that your talents have b^eo • as great as your life has been reprehensible. You began your paHia- mentary career with an acrimony and personality which could hava been justified only by a supposition of virtue ; after a rank and clarior- ous opposition, you became, on a sudden, silent ; you were silent foi seven years ; you were silent on the greatest questions, and you were siiOrit for money! You supported the unparalleled profusion and jobbing of Lord Harcourt's scandalous ministry. You, Sir who manufacture stage thunder against Mr. Eden for his anti-Amedcan principles, — you. Sir, whom it pleases to chant a hymn to the immor- tal Hampden ; — you. Sir, approved of the tyranny exercised a/rainst America, — and you, Sir, voted four thousand Irish troops to cut ^l^e throats of the Americans fighting for their freedom, fighting for your freedom, fighting for the great principle, liberty ! But you found, at last, that the Court had bought, but would not trust you. Mortified at the aiSGOvery, you try the sorry game of a trimmer in your proo-resa to the acts of an incendiary ; and observing, with regard to PrinJ and People, the most impartial treachery and desertion, you justify the sus- ^'iT""!. rf''''. Sovereign by betraying the Government, as you had sold the People. Such has been your conduct, and at such conduct every order of your fellow-subjects have a right to exclaim' The merchant may say to you, the constitutionalist n.uy say to you the American may say to you, — and I, I now say, and say to your beard, bir, — you are not an honest man ! 66. NATIONAL GRATITUDE, 1780. - ^enry Gra«an. I SHALL hear of ingratitude. I name the argument to despise it and the men who make use of it. I know the men who use it are not grateful : they are insatiate ; they are public extortioners, who would stop the tide of public prosperity, and turn it to the channel of their own emolument. I know of no species of gratitude which should prevent my country from being free; no gratitude which should oblige Ireland to be the slave of England. In cases of robbery and usurpation, nothing is an object of gratitude except the thin^ stolen, the charter spoliated. A x>fation's liberty cannot, like her treasure, be Eieted and parcelled out in gratitude. No man can be grateful or lib- eral of his conscience, nor woman of her honor, nor Nation of her lib- ertj ihere are certain unimpartable, inherent, invaluable properties, not to be alienated from the person, whether body politic or body nafc- aral. \Vith the same contempt do I treat that charge which says thai Ireland IS insatiable; saying that Ireland asks nothing but that which Wreat I^ntam has robbed her of, — her rights a»d privileges. To sa^. 1 5 2^ THE STA:7»>A.- » SPEAKUR. that relaud will not be satisfied with liberty, because she is not ^tii^ fied ^ith slavery, is folly. I laugh at that man who supposes tkat Ireland will not be content with a free trade and a free Constitutjon and would any man advise her to be content with less ? 67. DISQL-mFICATION OP ROMAN CATHOLICS, 1793. - ffenrj ? Man rou are struggling with difficulties, you ima^ne ; you are ff.is. taken, - you are struggling with impossibilities. In making laws on ^e subiect of religion! legislators forget mankind, until their own dis- traction admonishes them^of two truths ;- the one, that there is a God ; the other, that there is a People! Never was it permitted to any Nation,-they miy perplex their understandings with various apolo- 'les,_:but never was it long permitted to exclude from essential, from what they themselves have pronounced essential blessings,— a jn-eat portion of themselves for a period of time ; and for no reason, or, what is worse, for such reasons as you have advanced. Conquerors, or tyrants proceeding from ^^'^'^''^J''^'^.'^^^^^ ever for any length of time governed by those partial disabilities , but a People so^o govern itself,or, rather, under the name of Government so to exclude itself, - the industrious, the opu ent, the ^f ^fui "- th^ part that feeds you with its industry, and supplies you with its taxes weaves that you may wear, and ploughs that you may eat, - to exclude a body so useful, so numerous, and that forever ! - and, m the mean time, to tax them ad libitum, and occasionally to pledge their liv^ and fortunes ! -for what ? - for their disfranchisemen ! - it can- not be done! Continue it, and you expect from your laws what it were blasphemy to ask of your Maker. Such a policy always turns Ttlie inventor! and bruises him under the stroke of the sceptre or the sword, or sinks him under accumulations of debt and loss of domimon Need I go to instances ? What was the case of Ireland enslaved for a centurv and withered and blasted with her Protestant ascendency, nke a s^^^^^^^^ oak scathed on its hill by the fires of its own mtol- erance? What lost England America, but such a policy? An attempt to bind men by a Parliament, wherein they are not repre- 'ented ' Such an attempt as some wo.^M now contmue to practise on fe Catholics ! Has you'r pity traversed leagues of - to f ^^^^^^^^^ the black boy on the coast of Guinea, - and have you lorgo^. the man ^ home by your side, your brother ? FIGlHTl ON THE SIDE OF A GREAT PRINCIPLE.- Gr«f«« The Kingdom of Ireland, with her imperial crown, stands at yoT« Bar. She applies for the civil liberty of three-fourths of her childi^i. Will you dismiss her without a hearing ? You cannot do it . i sa^ you cannot finally do it! The interest of your country would not «^ ^rt you; tb3 feelings of your -country would not supyiort you . it « SENATORIAL. — GRATTAN. 227 I froceedrng that ^^noot long be persisted in. No courtier so devoted^ no politician so hardened, no conscience so capacious ! I am not afraid of occasional majorities. A majority cannot overlay a great priuci. pie (xod will guard His own cause against rank majoritTes. Ln vais shall men appeal to a church-cry, or to a mock-thunder; the proprie. tor of the bolt is on the side of the People. ^ It was the expectation of the repeal of Catholic disability wh'ohaa?-. ned the Union. Should you wish to support the minister of the cro^ a against the People of Ireland, retain the Union, nd perpetuate the disqualification, the consequence must be something more tlian aliena- tion. When you finally decide against the Catholic question, you abandon the idea of governing Ireland by affection, and you adopt the idea ot coercion m its place. You are pronouncing the doom of Eno-- land. If you ask how the People of Ireland feel towards you, alk yourselves how you would feel towards us, if we disqualified three- fourths of the People of England forever. The day you finally ascertain the disqualification of the Catholic, you pronounce the doom of Great Uritam. It is just it should be so. The King who takes away the liberty of his subjects loses his Crown; the People who take away tlie liberty of their fellow-subjects lose their empire. The scales of your own destinies are in your own hands; and if you throw out the civil liberty of the Irish Catholic, depend on it, Old England will be weio-hed m the balance, and found wanting: you will then have du9 mln- ZuXt J whom was Mr. Pitt. These resolutions, however, his Majesty had not Can anything that I have said, Mr. Speaker, subject me to be Wanded with the imputation of preferring my personal situation to the pubhc happiness? Sir, I have declared, agam and again. Only prove to me that there is any reasonable hope — show me but the most distant prospect — that my resignation will at all contribute to restore peace and happiness to the country, and I will instantlv resign But, Sir, I declare, at t^v> same time, I will not be in'lu'jed to lesigp ^84 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. »d a pieliminary to negotiation. I will not abandon this situatioi ia Drder to throw myself upon the mercy of that right honorable geDLle-^ man. He caLz me now a mere nominal minister, the mere puppet of iecret influence. Sir, it is because I will not become a mere nomine, minister of his creation, — it is becaii^e I disdain to become the puppet of that right honorable gentleman, — that I will not resign ; neithe shall his contemptuous expressions provoke me to resignation: my own honor and reputation 1 never will resign. Let this House beware of suffering any individual to involve hia own cause, and to interweave his own interests, in the resolutions of che Hoiise of Commons. The dignity of the House is forever appealed to. Let us beware that it is not the dignity of any set of men. Let us beware that personal prejudices have no share in deciding these great constitutional questions. The right honorable gentleman is possessed of these enchanting arts whereby he can giv« grace to deformity. He holds before your eyes a beautiful and delu sive image ; he pushes it forward to your observation ; but, as sure a^ you embrace it, the pleasing vision will vanish, and this fair phantom of liberty will be succeeded by anarchy, confusion, and ruin to the Constitution. For, in truth. Sir, if the constitutional independence of the Crown is thus reduced to the very verge of annihilation, where is the boasted equipoise of the Constitution ? Dreadful, therefore, as the conflict is, my con? ience, my duty, my fixed regard for the Con- stitution of our ancestors, maintain me still in this arduous situation. It is not any proud contempt, or defiance of the constitutional resolu- tions of this House, — it is no personal point of honor, — much less is it any lust of power, that makes me still cling to office. The situation of the timoB requires of me — and, I will add, the country calls aloud to me — that I should defend tnis castle ; and I am determined, therefore, I will defend it ! 77. BARBARISM OF OUR BRITISH ANCESTORS. — /d. There was a time, Sir, which it may bo fit sometimes to revive in the remembrance of our countrymen, when even human sacrifices are said to have been offered in this island. The very practice of the slave-trade once prevailed among ps. Slaves were formerly an estab- lished article of our exports. Great numbers were exprted, hks cattle from the British coast, and were to be seen exposed for sale in the l^uinan market. The circumstances that furnished the alleged proofs that Africa labors under a natural incapacity for civilization might also have been asserted of ancient and uncivilized Britein. Why might not some Roman Senator, reasoning upon the principl^ of some honorable members of this House, and pointing to British barbarians, have predicted, with equal boldness, " There is a Feople that will never rise to civilization ! — - There is a People destined nevot u,beft«e!" SENATORIAL. POX. 239 We Air, have long since emerged from barbarism ^ we hat^ a\mo»t li>rgotten that we were once barbarians; we. are now raised to a situ- ation which exhibits a striking contrast to every circumstance b> which a Roman might have characterized us, and by which we now characterize Africa. There is, indeed, ont thing wanting to complete the contrast, and to clear us altogether from the imputation of acting, even to this hour, as barbarians ; for we continue to this hour a bar- barous traffic in slaves, — we continue it even yet, in spite of all our great and undeniable pretensions to civilization. We were once as obscure among the Nations of the earth, as savage in our manners, as (uobased in our morals, as degraded in our understandings, as these unhappy Africans are at present. But, in the lapse of a^long series of years, by a progression slow, and, for a time, almost imperceptible, we have become rich in a variety of acquirements, favored above measure in the gifts of Providence, unrivalled in commerce, preem- inent in arts, foremost in the pursuits of philosophy and science, and established in all the blessings of civil society. From all these blessings we must forever have been shut out, had there been any truth in those principles which some gentlemen have not hesitated to lay down as applicable to the case of Africa. Had those principles been true, we ourselves had languished to this hour in that miserable state of ignorance, brutality and degradation, in which history proves our ancestors to have been immersed. Had other Nations adopted these principles^ in their conduct towards us, had other Nations applied to Great Britain the reasoning which some of the Senators of this very island now apply to Africa, ages might have passed without our emergmg from barbarism ; and we, who are enjoying the blessings of British liberty, might, at this hour, have been little superior, eithei m morals, in knowledge, or refinement, to the rude inhabitants ol the Coast of Guinea. 78. RESULTS OF THE AMERICAN WAR, IISO.- Charles James Fox. Charles James Fox was born in England, on the 24th of January, 1749. He made his firsf Bpeech m Parliament on the 1.5th of April, 1769. In the style of his oratory he has been com pared, by some critics, to Demosthenes. " A certain sincerity and open-heartedness of man- ner , an apparently entn-e and thorough conviction of being in the right-, an abrupt tone of vehemence and indignation ; a stea.lfast love of freedom, and corresponding hatred of oppression in all its forms ; a natural and idiomatic style, - vigor, argument, poweis - theS h^^tT T^^n ^"^^fl °^ P"".^^ ^'o^ died on the 13th Septem Oer, 1806, m the fifty-eighth year of his age. ;\^E are charged with expressing joy at the triumphs of America. True it IS that, m a former session, I proclaimed it as my sincere ©pinion, that if the Ministry had succeeded in their first scheme on the liberties of America, the liberties of this country would have been at an end. Thinking this, as I did, in the sincerity of an honest heart, 1 rejoiced at the resistance which the Ministry had met to their attempt. That great and glorious statesman, the late Earl of Chat ham. feeling for the liberties of his native country, thanked God that America had resisted. But, it seems, " all the calamities of the 236 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. country are to be ascribed to the wishes, and the joy, and the spcecheft of Opposition." 0, miserable and unfortunate Ministry! _ 0, blind and incapable men ! whose measures are framed with so little fore- Bight, and executed with so little firmness, that they not only crumble to pieces, but bring on the ruin of their country, merely because one rash, weak, or wicked man, in the House of Commons, makes a speecli against them ! • i r. i tt Bat who is he who arraigns gentlemen on this side of the Hous«) with causing, by their inflammatory speeches, the misfortunes of their country? The accusation comes from one whose inflammatory harangues have led the Nation, step by step, from violence to violence, in that inhuman, unfeeling system of blood and massacre, which every honest man must detest, which every good man must abhor, and every wise man condemn'! And this man imputes the guilt of such meas- ures to those who had all along foretold the consequences ; who had prayed, entreated and supplicated, not only for America, bat for the credit of the Nation and its eventual welfare, to arrest the hand of Power, meditating slaughter, and directed by injustice ' What was the consequence of the sanguinary measures recomme'cided in those bloody, inflammatory speeches ? Though Boston was to be starved, though Hancock and Adams were proscribed, yet at the fe^Jt of these very men the Parliament of Great Britain was obliged to l-neel, flatter, and cringe ; and, as it had the cruelty at one time to denounce veno-eance against these men, so it had the meanness afterwards to implore their forgiveness. Shall he who called the Americans " Han- cock and his crew," — shall he presume to reprehend any set of men for inflammatory speeches ? It is this accursed American war that has led us, step by step, into all our present misfortunes and natonal disgraces. What was the cause of our wasting forty milhons of mcney, and sixty thousand Hves ? The American war! What was it ^.hat produced the French rescript and a French war? The Amercan war ! Wliat was it that produced the Spanish manifesto and bp^nish The American war! What was it that armed forty -two thousand men in Ireland with the arguments carried on the points of forty thousand bayonets ? The American war ! For what arft we about to incur an additional debt of twelve or fourteen millions? This accursed, cruel, diabolical American war ! 79, THE FOREIGN POLICY OF WASHINGTON, im.- Ckcales James Foe. How infinitely superior must appear the spirit and principles of (ienerai >v ashington, in his late address to Congress, compared with the policy of modern European Courts ! Illustrious man ! — deriving nonor less from tlie splendor of his situation than from the dignity ot mis mind ! Grateful to France for the assistance received from her, in diat great contest which secured the independence of America, he yet iid not iihoobe io give up the system of neutrality m her favor. Uav- mg mce kid dcvn the linp. of conduct most proper io be pursued, not SENATOKTAL. ^ - FOX. 23- 111 tho insuifcs and provocations of the Frencli n- nister, Genet,* could at all put him out of his way, or bend him from his purpose. It must, indeod, create astonislxrxient, that, placed in circumstances so ciitical, una tilling a station so conspicuous, the character of Washington should never once have been called in question ; — that he shc^ild, in no one instance, have been accused either of improper insolence, or of mean submission, in his transactions with foreign Nations. It has been reserved for Mm to run the race of glory without experiencing the smallest interruption to the brilliancy of his career. The breath of censure has not dared to impeach the purity of his conduct, nor th? eye of envy to raise its malignant glance to the elevation of his virtues. Such has been the transcendent merit and the unparalleled fate of this illustrious man ! How did he act when insulted by Genet ? Did he consider it as neces- sary to avenge himself for the misconduct or madness of an individual, by involving a whole continent in the horrors of war ? No ; he con- tented himself with procuring satisfiction for the insult, by causing Genet to be recalled ; and thus, at once, consulted his own dignity and the interests of his country. Happy Americans ! while the whirlwind flies over one quarter of the globe, and spreads Everywhere desolation, you remain protected from its baneful effects by your own virtues. and the wisdom of your Government. Separated from Europe by an immense ocean, you feel not the effect of those prejudices and passions which convert the boasted seats of civilization into scenes of horror and bloodshed. You profit by the folly and madness of the contending Nations, and afford, in your more congenial clime, an asylum to those blessings and virtues which they wantonly contemn, or wickedly exclude from their bosom ! Cultivating the arts of peace under the influence of freedom, you advance, by rapid strides, to opulence and distinction ; and if, by any accident, you should be compelled to take part in the present unhappy contest, — if you should find it necessary to avenge insult, or repel injury,— the world will bear witness to the equity of your sentiments and the moderation of your views ; and the success of your arms will, no doubt, be prop)rtioned to the justice of vom cause ! 80. MBETITY IS STRENGTH. -Fox 1797, on the State of Ireland. ^ Opinions become dangerous to a State only when persecution ofunvt It necessary for the People to communicate their ideas under t>ie bond of secrecy. Publicity makes it imposr-ible for artifice to sucr.eed. and designs of a hostile nature lose their danger by the certaintj^ ot expos- ure. But it is said that these bills will expire in a few j.jars ; thav they will expire when we shall have peace and tranquillit;y restored to us. . What a sentiment to inculcate! You tell the People that, when everything g^es well, — when they arc happy and comfortuole, — then they may meet freely, to recognize their happluesP, and pass eulogium« ♦ Pronounced Zjennay. THE STANDARD SPEAKER fli th&u Government: but that, in a moment of war and calamity,— df distrust and misconduct, — it is not permitted to meet together ; because then, instead of eulogizing, they might think proper to condemn Mima ters What a mockery is this ! What an insult, to say that this is preserving to the People the right of petition ! To tell them that they shall have a right to applaud, a right to rejoice, a right to meet when they are happy ; but not a right to condemn, not a right to deplrr© their misfortunes, not a right to suggest a remedy ! Liberty is order. Liberty is strength. Look round the world, and admire, as you must, the instructive spectacle. You will see that liberty not only is power and order, but that it is power and order pre- dominant and invincible, — that it derides all other sources of strength, And shall the preposterous imagination be fostered, that men bred m liberty — the first of human kind who asserted the glorious distinction of forming for themselves their social compact — can be condemned to silence upon their rights? Is it to be conceived that men, who have enioyed, for such a length of days, the light and happiness of freedom, can be restrained, and shut up again in the gloom of ignorance and de.c^radation? As well. Sir, might you try, by a miserable dam, to BhSt up the flowing of a rapid river ! The rolling and impetuous tide would burst through every impediment that man might throw m its way ; and the only consequence of the impotent attempt would be, that, having collected new force by its temporary suspension, enforcing itself through new channels, it would spread devastation and rum on every side. The progress of liberty is like the progress of the stream. Kept within its bounds, it is sure to fertilize the country through wWch it runs ; but no power can arrest it in its passage; and short- sighted, as well as wicked, must be the heart of the projector that would strive to divert its course. 81. VIGOR OF DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENTS, mi.— Charles James Fox. When we look at the Democracies of the ancient world, we are com- polled to acknowledge their oppressions to their dependencies : their horrible acts of injustice and of ingratitude to their own citizens; but they compel us, also, to admiration, by their vigor, their constancy, their spirit, and their exertions, in every great emergency m which they were called upon to act. We are compelled to own that the democratic form of government gives a power of which no other torm h capable. Why ? Because it incorporates every man with tlie State. Because i't arouses everything that belongs to the soul, as well as U) the body, of man. Because it makes every individual leel that he is fi^rhtino- for himself; that it is his own cause, his own safety, his own dignity, on the face of the earth, that he is assertmg. \\ ho, that reads the bistory of the Persian War, — what boy, whose heart i» warmed by the grand and sublime actions which the democratic spirit produced, - does not find, in this principle, the key to all the wonden iliich wer? acbT,ved at Thermopylae and elsewhere, and ot winch tb« SENATOEIAL. FOX 235 recent an(1 marvellous acts of the French People are pregnant exam- ples ? Without disguising the vices of France, — without overlooking the horrors that have been committed, and that have tarnished the glory of the Revolution, — it cannot be denied that they have exempli- Bed the doctrine, that, if you wish for power, you must look to liberty, lf _ ever there was a moment when this maxim ought to be dear to us, It IS the present. We have tried all other means. We have addressed ourselves to all the base passions of the People. We have tried terrify them into exertion ; and all has been unequal to our emergency Let us try them by the only means which experience demonstrates to be mvmcibie. Let us address ourselves to their love ! Let us identify them with ourselves ; — let us make it their own cause, as well as ours ! 82. THE PARTITION OP POLAND, 1800. - CAar/e.v James Fox. Now, Sir, what was the conduct of your own allies to Poland ? Is thsre a single atrocity of the French in Italy, in Switzerland, in Egypt, if you please, more unprincipled and inhuman than that of Russia, Aus- tria and Prussia, in Poland ? What has there been in the conduct of the French to foreign powers ; what in the violation of solemn trea- ties ; what in the plunder, devastation, and dismemberment of unof- fending countries ; what in the horrors and murders perpetrated upon the subdued victims of their rage in any district which they have over- run, — worse than the conduct of those three great powers in the misera- ble, devoted, and trampled-on Kingdom of Poland, and who have been, or are, our allies in this war for religion, social order, and the rights of Nations ? 0, but you " regretted the partition of Poland ! " Yes, regretted ! — you regretted the violence, and that is all you did. You united yourselves with the actors ; you, in tact, by your acquiescence, confirmed the atrocity. But they are vour allies ; and though they ftverran and divided Poland, there was nothing, perhaps, in the manner of doing it, which stamped it with peculiar infamy and disgrace. The hero of Poland, perhaps, was merciful and mild ! He was " as much superior to Bonaparte in bravery, and in the discipline which he main- tained, as he was superior in virtue and humanity ' Ee was animated by the purest principlcB of Christianity, and was restraii^ed in hi^ career by the benevolent precepts which it incuhates i " Wa^ he ? Let unfortunate Warsaw, and the miserable inhabitants cf the .'ttburb of Praga in particular, tell ! What do ive understs-ad to have been the conduct of this magnanimous hero, with whom, it seems, Bonaparte is not to be compared ? He entered the siib^jirb of Praga, the most populous suburb of Warsaw, and there he leo sold^'orv loose )n the miserable, unarmed and unresisting peop;,> ! 3'jen, women ana children, — nay, infants at the breast, — were drv. ncd to one indiscrim- inaie massacre ! Thousands of them were Inb jDraply, wantonly bukjh- ered ! And for what ? Because they had daie^: join in a wish meliorate their own condition a-s a Peop^i;, and to improve their Ood- 240 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Btitution, which had been confessed, by their own sovereign, to be iB want of amendment. And such is the hero upon whom the cause of « religion and social order " is to repose ! And such is the man whom we praise for his discipline and his virtue, and whom we bold out as our boast and our dependence ; while the conduct of Bonaparte unfits him to be even treated with as an enemy ! 83. AN ATHEISTICAL GOVERNMENT IMPOSSIBLE, 1794. — R. B. 5/tendan. Richard Brinslev Sheridan was born in DubUn, September, 1751, and died July 7, 1818, in Lonaon He distinguished himself gi-eatly, in company with Burke, in the prosecution agamst Warren Hastings ; but the reports of his speeches at .tlie trial are imperfect and conflicting Bhsridan's fame as a dramatist is quite equal to his Parliamentary reputation. The noble Lord's purpose is to prove that France began the war with Great Britain. This he appears to think he has established, the moment he has shown that Brissot* and others have promulgated m print a great many foolish and a great many wicked general principles, mischievous to all established Governments. But what was the sum of all that the noble Lord told the House ? What did it all prove ? What, but that eternal and unalterable truth, that a long-established despotism so far degraded and debased human nature, as to render lis subjects, on the first recovery of their rights, unfit for the exercise of them ; but never have I, or will I, meet, but with reprobation, that mode of argument which goes, in fact, to establish, as an inference from .nis truth, that those who have been long slaves ought, therefore, tc remain so forever. It is contended that the present state of things in France cannot stand. Without disputing any of his premises, for the present, 1 will grant the noble Lord not only his principle, but the foundation upon which he builds it. I agree with him, that it is contrary to the eter- nal and unalterable laws of Nature, and to the decrees of the Maker (■ man and of Nations, that a Government, founded on and maintaim . Dy injustice, rapine, murder and atheism, can have a fixed endurance Dr a permanent success ; that there are, self-sown in its own bosom, the seeds of its own inevitable dissolution. But if so, whence is our mis- sion to become the destroying angel to guide and hasten the anger of the Deity? Who calls on us to offer, with more than mortal arro- gance, the alliance of a mortal arm to the Omnipotent ? or to snatch the uplifted thunder from His hand, and point our erring aim at the devoted fabric which His original will has fated to fall and crumble m that ruin which it is not in the means of man to accelerate or prevent ? I accede to the noble Lord the piety of his principle : let him accede to me the justice of my conclusion ; or let him attend to experience if not to reason ; and. must he not admit that hitherto all the attempts of Vi;« o.>n-vrp.nt1v powerful, but certainly presumptuous, crusade ot vengeance, nave appeared unfavored by Ibrtune and by Providence . that they have hitherto had no other effect than to strengthen tha powers, to whet the rapacity, to harden the heart, to inflame the iury and to augment the crimes, of that Government, and that People, whom, we have rashly sworn to flubduo, to chastise, and to reform* * Pronounced Bre.esM. SBNATORTAL. — SHERIDAN. 241 84 AGAINST POLITICAL JOBBING, 1794.- iZ.B.Menrfan. la this a time for selfish intrigues, and the little dirty traffic for ucre and emolument ? Does it suit the honor of a gentleman to ask at such a moment? Does it become the honesty of a minister tc grant ? ^ What ! m such an hour as fhis, — at a moment pregnant with the national fate, when, pressing as the exigency may be, the hard task of squeezmg the money from the pockets of an impoverished People, from the toil, the drudgery of the shivering poor, must make the most practised collector's heart ache while he tears it from them — can It be that people of high rank, and professing high principles' — that they or their families should seek to thrive on the spoils of misery, and fatten on the meals wrested from industrious poverty? C), shame ! shame ! Is it intended to confirm the pernicious doctrine so industriously propagated, that all public men are impostors, and that every pohtician has his price ? Or, even where there is no prin- ciple m the bosom, why does not prudence hint to the mercenary and the vam to abstain a while, at least, and wait the fitting of the times ? Improvident impatience ! Nay, even from those who seem to have no direct object of office or profit, what is the language which their actions speak ? " The Throne is in danger ! we will support the Throne ; but let urf share the smiles of royalty ! " " The order of nobility is in danger ! i will fight for nobility," says the Viscount ; * « but my zeal would be greater if I were made an Earl ! " " Rouse ail the Marquis within me exclaims the Earl, « and the Peerage never turned forth a more undaunted champion in its cause than I shall prove ! " " Stam my green ribbon blue," cries out the illustrious Knight, - and the fountain ot honor will have a fast and faithful servant ! " What are the People to think of our sincerity ? What credit are they to give to our professions? Is this system to be persevered in « Is there nothing that whispers to that right honorable gentleman that the crisis IS too big, that the times are too gigantic, to be ruled by the little hackneyed and every-day means of ordinary corruption « Or are we to believe that he has within himself a conscious feehng that disqualifies him from rebuking the ill-timed selfishness of his new allies? Let him take care that the corruptions of the Government shall not have lost it the public heart ; that the example of selfishneag m the few has not extinguished public spirit in the man^f 86. POPULAR AND KINGLY EXAMPLES, 1195. ~ R. B. Sheridan. We are told to look to the example of France. From the excesses ot the Irench People in the French Eevolution, we are warned against giving too much liberty to our own. It is reechoed from every quar- ter, and by every description of persons in office, from the Prime Minister to the exciseman, — " Look to the example of Frj^nce!" ihe implication is a libel upon the character of Great Britain. 1 vril] not admit the inference or the argument, that, because a People, * Pronounced Wkount. 16 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Dred under a proud, insolent and grinding despotism, —maddened bj the recollection of former injuries, and made savage by the observation of former cruelties. — a People in whose minds no smcere respect for property or law ever could have existed, because property tad never been secured to them, and law had never protected them, -that the actions of such a People, at any time, much less m the r.aar of fre^T and fury, should furnish an inference or ground on which to estiiLata tne temper, character or feelings, of the People of Great Britain. What answer would gentlemen give, if a person, affectedly or sm. ierely anxious for the preservation of British liberty,_ were to say. ' Britons, abridge the power of your Monarch ; restram the exercise , 'of his iust preiogative: withhold all power and resources from his government, or even send him to his Electorate, from whence your voice exalted him ; - for, mark what has been domg on the Continent : Look to the example of Kings ! Kings, believe me, are the same m nature and temper everywhere. Trust yours no longer ; see how that shameless and perfidious despot Prussia, that trickster and tyrant, has violated every principle ot Lrath, honor and l^nmamty, m his mur- derous though impotent attempt at plunder and robbery m Poland ! He who had encouraged and even guaranteed to them their Constitu- tion -see him, with a scandalous profanation of the resources which he had'wrung by fraud from the credulity of Great Britam, trampling on the independence he was pledged to maintain and seizing for himself the counks he had sworn to protect ! Mark the still more sanguin- ary efforts of the despot of Russia, faithless not to us only, and the cause of Europe, as it is called, but craftily outwitting her perjured coad utor, profi'ti'ng by his disgrace and grasping to herself the victim which had been destined to glut their jomt rapacity. See her thank- inc. her favorite General, Suwarrow, and, still more impious, thanking Heaven for the opportunity; thanking him for the most miqmtous act of cruelty the bloody page of history records, -the murderous scene at PraJ where, not in the heat and fury of action, not m the first Lv^i^n^^ of re;enge, but after a cold, deliberate pan.e of en hours, Jh temperate barbarity, he ordered a considerate, methodical massacre Tf ten thousand men, women and children ! These are the actions of monarchs ! Look to the example of Kings ! »6 NECESSITY OF REFORM IN PARLIAMENT. - Lord Grej, Born,. 1764 died, 1845 I AM aware of the difficulties I have to encounter in bringmg for. ward this business; lam aware how ungracious it would be for thw House to show that they are not the real representatives of the People , I am aware that the question has been formerly agitated ^^^^^^^ accessions by great and able characters, who have deserted the cause froTrs'pair^of success; and I am aware that I must necessarily go into what may perhaps be supposed trite and worn-out arguments 1 eome forward' on the present occasion, actuated solely by a ^^^^^^ luty, to make a serious and important motion, which, I am ready fairly SENATORIAL. — riUSKISSON. 243 10 admit, involFes m less a consideration than a ftindamenial changR in toe Government. At the Revolution, the necessity of short Plrlia- ments was asserted; and every departure from these principles is, in some shape, a departure from the spirit and practice of the Constitu- tion ; yet, when they are compared with the present state of the rep- resentation, how does the matter stand? Are the elections free? or are Parha.raents free ? Has not the patronage of peers increased ? la not the patronage of India now vested in the Crown ? Are all these nnovation^3 to be made in order to increase the influence of the Execu- tive power, and is nothing to be done in favor of the popular part of tie Constitution, to act as a counterpoise ? It may be said that the House of Commons are really a just repre« sentaiion of the People, because, on great emergencies, they never fail to speak the sense of the People, as was the case in the American war, and m the Russian armament; but, had the House of Commons had a real representation of the People, they would have interfered sooner on these occasions, without the necessity of being called uDon to do so. ?^V^"^^ ^ ^^^^ representation of the People, and that it is too much influenced by passion, prejudice or interest. Ihis may, fop a time, give to the Executive Government apparent strength ; but no aovernment can be either lasting or free which ig not founded on virtue, and on that independence of mind and conduct among the People which creates energy, and leads to everything that IS noble and generous, or that can conduce to the streno-i^ and safetv of a State. ° ^ " What constitutes a State 1 Not high-raised battlement or labored mound, Thick wall, or moated gate ; Not cities proud, with spires and turrets crowned ; Not bays and broad-armed ports. Where, laughing at the storm, proud navies ride ; Nor starred and spangled courts, Where low-browed Baseness wafts perfume to Pride No ! men, high-minded men. With powers as far above dull brutes endued. In forest, brake or den. As beasts excel cold rocks and brambles rude; Men who their duties know. But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain " * «. TIIE CONSERVATIVE INNOVATOR, 1829.- ^m. Hmkisson. Bozi^.im ; dtfj,\m I HAVE been charged with being the author in some instances, and the promoter in others, of innovations of a rash and dangerous nature. I deny the charge. I dare the authors of it to the proof. Gentlemen when they talk of innovation, ought to remember, with Lord Bacon, that " Time has been and is the great Innovator." Upon that Inno^ vator I have felt it my duty cautiously to wait, at a becoming di*. tance and with proper a'rcumspection ; but not arrogantly and pr«» !umptuo j3ly to go before him, and endeavor to outstrip hi/ coH'-se • By Sir Wm. Janes. Born, 1746 ; died, 1794. 244 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Time has raised these great interests, and it is the b usiness of a states, man to move onwards with the new combinations which have grown around him. This, Sir, is the principle by which my feelinge have been constantly regulated, during a long public life ; and by which 1 shall; continue to be governed, so long as I take any part in the publia tffairs of this country. It is well said, by the most poetical genius, perhaps, of our own times, — " A thousand years scarce serve to form a State, — An hour may lay it in the dust." I his is the feeling which has regulated, which will continue to reg ulate, my conduct. I am no advocate for changes upon mere abstracl theory. I know not, indeed, which is the greater folly, that of resist- ing all improvement, because improvement implies innovation, or that of referring everything to first principles, and to abstract doctrines." The business of the practical man is, to make himself acquainted with facts ; to watch events to understand the actual situation of affairs, and the course of time and circumstances, as bearing upon the present state of his own country and the world. These are the grounds by a reference to which his reason and judgment must be fo.rmed ; accord- ing to which, without losing sight of first principles, he must know how to apply them, and to temper their inflexibility. This is the task of practical legislation. 88. SATIRE ON THE PENSION SYSTEM, im. — Curran. John Philpot Curran was born in Newcastle, Ireland, July 24th 1750. His Senatorial career was confined to the Irish Parliament, and was entirely eclipsed by his reputation at the oar. "There never lived a greater advocate," says Charles Phillips; " certainly never one more suited to the country in which his lot was cast. His eloquence was copious, rapid and ornate, and his powers of mimicry beyond all description." In his boyhood he had a confusion in his utterance, from which he was called by his school-fellows stuttering Jack <_urran. m employed every means to correct his elocution, and render it perfect. He accustomed him- self," says one of his biographers, " to speak very slowly, to correct his precipitate utterance He practised before a glass, to make his gestures graceful. He spoke aloud the most celebrated orations. One piece, - the speech of Antony over the dead body of Caesar, -he was never weary of repeating This he recommended to his young friends at the bar, as a model of eloquence. And while he thus used art to smooth a channel for his thoughts to flow in, no man s «;"q^ence ' ver issued more freshly and spontaneously from the heart. It was always the hear of the maL that spoke." Under our Forensic department several choice specimens of Curran s speeches will be found. Curran died October 14th, 1817. This polyglot of wealth, this museum of curiosities, the Pension List, embraces every link in the human chain, every description of men, women and children, from ine exalted excellence of a Hawke or a Rodney, to the debased situation of the lady who humbleth herself that 8ho may be exalted. But the les-sons it inculcates form its greatest perfection : It teacheth, that Sloth and Vice may eat that bread which Virtue and Honesi.y may starve for after they have earned it. It teaches the idle and dissolute to look up for that support which they are too proud to stoop and earn. It directs the minds of men to an entire reliance on the ruling Power of the State, who feeds the ravens of the Royal aviary, that cry continually for food. It teaches them to jaitate those Saints on the Pension List, that are like the lihes ot th« (flENA-TORIAL. CURRAN. 245 le d ; they toil not, neither do they spin, and yet are arrayed lik^ Oolcmon in his glory. In &ne, it teaches a lesson, which, indeed, they might have learned from Epictetus, that it is sometimes good not to be over-virtuous ; it shows, that, in proportion' as our distresses increase, the mumficence of the Crown increases also; in proportion as our clothes are rent, the royal mantle is extended over us _ Notwithstanding that the Pension List, like charity, covers a muL ktude of sms. give me leave to consider it as coming home to the mem- tersot this House; — give me leave to say, that the Crown, in extend- ing Its -.^arity, its hberality, its profusion, is laying a foundation for the independence of Parliament ; for, hereafter, instead of orators or patriots accounting for their conduct to such mean and unworthy persons as freeholders, they will learn to despise them, and look to the farst man 111 the State; and they will, by so doing, have this security tor their independence, — that while any man in the Km^dom has a ihillmg, they will not want one ! 89. REPLY TO THREATS OF VIOLENCE, 1190.- Curran. We have been told this night, in express words, that the man who dares to do his duty to his country in this House may expect to be attacked without these walls by the military gentlemen of the Castle. l iiad been directly or indirectly mentioned in the course ot the debate, this extraordinary declaration might be attributable to the confusion of a mistaken charge, or an absurd vindication ; but. mthout connection with the subject, a new principle of government is advanced, and that is - the bayonet ! And this is stated in the full- est house, and the most crowded audience, I ever saw. We are to be silenced by corruption within, or quelled by force of arms without. If the strength of numbers or corruption should fail against the cause of the public. It IS to be backed by assassination. Nor is it necessary that those avowed principles of bribery and arms should come from any high personal authority ; they have been delivered by the known retainers of Administration, in the face of that bench, and heard even W'.Chout a murmur of dissent or disapprobation. £ or my part, I do not know how it may be my destiny to fall • — it may be by chance, or malady, or violence ; but, should it be my fat* to perish the victim of a bold and honest discharge of my duty I wiH nac shun it I will do that duty ; and, if it should expose me to sink (inder ihe blow of the assassin, and become a victim to the public? ^^use, the most sensible of my regrets would be, that on such an altar there should not be immolated a more illustrious sacrifice. As to myself, while I live, I shall despise the peril. I feel in my own spirit the safety of my honor, and in my own and the spirit of the People ao I feel strength enough to hold that Administration, which can giVe a sanction to menaces like these, responsible for their consequenc5 to the Nation and the individual. THE STANDAKl) SPFAKER. 90. AGAINST RELIGIOUS DISTINCTIONS, 1796. - Currm. G?aiTLEMEN say the Catholics have got everything but seats « Parliament. Are we really afraid of ^ving them that privilege Are we seriously afraid that Catholic venality might pollute thfs immaculate integrity -/ the House of Commons ? — that a Catholi;; jnember would be more accessible to a promise, or a pension, or a bribe than a Protestant ? Lay your hands upon your hearts, look in on€ another's faces, and say Yes, and I will vote against this amendment^ But is it the fact that they have everything ? Is it the fact tha« they have the common benefit of .the Constitution, or the common pro- te^^tion of the law ? i j Another gentleman has said, the Catholics have got much, and ou^ht to be content. ^Yhy have they got that much ? Is it from the minister ? Is it from the Parliament, which threw their petition over its bar ? No, — they got it by the great revolution of human affairs ; by the astonishing march of the human mmd ; a march that has collected too much momentum, in its advance, to be now stopped in its progress. The bark is still afloat ; it is freighted with the hopes and liberties of millions of men ; she is already under way ; the rower may faint, or the wind may sleep, but, rely upon it, she has already acquired an energy of advancement that will support her course, and bring her to her destination ; rely upon it, whether much or little remains, it is now vain to withhold it ; rely upon it, you may as well stamp your foot upon the earth, in order to prevent its revolution. You cannot stop it ! You will only remain a silly gnomon upon its surface, to measure the rapidity of rotation, until you are forced round and buried in the shade of that body whose irresl^^tiHe course you would endeavor to oppose ! 91. FRUITS OF THE WAR WITH FRANCE. — Georg^e Canning. George Canning was born in London, on the 11th of April, 17T0. He entered into public life ^he avo^.ved pupil of Mr. Pitt, and made his maiden speech m Parliament, from which the fol- iowin As aVeXct, in 1794. He was repeatedly a member of the Ministry, and became Premict ho tly before Ms death, which occurred^n 1827- Mr. Canning meditated ^-■^^,^P-ches car^ fuUv and they are models of Parliamentary style. "No English bpea»c says Sr James Mackintosh, "used the keen and brUliant weapon of wit so long, so often, or so eff:.ctively, at Mr. Camiing." We have been told that this is a war into which we have been hur- ried by clamor and prejudice ; in short, that it is a war of paasion. An appeal is made to our prudence ; and we are asked, with air of triumph, what are we to get by this war ? Sir, that we have still a Government; that the functions of this House have not been usurped bv a 3orresponding society, or a Scotch Convention ; that, instead of Bi'tting in debate here, whether or not we shall subsidize the King of Sardinia, we are not rather employed in devising how to raise a forcec loan for some proconsular deputy, whom the banditti of Pans might have sent to receive our contributions ; — Sir, that we sit. here at ali these are the fruits of the war ! BENATORIiiL. CANNING. But, when neitner our reason nor our pruden e bo set against the war, an attempt is made to alarm our apprehensions. The French are state d to an invincible People ; inflamed to a degree of madness with the holy enthusiasm of freedom, there, is nothing that they camiot accomplish. I am as ready as any man to allow that the French are enthusiastically animated, be it how it may, to a stiite of absolute insanity. ^ I desire no better proof of their being mad, than to see them hugging themselves in a system of slavery so gross and grinding as their nresent, and calling, at the same time, aloud upon all Europe, to admire and envy their freedom. But, before their plea of madness can be admitted as conclusive against our right to be at war with l^hem, Gentlemen would do well to recollect that of madness there are several kinds. If theirs had been a harmless idiot lunacy, which had contented itself with playing its tricks and practising its fooleries a. home, — with dressing up shameless women in oak -leaves, and inventing nick-names for the calendar, — I should have been far from desiring to interrupt their innocent amusements ; we might have looked on with hearty contempt, indeed, but with a contempt not wholly unmixed with commiseration. But, if theirs be a madness of a dilFerent kind, — a moody, mischievous insanity, — if, not contented with tearing and wounding themselves, they proceed to exert their unnatural strength for the annoyance of their neighbors, — if, not satisfied with weaving Straws and wearing fetters at home, they attempt to carry their sys- tems and their slavery abroad, and to impose them on the Nations of Europe, — it becomes necessary, then, that those Nations should bo roused to resistance. Such a disposition must, for the safety and peace of tho world, be repelled ; and, if possible, be eradicated. 92. BANK-NOTES AND COIN, 1811. — George Canning: Are bank-notes equivalent to the legal standard coin of the realm ? This is the question which divides and agitates the public opinion. Says the right honorable, gentleman, " I will devise a mode of settling this question to the satisfaction of the public." By advising a procla- mation ? No. By bringing a bill into Parliament ? No. By pro- posing to declare the joint opinion of both Houses, or the separate opinion of one ? No. By what process, then ? Why, simply by telling the disputants that, they are, and have been all along, however unconsciously, agreed upon the subject of their variance ; and grar-ly resolving for them, respectively, an unanimous opinion ! This is the very judgment, I should imagine, which Milton ascribes to the vener- able Anarch, whom he represents as adjusting the disputes of conflicting element : " Chaos umpire sits, And by decision more embroils the fray.'* In public estimation," says tUe right hoLorable gentleman's Beso lutiop " bank-notes and coin are equivdeLt." Indsed ! What then THE STANDARD SPEAKER. i« become of all those persons who, for the last six months, have been, by every outward and visible indication, evincing, maintaining, and inculcating an opinion diametrically opposite ? Who wrote that mul- titude of pamphlets, with the recollection of which one's head is still dizzy ? Does the honorable gentleman apprehend that his arguments must have wrought their conversion ? When Bonaparte, not long ago, was desirous of reconciling the Nations under his dominion to the privations resulting from tliQ exclusion of all colonial produce, he published an edict, which com- menced in something like the following manner, — " Whereas, sugar made from beet-root, or the maple-tree, is infinitely preferable to that of the sugar-cane," — and he then proceeded to denounce penalties against those who should persist in the use of the inferior commodity. The denunciation might be more effectual than the right honorable gentleman's Ilesolution ; but the preamble did not go near so fer ; for. though it asserted the superiority of the maple and beet-root sugar, it rested that assertion merely on the authority of the State, and did not pretend to sanction it by " public estimation." When Galileo first promulgated the doctrine that .the earth turned round the sun, and that the sun remained stationary in the centre of the universe, the holy fathers of the Inquisition took alarm at so dar- ing an innovation, and forthwith declared the first of these propositions to be false and heretical, and the other to be erroneous in ponit of faith. The Holy Office " pledged itself to believe" that the earth was stationary, and the sun movable. This pledge had little effect in chang- ing the natural course of things ; the sun and the earth contmued, m spite of it, to preserve their accustomed relations to each other, just as the coin and the bank-note will, in spite of the right honorable gentle- man's Ilesolution. Let us leave the evil, if it must be so, to the chance of a gradual and noiseless correction. But let us not resolve, as law, what is an incorrect and imperfect exposition of the law. Let us not resolve, a« fact, what is contradictory to universal experience. Let us not expose ourselves to ridicule by resolving, as the opinions of the People, opin- ions which the People do not, and which it is impossible they should, entertain. 93. AGAINST LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S MOTION, April 26, 1822. —/d. There are wild theories abroad. I am not disposed to impute air 01 motive to any man who entertains them. I will believe such a man to be as sincere in his conviction of the possibility of realizing his notions of change, without risking the tranquillity of the country, as I am sincere in my belief of their impracticability, and of the treinendou* danger of attempting to carry them into effect ; but, for the sake ol the world, as well as for our own safety, let us be cautious ami nrra Other Nations, axcited by the example of the liberty which tbu wuntrv baa long possessed, have attempted tc copy our Constitution SENATORIAL. — CANNING. 24)» Mid flome of them have shot beyond it in the fierceness of their pursuit r grudge not to other Nations that share of liberty which they may acquire ; — in the name of Heaven, let them enjoy it ! But let us warn them, that they lose not the object of their desire by the very eager- Bess with which they attempt to grasp it. Inheritors and conservators ot rational freedom, let us, while others are seeking it in restlessnest* and trouble, be a steady and shining light to guide their course, not a wandering meteor to bewilder and mislead them A search after abstract perfection in government may produce, iu generous minds, an enterprise and enthusiasm to be recorded by the historian, and to be celebrated by the poet ; but such perfection is not ^n object of reasonable pursuit, because it is not one of possible attain- ment; and never yet did a passionate struggle after an absolutely unat- tamabie object fail to be productive of misery to an individual, of mad- ness and confusion to a People. As the inhabitants of those burning climates which lie beneath the tropical sun sigh for the coolness of the mountain and the grove, so (all history instructs us) do Nations which have basked for a time in the torrent blaze of an unmitigated liberty too often call upon the shades of despotism, even of military despotisni to cover them : j t- > «'0 quis me gelidis in vallibus Hajmi Sistat, et ingenti ramorum protegat umbra ! " A protection which blights while it shelters ; which dwarfs the intellect and stunts the energies of man, but to which a wearied Nation will- mgly resorts from intolerable heats, and from perpetual danger of con- vulsion. ° Our lot is happily cast in the temperate zone of freedom, — the clime best smted to the development of the moral qualities of the human race, to the cultivation of their faculties, and to the security as well as the improvement of their virtues ;~a clime not exempt, indeed, trom variations of the elements, but variations which purify while they agitate the atmosphere that we breathe. Let us be sensible of the advantages which it is our happiness to enjoy. Let us guard, with pious gratitude, the flame of genuine liberty, that fire from Heaven, of which our Constitution is the holy depository; and let us not, for the chance of rendering it more intense and more radiant, impair its purity or hazard its extinction 94 ON MR. TIERNEY'S MOTION, December 11, ms.- George Canning Tim friendship of Holland ! The independence of Spain ! Is there a man so besotted as to suppose that there is one hour of peace with l^rance preserved by either of these unhappy countries, that there is pao syllable of friendship uttered by them towards France, but whai IS extorted by the immediate pressure, or by the dread and terroi of French arms ? — ■aru u "Mouth-honor, breath, Wsam tho poor heart would fain refuse, but dare nokf 250 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. .4ave the regenerated Republic of HcUand, the degraded Monarchj of Spain, such reason to rejoice in the protection of the French Repub- lie, that they would voluntarily throw themselves between her and an^^ blow which might menace h^r existence ? But does the honorable Gentleman intend his motion as a motion for peace ? If he really thinks this a moment for opening a negotiation, why has he not the candor and manliness to say m Mark, I entreat you, how delicately he manages it! He will nol Bpeak to France, but he would speak at her. He will not proposo — not he — that we should say to the Directory, "Will you niake peace ? " No, Sir ; we are merely to say to ourselves, loud enough for the Directory to overhear us, " I wish these French Gentlemen would make an overture to us." Now, Sir, does this save the dignity of the country ? or is it only a sneaking, shabby way of doing what, if fit to be done at all, must, to have any serious effect, be done openly, un- equivocally, and directly? But I beg the honorable Gentleman^s pardon ; — I misrepresent him : I certainly do. His motion does not amount even to so much as I have stated. He begins further off. The soliloquy which he prompts us, by his motion, is no more than this — " We must continue to make war against France, to be sure; — and we are sorry for it ; but we will not do it as if we bore malice. We will not make an ill-natured, hostile kind of war any longer,— that we won't. And who Inows but, if they should happen to overhear this resolution, as the Directory are good-natured at bottom, their hearts may soften and grow kind towards us — and then they will offer to make a peace ! " And thus, Sir, and thus only, is the motion a motion for peace. Since, then, Sir, this motion appears to me to be founded on no principle of policy or necessity ; since, if it be intended for a censure on ministers, it is unjust, — if for a control, it is nugatory; as ita tevidency is to impair the power of prosecuting war with vigor, and to diminish the chance of negotiating peace with dignity, or concluding it with safety ; as it contradicts, without reason, and without advantage, the established policy of our ancestors; as it must degrade in the eyea of the world the character of this country ; as it must carry dismay and terror throughout Europe ; and, above all, as it must administer consolation, and hope, and power, and confidence, to France, — I shall give it ray most hearty and decided negative. 95. VINDICATION OF MR. BITl - George Canning It appears to be a measure of party to run down the fame of Mi. Pitt. I could not answer it to my conscience or to my feelings, if 1 had suffered repeated provocations to pass without notice. Mr. Pitt tt seems, was not a great man. Is it, then, that we live ip such heroid times, that the ptesent is a race of such gigantic talents and qualities, ai to render those of Mr. Pitt, in the comparison, ordinary and contempt. SENATORIAL. CANNING. 25i ible. Who, then, IS the man now living, — is there any ^.an nov sitting in this House, — who, by taking the measure of his (,wn mind, or ot that of any of Ins contemporaries, can feel himself iustiiied ir pronouncing that Mr. Pitt was not a great man ? I admire as much as any man the abilities and ingenuity of the honorable and learned gentleman who promulgated this opinion. I do not deny to him mam 01 the qualities which go to constitute the character which he has described. But I think I may defy all his ingenuity to frame any delimtion of that character which shall not apply to Mr Pitt — to trace any circle of greatness from which Mr. Pitt shall be excluded i have no manner of objection to see placed on the same pedestal witii iUr. 1 lit, for the admiration of the present age and of po^lcritv other Gistinguishcd men ; and amongst them his great rival, whos' memory is, I have no doubt, as dear to the honorable gentlemen oppo- site, as that of Mr. Pitt is to those who loved him living, and who revere him dead. But why should the admiration of one be incom- patiblo with justice to the other ? Why cannot we cherish the remem brance of the respective objects of our veneration, leaving to each other a similar freedom ? For my own part, I disclaim such a spirit of mtolerance Be it the boast and the characteristic of the school o .itt, that, however provoked by illiberal and unjust attacks upon H-i memory whether in speeches in this House or in calumnies out of it, they will never so far forget the respect due to him or to themselves, as to be betrayed into reciprocal illiberality and injustice, — that thev disdain to retaliate upon the memory of Mr. Pitt's great rival ' 96. ".MEASURES NOT MEN," 1S02.~ George Canning. If I am pushed to the wall, and forced to speak my opinion, I have no disguise nor reservation : — I do think that this is a time when the administration of the government ought to be in the ablest and fittest hands ; i do not thmk the hands in which it is now placed answer to that description. I do not pretend to conceal in what quarter T think tiiat fitness most eminently resides : i do not subscribe to the doctrines which have been advanced, that, in times like the present, the fitness m individuals for their political situation is no part of the consideration to which a member of Parliament may fairly turn his attention I tnow not a more solemn or important duty that a member of Parlia- fiient can have to discharge, than by giving, at fit seasons, a free opinion upon the character and qualities of public men. Away with the cant of " measures, not men ! " the idle supposition that it is the baraess, and not the horses, that draw the chariot along ! No Sir if iJie comparison must be made, if the distinction must be taken m^a ^f/^^^^fi»g' Pleasures comparatively nothing. I speak, Sir, of times Of dilnculty and danger ; of times when systems are shaken, when Dre=. eeaents and general rules of conduct fail. Then it is, that not to 'thk or that measure, — however prudently devised, howeTer blameless in 252 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. execuLon, - but ta tke energy and character of individuaib, a Slats^irad be indebted for its salvation. Then it is that kingdoms rise cr fall In proportion as they are upheld, not by well-meant endeavors (laudable though they may be), but by commanding, overawing talents, — by abla tnen. And what is the nature of the times in which we live ? Look at France, and see what we have to cope with, and consider what has made hQT what she is. A man ! You will tell me that she was great, and powerful, and formidable, before the days of Bonaparte's governmoni ; that he found in her great physical and moral resources ; that he had but to turn them to account. True, and he did so. Compare the situation in which he found France with that to which he has raised her. I am no panegyrist of Bonaparte ; but I cannot shut my eyes to the superiority of his talents, to the amazing ascendency of his genius. Tell me not of his measures and his policy. It is his genius, his character, that keeps the world in awe. Sir, to meet, to check, tc curb, to stand up against him, we want arms of the same kind. I am far from objecting to the large military establishments which are pro- posed to you. I vote for them, with all my heart. But,^ for the pur- pose of coping with Bonaparte, one great, commanding spirit is worth them all. 97. THE BALANCE OP POWER, 1826. — George Canning. But, then, Sir, the balance of power ! Gentlemen assert that the entry of the French army into Spain disturbed that balance, and WG DUf^ht to have gone to war to restore it ! Were there no other means than war for restoring the balance of power ? Is the balance of power a fixed and unalterable standard ? Or, is it not a standard perpetu- ally varying, as civilization advances, and as new Nations sprmg up, and take their place among established political communities ? The balance of power, a century and a half ago, was to be adjusted between France and Spain, the Netherlands, Austria and England. Some years afterwards, Russia assumed her high station in European poli- tics. Some years after that, again, Prussia became not only a sub« Btantive, but a preponderating monarchy. Thus, while the balance of power continued in principle the same, the means of adjustmg it became more varied and enlarged. To look to the policy of Europe in the times of William and Anne to regulate the balance of power in Europe at the present day, is to disregard the progress of events, and to confuse dates and facts which throw a reciprocal light upon each other. „ , . , CI • I admit. Sir, that the entry of a French army into bpam was a lisparagcment to Great Britain. I do not stand up here to deny that fact One of the modes of redress was by a direct attack upon France, —by a war upon the soil of Spain. Was there no other mode of redreas? If France occupied Spain, was it necessary, m order tc »void th<^ o,onsequ'\uces of that occupation, that we should biockad* SENATORIAL, — CArsKI^(3. ? No. I looked another way. I sought materials of compen. nation in anotner hemisphere. Contemplating Spain such as oui ano^istors had known her, I resolved that, if France had Spain, it should not be Spam " with the Indies:' I called the New World into exist- ence, to redress the balance of the Old ! Thus, Sir, T answer the question of the occupation of Spain by the army of France, That occupation is an unpaid and unredeemed burden to France. Franc6 would be glad to get rid of the possession of Spain. France would be very glad if England were to assist her to get rid of that posses- sion ; and the only way to rivet France to the possession of Sp'^^^n is to make that possession a point of honor. The object of the measure before the House is not war. It is to take the last chance of peace. If you do not go forth, on this occasion, to the aid of Portugal, For- tugal will be trampled doWn, to your irrecoverable disgrace ; and then war will come, and come, too, in the train of degradation. If you wait until Spain have courage to mature her secret machinations into open hostility, you will, in a little while, have the sort of war required by the pacificators : and who shall say where that war shall end ? 98. A COLLISION OP VICES, \%2h.— George Canning. My honorable and learned friend * began by telling us that, after all, hatred is no bad thing in itself. " I hate a tory," says my honor- able friend ; "and another man hates a cat ; but it does not follow that he would hunt down the cat, or I the tory." Nay, so far from it, hatred, if it be properly managed, is, according to my honorable friends theory, no bad preface to a rational esteem and affection. It prepares its votaries for a reconciliation of differences ; for lyino- down with their most inveterate enemies, like the leopard and the kid^in the vision of the prophet. This dogma is a little startling, but it is not altogether without precedent. It is borrowed from a character in a play,^which is, I dare say, as great a favorite with my learned friend as it IS with me, — I mean the comedy of the Rivals ; in which Mrs Malaprop, giving a lecture on the subject of marriage to her niece (who IS unreasonable enough to talk of liking, as a necessary prelim, mary to such a union), says, " What have you to do with your likings and your preferences, child? Depend upon it, it is safest to betrfn with a httle aversion. I am sure I hated your poor dear uncle like a blackamoor before we were married ; and yet, you know, my dear what a good wife I mad^ him." Such is my learned friend's argu-' ment, to a hair. But, finding that this doctrine did not appear to go down with the House so glibly as he had expected, my honorable and learned friend presently charged his tack, and put forward a theory which, whether for novelty or for beauty, I pronounce to be incom- parable; and, in short, as wanting nothing to recommend it but a Blight foundation in truth. "True philosophy," says my hoscrab'g triend, " will always continue to lead men to virtue by the ^"nstrument^ * Sir James Mackintosh 254 IHE STANDARD SPEAKER. ality of their conflicting vices. The virtues, where more than on« exists, may live harmoniously together; but the vices bear mortal antipathy to one another, and, therefore, furnish to the moral engineci the power by which he can make each keep the othei- under control.'' Admirable ! but, upon this doctrine, the poor man who has but one single vice must be in a very bad way. No fulcvum, no moral power, for effecting his cure ! Whereas, his more fo? tunate neighbor, who has two or more vices in his composition, is in a fair way of becoming a very virtuous member of society. I wonder how my learned friend vrould like to have this doctrine introduced into his domestic establish- ment. For instance, suppose that I discharge a servant because he is addicted to liquor, I could not venture to recommend him to my honor- able and learned friend. It might be the poor man's only fault, and therefore clearly incorrigible ; but, if I had the good fortune to find out that he was also addicted to stealing, might I not, with a safe con- science, send him to my learned friend with a strong recommendation, saying, " I send you a man whom I know to be a drunkard ; but I am happy to assure you he is also a thief : you cannot do better than employ him ; you will make his drunkenness counteract his thievery, and no doubt you will bring him out of the conflict a very moral per- sonage ! " 89 ENGLAND AND AMERICA. — Sir James Mackintosh. Born, 1765 5 died, 1832 The laws of England, founded on principles of liberty, are still, in substance, the code of America. Our writers, our statutes, the most modern decisions of our judges, are quoted in every court of justice, from the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi. English law, as well as English liberty, are the foundations on which the legislation of Amer- ica Is founded. The authority of our jurisprudence may survive the power of our Grovernment for as many ages as the laws of Rome com- manded the reverence of Europe, after the subversion of her^empire. Our language is as much that of America as it is that of England. As America increases, the glory of the great writers_ of England increases with it ; the admirers of Shakspeare and of JMilton are mul- tiplied : the fame of every future Englishman of genius is more widely spread. Is it unreasonable, then, to hope that these ties of birth, of liberty, of laws, of language and of literature, may in time prevail -^ver vulgar, ignoble, and ruinous prejudices ? Their ancestors were as much the countrymen c>f Bacon and Newton, of Hampden and Sid- ney, as ours. They are entitled to their full share of that inheritance of glory which has descended from our common forefathers. Neither \he liberty of England, nor her genius, nor the noble language which that genius has consecrated, is worthy of their disregard. All theao aonoM are theirs, if they -^hoosc to preserve them. The history of Eng. land, till the adoption of counsels adverse to liberty, is their history We may still preserve or revive kindred feelings. Thei/ may claini aoblfi ancf'.stors. and we may look forward to renowned descondan^B SENATORIAL. — - BROUGHAM. 255 S i ' ^ r^'"^^^ inherited, and lead us to envy that gi^eatn^ »Iuch has anseu from our institutions and will perpetuate our ianie 100. THE FATE Of THE KEIOKMEK, 1830. _£„. ( Broughim I HATE heard it said that when one lifts up his roice against thing, that are and wishes for a change, he is raising a clamor against exist- mg institutions a elamor against our yenerable estabHshments, a clamor against the law of the land, but this is no clamor against he 0.10 or the other, - rt is a clamor against the abuse of thomlll It IS a clamor raised agamst the grieyances that are felt. Mr Burke who was no fnend to popular excitement, - who was no readj tool of vfue ofTh '^'''^S establishments, no under- tTnn, tl, " T "^■'T ™ «g^™«t institu- tions as they are, — has said, and it deserves to be fixed in letters of gold over the hall of every assembly which calls itself "egisltive tedy - WheEE there is abuse, there OOOHT to be clamor ; BECAUSE IT IS BETTER TO HAVE OUR SLUMBER BROKEN BY THE FIRE-BkL, THAN Z PERISH, AMIDST THE FLAMES, IN OUR BED." I have been told by Who have httle objection to the clamor, that I am a timid and a m reformer; arid by others, if I go on firmly and steadily, and d^^ot a low myself to be driven aside by either one outcry or another, and care for neither, that It is a rash and dangerous innovation wh eh I profound; and that I am taking, for the subject of my reckless ex^ri- ment« things wh.ch are the objects of all men's veneration. I dLe- gard the one as much as I disregard the other of these charges. •' False honor charms, and lying slander scares. Whom, but the false and faulty 1 " * bnnn ^ ""T ^"^ -^'^ ^S"'^ ^Spired at tiie bTt bv f '"^*T""f' """^^S to their pa L b, set by every persecution from adversaries, by every misconstruction om ttotr" Tbr ^ r--"" — o" rom the other ! To be misconstrued, misrepresented, borne down till It was in vain to bear down any longer, has been their fate. 67"™! will survive, and calumny has its day. I say that, if this be "he feto 01 the reformer. - if he be the object of misrepre^ntation - may nol an inference be drawn favorable to myself? Taunted by the "niie rf reform as being too rash, by the over-zealous friends of reform L being too slow or too cold, there is every reason for presumint thati his career; not misled, on the one hand, by panegyric, nor discouriod by slander on the other. He wants no p'raL. w^uld rather - Woe to him when all men speak well of him ! " I shall ao i, m the ^urse which I have laid down for myself; pursuing X^foT * Falsus honor juvat et mendax infamia terret tiuem, nisi mendosum et mendacem i 256 THE STANDAED SPEAKER. Steps of those who have gone before us, who have left us their instruc tions and success, their instructions to guide our walk, and then suo ijess to cheer our spirits. 101. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, 1831. -Lord BwAawi. My Lords, I do not disguise the intense solicitude which I feel ^(y the event of this debate, because I know full well that the peace of the country is involved in the issue. I cannot look without dismay a the rejection of this measure of Parliamentary Reform But, gnevou, as may be the consequences of a temporary defeat,^ temporary it can only be; for its ultimate, and even speedy success, is certain Noth- in/can now stop it. Do not suffer yourselves to be persuaded that even if the present Ministers were driven from the helm, any one could steer- you through the troubles which surround pu, without reiorm But our successors would take up the task m circumstances far le^s fuspicious. Under them, you would be fain to grant a bill, compa d with which, the one we now proffer you is moderate indeed. Hear the parable of the Sibyl ; for it conveys a wise and wholesome moral, fehe now appears at your gate, and offers you mildly the volumes the p?ecious^olumesl.of w^^^^^ and peace. The price she asks is rea^ Bonable; to restore the franchise, which, without any bargain you ought voluntarily to give. You refuse her terms ~ her moderat terms ; - she darkens fhe porch no longer. But soon - for you cannot do without her wares-you call her back. Agam she comes, but^with diminished treasures ; the leaves of the book are m part torn away by hwless hands, in part defaced with characters of blood. But the "^^^^ has^isen in her demands ; -it is --^^^^^^^^ tear -it is Vote by the Ballot -it is suffrage by the million . From this you turn away indignant; and, for the second time, she departs. Beware of her 'third coming ! for the treasure you ....^ have ; and what price she may next demand, who shall tell ? it may evin be the mace which rests upon that woolsack ! What may folbw your course of obstinacy, if F-i^^ed in, I cannot take upon m^^^ diet nor do I wish to conjecture. But this I know full well , that, a;tre;a man ismortal,aid to err is human i-t ce d^^^^^^^^^^ the price at which yo.i must purchase safety ^^^.^ /^^^^^ ' "-."^^ you expect to gather in another crop than they did who went before you if vou peisevere in their utterly abominable husbandry, of sowing ^^^':^rr that now bow down my mm^ there is one that stands preeminent above the rest. Yo^ t^^^ LigLrjudicature in the rLlm ; you sit here as judges and decide a^ causes civil and r-riminal, without appeal. It is a judge s fiist duty to p onounce a sentence, in the most trifling -se, withou^^^^^^^^^^^^ mg. Will you make this the exception ? Are you really m-^^^J^ determine, but not to hear, the mighty cause, upon which a Na^on hnnP. nnd fears hancr? You are? Then bcwart) of your decision 1 Ho';; nt fblechV a peace-loving but a resolute People ! ahon SENATOftfAL. O'C »Nx\ELL. 25 ite not I'rom jour body the affections of a whole Empire ' Ab your friend as tha fnend of my order, as the friend of m y ^country as^the a thfal se™t of my sovereign, I counsel you to assist, wi h your littermost efforts, in preserving the peace, and upholding, and perpetj a mg he Constitution. Therefore, I pray and exhort you^ no'tl) reject this measure. By all you hold most dear, by all the ties that bind every one of us to our common order and our common country, T ^olemnly adjure you, I warn you, I implore you, - yea, on my bended knees, I supplicate you, ~ reject not this bill ! ^ ' ^^"^^^ — ^ 102. UNIVERSAL RELIGIOUS LIBERTY. -Daniel O^Connell 3ye while he wept with tlie other. llis fnn vvas inexhSwe O Pn*^ ' n ^"'^ T oient and vituperative in his denunciations,^ t^ey consea^^^^ ^^^"^ abuse that is palpably exaggerated is not much to KaTed ^ ^ '^^^ ° Can anything be more absurd and untenable than the ar^rument of the learned gentleman, when you see it stripped of the false coloring he has given to it? First, he alleges that the Catholics are attached to their religion with a bigoted zeal. I admit the zeal, but I utterly deny the bigotry. He proceeds to insist that these feelings, on our part, j^istify the apprehensions of Protestants. The Catholics, he says are alarmed for their Church; why should not the Protestants be alarmed, also, for heirs ? The Catholic desires safety for his religion why should not the Protestant require, security for his ? Hence he concludes, that, merely because the Catholic desires to keep his relio-'un iree, the Protestant is thereby justified in seeking to enskve it ^e says that our anxiety for the preservation of our Church vindicates those who deem the proposed arrangement necessary for the protection 0 theirs; — ^ mode of reasoning perfectly true, and perfectly applica- ble, if we sought any interference with, or control over, the Protestant Lhurch, — if we asked or required that a single Catholic should be consulted upon the management of the Protestant Church, or of it<. revenues or privileges. But the fact does not bear him out ; for we do not seek nor desire mr would we accept of, any kind of interference with the Protestant U lurcii. VVe disclaim ar.d disavow any kind of control over it We ask not, nor would we allow, any Catholic authority over the mode of ai rointment of their clergy. Nay, we are quite content to be excluded loj-ever from even advising his Majesty with respect to any n^atter r€ ating to or concerning the Protestant Church, - its rights its prop- erties 01 Its privileges. I will, for my own part, go much further and 1 do declare, most solemnly, that I would feel and express equal If not stronger repugnance, to the interference of a Catholic with the Protestant Church, than that I have expressed and do feel to anv Protestant interference with ours. In opposing their interference with as. i content myself with the mere war of words. But, if the case 258 ZltE STANDARD SPEAKER. were reversed, -- if tlie Catholic sought this control over the religion of the Protestant, — the Protestant should command my heart, mj tongue, my arm, in opposition to so unjust and insulting a measure. So help me God ! I would, in that case, not only feel for the Protestant, and speak for him, but I would fight for him, and cheerfully sacrifice »ny life in defence of the great principle for which 1 have ever con- tended, — the principle of universal and complete religious liberty I 103. ON THE IRISH DISTURBANCE BILL. — Dante/ O'Connell. I DO not rise to fawn or cringe to this House ; — I do not rise tc supplicate you to 'oe merciful toward the Nation to which I belong, — toward a Nation which, though subject to England, yet is distinct from it. It is a distinct Nation : it has been treated as such by this country, as may be proved by history, and by seven hundred years of tyranny. I call upon this House, as you value the liberty of England, not to allow the present nefarious bill to pass. In it are involved the liberties of England, the liberty of the Press, and of every other institution dear to Englishmen. Against the bill I protest, in the name of the Irish People, and in the face of Heaven. I treat with scorn the puny and pitifal assertions, that grievances are not to be complained of, — that our redress is not to be agitated ; for, in such cases, remonstrances cannot be too strong, agitation cannot be too violent, to show to the world with what injustice our fair claims are met, and under what tyranny the People suffer. . The clause which does away with trial by jury, — what, in the name of Heaven, is it, if it is not the establishment of a revolutionary tribunal ? It drives the judge from his bench ; it does away with that which is more sacred than the Throne itself, — that for which your king reigng, vcur lords deliberate, your commons assemble. If ever I doubted, before, of the success of our agitation for repeal, this bill, -— this infamous bill, — the way in which it has been received by the House ; the manner in which its opponents have been treated ; the per- eonalities to which they have been subjected ; the yells with which one of them has this night been greeted, — all these things dissipate my doubts, and t^ll me of its complete and early triumph. Do you think those yells will be forgotten? Do you suppose their echo will not reach the plains of my injured and insulted country ; that they will not be whispered in her green valleys, and heard from her lolty hills ? 0, they will be heard there ! — yes ; and they will not be for- gotten The youth of Ireland will bound with indignation , - - they will say, We are eight millions ; and you treat us thus, as though we were no more to your country than the isle of Guernsey or of J ersey ! ' I have done my duty. I stand acquitted to my conscience and oountry. I have opposed this measure throughout ; and I now pr^ test against it, as harsh, oppressive, uncalled for, unjust; — as estab lishing an infamous precedent, by retaliating crime against cnme; - u tyrannous, cruelly and vindictively tyrannous ! SENATORIAL. BTEON. 258 ». IHE DJAIIl .-INALTV FOR NEW OFFENCES, im.-Lora Byron. B. ; ^.1821 Settinq aside the pjpable injustice and the certain inefficiency of U1.S liill, are there not capital punishments sufficient in your statutes.! LZT!- ™\"<""' ^T^'^l "PO" JO"-- penal code, that more must be loured forth to ascend to Heaven and testify against you ? How will you carry th;s Bill mto effect ? Can you commit a whole country t» their own prison ? Will you erect a gibbet in every field, and han^ up men like scarecrows ? or will you proceed (as you must, to bring°thi^ measure into effect) by decimation; place the country ^nder m!rtS law; depopulate and lay waste all around you; and ristore Sherwood Forest as an acceptable gift to the Grown, in its former condition of a royal chase, and an asylum for outlaws ? Are these the remedies for a starving and desperate populace? Will the famished wretch who h ^ tZf T"" ,t"^/.PP^"«d by your gibbets ? When death is a relief, and the only relief ,t appears, that you will afford him, will /k"""™"'^ mto tranquillity? Will that which could not be effected by your grenadiers be accomplished by your executioners ? If you proceed by the forms of law, where is your evidence ? Those who have refused to impeach their accomplices when transportation only w as the punishment, will hardly be tempted to witness against them when rThtr, nr'"^\- ^-'^ '^'^'^''"^ '° Lords opposite! 1 think a little investigation - some previous inquiry — would induct ven thern to change their purpose. That most favoiL State meiu"^ 0 marvellously efccacious in many and recent instances, - ten^porij. mg, - would not be without its advantage in this. When a proposal IS made to emancipate or relieve, you hesUate, you deliberate f.Fr Tars -you tempome aJid tamper with the minds of men; but a death-bil mus^ be passed off hand, without a thought of the consequences. Sure I am from what I have heard, and from what I have se^n, that to pa^' ? !!• circumstances, without inquiry, with- S JtTegSt.™"'' ^ tb J''a/k'""'"'%°^ ^H' ^ to inl'erit the honors of men «s T h»!„ '"PP°'"^ " passed, -suppose one of these f^T/T- ^''"^ with despair, Z hln/lt "fy,^ f ''''' to value a something less than the price of a stocking-frame, — suppose this man 'he e„^!\ r° "^'°"gf ? support; -suppose this man, -and theie are ten thousand such, from whom you may select your victim^ iTw T new offence.^ this new Z'thS ' ^^"'^ to convict and condemn him, "r a Jule'- ' ''"'^'^''^ ^ J"^?' o ■ • Draoon. the author of the first TrrUf^n ^« 260 THE STANDARD gPE^viCER. 105. ON CHARGES AGA.NST ROMAN CATHOLICS, 182 B. — SAfj/. Richard Lalor Sheil was born in Dublin, Ireland, August i6th, 1791, and died at florenoa Italy, where he held the post of British Minister, May 25th, 1851. He was returned to thi Imperial Pai-liaraent in 1829, and for twenty years was a prominent memljer of the House of Commons. A contemporary says of him : " His great earnestness and apparent sincerity, hi* jmrivalled felicity of illustration, his extraordinary power of pushing the meaning of words to the utmost extent, and wringing from them a force beyond the range of ordinary ex-pression. were such, that, when he rose to speak, members took their places, and the hum of private con- versation was hushed, in order that the House might enjoy the performances of an a/;eomplisbeii artist." His style of speaking was peculiar; his gesticulation rapid, fierce, aud incessant; his enunciation remarkably quick and impetuous. His matter was uniformly well arranged and loeical. He cnrefuUy prepared himself before speaking. Calumniators of Catholicism, have you read the history of jom country ? Of the charges against the religion of Ireland, the annals of England afford the confutation. The body of your common law was given by the Catholic Alfred. He gave you your judges, yofir magis- trates, your high-sheriffs, your courts of justice, your elective system, and, the great bulwark of your liberties, the trial by jury. Who con- ferred upon the People the right of self-taxation, and fixed, if he did not create, their representation ? The Catholic Edward the First ; while, in the reign of Edward the Third, perfection was given to the representative system, Parliaments were annually called, and the statute against constructive treason was enacted. It is false, — foully, infamously false, — that the Catholic religion, the religion of your forefathers, the religion of seven millions of your fellow-subjects, haa been the auxiliary of debasement, and that to its influence the sup- pression of British freedom can, in a single instance, be referred. I am loath to say that which can give you cause to take offence ; but, when the faith of my country is made the object of imputation, I cannot help, I cannot refrain, from breaking into a retaliatory inter- rogation, and from asking whether the overthrow of the old religion of England was not effected by a tyrant, with a hand of iron and a heart of stone ; — whether Henry did not trample upon freedom, while upon Catholicism he set his foot ; and whether Elizabeth herself, the virgin of the Reformation, did not inherit her despotism with her creed ; whether in her reign the most barbarous atrocities were not committed ; — whether torture, in violation of the Catholic common law of England, was not politically inflicted, and with the shrieks of agony the Towers of Julius, in the dead of night, did not reecho ? You may suggest to me that in the larger portion of Catholio Europe freedom does not exist ; but you should bear in mind that, at a period when the Catholic religion was in its most palmy state, free- dom flouiished in the countries in which it is now extinct. False. — I repeat it, with all the vehemence of indignant asseveration, — utterly false is the charge habitually preferred against tlie religion which Slngliahmen have laden with penalties, and have marked with degrada- tion. I can bear with any other charge but this — to any other charge I can listen with endurance. Tell me that I prostrate niysuif before a sculptured marble ; tell me that to a canvass glowing with the imagery of Heaven I bend my knee ; tell mo that my faith is my perdition ; — and, as you traverse the church-yards in which vour for©- SEN ATtjRlAL. — SHEIL. I [ j j ] AJ^ ^ ihthers are buried, pronounce upon those who have lain\W 3 mari|'^'""' hundred jears a fearful and appalling sentence, --yeO&ir -wliat Ol"^ regard as the truth not only an error, but a sin, to which mercy shalJ—^- ' not be extended, — all this I will bear, — to all this I will submit — ' ' ~ nay, at all this I will but smile, — but do not tell me that I am' iis neart and creed a slave ! — That, my countrym-en cannot brook ! In fcheir own bosoms they carry the high consciousness that never waa msf ;utation more foully false, or more detestably calumnious ' 106. IRISH ALIENS AND ENGLISH YICTORIES. - Shetl lattei halt of this speech demands great rapidity of utterance in the delivery. I SHOULD be surprised, indeed, if, while you are doing us wrong, vou did not profess your solicitude to do us justice. From the day on which btrongbow set his foot upon the shore of Ireland, Eno-Hshmen were never wanting m protestations of their deep anxiety to do us iustic- • -even Strafford, the deserter of the People's cause, — the renegade VVentworth, who gave evidence in Ireland of the spirit of instinctive tyranny which predominated in his character, — even Strafford, while ho trampled upon our rights, and trod upon the heart of the country protested his solicitude to do justice to Ireland ! What marvel is it' then, that (gentlemen opposite should deal in such vehement protesta- tions ? There is, however, one man, of great abilities, — not a member ot this House, but whose talents and whose boldness have placed him m the topmost place in his party, — who, disdaining all imposture, and thinking it the best course to appeal directly to the relicrious and national antipathies of the People of this country, - abandoning all reserve and flinging off the slender veil by which his political associ- ates affect to cover, although they cannot hide, their motives, — dis- tinct y and audaciously tells the Irish People that they are not entitled to the same privileges as Englishmen; and pronounces them m any particu ar which could enter his minute enumeration of the circumstances by which fellow-citizenship is created, in race, idenjitv and religion to be aliens; -to be aliens in race, to be aliens ii country to be aliens in religion ! Aliens ! good God ! was Arthur, Duke of Wellington, in the House of Lords, - aid did he not start .x^ and exclaim ''Hold! I have seen the aliens do their duty!^ The Duke of Wellmgton is not a man of an excitable temperament His mind LS of a cast too martial to be easily moved ; but notwith. Btandmgbs habitual iiiflexibility, I cannot help thinking that, when he Jeard his Ivoman Catholic countrymen (for we are his countrymen) dosignatea -^y a pnrase as offensive as the abundant vocabulary of his doquent contederat^ could supply, -I cannot help thinking that m THE STANDARD SPEAiSER. ought to have recollected the many fields of fight m whicti we hav« been contributors to his renown. " The battles, sieges, fortunes that he has passed," ought to have come back upon him. He ought have remembered that, from the earliest achievement in which hi displayed that military genius which has placed him foremost in the annals of modern warfare, down to that last and surpassing combat which has made his name imperishable, — from Assaye to Waterloo^ — - the Irish soldiers, with whom your armies are filled, were the iiirieparable auxiliaries to the glory with which his unparalleled successes have been crowned. Whose were the arms that drove your bayonets at Vimiera through the phalanxes that never reeled in the shock of war before? What desperate valor climbed the steeps and filled the moats at Badajos ? All his victories should have fashed and crowded back upon his memory, — Vmiiera, Badajos, Sal- amanca, Albuera, Toulouse, and, last of all, the greatest . Tell nje, — for you were there, — I appeal to the gallant soldier before me (Sir Henry Hardinge), from whose opinions I dilfer, but who bears, I know, a generous heart in an intrepid breast ; — tell me, — for you must needs remember, — on that day when the destinies of mankind were trembling in the balance, while death fell in showers, when the artillery of France was levelled with a precision of the most deadly science, — when her legions, incited by the voice and inspired by the example of their mighty leader, rushed again and again to the onset, — tell me if, for an instant, when to hesitate for an instant was to be lost, the " aliens " blenched ? And when, at length, the moment for the last and decided movement had arrived, and the valor which had so long been wisely checked was, at last, let loose, — when, with words familiar, but immortal, the great captain commanded the great assault, — tell me if Catholic Ireland with less heroic valor than the natives of this your own glorious country precipitated herself upon the foe ? The blood of England, Scotland, and of Ireland, flowed in the same stream, and drenched the same field. When the chill morning dawned, their dead lay cold and stark together ; — in the same deep pit their bodies were deposited ; the green corn of spring is now breaking from their commingled dust ; the dew falls from Heaven upon their union in the grave. Partakers in every peril, in the glory shall we not be permitted to participate ; and shall we be told, OS a requital, that we are estranged from the noble country for whose salvation our life-blood was poured out ? 107. THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH OF IRELAND. —/d. 1 La? down a very plain proposition, and it is this, — however harsk the truth, it must be told, — it is this : — Whatever may be youi tQclination, you have not the ability to maintain the Irish establish' inent Xt first view the subject seems to be a wretched dispuU • Pronounced Ba-dah-yhb?, SENATORIAL. SHEIL. tK.tween Catliolic and Protestant — a miserable sectarian controvers;y It is no such thing; it is the struggle for complete political equality m the part of the overwhelming majority upon the one hand, and fo/ political ascendency on the part of the minority on the ether. Cai that ascendency he maintained ? Taught so long, but unlnstructed Btill, wherefore, m the same fatal policy, with an infatuated perti- nacity, do you disastrously persevere? Can you wish, and, if you wish, can ^you hope, that this unnatural, galling, exaspcratinp- awf^nd- ency shoTild be maintained ? Things cannot remain as they "are. To what expedient will you fly ? Would you drive the country into insurrection, cut down the People, and bid the yeomanry draw forth the swords clotted with the blood of 1798, that they may be brandished in massacre, and sheathed in the Nation's heart? Foi what, into these terrific possibilities, are we madly, desperately, impiously, to plunge ? For the Irish Church ! — the Church of the minority, long the Church of the State, never the Church of the People; the Church on which a faction fattens, by which a Nation starves; the Church from which no imaginable good can flow, but evil after evil, in such black and continuous abundance, has been for centuries, and is to this day, poured out; the Church by which religion has been retarded, morahty has been vitiated, atrocity has been engendered; which standing armies are requisite to sustain, which has cost England millions of her treasure, and Ireland torrents of her blood ! To distinctions between Catholic and Protestant let there be an end. Let there be an end to national animosities, as well as to secta- rian detestations. Perish the bad theology, which, with an impious converse, makes God according to man's image, and with infernal passions fills the heart of man ! Perish the bad, the narrow, the per- nicious sentiment, which, for the genuine love of country, institutes a feeling of despotic domination upon your part, and of provincial turbulence upon ours ! aHE repeal of the union, 1834. — /d. The population of Ireland has doubled since the Union. What is the condition of the mass of the People ? Has her capital increased m the same proportion ? Behold the famine, the wretchedness and pestilence, of the Irish hovel, and, if you have the heart to do "^o, mock at the calamities of the country, and proceed in your demon' strafcions of the prosperity of Ireland. The mass of the Peo})le are m a condition more wretched than that of any Nation in Europe ; they are worse housed, worse covered, worse fed, than the basest boors m the provinces of Russia; they dwell in habitati^-ns to which youi I'wine would not be committed; they are covered with rags whicr your beggars would disdain to wear, and not only do they nevei taste the flesh of the animals which crowd into your markets, but ^64 •x'HE STANDARD SPEAKER. while tho swdiu drops from their brows, they never touch the hn^sA into which their harvests are converted. For yoii they toil, for you they delve ; they reclaim the bog, and drive the plongh to the mountain's top, for 3^ou. And where does all this misery exist? Ii. a country teeming with fertility, and stamped with the beneficeni intents of God ! When the famine of Ireland prevailed, — when her cries crossed the Channel, and pierced your ears, and reached youi hearts, — the granaries of Ireland were bursting with their contents and, while a People knelt down and stretched out their hands for food, the business of deportation, the absentee tribute, was going on ■ Talk of the prosperity of Ireland ! Talk of the external magnifi c cence of a poor-house, gorged with misery within ! But the Secretary for the Treasury exclaims : "If the agitators' would but let us alone, and allow Ireland to be tranquil ! " — The' agitators, forsooth! Does he venture — has he the intrepidity — tc speak thus? Agitators! Against deep potations let the drunkard rail ; — at Crockford's let there be homilies against the dice-box ; — - let every libertine lament the progress of licentiousness, when his Majesty's ministers deplore the influence of demagogues, and Wliigb complain of agitation ! How did you carry the Reform ? Was it not by impelling the People almost to the verge of revolution? Was there a stimulant for their passions, was there a provocative for their excitement, to which you did not resort? If you have for- gotten, do you think that we shall fail to remember your meetings at Edinburgh, at Paisley, at Manchester, at Birmingham ? Did not three hunared thousand men as,-'emble? Did they not pass resolu- tions against taxes ? Did they not threaten to march on London ? Did not two of the cabinet minu-iters indite to them epistles of grati- tude and of admiration ? and do they now dare — have they the audacity to speak of agitation ? Have we not as good a title to demand the restitution of our Parliament, as the ministers to insist on the reform of this House ? l&y. ENGLAND'S MISIIULE OP IRELAND — Id. ^ Tf in Ireland, a country that ought to teem with abundance, there prevans wreicnedness without example, — if millions of paupers are there without employment, and often without, food or raiment, — where US the fault ? Is it in the sky, which showers verdure ? — is it in tho "5oil, which is surprisingly fertile ? — or is it in the fatal course which you the arbiters of her destiny, have adopted? She has for centurif« belonged to England. England has used her for centuries as she has pleased. Iloto has she used her, and what has been the result? A code of laws was in the first place established, to which, in the annals of legislative atrocity, there is not a parallel ; and of that code — those^uistitutes of unnatural ascendency — the Irish Church is a rem- ■lant. In Heaven's name, what useful purpose has )Our gorgeoiig tJstablishment ev promoted ? You cannot hope to proselytize lu "^NAT0R1«.L, PALMERSTON. 265 tKrougIt Its means. You have put the experiment to tiie test of three centuries, lou hive tried everything. If the truth be with you, H be great; but in this instance it does not sustain the aphorism-^ for It does not prevail. If, in a religious point of view, the K^tab Iishment cannot conduce to the interests of religion, what purpose does It answer ? It is said that it cements the Union - cements the Union! It furnishes the great argument against the Union: it ia the most degrading incident of all the incidents of degradation by - which that measure was accompanied; it is the yoke the brand, the shame and the exasperation, of Ireland ! Public opinion and public feeling have been created in Ireland. J>Jen of all classes have been instructed in the principles on which the rights of Nations depend. The humblest peasant, amidst destitution the most abject, has learned to respect himself I remember when if you struck him, he cowered beneath the blow; but now, lift up your hand, the spirit of insulted manhood will start up in a bosom covered with rags, — his Celtic blood will boil as yours would do, — and he will feel,_and _he will act, as if he had been born where the person of every citizen is sacred from affronts, and from his birth had breathed the moral atmosphere which you are accustomed to inhale In the name of millions of my countrymen, assimilated to yourselves, I demand the reduction of a great abuse, - the retrenchment of a mon- strous sinecure -I demand justice at your hands! "Justice to Ireland is a phrase which has been, I am well aware, treated as a topic for deiasion ; but the time will come, -nor is it, perhaps, remote — when you will not be able to extract much matter for ridicule from those trite but not trivial words. " Do justice to America," exclaimed the father of that man by whom the Irish Union was accomplished; " do It to-night, — do It before you sleep." In your National Gallery is a picture on which Lord Lyndhurst should look : it was painted by Copley,* and represents the death of Chatham, who did not live long alter the celebrated invocation was pronounced. " Do justice to America, - do it to-night, - do it before you sleep ! " There were men by whom that warning was heard who laughed when it was uttered Have a care lest injustice to Ireland and to America may not be followed by the same results, - lest mournfulness may not succeed to mirth, and another page in the history of England may not be writ m her heart's blood ! o ^ » « 110 CIVIL WAR THE GREATEST NATIONAL BYIL, 1829. -Lord Palme^ston Then come we to the last remedy, -civil war. Some gentlemen Tofid^ TrTiT ^\^^'^^,,r«t %bt for it, and the sword must decide. They tel us that, if blood were but shed in Ireland, Catholic emancipation might be avoided. Sir, when honorable members shall 2G6 THE STANDARD SPEAKER be a little deeper read in the history of Ireland, they will find that oj [reland blood has been shed, — that in Ireland leaders have been seized trials have been had, and punishments have been inflicted. They will find, indeed, almost every page of the history of Ireland darkened by bloodshed, by seizi^res, by trials, and by punishments. But what ha*' been the tjffect of those measures ? They have, indeed, been successful in quelling the disturbances of the moment; but they never have gone to their cause, and have only fixed deeper the poisoned barb tliat rankles in the heart of Ireland. Can one believe one's ears, when one hears respectable men talk so lightly — nay, almost so wishfullv — o*-' iivil war ? -Do they reiiect what a countless multitude of ills Vaovf three short syllables coutain ? It is well, indeed, for the gontleiiicn of Enirland, who live secure under the protecting shadow of the law, *vhose slumbers have never been broken by the clashing of angry dwords, whose harvests have never been trodden down by the conflict of hostile feet, — it is well for them to talk of civil war, as if it were some holiday pastime, or some sport of children : . " They jest at scars who never felt a wound." But, that gentlemen from unfortunate and ill-starred Ireland, who have seen with their own eyes, and heard with their own ears, the mis- eries which civil war produces, — who have known, by their own experi- ence, the barbarism, ay, the barbarity, which it engenders, — that such persons should look upon civil war as anything short of the last and greatest of national calamities, — is to me a matter of the deepest and most unmixed astonishment. I will grant, if you will, that the success of such a war with Ireland would be as signal and complete as would be its injustice ; I will grant, if you will, that resistance would soon be extinguished with the lives of those who resisted ; I will grant, if you will, that the crimsoned banner of England would soon wave, in undisputed supremacy, over the smoking ashes of their towns, and the blood-stained solitude of their fields. But I tell you that England herself never would permit the achievement of such a conquest ; England would reject, with disgust, laurels that were dyed in fraternal blood ; England would recoil, with loathing and abhor- rence, from the bare contemplation of so devilish a triumph I 111. ON PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. —Lord john Ruxsell, June 24, 1831. 1 AM not one of those. Sir, who would hold out to the People vain tiopes of immediate benefit, which it could not realize, from thia •Measure. Neither am I one of those who maintain the opposite theory, such as is well expressed in a well-known couplet, — " llow small, of all that human hearts endure, That part which laws or kings can cause or cure ! Fai am I from agreeing in the opinion which the poet has so well jxprossed in those lines. They are very pretty poetrv, but tlvay are SENATORIAL. MACAULAY. 237 not true in politics. When I look to one country as compared to another, at the diflerent epochs of their history, I am forced to believe that It IS upon law and government that the prosperity and morality the power and intelligence, of every Nation depend. When I compare fepain (m which the traveller is met by the stiletto in the streets, and oy the carbine in the high roads) to England, in the poorest parts of Which the traveller pas^^es without fear, I think the difference is ^Jccasioned by the different G-overnments under which the People live At least, Sir, it cannot be denied, that the end attained by the two ixovernments of these respective countries is essentially different. la it^ possible, indeed, for any intelligent person to travel through coun- tries, and not trace the characters and conduct of the inhabitaSts to tho nature of their Institutions and Governments? V^'hen I propo^^e therefore a Keform of Parliament, — when I propose that the People shall send into this House real Representatives, to deliberate on their wants and to consult for their interests, to consider their griev- ances and attend to their desires, — when I propose that they shall m tact, as they hitherto have been said to do in theory, possess the vast power of holding the purse-strings of the monarch, ~ I do it under the conviction that I am laying the foundation of the greatest improve- ment in the comforts and well-being of the People. 112. THE ESTABLISHED CHURCH OF IRELAND, 1845. -r. B. Macaulay. T? ^urf^^i!® institutions now existing in the civilized world, the i^stablished Church of Ireland seems to me the most absurd Is there anything else like it ? Was there ever anything else like it? The world IS full of ecclesiastical establishments. But such a portent as this Church of Ireland is nowhere to be found. Look round the con- tinent of Europe. Ecclesiastical establishments from the White Sea io the Mediterranean; ecclesiastical establishments from the Wolga to the Atlantic; but nowhere the church of a small minority eniovins exclusive establishment. Look at America. There you have all formi ot Christianity, from Mormonism — if you call Mormonism Christianity — to Komanism. In some places you have the voluntary system I« Bome you have several religions connected with the State. In som« you have the solitary ascendency of a single Church. But nowhere, from the Arctic CireL to Cape Horn, do you find the Chureh of a mifih minority exclusively established. In one country alone — in Ire and alone — is to be seen the spectacle of a community of eight millions of human beings, with a Chureh which is the Church of only eight hundred thousand ! ^ Two hundred and eighty-five years has this Church been at work. What could have been done for it in the way of authority, privileges endowments, which has not been done ? Did any other set of bishops and priests in the world ever receive so much for doing so little i i^ay, did any other set of bishops and priests in the world ever receive ^ as much for doing twice as much ? And what have we to ^how 268 fHE SIANDARD gP iAJREll. for all this lavish expenditure ? What, but the most zealous T^oinar, Catholic populatiDn on the face of the earth? On the great, solid liiass of the Roman Catholic population you have made no inipression whatever. There they are, as they were ages a^o, ten to one against the members of your Established Church. Explain this to me. I speak to you, the zealous Protestants on the other side of the Houst Explain this to me on Protestant principles. If I were a RomaD Catholic, I could easily account for the phenomenon. If 1 were a Roman Catholic, I should content myself Vv^ith saying that the mighty hand and the outstretched arm had been put forth according to tb( promise, in defence of the unchangeable Church ; that He, who, in the old time, turned into blessings the curses of Balaam, and smote the host of Sennacherib, had signally confounded the arts and the power of heretic statesmen. But what is the Protestant to say ? Is this a miracle, that we should stand aghast at it ? Not at all. It is a result which human prudence ought to have long ago foreseen, and long ago averted. It is the natural succession of effect to cause. A Church exists for moral ends. A Church exists to be loved, to be reverence'! to be heard with docility, to reign in the understandings and hearts of men. A Church which is abhorred is useless, or worse than useless and to quarter a hostile Church on a conquered People, as you would quarter a soldiery, is, therefore, the most absurd of mistakes. 113, ON LIMITING THE HOURS OF LABOR, 1846. — T. B. Macaulay. If we consider man simply in a commercial point of view, simply as a machine for productive labor, let us not forget what a piece of mechanism he is, — how " fearfully and wonderfully made." If we have a fine horse, we do not use him exactly as a steam-engine ; and still less should we treat man so, more especially in his earlier years. The depressing labor that begins early in life, and is continued too long every day, enfeebles his body, enervates his mind, weakens his spirits, overpowers his undei standing, and is incompatible with aa j good or useful degree of education. A state of society in which such a system prevails will inevitably, and in no long space, feel its baneful effects. What is it which makes one community prosperous and flour- ishing, more than another ? You will not say that it is the soil ; you will not say that it is its climate ; you will not say that it is its min- cral wealth, or its natural advantages, — its ports, or its great rivers. Is it anything in the earth, or in the air, that makes Scotland a richer country than Egypt ; or, Batavia, with its marshes, more prosperous than Sicily ? No ; but Scotchmen made Scotland what she is, and Dutchmen raised their marshes to such eminence. Look to America. Two centuries ago, it was a wilderness of buffaloes and wolves. What iaas caused the change ? Is it her rich mould ? Is it her mightj rivers ? Is it her broad waters ? No ; her plains were then as fertile vhcm wero attached to the land, and bound to eerve the lord of the manor SENATORIAL. — JMACAULAT. 278 16 much rebpected by Charles the First as bj Henry the Eighth —by James the Second, as by Edward the Sixth. But did th?s save the 3rcwn of James the Second? Did this save the head of Charles tno First ? Every person who knows the history of our civil dissensiona knows that all those arguments which are now employed by the oppo- nente of the Keform Bill might have been employed, and were actuaUy employed, by the unfortunate Stuarts. The reasoning of Charles and of all his apologists, runs thus: " What new grievance does theNLtioa suher ? Did the People ever enjoy more freedom than at presents Did they ever enjoy so much freedom ? " But what would a wise and honest counsellor have replied ? He would have said : " Thouo-h there has been no change in the Government for the worse, there has been a change m the public mind, which produces exactly the same eflPect which would be produced by a change in the Government for the worse, it may be that the submissive loyalty of our fathers was preferable to that inquiring, censuring, resisting spirit which is now abroad. And so it may be that infancy is a happier time than manhood, and manhood tnan old age. But God has decreed that old age shall succeed to man- nood, and manhood to infancy. Even so have ^jcieties their law of growth. As their strength becomes greater, as their experience Decomes more extensive, you can no longer confine them within the swaddling-bands, or lull them in the cradles, or amuse them with the rattles, or terrify them with the bugbears, of their infancy. I do not say that they are better or happier than they were ; but this I say — they are different from what they were ; you cannot again make them what they were, and you cannot safely treat them as if they continued to be what they were." ^ This was the advice which a wise and honest Minister would have given to Charles the First. These were the principles on which that unhappy prmce should have acted. But no. He would govern, I do not say ill — I do not say tyrannically ; I say only this, — he would govern the men of the seventeenth century as if they had been th,3 men of the sixteenth century; and therefore it was that all his talents, and all his virtues, did not save him from unpopularity — from civil war — from a prison — from a bar — from a scaffold ! 119. REFORM IRRESISTIBLE. _ T. B. Macaulay. Dec. 16, 1831. Sir, I have, from the beginning of these discussiocs, supported llet<>rni^ on two grounds : first, because I believe it to be in itself a good thing; and, secondly, because I think the dangers of withholding It to be so great, that, even if it were an evil, it would be the less of two evils. I shall not relinquish the hope that this great contest may oe conducted, by lawful means, to a happy termination. But, of this I am assured, that, by means lawful or unlawful, to a termination, happy cr unhappy, this contest must speedily come. All that I know -sf the history of past times, aJl the observations that I have been 18 274 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. Me to mako m the present state of the country, have con^in-jed mc thpi the time has arrived when a great concession must be made to the Democracy of England ; that the question, whether the change be in itsolf good or bad, has become a question of secondary importance : .hat, good or bad, the thing must be done that a law as strong a« the laws of attraction and motion has decreed it. I well know that history, when we look at it in small portions, may be so construed aj to mean anything ; that it may be interpreted in as many ways as a Delphic oracle. " The French Revolution," says one expositor, " waa the effect of concession." " Not so," cries another ; " the French Revolution was produced by the obstinacy of an arbitrary Govern ment." These controversies can never be brought to any decisive test, or to any satisfactory conclusion. But, as I beJieve that history, when we look at it in small fragments, proves anything or nothing, so I believe that it is full of useful and precious instruction when we contemplate it in large portions, — when we take in, at one view, the whole life-time of great societies. We have heard it said a hundrea times, during these discussions, that the People of England are more free than ever they were that the Government is more Democratic than ever it was ; and this is urged as an argument against Reform. I admit the fact, but I deny the inference. The history of England is the history of a Government constantly giving way, — sometimes peaceably, sometimes after a violent struggle, — but constantly giving way before a Nation which has been constantly advancing. It is not Bufficient to look merely at the form of Government. We must look to the state of the public mind. The worst tyrant that ever had his neck wrung in modern Europe might have passed for a paragon in Persia or Slorocco. Our Indian subjects submit patiently to a monop. oly of salt. We tried a stamp-duty — a duty so light as to be scarcely perceptible — on the fierce breed of the old Puritans : and we lost an Empire ! The Government of Louis the Sixteenth was certainly a much better and milder Government than that of Louis the Four- teenth : yet Louis the Fourteenth was admired, and even loved, by his People ; Louis the Sixteenth died on the scaffold ! Why ? Because, though the Government had made many steps in the career of improve- ment-, it had not advanced so rapidly as the Nation. These things are written for our instruction. There is a change ia Bociety. There must be a corresponding change in the Government. You may make the change tedious ; you may make it violent ; yoa jiay ~ God, in his mercy, forbid ! — you may make it bloody ; but ave'^ It you cannot. Agitations of the public mind, so deep and so long con tinued a« those which we have witnessed, do not end in nothing. In oeace, oi in convulsion, — by the law, or in spite of the law, — through f,he Parliament, or over the Parliament, — Reform must be carried Therefore, be content to guide that movement which you cannot stop. Pliug wide the gates to that force which else will enter through the ereach SENATORIAL. OROKEH. 276 12C REPLY TO THE FOREGOING, Dec. 16, 1831. -John W ..kon Crcker ^ Has the learned gentleman, who has been so eloquent on the neces. Bity of proceeding forward, — whc has told the House that argument is vam; that there is no resisting the mighty torrent that there is dire necessity for the whole measure, — has he given the slightest intimation of what would be, even in his opinion, the end of the career, the result of the experiment, the issue of the danger? Hai he seanrxed with the eye of a philosopher the probable progress of future events? Not at all. Anything more vague, anything more mdelimte, anything more purely declamatory, than the statements of the learned gentleman on that point, has never fallen from human lips It IS true that the learned gentleman has told the House that the town is besieged by superior forces, and has advised them to open the gates ot the tortress, lest it should be stormed at the breach. But did he tell them that they could open the gates with safety ? — without expos- ing their property to plunder, and their persons to massacre ? They were not, under the learned gentleman's advice, to attempt to make any terms; but they were at once to throw open the gates, and await the consequences, however fatal; and submit to the tender mercies of the victors, even though there should be pillage, bloodshed and exter- mination. The present state of the ream is unparalleled in history. The dan- ger to which the Government is exposed is greater than the Ministers themselves have ever imagined. As the progress of agitation may be tracked through fire and blood, the pusillanimity of Ministers can be also traced through every act of their administration, even those that seemed the boldest. There is no word that they say, no act that they do, no act that they abstain from doing, that is not carefully calculated to ottend as little as possible, when they cannot altogether conciliate, the .Pohtical Unions and similar illegal and anarchical associations. MimsteiE have raised a storm which it is beyond their power, beyond the scope of their minds, to allay. In conclusion, I can assure the Mouse that, in the censures I have passed on His Majesty's Ministers, and in the appalling prospects I have laid before the House, I have urged nothing but what springs from the most imperious sense of the danger of the country ; a danger for which I confess that I do not see a remedy, although convinced that there are no means so calculated to aggravate it to a tremendous extent as passing a Reform Bill. 121. PERIL3 OP PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, ITurch 4, im.-John Wilsan Croket. Sir what is to be gained by this change in the Representation? Are we to throw away admitted and substantial benefits, in the pursuit Dt an undefined, inexplicable, and, to my view, most perilous fantasy' bir, the learned Lord, after exhausting his eloquence in the praise of the general prospects of the country, turned short round on us, and Irew a frightful and metaphorical picture of the present state of th« 276 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. -Ountry, a^i the appalling consequences of refusing the confjJjssiooA which the existing clamor demands. He told you, Sir, that the stonnj tides of popular commotion were rising rapidly around ui ; that th<\ Stygian waters were rapidly gaining upon us, and that it was time for us — and barely time — to endeavor to save ourselves from being «»wallowed up by the devouring waves. He told you that the deluge of public opinion was about to overwhelm you ; and he invited you to embark with him on this frail and crazy raft, constructed in the blun- dering haste of terror, as the only means of escaping from destmction. No Sir, no ! trust not «« that fatal and perfidious bark, Built in the eclipse, and rigged with curses dark! " No, Sir ! stand firm where you are, and wait until the threatening waters suteide. What you hear is not only a fictitious, but a factitious clamor. Be you calm, steady and bold ; and the People, under the influence of your wisdom and courage, will recover their wonted judg- ment, and become sensible of the value of what they would lose by this scheme, and of the uselessness of what they might gain. Of the Constitution of this country there might, perhaps, have been a better theoretical arrangement; but I do, in my heart, firmly. believe that no human ingenuity could, a priori, have conceived so admirable a practical system, promoting, in such nice and just degrees, the wealth, 'lappiness and liberties, of the community at large, — " Where jarring interests, reconciled, create The according music of a well-mixed State ; Where small and great, where weak and strong, are made To serve, not suffer, — strengthen, not invade ; More powerful each, as needful to the rest, And, in proportion as it blesses, blest! " 122. EXTENSION OF THE TERM OF COPYRIGHT, 1838. — T. N. Talfourd. There is something, Sir, peculiarly unjust in bounding the term of an author's property by his natural life, if he should survive so short % period as twenty-eight years. It denies to age and experience the probable reward it permits to youth — to youth, sufficiently full of hope and joy to slight its promises. It gives a bounty to haste, and informs the laborious student, who would wear away his strength to complete some work which " the world will not willingly let die,'' that the more of his life he devotes to its perfection, the more limited Bhall be his interest in its fruits. When his works assume their place among the classics of his country, your law declares that those work« shall become your property ; and you requite him by seizing the patri- raony of his children ! In the words of Mr. Wordsworth's petition, " This bill has for its main object to relieve men of letters from the thraldom of be^'ng forced to court the living generation to aid them in rising above lavish taste and degraded prejudice, and to encourage them to rely Oh their own impulses." Surely this is an object worthy of tMe Tiegislac SENATORIAL. — TALFOURD. 277 are of a gi-eat People, especially in an age where restless activity ^nd increasmg knowledge present temptations to the slight and the ^ superficial which do not exist in a ruder ag6. Let those who ' tc begmle the time look like the time " have their fair scope, -~ let chean J-ud innocent publications be multiplied as much as you please — still the character of the age demands something impressed with 'a noblei labor and directed to a higher aim. " The mimortal mind craveg objects tnat endure." The printers need not fear. There will not ba too many candidates for "a bright reversion," which only falls in when tlie ear shall be deaf to human praise. I have been accused of asking you to legislate "on some sort of Bentimental feeling." I deny the charge. The living truth is with us. I .le spectral phantoms of depopulated printing-houses and shops are the baseless fancies of our opponents. If I were here beseeching indulgence for the frailties and excesses which sometimes attend fine ? .^.""^ ^^^^ appealing to your sympathy in behalf of crushed hopes and irregular aspirations, - the accusation would be iust. 1 plead not for- the erratic, but for the sage ; not for the perishing but for the eternal: for him who, poet, philosopher or historian, girds himself for some toil lasting a^ life, kys a^ide all frivolous pursuits tor one virtuous purpose, that, when encouraged by the distant hor^e ot that * ALL-HAIL HEREAFTER " which shall wclcome him among the heirs of fame, he may not shudder to think of it as sounding with hollow mockery in the ears of those whom he loves, and waking sullen echoes by the side of a cheerless hearth ! For such I ask this boon and througn them for mankind; — and I ask it with the confidence m the expression of which your veteran petitioner, Wordsworth! closed his appeal to you, "That in this, as in all other cases, justice is capable of working out its own expediency." 123. REALITY OF LITERARY PROPERTY, 1838. — id. It is, indeed, time that literature should experience some of the blessings of legislation If we should now simply repeal all the statutes which have_ been passed under the guise of encouraging learmng, and leave it to be protected only by the principle, of the common law, and the remedies which the common law would supply £ believe the rehef would be welcome. It did not occur to our ancestors that the right of deriving solid benefits from that which springs solely from within us, — the right of property in that which the mmd itsexf creates, and which, so far from exhausting the mat«. rials common to all men, or limiting their resources, enriches and expands them, - a right of property which, by the happy peculiarity of Its nature, can only be enjoyed by the proprietor in proportion it blesses mankind, should be exempted from the protection which IS extended to the ancient appropriation of the soil, and the rewardi *» aommerc/al enterprise. 278 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. " Bui," say tLe opponents of this measure, " we tL-inK. that, frciii the moment an author puts his thoughts on paper, and delivers thm to the world, his property therein wholly ceases." What ! has he invested no capita. ? embarked no fortune ? If human life is nothing id your commercial tables, — if the sacrifice of profession, of health of gain, is nothing, — surely the mere outlay of him who has perilled his fortune to instruct mankind may claim some regard ! Or is the interest itself so refined, so ethereal, that you cannot regard it as property, because it is not palpable to sense as to feeling ? Is there any justice in this ? If so, why do you protect moral character aa a man's most precious possession, and compensate the party who suficrs unjustly in that character by damages ? Has this possession ^ny existence half so palpable as the author's right in the printed creation of his brain ? I have always thought it one of the proudest triumphs of human law, that it is able to recognize and to guard this breath and finer spirit of moral action ; that it can lend its aid in sheltering that invisible property, which exists solely in the admira* tion and alfection of others ; and, if it may do this, why may it not protect his interest in those living words, which, as was well observed by that great thinker, Mr. Hazlitt, are, " after all, the only things which last forever " ? 124. AN INTERNATIONAL COPYRIGHT. — W. In venturing to invite the attention of the House to the state of the law afiecting the property of men of letters in the results of their genius and labors, I would advert to one other consideration aa connected with this subject. I would urge the expediency and justice of acknowledging the rights of foreigners to copyright in this country, and of claiming it from them for ourselves in return. The great minds of our time have an audience to impress far vaster than it entered into the minds of their predecessors to hope for; an audience increasing as population thickens in the cities of America, and spreads itself out through its diminishing wilds ; an audience who speak our language, and who look on our old poets as their own immortal ancestry. And if this, our literature, shall be theirs, — if its difiusion shall follow the efforts of the stout heart and sturdy arm, in their triumph ©ver the obstacles of nature, — if the woods, stretching beyond their confines, shall be haunted with visions of beauty which our poets have created, — let those who thus are softening the ruggedness ot young society have some present interest about which afiection may gather ; and, at least, let them be protected from those who would exhibit them, mangled or corrupted, to their transatlantic disciples. T. do not, in truth, ask for literature favor; I do not ask for it charity. I do not even appeal to gratitude in its bchaif But I ask for it a portion, and but a portion, of that commor justice which th* SENATORIAL. - PBifti.. coarsest industry obtains for its natural reward ; justice, whicQ Qothing but the very extent of its claims, and the nobleness of thft associations to which they are akin, have prevented it from receiving from our laws. 126. THE LEGISLATIVE UNION, UU. — Sir Robert Peet. Born, 1188; died, I8b0. I WANT no array of figures, I want no official documents, I want m speeches of six hours, to establish to my satisfaction the public policy of maintaining the Legislative Union. I feel and know that the repea^ of it must lead to the dismemberment of this great empire, must make Great Britain a fourth-rate power of Europe, and Ireland a savago wilderness ; and I will give, therefore, at once, and without hesitation, an emphatic negative to the motion for repeal. There are truths which lie too deep for argument, — truths, to the establishment of which the evidence of the senses, or the feelings of the heart, have contributed more than the slow process of reasoning ; — which are graven in deeper characters than any that reason can either impress or efface When Doctor Johnson was asked to refute the arguments for the non-existence of matter, he stamped his foot upon the ground, and exclaimed, " I refute them thus.'' When Mr. Canning heard the first whisper in this House of a repeal of the Union, , this was all the answer he vouchsafed, — the eloquent and indignant answer, the tones of which are still familiar to my ear, — " Hepeal the Union ? Restore the Heptarchy ! " Thirty-three years have now elapsed since the passing of the act of Union ; — a short period, if you count by the lapse of time ; but it is a period into which the events of centuries have been crowded. It includes the commencement and the close of the most tremendous con- flict which ever desolated the world. Notwithstanding the then recent convulsions in Ireland, — notwithstanding the dissatisSction expressed with the Union, — the United Empire, that had been incorporated onlv three years before the commencement of the war, escaped the calami ties to which other Nations were exposed. In our gallant armies no distinction of Englishmen and Irishmen was known ; none of the vile jealousies, which this motion, if successful, would generate, impaired the energies which were exerted by all in defence of a common coun- try. ^ That country did not bestow its rewards with a partial hand. It did not, because they were Irishmen, pay a less sincere or less will- bg homage to the glorious memory of a Ponsonby and a Pakenham. Castlereagh and Canning fought in the same ranks with Pitt ; and Grattan took his place, in the great contests of party, by the side of Fox. The majestic oak of the forest was transplanted, but it shot its roots deep in a richer and more congenial soil. Above all, to an Irish* man — to that Arthur Wellesley, who, in the emphatic words of the learned gentleman (Mr. Shcil), "eclipsed his military victories by the splendor of his civil triumphs'" — to him was committed, with thf: ,280 IHE BTANDARI) SPEAKER aiViinimous assent and confidence of a generous coimirj, the great aiwj glorious task of elfecting the deliverance of the world. Who m thai Irishman, who, recollecting these things, has the spirit and the heart to propose that Ireland shall be defrauded for the future of her share of such high achievements ; that to her the wide avenues to civil and military glory shall be hereafter closed ; that the faculties and ener- gies of her sons shall be forever stunted by being cramped within the paltry J units of a small island ? Surely, Sir, we owe it to the memory of the iiiusn-ious brave, who died in defending this great Empire from dismemberment by the force and genius of Napoleon, at least to save it from dismemberment by the ignoble enemies that now assail it ! 126. AMERICAN MERCHANT VESSELS, 1850. —iZicAarti Coftden. I SOMETIMES quote the United States of America ; and, I think, in this matter of national defence, they set us a very good example. Does anybody dare to attack that Nation ? There is not a more formidable Power, in every sense of the word, — although you may talk of France and Russia, — than the United States of America ; and there is not a statesman with a head on his shoulders who does not know it , and yet the policy of the United States has been to keep a very small amount of armed force in existence. At the present moment, they have not a iine-of-battle ship afloat, notwithstanding the vast extension of their commercial marine. Last year she recalled the last ship-of-war from the Pacific ; and I shall be very much astonished if you see another The People are well employed, and her taxation is light, which coun- tries cannot have if they burden themselves with the expense of these enormous armaments. Now, many persons appeal to the English Nation under the impres- sion that they are a very pugnacious People. I am not quite sure that we are not. I am not quite sure that my opponents do not sometimes have the advantage over me in appealing to the ready-primed pug- nacity of our fellow-countrymen. I believe I am pugnacious myself ; but what I want is, to persuade my countrymen to preserve their pugnaciousness until somebody comes to attack them. Be assured, if you want to be prepared for future war, you will be better prepared ui the way that the United States is prepared, — by the enormous Qumber of merchant ships of large tonnage constantly building ; in ihe vast number of steamers turning out of the building-yards at New York, — those enormous steamers, finer than any to be found in the royal navies of any country on the continent of Europe, commonly extending from fifteen hundred to sixteen hundred tons. If the spirit of America were once aroused, and her resentment excited, her mercan- tile marine alone, — the growth of commerce, the result of a low taxa- tion, and a prosperous People, — her mercantile marine alone would \m more than a match for any war*navy that exists on the contiLent of Kurop« SENATJRIAI. — HENRY. 281 12^ B3SISTANCE TO BRITISH AGGRESSION. - Patrick Henry. Patrick Henry was born, May 29th, 1736, in Hanover county, Virginia. His |f*{L>-r was t jAtiv^ of Aberileou, in Scotland. Patrick's education was scanty, and he entered upon the prac hce of tbe law after only six weeks of preparation. Bu^ his powers of eloquence were remark- able. H i was elected repeatedly to the most important offices in the gift of the Peop'o of Vir- girua. In 1788, he was a member of the Convention which met there to consider the Constitution of the United States, and exerted himself strenuously against its adoption. He died in 1799 The Virginia Convention nanug before them resolutions of a temporizing character towardi Great Britain, March 23d, 1775, Mr. Henry introduced others, manly and decided in their ton'* and providing that the Colony should be immediately put in a state of defence. These countej . resolutions he supported in the followmg memorable speech, the result of which was their adop. tion. Of the eUect of this speech, Mr. Wirt says, th-at, when Henry took his seat, at its close. No murmur of applause was heard. The effect was too deep. After 'J^e trance of a moment; several members started from their seats. The cry to arms ! seemed to quiver on every lip and gleam from every eye. They became mipatient of sp?' -* Their souls were on fire for action." Mr. President it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of Hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty ? KiQ we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern our temporal salvation ? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth, — to know the worst, and to provide for it ! I have but one lamp, by which my feet are guided ; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And, judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry, for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received ? Trust it not, Sir ; it will prove a snare to your feet ! Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss ! Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our peti- tion comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation ? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconsiled, that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves. Sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation, — the last arguments to which Kings resort. I ask G-entlemen, Sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can Gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it ? ' Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies ? No, Sir she has none. They are meant for us ; they can be meant for no other! Ihey are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which tho British ministry have been so long > forging. And what have we TO oppose to them ? — Shall we try argument ? Sir, we have been tryino that, for the lest ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject ? ^ Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of ^hich it is capable ; but it has been all in vain. Shall w« resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What tornia THE STANDARD SPEAKER, ehall we find wbich have not already been exhausted Let us mit, »eseech you, Sir, deceive ourselves longer. Sir, we hare done ey^ry thing that could be done, to avert the storm which is now coming on We have petitioned, we have remonstrated, we have supplicated, wt have prostrated ourselves before the Throne, and have implored ite interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the Ministry and Parlia* ment. Our petitions have been slighted, our remonstrances have prt> duced additional violence and insult, our supplications have been disre» garded, and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the Throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace yid reconciliation. There ig no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free, — if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending, — if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, — we must fight ; I repeat it, Sir, we must fight ! An appeal to arms, and to the God of Hosts, is all that is left us ! 128. f HE WAR INEVITABLE, March, 1775. — Patrick Henry. They tell us. Sir, that we are weak, — unable to cope with so formi- dable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger ? Will it be the next week, or the next year ? Will it be when we are totally dis- armed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house ? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies Rhall have bound us hand and foot ? Sir, we are not weak, if We make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of People, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in •luch a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, Sir, we shall not fight -lur battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the desti- nies of Nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle. Sir, is not to the strong alone ; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, Sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery ! Our chains are forged ! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston ! The R-ar is inevitable ; and let it come ! I repeat it. Sir, let it come ! It is in vain, Sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, peace, peace ! — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun ! The flext gale that sweeps from the North will bring lo our ears the clash if resounding arms ! Our brethren are already in the field ! Whj /^.:d we here idle ? What ia it that Gentlemen wish ? What woul(S BENATORIAL. — HENRY. 288 they ha ire ? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased af the price of chains and slavery ? Forbid it, Almighty God ! 1 know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, oi give me death ! 123. RETURN OF BRITISH FUGITirES, m2. — Patrick Henry I VENTURE to prophesy, there are those now 'living who will see thij* favored land amongst the most powerful on earth, — able, Sir, to take care of herself, without resorting to that policy, which is always so dangerous, though sometimes unavoidable, of calling in foreign aid. 5res. Sb, they will see her great in arts and in arms, — her golden harvests^ waving over fields of immeasurable extent, her comlnerce penetrating the most distant seas, and her cannon silencing the vain boasts of those who now proudly affect to rule the waves. But, Sir, you must have men, — you cannot get along without them. Those heavy forests of valuable timber, under which your lands are groaning, must be cleared away. Those vast riches which cover the face of your soil, as well as those which lie hid in its bosom, are to be developed and gathered only by the skill and enterprise of men. Your timber, Sir, must be worked up into ships, to transport the productions of the soil from which it has been cleared. Then, you must have commercial men and comm.ercial capital, to take off your productions, and find the best markets for them abroad. Your great want, Sir, is the want of men ; and these you must have, and will have speedily, if you are wise. Do you ask how you are to get them ? Open your doors, Sir, and they will come in ! The population of the Old World is full to over- flowing. That population is ground, too, by the oppressions of the (rovernments under which they live. Sir, they are already standing on tiptoe upon their native shores, and looking to your coasts with a wistful and longing eye. They see here a land blessed with natural and political advantages, which are not equalled by those of any other rrountry upon earth ; — a land on which a gracious Providence hath emptied the horn of abundance, — a land over which Peace hath now stretched forth her white wings, and where Content and Plenty lie down at every door ! Sir, they see something still more attractive than all this. They Bee a land in which Liberty hath taken up her abode, ~ that Liberty whom they had considered as a fabled goddess, existing only in the fancies of poets. They see her here a real divinity, — her altars rising on every hand, throughout these happy States ; her glories chanted by three millions of tongues, and the whole region smiling under her bles'-ed influsnce. Sir, let but this, our celestial goddess, Liberty, stretch forth her fair hand toward the People of the Old World, — tell them to come, and bid them welcome, — and you will see them pouring in from the North, from the South, from the East, and froi^ the West. Vour wildernesses will be cleared and settled, youi deserti E84 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. smile^ our ranks will be filled, and you will soon be iu a co'iditioo to defy the powers of any adversary But Gentlemen object to any accession from Great Britain, and par fcioularly to the return of the British refugees. Sir, I feel no objection to the return of those deluded people. They have, to be sure, mistaKon their own interests most wofully ; and most wofuUy have they suffered the punishment due to their offences. But the relations which we bear to them, and to their native country, are now changed. Their King"^ hath acknowledged our independence ; the quarrel is over, peace hath returned, and found us a free People. Let us have the magnanimity, Sir, to lay aside our antipathies and prejudices, and consider the sub- ject in a political light. Those are an enterprising, moneyed people They will be serviceable in taking off the surplus produce of our lands, and supplying us with necessaries, during the infant state of our manu ■ factures. Even if they be inimical to us in point of feeling and prin- ciple, I can see no objection, in a political view, in making them trib- utary to our advantage. And, as I have no prejudices to prevent my making this use of them, so. Sir, I have no fear of any mischief that they can do us. Afraid of them / — What, Sir, shall we, who have laid the proud British lion at our feet, now be afraid of his whelps ? 130. SUPPOSED SPEECH OP JAMES OTm.* —Mrs. L. M. Child. England may as well dam up the waters of the Nile with bulrushe,j as fetter the step of Freedom, more proud and firm in this youthfal iand than where she treads the sequestered glens of Scotland, or couches herself among the magnificent mountains of Switzerland. Arbitrary principles, like those against which we now contend, have cost one King of England his life, — another, his crown, — and they may yet cost a third his most flourishing colonies. We are two millions, — one-fifth fighting men. We are bold and vigorous, — and we call no man master. To the Nation from whom we are proud to derive our origin we ever were, and we ever mil be, ready to yield unforced assistance ; but it must not, and it never can be, extorted. Some have sneeringly asked, " Are the Americans to*? poor to pay a few pounds on stamped paper ? " No ! America, thanks to God and herself, is rich. Bat the right to take ten pounds implies the right to take a thousand ; and what must be the wealth that avarice, aided by power, cannot exhaust ? True, the spectre is now small ; but the Bhadow he casts before him is huge enough to darken all this fair land Others, in sentimental style, talk of the immense debt of gratitude which we owe to England. And what is the amount of this debt < VV'hv, truly, it is the same that the young lion owes to the dam, which tias brought it forth on the solitude of the mountain, or left it amid the winds and storms of the desert. We plunged into the wave, with the great charter of freedom iii oui Born, 1725 killed by a stroke of lightning, 1773. SENATORIAL - - LEE. teeih because the fagot and torch were behind m. We have waked this new world from its savage lethargy; forests have been prostrated m our path ; towns and cities have grown up suddenly as the flowera of the tropics, and the fires in our autumnal woods are scarcely more rapid than the increase ©f our wealth and population. And do we owe all this to the kind succor of the mother country ? No ! we owe it to the granny that drove us from her, — to the pelting storms which invigorated our helpless infancy. But perhaps others will say, "We ask no money from your grati- tude,— we only demand that you should pay your own expenses" And who, I pray, is to judge of their necessity ? Why, the King, — and, with ail due reverence to his sacred majesty, he understands 'the real wants of his distant subjects as little as he does the languao-e of the Uioctaws ! Who is to judge concerning the frequency of these demands? The Ministry. Who is to judge whether the money is properly expended? The Cabinet behind the Throne. In every mstance, those who take are to judge for those who pay. If this sys- tem IS suffered to go into operation, we _!ill have reason to esteem it a pat privilege that rain and dew do not depend upon Parliament • otherwise, they would soon be taxed and dried. But, thanks to God there is freedom enough left upon earth to resist such monstrous injus^ T^ v ^^^^^^^"^^ of liberty is extinguished in Greece and Rome ; but the light of Its glowing embers is still bright and strong on the shores ot America. Actuated by its sacred influence, we will resist unto death. But we wdl not countenance anarchy and misrule. The wrongs that a desperate community have heaped upon their enemies shall be amply and speedily repaired. Still, it may be well for some proud men to remember, that a fire is lighted in these Colonies which one breath of their King may kindle into such fury that the blood of all iliiigland cannot extinguish it ! 131. FOR INDEPENDENCE, 1776. Henry Lee. Born, 1132; died,179i. The time will certainly come when the fated separation between the mother country and these Colonies must take place, whether you will or no ; for so it is decreed by the very nature of things, — by the pro- gressive increase of our population, the fertility of our soil, the extent ot our territory, the industry of our countrymen, and the immensity 0. the ocean which separates the two countries. And, if this be true — as K is most true, — who does not see that the sooner it takes place,' the better ; that it would be the height of folly, not to seize the present occa- Sion, when British injustice has filled all hearts with indignation, inspired all minds with courage, united all opinions in one, and put amis ia every hand? And how long must we traverse three thousand miles ot a stormy sea, to solicit of arrogant and insolent men either dounseh or commands to regulate our domestic affairs? From what we hav€ Already achieved, it is easy to presume what we shaU hereafter acerw »86 THE STANDARD SPEAKER plish. Experience is the source of sage counsels, and liberty is iht mother of great men. Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexington by citizens armed and assembled in one day ? Already their most celebrated generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of curs. Already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the ocean', the sport of tempests, and the prey of famine. Let us hail the favorable omen, and fight, not for the sake of knowing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England, but to secure to ourselves a free existence, to found a just and independent Government. Why do we longer delay, — why still deliberate ? Let this most happy day give birth to the American Republic. Let her arise, not to devastate and conquer, but to reestablish the reign of peace and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ; she demands of us a living example of freedom, that may contrast, by the felicity of the citizens, with the ever-increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She entreats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant which first sprang up and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scot- tish tyranny, may revive and flourish, sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade all the unfortunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many omens : — by our first victories ; by the present ardor and union ; by the flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out among Dunmore's people ; by the very winds which baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and that terrible tempest which engulfed seven hundred vessels upon the coasts of Newfound- land. If we are not this day wanting in our duty to country, the names of the American Legislators will be placed, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be, forever dear to virtuous men and good citizens ! 132. THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION, 1787.— Beryamm FranWm. Born, 1706 ; rficd, 1790. The following is strongly marked by the leading traits of Franklin's character,— his liberality, ractical wisdom, and spirit of compromise. Sir, T agree to this Constitution, with all its faults, — if they are such, — because I think a general Government necessary for us, and there is no form of Governmen.t but what may be a blessing to the People, if well administered ; and I believe, further, that tliis is likely to be well administered for a course of years, and can only end in despotism, as other forms have done before it, when the People shall become so corrupted as to need despotic Government, being incapabln of any other. I doubt, too, whether any other convention we can obtain may be able to make a better Constitution. For, when you assemble a number of men, to have the advantage of their joint wis- dom, you inevitably assemble with those men all their prejudices, their passi'-iis, their errors of opinion, their local in* crests, and their selfiah SENATORIAL. — FRANKLIN, 281 r\ews. From ?iich an assembly can a perfect productlcn be expected ' ft, therefore, astonishes me, Sir, to find this system approaching so near to perfection as it does ; and I think it will astonish our enemies, ^h{j are waiting with confidence to hear that our counsels are con- founiled, like those of the builders of Babel, and that our States are on the point of separation, only to meet hereafter for the purpose of cut- fciug one another's throats. Thus I consent, Sir, to this Constitution, because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that this is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors I sacrifice to the public good. I have nevei .i^hispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they wero born, and here they shall die. [f every one of us, in returning to his constituents, were to report the oojections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain partisans in support of them, we might prevent its being gener- ally received, and thereby lose all the salutary efiects and great advan- tages resulting naturally in our favor among foreign Nations, as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. Much of the strength and efficacy of any Government, in procuring and secur- ing happiness to the People, depends on opinion, — on the general opin- ion of the goodness of that Government, as well as of the wisdom and integrity of its Governors. I hope, therefore, that, for our own sakes, as a part of the People, and for the sake of our posterity, we shall act heartily and unanimously in recommending this Constitution, wherever our influence may extend, and turn our future thoughts and endeavors to the means of having it well administered. 133. GOD GOVERNS. — Benjamin Franklin, lTs7, in Convention. In this situation of this Assembly, — groping, as it were, in the dark, to find political truth, and scarce able to distinguish it when presented to us, — how has it happened, Sir, that we have not hitherto once thought of humbly applying to the Father of Light to illuminate our understanding ? In the beginning of the contest with Britain, when we were sensible of danger, we had daily prayers in this room for the divine protection. Our prayers, Sir, were heard, — and they were graciously answered. All of us who were engaged in the struggle must have observed frequent instances of a superintending Providence in our favor. To that kind Providence we owe this happy opportu- nity of consulting in peace on the means of establishing our future national felicity. And have we now forgotten that powerful Friend ? or Jo we imagine we no longer need His assistance ? I have lived, Sir, a long time ; and the longer I live, the more convincing proofs I 4ee of this truth, — that God governs in the of airs of men. And, if a sparrow cannot fall to the grojind without His notice, is it prob&r hje that an empire can rise without His aid ? We have been assured, Sir in the Sacred Writings, that ^'except the Lord build the house, Ihoy labor in vain that build it." I firmly believe this ; and I alst beheve tiiat, without His concurring aid, we shall saceeed in this poJit 288 THE STAxVDAE.D SPEAKER. ical builiing no better than the builders of Babel , we shall be di>ide j.)ct ot Government, we must return, at last, to this important truth, — that, when we have formed a Constitution upon free principles, when we have given a proper balance to the different branches of Administration, and fixed Representation upon pure and equal princi pies, we may, with safety, furnish it with all the powers necessary t^ answr.r, m the most ample manner, the purposes of Government The great desiderata are a free Representation, and mutual checks. When these are obtained, all our apprehensions of the extent of powers are ttnjust mi imagmaij. What, then, is the structure of this Oonstitu. THE STiNDAKD SPEAKEB. don ? One branch of the Legislature is to be elected by the Peoplt — by the same People wao choose your State Representatives. It? members ar 3 to hold their ofl&ce two years, and then return to their constituents. Here, Sir, the People govern. Here they act by their immediate Representatives. You have also a Senate, constituted by your' State Legislatures, — by men in whom you place the highest con. fidence, — and forming another Representative branch. Then, again, you have an Executive Magistrate, created by a form of election which merits universal admiration. In the form of this Government, and in the mode of Legislation, you find all the checks which the greatest politicians and the best wri'-ers have ever conceived. What more can reasonable men desire ? there any one branch in which the whole Legislative and Executive powers are lodged? No! The Legislative authority is lodged in three distinct branches, properly balanced ; the Executive authority is divided between two branches ; and the Judicial is still reserved for an independent body, who hold their office during good behavior. This organization is so complex, so skilfully contrived, that it is next to impossible that an impolitic or wicked measure should pass the great scrutiny with success. Now, what do Gentlemen mean, by coming for- ward and declaiming against this Government ? Why do they say we ought to limit its powers, to disable it, and to destroy its capacity of blessing the People? Has philosophy suggested, has experience taught, that such a Government ought not to be trusted with every- thing necessary for the good of society ? Sir, when you have divided and nicely balanced the departments of Government ; ^ when you have strongly cormected the virtue of your rulers with their interests ; when, in short, you have rendered your system as perfect as human forms can be, — you must place confidence ; you must give power. 138. ARISTOCRACY, IKS.— Robert R. Livingston. Born, 1748 ; died, 1813. The gentleman, who has so copiously declaimed again? t all declama tion, has pointed his artillery against the rich and great. We are told that, in every country, there is a natural Aristocracy, and that this Aristocracy consists of the rich and the great. Nay, the gentleman goes further, and ranks in this class of men the wise, the learned, and those eminent for their talents or great virtues. Does a man possess the confidence of his fellow-citizens, for having done them important services ? He is an Aristocrat ! Has he great integrity ? He is an Aristocrat ! Indeed, to determine that one is an Aristocrat, we need only to be assured that he is a man of merit. But I hope we have many such. So sensible am I of that gentleman's talents, integiity, and virtue, that we might at once hail him the first of the Nobles, the very Prince of the Senate ! But whom, in the name of common sense, would the gentlemaH 0»ve to represent us ^ Not the rich, for they are sheer Aristocrats SENATORIAL. KANDOLPH. 293 ^ot the learned, the wise, the virtuous ; for they are ail Aristocrata V/hom then ? Why, those who are not virtuous ; those who are not wise ; those who are not learned ; — these are the men to whom alone we can trust our liberties ! He says, further, we ought not to choos€ Aristocrats,; because the People will not have confidence in them . That IS to say, the People will not have confidence in those who best deserve and most possess their confidence ! He would have his Gov- ernment composed of other classes of men. Where will be find them ? Why, he must go forth into the highways, and pick up the rogue and the robber. He must go to the hedges and the ditches, and bring in the poor,^ the blind, and the lame. As the gentleman has thus settled the definition of Aristocracy, I trust that no man will think it a term of reproach ; for who, among us, would not be wise ? who would noi be virtuous ? who would not be above want ? The truth is, in these Republican Governments, we know no such ideal distinctions. We are all equally Aristocrats. Offices, emoluments, honors, the roads to preferment and to wealth, are alike open to all. m EXTENT OP COUNTRY NO BAR TO VNIO^. - Edmund Randolpk. 1813. In the Virginia Convention on the Federal Constitution, 1788. Extent of country, in my conception, ought to be no bar to the adoption of a good Government. No extent on earth seems to me too gi-eat, provided the laws be wisely made and executed. The principles of representation and responsibility may pervade a large, as well as a small territory ; and tyranny is as easily introduced into a small as mto a large district. Union, Mr. Chairman, is the rock of our sal- vation. _ Our safety, our political happiness, our existence depend on the Union of these States. Without Union, the People of this and the other States will undergo the unspeakable calamities which discord taction, turbulence, war and bloodshed, have continually produced in other countries. Without Union, we throw away all those blessings tor which we have so earnestly fought. Without Union, there is no peace. Sir, in the land. The American spirit ought to be mixed with American pride — pride to see the Union magnificently triumph. Let that glorious pride which once defied the British thunder reanim.ate you again Let it not be recorded of Americans, that, after having performed the most gallant exploits, after having overcome the most astonishing diffi- culties, and after having gained the admiration of the world by their mcomparable valor and policy, they lost their acquired repu- fetion, lost their national consequence and happiness, by their J.wn indiscretion. Let no future historian inform posterity that iVmericans wanted wisdom and virtue to concur in any reat a price, and all the happiness which liberty can bestow. I receive, bi^-, with lively sensibility, the symbol of the triumphs and of the enfranchisement of your Nation, the colors of France, which you have now presented to tbe United States. The transaction will be announcea to Congr'^ss • and the colors will be deposited with those archives of the United States which are at once the evidences and the memorials oi their freedom and independence. May these be perpetual ! And may thb friendship of the two Republics be com" mensurate with their existence I lil. AGAINST FOREIGN ENTANGI Ejsf^lN IS, 1796. — George fTashinffton. Against the insidious wiles of for».^gr iE%«j»^e oopiur^> yon tc believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy ot a. free Pewle oii(»^^ be ctynstantly awaka; since history and evpenanae m-ov*. tua^ •'•'■^^ SENATORIAL. AMES. influence is ono of the most baneful foes of Republican Governraent. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence ugainst it. Excessive partiality for one Nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on tht other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the lavorito, ure liable to become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the People, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign Nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent con- troversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordi- nary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detatched and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one People, under an efficient Govern- ment, the period is not far ofi" when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupu- lously respected ; when belligerent Nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand on foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice ? 142. SANCTITY OF TREATIES, im. — Fisher Ames. ¥isher Ames, one of the most eloquent of American Statesmen and writers, was born in '>edham, Massachusetts, 1758, and died July 4, 1808. He was a member of Congress during kJie eight years of Washington's administration, of which he was the earnest and able champioa. We are either to execute this treaty, or break our faith To expa- tiate on the value of public faith may pass with some m.en for decla- mation : to such men I have nothing to say. To others, I will urge, can any circumstance mark upon a People more turpitude and debasement ? Can anything tend more to make men think themselves mean, — or to degrade to a lower point their estimation of virtue, and their standard of action ? It would not merely demoralize mankind it tends to break all the ligaments of society ; to dissolve thit rfiy* lerious charm which attracts individuals to the Nation; and to it^spiiv m it 3 stead, a repulsive sense of shame and disgust. THE STANl^ARD SPEAKER. Wnat is patriotism ? Is it a narrow affection for the spot whore t nsan was b)rn ? Are the very clods where we tread e ititled to this ardent preference, because they are greener ? No, Sir ; this is not tho stiaracter of the virtue. It soars higher for its object. It b an extended self-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life, and twisting itself with the minutest filaments of the heart, It is thu"^ we obey the laws of society, because they are the laws of virtue, in their authority we see, not the array of force and terror, but the renerable image of our, country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it, not only as precious, but as sacred. He is willing to risk his life in its defence, and is conscious that he gains protection while he gives it ; for what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable, when a State renounces the principles that constitute their security ? Or, if his life should not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be, in a country odious in the eye of strangers, and dishonored in his own ? Could he look with affection and venera- tion to such a country, as his parent? The sense of having one would die within him : he would blush for his patriotism, if he retained any, — and justly, for it would be a vice. He would be a banished man in his native land. I see no exception to the respect that is paid among Nations to the law of good faith. It is the philos- ophy of politics, the religion of Governments. It is observed by barbarians. A whiff of tobacco-smoke, or a string of beads, gives not merely binding force, but sanctity, to treaties. Even in Algiers, a truce may be bought for money ; but, when ratified, even Algiers is too wise,' or too just, to disown and annul its obligation. 143. THE BRITISH TREATY. 1196.— Fisher Ames Are the posts of our frontier to remain forever in the possession of Great Britain ? Let those who reject them, when the treaty offers them to our hands, say, if they choose ^ey are of no importance. Will the tendency to Indian hostilities oe contested by any one ? Experience gives the answer. Am I reduced to the necessity of proving this point ? Certainly the very men who charged the Indian war on the detention of the posts will call for no other proof than the recital of their own speeches. " Until the posts are restored," they exclaimed, " the treasury and the frontiers must bleed."_ Can Gentle- men now say that an Indian peace, without the posts, will prove firm ? No, Sir, it will not be peace, but a sword ; it will be no better than a lure to draw victims within the reach of the tomahawk. On this theme, my emotions are unutterable. If I could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I would swel. my voice to such a note of remonstrance, it should reach every log- house beyond the mountains. I would say to the inhabitants, Wake from your false security' Your cruel dangers, your more crue. ippr^hensf Dns, are soon to oe renewed. The wounds, yet unhealed^ SEN ATG RIAL. JEFFERSOK. 297 .ce to be torn open again. In the day-time, your path through the roods will be ambushed. The darkness of midnight will glitter with the blaze of your dwellings. You are a father, — the blood of youi tons shall fatten your corn-fields ! You are a mother, — the war whoop shall wake the sleep of the cradle ! Who will say that I exaggerate the tendencies of our measures ? Will any one answer, by a sneer, that all this is idle preaching ? Will any one deny that we are bound, and, I would hope, to good purpose, by the most solemn sanctions of duty, for the vote we give ? Are despots alone to be reproached for unfeeling indifference to the tears and blood of their subjects ? Are republicans irresponsible ? Can you put the dearest interest of society at risk, without guilt, and without remorse ? It is vain to offer, as an excuse, that public men are not to be reproached for the evils that may happen to ensue from their measures. This is very true, where they are unforeseen or inevitable.^ Those I have depicted are not unforeseen ; they are so far from inevitable, we are going to bring them into being by our vote. We choose the consequences, and become as justly answerable for them as for the measure that we know will produce them. . By rejecting the posts, we light the savage fires, we bind the vic- tims. This day we undertake to render account to the widows and orphans whom our decision will make ; — to the wretches that will oe roaFtcd at the stake ; to our country, and, I do not deem it too serious lo say, to conscience and to God, we are answerable ; and, if duty by anything more than a word of imposture, if conscience be not a bugit^iar, we are preparing to make ourselves as wretched as our country. There is no mistake in this case. There can be none. Expembi.ie has already been the prophet of events, and the cries of our fuuuiy victims have already reached us. The Western inhabitants ire noi a silent and uncomplaining sacrifice. The voice of humanity issues iiym the shade of the wilderness. It exclaims, that, while one hand la weld up to reject this treaty, the other grasps a tomahawk, it sumjtxons our imagination to the scenes that will open. It is no great ettrjrt of the imagination to conceive that events so near are dlreaay begun. I can fancy that I listen to the yells of savage fengeaiice, and the shrieks of torture ! Already they seem to sigh in iue WciLtern wind ! Already they mingle with every echo from the biouniaiiis ! V*4 A Rfct>UBLIC THE STRONGEST GOVERNMENT. - T. Jefferson. B. ViS ; d. 1S28. Blomhis Inaugui-al Address, as President of the United States, March 4, 1801. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, — during vLe agonizing spasms of infuriated man, seeking, through blood and ftldughter, his long-lost liberty, — it was not wonderful that the agitation yi the billows should reach even this distant and peairetiil shore, — chat this should be more felt and feared by some, and less by others, — %id )5hr.»uld dividn opinions as to measures of safety. But everj 298 THE STANDARD SPE^AKR. differerme of opinion is not a difference of principle We have ^ Jied by different names brethren of the same principle. We are ali Re publicans : we are all Federalists. If there be any among us whc would wish to dissolve this Union, or to change its republican form, let them stand, undisturbed, as monuments of the safety with whicL error of opinion may be tolerated, where reason is left free to combat it, I know, indeed, that some honest men fear a republican Govern- ment cannot be strong, — that this Grovernment is not strong enough. But would the honest patriot, in the fiill tide of successful experiment, abandon a Government which has so fkr kept us free and firm, on the theoretic and visionary fear that this Government, the world's best hope, may, by possibility, want energy to preserve itself? I trust not. I believe this, on the contrary, the strongest Government on earth. I believe it the only one where every man, at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and would meet invasions of the public order, as his own personal concern. Some- times it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others ? Or have we found angels, in the form of Kings, to govern him ? Let history answer this question. Let us, then, with courage and confidence, pursue our own Federal and Kepublican principles — our attachment to Union and represent- ative Government. K'ndly separated, by nature and a wide ocean, from the exterminating havoc of one quarter of the globe, — too high- minded to endure the degradations of the others, — possessing a chosen country, with room enough for our descendants to the thousandth and thousandth generation, — entertaining a due sense of our equal right to the use of our own faculties, to the acquisitions of our own industry, to honor and confidence from our fellow-citizens, result- ing not from birth, but from our actions, and their sense of them, — enlightened by a benign religion, professed, indeed, and practised in various forms, yet all of them inculcating honesty, truth, temperance, gratitude, and the love of man, — acknowledging and adoring an overruling Providence, which, by all its dispensations, proves that i1 delights in the happiness of man here, and his greater happiness here- after : with all these blessings, what more is necessary, to make us a happy and prosperous People ? Still one thing more, fellow -citizens : a wise and frugal Govern- ment, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement, and shall not take from the mouth of labor the bread it has earned. This is the sum of good government ; and this i» accessary to close the circle of our felicities. U6 JUDGES SHOULD BE FREE, 1S02.— James A. Bayard. Born, 1161 ; diei, 1814 Let it be remembered that no power is so sensibly felt by society %s ♦-hat of the Judiciary. The life and property of every man if SENATORIAL. — MORRIS. m Aable to be m the hands of the Judges. Is it not bur grea iiitfircst £o place our Judges upon such high ground that no fear can intimi iate, no hope seduce them ? The present measure humbles them m the dust It prostrates them at the feet of faction. It renders thenj the tool of every dominant party. It is this effect which I deprecate, It is this consequence which I deeply deplore. What does reason, what docs argument avail, when party spirit presides ? Subject your Bench to the influence of this spirit, and justice bids a final adieu to your tribunals. We are asked, Sir, if the Judges are to be inde- pendent of the People ? The question presents a false and delusive view. We are all the People. We are, and as long as we enjoy our freedom, we shall he, divided into parties. The true question is. Shall the J udiciary be permanent, or fluctuate with the tide of public opinion ? I beg, I implore gentlemen to consider the magnitude and value of the principle which they are about to annihilate. If your Judges are independent of political changes, they may have their preferences, but they will not enter into the spirit of party. But, let their existence depend upon the support of a certain set of men, anc they cannot be impartial. Justice will be trodden under foot. You Courts will lose all public confidence and respect. We are standing on the brink of that revolutionary torrent whicl deluged in blood one of the fairest countries in Europe. France had ker National Assembly, more numerous and equally popular with our mn. She had her tribunals of justice, and her juries. But the Legislature and her Courts were but the instruments of her destruc- cion. Acts of proscription, and sentences of banishment and death, were passed in the Cabinet of a tyrant. Prostrate your Judges a,t the feet of party, and you break down the mounds which defend you from this torrent ! Are gentlemen disposed to risk the consequences ? 146. ON THE JUDICIARY ACT, 1802. — Gouverneur Morris. ts?^'^^T^^'^ Morrisania, New York, January 31st, 1752, died November 6tb, 1818 He was a Delegate to the Continental Congress from New York, and subsequently reJ resented that State in the Senate of the United States, before which body the following speech^ were delivered. He was, for some time, minister from the United States to France, and during bis residence in Europe formed the acquaintance of many historical personages, concerning Whom he has given mteresting facts, in his published diary and letters. What will be the situation of these States, organized as they now are. if, by the dissolution of our national compact, they be left to themselves ? What is the probable result ? We shall either be tho fictims of foreign intrigue, and, split into factions, fall under the domination of a foreign power, or else, after the misery and torment of a civil war, become the subjects: of an usurping military despot. What but this compact, what but this specific part of it, can save us from ruin ? The judicial power, that fortress of the Constitution, ia now to be overturned. With honest Ajax, I would not only throw a shield before it, — I would build around it a wall of brass. But I anj too weak to defend *he rampart against the host of assaQants. \ 300 THE STANDARD SPEAKEB must call to my assistance their good sense, their patriotism and iheij virtue. Do not, Gentlemen, suffer the rage of passion to drive reasoii from her seat ! If this law be indeed bad, let us join to remedy the defects. Has it been passed in a manner which wounded your prida or roufed your resentment ? Have, I conjure you, the magnanimity to pardon that offence I I entreat, I implore you, to sacrifice those angry passions to the interests of our country. Pour out this pride of "opinion on the altar of patriotism. Let it be an expiating liba,' tion for the weal of America. Do not, for God's sake, do not suffer i^liat pride to plunge us all into the abyss of ruin ! Indeed, indeed, it will be but of little, very little, avail, whether me opinion or the other be right or wrong ; it will heal no wounds, it will pay no debts, it will rebuild no ravaged towns. Do not rely on that popular will which has brought as frail beings into political exist- ence. That opinion is but a changeable thing. It will soon change. This very measure will change it. You will be deceived. Do not, I beseech you, in a reliance on a foundation so frail, commit the dignity the harmony, the existence of our Nation, to the wild wind ! Trust not your treasure to the waves. Throw not your compass and your charts into the ocean. Do not believe that its billows will waft you into port. Indeed, indeed, you will be deceived ! Cast not away this only anchor of our safety. I have seen its progress. I know the difficulties through which it was obtained : I stand in the presence of Almighty God, and of the world ; and I declare to you, that, if you lose this charter, never, — no, never will you get another ! V/ e are now, perhaps, arrived at the parting point. Here, even here, we stand on the brink of fate. Pause — pause! — for Heaven's sake, pause ! 147. FREE NAVIGATION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, 1803. — Gouverneur Morns. Sir, I wish for peace ; I wish the negotiation may succeed ; and, therefore, I strongly urge you to adopt these resolutions. But, though you should adopt tiiem, they alone will not insure success. I have no hesitation in saying that you ought to have taken possession of New Orleans and the Floridas, the instant your treaty was violated. You ought to do it now. Your rights are invaded : confidence in negotia- tion is vain ; there is, therefore, no alternative but force. You are exposed to imminent present danger : you have the prospect of great future advantage : you are justified by the clearest principles of right : you are urged by the strongest motives of policy : you are commanded by every sentiment of national dignity. Look at the conduct of Amer- ica in her infant years. When there was no actual invasion of right, but only a claim to invade, she resisted the claim, she spurned the insult. Did we then hesitate ? Did we then wait for foreign alliance 1 — animated with the spirit, warmed with the soul of freedom, we threw oui- oaths of allegiance in the face of our sovereign, and com- mittod our fortunes and our fate to *he God of battles. Wo then wert SENATORIi L. — CLINTON. lubjecis. We had not then attained to the dignity of an independent Republio. We then had no rank among the Nations of the earth, Bat we had the spirit which deserved that elevated station. And, now that we havo gained it, shall we fall from our honor ? Sir, I repeat to you, that I wish for peace, — real, lasting, honorable peace. To obtain and secure this blessing, let us, by a bold and deci- sive conduct, convince the Powers of Europe that we are determined to defend our rights, — that we will not submit to insult, that we will not bear degradation. This is the conduct which becomes a generous People. This conduct will command the respect of the world. Nay, Sir, it may rouse all Europe to a proper sense of their situation. 148. AGAINST FOREIGN CONQUEST. — £»e mtt Clinton. Born, 1769 ; died, 1828. In 1802, De Witt Clinton was elected to the Senate of the United States from New York In the month of February, 1803, a debate arose in that body on certain resolutions authorizing the I resident to talie immediate possession of New Orleans, and empowering him to call out thirty thousand militia to effect that object. The following is an extract from Clhitou's speech on the occasion. If I were called upon to prescribe a course of policy most important for this country to pursue, it would be to avoid European connections and wars. The time must arrive when we will have to contend with Bome of the great powers of Europe ; but let that period be put oflf as long as possible. It is our interest and our duty to cultivate peace, y'^^th sincerity and good faith. As a young Nation, pursuing industry in every channel, and adventuring commerce in every sea, it is highly important that we should not only have a pacific character, but that we should really deserve it. If wo manifest an unwarrantable ambi- tion, and a rage for conquest, we vuiite all the great powers of Europe against us. The security of all the European possessions in our vicin- ity will eternally depend, not upon tiieir strength, but upon our mod- eration and justice. Look at the Canadas ; at the Spanish territories to the South; at the British, Spanish, French, Danish and Dutch West India Islands ; at the vast countries to the West, as far as where the Pacific rolls its waves. Consider well the eventful consequences that would result, if we were possessed by a spirit of conquest. Oon- Bider well the impression which a manifestation of that spirit will make upon those who would be affected by it. ^If we are to rush at once into the territory of a neighboring Nation, with fire and sword, for the misconduct of a subordinate officer, will QOt our national character be greatly injured ? Will we not be ckssed with the robbers and destroyers of mankind ? Will not the Nations of Europe perceive in this conduct the germ of a lofty spirit, and an enterpri3ing ambition, which will level them to the earth, when age has matured our strength, and expanded our powers of annojance. unless they combine to cripple us in our infancy ? May not the con- sequences be, that we must look out for a naval force to protect oui commerce ? that a close alliance will result ? that we will be thrown ftt on 36 into the ocean of European politics, where every wave that rolls and every wind that blows, will agitate our bark ? Is this a THE STANDARD SPEAKER. iesirable state of things? Will the People of this country be Beduoe 'ver, a light of admonition to the rulers of men, a light of salvation and redemption to the oppressed. So long as this planet shall be jnhabited by human beings, so long as man shall be of a socia? 'aature, sccti\e rights and duties, founded in the laws of Nature and of Nature's God. m WASHINGTON'S SWORD AND FRANKLIN'S &TAF¥.— J. Q. Adams, in i\e U 8 House of Representatives, on reception of these memorials by Congress. The sword of Washington ! The staff of Franklin ! 0, Sir, what s>-«}ciations are linked in adamant with these names ! Washington, whose sword was never drawn but in the cause of his country, and never sheathed when wielded in his country's cause ! Franklin, the philosopher of the thunderbolt, the printing-press, and the plough- share ! — What names are these in the scanty catalogue of the bene- factors of human kind! Washington and Franklin ! What other twc men, whose lives belong to the eighteenth century of Christendom have left a deeper impression of themselves upon the age in which they lived, and upon all after time ? Washington, the warrior and the legislator ! In war, contending, by the wager of battle, for the independence of his country, and for the freedom of the human race, — ever manifesting, amidst its horrors, by precept and by example, his reverence for the laws of peace, and for the tenderest sympathies of humanity ; in peace, soothing the ferocious spirit of discord, among his own countrymen, into harmony and union, and giving to that very sword, now presented to his coun- try, a charm more potent than that attributed, in ancient times, to the lyre of Orpheus. Franklin ! — The mechanic of his own fortune ; teaching, in early youth, under the shackles of indigence, the way to wealth, and, in the shade of obscurity, the path to greatness ; in the maturity of man- hood, disarming the thunder of its terrors, the lightning of its fatal blast ; and wresting from the tyrant's hand the still more afflictive sceptre of oppression : while descending into the vale of years, travers- ing the Atlantic Ocean, braving, in the dead of winter, the battle and the breeze, bearing in his hand the charter of Independence, which he had contributed to form, and tendering, from the self-created Nation fco the mightiest monarchs of Europe, the olive-branch of peace, the mercurial wand of commerce, and the amulet of protection and safety to the nian of peace, on the pathless ocean, from the inexorable cruelty and merciless rapacity of war. And, finally, in the last stage of life, with fourscore winters upou his head, under the torture of an incurable disease, returning to \n» native land, closing his days as the chief magistrate of his adopted 'Commonwealth, after contributing by his counsels, under the Presi- dency of Wjishington, and recording his name, under the sanction of devout prayer, invoked by him to God, to that Constitution under thfi authority of which we are here assembled, as the liepresentatives of lihe North Aiuerican People, to receive, in their name and for then*, iJEN.aORIAL. JACKSON. 811 ihose venerable relics of the wise, the valiant, and the goA-i Fou idera of our great confederated Republic, — these sacred symbols of Jut golden age. May they be deposited among the archives of our Oov- en^ment! And may every American, who shall hereafter t^-hold ihem, ejaculate a mingled offering of praise to that Supreme Eultr ot the Universe, by whose tender mercies our Union has been hitherto preserved, through all the vicissitudes and revolutions of this turbulent world ; and of prayer for the continuance of these blessings, by the dispensations of Providence, to our beloved country, from age to ago, till time shall be no more ! 169. UNION LINKED WITH LIBERTY, 1833.— Andrew Jackson. B. 1767; d. 1845 Without Union, our independence and liberty would never havt been achieved ; without Union, they can never be maintained. Divided into twenty-four, or even a smaller number of separate communities, we shall see our internal trade burdened with numberless restraints and exactions ; communication between distant points and sections obstructed, or cut off ; our sons made soldiers, to deluge with blood the fields they now till in peace ; the mass of our People borne down and impoverished by taxes to support armies and navies; and military leaders, at the head of their victorious legions, becoming our lawgivers and judges. The loss of liberty, of all good Government, of peace, plenty and happiness, must inevitably follow a dissolution of tho Union. In supporting it, therefore, we support all that is dear to tho freeman and the philanthropist. The time at which I stand before you is full of interest. The eyes of all Nations are fixed on our Republic. The event of the existing crisis will be decisive, in the opinion of mankind, of the practicability of our Federal system of Government. Great is the stake placed in our hands ; great is the responsibility which must rest upon the People of the United States. Let us realize the importance of the attitude in which we stand before the world. Let us exercise forbearance and firmness. Let us extricate our country from the dangers which sur- round it, and learn wisdom from the lessons they inculcate. Deeply impressed with the truth of these observations, and under the obliga- tion of that solemn oath which I am about to take, I shall continue to exert all my faculties to maintain the just powers of the Constitution, and to transmit unimpaired to posterity the blessings of our Federrw Union. At the same time, it will be my aim to inculcate, by my ofiicial acte, the necessity of exercising, by the General (iovernmerit, those powers only tliat are clearly delegated , to encourage simplicity and economy in the expenditures of the Government ; to raise no more money froiL tho People than may be requisite for these objects, and in a manner ihat will best promote the interests of all classes of the community and of all portions of the Union. Constantly bearing in mind that , ii( entering into society, individuals must give up a share of .^borty THE STANDARD SPEAKER. prese;Te tho Tost." it will be mj desire so to discharge my duties as t* foster with our brethren, in all parts of the country, a spirit of liberal ^^onec■^s:v,ll and compromise ; and, by reconciling our fellow-citizens to those partial sacrifices which they must unavoidably make, for the preservation of a gi-eater good, to recommend our invaluable Govern- ment and Union to the confidence and affections of the American Poo pie. Finally, it is my most fervent prayer to that Almigl-ty Being before whom I now stand, and who has kept us in his hands from tha infancy of our Republic to the present day, that he will so overrule all my intentions and actions, and inspire the hearts of my fellow-citizens, that we may be preserved from dangers of all kinds, and continue for- ever a UNITED AND HAPPY PEOPLE. 160. RESPONSIBILITIES OF A RECOMMENDATION OF WAR. — Horace Binney. What are sufficient causes of war, let no man say, let no legislator Bay, until the question of war is directly and inevitably before him. Jurists may be permitted, with comparative safety, to pile tome upon tome of interminable disquisition upon the motives, reasons and causes, of just and unjust war ; metaphysicians may be suffered with impu- nity to spin the thread of their speculations until it is attenuated to a cobweb ; but, for a body created for the government of a great nation, and for the adjustment and protection of its infinitely diversified inter- ests, it is worse than folly to speculate upon the causes of war, until the great question shall be presented for immediate action, — until they shall hold the united question of cause, motive, and presen-t expe- diency, in the very palm of their hands. War is a tremendous evil. Come when it will, unless it shall come in the necessary defence of our national security, or of that honor under whose protection national security reposes, it will come too soon ; — too soon for our national prosperity ; too soon for our individual happiness ; too soon for the frugal, industrious, and virtuous habits of our citizens ; too soon, perhaps, for our most precious institutions. The man who, for any cause, save the sacred cause of public security, which makes all wars defensive, — the man who, for any cause but this, shall promote or compel this final and terrible resort, assumes a responsibility second to none, — nay, transcendently deeper and higher than any, — which man can assume before his fellow-men, or in the presence of God hia Creator. 101 THE SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES.— Horace Bim es- What, Sir, is the Supreme Court of the United States? It ia tha august representative of the wisdom and justice and conscience nf this whole People, in the exposition of their Constitution and laws, ft is the peaceful and venerable arbitrator between the citizens in all questions touching the extent and sway of constitutional power. It i% ^.be ^-eat moral substitute for force in controversies between the Pecj^le, the Strites and the Union. It is that departmwit of Admiuia SENATORIAL — LEGARE. tA-ation whose ealia voice dispenses the blessings of the Constitutiott in the overthrow of all improvident or unjust legislation b} a State, directed against the contracts, the currency, or the intercourse of the People, and iu the maintenance of the lawful authority and institu- tions of the Union, against inroads, by color of law, from all or any of the States, or from Congress itself. If the voice of this tribunal, created by the People, be not authoritative to the People, what voice can be ? None, my fellow-citizens,, absolutely none, but that voice which speaks through the trumpet of the conqueror. It has been truly said, by an eminent statesman, " that if that which Congress has enacted, and the Supreme Court has sanctioned, be not the law, then the reign of the law has ceased, and the reign of indi- vidual opinion has began." It may be said, with equal truth, that if that which Congress has enacted, and the Supreme Court has sanc- tioned, be not the law, then has this Government but one department, and it is that which wields the physical force of the country. If the Supreme Court of the Union, or its authority, be taken away, what remains ? Force, and nothing but force, if the Union is to continue at all. The world knows of no other powers of Government, than the power of the law, sustained hj public opinion, and the power of the sword, sustained by the arm that wields it. I hold it, Sir, to be free from all doubt, that wherever an attempt shall be made to destroy this Union, if it is under the direction of ordinary understanding, it will begin by prostrating the influence of Congress, and of the Supreme Court of the United States. 162. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES NOT AN EXPERIMENT, 1837.— Hugh S. Legari. Born in South Carolina^ 1797; died, 1843. We are told that our Constitution — the Constitution of the United States — is a mere experiment. Sir, I deny it utterly ; and he that fiays so shows me that he has either not studied at all, or studied to very little purpose, the history and genius of our institutions. The great cause of their prosperous results — a cause which every one of the many attempts since vainly made to imitate them, on this conti- nent or in Europe, only demonstrates the more clearly — is precisely the contrary. It is because our fathers made no experiments, and had no experiments to make, that their work has stood. They were foned, by a violation of their historical, hereditary rights under the old common law of their race, to dissolve their connection with the moiLer country. But the whole constitution of society in the States, :ho great body and bulk of their public law, with all its maxims anii [•rinciples, — in short, all that is republican in our institutions, — remained, after .the Revolution, and remains now, with some very subordinate modifications, what it was from the beginning. (>ur written constitutions do nothing but consecrate and fortify the plain rules of ancient liberty," handed down with Mag-ia Charta. Sroni the earliest history of our i ace. It is not a piece of paper, Sir 314 THE STANDARr SPEAKEJtl. It h mji a few abstractions engrossed on parchment, that make fret '^lovernfiicnts. No, Sir; the law of liberty must be inscribed on the rieart of the citizen : the word, if I may use the expression without irreverence, must become flesh. You must have a whole People trained, disciplined bred, — yea, and born, — as our fathers were, to institutions like ours. Before the Colonies existed, the Petition of Rights, that Magna Charta of a more enlightened- age, had been pre- sented, in 1628, by Lord Coke and his immortal compeers. Our founders brought it with them, and we have not gone one step beyond them. They brought these maxims of civil liberty, not in their libraries, but in their souls ; not as philosophical prattle, not as barren generalities, but as rules of conduct ; as a symbol of publio duty and private right, to be adhered to with religious fidelity ; and the very first pilgrim that set his foot upon the rock of Plymouth stepped forth a living constitution, armed at all points to defend and to perpetuate the liberty to which he had devoted his whole being. 163. EMOTIONS ON RETURNING TO THE UNITED STATES, 1837. — Leg-a/ * Sir, I dare not trust myself to speak of my country with the rap ture which I habitually feel when I contemplate her marvellous history But this I will say, — that, on my return to it, after an absence of only four years, I was Qlled with wonder at all I saw and all I heard. What is to be compared with it I found New York grown up t of the noblest batteries that ever thundered in d^feiKie of SENATORIAL. CLAY. the CoRstiiattm, and that you have bravely spiked the caiinou. Toll them that, henceforward, no matter what daring or outrageous act any President may perform, you have forever hermetically sealed the mouth of the Senate. Tell them that he may fearlessly assume what [lOwer he pleases, — snatch from its lawful custody the Public Purse, com- mand a military detachment to enter the halls of the Capitol, overa we Congress, trample down the Constitution, and raze every bulwark of freedom, — but that the Senate must stand mute, in silent submission, and not dare to lift an opposing voice ; that it must wait until a House of Representatives, humbled and subdued like itself, and a majority of it composed of the partisans of the President, shall prefer articles of impeachment. Tell them, finally, that you have restored the glorious doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance ; and, when you have told them this, if the People do not sweep you from your places with their indignation, I have yet to learn the character of American fre? men ! 169. ON RECOGNIZING THE INDEPENDENCE OF GREECE, 1824. — Clap. Are we so low, so base, so despicable, that we may not express oui horror, articulate our detestation, of the most brutal and atrocious war that ever stained earth, or shocked high Heaven, with the ferocious deeds of a brutal soldiery, set on by the clergy and followers of a fanatical and inimical religion, rioting in excess of blood and butchery, at the mere details of which the heart sickens ? If the great mass of Christendom can look coolly and calmly on, while all this is perpetrated on a Christian People, in their own vicinity, in their very presence, let us, at least, show that, in this distant extremity, there is still some sensibility anJ. sympathy for Christian wrongs and sufferings ; that there are still feelings which can kindle into indignation at the oppression of a Peo- ple endeared to us by every ancient recollection, and every modern tie But, Sir, it is not first and chiefly for Greece that I wish to see this measure adopted. It will give them but little aid, — that aid purely of a moral kind. It is, indeed, soothing and solacing, in distress, to hear the accents of a friendly voice. We know this as a People. But, Sir, it is principally and mainly for America herself, for the credit and character of our common country, that I hope to see this resolu- tion pass it is for our own unsullied name that I feel. What appearance, Sir, on the page of history, would a record like Uiis make : — " In the month of J anuary, in the year of our Lord and Saviour 1824, while all European Christendom beheld with cold, infceling apathy the unexampled wrongs and inexpressible misery of (Jhristian Greece, a proposition was made in the Congress of the (Tnited States, — almost the sole, the last, the greatest repository of human hope and of human freedom, the representatives of a Nation upable of bringing into the field a million of bayonets, — while the freemen of that Nation were spontaneously expressing its deep-toned teeliag. its fervent prayer for Grecian success ; while the whole Con 320 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. tinent was rising, by one simultaneous motion, solemnly and anxiotjisii supplicating and invoking the aid of Heaven to spare Greece, and tc invigorate her arms; while temples and senate-houses were all resound* ing with one burst of generous sympathy ; — in the year of our Lord and Saviour, — that Saviour alike of Christian Greece and of us, — a proposition was offered in the American Congress, to send a messenger to Greece, to inquire into her state and condition, with an expression of our good wishes and our sympathies ; — and it was rejected ! " Go home, if you dare, — go home, if you can,— to your constituents, and tell them that you voted it down ! Meet, if you dare, the appalling coun- tenances of those who sent you here, and tell them that you shrank from the declaration of your own sentiments ; that, you cannot tell how, but that some unknown dread, some indescribable apprehension, some indefinable danger, afi"righted you ; that the spectres of cimeters and crowns, and crescents, gleamed before you, and alarmed you ; and, that you suppressed all the noble feelings prompted by religion, by lib- erty, by National independence, and by humanity ! I cannot bring myself to believe that such will be the feeling of a majority of this House. 170. ON THE PROSPECT OF WAR, mi. — John C. Calhoun. Born, 1782 ; rf/erf, 1850. We are told of the danger of war. We are ready to acknowledge its hazard and misfortune, but I cannot think that we have any extraor- dinary danger to apprehend, — at least, none to warrant an acquies- cence in the injuries we have received. On the contrary, I believe no war would be less dangerous to internal peace, or the safety of the country. In speaking of Canada, the gentleman from Virginia introduced the name of Montgomery with much feeling and interest. Sir, there ia danger in that name to the gentleman's argument. It is sacred to heroism ! It is indignant of submission ! It, calls our memory back to the time of our Revoluticn, — to the Congress of 1774 and 1775. Suppose a speaker of that day had risen and urged all the arguments which we have heard on this occasion : had told that Congress, " Your contest is about the right of laying a tax ; the attempt on Canada has nothing to do with it ; the war will be expensive ; danger and devasta- tion will overspread our country, and the power of Great Britain is irresistible " ? With what sentiment, think you, would such doctrines have been received ? Happy for us, they had no force at that period of our country's glory. Had such been acted on, this hall would never have witnessed a great People convened to deliberate for the general good ; a miglity Empire, with prouder prospects than any Nation tho Bun ever shone on, would not have risen in the West. No ! we would ^rave been vile, su})jected Colonies • governed by that imperious rod which Britain holds over her distant Provinces. The Gentleman is at a loss to account for what he call/5 our hatrec GO England. He asks, How can we hate tne country fer^ec«£ It has been maintained that the genius which constitutes a grea* military man is a very high quality, and may be equally useful in the Cabinet and in the field ; that it has a sort of universality equally applicable to all affairs. We have seen, undoubtedly, instances of a rare and wonderful combination of civil and military qualifications both of the highest order. That the greatest civil qualifications may be found united with the highest military talents, is what no one will deny who thinks of Washington. But that such a combination is rare and extraordinary, the fame of Washington sufficiently attests. If it were common, why was he so illustrious ? I would ask, what did Cromwell, with all his military genius, do for England ? He overthrew the Monarchy, and he established Dic- tatorial power in his own person. And what happened next ? An- other soldier overthrew the Dictatorship, and restored the Monarchy The sword efiected both. Cromwell made one revolution ; and Monk another. And what did the People of England gain by it* Nothing. Absolutely nothing ! The rights and liberties of English- men, as they now exist, were settled and established at the Revolution in 1688. Now, mark the difference ! By whom was that Revolu- tion begun and conducted ? Was it by soldiers ? by military genius ? by the sword ? No ! It was the work of statesmen and of eminent lawyers, — men never distinguished for military exploits The faculty — the dormant faculty — may have existed. That is what no one can affirm or deny. But it would have been thought an absurd and extravagant thing to propose, in reliance upon this possible dormant faculty, that one of those eminent statesmen and lawyers ehould be sent, instead of the Duke of Marlborough, to command the English forces on the Continent ! Who achieved the freedom and the independence of this our owQ country ? Washington effected much in the field ; but where were fche Franklins, the Adamses, the Hancocks, the Jefiersons, and the r^ees, — the band of sages and patriots, whose memory we revere ? They were assembled in Council. The heart of the Revolution beat 111 the Hall of Congress. There was the power which, beginning with appeals to the King and to the British Nation, at length made an irresistible appeal to the world, and consummated the Revolution by the Declaration of Independence, which Washington established i^ith tneir authority, and, bearing their commission, supported 326 THE STANDARD SPEAKEB *rms. And ^^hat has this band of patriots, of sagos, anl of states- men, given to us ? Not what . Caesar gave to Rome ; not what Crom. well gave to England, or Napoleon to France : thej established for w, the great principles of civil, political, and religious liberty, upon the strong foundations on which they have hitherto stood. There may have been military capacity in Congress ; but can any one deny thai St is to the wisdom of sages, Washington being one, we arfi ffidebted for the signal blessings we enjoy ? 176. OPPOSITION TO MISGOVERNMENT, IBU. — Webster. All the evils which afflict the country are imputed to opposition. It is said to be owing to opposition that the war became necessary, and owing to opposition, also, that it has been prosecuted with no better success. This, Sir, is no new strain. It has been sung a thousand times. It is the constant tune of every weak and wicked adminis- tration. What minister ever yet acknowledged that the evils which fell on his country were the necessary consequences of his own inca- pacity, his own folly, or his own corruption ? What possessor of political power ever yet failed to charge the mischiefs resulting from his own measures upon those who had uniformly opposed those meas- ures? The people of the United States may well remember the administration of Lord North. He lost America to his country, yet he could find pretences for throwing the odium upon his opponents. He couFd throw it upon those who had forewarned him of conse- quences, and who had opposed him, at every stage of his disastrous policy, v/ith all the force of truth, reason and talent. It was not his own weakness, his own ambition, his own love of arbitrary power, that disaifected the Colonies. It was not the Tea Act, the Stamp Act, the Boston Port Bill, that severed the empire of Britain. 6, no ! It was owing to no fault of Administration. It was the work of Opposition. It was the impertinent boldness of Chatham, the idle declamation of Fox, the unseasonable sarcasm of Barre. These men, and men like them, would not join the minister in his American war. They would not give the name and character of wisdom to what they believed to be the extreme of folly. They would not pronounce those measures just and honorable which their principles led them to con- demn. They declared the minister's war to be wanton. They fore- saw its end, and pointed it out plainly, both to the minister and to the country. He declared their opposition to be selfish and factious. Ha ^wrsisted in his course ; and the result is in history. Important as I deem it. Sir, to discuss, on all proper occasions, tho policy of the measures at present pursued, it is still more imj^jitani to maintain the right of such discussion in its full and just extent, ' Sentiments lately sprung up, and now growing popular, render it oecessary to be explicit on this point. It is the ancient and constitu- doiial right of this people to canvass public measures, and the meritu SENATORIAL. — WEBSTER. 327 of public men. It is a home-bred right, a fireside ft^nilege. It haa ever heen enjoyed in every house, cottage and cabin, in the Natioa It is not to be drawn into controversy. It is as undoubted as the right of breathing the air and walking on the earth. Belonging to private life as a right, it belongs to public life as a duty ; and it is the last duty which those whose representative I am shall fiud ine to abandon. This high constitutional privilege I shall defend and exercise within this House, and without this House, and in all places ; in time of war, in time of peace, and at all times. Living, I will assert it ; dying, I will assert it ; and, should I leave no other legacy tc my children, by the blessing of God I will leave them the inheritance of free principles, and the example of a manly, independent, an(' constitutional defence of them ! 177 MORAL FORCE AGAINST PHYSICAL, Jan. 19, 1823. — Webster. The time has been. Sir, indeed, when fleets, and armies, and sub sidies, were the principal reliances, even in the best cause. But, hap pily for mankind, there has come a great change in this respect, Moral causes come into consideration, in proportion as the progress oi knowledge is advanced ; and the public opinion of the civilized world IS rapidly gaining an ascendency over mere brutal force. It is already able to oppose the most formidable obstruction to the progress of injustice and oppression ; and, as it grows more intelligent, and more intense, it will be more and more formidable. It may be silenced by military power, but it cannot be conquered. It is elastic, irrepress- ible, and invulnerable to the weapons of ordinary t irfare. It is that impassable, unextinguishable enemy of mere violence and arbitrarv rule, which, like Milton's angels, " Vital in every part, Cannot, out by annihilating, die." Until this be propitiated or satisfied, it is in vain for power to talk either of triumphs or of repose. No matter what fields are desolated, what fortresses surrendered, what armies subdued, or what provinces overrun. In the history of the year that has passed by us, and in the instance of unhappy Spain, we have seen the vanity of all tri- umphs, in a cause which violates the general sense of justice of the civilized world. It is nothing that the troops of France have passed from the Pyrenees to Cadiz ; it is nothing that an unhappy and pros- trate Nation has fallen before them ; it is nothing that arrests, and confiscation, and execution, sweep away the little remnant of naticoal: existence. There is an enemy that still exists, to check the gloiy of these triumphs. It follows the conqueror back to tlie very scene of his ovations ; it calls upon him to take notice that Europe, though silent, is yet indignant ; it shows him that the sceptre of his victory is a barren sceptre, — that it shall confer neither joy nor honor, nui ehall moulder to dry ashes in his grasp. In tlu* midst of his exiu^i^ THE STANDARD SPEAKEJl. tion, it piercer his ear with the cry of injured justice ; it denounoa against him the indignation of an enlightened and civilized age : it turns to bitterness the cup of his rejoicing, and wounds him with the Bting wiiich belongs to the consciousness of having outraged tht opinions of mankind. f78. SYMPATHY Wmi SOUTH-AMERICAN REPUBLICANISM, 1826. — Wettter. Y/e are told that the country is deluded and deceived by cabalistic words. Cabalistic words ! If we express an emotion of pleasure at the results of this great action of the spirit of political liberty ; if we rejoice at the birth of new republican Nations, and express our joy by the common terms of regard and sympathy; if we feel and signify high gratification, that, throughout this whole Continent, men are now likely to be blessed by free and popular institutions ; and if, in the uttering of these sentiments, we happen to speak of sister Republics, of the great American flimily of Nations, or of the political systems and forms of Government of this hemisphere, — then, indeed, it seems, we deal in senseless jargon, or impose on the judgment and feeling of the community by cabalistic words ! Sir, what is meant by this ? Is it intended that the People of the United States ought to be totally indifferent to the fortunes of these new neighbors ? Is no change, in the lights in which we are to view them, to be wrought, by their hav- ing thrown off foreign dominion, established independence, and insti- tuted, on our very borders, republican Governments, essentially after our own example ? Sir, I do not wish to overrate — I do not overrate — the progress of these new States, in the great work of establishing a well-secured popular liberty. I know that to be a great attainment, and I know they are but pupils in the school. But, thank God, they are in the school ! They are called to meet difficulties such as neither we nor Dur fathers encountered. For these we ought to make large allow- inces. What have we ever known like the colonial vassalage of these States ? Sir, we sprang from another stock. We belong "to another race.^ We have known nothing — we have felt nothing — of the political despotism of Spain,, nor of the heat of her fires of intolerance. No rational man expects that the South can run the same rapid career as the North, or that an insurgent province of Spain is in the same condition as the English Colonies when they first asserted their ind&» pendence. There is, doubtless, much more to be done in the first than \n the last case. But, on that account, the honor of the attempt ia not less ; and, if all difficulties shall be, in time, surmounted, it will b# greater. The work may be more arduous, — it is not less noble — • becaase there may be more of ignorance to enlighten, more of bigotry to subdue, more of prejudice to eradicate. If it be a weakness t/> fool B strong interest in the success of these great revolutions, I confess myHtdf guilty of that weakness. If it be weak to feel that 1 am an AjUQerican, — to think that recent events have not only opened now SENATORIAL. WEBSTER. 82S mcdes of intercourse but have created, also, new grounds of regard and sympathy, between ourselves and our neighbors ; if it be weak to teel that the South, in her present state, is somewhat more emphati- cally a part of America than when she lay, obscure, oppressed, and unlmpwn, under the grinding bondage of a foreign power ; if it be weak to rejoice wnen, even in any corner of the earth, human beings are able to get up from beneath oppression, — to erect themselves, and to enjoy the proper happiness of their intelligent nature. — if this be weak^ it is ft weakness from which I claim no exemption. 179. HATRED OP THE POOR TO THE RICH, 1834. — fVebster Sir, I see, in those vehicles which carry to the People sentiments from high places, plain declarations that the present controversy is but a strife between one part of the community and another. I hear it boasted as the unfailing security, — the solid ground, never to ba shaken, — on which recent measures rest, that the poor naturally hate the rich. I know that, under the shade of the roofs of the Capitol, within the last twenty-four hours, among men sent here to devise means for the public safety and the public good, it has been vaunted forth, as matter of boast and triumph, that one cause existed, powerful enough to support everything and to defend everything, and that was, — the natural hatred of the poor to the rich. Sir, I pronounce the author of such sentiments to be guilty of attempting a detestable fraud on the community ; a double fraud, — a fraud which is to cheat men out of their property, and out of the earnings of their labor, by first cheating them out of their understand- ings.^ ''The natural hatred of the poor to the rich ! " Sir, it shall not be till the last moment of my existence ; — it shall be only when I am drawn to the verge of oblivion, — when I shall cease to have respect or affection for anything on earth, — that I will believe the people of the United States capable of being effectually deluded, cajoled, and driven about in herds, by such abominable frauds as this. If they shall sink to that point, — if they so far cease to be men — thinking men, intelligent men — as to yield to such pretences and such clamor. — they will be slaves already ; slaves to their own passions, slaves to the fraud and knavery of pretended friends. They will deserve to be blotted out of all the records of freedom. They ought not to dishonor the cause of self-government, by attempting any longer to exercise it. They ought to keep their unworthy hands entirely off from the causM of nipublican liberty, if they are capable of being the victims of arti^ fices so shallow, — of tricks so stale, so threadbare, so often practised, w much worn out, on serfs and slaves. ''The natural hatred of the poor against the rich " The dangej jf a moneyed aristocracy ! ' "A power as gr?at and dangerous as that '^sisted by the Kevolutiou ' "A call to a new Declaratioo ol Indo- peudence ! ' TItE STANDARD SPEAKER. Sil, 1 adn^vyiiisli the People against the objects of outcries like these I admonish every mdiaetrious .aoorer in the country to be on his guara against such delusions. I tell him the attempt is to play off hi? pa& eions against liis interests, and to prevail on him, in the name of lit/erty to destroy all the fruits of liberty ; in the name of patriotism, to injure and afflict his country ; and in the name of his own independence, ie destroy that very independence, and make him a beggar and a slave ! 180. ON SUDDEN POLITICAL CONVERSIONS, 1838. — fVebster. Mr. President, public men must certainly be allowed to cnange their opinions, and their associations, w^henever they see fit. No one doubts this. Men may have grown wiser, — they may have attained to better and more correct views of great public subjects. Neverthe- less, Sir, it must be acknowledged, that what appears to be a sudden, as well as a great change, naturally produces a shock. I confess, for one, I was shocked, when the honorable gentleman,* at the la'st fcession, espoused this billt of the Administration. Sudden movements of the affections, whether personal or political, are a little out of nature. Several years ago, Sir, some of the wits of England wrote a mock play, intended to ridicule the unnatural and false feeling — the senti- mentalut, — of a certain German sc*hool of literature. In this play, two strangers are brought together at an inn. While they are warm- ing themselves at the lire, and before their acquaintance is yet five minutes old, one springs up, and exclaims to the other, " A sudden thought strikes me ! — Let us swear an eternal friendship ! " This affectionate offer was instantly accepted, and the friendship duly sworn, unchangeable and eternal ! Now, Sir, how locg this eterna! friendship lasted, or in what manner it ended, those who wish to know may learn by referring to the play. But it seems to me, t^ir, that th^ honorable member has carried his political sentimentality a t'ood dea' higher than the flight of the German school ; for he appears to havi fallen suddenly in love, not with strangers, but with opponents. Her^ tve all had been. Sir, contending against the progress of Exocutivv power, and more particularly, and most strenuously, against the proj ects and experiments of the Administration upon the currency. Th.' honorable member stood among us, not only as an associate, but as t' leader. We thought we were making some headway. The People appeared to be coming to our support and our assistance. The country aad been roused ; every successive election weakening the strength of th« adversary, and increasing our own. We were in this career rf success, carried strongly forward by the current of public opinion, and onlj needed to hear the cheering voice of the honorable member, — *' Once more unto the broach, dear friends, once more ! '* and we should have prostrated, forever, this anti-constitutional, antv commercial, anti-republicfan, and an ti- American policy of the AdDiinia- braticn But, instead of these encouraging and animating aeccnte * Mr. Calhoun. f The Sub-treasury bill SENATORIAL. WEBSTER. mhcld ! in the very crisis of our affairs, on the very eve of viccory fche honorable member cries out to the enemy, — not to us, his allies, but to the enemy, — '* Holloa ! a sudden thought strikes me — 1 abandon my allies ! Now I think of it, they have always been m;^ oppressors ! I abandon them ; and now let you and me swear an etei nal friendship ! " Such a proposition, from such a quarter, Sir, was not likely to long withstood. The other party was a little coy, but, upon the whole, nothing Inath. After proper hesitation, and a little decorous blushing, it owned the soft impeachment, admitted an equally sudden sympa thetic impulse on its own side ; and, since few words are wanted where hearts are already known, the honorable gentleman takes his p]ac« among his new friends, amidst greetings and caresses, and is already enjoying the sweets of an eternal friendship. 181. THE PLATFORM OF THE CONSTITUTION, 1838. — ^e&s«cr. A PRINCIPAL object, in his late political movements, the gentle- man himself tells us, was to unite the entire South ; and against whom, or against what, does he wish to unite the entire South ? Is not thig the very essence of local feeling and local regard ? Is it not the acknowledgment of a wish and object to create political strength, by uniting political opinions geographically ? While the gentleman wishes to unite the entire South, I pray to know, Sir, if he expects me to turn toward the polar-star, and, acting on the same principle, to utter a cry of Rally ! to the whole North ? Heaven forbid ! To the day of my death, neither he nor others shall hear such a cry from me. Finally, the honorable member declares that he shall now march off, under the banner of State rights ! March off from whom ? March off from what ? We have been contending for great principles. We have been struggling to maintain the liberty and to restore the prosper- ity of the country ; we have made these struggles here, in the national councils, with the old flag — the true American flag, the Eagle and the Stars and Stripes — waving over the Chamber in which we sit. He now tells us, however, that he marches off under the State-rights banner ! Let him go. I remain. I am, where I ever have been, and ever mean to be. Here, standing on the platform of the general Constitu- tion, — a platform broad enough, and fii-m enough, to uphold every interest of the whole country, — I shall still be found. Intrusted with some part in the administration of that Constitution, I intend to act in its spirit, and in the spirit of those who framed it. Yes, Sir. I would »ct 1^ if our fathers, who formed it for us, and who bequeathed it to arf, ware looking on me, — as if I could see their venerable fuims, bending down to behold us from the abodes above ! I would act, too. 6S if the eye of posterity was gazing on me. Standing thus, as in the full gaze of our ancestors and our posterity- having received this inheritance from the former to be transmitted to the latter, and feeling that, if I am born for any good, in my day and generation, it Is for the good of the whole country, — ao local policy, M 832 THE STANDARD SPEAKER. /ocal foelirij^, no temporary impulse, shall induce me to yield my footr hold on the Constitution and the Union. I move off under no l»anne< aot known to the whole American I*eople, and to their Constitutioa wad laws. No, Sir ! these walls, these columns " fly From their firm base 9.3 soon as I." I came into public life, Sir^ in the service of the United States On that broad altar my earliest and all my public vows have been made. I propose to serve no other master. So far as depends on any agency of mine, they shall continue united States ; — united in interest and in affection ; united in everything in regard to which the Constitutior has decreed their union ; united in war, for the common defence, the common renown, and the common glory ; and united, compacted, knit firmly together, in peace, for the common prosperity and happiness of ourselves and our children ! 182. RESISTANCE TO OPPRESSION IN ITS liUmM^mS. — Daniel JVeltster Every encroachment, great or small, is important enough to awaken the attention of those who are intrusted with the preservation of a Constitutional Government. We are not to wait till great public mischiefs come, till the government is overthrown, or liberty itself put in extreme jeopardy. We should not be worthy sons of our fathers, were we so to regard great questions affecting the general freedom Those fathers accomplished the Revolution on a strict question of prin- ciple. The Parliament of Great Britain asserted a right to tax the Colonies in all cases whatsoever ; and it was precisely on this question that they made the Revolution turn. The amount of taxation was trifling, but the claim itself was inconsistent with liberty ; and that was, in their eyes, enough. It was against the recital of an act of Parliament, rather than against any suffering under its enactments, that they took up arms. They went to war against a preamble. They fought seven years against a declaration. They poured out their treasures and their blood like water, in a contest, in opposition to an assertion, which those less sagacious and not so well schooled in th^ principles of civil liberty would have regarded as barren phraseology, or mere parade of words. They saw in the claim of the Briti-sh Par- liament a seminal principle of mischief, the germ of unjust power ; ihey detected it, dragged it forth from underneath its plausible dis- guises, struck at it, nor did it elude either their steady eye, or their well-directed blow, till they had extirpated and destroyed it, to the smallest fibre. On this question of principle, while actual suffering jras yet afar off, they raised their flag against a power to which, foi p irposes of foreign conquest and subjugation, Rome, in the height ot h )r glory, is not to be compared ; a power which has dotted over the mrface of the whole globe with her possessions and military posts whose morning drum-boat, following the sun, and keeping comppaj vith the hours, circles the earth daily with one coDtinuous ani jnbrokeu strain of the martial airs of England, fENATOftlAL. WEBSTEK. 183. PEACEABLE SECESSION, 1850. — Webster. Sir, be who sees these States now revolving in harmony around a sommon centre, and expects to see them quit their places and fly off without convulsion, may look the next hour to see the heavenly bodies rush from their spheres, and jostle against each other in the realms of ipace, without causing the crush of the universe. There can be no such thing as a peaceable secession. Peaceable secession is an utter impossibility. Is the great Constitution under which we live, covering this whole country, is it to be thawed and melted away by secession, as the snows on the mountain melt under the influence of a vernal sun, disappear almost unobserved, and run ofl" ? No, Sir ! No, Sir ! I will cot state what might produce the disruption of the Union : but, Sir, I see, as plainly as I see the sun in Heaven, what that disruption itself must produce ; I see that it must produce war, and such a war as I will not describe, in its two-fold character. Peaceable secession ! — peaceable secession ! The concurrent agree- ment of all the members of this great Republic to separate ! A vol- untary separation, with alimony on one side and on the other. Why, what would be the result ? Where is the line to be drawn ? What States are to secede ? What is to remain American ? What am I to be ? An American no longer ? Am I to become a sectional man, a local man, a separatist, with no country in common with the gentle- men who sit around me here, or who fill the other House of Congress ? Heaven forbid ! Where is the flag of the Republic to remain ? Where is the eagle still to tower ? — or is he to cower, and shrink, and fall to the ground ? Why, Sir, our ancestors — our fathers and our grandfathers, those of them that are yet living amongst us, with prolonged lives — would rebuke and reproach us ; and our children and our grandchildren would cry out shame upon us, if we, of this generation, should dis- honor these ensigns of the power of the Government and the harmony of that Union, which is every day felt among us with so much joy and gratitude. What is to become of th^ army ? What is to become of the navy ? What is to become of the public lands ? How is any one of the thirty States to defend itself? Sir, we could not sit down here to-day, and draw a line of separa- tion that would satisfy any five men in the country. There are natu- ral causes that would keep and tie us . together ; and there are social and domestic relations which we could not break if we would, and whish we should not if we could. 184. ON MR. CLAY'S RESOLUTIONS, March 7, — Webster. And now, IMr. President, instead of speaking of the possibility or itility of secession, instead of dwelling in these caverns of darkness, instead of groping with those ideas so full of all that is horrid and horrible, let us come out into the light of day ; let us enjoy the fresh ttir of Liberty and Union ; let us cherish those hopes which belong to as ; lot us devote ourselves to those great objects that are fit for our 334 THE STAJIDARD SPEAKER. BOnsidcratif'n and o ir action ; let us raise our conceptions to tbe mag. tticude and the ?mportance of the duties that devolve upon us ; let oul comprehension oe as broad as the country for which we act, our aspira* tions as high as its certain destiny ; let us not be pigUxies in a case that calls for men. Never did there devolve on any generation of men higher trusts than now devolve upon us, for the preservation of this Constitution, and the harmony and peace of all who are destined to live under it. Let us make our generation one of the strongest and bright- est links in that golden chain, which is destined, I fondly believe, to grapple the People of all the States to this Constitution for ages tx} come. We have a great, popular, constitutional Government, guarded by law and by judicature, and defended by the whole affections of the People. No monarchical throne presses these States together ; no iron chain of military power encircles them ; they live and stand upon a Government popular in its form, representative in its character, founded upon principles of equality, and so constructed, we hope, as to last for- ever. In all its history it has been beneficent ; it has trodden down no man's liberty, — it has crushed no State. Its daily respiration ia liberty and patriotism ; its yet youthful veins are full of enterprise, courage, and honorable love of glory and renown. Large before, the country has now, by recent events, become vastly larger. This Repub- lic now extends, with a vast breadth, across the whole Continent. The two great seas of the world wash the one and the other shore. We realize, on a mighty scale, the beautiful description of the ornamental edging of the buckler of Achilles, — " Now the broad shield complete, the artist crowned With his last hand, and poured the ocean round : In living silver seemed the waves to roll. And beat the buckler's verge, and bound the whole.'* 185. JUSTICE TO THE WHOLE COUNTRY, July 17, 1S50. — TVebster I THINK, Sir, the country calls upon us loudly and imperatively to settle this question. I think that the whole world is looking to see whether this great popular Government can get through such a crisis. We are the observed of all observers. It is not to be disputed or doubted, that the eyes of all Christendom are upon us. We havo stood through many trials. Can we stand through this, which takes so much the character of a sectional controversy ? Can we stand that ? There is no inquiring man in all Europe who does not ask himself that question every day, when he reads the intelligence of the morning. Can this country, with one set of interests at the South, and another «et of interests at the North, — these interests supposed, but falsely sup [josed, to be at variance, — can this People see, what is so evident to tho whole world beside, that this Union is their main hope and greatest benefit, and that their interests are entirely compatible ? Can they lee, and will they feel, that thjir prosperity, their respectability amopg SENATORIAL, WEBSITER. 38b the Nat .ons of tne aarth, and their happiness at home, depend upoi^ the ma'ntenance of their Union and their Constitution ? That is the question. I agree that local divisions are apt to overturn the under- standings of men, and to excite a belligerent feeling between sectioB and section. It is natural, in times of irritation, for one part of th« country to say, if you do that I will do this, and so get up a feeling of hostility and defiance. Then comes belligerent legislation, and then an appeal to arms. The question is, whether we have the true patri- otism, the Americanism, necessary to carry us through such a trial The whole world is looking towards us, with extreme anxiety. For myself, I propose, Sir, to abide by the principles and the pur- poses which I have avowed. I shall stand by the Union, and by all who stand by it. I shall do justice to the whole country, according to the best of my ability, in all I say, — and act for the good of the whole country in all I do. I mean to stand upon the Constitution. I need no other platform. I shall know but one country. The ends I aim at shall be my country's, my God's, and Truth's. I was born an American ; I live an American ; I shall die an American : and I intend to perform the duties incumbent upon me in that character to the end of my career. I mean to do this, with absolute disregard of personal consequences. What are personal consequences ? What is the individual man, with all the good or evil that may betide him, in comparison with the good or evil which may befall a great country in a crisis like this, and in the midst of great transactions which concern that country's fate ? Let tne consequences be what they will, I am careless. No man can suffer too much, and no man can fall too soon, if he suffer, or if he fall, in defence of the liberties and Constitution of his country ! 186. MATCHES AND OVER-MATCHES, mO. — Webster. The following passage, and others by Blr. Webster which succeed it in this Department, are from his speeches in reply to Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, in the Senate of the United States, January, 1830. This celebrated intellectual combat, between these distinguished men, grew out of a Resolution offered by Mr. Foote, directing the committee on Public Lands to inquire into the quantity of the public lands remaining unsold, and other matters connected therewith. This resolution afforded a text for a very irrelevant debate. Of the irrelevancy of Mr. Hayne's remarks, Mr. Webster said : " He has spoken of everything but the public lands. They have escaped his notice. To that subject, in all his excursions, he has not even paid the cold i-espe^* of a passing glance." I AM not one of those, Sir, who esteem any tribute of regard, whethe' light and occasional, or more serious and deliberate, which may be bestowed on others, as so much unjustly withholden from themselves?. But the tone and manner of the gentleman's question forbid me thus to interpret it. I am not at liberty to consider it as nothing more than a civility to his friend. It had an air of taunt and disparage- ment, a little of the loftiness of asserted superiority, which does no^ iillow me to pass it over without notice. It was put as a question foj mo to answer, and so put as if it were difl&cult for me to answer, whether I deemed the member from Missouri an over-match for rayself in debate here. It seems to me, Sir, that this is extraordinary \an euage, and an extraordinary tone, for tho discussions of this body. «36 THE STANDAED SPEAKER. Matches and over-matches ! Those terms are more applicable else wrhere than here, and fitter for other assemblies than this. Sir, (h« gentleman seems to forget where and what we are. This is a Senate , ft Senate of equals ; of men of individuai honor and personal character, and of absolute independence. We know no masters ; we acknowledge £0 dictators. This is a Hall for mutual consultation and discussion , noi an arena for the exhibition of champions. I olFer myself, Sir, a? a ?natch for no man ; I throw the challer^ge of debate at no man's feet. But, then, Sir, since the honorable member has put the question, in a manner that calls for an answer, I will give him an answer ; and i tell him, that, holding myself to be the humblest of the members here, I yet know nothing in the arm of his friend from Missouri, either alone, or when aided by the arm of his friend from South Carolina, that need deter even me from espousing whatever opinions I may choose to espouse, from debating whenever 1 may choose to debate, oi from speaking whatever I may see fit to say, on the floor of the Senate. Sir, when uttered as matter of commendation or compliment, I should dissent from nothing which the honorable member might say of his friend. Still less do I put forth any pretensions of my own. But, when put to me as matter of taunt, I throw it back, and say to the gentleman that he could possibly say nothing less likely than such a comparison to wound my pride of personal character. The anger of its tone rescued the remark from intentional irony, which, otherwise, probably, would have been its general acceptation. But, Sir, if it be imagined that, by this mutual quotation and commendation ; if it be supposed that, by casting the characters of the drama, assigning tc each his part, — to one, the attack ; to another, the cry of onset ; — or, if it be thought that, by a loud and empty vaunt of anticipated victory, any laurels are to be won here ; if it be imagined, especially, that any or all these things shall shake any purpose of mine, — I can tell the honorable member, once for all, that he is greatly mistaken, and ihat he is dealing with one of whose temper and character he has yet much to learn. Sir, I shall not allow myself, on this occasion, — I hope on no occasion, — to be betrayed into any loss of temper; but if provoked, as I trust I never shall allow myself to be, into crimination and recrimi- nation, the honorable member may, perhaps, find that in that contest there will be blows to take, as well as blows to give ; that others can fttate comparisons as significant, at least, as his own ; and that his impunity may, perhaps, demand of him whatever powers of taunt and sarcasm he may possess. I commend 1 im to a prudent husbandry of his resources. 187. SOUTH CAROLINA AND MASSACHUSETTS, 1830 — Webster The eulogiura pronounced on the character of the State of South Carolina, by the honorable gentleman, for her Kevolutionary and othsr merits, meets my hearty concurrence. I shall not acknowledge tlmt the hoDorable member goes before me in regard for whatever of distin SENATORIAL. — WTBSTER. S31 fiisKtfd talent or distinguished character South Carolina has produced, claii^ part of the honor, I partake in the pride of h