qp? •»[ -v $ \ ^ f 
 
 A PLEA MrJUSTICE AND MERCY; 
 
 OR, 
 
 FOR EQUAL TAXATION 
 
 FOR 
 
 THE POOR IRISHMAN AS FOR THE RICH, 
 
 AS REGARDS THE STAMP DUTIES ON CIVIL BILLS AND SUMMONSES 
 FOR THE RECOVERING OF SMALL DEBTS IN THE COUNTY 
 AND PETTY SESSIONS COURTS OF IRELAND. 
 
 BY HENRY FITZGIBBON, 
 
 MERCHANT, 
 
 CASTLEREA, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 “ I will bring Law cheap to the Poor Man’s door.”— O'Connell. 
 
 It also contains the Writer’s reasons for attempting this little 
 Work; some Reminiscences of the Stamp Assimilation Act of 1841; 
 Hints on Grand Jury and Fairs and Markets Reform; and a 
 passing observation on the present selfish system of Electoral 
 Division Poor-law Ratings; some of which matters may form the 
 subject of Legislation in the present or next Session of Parliament, 
 and therefore may prove not uninteresting. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 PRINTED BY A. MARLOW, 29, CAPEL-STREET. 
 
 1863. 
 
 PRICE SIXPENCE. 
 

 
 
A HAND-BOOK 
 
 ,iroi; Ihc Ji[is 
 
 BEING 
 
 A PLEA FOR JUSTICE AND MERCY; 
 
 OK, 
 
 .■FOR, EQUAL TAXATION 
 
 FOB 
 
 THE POOR IRISHMAN AS FOR THE RICH, 
 
 AS REGARDS THE STAMP DUTIES ON CIVIL BILLS AND SUMMONSES 
 FOR THE RECOVERING OF SMALL DEBTS IN THE COUNTY 
 AND PETTY SESSIONS COURTS OF IRELAND. 
 
 BY HENRY FXTZGIBBON, 
 
 MERCHANT, 
 
 CASTLEREA, CO. ROSCOMMON. 
 
 “ I will bring Law cheap to the Poor Man’s door.”— O'Connell. 
 
 So far from such being done, the writer hopes to shew clearly, in this small Book, 
 that the cost of Process forms, alone, has increased 1,200 per Cent, since his death ; 
 and that thereby the extremely poor man is crushed and oppressed , whilst his 
 wealthy neighbour is all but relieved from any the least inconvenience through the 
 uujust and unequal taxation of the present Civil Bill (Ireland) Act,—the very reverse 
 of things as they should be. He also proposes plain, suitable , and unerring remedies 
 for that and other abuses in the County and Petty Sessions Courts, which he fer¬ 
 vently hopes may meet the approbation of those who may “ take it up and read it ” 
 witli any the least attention. 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 
 PRINTED BY A. MARLOW, 29, CAPEL-STREET, 
 
 1863. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 N 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
0 S'** 
 
 3 ^ 6 , 2 _ 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 After a portion of his manuscript was printed off, the Writer 
 thought proper to make some additions to his original plan. They 
 contain his reasons for attempting this little Work ; some Remin¬ 
 iscences of the Stamp Assimilation Act of 1841; Hints on Grand 
 Jury and Fairs and Markets Reform, and a passing observation on 
 the present selfish system of Electoral Division Rating; some of 
 which matters may form the subject of Legislation in the present or 
 next Session of Parliament, and therefore may prove not uninter¬ 
 esting. 
 
 Owing to the difficulty of keeping at a distance from town an 
 exact supervision over the Press, a few errors in pum .on and 
 otherwise have crept in, some of which have been noticed in a list of 
 Errata; the others, it is hoped, will cause no trouble to the reader. 
 
 ^ o 60 *i * 
 
 J 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ' 
 
 * 
 
 
 
I 
 
 il, Downing-street, White llali, 
 
 15th November, 1862. 
 
 Sir, — I am directed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to 
 acknowledge the favour of your letter, and I am to state that Her 
 Majesty’s Government arc, on the whole, not prepared to introduce 
 a measure, on the subject to which it relates, at the present time. 
 
 I am Sir, 
 
 Your Obedient Servant, 
 
 CHARLES L. RYAN, 
 
 II. Fitzgibbon, Esq., Castlcrca. 
 

 
PREFACE. 
 
 The writer intends this as a Hand-Book for the poor House¬ 
 holders of Ireland, in the hope that from it they may learn and 
 comprehend the grievance of the Procoss and Summons Stamp 
 infliction, and be induced to assert their just right to equality of 
 taxation. Whether it may pass through a second edition or not, 
 depends in a great measure on those who have the cure in their 
 hands, as if such be applied by the State Physician, and promptly, 
 Quacks from the country may retire from business; but should 
 the system be continued, he hopes, before two years hence, to hear 
 of its being kept and read in almost every village and hamlet in 
 Ireland—as it contends for nothing more or less than fair play 
 for the poor man as for the rich, in the County and Petty Sessions 
 Courts of Ireland. In addition to the letters to the Chancellor of 
 the Exchequer it contains also an Address to the Lord Chan¬ 
 cellor and the other Judges, as heads of the Law; to the Parlia¬ 
 mentary Representatives; the Law Officers; the Chairmen of 
 Counties ; the Newspaper Press of Dublin, and of the Provinces ; to 
 the Irish Corporate Bodies and the Boards of Guardians, in general; 
 and to each Irish M.P., Judge, Chairman, and Newspaper Proprietor 
 in Dublin; in particular, to each and every one of which four last 
 classes of gentlemen, a copy of this is to be sent, so they 
 may all have an opportunity of seeing with their own eyes, and 
 then telling him, if they can, that this system of unequal taxation is 
 
6 
 
 to be a perpetual legacy, entailed on their impoverished country¬ 
 men, through the bungling legislation of Mr. Hatched, when 
 Attorney-General of Ireland. 
 
 It is also intended for other benevolent persons on both sides 
 of the channel, who may be excited through curiosity or induced 
 by charity to wade through it; and it concludes with an explanation, 
 wdiy the writer has dared to obtrude himself on the reading public, 
 who may, he hopes, forgive him for his rashness, even though lie 
 should fail to convince them. 
 
 In order to secure, if possible, "some attention to his humble but 
 
 well intended effort, he has prefixed a letter received from the 
 
 Government through the Chancellor of the Exchequer, dated the 
 
 % 
 
 the 15th November, 1862, just to the day one month from the date of 
 the Statement to which it purported to be an answer,—full time for 
 holding on it even three Cabinet Councils!—yet still, as hitherto, 
 evaporating in nothing! Although placed thus, it will appear 
 again in its proper position ; and, therefore, by observing something 
 like consecutive order, he hopes the reader may exercise the more 
 patience, and understand the subject better. 
 
 » 
 
To the Right Honorable the Lord Chancellor, the Judges of the Land, 
 the Irish Members of Parliament, the Chairmen of Counties, the 
 Hervspaper Press , the Corporate Bodies , and Boards of Guardians, 
 all of and belonging to Ireland, and to all others whom it may 
 concern. 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen —As you may see through the foregoing 
 and subjoined Letter from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that Her 
 Majesty’s Government are not prepared to bring forward a measure for 
 redressing the grievous injustice I complain of* and as every other device 
 which my humble ingenuity could suggest during the last nine years has 
 completely failed me in inducing some of our most popular Irish Members 
 of Parliament, and some of the most professing National Journalists of our 
 country to advocate, practically , the cause I have in hands, of the 
 wretched, helpless, and forgotten class of the Irish people, who, 
 from their position and opportunities, are ignorant of the method and 
 unable to help themselves, by causing their cries for relief to be heard in 
 the high places $ but were they even able to exert themselves, you will 
 always find the Misanthropes at St. Stephen’s, having more leisure for 
 inflicting grinding measures of taxation on the poor and helpless, than the 
 most liberty-loving and benevolent of our country’s Representatives have 
 for even the mitigation of them. 
 
 Yet, be that as it may, this is to beg and crave a few moments of your 
 valuable time, in order to see and comprehend as atrocious an inroad on 
 the poor man’s pocket as could be concocted by the Evil Genius of even 
 the most despotic Government in any part of the globe, through the pre¬ 
 sent Civil Bill (Ireland) Act, brought in, partly borrowed , and otherwise 
 hatched by the present Lord High Commissioner for the Relief of Insol¬ 
 vent Debtors in Ireland, in amending! and improving! which, he was 
 assisted by a Select Committee of the House of Commons, most, if not all, of 
 its members being Lawyers! one of them, the Right Honorable William 
 Keogh, being at present a Judge of the land. Therefore let England’s 
 Constitutional Ministers shew themselves in contrast. 
 
 Bad and severe as that Act has been in its operation on its poor vic¬ 
 tims, it has been much improved on by the late Petty Sessions (Ireland) 
 Act for the Recovery of Small Debts, prepared and caused to be passed 
 by Mr. Whiteside, M.P., when Attorney-General here during the last 
 Derby Administration, through which he has admirably succeeded in 
 putting poor Paddy off the frying pan into the fire ! for by the first lie has 
 
8 
 
 a respite of three months, whereas through this last improvement in the 
 law he can be brought up every other week! Therefore, if such facility 
 be given to the rich man, for suing, there should be an equal kindness 
 exhibited towards his poor neighbour, evidencing that everything is not 
 for the first, but that all classes must be equally protected in their pockets 
 even before they go into Court, as I am free to admit they are in the due 
 administration of the law as it is, whenever they resort there. 
 
 And here I beg to observe, that during the passing of the Petty Ses¬ 
 sions Act, the Right Honorable Baron Deasy exerted himself so as to 
 get a rider to that Bill, providing that in no case should the Costs of the 
 Court exceed 5s., for which, now as then I am most willing to give him 
 all the credit such practical sympathy deserves ; but in a short time after¬ 
 wards, and when he was Her Majesty’s Solicitor-General, and having the 
 cure in some measure in his hands, and that the horror of the merciless 
 system of taxation of the Civil Bills and Summonses inflicted on those 
 who settle before trial, was more fully represented to him than even in 
 my annexed statement to Mr. Gladstone, he seemed to close his eyes, to 
 deafen his ears, and to wrap himself up in his official dignity, for he did 
 not condescend a reply! Therefore, Why ? he had reserved all his 
 pity for the litigious man who might have a very crooked case in hands, 
 whilst he thus overlooked the interests of the many poor but honest per¬ 
 sons who settle before trial, has always since been to me if not a mystery 
 at least a very great inconsistency ! 
 
 Although somewhat out of place here, yet as not having restated it in 
 detail in the subjoined Letter to Mr. Gladstone, M.P., I beg to say that 
 the remedy I had suggested in former statements to him, and the four last 
 Attorney-Generals for Ireland, for reducing the Costs of Court in certain 
 cases of Small Debts being sued for at distant Quarter Sessions towns, 
 was, that whenever the Chairman holds a Court in any one town, that 
 then he do make a circuit of every other Quarter Sessions town within 
 his jurisdiction, either quarterly, half-yearly, or even at such further stated 
 periods as might be most agreeable and convenient to all parties con¬ 
 cerned. 
 
 Such change would have the effect of keeping the litigant parties, in a 
 great measure at least, within the circumscribed limits of their respective 
 districts, and therefore obviate the claiming of costs for travelling, hotel 
 expenses, &e. 
 
 I entertain a strong hope, after perhaps your reading this humble yet 
 truthful statement, that nothing can induce you to blink the question, but 
 that you will bring ynur honest judgment and indignation to bear upon it 
 in such a way as to you may seem most fit and proper, and thus reduce 
 to practice, on behalf of those poor people, words and precepts spoken by 
 the Highest Authority nearly 1900 yeai*3 since, and in such manner as 
 must be most pleasing to Him u who seeth the secrets of all hearts.” 
 a He that is not for me is against me.” “ And the King answering shall 
 
9 
 
 say to them, Amen; I say to you, as long' as you did it for one of those 
 my least brethren, you did it for me.” 
 
 Praying* that not even one of the many Gentlemen to who I am now 
 driven to address myself, may be classed on this crying question at least, 
 amongst the “Did it Nots,” 
 
 I have the honor to remain, 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, 
 
 Your very obedient Servant, 
 
 HENRY FITZGIBBON. 
 
 Castlerea, County Roscommon, 
 October, 15th 1862. 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE CHANCELLOR OF 
 THE EXCHEQUER, CARLTON CLUB, LONDON. 
 
 “ I will bring Law cheap to the Poor Man’s door.”— O'Connell. 
 
 “ I think the present Bills and Notes 1 Stamp Schedule, as regards the Poor and 
 Industrious classes, to be both unjust and oppressive.” 
 
 (Or words of the like import.) 
 
 An extract from the Reported Speech of the Right Honorable W. E. 
 Gladstone, M.P., on making his Financial Statement, in the month of March, 
 1854. 
 
 Right Hon. Sir, —It is now more than two years since I had the 
 honor of sending you a Memorial, (not the first within the last eight years 
 on the same subject), as to the grievous inequality of the Process and 
 Summons Stamps, for the recovery of Small Debts in the County and 
 Petty Sessions Courts of Ireland, through which the poorest householder, 
 if sued for only 2s. 6d. to 5s., on paying before trial, (and there cannot be 
 less tban 10 cases settled to one that goes into Court,) gives at least Is.! 
 —it may be Is. 6d.! ! to 2s.! ! ! in Stamp Duty, whilst if his Lord and 
 Master be cited to the County Court, for even £40, the highest he such 
 
 13 
 
10 
 
 very wealthy person has to pay is only Is. as much as in some cases 
 6d.! or Is.!! less than, his poor serf, who, through dire necessity, per¬ 
 mits himself to be sued for such a trifle. 
 
 I shewed you then as simple a remedy as could be devised—the placing 
 an ad-valorem Stamp on the Executions of the County Courts and their 
 Dismisses; and if that would not suffice, in order to give no excuse, I now 
 add a Penny Stamp, for both the Civil Bill Originals and their Copies. 
 
 For the relief in the Petty Sessions Courts, I merely requested that 
 such small debts be placed on an equality with cases of Wages, Trespass, 
 &c., recoverable in them troin the rich and wealthy up to £10, in which 
 the Original Summons merely is Stamped 6d., and dhe Copy or Copies are 
 all on plain paper !—whereas, in the Small Debt Cases, the Copies must be 
 all Stamped ! ! Behold the contrast! ! ! 
 
 I also shewed you how a poor man sued to a distant town in a Divi¬ 
 sion, might be subjected in Law Costs , and for travelling and hotel 
 expenses, to perhaps more than £1 ! ! by the recovering of even 5s. ! ! ! 
 and should you find time or inclination for doing so charitable an act; by 
 referring to my former Statement, you could find as plain a cure for that 
 in it, as for lowering the present heartless price of the Process and Sum¬ 
 mons Stamps. 
 
 I then felt highly pleased at receiving, through your Secretary, an 
 acknowledgement for it; as also big with expectation, that the two last 
 Sessions would not pass without redress being obtained lor the poor , 
 humhle , and wretched of this country ; nay, there was not a speculator 
 in any department of trade or commerce, <fcc., more anxious to get a peep 
 at your Budget than myself, for I considered it impossible, that the kind- 
 hearted Statesman of 1854, even if since he became callous, could 
 resist doing Justice in ’61, ’62, on a relatively more grinding and unequal 
 impost, if for nothing else but the sake of consistency ; for I respectfully 
 invite you to defend it, if you can! and shew any the least disparity, 
 except that the present, is, if possible, the more galling , and therefore crying- 
 much more piteously for immediate relief. 
 
 I felt equally disappointed on reading it, and seeing that if the poor 
 man’s Process and Summons Stamps were the great man’s playing cards ! 
 for every shilling, he, the victim of povery and starvation has been pay¬ 
 ing during the last ten years at least, he would be now only subject to 
 3d.; excuse me for exclaiming even now, as did of old your great Pre¬ 
 cursor in Senatorial eloquence. 
 
 “ 0 Tempora! 0 Mores! ” 
 
 But perhaps you may tell me this does not belong to your department. 
 I reply, that the House of Commons was petitioned not two years since 
 about it; and that I had written long previous to the present Justices 
 Keogh and Fitzgerald, and Baron Deasy, and to Mr. Whiteside, M.P., 
 when law officers. The two first thanked me by letter, gave vague pro- 
 
11 
 
 raises, admitted the Injustice, and did nothing ! The two last did less ; 
 for neither of them sent even one line in reply. 
 
 Yet I am not surprised; whereas the present highly-gifted and accom¬ 
 plished Attorney-General for Ireland, the Right Honorable Thomas 
 O’Hagan, did not condescend, even through his Secretary, acknowledging 
 the receipt of the copy of the Statement I sent you in the August of 18G0, 
 together with a particular one to himself ; and if the quality were to be 
 judged by the quantity, it should not be very bad, for it filled up eleven 
 pages of foolscap ! but had he since acted on it, I would freely forgive 
 him for the loss of his autograph l 
 
 I beg to observe that as Justice is nevertheless on my side, and as you 
 are still in office, I don’t despair even now; for, as in 1853, you had relieved 
 the great and wealthy, by reducing their Receipt Stamp Duty from the 
 maximum of 10s. ! to less than an equal rating of Id.! ! as you will 
 please bear in mind that all sums under £2 are exempt. I often imagined 
 since, you did it as a precedent for the reduction of the Poor Man’s Small 
 Bills and Notes Stamps the year after; so I expect that as the Aristocra¬ 
 tic Gamblers have been relieved in 1862, you may have done so in order 
 to give them no cause for grumbling, when in 1863 I hope you may 
 be again demonstrating that the Poor Man has still a friend in office who 
 will not close his eyes any longer, to at least this grievous wrong , particu¬ 
 larly on being* informed that its victims are the class to preserve whose 
 existence the Relief Committees of Ireland have been working for many 
 months past, and may be said to have only now ceased from their labours, 
 
 Should they, nevertheless, murmur, you can soothe them by saying, 
 that as regards this ruthless tax your order of Income taxation is com¬ 
 pletely inverted, for by that, the richer a man is the more he has to pay; 
 whereas through this, the very poorest in society are the more taxed for 
 their poverty 1 
 
 And now, supposing you and your Law Officers to be quite indifferent 
 about it, Will you please explain why the Great Man’s Receipt Stamp, 
 being of equal rating, is at the minimum of‘ Id.! whilst the Poor Man’s 
 Civil Bill is at that of Is. ! ? Along with the purposes for which each is 
 required, Would not the ability for payment of the first dictate to any 
 reasonable person, that it should be quite the other way ? but such is not 
 required,—all the poor man wants is Common Justice. 
 
 Again, will you tell me why the Postage Duty is an ad-valorem one, 
 whilst this disgraces your Statute Book ? W T ould it be more absurd to 
 charge for all letters, under a half-ounce, 2s. 8d.! ! ! as for the 16 ounce 
 postage parcel? I am certain, you must admit it would not, as half-an- 
 ounce is the one-32nd part of a lb.; whereas 2s. 6d. is only the one-320th 
 part of £40 ; therefore, the sooner you get rid of this almost exceptional 
 case of legal injustice, the better and more creditable for all parties 
 concerned. 
 
12 
 
 As I hinted to you in my last, the question is not, whether law, cheap 
 or dear, be a blessing; but, when O’Connell often promised to cleanse its 
 “ Augean Stable,” and to bring it cheap to the poor man’s door, the 
 Civil Bills were then unstamped ; and were he now to re-visit his dear 
 little Island, what could he think of his friends and admirers at the Irish 
 Bar and on its Bench, for carrying out his benign intentions, by making 
 them 1,200 per Cent, at least dearer than he left them. 
 
 Although I imagine myself to be perhaps sneered at by very many 
 of the learned and eminent persons I may be driven to address on this 
 pitiful subject, yet I hope for better things. If you and they would seriously 
 look to even this Quarter’s consumption of them, you must find it to 
 he four-fold greater than at any time since the enactment of the present Civil 
 Bill (Ireland) Act; for the more impoverished this country is, the more 
 will your trade in Process Stamps^^mWs/i ! ! therefore, if you still retain 
 a particle of the charity displayed by you in 1854, you will not, I trust, 
 hesitate applying an immediate remedy, which cannot in the least trench 
 upon the Exchequer; but which, perhaps, by putting the saddle on the 
 right horse, although relieving many thousand poor families, may have a 
 contrary effect. Do that, I implore of you, and may you, when called 
 upon in a better world to give an account of your stewardship, rejoice 
 you had taken into consideration the humble prayer and advice I now 
 venture pressing on you—for you cannot forget the Scriptural passages :— 
 
 “ He that is not against you, is for you and 
 “ Be ye merciful, as your Heavenly Father is merciful.” 
 
 As long as I can remember reading Parliamentary Reports, I have seen 
 that the Law Officers of the Crown, had been from one time to another 
 promoting what they called Reforms in Chancery, and the other Law 
 Courts where the great and wealthy are, and always will be, in constant 
 litigation ; all that for the ostensible purpose of relieving their pockets ! 
 Now as shillings unjustly levied, must be as severe on the one class as 
 many pounds on the ether, How has it happened, that the reform they 
 have invented for the poor man is to fleece him ? 
 
 But if, notwithstanding, I could learn by how this may be received by 
 you, that your legal advisers are preparing to legislate in an equitable 
 spirit for my poor clients; in such case, I will, of course, feel great plea¬ 
 sure in thus leaving it in your hands and theirs; but should redress be 
 further deferred, and hope not held out on it, I feel it my duty to inform 
 you, that I intend sending printed copies of this to at least every Irish 
 M.P., to every Chairman of an Irish County, to many of the Provin¬ 
 cials, and the whole of the Irish Metropolitan Press, of every hue; for this is 
 not a question of religion or party politics—it is merely one of pounds, 
 shillings and pence, to either Catholic, Protestant, or Dissenter, who may 
 have the misfortune of being comparatively poor. 
 
 And here, of all our Irish Members of Parliament, I have in my mind’s 
 eye, John Francis Maguire, Esq., the representative for Dungarvan, who, 
 
13 
 
 during the last Session, distinguished himself by continuously advocating 
 the cause of our then starving population. Amongst the Chairmen, Mr. 
 Pierce George Barron, who, in his zeal for the poor of his jurisdiction, 
 and of course of every other place, had some year or two since denoun¬ 
 ced from his judicial seat, all and every oppression practised on them; 
 and which speech of his was considered so good and useful, as that it got 
 extensive circulation through the Newspapers of the day. 
 
 Of the Press,—the Dublin Nation and Irishman , as being the profes¬ 
 sing organs of Irish Rights; as also the Freeman's Journal of that good 
 city; as nine or ten years since it took under its wing, and shed some 
 editorial tears ! and often at the time, for the Attorneys of Ireland having 
 then to pay what it called a very oppressive Stamp or license Duty. 
 
 Now, to be consistent with themselves, it is to be expected that all 
 those gentlemen, (including the proprietors and editors of the above-men¬ 
 tioned organs of public opinion), will feet very much rejoiced to learn (it 
 should he presumed, for the first time,) this glaring Injustice , when they 
 will, within their respective circles, more than exert themselves to get rid 
 of it soon , and for ever. 
 
 But if, unfortunately, they should view this subject in a different light, 
 and not act on it as I anxiously expect they should, but “ pass on to the 
 order of the day;” in that case, if amongst the 105 gentlemen returned 
 by and from Ireland, there be but even one so charitable and independent , 
 as to state it plainly , and call your attention to it in your place in Parlia¬ 
 ment, leaving out of the question the private influence which all and every 
 one of them possess with any Government; or even one Chairman of a Coun¬ 
 ty to press the question on his Confreres, in order to their using their 
 combined influence with the Law Officers and their patrons ; or even a 
 few of the Newspapers to put this question in their largest type, and often, 
 so as that u those who run may read,” and not to be belying their princi¬ 
 ples by sticking an odd letter on the subject in their small type, and in 
 some obscure corner of their respective Journals; in such case, this base 
 system could not stand even one year on its tottering legs. 
 
 Vet, supposing all those gentlemen to endorse the present state of things 
 as they are, by their neglect and their silence —and that sinister and undue 
 influence be used, and that corruption and class legislation should com¬ 
 bine, and by their ingenuity and low cunning, endeavour to prolong* 
 still a little further this forestalling system of unjust and merciless taxa¬ 
 tion, there are a few at least still left who will endeavour to bring it to 
 the light, even by getting it published in the widest circulating medium 
 this country can command; and let Ireland then see, learn, and under¬ 
 stand the sympathy of her Representatives, the pecuniary clemency of her 
 Judges, and the honesty and independence of her Press, and u May the 
 Lord defend the Right.” 
 
 I have the honor to remain, 
 
 Right Honorable Sir, 
 
 Your very Obedient Servant, 
 
 HENRY FITZGIBRON. 
 
14 
 
 11, Downing-street, White Hall, 
 
 15th November, 1862. 
 
 Sir,—I am directed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to 
 acknowledge the favour of your letter* and [ am to state that Her 
 Majesty’s Government, are on the whole not prepared to introduce a 
 measure, on the subject to which it relates, at the present time, 
 
 I am Sir, 
 
 Your Obedient Servant, 
 
 CHARLES L. RYAN. 
 
 H. Fitzgibbon, Esq., Castlerea. 
 
 TO THE RIGHT HONORABLE THE CHANCELLOR OF THE 
 
 EXCHEQUER, 
 
 Castlerea, November 00th, 1862. 
 
 Right Hon. Sir,—As I consider the grievance a most pressing 
 one, I regret that the Government do not, after a month’s consideration, 
 feel that sympathy for the poor sufferers, which I flatter myself my humble 
 Statement should excite for them • arid as I cannot promise myself to live 
 until some indefinate period, when they (if in office) may be prepared to 
 legislate on the question, I feel myself impelled to agitate it, even against 
 all odds, and to obtain for it, if possible, such publicity as may, I hope, 
 lead the charitable and the good to see the question in its true bearing, 
 and to take action accordingly, if such can be required ; for not having at 
 any time I have written to you received a demurrer from you or yours, 1 
 consider it to be for you a question of time, however long deferred, and 
 for myself, an implied request to “wait a-wliile.”! 
 
 I know that a copy of your letter must be an embellishment to my 
 small book ; therefore, I will take the liberty of making it the Frontispiece, 
 as il were, which course, though not quite regular, will not, l hope, be 
 displeasing to you. 
 
 1 think I can give you credit for the best possible intentions, which I 
 hope you may live to realize at no distant day, should your friends in 
 office—your legal friends particularly —not kick against you. 
 
 At the same time that I admire the “collective wisdom” for being able to 
 extract so much money, during more than ten years, from even those the 
 least able to contribute it, I expect that whether in or out of office, you, of 
 all men, may energetically appeal to its united justice, and thus practi¬ 
 cally endeavour to obtain for the struggling poor, that restitution of their 
 rights of equal and just taxation so long delayed ; but which in the nann 
 of Him who sees all things, I crave in justice at your bands, if at al 
 within your individual power, to promote it. 
 
 *Date not mentioned. 
 
15 
 
 n 
 
 On the whole, I cannot much blame the present or any Government for 
 not conceding redress sooner, as by this time it is strongly imagined that 
 the pressure from without carries more weight than any other earthly consi¬ 
 deration, save and except of course the justice of the cause ! Therefore, 
 if, as in the case of the new Postage system, the House of Commons were 
 oftentimes troubled with petitions for the repeal of this tax, and were the 
 Representatives and Press of this Country to discharge their bounden duty 
 on it, Will any man tell me, that gentlemen in office, would or could 
 continue an exaction, which I challenge any of them to defend, or shew 
 any the least cause for even perpetrating? 
 
 I ask you, Sir, not for the first time, does it follow that because those 
 poor men are ignorant and unable to act for themselves, or to coax or 
 excite others of their countrymen to do their work for them, that therefore 
 they are to remain in u statu quof until u other times, and other men may 
 do them Justice?” 
 
 I promise you, they will not, at least in silence ; if they feel the lash, 
 their cries must be heard, so as that relief may appear in the long distance. 
 
 I know I have trespassed on your valuable time in this answer, more 
 than in the ordinary course I should have attempted,—yet as intending it 
 to be published with the other papers, 1 hope to be excused, and am, 
 Bight Honorable Sir,' 
 
 Your very Obedient Servant, 
 
 HENRY FITZGIBBON. 
 
 To which the following brief reply was forwarded after its receipt, 
 as the respective dates shew :— 
 
 11, Downing-street, White Hall, 
 
 25th November, 1862. 
 
 Sir, —I am directed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to 
 acknowledge the favour of your letter, of the 20th Instant, 
 
 I am Sir, 
 
 Your Obedient Servant, 
 
 CHARLES L. RYAN. 
 
 H. Fitzgibbon, Esq., Castlerea. 
 
 Although it does not give any the least immediate hope, yet I am 
 bound to thank Mr. Gladstone, for at least his official courtesy in always 
 acknowledging the receipt of my humble communications ; the reason I 
 express my feelings towards him for such attention, is the marked contrast 
 in his method of doing business with that which I had experienced some¬ 
 times at the hands of others, from whom I expected better treatment! 
 Ex gratia, about four years since, and at a time a most obnoxious measure 
 was being prepared to be fastened on us, I had ventured particular letters 
 on Fairs and Markets Reform for this country, to about eight of the 
 
1C 
 
 most ultra popular Irish Members of Parliament of that day, and of this, 
 whose names it may not be prudent to mention j ist now; and at the same 
 time forwarded to each of them two different numbers of the Dublin Even¬ 
 ing News of that time, in which letters from me to the Earl of Derby, then 
 Premier, and to my Lord Naas, his Chief Secretary for Ireland, were pub¬ 
 lished, the last mentioned being the promoter of what I then considered, 
 as I do now, a very bad measure on the subject. 
 
 At the same time I gave in the public and private letters I sent them, 
 my plain and simple remedies; and after being at no small trouble and 
 inconvenience, and of course some expense, the only acknowledgment 
 I received for my whole batch of print and manuscript, was a letter in 
 reply for those sent to himself, from Patrick MhMahon, Esq., the Repre¬ 
 sentative of the Independent County of Wexford, who had been to me 
 long previously most kind and attentive, and did great work eight years 
 since in relieving his humble countrymen from somewhat a similar une¬ 
 qual system of taxation to that I am now writing against. 
 
 My Lord Stanley, then a Member of the Derby Administration, also 
 did the same through his Secretary; but those from whom I had expected 
 on the question greater things, were quite silent with me , at least f about 
 it, which told me I might not call on them again on any subject; 
 neither am I calling on any of those gentlemen particularly , 
 as such a system of slighting compels me to have recourse 
 to this u forlorn-hope” method for attacking and storming the fortress of 
 class-legislation, whereas had I met with that reception which the 
 Justice of the cause I then had in hands merited, I would have appealed 
 to each of them privately on this also, and no doubt by any the least 
 exertion, such energetic gentlemen must have succeeded in obtaining 
 Justice, if not for Ireland, at least for the most abject of her children. 
 
THE CONCLUSION. 
 
 As it may be asked, Why I should have thus rashly ventured on my 
 present course, and not have left it in the hands of the Four Courts’ 
 Authorities so conversant in the law, as that from their experience in such 
 matters they must be the only qualified persons for applying a suitable 
 remedy, should such, in their opinion, be requisite ? I answer, that when 
 ever 3 r other method failed, I reluctantly have recourse to it. 
 
 So far back as the January of 1854, I had pressed it on the attention of 
 the late lamented Frederick Lucas, he being at the time Representative 
 for the County of Meath, who, had it pleased the Lord to spare him, I 
 iirmty believe would not have lost sight of it, as he did not, at the 
 time, of another of much the same cruel and remorseless description, and 
 for which relief was obtained soon afterwards. 
 
 Although I thus mention the great departed for his promptitude on 
 being informed of it, yet I am bound to say, that at the time, he had 
 kind materials to work upon. For twelve months previous I had cause to 
 think that the present, as then Chancellor of the Exchequer, was about 
 giving that question “ his best attention,” as I think he would to this 
 years since, if the heads of the Law were to be consenting parties. Should 
 the Law Officers of the Crown, on either side of the Channel have thrown 
 any obstructions to his good intentions on it, I imagine he must feel sen¬ 
 sitive at not being permitted by them to appear in anywise consistent; 
 for if in ’54 he had denounced the Stamp Assimilation Act of 1841, as being 
 “ unjust and oppresive on the poor and industrious classes,” yet, that it 
 had the skeleton of a sliding scale to recommend it! how can the same 
 enlightened Statesmen look upon this, not having the ghost or shadow 
 of one, as either honest or beneficial ? 
 
 There were then present with Mr. Lucas, at the Mitre Hotel, Tuam, 
 two respectable Catholic Clergymen, as any in the West of Ireland: 
 Richard Swift, Esq., the late Member for the County of Sligo; Charles 
 Gavan Duffy, Esq., at that time, as is already well-known , the proprie¬ 
 tor of the “ Nation,” and Member of Parliament for New Ross; and 
 Doctor Gray, of the Freeman’s Journal; both which Newspapers might 
 have done great service at that time and since, in at least exposing the 
 evil system ; but on which the Freeman has, from that time to this, 
 observed a most profonnd silence! 
 
 For two years previous, it (the Freeman) had taken under its wing 
 the Attorneys of Ireland, a class of gentlemen, then, as now, well able to 
 taka care of themselves, and had given the benefit of its circulation towards 
 the abolition, at worst, the mitigation of their License Stamp Tax, which 
 it considered to be pressing severely on them, and blamed them as being 
 soft! and negligent! long patient! and enduring ! whereas they should be 
 
 c 
 
18 
 
 u up and stirring,” and exert themselves as became men who felt for the 
 injury they were subjected to; and behold ! through the Parliamentary 
 exertions of Lord Robert Grosvenor, and a few others in the H ouse, as 
 also the kind assistance out of doors of such friends as Doctor Gray, the 
 long-wished-for relief was obtained. 
 
 Now all that any person can expect from the Freeman is, that it will 
 apply a like rule for the poor clients of the Attorneys, as for the Attor¬ 
 neys themselves; and thus its neglect of this question for so many years 
 will be compensated for by the great arid permanent good it can 
 easily achieve, in shaming our Statesmen into Justice. 
 
 The same might be said of the “ Nation” since 1854, until Mr. Duffy 
 ceased being its proprietor, Mr. Cashel Hoey, being, during that time, its 
 joint editor. 
 
 I here couple the “ Nation” and the Freeman, because Mr. Duffy and 
 Dr. Gray were both present while I was reading my Statement, and 
 speaking to some points of it, a true copy of which I sent to each of them 
 after their return to Dublin; and from which, if they but willed it, they might 
 have produced many useful editorial articles; and yet from that time until 
 Mr. Duffy had left the country, his talented and widely-circulating “ Organ 
 of Irish Rights,” never once alluded to it, nor did the Freeman’s Journal, 
 up to the present moment. 
 
 I would not at all complain of such gross neglect had they, when 
 they had the best opportunity of shewing me the error of my ways, 
 evinced by either word or sign, that they dissented from me; for however 
 I might still retain my own opinion, yet would I give them credit for 
 straightforwardness ; but so far from such, I then thought, and still think, 
 that Doctor Gray promised me in a most solemn manner to have the 
 Freeman opened towards the redress of every such grievance as I had 
 then submitted to them. 
 
 I am bound to say, that two years afterwards, the Doctor insisted in 
 the Freeman’s Office, “ that I must have entirely mistaken his meaning,” 
 —that it was completely out of rule for to make such unqualified promi¬ 
 ses and therefore—Since that time I was speaking to one of the Clergy¬ 
 men then present, who had a distinct recollection of his placing his hand 
 on, if not his heart, at least his breast, and making such very distinct 
 promises; and as he was not coughing at the time, I re-pectfully ask 
 him, for what other purpose but making it most impressive, did he place him¬ 
 self in such an attitude? Mr. Duffy, at the same time, gave what any person 
 must consider an implied one, for he requested of me “not to give the work¬ 
 ing of the subject matter of my Statement into the keeping of any other; 
 that no man knew the subject better, and that I deserved unbounded 
 credit for my perseverance and research,” on the questions 
 contained in it; that, he said in a private conversation,—yet 
 the readers of the “Nation” were kept as much in the 
 dark as to his opinion of my humble efforts and the Justice of my cause, 
 as if he and I viewed the subject in quite a different light; and much 
 
19 
 
 more so than the readers of the “ Evening 1 Mail,” which did not profess 
 any sympathy for the poor sufferers, at the same time that it borrowed 
 an article from the Tablet, in which Mr. Lucas coupled my name with 
 the redress of those grievances; hut which articles of the Tablet, for 
 reasons of course best known to themselves, had escaped the notice of 
 both the Nation and Freeman, although from being harnessed in the same 
 cause they should be imagined to be equally anxious to read over the 
 London Letters of Mr. Lucas, as the Editor of the Mail, who must be at 
 the time in the habit of denouncing himself and his tenant-league 
 principles. 
 
 A short time after the “News” being established, T went to the 
 “ Nation Office,” where both were published, and submitted to Mr. A. M. 
 Sullivan a letter on this subject, which I had written to the present 
 Baron Deasy, when Solicitor-General, which was published soon after in 
 it (the News), and for which I felt thankful to him and to Mr. Dwyer, 
 the then Editor of it, the same who is the present Proprietor of the 
 Catholic Telegraph—yet another on the same subject following my 
 arguments and enlarging on what they had published, never afterwards 
 found its way into it. 
 
 The first was allowed to stand or fall by its own merit, as neither of 
 the gentlemen acted as its “ bottle-holder,” which did not so much surprise 
 me as that, although being published in the News, the readers of which, 
 —the Squirearchy and Merchants, &c—could not be affected by its un¬ 
 equal working; yet it was withheld by Mr. Sullivan from the readers 
 of the “ Nation,” many of whom or of their friends might have felt the 
 cruel operation of it. 
 
 I imagined, when penning it, that it might perhaps be perused or 
 glanced over by the learned gentleman to whom it was directed ; but I 
 felt almost certain, that the readers of every popular Journal within the 
 Metropolis, would have a full opportunity of reading and studying it, as 
 I foolishly considered, that all and every one of them, would feel but too 
 happy in borrowing it from each other, and thus diffusing’ through society 
 as far as they could extend, if not the letter itself, which they might not 
 consider fit to appear in their enlightened columns, although it found a 
 u locus standi ” in the Daity News, at least that they might improve on 
 it, and in their own forcible and peculiar way both expose the abuse, 
 and advocate the remedies I proposed; or otherwise, propose some better 
 plan of their own. In that I was much mistaken ; but can I blame the 
 lukewarm, or what the Nation would call, “ the Castle Hack ” portion 
 of it; whereas, the Nation itself, which had not to cross over to Princes- 
 street, or further on through the city, but which was under the same 
 roof, and where the type was already set, had both closed its eyes to the 
 abuse and its columns against the redress of it. 
 
 I admit, that since, on a late occasion, the (< Nation” had been so 
 obliging, as to insert a letter on it, without note or comment, or other 
 recommendation. I only ask any reader of a newspaper, what relative 
 
20 
 
 effect such would have, if at all thumbed out of the obscurity of its corner 
 to that produced on the same subject, but perhaps not written with so 
 much point, yet “ ushered in by a flourish of editorial trumpets,” when 
 he must conclude that this grievous subject did not receive such a hearing 
 from the Fourth Estate, as should be expected, not only from the demo¬ 
 cratic portion of it, according to their professed principles, but even as 
 u Good Samaritans ” from that section of it denominated by their opposi¬ 
 tionists, as u anti-popular,” and ultra-conservative. 
 
 But they may laugh and say that the subject which for the last 
 eight years has saved to their industrious countrymen very many 
 thousands, was considered by them at that time to be quite fruitless!— 
 and that the paper I read for and sent to them was merely worthy of 
 their waste baskets! 
 
 To that I reply, in such opinion they must have widely differed from the 
 writers of the following letters,—gentlemen who were looked up to, even 
 by themselves, particularly, during the Tenant League Agitation, and 
 which bear testimony, that at least on the business I had then in hands 
 I had not been altogether idle :— 
 
 “ House of Commons, March 7th, 1854. 
 
 “My Dear Sir, — I duly received your letter of February last, enclosing 
 your able, and I will add, your unanswerable Statement, in referenc 
 to the glaring injustice and irregularity of our present Stamp Duties. 
 Mr. Lucas, who is much pressed for time, requests of me to acknowledge 
 the receipt of a similar letter and enclosure. We immediately saw Mr. 
 Wilson, the Secretary of the Treasury, who informed us the matter was 
 under the consideration of the Government, and in a short time would be 
 brought before the House. I have now much pleasure in informing you, 
 that in the Chancellor of the Exchequer’s Budget, your views were fully 
 developed, and a remedy for the monstrous injustice you complain of is 
 to be immediately applied. The Newspapers of this day will put you in 
 possession of the future New Law on this subject, which I trust will meet 
 your entire satisfaction. Bills under £25, are to be subject to a three¬ 
 penny Stamp; £50, a six-penny Stamp; £100, a one shilling Stamp, 
 not exceeding two months; over two months, an increase of one-fourth 
 more; over £100, the Stamp is to be proportionally increased ; any other 
 information I can get you, pray inform me of, and, 
 
 “ I remain, my dear Sir, 
 
 “ Yours faithfully, 
 
 “ KICHARD SWIFT. 
 
 “H. Fitzgibbon, Esq., Castlerea.” 
 
 To some of the persons who may read this, I need not say (although 
 others of them whom the subject most concerns may not know) that the 
 writer of that letter was a gentleman of such wealth and importance in Lon¬ 
 don, as to be selected a year or two previous, in order to discharge the high 
 functions of one of its High Sheriffs and that lie was, when writing it, Mem¬ 
 ber of Parliament for the County of Sligo; and yet, although so affluent and 
 
21 
 
 ■s. 
 
 far removed from the scenes of poverty and destitution which must strike 
 the eye of any man residing in Ireland, even one month in the year, I 
 feel a pleasure in thus recording of him, as far as this my circulation will 
 extend, that he felt as acutely on that subject, when brought under his 
 notice as if he were an humble fellow-sufferer. 
 
 I only regret that a person possessed of such practical sympathy should 
 not still represent an Irish constituency; but at worst, it grieves me that 
 such a single-minded person is not the proprietor of a most widely-circu¬ 
 lating Metopolitan Popular Journal, as then I might hope to obtain a 
 fair hearing for this, as also for my humble opinions on Grand Jury and 
 Fairs and Markets Reform; although long since, (for I tried them on 
 it), they must have been considered as not worthy of the notice of those 
 who think to ligld in their Newspaper Offices the reins of a public 
 opinion. 
 
 The following is from the pen of Frederick Lucas,—a great man in 
 the opinion of those who understood in his day what should be the 
 qualifications of a man fit to represent a great County ; but in nothing 
 was he considered greater than in punctually performing iiis promise; 
 he was, at the time of writing it, attending to his Parliamentary duties 
 at London, and it was published in Lublin, in the Tablet, of March 11th, 
 1854. 
 
 Extract of Letter, dated London, 8th March, 1854:— 
 
 “When we were at Tuam, Mr. Fitzgibbon, of Castlerea, brought under 
 our notice the great hardship inflicted on the small farmers of Ireland, by 
 the Stamp Duty on Bills of Exchange. He shewed to us, that for small 
 sums, such as are habitually borrowed by the small farmers, the Stamp 
 on the Bill frequently amounted to more than the interest on the sum 
 borrowed. I beg thus publically to tell Mr. Fitzgibbon that we have 
 not neglected the case which he put in our hands. Several weeks ago I 
 spoke to Mr. Wilson, Secretary to the Treasury, about it,—explained the 
 nature of the grievance, and received from him an assurance that the 
 subject already engaged the attention of the Government, and that a 
 remedy would be speedily applied. This remedy is to be found in the 
 Budget. In place of the existing Stamp, a new ad-valorem scale is to be 
 imposed, and for all sums under £25 the Stamp is to be three-pence, 
 instead of, as at present, two-shillings and half-a-crown. I hope this 
 change will, in a great measure at least, satisfy Mr. Fitzgibbon’s just re¬ 
 quirements.” 
 
 I regret the Government did not at the time institute another ad-valo- 
 rem scale, for the present purpose also, as it was to it Mr. Lucas alluded 
 when writing. For the present, therefore, I am fully borne out in 
 saying, that had he been spared to this country for two years longer, he 
 would not, if he possibly could, have left it so, as that a whole book 
 must be written, on Wliat'f—on the forlorn hope of coaxing! the 
 Representatives of the people, and the Newspapers of the people to do. 
 I pray of them, this Session, what should have been done whilst 
 
22 
 
 it was being* passed into law, to use their combined and individual exer¬ 
 tions to get rid of such an unmistakeable injustice, “ from henceforth, 
 now and for ever.” 
 
 Being* on the subject of public g*entlemen who did and who did not dis¬ 
 play an active sympathy on those and other questions of no small importance 
 to the poor and industrious classes of Ireland, the exertions of Patrick 
 M‘Mahon, Esq., M.P. for the County of Wexford, should not be over¬ 
 looked ; for had he not raised the point, it is more than probable the 
 lowest Bill Stamp on the Schedule would be as originally intended, not 
 less than three pence ; whereas through his good management at the pro¬ 
 pitious moment, he had succeeded in getting reduced those having the 
 largest consumption to Id. and 2d., and for such like capable of bearing 
 equal, m some cases much less sums, the poor people were paying dur¬ 
 ing 13 years previous, Is. fid. and 2s.! 
 
 Few persons, if any, could know better than myself the great trouble he 
 had undergone in getting his amendment for such reduction engrafted on 
 
 O O D O 
 
 the Bill. 
 
 I think I could claim a certificate at his hands for not being altogether 
 idle whilst it was pending—that being after I had received Mr. Swift’s 
 very cheering and complimentary letter: for about a month still later, I 
 had a note from him (Mr. M‘Mahon), together with printed slips or 
 notices of his amendment, for even a much further reduction than was 
 conceded. 
 
 After apologizing, and explaining why he could not acknowledge the 
 receipt of my letter and statement sooner, he concluded by observing :— 
 “ Although he gave notice of such amendment, yet he feared he would 
 not be supported on it; however, if I considered the reduction of 3d. had 
 not gone far enough, he would be happy to hear from me again, and 
 goon.” Which invitation I cordially accepted, and lost not an hour in 
 endeavouring to place before him my humble views and arguments as to 
 jts necessity. 
 
 That letter, with some observations from myself to the editor of the 
 “Wexford People,” were then published in that Newspaper; but were 
 neither borrowed nor once alluded to by either of our should-be fellow- 
 labourers of the Dublin Press ! 
 
 I then considered, as I do now, that the omission occurred through my 
 name being mixed up in it; as exclusive dealing, so far as I was con¬ 
 cerned, seemed to me to be “ their order of the day.” 
 
 Mr. Lucas, on writing from London some short time after, gave Mr. 
 M‘Mahon that full credit for his zeal in promoting the further reduction 
 which he so richly deserved, and which no person is more ready or 
 anxious to concede to him than I am. 
 
 That letter was not glossed over or suppressed by the “Nation,” for 
 along with copying it from the “ Tablet,” it made complimentary obser- 
 
23 
 
 vations on the subject matter of it, and, of course, in praise of the 
 Honorable and learned Member. 
 
 Although it may appear strange, or perhaps ungenerous in me to 
 exhibit here this very marked contrast , still I cannot resist doing so, 
 for the Honorable and learned gentleman will himself bear me out in 
 saying*, that the reduction of Stamps from 2s. Gd., 2s., and Is. Gd. to 3d. 
 was far and away a greater easement than that from 3d. to Id. and 2d.; 
 and yet the person who had laboured during nine years for the greater 
 relief, and who had expended his time and something more, was com¬ 
 pletely ignored—whilst the gentleman who devoted not much more than 
 so many weeks (as many, I admit, as he could, since the time it was 
 brought under his notice), came in for a fair share of praise and approba¬ 
 tion. 1 never since, could bring myself to imagine but that the u Nation” 
 of that time had one set of weights and measures for its particular friends, 
 and another for its country customers. 
 
 On this part of the proceedings, the “ Freeman” had acted (if I can 
 use the word) in a much more dignified way, for it held aloof equally 
 from Mr. M‘Mahon as from myself, and thus so far as it was concerned, 
 kept the world in the dark as to our respective labours, in promoting 
 such a measure of relief for the people. 
 
 At that time I had the honour of receiving* from Mr. McMahon what I 
 will call two State Papers! which in my mind do great credit to the 
 writer; hut looking on them as semi-official, I withhold them, although, 
 if published, I think nothing in this would, by any proportion, so much 
 interest the reader. But I am tempted to give extracts from other let¬ 
 ters written by Mr. McMahon himself, about that time and afterwards, 
 in answering statements from me on the severity of the Process Stamp. 
 
 After alluding at length to another subject relating to Promissory Note 
 Stamps, he writes thus :— 
 
 u Oxford Circuit, August 11th, 1854. 
 
 “ Dear Sir, —With regard to the Civil Bill Stamps, I must also say 
 that I will be thankful for any detailed information which you may be 
 able to afford me before the commencement of the next Session. You 
 must know that, as a general rule, I am against those inferior jurisdic¬ 
 tions. I fancy they are, on the whole, more prejudicial than otherwise to 
 society at large ; still the Quarter Session Courts of Ireland are, I believe, 
 the best Courts of inferior jurisdiction iu the world, and therefore I will 
 he prepared to remove any provisions connected with them that are 
 oppressive to the poor, and will be really thankful for any hints or sug¬ 
 gestions you may give me. At the same time, I fancy that if you were 
 to remind the Solicitor-General of his former views on the subject, lie 
 could now readily give effect to them. * * * Yours faithfully, 
 
 “P. MAI All ON. 
 
 “H. Fitzgibbon, Esq., Castlerea.” 
 
24 
 
 “ Temple, Nov. 27, 1854. 
 
 “My Dear Sir, —With your views on the Fairs and Market Bill, I 
 implicitly concur, and will do my best to work them out in every way I 
 can. I do not remember to have seen your letter to Mr. Gladstone, in 
 the “ Tablet,” on the subject of the new Civil Bill Act. If you huve it, 
 and can spare it, I will send it back after reading’ it. We want a thorough 
 overhauling of our whole law system and local jurisdictions, as in New 
 York.—Yours sincerely, 
 
 “ H. Fitzgibbon, &c. “ P. MAIAHON.” 
 
 The reason I here introduce the clause in that letter as to Fairs and 
 Markets Reform is, that I may not have the same opportunity of sketch¬ 
 ing my plan for such. A detailed statement of it, and another for at 
 least laying the foundation of an honest Grand Jury system, I had sub¬ 
 mitted about that time to him. I think it a great step to be fortified in 
 my views on the first mentioned, by so eminent an authority as the hon¬ 
 orable and learned xMember. 
 
 The leading principle of what I will call my Bill, was, and of course 
 still is—That the Tolls and Customs of small and middle class towns be 
 applied for useful public purposes, by having them set up every third or 
 other stated number of years, to the highest and best bidder, and their pro¬ 
 ceeds handed over to the person or body having the keeping of the County 
 rates, and after such being duly presented for and passed at the Baronial 
 Road Sessions, the proceeds to be applied towards the purchase and en¬ 
 closure of suitable Fair Greens, Market Places, Shambles, Ac., Ac.; and 
 after such being paid for, that the surplus do go ever afterwards (except 
 where required for such Fair and Market purposes) for the making and 
 repairing the roads and footpaths of such towns and of their approaches; 
 or for the public or street lighting of such middle-class towns, many or 
 most of which will, a hundred years hence, be otherwise in the same ob¬ 
 scurity as they are at present! That such would have the effect of keep¬ 
 ing somewhat reduced the County Cess of the respective Baronies in 
 which every such town is situated, or the local taxes in any town where 
 such street lighting would be attempted; that thereby the money levied 
 on the people would revert to them indirectly, and for their own use and 
 benefit: “ always providing,” that in no case would my Toll Schedule be 
 more than the one-half of these proposed in all the very benejicient 
 Government Bills introduced on the subject; from that of Lord Naas, in 
 1852, to that of Sir Robert Peel, of a ten years later date—which last 
 cannot be said, like the old malt whiskey, to have improved by time, for 
 at best it was a “ chip of the old block.” Therelore, if a person who 
 had considered it for years, be convinced that the one-half of those in¬ 
 tended to be levied under the Government Bills be sufficiently onerous , 
 even when applied for the benefit of the people themselves, how galling 
 must it be to see a double dose applied—for what purpose ? For finding 
 its way into the pockets of gentlemen proprietors, who give nothing in 
 
25 
 
 return, save and except the temporary use of one or two acres of land ; 
 in other cases, not more than the Queen’s high roads, to the imminent 
 danger of her Majesty’s subjects. 
 
 Should Sir Robert Peel and his friends in office wish to legislate in an 
 equitable manner on this question, and not permit themselves to be led, 
 however unintentionally, towards the perpetration of a “ huge job,” 
 whereby the proprietors of tolls and customs will be as they have been, 
 enabled to pay their public taxes for their lordly castles and extensive 
 demesnes, with the one hand, by the moneys they receive through the 
 other, for doing in many cases, as regards the improvements of such 
 towns, less than nothing, they cannot be at a loss for the materials for 
 a wise and honest, and, at the same time, a truly popular measure, em¬ 
 bracing the above stated principles; for be it known to all men, that as 
 well as his predecessors, my Lord Naas, and Messrs. Horsman, Herbert, 
 and Cardwell, he (Sir Robert) during the last Session might be also en¬ 
 lightened by my plan, could he have only patience to read it. 
 
 But are English Chief-Secretaries, and Irish Attorney-Generals, the 
 only persons at fault for framing obnoxious measures of this kind, and for 
 endeavouring to fasten on us (t in sempiternum,” such an accumulation of 
 local taxes ? I regret they are not; for if they considered the Corpora¬ 
 tions and other public bodies of Ireland would act by their poor neigh¬ 
 bours as they did by themselves, when some years since they had felt 
 within their respective cities and towns, that their trade and improvement 
 were shackled through the exclusiveness and monoply of that time, they 
 would not have attempted to invert, as regards the small towns, the very 
 principle on which Corporate Reform was wrung from a very unwilling 
 Government: therefore it is to be hoped that the Corporate and other 
 public bodies of Ireland will not only oppose and defeat such measures as 
 Sir Robert’s Bill of the last Session, but that they will also endeavour 
 to promote a good and useful measure on the ruins of the present anti- 
 popular system. 
 
 My plan for laying the foundation of Grand Jury Reform was,—that 
 as the lives and liberties of her Majesty’s subjects must be matters of at 
 least as grave importance as the making and repairing of roads, bridewells, 
 bridges, and gullets, why not adopt the same plan in deciding on those 
 minor questions, by summoning from the voter’s roll of the respective 
 baronies by rotation, and of as high a qualification as might be agreed 
 upon, a certain number, say double, what might be required to act, to have 
 such empannelled as in other jury cases, to decide upon their oaths as to 
 eligibility of passing or rejecting such works as might be submitted for 
 their consideration—always providing, that in no case, if possible, should 
 there be more than one or two at most from the same property to act as 
 jurors at the same Presentment Sessions. 
 
 I know that in putting forward that plan, I put it forward (except 
 some of them may have since reconsidered it) as quite opposite to another 
 put into legislative form by the present Right Hon. Justice Fitzgerald, 
 
 D 
 
2 G 
 
 when Attorney-General, and sanctioned by such practical legislators as 
 Mr. William Smith O’Brien and the late Mr. Sharman Crawford, and as 
 I think by the gentlemen of the Grand Jury Reform Association of Dub¬ 
 lin, or say of Ireland. 
 
 They all seemed to think that the elective system as in returning Poor 
 Law Guardians was the only remedy for the present distempered state of 
 those august bodies ; whereas I humbly venture telling those of them 
 now living, that this plan must defeat their object, for as I am confident 
 that what they must have most at heart is to extend the privileges of the 
 middle classes, how could that be effected through the means they had 
 suggested ? for it must be well known by this time that the landlord in¬ 
 fluence predominates in electing Guardians; therefore do I say that the 
 same would of course be exercised in returning Members, perhaps the 
 very same persons, for acting at the Road Sessions. Therefore, without 
 for one moment questioning their probity or capacity for such public 
 duties, do I tell the promoters of such elective system, that the conse¬ 
 quence of it will be, that through their plan the landed proprietors can 
 have their nominees always firmly seated in judgment, and that even 
 under the present system there would be a better chance of some stray 
 independent person being mingled in such genteel society, than ever after¬ 
 wards could be hoped for. 
 
 * Perhaps I would not have crowded this my humble view of the sub¬ 
 ject here, except that I think it would not get a footing in some of the 
 most popular Dublin Journals. For, some years ago, but since Mr. A. 
 M. Sullivan became the proprietor of the “ Nation,” and about the time 
 Mr. Fitzgerald was bringing forward his elective measure, I had written 
 to its editor a letter, showing up the fallacy of Justice Fitzgerald’s Bill, 
 which letter w'as given in that Journal, until it came to my Petty Jury 
 remedy, when it was cut short, and the writer told, that although in¬ 
 geniously put, still that it was liable to many objections, “ which he (the 
 writer) must by that time have himself seen.” I never could see them 
 since. A Provincial, with which the “Nation” exchanges, gave such 
 plan since, and called it “ admirabletherefore, which of the doctors 
 am I to believe ? But should this part of my work ever meet Mr. Sulli¬ 
 van’s eye, I beg of him to inform his readers of the “ Nation,” and my¬ 
 self amongst them, what are those objections, and convince me, if he 
 can, by reasoning, and not by inuendo. 
 
 In putting this forward, I do not, nor did I ever, consider it a perfect 
 plan for protecting the pockets of the great majority of the ratepayers; 
 as, under the present state of the law of landlord and tenant, I defy the 
 most ingenious contriver of popular legislation to invent any measure so 
 as to prevent the rapacity of the wealthy and aristocratic classes, if they 
 so willed it; yet I maintain it to be the best preparatory one, in case of 
 the tenant ever being in the position of acting independantly. 
 
 If it be found fault with, the least that should be expected is, that the 
 person so disapproving do produce a better plan of his own ; and should 
 
27 
 
 such a party be still in the “ Nation” office, and that he attempts riding’ 
 off by adopting the elective principle so much approved of by the eminent 
 gentlemen already mentioned, he must, in the same breath, recant his 
 admiration “of that Palladium of our liberties, trial by jury,” and seriously 
 tell its readers, that there are no persons so well qualified to try a man 
 for his life or liberty, as any number of Magistrates, who, as ex-officios y 
 may feel inclined to attend, no matter in what part of the county 
 they may be resident, or whether they hold an interest in the particular 
 portion of it in which they might be then adjudicating, such being then 
 assisted pro forma by a certain limited uumber of the highest cesspayers, 
 nominated by the Grand Jury, of which, perhaps, many of the attendant 
 Magitrates might be component members; or under the improved Reform 
 dodge, he must kindly permit the culprit to have the pleasing alternative 
 of being tried by a Board of elected Guardians, who must, in such a 
 hypothesis, be the sole and qualified, and duly authorized staffs, for 
 “ well and duly trying ail cases given them in charge,” &c. 
 
 T do not insinuate, but that in either case he might have as fair a trial 
 as he could possibly be blessed with ; yet if the “Nation” be for trial by 
 jury, let it nail its colours to the mast, and never henceforth venture pro¬ 
 nouncing my plan as liable to many objections. 
 
 According to my humble project, I would not of course exclude from 
 assisting, by rotation, any Magistrate who might be on the voters’ 
 of the barony, as such elector, but not as a Magistrate; always providing 
 he should be disqualified from acting during that year as a Grand Juror 
 in the same county, and vica versa. For as well might it be expected 
 that our Legislators, after acting and voting on a particular question in 
 the one House, would ascend or descend to the other, and in either of 
 them do likewise, as that gentlemen, acting and voting at Presentment 
 Sessions, should afterwards do the same in the Grand Jury Room—or 
 after prejudging, or, perhaps, promoting a job there, afterwards assist in 
 swamping the independence of his “lower house” of local jurisdiction. 
 
 I know I may be met by throwing at me the Jury Packing s}^stem, 
 and by painting in the most glowing colours the great protection of being 
 duly represented. 
 
 To the first, I reply, that in my plan there could be no danger of my 
 small panel being tampered with, inasmuch as that the roll should be 
 gone through by rotation. 
 
 To the second, I say that no person can be a greater admirer of a 
 popular representation than I am; but if such a privilege be perverted, 
 and that it be used as “ a mockery, a delusion, and a snare,” and held by 
 the village despot like the sword of Damocles, not by a single hairbreadth, 
 but by the dread of a piece of parchment, to be signed by one John 
 Thrustout, in that case, the person wishing the people to be so enfran¬ 
 chised must be very careless as to the consequence of their privilege if 
 
28 
 
 used as men should, who are endued by any the least notion of personal 
 independence. 
 
 But supposing the electric system to be practised without any danger 
 for its consequences, I insist that even in that case, if a more simple, expe¬ 
 ditious,and less expensive plan could be carried out, which would secure 
 every thing to be expected through the voting system, it ought to be 
 taken in preference. 
 
 That, I contend, is the one I have given; and curious would I be to 
 hear even the most profound Special Pleader endeavouring to demolish 
 the lasting foundation, the corner-stone of which I imagine myself to be 
 now laying, however tedious the State Architects may be in raising the 
 superstructure. 
 
 I have thus thrown forward, and in a hurried manner, those crude pro¬ 
 positions ; the first, for the consideration of Sir Robert Peel, on Fair and 
 Market Reform, should he now bring forward another pet measure on 
 that worn-out subject; the second, for the Government and Grand Jury 
 Reform Association, as each will be sent a copy of this, so as to give them 
 an opportunity for mature deliberatiou. 
 
 As being on the subject of how the u Nation” differed with me on 
 other questions, I think myself not out of place here in relating—that 
 during the Session of 1862, and whilst the “ Freeman” was thundering 
 in most vigorous and truthful articles, against Sir Robert Peel’s Fairs and 
 Markets (Ireland) Bill, and after the “ Nation” itself had published a 
 very good and useful article on the same subject, I, well knowing there 
 was no chance of my being heard at the “ bar of public opinion” in Prin- 
 ces-street, imagined I was helping the good work by sending not a long 
 letter, headed u Revelations on the Fairs and Markets Bill,” to that of 
 the “ Nation” at Abbey-street; but the reader cannot imagine my surprise 
 at seeing it much abridged “ for want of space,” at the same time that 
 it (the “Nation”) had given full scope on the same and next column to 
 another dated from the County Limerick, and signed “Agricola,” writ¬ 
 ten, as I considered, in rather an anti-popular spirit. Whereupon having 
 written to Mr. D. Sullivan a letter which I considered he would not pub¬ 
 lish, as it would not show off the “ Nation” in the best light on the ques¬ 
 tion of objecting to or curtailing letters or parts of them, without even 
 assigning the cause of at least the objections, I felt astonished on read¬ 
 ing in the Answers to Correspondents of that Journal, of a fortnight’s 
 later date, “ they had received from me another letter on Fairs and 
 Markets Reform—that I was angry for the best points being left out,” 
 which I fully agree with it in so stating, “ that I was equally displeased 
 for their giving a hearing on the other side quite a distortion of my 
 meaning: as what I mentioned was, 11 That having given full space to a 
 party who had written even against the spirit of their own published arti¬ 
 cles, I considered it should at least have extended the same privilege to 
 me as to him, who whether he resided at Limerick County or the ee Na¬ 
 tion” office, I will call the invisible opponent of us both.” 
 
29 
 
 The “ Nation” also pronounced that letter of mine “ to have no interest 
 for its readersin which opinion of his I again beg' to differ from him, 
 as I think it was a powerful plea for the right of a correspondent being 
 treated in any and every journal with justice. However, the best 
 way to end the controvery as to whether that letter, which, in 
 his opinion, “ had no interest,” had it, or had it not, would be to publish 
 it j and if, after giving the Jull benefit of its circulation in the one full 
 publication of that week’s “ Nation,” he can find any three of its sub¬ 
 scribers to agree with him, I will then freely give up my case, and say 
 he has the best of the argument. But perhaps, if this be noticed, I may 
 be told u that it was lost or mislaid,” as the thing so worthless in the 
 editor’s eyes could not be worth a moment’s preservation. To that I 
 reply, that, even at any inconvenience, I can supply a true copy of it; 
 and therefore, if, after giving it in full, he himself can, with all his tact, 
 shew that it was what he described it after giving me the right of reply, 
 I will even at the eleventh hour give in, and and admit myself vanquished. 
 
 Mr. M‘Mahon again writes :— 
 
 “ Temple, Dec. 5, 1854. 
 
 u My Dear Sir —The u Tablet” I return, with thanks. I have read 
 your letter with interest. The alteration of the old system of payment 
 was obviously *******1 w j]} d 0 w hat 
 I can; but, for the next year, I have work enough laid out for myself.— 
 I may get some other Member to take it up. * * * * 
 
 Here follows a plan of his own for going before the Clerk of the Peace, 
 and for the parties admitting or denying* facts connected with their pro¬ 
 ceedings, so as to save expenses of witnesses when not required, as also 
 in not wishing to give further jurisdiction to Magistrates, which they 
 since obtained, yet all evidencing the sympathy of the hon. and learned 
 Member. 
 
 Again :— 
 
 “ Temple, April 7, 1855. 
 
 u Dear Sir —L have no hope of any good being done by the Attorney- 
 General, but if once I had my hands relieved of the Fishery Bill, 1 would 
 prepare a sweeping measure for our whole Assistant-Barrister’s Court 
 system.” 
 
 “ A letter to Mr. Keogh now from you, may perhaps stir him up to re¬ 
 deem his promise to you on the subject. Try him. * * * * 
 
 “ Yours truly, 
 
 “ H. Fitzgibbon, Esq. Castlerea. “ P. MhMAHON.” 
 
 “ April 23, 1856. 
 
 u Dear Sir— * * * * I have spoken again to Mr. 
 
 Attorney-General about your suggestions as to the Stamp Duty on Pro¬ 
 cesses, but he is not inclined to move. ****** 
 
 “ Yours faithfully, 
 
 “ H. Fitzgibbon. “ P. M‘MAHON.” 
 
30 
 
 I had been for some time weighing whether I should have placed 
 those extracts, as the lawyers say, on record ; but it is not every day a 
 history is written, and as the author is supposed to give an unbiassed 
 version, I would not consider myself a faithful chronicler of those things 
 very inconsiderable to persons who do not know the want of pounds— 
 more particularly, as the opinion of the learned gentleman should carry 
 much weight on such a question, I have given them, in order to shew 
 that if redress be not obtained, I, at least, don’t hold myself to be culpa¬ 
 ble in neglecting my case. 
 
 O’Connell often repeated, u A man should never give up whilst he 
 had Justice on his side.” Although up to this time I have not been suc¬ 
 cessful on this particular question , yet 1 hope I can at least claim credit 
 for my perseverance; on which qualification I may say I am now 
 merely making an experiment—for as Her Majesty’s Government after 
 this glaring injustice being explained to even more than, I believe, 
 their satisfaction ! still persist in calling for u A long day, my Lord !”— 
 That, although any person, save and excepting a Statesman, must con¬ 
 sider they should be most anxious to convene the Parliament, if possible, 
 earlier than usual, so as to stop such a flow from the poor man’s pocket— 
 How, I ask, can Perseverance herself effect it, if not sustained continually 
 by the People’s Representatives of the third and fourth estates of the 
 realm ? 
 
 The hon. and learned Member for the County Wexford, who, as a 
 matter of course, will be sent a copy of this, can find hints in abundance 
 in my Statement to Mr. Gladstone, as also in those sent to himself pre¬ 
 viously ; and I more than expect, that, if in his power, he will now act 
 on them, as no gentleman in the House can be better qualified for judging 
 of the future by the past, it must be to him u a labour of love.” 
 
 So far back as the year 1845, I had written a pitiful statement to him 
 whom O’Connell used to call “Honest Joe Hume,” and who when 
 defeated at Middlesex, did through his (O’Connell’s) influence, take refuge 
 in Kilkenny, no person being better pleased with the good men of that 
 city for making it a parliamentary asylum for him than I was myself, yet 
 he did not reply to me, nor did he for years after make the least move for 
 carrying out my not unreasonable intentions. 
 
 1 here introduce him, as JVlr. McMahon in a letter written to me at 
 the time mentioned he had canvassed him to support his amendment, 
 which he refused doing, and substituted one of his own framing for 
 instituting an equal stamp of 6d. to bear all sums; as the Id. stamp 
 answers every amount receipted from £2 upwards. 
 
 Had Mr. Hume, when I had written to him eight years previous, then 
 endeavoured to carry out his project, I would consider it at that time a 
 great boon ; but to come in at the eleventh hour and to endeavour (for 
 he put his amendment to the House) to impose 4d. and od. additional on 
 the very poor man, causes me not exactly to consider him the person the 
 world may have given him credit for being the very rigid economist whose 
 
31 
 
 candle-pairing’ seemed intended as for serving the great bulk of the 
 people. 
 
 About the same time, I had written to Messrs. Bright, Cobden, 
 Ewart, Thomas Duncombe, and other English M.P.’s, letters, each con¬ 
 taining the same tale of woe! all to whom I then addressed myself, 
 being Radicals and Freetraders. I received answers to that and another 
 sent to him still later from Mr. Bright, but not one line from his great 
 colleague in the anti-corn law agitation. Messrs. Duncombe and Ewart 
 sent letters in reply, both very good and kind. That of the latter was 
 published in the “ Pilot” and “ Register” Newspapers of the time, as it 
 tended to do honor to the head and heart of the writer. The late 
 O’Connor Don afterwards told me he (Mr. Ewart) felt ac-utely on the 
 subject. I trust he will not be less sympathetic now, as he and Messrs. 
 Bright and Cobden, and others of their school, will soon have an oppor¬ 
 tunity (if they will it) of seeing with their own eyes, by means of this 
 pamphlet, the effects of at least as barbarous, although still a more beg¬ 
 garly system than that on which I had the honour of then addressing 
 them. 
 
 About 1845, 1846, the “ Register” and “ Pilot” gave the benefit of 
 their circulation towards publishing the draft or copy of the petition, then 
 about being presented by the late O’Connor Don, at that time one of the 
 Representatives for the County of Roscommon; whereas the “ Nation,” 
 then edited by Mr. John Mitchell, refused me the same privilege, by say¬ 
 ing, “ until the people do return the right sort of Members of Parliament, 
 there would be no use in forwarding petitions, therefore they must refuse. 
 
 Whether the right sort was since returned or not, the required relief 
 was since obtained, ergo , that must tell against his foresight at that 
 time; although the Newspapers which then published it have been for 
 some years defunct; yet I feel it to b e justly due to the then proprietor 
 of the “ Register,” and to the memory of Richard Barrett, that their 
 Journals were then opened for at least one useful purpose, and how it“was 
 that a refusal for the such like object from the quarter least expected, and 
 which professed to be so far and away in advance of those that did the 
 people’s work for me, astonished me much at that time, nor do I now feel 
 less surprised than I did then. 
 
 Although out of place here, I must not forget that I had ventured 
 writing on the subject of the Bill Stamps to the Right Hon. Benjamin 
 DTsraeli, when Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1852, during the 
 first Derby Administration; and although he did not seem to me to have 
 noticed it, for I could not procure his “sign manuel,” yet he did not give 
 a factious opposition to either Mr. Gladstone or Mr. McMahon, but per¬ 
 haps supported them. 
 
 I mention his not replying, not for shewing him in the same light as 
 my fellow-countrymen who had acted in like manner when written to 
 on Fairs and Markets Reform, as they must have had plenty of time for 
 practising a small bit of condescension, if they so willed it, but in order 
 
32 
 
 to give him credit for being consistent; for in some time after, Mr. Glad¬ 
 stone sueceding him in office, he seemed to deride him for his official 
 politeness in replying’ to all such persons as then troubled him with their 
 complaints and grievances. 
 
 His caustic observations at that time have not cured Mr. Gladstone of 
 his then malady, for his later replies to myself shew him to be as polite 
 as ever! 
 
 The late O’Connor Don should not be omitted by me when introducing 
 the names of the other good men and true , who had endeavoured since 
 his time to obtain an instalment of the rights of the poor Irish race; and 
 although he was not spared to witness the vindication of that justice for 
 them which he so ardently wished for, yet his memory should be as 
 much revered by his poor countrymen as if he had survived, and was the 
 sole promoter of the relief they have obtained since his death. 
 
 So far back as 1845 and 1846, he had taken great trouble in order to 
 obtain even a mitigation of the then oppressive burden of the Small Bills 
 and Notes Stamp Tax—in having written many private letters on the 
 subject—in presenting, from Castlerea and its vicinity, a petition to Par¬ 
 liament—in getting (at much inconvenience to himself) that petition put 
 into due form, for being presented, according to the rules of Parliament— 
 in speaking to it, and supporting its prayer, so far as the forms of the 
 House would permit him, an abstract of which speech of his was merely 
 given by the London t( Times;” and oh! the inconsistency of that 
 could-be-useful publication, and also of the London u Weekly Despatch ;” 
 as a short time previous I had written to both of those powerful organs of 
 public opinion, statements of the direful effects of the Stamp Acts of that 
 day, and yet when that which should be most interesting to such Philan¬ 
 thropists was fully brought under their notice, they treated the subject 
 with as much indifferance and silence as if they had never received any 
 the least information about it. 
 
 That was after the u Times” had gone to much expense in sending to 
 Ireland him who was then “ dubbed ” its Commissioner, for the sole and 
 special purpose, as it were, of reporting to the world the wants and priva¬ 
 tions of, and of course the injuries indicted on, the poor peasantry of 
 Ireland, whilst many who may read this could see every other week, at 
 that time and since, the “ Publicola” and u Caustic” of the other, attack¬ 
 ing abuses, some, perhaps, imaginary and some not, but any or either of 
 which could not be more oppressive than those they had been put into 
 full possession of, and which, at the same time, they had overlooked and 
 neglected. 
 
 The O’Connor Don also waited on Sir Robert Peel, then Prime Minis¬ 
 ter, and presented him a memorial, as also another to his then Chancellor 
 of the Exchequer, the late Henry Goulbourne, whose reply to him was— 
 “ No doubt it is a great grievance; but in order to raise millions of money, 
 it is necessary to tax millions of people: at the same time that he did not 
 wish to give even a side glance at the inequality of its working. 
 
33 
 
 After the passing* of the Stamp Assimilation Act, O’Connell, in deplor¬ 
 ing* its probable cnosequences, used to say that “Goulbourn would then 
 die easy,” as that for many years previous it was a favourite project of his, 
 as also the imposing* still further on poor Paddy a full back-load of tax¬ 
 ation ; yet he did not go the way of all flesh until he could have heard 
 the present occupant of bis office telling* the House and the Country that 
 his bantling was unjust and oppressive, and as such, without pity for its 
 age, for it was only about 12 years, it was consigned to that grave, which 
 he, poor man , did not expect to live and see opened for it. 
 
 So I pray that Mr. Hatched may not descend from his present proud 
 and elevated! position, or Mr Whiteside ever ascend to the summit of his 
 natural ambition, until each may behold, what it must be to both of them, 
 the melancholy interment of their Law Taxes , worthy of the days of 
 old Mr. Goulbourn and his favourite scheme “ for raising millions of 
 money, by unequally taxing millions of people.” 
 
 Here I think it right to note , that about three years since I was speak¬ 
 ing to a barrister, who may be said to have spent his life in the ranks of 
 the people, as he was at that time also zealously working in his 
 professional capacity for them, 1 then reminded him of the teachings of 
 O’Connell, on Cheap Law ; and as he had proved himself to be a most 
 dutiful pupil of his, up to the end of his career, I expected he would use 
 his versatile talents in procuring the required relief for his countrymen; 
 wffiereupon he told me “any statement I had to make on it, send it to the 
 Freeman and it was sure of being inserted.” I replied, that seeing that 
 letters from me on other public questions were entirely neglected in that 
 quarter, I had no faith in anything* being done there for me od this. 
 
 He then handed me his card, and ordered me to send it to himself and 
 he would insure its insertion. Months rolled by, when an opportunity 
 offered of sending him a slip or proof of a letter on the subject, which 
 was published for me in a provincial paper ; I also reminded him of the 
 pledge he had given, from which I am bound to believe he must have 
 brought or sent it to the “Freeman,” but from that time to this a line of 
 it, or one advocating its principles, did not appear in that paper notwith¬ 
 standing his promise of promoting my views—yet I must admit that before 
 parting, be observed, “there never will be any relief obtained on it, for the 
 Attorneys to a man will be against it.” I told him then, as 1 repeat 
 now, that I could not imagine they would, for I ask the most ingenious of 
 them “how could it possibly affect them?” Nay, I defy any of them to 
 show that it would. 
 
 I will go even further in saying, “if I considered it to be injurious to 
 gentlemen who had expended their time and money in qualifying for their 
 profession, I would hesitate before sticking my hand into such a 
 hornet’s nest as that of justly exciting their indignation;” I beg to 
 inform him that so far from their being opposed to such relief, one 
 of the most eminent of them in the West of Ireland lately admitted 
 to myself, “that it is a very severe and unjust tax, and therefore, 
 
 £ 
 
34 
 
 u that it ought to be much modified; hut all he dreaded was that the 
 u Government was brewing a greater infliction, and therefore, bad as the 
 “ present state is, we might soon find ourselves, if possible, even worse.” 
 Therefore, taking him to be then representing the gentlemen-solicitors of 
 Ireland, I feel a native pride that imaginary selfish considerations will not 
 sway them in obstructing such a remedial measure for their poor and 
 helpless fellow-countrymen. 
 
 Having forgotten, when treating on the subject, to explain my reason 
 for thinking the Presentment Sessions the most fit place for the manage¬ 
 ment of Fairs and Markets reform, according to my plan, as an appen¬ 
 dix to that part, I wish it to be understood that I adopt it for two causes : 
 the first as middle-class towns in Ireland are, in many cases, held under 
 the one proprietor, there would be less danger of undue influence being 
 practised or attempted with a Board, presumed to be in some measure 
 representing the entire barony : the second, as it would apply to many 
 country villages in which one, two, or more large fairs are held an¬ 
 nually, even if my first objection would not lie, that in such case it 
 would be impossible, even if sanctioned by the law, to find any sufficient 
 number of inhabitants of such places qualified to act as Commissioners. 
 
 I put it thus, as some years since a now very distinguished editor of a 
 Weekly Dublin Newspaper met me by saying, u Towns Commissioners 
 were his remedy f or all such abuses,” when I soon silenced him by assign¬ 
 ing the above reasons. 1 repeat them here, in the hope of protecting 
 myself from being again misrepresented by any section of the Press of our 
 country, for no person is more anxious to see the elective principle in the 
 ascendant, when and where the enfranchished parties and the elected 
 could act as free agents. In other words, I would be most anxious to see 
 the class town in which perhaps three or more different persons might 
 have separate fee-simple interests, duly represented for all purposes of local 
 improvement and taxation, by qualified persons residing in them, who 
 should be very good judges of the wants and wishes of their fellow- 
 townsmen ; whereas I would be for handing it over (if under the one 
 autocrat proprietor) to the authorities of the district or barony, who, 
 according to my project, must be equally solicitous for the due appro¬ 
 priation of that part of the public money as if they were residents, inasmuch 
 as that it could not be diverted from the special purpose of improving the 
 town, and therefore applied towards the reduction of the cess of the whole 
 barony. 
 
 Thus, with my method for forming the Boards of such Presentment 
 Sessions (if such reform were conceded) it would be absurd to imagine 
 that a body of persons so constituted would be willing instruments in pro¬ 
 moting other than uselul and economical undertakings, conducive to their 
 own benefit as to that of the ratepayers at large. 
 
 Doctor Gray’s admirers give him much credit for almost originating, 
 and actively promoting, the collection of, I hope, many thousands towards 
 the erection of a monument worthy of “ The Man of the People.” 
 
35 
 
 1 Lave also seen exciting* articles on the same subject in the (i Nation, 51 
 “ Irishman,” and other popular Journals ; some, in their zeal for perpetuat¬ 
 ing his (O’Connell’s) memory, wishing to have it in this street, and others 
 in that green or square. The world may give to each of them full credit 
 for the best possible intentions, as every component part of it may agree 
 in their respective views of sites and mottoes; but in my singular mind , 
 the best touchstone for testing them is—which will most zealously, and 
 without intermission, endeavour to procure relief from this oppressive im¬ 
 post, and thereby endeavour to carry out his oft-repeated intentions, 
 which none of them can a pronounce” to be impracticable, and thereby 
 assist, in a measure, “ the bringing law cheap to the poor man’s door.” 
 
 I wish here to pay the humble tribute of my respect for the memory of 
 the late lamented Maurice Leyne ; who, in 18.52, after a few words conver¬ 
 sation with him in the “ Nation” office, as to those unequal taxes, although 
 then new to him, saw into it without any the least hesitation, and in a 
 warm and courteous manner, I believe peculiar to him, invited me to put 
 my views on paper, and he would see after it and do the work. Time 
 passed on, and as I was afterwards much hurried, perhaps discouraged 
 through the neglect of others I had previously applied to, I learned he 
 went to Clonmel, and thence, I hope, to a better world. I trust I may 
 never forget him, as no man could who ever once saw his fine athletic 
 stature. I give him equal credit for single-minded intentions, as if he had 
 been spared for reducing them to practice. 
 
 His prompt adhesion to my views, reminds me in contrast of a gentle¬ 
 man who some years since figured prominently in the Lower House, and 
 on anything connected with the Banking system was a host in himself; 
 yet on my reminding him by letter, about two years previous, of the 
 grievance of the Small Bills and Notes Tax, as also of some points of 
 another question then passing through Parliament, I merely received in 
 reply “ his thanks,” and that he would give those questions his best con¬ 
 sideration ; but up to the time he had retired from public life in that 
 House, I never could learn he had acted on his promise. 
 
 The “ Roscommon Weekly Messenger,” did good service on the repeal 
 of the Stamp Act—on the relief (if it could) of this obnoxious measure— 
 in publishing letters on Grand Jury and Fairs and Markets Reform, and 
 in giving me a general invitation for using* it at all times for such pur¬ 
 poses, which I had acted on for some time; but seeing that the letters 
 and articles which appeared in it were not borrowed or otherwise noticed, 
 or their principles advocated by the Dublin popular press, with the whole 
 of which it exchanges, I gave it up as a hopeless game to attempt putting 
 forward principles affecting a whole people, in a paper not having more 
 than a respectable circulation in this and the adjoining* counties; whereas 
 had its Dublin cotemporaries taken up those questions warmly , and even 
 in the way I had put it for them, they would have shown a willingness to 
 probe, if not an ability to cure those ulcers so much affecting the health 
 ot this “ their own, their native land,” quite clearly brought under their 
 
3G 
 
 notice, and which not one of them could have the hardihood of she wing- 
 in any other light than as dangerous to the “ body politic.” 
 
 The “ Connaught Patriot” also gave me the benefit of at least a local 
 part of its circulation, but from it being crowded with very important 
 subjects, I have not troubled it lately; yet so far as we had travelled 
 together, I think it can bear me out in saying that any of my letters and 
 other articles, on the abuses I was then writing against, as from time to 
 time they had appeared in it (“the Patriot,”) never once found their way 
 into any of the very popular Dublin Journals, with which it was then, as 
 now, exchanging. 
 
 Therefore, am I driven to the necessity of advertising my “ quack me¬ 
 dicines !” in this manner, but not until the gentlemen who had taken out 
 their diplomas for State Surgery, have, as regards those distempers at 
 least, entirely lost sight of their poor dispensary patients. 
 
 The Representatives of our country, 1 regret to say, have entirely over¬ 
 looked this question ; for from its enactment, about twelve years since, up 
 to the present day of this the Session of 1863, I never could learn that any 
 one of them even whispered it in the House, although up to this I have 
 made some efforts to impress its injustice on some of them. I received 
 admissions of making out “ a very strong case,” and promises of speaking 
 to the law officers of the Crown about it; but there the matter has rested, 
 and where to turn for relief I know not, except by taking the “ reckless 
 course” I now am running, and a fixed intention of not drawing a bridle 
 until my good nag, Perseverance, although then I fear much jaded, may 
 win the race. 
 
 Should any one of them even now affect a willingness to act on it with 
 vigour, “ if they could but know how,” I refer such benevolent gentleman 
 for a precedent to William Ewart, Esq., who will tell him, that about the 
 July of 1842, 1843, he being then, as now, M.P. for the Dumfries Dis¬ 
 trict of Burghs, he simply, and in a few words, explained to the late Sir 
 Robert Peel, then Premier, the grievous hardship endured by the artizans 
 and labourers of Great Britain, having to pay 30 per cent, more of an ad 
 valorem duty on foreign cheese and butter of the coarser qualities, than 
 the rich and wealthy did for the finer sorts which they were in the habit 
 of consuming; to which Sir Robert replied, “ He would give it his best 
 attention,” and applied a suitable remedy early in the ensuing Session. 
 
 Now, I most respectfully insist, that any one Irish M.P. could on this, 
 “ do likewise ” and far and away a better grievance would he have to pro¬ 
 duce to the law officers and others having the cure in their own hands; 
 for the differance through this heartless impost , as regards the very rich 
 and extremely poor man, is not only 30 but, in some cases, 320 per cent. 
 And if with such a glaring contrasted injustice staring them in the face, 
 they still assume a dignified silence, where are our public instructors to 
 come from, or where are the fresh “sentinels on the watch-towers” to be 
 found, if the gentlemen, both in the Senate and at the Press, to whom 
 thier poor countrymen are taught to look up, neglect their part of the 
 
37 
 
 work ? and if the most gifted and enthusiastic among them will again 
 say, “ We will not descend to the perpetration of small jobs in a Foreign 
 Parliament, until we find ourselves in our own House at home ?” 
 
 To say the least, I much question the wisdom of such a resolve; for 
 according to his own teaching and the general opinion, u Our people are 
 much impoverished through foreign misrule; but give us the right of 
 domestic legislation, and all will be soon well through our own fostering 
 care, and the money of Ireland being spent where it ought—in the country 
 where it w T as produced and earned.” 
 
 Therefore do I contend that, according to himself, one shilling now 
 would be more useful than two shillings and sixpence then; and in such 
 case is it the more incumbent on him to use every effort for immediate 
 relief, if for no other purpose but that of showing that he must be practi¬ 
 cal in his own country, whereas he had stickled for juctice for his poor 
 and oppressed countrymen in the distance. Should he neglect it, he 
 may persuade others, but I cannot be convinced, that a change to Ire¬ 
 land will cause the same men to attend to the same work there which 
 they had neglected at Westminister. 
 
 Should this effort fail me, I think that without leaving this, the county 
 of Roscommon, I can fall back on its senior Member, Colonel Fitzstephen 
 French, to support my views, not as being one of his constituents, but 
 according to his own fixed principles even before he was first elected; for 
 he was, in early life, according to his then published speeches, a vehement 
 declaimer against the then enormous duty on Glass, merely because it 
 prevented the very poor man from ever enjoying the comfort of a small 
 window, although it was quite optional with him to purchase one if he 
 could, or to exclude the light by sticking an old hat into a hole in the 
 wall. He (the hon. Member) must admit, that although a severe tax, it 
 was equitably levied, inasmuch as that the poor man paid only in propor¬ 
 tion for what of it he purchased, at the same time that the great man 
 should do the same for the large quantities of it which he must have 
 been purchasing and requiring from one time to another. But let 
 him neglect this case, now that it is clearly submitted to him. He might 
 as reasonably tell his friends in Roscommon, that then the poor man’s 
 cabin ought to be subjected to the same amount of glass-duty as the great 
 man’s castle, as that he should be now taxed in at least an equal amount 
 for being sued for 2s. 6d., as his wealthy landlord for £40 sterling ! 
 
 About the December of 1845, I ventured producing for him a length¬ 
 ened statement on the then Stamp Act, and went the distance of fourteen 
 miles to and fro, in order to induce, if I could, the hon. Member to obtain, 
 if within his power, the required relief, when he told me he would not 
 leave Ireland until he should see Sir Thomas Freemantle, then Chief- 
 Secretary about it, yet it was about eight years after before redress was 
 obtained. I have cause to know that there was no Member in the House 
 who felt better pleased at the change than he did, as I am certain he gave 
 it his strenuous support, for I received a letter from him at the time, 
 
38 
 
 which was the more welcome as it was not in reply; but having* spoken 
 to him about this grievance one or two years later, I thought he did not 
 relish it too well, neither did he answer a letter which I had sent him on 
 the same some, short time afterwards. 
 
 At that time some Lords of Manors had their Seneschals, whose Processes 
 were not dearer than those of the County Courts; therefore that in itself 
 might cause gentlemen to look upon the inutility of my project; but thev 
 cannot view it in that light now, for the Manor Courts which were then held 
 only once in a month, or two, have been since abolished, whereas now that 
 a weekly facility is given through Mr. Whiteside’s Act, the oppressive nature 
 of heavy Stamp taxes for small sums must be much more severe in those 
 that are extant, than in the Courts which have been abolished to make room 
 for such a blessing for the very poor man, as “ The Manors Court Abolition 
 Act." 
 
 Therefore, whether I may ever again have the honour of receiving a con¬ 
 gratulatory letter from our worthy Representative or not, I hope that before 
 the expiration of the present Session, I may have the pleasure of seeing he 
 has not forgotten his early teachings—for he must so far agree with me, that 
 whether an unequal tax be levied on Glass or on Civil Bill Summonses, it is 
 all the same to the poor man who loses his money by either ; and I know 
 he wall not tell me that the more unjust or unequal a tax is, the longer it 
 should be left to linger on the Statute Book. Therefore will I be much sur¬ 
 prised that, if possible, the hon. Member would give Lord Palmerston even 
 a week to consider, until he comes down to the House and indignantly 
 claims from him so far at least justice for the poor tenantry of Ireland. 
 
 I feel so acutely on this subject, as that I am almost certain should the 
 most zealous and gifted of our Ecclesiastics only obtain a glimpse of the 
 workings of those Acts, they would consistently hurl their denunciations 
 against them; for as they justly discountenance every imposition and 
 oppression practised in private life, it should be expected they would not 
 close their eyes on this. They devote much of their valuable time in im¬ 
 pressing on their poor people 66 the giving unto Ceseer what justly belongs 
 to himand by a like rule it is to be hoped, that should he become an 
 extortioner, they may equally strive to soften his heart into justice, and use 
 their well-earned influence where such may be available, towards the obtain¬ 
 ing of restitution, not of the money which has left these poor men’s pockets 
 never to find its way back to them, but the restitution of their just title to a 
 fair and equitable system of taxation. 
 
 In order to place the question of this unequal tax so plain as that no 
 person can excuse it, I repeat here, that if the most abject person who 
 rents a cabin be sued to the County Court, for say 2s. 6d. to 5s., and that 
 his most wealthy neighbour be cited to the same Court, and for the same 
 day, for £40 : in case of both settling before, the highest amount of Stamp 
 duty such very rich man will pay is Is., as persons of that class do not 
 require to give security; whereas the very poor man must do so, as his 
 sureties are liable to be sued with himself, therefore in such case must his 
 costs for law stamps be much greater !!! 
 
39 
 
 Again, if the most humble creature in society be summoned to the 
 Magistrates’ Court, for say a small debt of 2s. 6d. to 5s., and that the most 
 opulent person in his vicinity be sued to the same Court, and on the same 
 day, for £10 for wages or trespass, the lowest amount of Stamp-duty the 
 poor man has to pay is Is.! it may be Is. (3d. to 2s.!! whilst if the rich 
 man also settles before trial, the highest amount of his Stamp duty is 
 merely 6d. !! or thus, for 2s. 6d. of a small debt, Stamp duty say Is., 
 Is. Oil. or 2s.; for £10 in wages or trespass, (id. ! ! ! 
 
 Surely any man must admit, that the person in the capacity of hiring 
 servants and labourers, and of keeping cattle capable of committing large 
 trespass, should be better able to pay a large Stamp duty than the poor 
 man who must do his own work; but no, our Solons and Lycurguses 
 think otherwise, and therefore their “Sic Volo,” “Sic Jubeo,” is statute 
 law ! 
 
 But it may be imagined that the small debts cases are so few, and the 
 large ones and wages and trespass so many, as that it would not be worth 
 while to disturb the “statuo quo;” yet when the reader is informed that 
 such is quite the reverse of things as they are, for there must be process 
 issued for ten small debts to the one large one, what must he imagine the 
 feelings of those to be who could have permitted this unnatural state of 
 things to last even one month, seeing that very little trouble on their part 
 must cause the system to be completely altered, and if so, it must be for 
 the better, for worse they could not make it. 
 
 I consider this as not quite to my purpose, should I neglect again 
 alluding to Mr. Whiteside’s Act, w r hich is in reality what he entitled it, 
 “ one for facilitating the recovery of small debts for through it, if the sutn 
 be due one day longer than twelve months, persons living in parts distant 
 from Quarter Sessions towns are debarred from suing in the Court of minor 
 jurisdiction, as the statute of limitation for it, is merely within the year; 
 therefore, parties who otherwise might be inclined to be more indulgent, as a 
 choice of evils, feel impelled to proceed even sooner than their inclination 
 might lead them to, in order to avoid the delay and inconvenience of going 
 to a distant Quarter Sessions. 
 
 Thus is the trap set, from which even the plaintiff, in many cases, cannot well 
 escape; therefore it would be a mercy to have the period extended to three 
 years, as also that the Summons in such cases be exempted from any Stamp 
 duty, as the greater the facility for suing, the cheaper the costs ought to be. 
 A et in order not to disturb the Stamping system of those Courts, and to give 
 no excuse for the further continuance of the heartless exception of Stamped 
 Copies , all that is required is to place them in the same position as the rich 
 man’s Summons for £10 9 in wages, trespass, &c., by having the Original 
 stamped (id., and its Copy or Copies on plain or unstamped paper. 
 
 I know I will be met by saying, that those Stamp duties have been insti¬ 
 tuted in order to pay for the advance in the Chairmen’s Salaries, and which 
 were created for them by reason of their former fees for signing the execu¬ 
 tions of their Courts being dispensed with, as also for compensating the 
 Seneschals, whose Courts were discontinued, for it is called “ The Manors 
 
40 
 
 Court Abolition Act,” had such been really the intention ; what could be 
 easier than to affix them to the same Execntions for which money used to be 
 given. 
 
 I am almost certain there is not one of the first named class of gentlemen 
 who would wish to be made comfortable and happy at the expense of the 
 poor and the wretched. 
 
 What I say of them should be equally expected at the hands of those of 
 the second, who being from the immediate ranks of the people, and therefore 
 more conversant with their privations, should, if possible, feel more acutely 
 for every infliction practised on them ; but were it to be otherwise, “ must 
 the poor man starve, in order that the rich may dine ?” 
 
 Therefore, I ask the Irish admirers and supporters of the Income Tax in¬ 
 flicted on their country in 1854, Where now are your promises of its being 
 like Holloway’s Ointment, “ a plaster for all sores,” if, after the millions 
 drawn out from it since its enactment, a small fractional part could not be 
 spared in order to pay off the few thousands for such increased salaries and 
 superannuations, and thus save from being tortured the poorest and most 
 wretched , through a relatively far more reckless impost, wrung (if I can 
 use the expression) from their extreme distress and misery . 
 
 Of the Chairmen I cannot complain, as not having applied to any of 
 them except a retired one, the present Attorney-General, who had acted 
 as such, in two Counties. Were I to judge of them by the u cold 
 shoulder” I received from the Right Hon. and learned Gentleman, I 
 should not be over-confident of their active sympathy. 
 
 As the grievance I complain of has not perhaps as yet come within 
 their cognizance, for it chief] v affects parties who do not enter their courts, 
 I must imagine them to be most benevolent on it, until such time as their 
 neglect of endeavouring to redress it, may give me cause to think other¬ 
 wise. 
 
 Before “ closing my account,’’ I wish to return to the Right Hon W m. 
 Gladstone, and to say, that about May or June, 1854, after his producing 
 his relief on Small Bill Stamps, I had sent him a lengthened statement on 
 the present subject (that alluded to by Mr. M‘Mahon as being published in 
 the u Tablet”), and in about eight days after I got an acknowledgement of 
 its receipt by the Lords of the Treasury, the effect of it being—nothing! 
 
 By mere chance, I lately found the two following letters, in reply to like 
 communications from me, both having a similar result! 
 
 <( Downing-street, 18th April, 1855. 
 
 “ Sir, —The Chancellor of the Exchequer desires me to acknowledge the 
 receipt of your letter of the 1 (4th instant, on the subject of the unequal work¬ 
 ing of the Civil Bill Act (Ireland) in regard of Stamp duties on persons sued 
 for Small Debts.—1 am, Sir, your obedient Servant, 
 
 “ H. Fitzgibbon, Esq. “ ALEX. DUFF GORDON.” 
 
 “ Downing-street, 17th May, 1856. 
 
 Sir, —The Chancellor of the Exchequer desires me to acknowledge the 
 receipt of your letter of the 15th instant, further on the subject of the tax on 
 Process Stamps, and suggesting the propriety of instituting Stamps on 
 
41 
 
 Decrees and other Executions of the County Courts.—Your obedient 
 Servant, “ ALEX. DUFF GORDON. 
 
 “ H. Fitzgibbon, Esq. Castlerea.” 
 
 Whether I had sent him others on the same or not, between 1856 and 
 1860, I cannot call to mind, but certain I am that in the August of the last, 
 I forwarded another, for which I got a receipt from his present Secretary, 
 and dated a day or two after mine reaching, but on which, as usual, a like 
 do-nothing rule was put. 
 
 After waiting two years and-a-half, expecting that something might turn 
 up to soften our rulers and law officers, how was I surprised to see in last 
 year’s Budget reduced from Is. to 3d. ! ! the duty on what?—on playing 
 cards, which any pious person not conversant with State affairs must imagine 
 already too cheap. 
 
 Again did 1 venture sending to him the statement of the 15th October, 
 1862, and after anxiously waiting for many days 1 gave up all hope of a 
 reply; but, after a month’s delay, was agreeably surprised with that in front, 
 and which left me no alternative but that of keeping my word with him—by 
 getting it published and circulated as widely as my first edition will permit me. 
 
 I said to him 1 would send one to every Irish M.P., and many others.— 
 I now tell those of the public who may chance on this, that I will also en¬ 
 deavour to have copies forwarded to the Catholic Young Men’s Society, the 
 National Brotherhood of St. Patrick, to Mechanics’ Institutes, and other 
 reading communities in more than one district of the country ; in fine, 
 wherever it may have a chance of being even glanced over, and which I hope 
 may have a better effect, at least for opening men’s eyes, than the course 
 of silent argumentation 1 had hitherto adopted. 
 
 And here I beg to impress on even the most strong-headed of his colleagues, 
 that nothing can better show the necessity of Universal Suffrage, the Ballot, 
 and all the et ceteras of Radicalism, than the infliction of unequal burdens 
 on the unrepresented portion of the community, who ifj or rather when they 
 do plant their footsteps within the portal of the Constitution, must be but too 
 well taught to retaliate on them with a vengeance; for how can they expect 
 them to be over exact, even in respecting public contracts, and of course 
 paying the public creditor (the only excuse they have for excluding them), 
 if in this their day they neglect plainly shewing them that they are scru - 
 pulously exact in all their dealings with them ? 
 
 Should I not be successful in my present undertaking and its purpose, 
 yet if my feeble efforts would induce Irish Representatives, if not to pro¬ 
 mote, at least to prevent, the perpetration of “ small parliamentary ‘jobs/ " 
 injurious to their poor people— if it would cause the popular press of the Irish 
 metropolis, to give a clear stage and fair hearing to every side of any ques¬ 
 tion worthy of being openly and evenly discussed—if it would lead Irish 
 Secretaries and their Law Officers to pause well before pressing through 
 Parliament obnoxious measures of local taxation for the poor of their coun¬ 
 try—I will not consider my labour altogether lost. 
 
 F 
 
42 
 
 Should a Fairs and Markets Bill, or a Grand Jury Reform of antipopular 
 tendencies, and therefore, as such, unpalatable to the recipients of such 
 charitable distributions , be pressed forward and passed during this or any 
 future Session of my short sojourn here, in such case, I hope (D.V.) to 
 venture another small book on those particular questions in which my letters 
 to Lords Derby, Naas, and other gentlemen in office will be reproduced, as 
 also some of those I had written to Irish Members, without their inducing 
 any acknowledgement of them : and if after going into further detail on those 
 subjects, I be not able to convert them into the faith of my opinions being 
 just and practicable, I will of course give up the controversy, at the same 
 time that I must consider my opponents to be in any wise but tolerating and 
 reasonable ! yet I hope my little political catechism may be read and judged 
 of by others than themselves, who will, I hope, think better of it. 
 
 Our gifted countryman, Carlton, in his “ Traits and Stories of the Irish 
 Peasantry,” introduces to his readers a very diminutive yet pugnacious tailor, 
 Neal Malone, who, whenever he was near losing his balance through the 
 smacking influence of an over-dose of the “ mountain dew,” was always on 
 such to-him -glorious occasions , in the habit of dragging his coat through the 
 fairs and markets in his vicinity, without such having the desired effect of 
 inducing the stout fellows gazing and laughing at him to accept his pigmy 
 challenge. When all failed, he concluded by kneeling and praying, i( that 
 some person would fight him for charity’s sake so have I never been so 
 fortunate as to find any of our powerful gentlemen so condescending as to 
 argue or differ with me on this or any other question I had ventured bring¬ 
 ing before them. 
 
 I must still (as I often did) imagine that like little Malone’s strong neigh¬ 
 bours, they must have been for many years merely laughing at me in their 
 sleeves, and felicitating themselves that their faithful coadjutors, “ Circum¬ 
 locution” and “ Procrastination,” would do their work, without implicating 
 themselves in such an undignified and unprofitable quarrel; but whether I 
 may be sneered at, or be the innocent cause of their bursts of uproarious 
 laughter, I must nevertheless keep moving, and perhaps, like Neal, 1 may 
 offer up an odd prayer, through petitions to Parliament, 
 
 I am here reminded, that about the year 1852, a gentleman, admitted to 
 be a great authority on most difficult and intricate matters of finance, 
 observed to myself, “All that is wanting is to induce merely one Irish M.P. 
 to take up the question of Small Bills Stamps, seriously and perseveringly , 
 when it would be impossible for any Government to continue such a system 
 even two years longer.” 
 
 The same opinion equally applies to the Process and Summons Stamps ; 
 and although I thought I had made out a very good case on them for Mr. 
 Gladstone, still I feel that it is more than supported in the speech on the 
 Address of the hon. and learned Member for Dungarvan, in which he is 
 reported to have said, “ That the consumption of Civil Bills has been for the 
 last year twenty-fold greater than for a like period during the previous 
 seasons of comparative prosperity.” Therefore, if before I calculated on his 
 
43 
 
 strenuous support for obtaining the much required relief, according to his 
 own shewing he should be much more on the alert than I could have then 
 expected—as no person can better understand that the greater the demand 
 for them, the more widespread and destructive must be the oppressive load 
 under which his poor countrymen have been groaning, and which they will 
 have to endure much longer, if not now sharply looked after by such a lead¬ 
 ing Member. 
 
 Although Lord Palmerston may ride off from him by making his fine¬ 
 drawn distinction between starvation created through a scarcity of raw 
 cotton in the manufacturing districts, and the same caused in Ireland through 
 the failure of the crops ; in this case he will be compelled to admit that there 
 is a marked differance in the value of two large coppers and of a white 
 shilling; and if through an affectation of obtusiveness there be no convincing 
 him that there is ; in such case, but without wishing to create a panic in the 
 money market, the public creditor should not feel quite easy in the case, for 
 should the people “ by-and-by become the stronger,” they might take his 
 Lordship at his word, and get it into their own heads to pay off the 
 National Debt through his own depreciated currency. 
 
 Indeed, the only plausible excuse I have ever read against the whole 
 body of the people being invested with the same constitutional privileges as 
 the most wealthy in the land, was the danger that might accrue to the credit 
 of the country throngh such an influx of Radicalism. I here tell Class 
 Legislation, that if in this its day it avails itself of its present privilege, and 
 shamelessly and unequally taxes the unrepresented classes, should the tables 
 be ever turned and that they attempt reversing the present order of things, 
 they will be only following the pattern or copy set to them by yourself; 
 therefore do I pray of you to “be wise in time,” and recollect the passage 
 in the Gospel, “ Make unto yourselves friends of the mammon of iniquity.” 
 
 Dean Dawson, the respected pastor of Carrick-on-Shannon, and O’Neil 
 Daunt and Joseph Fisher, Esqrs., have each of them lately written with 
 much power against Mr. Gladstone's system of international taxation. 
 
 I fully admit that the Stamp relief I am looking for should weigh but as a 
 feather in the scale against their well considered plans for relieving their poor 
 country from the accumulation of her intolerable burdens, for as my remedy 
 merely goes to shift the payment of the piper from those who do not even 
 enter into the dance houses of the law to those who do, and who dance at 
 them, I believe it would not save a pound as between one country and the 
 other. Yet I respectfully say to those gentlemen that they could not lay a 
 better foundation for carrying up their grandly-conceived and stately edifice 
 of Ireland’s prosperity, than by giving a helping hand on every such ques¬ 
 tion as this; for what attention can be expected from the stronger country 
 to the most persuasive arguments of her poor sister, for a fair applotment of 
 their mutual taxation, if the few sons of the weaker who may be considered 
 wealthy, influential and intelligent, do not themselves be patterns of self- 
 denial in helping their impoverished brethern towards being relieved from 
 the unequal burden they have been bearing, not for five years, which Mr: 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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