THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 34-^07 
 

 
 WySifSp'r: 
 
PROGRESS OF RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 in 2017 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign Alternates 
 
 https://archive.org/details/progresspresentp00macn_0 
 
THE 
 
 PROGRESS AND PRESENT POSITION 
 
 RUSSIA m THE EAST : 
 
 AN HISTORICAL SUMMARY. 
 
 THIRD EDITION, 
 
 CONTINUED DOWN TO THE PRESENT TIME. 
 
 WITH A MAP BY JOHN ARROWSMITH. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 JOHN MUKKAY, ALBEMAKLE STKEET. 
 1854. 
 
LONDON : 
 
 PRINTED BY W. CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET, 
 AND CHARING CROSS. 
 
K\ 2. 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 TO THE THIRD EDITION. 
 
 This attempt to show that the history of Russia un- 
 equivocally indicates the character and objects of her 
 policy was first published in 1836, and a second edition 
 was called for in 1838. The progress and position 
 of Russia in the East is now, as it was then, the most 
 anxious subject of consideration to every cabinet in 
 Europe, and the course she has pursued in the interval 
 is so closely in accordance with the views attributed 
 to her seventeen years ago, that the justice of the 
 inferences then drawn from her past proceedings may 
 now perhaps be admitted. The future prospects of 
 Europe appear at present to depend, in a great mea- 
 sure, upon a just appreciation of the position and 
 policy of Russia ; and it is therefore thought proper 
 to reproduce this contribution to the elucidation of 
 the truth, and to carry down to the present time the 
 historical summary of the proceedings that verify the 
 anticipations announced in 1836. 
 
 For one hundred and sixty years Russia has steadily 
 i kept in view the objects of ambition in the East first 
 contemplated by Peter I., and bequeathed by him to 
 ibis successors. These were, to raise Russia upon the 
 ruins of Turkey — to obtain exclusive possession of the 
 
 r 
 
 ? 
 
 VI 
 
 9878 ! 6 
 
VI 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Caspian and the Black Sea, with the Bosphorus and 
 the Dardanelles — to extend her dominions beyond the 
 Caucasus — to domineer in Persia with a view to open 
 the road to India ; and history perhaps furnishes no 
 other example of equal pertinacity in prosecuting, per 
 fas et nefas, a predetermined course of aggrandizement. 
 Her crown has frequently been transferred, by open 
 violence or by secret crime, from one head or one 
 family to another, but each successive sovereign, with 
 hardly an exception, has made some progress towards 
 the attainment of those objects, and she continues to 
 prosecute them with unabated avidity. 
 
 Her caution has hitherto been equal to her per- 
 tinacity. She has never pushed her successes in the 
 East so far as to involve her in a contest with any 
 of the great powers of Europe ; but as soon as that 
 danger appeared to be imminent she has suspended 
 her progress, always claiming, and often receiving, 
 credit for her magnanimity and moderation while 
 she was abiding a more favourable opportunity again 
 to advance. 
 
 Not less remarkable than her pertinacity and caution 
 has been the uniformity of the means by which her 
 acquisitions have been obtained. The process has 
 almost been reduced to a regular formula. — It inva- 
 riably commences with disorganization, by means of 
 corruption and secret agency, pushed to the extent of 
 disorder and civil contention. Next in order comes 
 military occupation to restore tranquillity ; and in 
 every instance the result has been protection, followed 
 by INCORPORATION. Such have been the means by 
 which Poland — the two Kabardas — the Krimea — 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Vll 
 
 Georgia — Imeretia — and Mingrelia have been added 
 to the Russian dominions. 
 
 The policy bequeathed by Peter I. has so long been 
 pursued with success and impunity, that Russia now 
 begins to assume a sort of prescriptive right to carry 
 it out ; and affects to regard as unreasonable and pre- 
 sumptuous the resolution of other powers not to permit 
 her to violate justice, the public law of Europe, and 
 the treaties that protect the weaker nations — nor to 
 trample upon their own acknowledged interests — in 
 her lawless attempts at aggrandizement. Civilized 
 nations can afford to smile at the barbarian arrogance 
 of her tone when she tells England and France to 
 mind their own business, and not to interfere with her 
 projects in Turkey ; or when, with more refined 
 derision, she proposes, in deference to their wishes, to 
 conclude an amicable arrangement, on conditions that 
 would secure to her all the advantages she could hope 
 to derive from a successful war. But when she puts 
 forth, in justification of her outrageous policy, mani- 
 festoes, every statement in which is contradicted by 
 ascertained facts known to all the world, and closes 
 them with appeals to Heaven, we are forced to consider 
 the possibility of again confiding in the moral recti- 
 tude or the good faith, however solemnly pledged, 
 of a government that, with pretensions so lofty, can 
 descend to actions so mean. That these documents 
 cannot deceive any one out of Russia is no palliation 
 of the offence ; but there surely must have been some 
 very urgent necessity for misrepresenting the circum- 
 stances in Russia, or such a man as the Emperor 
 Nicholas could never have been induced to give the 
 
Vlll 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 sanction of his name to such a document. And if there 
 be such a necessity it implies a condition of things in 
 the interior of the empire not the most favourable to 
 the maintenance of exorbitant pretensions. But many 
 of Russia’s negotiations show that to raise her preten- 
 sions, when she is least in a condition to enforce them, 
 is the approved mode of cloaking her deficiencies and 
 extricating herself from difficulties. This game has 
 been successfully played on many occasions, and espe- 
 cially at Adrianople. 
 
 It is plain, however, that, be the internal condition 
 of Russia what it may, the time has arrived when 
 Europe must either submit to her dictation, or must 
 arrest her in a course, the tendency and objects of 
 which are proved, by the history of the past and by 
 the experience of the present, to be incompatible with 
 the principles or the laws which have been adopted 
 and established for the maintenance of peace and justice. 
 Either she must recede or we must give way before 
 her ; for she has rejected every admissible form of 
 pacific arrangement that has been proposed. How far 
 her present perseverance in wrong ought to be re- 
 garded as ultimately disadvantageous to the rest of 
 Europe may be questioned ; for her history inculcates 
 no lesson more clearly than this, — that to return now 
 to the state of things as they stood before her last un- 
 provoked invasion of the Turkish territories would be 
 only to postpone the contest until she should find a 
 more favourable opportunity for renewing it. Europe 
 must not be left exposed to the continual danger of 
 being disturbed by her projects, or of being demo- 
 ralized by her example and influence. The example 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 IX 
 
 of a sovereign making an unprovoked aggression upon 
 a weaker neighbour, and setting both the public law 
 and the unanimous public opinion of Europe at defi- 
 ance with impunity, would be one of the most demo- 
 ralizing and dangerous that could be held up to the 
 imitation of the world. But good may come out of 
 evil. If the other nations of Europe are now convinced 
 of the danger to which this contemptuous disregard of 
 principle exposes them, they must combine to vindicate 
 the supremacy of public law and justice, and to enforce 
 upon the delinquent a due respect for both. Russia, 
 by producing the necessity and furnishing the occasion 
 for such a combination, may have conferred a benefit 
 when she contemplated inflicting an injury, and may 
 be the means of ultimately consolidating the peace she 
 has disturbed. The feeling that they have embarked 
 in the same just cause — that they have interests 
 common to them all to defend against the same in- 
 veterate disturber of the public peace — may do more 
 than even the peaceful intercourse of quieter times 
 could do to clear away the prejudices, and to confirm 
 the mutual confidence and esteem of nations. 
 
 It is true that we may have to fight for peace, and that 
 the evils of war are great and manifold ; hut there are 
 evils worse than war, and, if it must he encountered, it 
 is better far to face it at once than to patch up a 
 hollow, and perhaps not very creditable, truce, with 
 the prospect of having war forced upon us a year 
 or two hence, in circumstances, probably, less advan- 
 tageous to us, and more advantageous to Russia. 
 Turkey is still erect and stout of heart, with a better 
 army — a better administration — a more energetic and 
 
X 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 yet calmer, wiser, and more liberal and comprehensive 
 spirit of nationality than those who have not seen — or 
 seeing, have seen and have not understood her — could 
 be induced to believe. But the drain upon her re- 
 sources is great ; and to force her to accept an arrange- 
 ment which gave no sufficient security against renewed 
 aggression would compel her to maintain for an in- 
 definite time an attitude of preparation that would 
 injure her finances, and thus cripple her means of 
 defence when the real struggle came. 
 
 France — at whom the stroke was first aimed by 
 Russia through the side of Turkey, and who sees com- 
 binations prepared with a view to disturb her internal 
 tranquillity, and to use her crown as a make-weight in 
 the adjustment of the balance in Turkey — is hearty in 
 the good cause, and eager to throw her sword instead 
 of her crown into the scale. 
 
 Austria, with shattered finances, and relying upon 
 the compressive power of Russia, rather than upon 
 a more generous system, for the means of holding 
 together the heterogeneous nationalities that compose 
 her empire, has not yet had the courage to forbid 
 the encroachments that threaten to extinguish what 
 remains of her independence. Believing that peace is 
 necessary to her, she has not yet dared to take the only 
 course that could have secured it. Seeking shelter in 
 neutrality, she seems to lean towards the side that she 
 thinks would be the least scrupulous in respecting it. 
 But she cannot desire to increase the power of the 
 giant who is already stifling her with his embraces ; 
 and when she can do so with safety, she will act upon 
 the instinct of self-preservation. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 XI 
 
 Prussia, connected by family ties with the Ozar, and 
 touched, like Austria, with the taint of that original 
 political sin which Russia tempted them both to com- 
 mit with her in Poland, hesitates to declare herself. 
 Russia already presses upon her with a weight which 
 is more than she can well sustain. On the other hand, 
 her Rhenish provinces would be endangered by a rup- 
 ture with France, and, balancing between opposite 
 difficulties, she, too, takes shelter in neutrality. 
 
 Has it never occurred to these two great powers 
 that the neutrality in which they now hope for safety 
 could afford them no protection if the principles on 
 which Russia is acting were allowed to prevail ? 
 Neutrality is respected, because the public law of 
 Europe recognises its claims. But if Russia can vio- 
 late that law with impunity, neutrality can afford no 
 security. It is only because other powers are prepared 
 to defend the recognised international laws against the 
 attempt which Russia has made to set them aside that 
 these powers can find in neutrality the refuge they 
 seek. Is it manly — nay, more, is it prudent — in them 
 to stand by and see those principles put at peril in a 
 contest which they could certainly prevent by ranging 
 themselves on the side of those who are prepared to 
 defend the laws on which they rely ? 
 
 Belgium, Hanover, Saxony, and the other minor 
 states must see in the aggression of Russia upon 
 Turkey a precedent for assailing their own integrity 
 and independence. Are we to understand that Austria 
 and Prussia acquiesce in such aggressions? or only 
 that they are not independent enough to express their 
 real sentiments? Or is it the remembrance of 1848 
 
Xll 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 and the fear of revolution that, in their eyes, over- 
 shadows all other apprehensions ? If it be so, then, 
 assuredly, the position they have taken, and especially 
 every indication of an intention to identify themselves 
 with Eussia, must increase their danger. They permit 
 a war which they could prevent between France and 
 England on the one side and Russia on the other, and 
 they rely upon the aid of Eussia, who will have none 
 to spare, for protection against the revolution which 
 their reliance upon her is certain to provoke if the war 
 should be protracted. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Extension of the Eiissian frontier since the reign of Peter the Great — 
 First Naval efforts of Russia — War with Sweden and Turkey — En- 
 deavours to establish an Oriental Commerce — Embassies to Khiva 
 and Persia — Weakness and Invasion of Persia — Alarm of Turkey 
 — Treaty of Ismael Beg — Death of Peter I. — Partition of Persia by 
 Russia and Turkey — Russia concludes a Treaty with the Affghans — 
 
 Rise of Nadir Shah — Treaty of Belgrade — Failure of Russian 
 schemes — Maritime inferiority in the Caspian . . . . 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Tribes of the Caucasus — Russian intercourse with Georgia and other 
 Persian dependencies — Intrigues in Poland — War with Turkey — 
 Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardgi — Critical position of Russia — Ex- 
 tended alliances — Abortive attempt to extend her dominion on the 
 Western shores of the Caspian — Aga-Mahmed 17 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Catharine declares the Sovereignty of the Krimea elective — Russia and 
 the Emperor prepare for war — Revolution in the Krimea — Seizure 
 of the peninsula by the Russians — Annexation of the Krimea to the 
 Russian empire — Successful negotiations with Georgia, Imeretia, and 
 Mingrelia — Convention with the Porte — Immense acquisition of 
 territory — Turkey declares war — Treaty of Yassy — Project for 
 disturbing the British empire in India — Second partition of Poland 
 — Relations between Russia and Turkey since the reign of Catharine . 30 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Ultimate policy of Russia in seeking to extend her frontier on the side of 
 Persia — Affairs of Persia — Accession of Paul — Annexation of 
 Georgia — Accession of Alexander — War with Persia — Connexion 
 of Persia with Great Britain and with France — Her influence in Eu- 
 ropean politics — Treaty of peace concluded at Goolistan between 
 Persia and Russia .42 
 
XIV 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Acquisitions from Persia — Submission of Northern Khans to Russia — 
 Oppressive government of her dependencies — State of Southern Cau- 
 casian provinces — War in the mountains — Question of boundary 
 between Russia and Persia — Seizure of Gokcheh — Accession of 
 Nicholas — Recommencement of war . . . . . .55 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 War between Russia and Turkey — Interposition of Napoleon — Bad 
 faith of Alexander — Congress of Vienna — Greek rebellion fomented 
 by Russia — Treaty of London — Battle of Navarino — Treaty of 
 Turcomanchai — Encroachments of Russia on Persia — Renewal of 
 war with Turkey — Treaty of Adrianople — Separation of Greece — 
 Projects of future conquest — Rebellion of Mahomed Ali — Treaty 
 of Unkiar Skellessi — Russia’s “ protecting ” policy — Danger to Bri- 
 tish commerce by Russian aggrandisement . . . . .72 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Policy of Russia in regard to Persia and Turkey — Interest of Great 
 Britain in their preservation — Question of a Russian invasion of 
 British India — Effects of British power over Russian commerce — 
 
 Our duty to India — Importance of protecting Persia . . . .100 
 
 Conclusion 110 
 
 SUPPLEMENTAL.— CHAPTER I. 
 
 Russian intrigues in Persia and Affghanistan — The Shah’s expedition 
 against Herat — Russian duplicity — Interference of Great Britain — 
 Constant hostility of Russia towards British interests — Her designs 
 upon India — Her treacherous conduct — Proceedings of Mahomed 
 Ali — Treaties of London — Reforms in Turkey — Infamous policy 
 of Russia in Bulgaria. . . , . . . . . .117 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Occupation by Russia of Wallachia and Moldavia — Her attempts to 
 destroy their commerce — Her invasion of Finland — Remonstrance 
 of the King of Sweden — Interference of Russia in Servia — Her 
 unfounded claim to be Protector of the Greek religion in Turkey — 
 Treaty of Kainarji — Russia’s hypocritical inculcation of good faith 
 — The “ Holy Places ” — Count Nesselrode’s reasoning — Probable 
 motive of the desire of Russia to fetter the hands of the Sultan with 
 reference to his Christian subjects — “ Pan-Sclavism ” — Mischiefs 
 arising from the encroachments of Russia — Duty of the Western 
 Powers ............ 145 
 
PROGRESS AND PRESENT POSITION 
 
 OP 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Extension of the Russian Frontier since the Reign of Peter the Great — First 
 Naval efforts of Russia — War with Sweden and Turkey — Endeavours to 
 establish an Oriental Commerce — Embassies to Khiva and Persia — 
 Weakness and Invasion of Persia— Alarm of Turkey— Treaty of Ismael 
 Beg— Death of Peter I.— Partition of Persia by Russia and Turkey— Rus- 
 sia concludes a Treaty with the Affghans— Rise of Nadir Shah— Treaty of 
 Belgrade— Failure of Russian Schemes— Maritime inferiority in the Caspian. 
 
 Peter the Great, eleven years after the battle of 
 Pnltava, established a line of posts from the Volga to 
 the Don, to protect his country from the incursions of 
 I the unsubdued tribes to the south. The Russian frontier 
 posts are now on the banks of the Araxes and beyond 
 it, seven hundred miles in advance of the position they 
 then occupied. 
 
 , As a question of general history, it might be in- 
 teresting to inquire by what means Russia has been 
 enabled, besides her acquisitions in Europe, — including 
 Finland, Ingria, Estonia, Livonia, Courland, Lithuania, 
 and the most important part of the remainder of Poland, 
 the southern Ukraine, the Crimea, Bessarabia, &c. &c. 
 
 I — to acquire at the same time an extension of her south- 
 3rn frontier, including a territory equal to France or 
 Spain. But the inquiry becomes infinitely more inte- 
 resting, when it is regarded with reference to the poli- 
 tical consequences of her aggrandizement in Asia, and 
 to the light which may be thrown on her views and the 
 
 > B 
 
2 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 principles of lier policy by an examination of the course 
 she has pursued where her proceedings were least ex- 
 posed to the scrutiny or controlled by the influence of 
 European nations. It is there that the genius of her 
 policy assumes the fewest disguises ; that the veil which 
 has concealed the deformity of its features from the 
 eyes of Europe is most transparent, and adjusted with 
 least care. 
 
 When Peter mounted the throne of Russia, in 1689, 
 she had no commercial sea-port excepting Archangel. 
 His own genius, aided by an intercourse with Euro- 
 peans, led him early to appreciate the vast importance 
 of commerce ; and as the trade with India had ever been 
 regarded as a certain source of wealth to the nations 
 which in different ages had enjoyed it, his first military 
 enterprise was an attempt, in 1695, to possess himself of 
 a port on the sea of Asoph, for the avowed purpose of 
 drawing back into one of its ancient channels^ what, 
 in the deflciency of more precise knowledge, was in 
 general terms designated the commerce of the East. 
 Taganrog was destined to become the emporium of a 
 traffic which was to enrich his empire ; and two small 
 vessels built at Yoronege, and floated down the Don to 
 the sea, constituted the first naval effort of the Czar. 
 
 His journey into Europe opened to him other views ; 
 and teaching him the value of European as well as 
 Oriental commerce, led him to desire an establishment 
 on the Baltic. Even at this period he seems to have 
 contemplated the acquisition of Livonia, to which Rus- 
 sia pretended to have some antiquated claim. His 
 successes against the Swedes put him in possession of a 
 
 ' * The Greeks, while their empire flourished — the Kings of Pontus,' before 
 
 — and the Genoese, after that era, made the Crimea an emporium for the com- 
 merce of India, which was partly carried by the Persian Gulf through Persia 
 to Georgia and Imeretia, and partly through Herat to the Caspian, and up the 
 river Kur to Georgia, whence it was in like manner transported to the Phasis 
 and the Crimea. 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 EAGERNESS FOR ORIENTAL COMMERCE. 
 
 3 
 
 port on that northern sea ; and when the victory of 
 Pultava had relieved him from all apprehension of the 
 military power of Charles the Twelfth, and established 
 the reputation of his own army, he turned towards 
 Turkey, whose power was even then supposed to be 
 tottering, whose Christian subjects were believed to be 
 ripe for revolt, and on whose ruins it was not doubted 
 that the conqueror of Charles could exalt his own 
 power. 
 
 Keferring to a treaty which Peter had concluded 
 with the Chinese, M. de Voltaire observes, “ II ne fut 
 pas si aise d’ avoir la paix avec les Turcs : le terns meme 
 
 paraissait venu de selever sur leurs mines Pierre 
 
 profita de ces circonstances pour aguerrir ses troupes, 
 et pour se donner s’il pouvait I’empire de la Mer Noir.” 
 
 The disastrous campaign of 1711 dispelled for a time 
 the delusion as to the weakness and speedy dissolution 
 of the Ottoman empire, as well as the belief in the 
 discontent of her Christian subjects ; and the treaty of 
 Falksen^^ which stipulated the surrender of Taganrog 
 and Asoph, annihilated the commercial projects of Peter 
 on that sea. But stability of purpose was one of the 
 elements of his power, and the intention to establish 
 an Oriental commerce never deserted him. Neither 
 his successes in the north, nor his defeat in Turkey, 
 diverted or deterred him from pursuing the scheme. 
 Having failed to turn one extremity of the Caucasus, 
 he directed his attention to the other, and abandoned 
 the sea of Asoph to occupy himself more intently on 
 the Caspian. Such was his avidity to accomplish this 
 favourite object, that all regard to faith and honour 
 seemed to abandon him when a respect for either 
 appeared to impede its execution. The man, who, 
 
 * A village on the Pruth, where the treaty was signed in July, 1711, that 
 saved the Emperor, the Empress, and the Russian army, which was sur- 
 rounded, enfeebled, and starving. 
 
 B 2 
 
4 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 when he was in a most perilous position, declared he 
 would rather surrender to the Turks a large portion of 
 his dominions than tarnish his honour by delivering up 
 the rebel Cantemir to his master, was not induced to 
 fulfil the stipulations of the treaty which saved him from 
 destruction, till a threat of war and the intervention of 
 foreign powers forced him at length, after nearly two j 
 years of evasion, to put the Porte in possession of 
 Asoph and Taganrog. 
 
 In 1717 he sent Prince Alexander Bekevitch on an : 
 embassy to the Khan of Khiva ; and providing his 
 representative, who professed to be advancing on a 
 friendly mission, with an escort of several thousand 
 men, directed him to seize, in the country of the prince 
 to whose court he was accredited, the gold-mines which 
 it was erroneously supposed to contain. A baser act 
 of treachery, or one more sordid, could not have been 
 contemplated ; and the deceit by which so atrocious ; 
 a violation of faith and honour was rendered abortive i 
 can scarcely — if we suppose the design to have been , 
 ascertained' — be considered a crime. The Khivans, too * 
 weak to offer open resistance, dissembled their feelings, 
 and professing their inability to furnish subsistence to ’ 
 so large a body in one place, prevailed on the diplo- ; 
 matic invader to divide his army into small parties, { 
 which were quartered for the winter in detached vil- ! 
 lages. The inhabitants, on a preconcerted signal, fell ^ 
 upon them and cut them off, except a few who re- v 
 mained slaves for life. 
 
 The following year he sent an embassy to Persia, 
 the ostensible object of which was the improvement of 
 his commercial relations with that country, and the 
 establishment of a trade with India. An arrange- 
 ment was entered into, by which the whole of the silk 
 exported from Persia was to be sent to Russia ; but 
 the attempt to open a communication with India was 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 EMBASSY TO PERSIA. 
 
 5 
 
 unsuccessful, though, forty years before this time, a 
 Russian agent had penetrated to the court of Au- 
 rungzehe : and in the early part of the reign of Peter, 
 Russian traders were settled in India. 
 
 Meer Weis, the governor of Kandahar — who after- 
 wards led the Affghans to the conquest of Persia — 
 encountered this embassy at Ispahan ; and probably 
 finding him disgusted with the abuses and follies of 
 Shah Sultan Hoossein’s government, the Russian am- 
 bassador established an intercourse with him. The 
 impressions the Meer received from his communications 
 with that functionary, were such as led him to express, 
 without reserve, his alarm at the ambitious scheme of 
 Eastern conquest which this people even then enter- 
 tained. He was himself, in the sequel, the cause of 
 furnishing them with a pretext for passing the great 
 natural barrier which appeared to cut them off from 
 the countries to the south. 
 
 The last sovereigns of the Sophy dynasty, which 
 ruled Persia for about three centuries, were weak and 
 degenerate princes, to whom the nation submitted 
 from habits of attachment and religious regard to 
 the race, hut who had permitted all its institutions to 
 fall into decay, and whose authority was not sufficient 
 j to protect the productive classes from the oppression 
 I of the petty tyrants, whose extortions are at all times 
 [restrained only by the vigorous exercise of superior 
 ; power. 
 
 j In Mahommedan countries, generally, the crown and 
 I the people have for the most part been allied to a 
 certain extent against the local governors and the exe- 
 'cutive officers of the state. The sovereign trusts to 
 the mass of the people for the means to check the 
 ambition of the nobles ; and the people look to the 
 throne for protection against their oppressions. An 
 Immediate effect of weakness and inefficiency in the 
 
6 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 prince, and one of the greatest evils attendant on 
 his reign, is the impunity it confers on the arbitrary 
 exactors of the people’s substance, by destroying the 
 value of the peasant’s right of appeal. Left without 
 any protection hut the physical means of resistance, 
 to which he is slow to have recourse, he rarely takes 
 up arms in his own defence till he has nothing left to 
 defend. The holder then addict themselves to plunder ; 
 the more timid submit, and pray for better times. 
 
 Such was the state of Shah Sultan Hoossein’s em- 
 pire, which extended from Derhend to Kandahar. 
 Turkey, taking advantage of the weakness of Persia, 
 had seized all her western provinces from the base of 
 the Caucasus to the hanks of the Passitigris, and occu- 
 pied the country as far as Hamadan and Ardebil. 
 As early as 1712 twenty thousand Lesguis had de- 
 scended from the eastern extremity of the Caucasian 
 mountains to ravage the plains of Sheerwan, and 
 exact from its peaceful inhabitants an indemnification 
 for the yearly donations with which the Shah had 
 been in the habit of purchasing their forbearance, but 
 of which the indigence of the sovereign or the cor- 
 ruption of his servants had for some time deprived 
 them. These savage mountaineers laid waste the 
 country with fire and sword, slaughtering indiscri- 
 minately all who opposed them. The inhabitants of 
 Shamakhi, amongst whom were three hundred Eussian 
 subjects, were massacred ; and Eussian property, 
 amounting, it is pretended,^ to four millions of silver 
 roubles, became the booty of their murderers. The 
 Afghans, a few years after these events, rose in the 
 south-eastern extremity of the empire, and, led by 
 Meer Weis, marched from Kandahar to besiege the 
 Shah in Ispahan. 
 
 * Four millions of silver roubles are equal to 640,000?., a sum far exceed- 
 ing the annual amount of the whole Russian trade with Persia at that time. 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 INVASION OF PERSIA. 
 
 7 
 
 Peter vainly demanded redress for the injury he 
 had suffered from the Lesguis. The unfortunate 
 Shah was not in a condition to afford it, and was 
 protracting an almost hopeless resistance to the rebels, 
 while he implored the assistance of the Czar. That 
 monarch had his own views to serve, and his own 
 objects to accomplish. The conjuncture was favour- 
 able, and he determined to profit by it. On the pre- 
 text of punishing the Lesguis (after a lapse of ten 
 years), and of carrying succours to the Shah, he pre- 
 pared to seize as large a portion as possible of that 
 prince’s territories. 
 
 « Pierre,” says his historian and eulogist, “ re'solut 
 de se faire justice lui-meme, et de projiter des desordres 
 de la Perser 
 
 ‘‘ Nous verrons,” says the same author, “ comment 
 le Sha, ou Empereur Persan, Hussein, persecute par 
 des rebelles, implora I’assistance de Pierre, et com- 
 ment Pierre, apres avoir soutenu des guerres si diffi- 
 ciles centre les Turcs et centre les Suedois, alia 
 conquerir trois provinces de Perse.” 
 
 The thirst for eastern commerce and conquest was 
 ever too strong for his sense of justice or good faith. 
 Having signally failed in the attempt to raise himself 
 on the ruins of Turkey, he bequeathed that enterprise 
 to his successors, and availed himself of the more dila- 
 pidated condition of the Persian empire, which held 
 out a promise of speedier and more certain success. 
 
 u Pierre meditait depuis long-terns le projet de do- 
 miner sur la mer Caspienne par une puissante marine, 
 et de faire passer par ses etats le commerce de la Perse 
 et d’une partie de I’lnde. II avait fait sender les pro- 
 fondeurs de cette mer, examiner les cotes et dresser des 
 cartes exactes.” 
 
 Having prepared a great armament at Astrachan, 
 he published, on the 15th of June, 1722, a manifesto, 
 
8 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 the terms of which are strangely contrasted with his 
 real design. It is altogether a remarkable document 
 — full of professions of attachment to the Shah whose 
 territories he was about to seize, and whose inability to 
 afford him redress against the Lesguis he acknow- 
 ledges. He calls him his “ old good friend, the Shah” 
 — his ‘‘great friend and neighbour,” — his “dear 
 friend :” promises to the subjects of Persia and Turkey 
 security and protection if they afford no assistance to 
 the Lesguis, and remain in their houses — hut threatens 
 them with plunder and death, fire and sword, if they 
 desert their habitations ; and profanely adds, “ You, 
 and you alone, will be to blame for this, and will have 
 to answer for it at the second coming of the Lord our 
 God.” So early did this nation begin to cloak its most 
 questionable acts with appeals to Heaven. 
 
 In the course of the next month he set out on his 
 expedition to Persia, accompanied by the Empress and 
 an army of above fifty thousand men. Twenty-two 
 thousand infantry, and three thousand sailors, trained 
 to act on shore, crossed the Caspian in four hundred 
 and forty-two vessels ; the cavalry proceeded by land. 
 The enterprise was not without some appearance of 
 danger ; the passes were narrow and easily defensible, 
 “ mais dans I’anarchie ©ii etait la Perse on pouvait tout 
 tenter.” * An attack from a detached tribe of the 
 Lesguis was easily repulsed, and the echoes of the 
 Caucasian straits resounded for the first time the thun- 
 der of Russian cannon and the victorious shouts of her 
 armies. Derbend was occupied without opposition, and 
 the silver keysf of the town and citadel delivered to 
 
 * Voltaire. 
 
 + These keys, like those of Tahreez, sent by General Paskevitch to the 
 Emperor, were most probably made for the occasion, for the locks used on 
 Asiatic fortresses could not be unscrewed with a key of silver. The keys of 
 Tahreez, it is ascertained, were not only made for the purpose of being sent to 
 Russia, but were put into strong acid to corrode the surface and give them 
 an appearance of antiquity. 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 ALARM OF TURKEY. 
 
 9 
 
 the Czar, who returned to Astrachan in October, having 
 first established the siege of Bakoo. On his arrival in 
 the Volga he sent a force to occupy the province of 
 Ghilan, which produces the chief part of the silk of 
 Persia : there his troops entrenched themselves, and 
 successfully resisted all the attempts of the Persians to 
 expel them. “ Pierre ne put alors,” says his historian, 
 “ pousser plus loin ses conquetes.” ^ In January, 1723, 
 he entered Moscow in triumph, and gave, as was his 
 wont, to the Vice-Czar an account of his expedition, 
 and of the provinces he had conquered from his “ dear 
 friend the Shah.” 
 
 The Porte, alarmed at the conquests of Russia beyond 
 the Caucasus, began to prepare for war, and was only 
 deterred from taking up arms to oppose them by the 
 intervention of Austria and France. The Emperor 
 declared, that if the Sultan should decide on attacking 
 Russia, he would feel himself bound to defend her ; and 
 the French ambassador at Constantinople, deceived into 
 the belief that the Czar had marched into Persia for 
 the sole purpose of assisting the Shah, urged upon the 
 Porte the propriety of concurring in the generous en- 
 deavours of Russia to support, against his rebel sub- 
 jects, the legitimate sovereign of a neighbouring king- 
 dom. Thus, from the earliest times in which Russia 
 has had a share in the politics of Europe, have her 
 views in the East been promoted by the ignorance 
 which made other powers her dupes and the instru- 
 ments of her aggrandizement. 
 
 The Shah had in the mean time sent a man named 
 Ismael Beg on an embassy to the Court of Russia, for 
 the purpose of again imploring the Emperor to march 
 
 * In examining the views and objects of Peter I., the authority of M. de 
 Voltaire has been preferred to any other, for two reasons : — 1st, because his 
 history was avowedly prepared from documents furnished by the court of 
 St. Petersburgh ; and 2ndly, because he cannot be accused of any unfavour- 
 able bias. 
 
10 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 to his aid. He arrived at Astrachan while the siege of 
 Bakoo was in progress ; and under the conviction that 
 the military operations of the Kussians in this quarter 
 were directed to the re-establishment of his master’s 
 power, or more probably influenced by some less credit- 
 able consideration, wrote a letter to the inhabitants of 
 Bakoo, in which he urged them in the name of the 
 Shah to surrender the place to the Emperor. This 
 document was delivered to General Matushkin, whom 
 the Persian ambassador found in the Volga, about to 
 proceed with a reinforcement to assume command of 
 the array before Bakoo, the fall of which it contributed 
 to hasten. 
 
 But the Affghans were already in Ispahan, and Shah 
 Sultan Hoossein was a prisoner in their hands. His 
 son. Prince Tamasb, who had for some time been em- 
 ployed in raising troops in the northern provinces, 
 proclaimed himself Shah, and renewed the war with 
 the rebels and the solicitations to the Court of Eussia 
 for aid. Ismael Beg, who had set out as the ambassa- 
 dor of the father, became the representative of the son, 
 and in that capacity concluded a treaty with Peter, by 
 which he engaged his master to cede to Eussia not 
 only the provinces of Daghistan and Ghilan, which she 
 had already occupied, but also Mazanderan and Astera- 
 bad, which her armies had not yet approached, and 
 Shamakhi, which was in possession of the Turks, but 
 which the Eussians were to capture for themselves. 
 In return for these extensive cessions, Peter engaged 
 to march an army into Persia, to aid the Shah against 
 the rebels who had dethroned his father. 
 
 It is obvious that Eussia could establish no claim 
 to the territory ceded on these conditions, unless she 
 fulfilled them. Peter afforded no assistance to the 
 Shah, and, by withholding that assistance, forfeited all 
 right to the territory of which, according to the treaty. 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 TREATY OF ISMAEL BEG. 
 
 11 
 
 it was to be the price. But there are other circumstances 
 which give to this whole transaction a character equally 
 discreditable to the Persian ambassador and to the 
 emperor. 
 
 By the treaty of Ismael Beg, Russia was not only to 
 acquire every foot of coast that Persia possessed on the 
 Caspian, where Peter had long desired to dominate, 
 and all the provinces that produced the silk he had 
 been desirous to monopolize, but also the only provinces 
 on which Shah Tamasb could at that moment rely for 
 support against the Affghans. The Turks were in 
 : possession of all Georgia, Erivan, Azerbijan, Khamsa, 
 Kullumrow, and Kermanshah. The Affghans occupied 
 Arak, Ears, Yezd, Kerman, and the whole of their 
 native country; Malik Mahmood, an adventurer from 
 I Siestan, was master of the greater part of Khorassan, 
 where Nadir Kooly alone ventured to oppose him. 
 Russia had established herself in Daghistan and Ghilan, 
 and there remained to Shah Tamasb nothing but 
 iMazanderan and Asterabad, where Futteh Ally Khan 
 Kajar, great-grandfather of the late Futteh Ally Shah, 
 had espoused his cause. 
 
 That the Shah should have instructed his ambassador 
 to cede to Russia the only portion of his kingdom that 
 'remained to him, is altogether incredible ; and the 
 question is put beyond all doubt by the fact, that he 
 not only disavowed the treaty of Ismael Beg, but then, 
 for the first time, perceiving the designs of his dan- 
 gerous ally, sent troops to oppose the Russians, at a 
 time when all his force was hardly sufficient to maintain 
 the struggle with the Affghans. That Ismael Beg was 
 induced to betray the trust reposed in him, there can, 
 therefore, be no doubt ; and that the treaty was void 
 by the Shah’s disavowal of the act of his ambassador, 
 is unquestionable ; yet Peter ever after continued to 
 act as if it had been in full force. He not only main- 
 
12 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I- 
 
 tained his position in Daghistan and Grhilan, but sent 
 troops to occupy Sallian, the Delta of the Kur ; and 
 the first detachment having been cut off by the in- 
 habitants of the island, a second was despatched with 
 orders to fortify itself. Negotiations were opened with 
 the Porte for the purpose of dividing the spoils of 
 Persia ; and Peter, founding his claims on the dis- 
 avowed treaty of Ismael Beg, demanded that the 
 frontiers of Turkey and Russia in Persia should be 
 defined. 
 
 In the following year, (|§ June, 1724,) the treaty 
 with the Porte was concluded, by which, without 
 reference to the rights of Persia — without the know- 
 ledge of her rulers* — without her being in anywise a 
 party to the transaction, the frontiers of the three 
 kingdoms were accurately defined, in such a manner 
 as to leave to Russia all the provinces to which she 
 would have had a claim, had the treaty of Ismael Beg 
 been ratified, and had she fulfilled the engagements she 
 therein contracted. Peter died in January, 1725, hut 
 in December, 1727, Brigadier Alexander Roumansoff, 
 Lieut.-Colonel de Luke, and Major Garber, on the part 
 of Russia, and Mer Alum Dervish Mahommed Aga, on 
 the part of the Porte, were named Commissioners to 
 mark out the frontiers in terms of the treaty, and 
 actually performed the duty entrusted to them. 
 
 Tamash remonstrated against this partition of his 
 empire, and complained of the injustice of his allies. 
 The consequence was remarkable : Russia opened a 
 
 * M. de Voltaire, concluding no doubt from the circumstances of the case 
 that Persia must have been a party to a treaty which fixed her limits, has 
 assumed the fact that she was a party, hut this is a mistake. The Persian 
 government had no share in the transaction ; and, as soon as he was informed 
 of it, the Shah not only remonstrated against, hut successfully opposed the 
 execution of the treaty, the terms of which are altogether inconsistent with 
 the idea that Tamash could have assented to it. In the Treaty he is men- 
 tioned as a “ person named Tamash, alleging that he is the son of Shah 
 Housscin.” , 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 RISE OF NADIR SHAH. 
 
 13 
 
 negotiation with the rebel Affghans. Having failed 
 in every attempt to obtain a footing in Mazanderan or 
 . Astrabad, she abandoned her claim to these provinces, 
 and endeavoured in so doing to strengthen her position 
 in Grbilan, which was the most valuable, and which she 
 had succeeded in occupying, though even there her 
 authority was confined to the towns of Eesht and 
 Anzelee. She therefore concluded a convention with 
 Ashref, the chief of the Affghan rebels, whom the treaty 
 of Ismael Beg, the only ground on which she could 
 pretend a right to the Persian provinces, hound her to 
 assist in expelling from the kingdom ; and relinquish- 
 ing her pretensions to Mazanderan and Astrabad, 
 established such a right as he could confer to the pos- 
 session of the other countries. 
 
 But all this crooked policy and perversion of justice 
 and truth was of no avail : another actor had appeared 
 upon the stage, and speedily changed the scene. 
 
 Nadir Kooly, afterwards Nadir Shah, was a soldier 
 of fortune and a freebooter of Khorassan, without edu- 
 cation except the experience and rude collisions of his 
 turbulent life, but endowed with a genius for war, 
 which led him by intuition to anticipate the conclusions 
 of military science, and taught him to wield with the 
 skill of a practised leader the first army he ever com- 
 Imanded. Daring, but prudent ; fierce, but full of 
 wiles ; with an iron frame capable of enduring all 
 labour, and a mind equal to every emergency ; the 
 most formidable soldier in his camp, and though igno- 
 rant of figures, the ablest calculator in the kingdom ; 
 with a ruthless heart, a gigantic intellect, and un- 
 bounded ambition, he fell on the troubled times that 
 are fitted for such a man, and he used them as his own. 
 
 Having collected about him a body of military ad- 
 venturers, and possessed himself of several strongholds, 
 he was already master of a great part of Khorassan, 
 
14 
 
 RUSSIA m THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 when the fugitive Shah Tamasb was induced to accept 
 his assistance and join his camp. After a short struggle 
 for supremacy in the councils of the weak monarch, the 
 influence of Nadir prevailed ; and having put to death 
 the Kajar chief, who was his only formidable rival, he 
 found himself at liberty to pursue his own schemes 
 without restraint or control. The presence of the 
 Shah, in whose name he acted, gave an air of legitimate 
 authority to his proceedings, and secured to him the 
 support of a great body of the people. Having sub- 
 dued his native province, he advanced against the 
 rebels and the foreign invaders of the kingdom, to 
 retrieve the military character of his country and 
 recover her lost territory. With troops inferior in 
 discipline, he defeated the Aflghans in five well-con- 
 tested battles ; and following up every blow with an 
 energy and perseverance almost unexampled in Asiatic 
 warfare, drove them in one long campaign, protracted 
 through a winter of intense severity, from one ex- 
 tremity of the kingdom to the other, a distance of 
 above a thousand miles, and forced them to make a 
 precipitate and disastrous retreat across the deserts to 
 their own country. Then turning his arms against 
 the Turks, by a succession of victories, interrupted by 
 only one defeat, he expelled them from all their con- 
 quests in Persia. 
 
 While engaged in these arduous struggles he main- 
 tained a friendly intercourse with Russia, and in 1734 
 sent an embassy to that court to announce that he had 
 deposed Shah Tamasb, and raised the infant Prince 
 Abbas to the throne. In 1735 he concluded an offen- 
 sive alliance with Russia against the Porte, and in the 
 following year announced to the Empress that he had 
 succeeded the Shah Abbas, and had assumed the title 
 of Nadir Shah. In 1738 he concluded a treaty with 
 the Porte, which restored to Persia all the acquisitions 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 FAILURE OP RUSSIAN SCHEMES. 
 
 15 
 
 of Turkey, and established the line of frontier that 
 still forms the common boundary of these empires. 
 Turkey, therefore, relinquished all claim to the sove- 
 reignty of Georgia, as well as to the other adjoining 
 provinces, which were by this treaty restored to Persia. 
 
 The evacuation of the Persian territories occupied 
 by the Russian troops was effected without the neces- 
 sity of resorting to force, and was probably the result 
 of a previous negotiation. The right of the sovereign 
 of Persia to the whole of her ancient possessions was 
 acknowledged, and Russia abandoned all claim to any 
 portion of territory south of the Caucasus. Nadir was 
 not only recognised as the rightful sovereign of Persia, 
 including Georgia, Daghistan, and Shamakhi, but his 
 mediation in this capacity was accepted by Russia in 
 her negotiations with the Porte, and contributed to 
 the conclusion of the treaty of Belgrade in 1739. By 
 this treaty the two Kabardas were declared inde- 
 pendent, and Russia engaged not to maintain any 
 ships of war on the sea of Asoph. 
 
 Russia had thus failed in accomplishing any one of 
 the objects for which she had sacrificed every preten- 
 sion to honour and good faith. The defeat of her 
 attempt on Khiva had shut her out from the countries 
 to the east of the Caspian. The war which was waged 
 in the intervening nations had rendered impracticable 
 the intercourse with India, which had been the primary 
 object of her ambition ; and the licentiousness of her 
 soldiers, the oppressions and corrupt conduct of her 
 officers, their total disregard of the feelings and re- 
 ligious sentiments of the Persian people, and more 
 than all, perhaps, the brutality of their personal manners 
 and habits, had stirred up the inhabitants of Ghilan and 
 Sallian to a resistance, which effectually deprived the 
 nation of that commerce which it had hoped to render 
 doubly advantageous by the appropriation of the coun- 
 
16 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. I. 
 
 tries that produced the article on which it chiefly de- 
 pended. Silk ceased to he cultivated in the very 
 districts which had hitherto supplied the Russian 
 market, or the quantity was so small as to he quite 
 inadequate to the ordinary demand. It had become 
 a monopoly in the hands of the Russian officers, and 
 the peasant no longer laboured to produce what he 
 was forced to part with at an arbitrary price fixed by 
 the purchaser. Accustomed to regard peasants as slaves, 
 the Russians seem incapable of learning to govern free 
 men. 
 
 The troops were wasted by sickness ; and drawing 
 their stores and principal supplies from the Yolga, 
 were maintained at a great expense, for which there 
 was no return. There was, therefore, no inducement 
 to attempt the defence of a position, which the whole 
 resources of Russia might have been found inadequate 
 to maintain against the power of Nadir. 
 
 Even the maritime force of Russia on the Caspian 
 was inferior to that of the Persian. Mr. Elton* and 
 Mr. Woodrow separating themselves, in a manner not 
 creditable to their own characters, from the commercial 
 company to which they had belonged, entered the ser- 
 vice of Nadir, built and armed on the Persian coast 
 vessels which domineered on that sea, and forced the 
 Russians to lower their flag to the pendant of Persia. 
 
 The projects of Russia on the side of Persia were 
 thus for a time abandoned, to be renewed at a future 
 period with greater success. 
 
 * Mr. Elton, a man of great genius and enterprise, but of a fickle character 
 and lax principles, was one of the persons employed by the English Company 
 formed for the purpose of carrying on an Oriental commerce through Russia. 
 The Empress Elizabeth granted to this Company especial privileges, which 
 were withdrawn, partly because of the jealousy of the Russians and partly in 
 consequence of the conduct of Elton. A full account of its proceedings was 
 published by Mr. Jonas Hanway, its principal agent in Persia, and one of the 
 most intelligent travellers who has visited that country. 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 TKIBES OF THE CAUCASUS. 
 
 17 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Tribes of the Caucasus — Russian intercourse with Georgia and other Persian 
 dependencies — Intrigues in Poland — War with Turkey — Treaty of 
 Kuchuk Kainardgi — Critical position of Russia — Extended alliances — 
 Abortive attempt to extend her dominion on the Western shores of the 
 Caspian — Aga-Mahmed. 
 
 The necessity of attending almost exclusively to the 
 internal affairs of the nation, and the regulation of 
 its government, which was imposed on the successors 
 of Peter I. by the insecurity of the tenure by which 
 they held the crown — a desire to preserve the influ- 
 ence in Europe and the connexion with its leading 
 nations which his ability had established, and the 
 revolutions which in a few years placed on the throne 
 of Russia several successive sovereigns of different 
 families, checked for a time the ardour for eastern 
 conquest which the nation had imbibed from the 
 founder of its greatness, and arrested the impulse it 
 had received in that direction. The reign of Eliza- 
 beth, remarkable for the reputation which her arms 
 acquired in the contest with Prussia, is distinguished 
 by a neglect of Oriental affairs. 
 
 Between the settled population of southern Russia 
 and the range of the Caucasus, the steppes, or great 
 plains, were inhabited by various Nomade tribes, 
 which, acknowledging no real subjection to any esta- 
 blished government, had been forced to accept the 
 nominal protection of Russia or Turkey, as the power 
 of either predominated. Of these the Circassians were 
 the most distinguished ; and though probably a Cau- 
 casian people, appear to have extended themselves in 
 
 C 
 
18 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 earlier times to the Ukraine and Krimea. There is 
 reason to suspect that the Cossacks of the former pro- 
 vince, and a large proportion of those of the Don, 
 derive their origin and their habits from the Circas- 
 sians. The peculiar character of the Sapor ogian com- 
 munity on the banks of the Dnieper was identical 
 with what is known to have characterized a large 
 division of the Circassians of the Caucasus, and is 
 perhaps too peculiar to he regarded as an accidental 
 coincidence. 
 
 A considerable number of the first families in 
 Turkey and Persia acknowledged their Circassian 
 blood not without pride ; and a portion of the Mame- 
 luke rulers of Egypt, and of the influential servants of 
 the Mahommedan governments in their vicinity, were 
 Circassians.* 
 
 When Russia came in contact with this people, how- 
 ever, they had been compressed into a narrow compass, 
 and were confined to the lower ranges of the western 
 Caucasus, and the countries extending from these 
 mountains to the rivers Terik and Kuban. They were 
 virtually independent, as they still continue to be, 
 hut nominally owed allegiance to the Khans of the 
 Krimea. 
 
 Partially interspersed with the Circassians, but for 
 the most part forming distinct communities, were the 
 Nogais and Kalmuks of Mongolian origin and features, 
 who had migrated from the east, while the hanks of 
 the southern Yolga were not yet subject to Russia, and 
 the Mongolian principalities of Kazan and Astrachan 
 were still in existence. 
 
 Community of manners, of religion, and perhaps of 
 
 * It has been a common error to suppose that the Mamelukes and other 
 Christian slaves employed in Turkey and Egypt were all Circassians : that 
 tribe having the highest reputation, all the slaves from Georgia and the Cau- 
 casus were sold as Circassians. 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 TRIBES OF THE CAUCASUS. 
 
 19 
 
 origin, liad connected the Nogais with the princes of 
 Krim Tartarj, through whom, as well as by the direct 
 religious and political influence of the Sultan, they 
 were naturally in communication with Turkey. 
 
 The Kalmuks, on the other hand, originally subjects 
 of China, and followers of the Delai Lama, preserved 
 their intercourse with Tibet, from whence they received, 
 from time to time, their religious instructors. 
 
 Placed in the vicinity of a nation so powerful as 
 Russia had become, and inhabiting a country which 
 presented no natural barrier — no frontier hut an ima- 
 ginary line — where the flow of the rivers facilitated 
 the stream of conquest, and no mountains arose to arrest 
 its progress, that they should feel her influence was 
 inevitable. The court of St. Petersburgh, by the 
 share it took in the internal and family dissensions, to 
 which pastoral people are so prone, and by sup- 
 porting the weak against the strong, the unpopular 
 against the more acceptable candidate for superiority 
 in the tribe, gradually established an authority, sanc- 
 tioned by the engagements which the rivals had suc- 
 cessively incurred as the price of her assistance, too 
 strong to be resisted, and from which they could 
 escape only by an emigration into distant countries. 
 This is a resource which, even to a Nomade people, 
 is generally ruinous. The weaker divisions of the 
 tribe submitted to the protection of Russia, and by 
 her aid became the stronger ; but they found, too late, 
 that they had been twining bonds for themselves ; and 
 though all of them, on various occasions, made gallant 
 and even heroic attempts to emancipate themselves 
 from the yoke to which they had unconsciously sub- 
 mitted, the power with which they had to contend 
 was too strong, too vigilant, wily, and pertinacious to 
 let them elude her grasp. The Circassians alone, find- 
 ing security in the mountains, which overlooked or 
 
 c 2 
 
20 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 intersected their territories, successfully resisted the 
 frequent efforts that were made to enslave them, and 
 sometimes swearing allegiance to Russia, sometimes 
 uniting with Turkey against her, preserved a wild in- 
 dependence. 
 
 The Nogais dividing, a part remained and submitted ; 
 a smaller number united themselves with the Circas- 
 sians, and a considerable body, abandoning their usual 
 haunts, sought refuge in the territories of the Krimean 
 Khans. The yoke of Russia had become intolerable to 
 all, and the Kabardan Circassians, who had hitherto 
 been Christians, abandoned their religion to escape her 
 control, and became Mahommedans in the hope of 
 securing more effectual support from Turkey. 
 
 The Kalmuks at a later period (1771), unable any 
 longer to endure the oppressions and insults to which 
 they were subjected, adopted the wonderful resolution 
 of returning to the Chinese territories, from which 
 they had originally emigrated ; and exhibited the 
 extraordinary spectacle of half a million of human 
 beings fleeing from the tyranny of a European Gfovern- 
 ment, and fighting their . way through hostile tribes, 
 from the heart of Russia, to seek freedom and safety 
 under the milder and more paternal rule of the “ celes- 
 tial empire.” ^ 
 
 In 1742 some devout ecclesiastics made to the Rus- 
 sian Gfovernment a proposition to convert the pagan 
 Ossetians or Ossetinians, a tribe of Caucasian moun- 
 taineers, to Christianity ; and, as if the piety of the 
 court required an additional stimulus, it was informed 
 that they were “ a people abounding in gold and 
 
 * The Chinese refused to surrender the fugitives, and treated with derision 
 the demand of Catharine. The feeling of the Chinese government to Russia 
 was marked in the answer returned to the envoy of Catharine, who requested 
 a renewal of the commercial treaty between the countries — “ Let your mistress 
 learn to keep old treaties, and then it will be time enough to apply for new 
 ones.” 
 
CUAP. II. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 21 
 
 silver,” and subject to no master.” Missionaries 
 were accordingly sent (1745) amongst them, who, 
 however slow may have been their progress in con- 
 verting them to Christianity, were at least successful 
 in inducing a large division of the tribe to declare 
 themselves subjects of Russia. This connexion with 
 the Ossetians facilitated the intercourse with Georgia, 
 which had hitherto been irregular and uncertain, and 
 paved the way to the ultimate subjugation of that por- 
 tion of the Persian empire. 
 
 Georgia had for several generations been dependent 
 on the crown of Persia — a Persian garrison had occu- 
 pied the citadel of Tiflis for more than a century — the 
 Wally or viceroy received his investiture from Ispahan; 
 and as it had been the policy of Persia to preserve the 
 viceregal office in the ancient family which had long 
 possessed it, the heir to this hereditary dignity had 
 uniformly been brought up at the court of the Shah, 
 where, though treated with distinction, and sometimes 
 employed in offices of trust, he served as a hostage for 
 the fidelity of his father, while at the same time he 
 acquired a predilection for Persian manners, a taste 
 for the pleasures of the court, and a respect for the 
 favour of the sovereign. 
 
 I The Wally of Georgia, who submitted to the Porte 
 1 when Persia was too weak to defend him, had returned 
 ' to his allegiance as soon as the successes of Nadir 
 enabled him to renew, in safety, his connexion with 
 the Shah ; and Heraclius, the heir of Tamaras, who 
 was then viceroy, accompanied Nadir on his expedition 
 to India, where he had rendered important military 
 i services. Desirous to reward so distinguished a soldier, 
 and not perhaps unwilling to divide the power of his 
 vassals, he formed in Georgia two viceregal govern- 
 - ments, one of which was bestowed on Heraclius, while 
 ; the other remained with his father. 
 
22 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 After the death of Nadir, Persia continued for many 
 years to be torn by contending factions ; and the 
 Wallies of Georgia, harassed by frequent attacks from 
 the Lesguis and other mountaineers, whom they were 
 unable to control, made a simultaneous application 
 (1752) to Russia for assistance, which, if not afforded, 
 was at least promised. This may he considered the 
 first step towards the separation of Georgia from 
 Persia ; for Russia, from this time forward, pressed 
 with persevering activity her intercourse with these 
 Persian dependencies. 
 
 About eight years after this occurrence Heraclius 
 drove his father Tamaras from his kingdom (1760), 
 and united it to his own. He was subsequently called 
 upon by Russia to co-operate with General Todleben, 
 who crossing the Caucasus, invaded Turkey on the 
 side of Imeretia, and whom the Wally joined with a 
 considerable force. But he had not yet openly cast off 
 his allegiance to Persia, nor had any formal engage- 
 ments been contracted between him and the Russian 
 government. Russia had, however, manifested her 
 readiness to connect herself with Georgia ; and the 
 prince of that country, encouraged by her, took ad- 
 vantage of the troubles which engaged Kerreem^’Khan 
 in the heart of his kingdom, to prepare the way for a 
 safe renunciation of his dependence on Persia, by a 
 more intimate intercourse with the court of St. Peters- 
 burgh. 
 
 The Empress Catharine had actively interfered in 
 the internal affairs of Poland, and placed a minion of 
 her own upon the throne. Her army in that king- 
 dom had been successively augmented, while the 
 dissensions between the factious nobles were inflamed 
 by the intrigues of her agents, who, supported by the 
 troops, committed the most unjustifiable acts with im- 
 punity. The ambition by which she was actuated 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 TREATY OF KUCHUK KAINARDGI. 
 
 23 
 
 could no longer be concealed ; and the Porte, alarmed 
 by the ascendency which Russia had established by 
 intrigues and by force of arms in that distracted 
 country, and seeing in the subjugation of Poland a 
 source of infinite danger to itself, as well as a violation 
 of existing engagements, demanded its evacuation by 
 the Russian troops, and reparation for some aggres- 
 sions on the frontier, which the Empress, however, 
 disavowed. The former demand, after many promises 
 and much evasion, was peremptorily refused, and the 
 Sultan determined to appeal to arms (1769). 
 
 In the war which ensued, Russia put forth an energy 
 and power for which even those who had witnessed 
 her former efforts, and justly estimated the character 
 of the Empress, were not sufficiently prepared. Her 
 navy, collected from the White Sea and the Baltic, 
 scoured the Mediterranean — aided by British officers, 
 destroyed the Turkish fleet, lighted the flames of civil 
 war in Greece, fanned them in Egypt and Syria, and 
 rehearsed almost every scene of the drama which she 
 has acted with such tragic effect within the last few 
 years. 
 
 This war, disastrous to the Turks, was terminated 
 by the treaty of Kuchuk Kainardgi (1774), by which 
 Russia secured the free navigation of the Euxine, and 
 all the Ottoman seas, with the passage of the Dar- 
 danelles, on condition that she should not have more 
 than one ship of war in the seas of Constantinople, — 
 acquired the long-coveted Asoph and Taganrog, with 
 Kerch and Kinburn, — advanced her frontier to the 
 Bogue, — prepared the way for the subjugation of the 
 Krimea by establishing its independence, and obtained 
 the sovereignty of the two Kabardas, the independence 
 of which had been stipulated in 1739. 
 
 These advantages, however great, were neverthe- 
 less not such as she had proposed to herself, or her 
 
24 
 
 RUSSIA m THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 successes might apparently have enabled her to exact ; 
 hut many circumstances combined to render a termina- 
 tion of the war necessary to Russia. Her finances 
 began to fail — pestilence was depopulating her pro- 
 vinces, her camps, and her fleet — the migration of the 
 Kalmuks had left an unoccupied waste where the 
 country had formerly been flourishing, a famine pre- 
 vailed in some of the provinces ; and, more than all, a 
 spirit of revolt had manifested itself, which put in 
 peril the existence of the empire. Kazan, Astrachan, 
 and Orenhourg were in rebellion ; and the ecclesias- 
 tics and fanatics of Russia, favouring the movement, 
 had produced a general feeling of discontent amongst 
 the lower classes, which the frequent forcible levies of 
 recruits, for the army in Turkey had aggravated, and 
 the successes of the rebel impostor Pugacheff* for 
 some time threatened to direct against the government 
 with formidable effect. 
 
 It was not moderation that limited the demands of 
 Russia, hut the necessities of her own position ; and 
 she had no sooner overcome the internal embarrass- 
 ments which impeded for a time the gratification of 
 her ambition, than she proceeded, without even as- 
 signing a pretext, to appropriate, at the hazard of 
 another war, all and more than all the advantages 
 that she had appeared to relinquish. 
 
 The shock which Turkey had received, the destruc- 
 tion of the power of the Krimean Khans, and the 
 general ascendency of Russia on that frontier, stifled 
 the hopes of successful resistance which the tribes of 
 the Terik, Kuban, Kabarda, and the Caucasus, had 
 hitherto entertained. Russia, ever on the w^atch to 
 
 * The Cossack PugachefF, instigated by the priesthood, and taking advantage 
 of his resemblance to Peter III., personated that monarch, excited a rebel- 
 lion, and being a man of courage and enterprise, defeated the imperial troops 
 in several actions, threatened Moscow, and caused the greatest uneasiness to 
 the Empress. 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 EXTENDED ALLIANCES. 
 
 25 
 
 extend her limits and her power, seized the moment of 
 their depression to strengthen herself amongst them ; 
 and two years after (1776) the conclusion of the war, 
 had erected lines, including nearly thirty fortresses, 
 from the Black Sea to the Caspian. These lines, and 
 the increased number of the troops that occupied them, 
 kept the hostile Caucasians in check ; and the frequent 
 revolts of every tribe without exception that had sub- 
 mitted to the sovereignty or acknowledged the pro- 
 tection of Russia, while they attested the evils of her 
 system, afforded pretexts for enforcing it with greater 
 rigour. 
 
 A peaceful expedition was sent into the Caucasus 
 (1781), to communicate with the mountaineers, to 
 explore the roads, construct maps, and prepare the 
 way for further advances to the south. A treaty of 
 alliance and protection with that portion of the Osse- 
 tians which had not yet connected itself with Russia, 
 opened more effectually the passes into Georgia ; and 
 the consequences of this improved intercourse were 
 speedily apparent. The Christian Princes of Georgia, 
 Imeretia, and Mingrelia, seduced by the flatteries, 
 and corrupted by the presents and the promises of 
 Russia, were urged to renounce their ancient allegi- 
 ance to Persia and Turkey, and to seek security and 
 repose under the sovereign protection of the Christian 
 Empress. The chiefs of smaller principalities, which 
 had long acknowledged the supremacy of the Sultan, 
 were in like manner tempted or forced to submit. 
 The Shah of Persia was informed, that he would not 
 be firmly seated on his throne until he should have 
 formed an alliance with Russia ; and an expedition 
 was fitted out on the Caspian, for the purpose of seizing 
 by force or stratagem a position on the southern or 
 western shores of that sea. 
 
 “ The fleet maintained in the Caspian by Catharine,” 
 
26 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 says a writer who had excellent sources of information, 
 was constructed of oaks from Kazan ; and consisted 
 of three frigates, live corvettes, and a bomb-boat. These 
 vessels were continually cruising along the coasts of 
 Persia, and burnt all the ships, and even all the floats 
 of timber* which they happened to meet. Their com- 
 manders had, besides, positive orders to sow discord 
 between the several khans, and always to support the 
 weaker against the more strong : a method which the 
 Empress had found too successful, both in Poland and 
 in the Krimea, to admit of her neglecting it in behalf 
 of the Persians. 
 
 “In 1780 that princess adopted the resolution of 
 executing the project formed by Peter I. against Persia, 
 by extending her dominion on the western shores of 
 the Caspian. The dissensions which continued to lay 
 waste those fertile regions seemed to favour her ambi- 
 tious views. But she met with some obstacles which 
 she had not expected. 
 
 “ The most powerful of the tyrants of Persia was at 
 that time the Khan Aga-Mahmed. * * * * After 
 the death of Thamas Kouli-khan, the mother of Aga- 
 Mahmed married again, and had several other children, 
 who became the determined enemies of their brother. 
 One of them, Murtuza Kouli-khan, thinking to procure 
 powerful succours from Russia, appeared to be with 
 the utmost servility devoted to that cabinet.f But in 
 spite of Murtuza, in spite of Abulfat, son of Kerim- 
 khan, the last ruler ; in short, in spite of all his rivals, 
 Aga-Mahmed had the skill to render himself master of 
 
 * So jealous was Russia lest the Persians should have ships on the Caspian 
 that when the Governor of Ghilan in 1774 built three vessels at Anzelee, the 
 Russian government immediately prohibited the export to Persia of materials 
 for ship-building. 
 
 t Russia, after having vainly endeavoured to support her proteg4, Murtuza 
 Kouli-khan, in Persia, sent orders to the naval commander in the Caspian to 
 facilitate his escape to Russia, and he was accordingly conveyed to Astrachan 
 to be employed on a future occasion. 
 
i^HAP. II. 
 
 FORTRESS ON THE PERSIAN COAST. 
 
 27 
 
 ;he Ghilan, the Mazanderan, the Schirvan, and several 
 )ther provinces. 
 
 “The Empress gave orders to Count Yoinovitch, 
 jommander of her squadron on the Caspian, to employ 
 ill possible means for forming some establishments on 
 he Persian coasts. 
 
 “ In July, 1781, Yoinovitch sailed with four frigates 
 ,nd two armed sloops from Astrachan, having on hoard 
 he necessary troops and ammunition ; and after stop- 
 )ing to examine the islands of Shiloy and Ogutzein, 
 vhich he found to be barren sands and rocks, repaired 
 0 Asterahat, the best port of the Mazanderan, which 
 3 the ancient country of the Mardi. Aga-Mahmed 
 hen resided at Ferabat, where Yoinovitch presented 
 lim his request for permission to establish a counting- 
 ouse on the coast. The Khan, considering, perhaps, 
 hat he was not able to drive away the Kussians by 
 JTce of arms, or rather choosing to employ artifice 
 gainst them, pretended to accede to the desires of 
 ^oinovitch. 
 
 “ The Russians immediately set about constructing a 
 ortress to defend the harbour, at the distance of about 
 fty miles from the city of Asterabat, which they fur- 
 lished with eighteen guns ; whereof Aga-Mahmed being 
 qformed, continued his dissimulation, but was resolved 
 0 give them a check. He came to look at the fortress, 
 dmired the building, praised the activity of the Rus- 
 lans, and invited himself to dine, with his attendants, 
 n board the frigate of Yoinovitch. 
 
 “ After having merrily spent the day, and testified 
 reat friendship for the Russians, the Khan engaged 
 lem in return to come and take a dinner at one of his 
 Duntry seats among the mountains. Thither they 
 Impaired the succeeding day ; but they had no sooner 
 Qtered his house, than Aga-Mahmed caused them to 
 e put in irons, at the same time threatening Yoino- 
 
28 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST, 
 
 Chap. II. 
 
 vitch to have his head cut off, and to serve all his 
 officers in the same manner, unless the fortress was 
 immediately razed to the ground. 
 
 “ Yoinovitch, who plainly saw that all resistance 
 would he fruitless, signed an order, which was carried 
 to the commandant of the fort. The cannons were re- 
 shipped, and the wall broken down. This done, Aga- 
 Mahmed ordered the Eussian officers into his presence ; 
 and not satisfied with loading them with scornful and 
 injurious language, he delivered several of them over 
 to his slaves, who, after inflicting on them every sort 
 of indignity, were com^manded to drive them and their 
 companions with scourges to their ships. 
 
 The court of Peter sburgh revenged itself no other- 
 wise for these affronts than by continuing to foment 
 the dissensions that were raging in Persia. Its agents 
 there raised up against Aga-Mahmed a rival, who 
 speedily became the most formidable of his enemies,' 
 and took from him the province of Ghilan. This con- 
 queror, who was called Ghedahed-khan,^ profiting by' 
 the arms and ammunition secretly conveyed to him by 
 the Russians, seemed ready to despoil Aga-Mahmed of 
 all his power ; but the latter, finding means to corrupt 
 the Eussian agent Tomanofsky, and the consul Shilitch,i 
 both residing at Sinsili,! they betrayed Ghedahed-khan,| 
 and delivered him to Aga-Mahmed, who caused him to 
 be beheaded,! and became once more the quiet pos-; 
 sessor of Ghilan. 
 
 In the meantime, the Russians affected publicly to 
 take no part in these quarrels. Some time after the 
 
 * Hadayut. t Anzelee. 
 
 ;j; This is a mistake, originating with the writer’s Russian informant. 
 Hadayut Khan having shipped his wealth, including a great quantity of 
 jewels (of which he had more than even the then reigning Shah), on hoard a 
 Russian ship of war, with the design of retiring to Russia, had put off in a 
 boat and reached the side of the ship, when he was said to have been killed 
 by a shot from the shore. That he did not arrive in Russia is’ certain — but 
 his treasures did. 
 
ilHAP. II. INTRIGUES IN THE GHILAN. 29 
 
 ieatli of Grhedahed-klian, Prince Potemkin commis- 
 doned one of his officers to go and compliment Aga- 
 yiahmed, who was then at Riatsch,^ the capital of the 
 3-hilan : recommending him at the same time to study 
 he character of the Khan, and to sound his intentions 
 vith regard to Russia. The officer repaired to Riatsch, 
 md easily obtained an audience of Aga-Mahmed ; hut, 
 m conversing with him, he perceived him to look 
 rloomy and thoughtful, which caused him to suspect 
 iome sinister design. Upon this, he artfully observed, 
 hat although he was in the service of Russia, he was 
 )orn an Englishman, and that his nation was strongly 
 attached to the Persians, with whom it carried on an 
 sxtensive commerce in the Gulph of Bassora. Suddenly 
 he Khan assumed a smiling air, spoke to the envoy in 
 ^ gentle tone, and dismissed him with presents.j 
 ‘‘ These reciprocal testimonies of false good will were 
 bllowed by a prompt aggression. Murtuza-khan, sup- 
 )orted by the Russians, attempted, in 1788, to make a 
 iew incursion into the Ghilan ; hut he was repulsed by 
 ^han Solyman, who commanded there in the absence 
 •f Aga-Mahmed ; and this latter lost no time in bend- 
 ng every effort to the subjugation of Persia and 
 Georgia.” 
 
 * Resht. 
 
 t “ These particulars are related from the mouth of the ofiScer himself.’* 
 
30 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. III. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Catharine declares the Sovereignty of the Krimea elective — Russia and the 
 Emperor prepare for war — Revolution in the Krimea — Seizure of the 
 peninsula by the Russians — Annexation of the Krimea to the Russian 
 Empire — Successful negotiations with Georgia, Imeretia, and Mingrelia 
 — Convention with the Porte — Immense acquisition of territory — Turkey 
 declares war — Treaty of Yassy — Project for disturbing the British Em- 
 pire in India — Second partition of Poland — Relations between Russia 
 and Turkey since the reign of Catharine. 
 
 Russia having entangled Austria and Prussia in her | 
 own projects in Poland, and having succeeded in ex- 
 citing the Emperor’s hopes of further aggrandizement 
 at the expense of Turkey, could calculate with confi- , 
 dence on his support against the only power that 
 seemed to appreciate the consequences of dismembering ; 
 the Sarniatian kingdom. The peace of Frederiksham, 
 and a specific engagement on the part of the King of ; 
 Sweden to remain neuter, in the event of a war be- : 
 tween Russia and the Porte, relieved Catharine from 
 all anxiety in the north. The lapse of three years had 
 restored tranquillity and health and abundance to her : 
 empire. She prepared to take ample advantage of the i 
 commanding position she occupied, and to indemnify ; 
 herself for the reluctant forbearance which circumstances 
 had forced her to practise at the close of the last war. 
 
 The Krimea had been declared independent, but 
 Russia had assumed the protection of the sovereignty 
 she had created or renewed ; and surrounding the 
 Khan with her creatures, exercised a real authority 
 over the nation. The minor chiefs and the people 
 clung to the connexion with Turkey more eagerly 
 as their acquaintance with the Russians increased. 
 But the Empress, not content with the indirect con- ' 
 trol she had acquired, was determined to possess the 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 SEIZURE OF THE KRIMEA. 
 
 31 
 
 country. Pursuing the same course which had been 
 found so successful in Poland, she fomented internal 
 dissensions ; and, profiting by the experience of that 
 unhappy kingdom, declared the sovereignty of the 
 Krimea to be elective.'* 
 
 It could not be presumed that Turkey would tamely 
 submit to a usurpation which threatened her with so 
 many evils, and Russia made preparations for the 
 struggle she believed to be impending, on a scale pro- 
 portioned to the extent of the advantages at which she 
 aimed. The preparations of the Emperor of Germany 
 were equally formidable, and the eagerness with which 
 ,he engaged in the schemes of Russia, the openness with 
 which Catharine had avowed her ambition to possess 
 . Constantinople, and the care that had been taken in all 
 the manifestos published on the occasion of the preced- 
 ing war to describe Turkey as the common enemy of 
 Christendom, afford strong reasons to believe that 
 even at this time the total subversion of the Ottoman 
 empire in Europe, and the division of its spoils, was 
 the object contemplated. 
 
 Potemkin covered the line of the Caucasus with 
 •troops — Suvaroff conducted an army to the Kuban, 
 and overran that country — the whole south-western 
 frontier of Russia was teeming with her soldiers — the 
 banks of the Danube swarmed with the armies of the 
 Emperor, and its stream was covered with his convoys. 
 But the Empress seemed still to desire some pretext for 
 the occupation of the Krimea ; a revolution was ac- 
 complished ; and the Khan, who was expelled, fled to 
 Russia for protection. Still there was no contest in 
 .the peninsula, and a new expedient was resorted to. 
 j The Tartars were called upon to elect a monarch. The 
 
 ' * The sovereignty of these Tartars had at an early period of their history 
 been elective, but for many generations it had ceased to be so, and the Khan 
 had been selected from the Geray family by the Porte. The institution was 
 therefore as new to the actual population as if it had never existed. 
 
32 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. III. 
 
 usurper resigned his pretensions, and the assembled 
 nation unanimously chose Schaghin Gleray in the room 
 of their former chief. But it was the possession, not 
 the tranquillity of the Krimea, that Russia desired ; 
 and fearing the resistance of the people, she sought 
 and found a pretext for marching an army into the 
 country without opposition. A Turkish Pasha had 
 occupied the Island of Taman, on the opposite side of 
 the Cimmerian Bosphorus, and the Russians succeeded 
 in persuading Schaghin Gleray to demand its evacua- 
 tion. The fierce Turk put the messenger to death, 
 and Russia called loudly for vengeance. The Khan, 
 irritated by this barbarous insult, acceded to the pro- 
 posal of his friends to entrust to them the punishment 
 of the Pasha ; and a Russian army entered the Krimea, 
 for the purpose of driving the Ottomans from the op- 
 posite island; hut when it had penetrated to the coast 
 it suddenly fell hack, occupied the whole peninsula,: 
 seized by stratagem or force all the strong-holds, and 
 at the point of the bayonet forced the Imams and the' 
 people to take the oath of allegiance to the Empress. 
 Specious promises of advantage were held out to all, 
 hut the Tartars, nevertheless, prepared to resist; andi 
 Field-Marshal Potemkin, informed of their intentions, j 
 ordered the principal persons concerned to he put to I 
 death. The officer. Prince Prohoroffski, to whom his; 
 command was first addressed, indignantly refused to! 
 execute it ; but Greneral Paul Potemkin, a relation of 
 the field-marshal, and Greneral Suvarofi*, were more 
 obsequious instruments ; and ‘‘ thirty thousand Tartars, 
 of either sex and every age, were slaughtered in cold 
 blood.” Thus, in the midst of peace, did Russia win 
 the Krimea. The Khan ^ received in return for his 
 
 * The fate of Schaghin Geray was tragical. Wearied and disgusted with 
 his residence in Russia, and despising himself, the Empress occasionally 
 made a show of treating him with consideration, and at one time sent him the 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 ANNEXATION OF THE KRIMEA. 
 
 33 
 
 kingdom a pension and a property in Russia, and re- 
 tired to Kaluga. 
 
 While this tragedy was being acted in the Krimea, 
 Russia was negotiating a commercial treaty with 
 Turkey at Constantinople, and, by means of her fleet 
 and her troops, had effectually intercepted all com- 
 munication between the Krimea and that city. The 
 treaty was concluded in June, 1783, and shortly there- 
 after a manifesto of the Empress, dated in April of 
 that year, by which she annexed the Krimea to her 
 empire, was communicated to the Porte. Its existence 
 had been carefully concealed till after the conclusion of 
 the commercial treaty, or perhaps the date affixed to it 
 was fictitious. 
 
 Meanwhile the negotiations with Georgia, Ime- 
 retia, and Mingrelia had been hastened to a success- 
 ful issue. Heraclius was induced to send an embassy 
 to Russia ; and a treaty was concluded ^ at Georgiefsk, 
 in the line of the Caucasus, by which he recognised 
 the paramount sovereignty of the crown of Russia for 
 himself and his heirs, while she engaged to protect not 
 only his present possessions, but any he might thereafter 
 acquire^ and to guarantee f the kingdom to him and his 
 heirs for ever. A crown, made for the occasion, was 
 formally surrendered into the hands of the Empress’s 
 representative, and bestowed, in her name, on him whom 
 she at once made a king and a vassal of her empire. 
 
 flecoration of a Russian order of knighthood. He could not, he said, being a 
 Mahommedan, wear the cross. It was converted into a crescent. He declined 
 wearing what was no longer an order, but a trinket tied to a ribbon. At 
 length he received permission to leave Russia, where he had latterly lingered 
 in obscurity and poverty, and went into Turkey. After residing for some 
 : time in Moldavia, dejected and unhappy, he proceeded to Constantinoi)le, 
 [' and was ordered to retire to Rhodes. He was there strangled in the house of 
 
 ^ the French consul, where he had sought an asylum, but whether by the spon- 
 taneous act of a fanatical rabble, or by order of the Porte, has not been ascer- 
 !' tained. 
 
 ' * 24th July, 1783. 
 
 j t We shall have occasion to observe how that pledge was redeemed. 
 
34 
 
 RUSSIA m THE EAST. 
 
 [ Chap. III. 
 
 Solomon, Prince of Imeretia, was more intractable, 
 and at first declared that he wanted no protection hnt 
 that of his sabre. Costly presents, a crown made at 
 St. Petersbnrgh, and princely promises, seduced him 
 from his allegiance, and he transferred it to the Em- 
 press. 
 
 The Porte, incensed and alarmed by the usurpations 
 of Russia, and the accumulation of troops on her whole 
 European frontier, was in no condition to resent the 
 infraction of the treaty of Kainardgi. It prepared for 
 war, but determined to negotiate ; and, by the media- 
 tion of France, a compromise was effected, and a con- 
 vention signed (1784) at Constantinople, by which 
 the dominion of Russia over the Krimea, the Isle of 
 Taman, and a great part of the Kuban, was recognised. 
 All these territories had already been subdued and 
 occupied by the troops of the Empress, who had entered ; 
 them without provocation. Even in the manifesto ^ ! 
 which she published on annexing the Krimea to the , 
 Russian empire, the principal pretexts assigned are,' 
 her desire to preserve its tranquillity, and to improve 
 the condition of the people ; her right to avail herself ’ 
 of the power which she possessed, but had not used at : 
 the close of the last war, to retain it as a conquest ; and ( 
 the justice of her claim to retain it as an indemnity for; 
 the expenses she had incurred in subduing it. • 
 
 These differences with the Porte were no sooner ; 
 tamicably adjusted, than the Empress again turned her 
 attention to Georgia. Fully appreciating the import- 
 ance of having secured, by negotiation, a passage 
 through a barrier which she might in vain have at- 
 tempted to force, she lost no time in opening a passage 
 for her trooj^s to the dependencies beyond the Caucasus, 
 which she had recently acquired. General Paul Po- 
 
 * Dated at St. Petersbnrgh, 8th April, 1783. 
 
Chap. III. ACQUISITIONS OF TERRITORY. 35 
 
 temldn carried to Tiflis (1785) the ratification of the 
 treaty with Heraclius, and was directed to construct a 
 causeway across the mountains, which was speedily 
 completed. A pension of sixty thousand silver roubles 
 (about 10,000Z.) was bestowed on the King of Khartli, 
 as he was styled, to maintain an army, and to defray 
 such expenses as he might be called upon to make 
 under the directions of the Russian commandant. 
 
 Georgia had therefore become a dependency of Rus- 
 sia, and had been received by that power, without any 
 regard to the allegiance due by the Wallies to the 
 sovereigns of Persia. 
 
 The policy of Russia is sufficiently exposed in the 
 engagement to protect all the future acquisitions of the 
 Wally, and in the instructions given to Field-Marshal 
 Prince Potemkin and to General Goodovitch, in which 
 the former receives unlimited authority to accept the 
 submission of any nations that may desire to become 
 subject to Russia ; and the latter is informed, that the 
 Khans of Badkoo and Derbend may be admitted to the 
 honour of becoming vassals of the Empress. Yet both 
 these places, as well as Georgia, were dependencies of 
 Persia, and their chiefs or governors had no more 
 right to transfer their allegiance than has the Hetman 
 of the Don Cossacks, or the governor of Astrachan. 
 
 It is impossible to regard without astonishment the 
 extent of the views Russia had developed with her 
 growing strength, and the unbounded ambition they 
 displayed. While engaged in partitioning Poland, 
 with her allies, she was dismembering Turkey for her 
 own individual aggrandizement, and even then avowed 
 her design to have a third capital on the Bosphorus. 
 While subjugating the tribes of the Caucasus, she was 
 acquiring kingdoms beyond them, and seeking con- 
 quests on the furthest shores of the Caspian. She had 
 added to her dominions an immense extent of territory, 
 
 D 2 
 
36 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. III. 
 
 and a million and a half of subjects in Poland — the 
 whole of Little Tartary and the Krimea — the Isle of 
 Taman and country of Kuban, containing a population 
 equally numerous — the principalities of Georgia, Ime- 
 retia, Mingrelia, and the passes of the Caucasus, 
 which were now included in her territories ; and she 
 had obtained the undisputed dominion of the Euxine 
 Sea and the passage of the Dardanelles. The utmost 
 cravings of ambition might have been satiated, if am- 
 bition had been capable of satiety. But Poland had 
 still some provinces to be divided ; Courland was not 
 yet a Bussian government ; Sweden retained Finland ; 
 Turkey had territory to cede, and a spirit of indepen- 
 dence to be humbled ; and Persia had not yet con- 
 tributed her full share to the triumphs and the con- 
 quests of Russia. 
 
 After a lapse of three years (1787) she was again in 
 arms. On this occasion, however, Turkey was the first 
 to declare war. The triumphal journey of the Empress 
 to the Krimea — the movements of troops which accom- 
 panied it — the conferences with the King of Poland — 
 and, more than all, the secret communications with the 
 Emperor of Germany, which were understood to have 
 for their object the expulsion of the Turks from Europe, 
 the appropriation of their territories, and the establish- 
 ment of a Greek empire under the Grand Duke Con- 
 stantine, who had avowedly been educated expressly 
 with this view, though no treaty was actually infringed 
 by these proceedings, and it might not then have been 
 possible to substantiate the truth of the presumed 
 intention,, still appeared to the Porte^ in conjunction 
 with the previous policy of Russia, to threaten its very 
 existence. The consuls and agents of the Empress had 
 tampered with the subjects of the Porte in all its de- 
 pendencies — they had connected themselves with the 
 disaffected in Wallachia and Moldavia, and had even 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 TURKEY DECLARES WAR. 
 
 37 
 
 procured the escape of a contumacious Yaivode of the 
 former province — they had prepared the Grreeks for 
 revolt, and proposed to the Mamelukes of Egypt to 
 guarantee to each his possessions under the protection 
 of Russia. Joseph the Second had hastened from 
 Yienna to meet the Empress at Kherson, and appeared 
 disposed to accede to all her views. 
 
 The Porte appealed to the whole Mahomedan world 
 for support in its present danger, and the Mussulmans 
 flew to arms ; war had not yet been declared, when a 
 correspondence was discovered between the rebellious 
 Bey of Cairo and the Russian minister, and after some 
 further negotiation the Turks published a manifesto 
 and commenced hostilities. 
 
 The use which Catharine made of her first successes 
 was to offer Egypt to France if she would join in dis- 
 membering the Ottoman Empire, which the Emperor 
 Joseph had already, as was afterwards discovered, 
 agreed to assist in accomplishing. 
 
 The extent of the preparations that Russia had made 
 in impatient anticipation of the hostilities which had 
 at length spread joy and exultation at St. Petersburg!! 
 — the supposed success of her endeavours to represent 
 the contest in which she was engaged as a crusade 
 against the enemies of the Christian faith — the indif- 
 ference with which Europe had submitted to the 
 partition of Poland — the readiness with which the 
 Emperor was disposed to forward her objects, and the 
 effective assistance which eighty thousand Austrians 
 were capable of rendering — the disturbances which the 
 agents of Russia had excited in the dependencies of 
 Turkey on every side, and the ardour and confidence 
 with which her armies engaged in the war, seemed 
 almost to justify the exalted hopes of Catharine. 
 
 But the jealousy of the other powers of Europe had 
 been roused ; Sweden concluded a treaty with Turkey, 
 
38 
 
 RUSSIA IN' THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. III. 
 
 and attacked Russia ; Great Britain tlirew various 
 obstacles in tlie way of the Russian naval arrange- 
 ments, and favoured the Porte ; France regarded the 
 alliance of Austria and Russia with apprehension, and 
 trembled for her commerce in the Levant; Prussia 
 maintained a sullen silence for a time, and then marched 
 an army into Poland, where her influence had greatly 
 increased ; and a great naval armament was fitted out 
 in England, and destined for the Baltic."^ The Turks, 
 though frequently defeated, had not lost courage. At 
 length Prussia concluded a treaty with the Porte, and 
 the convention of Reichenbach with the Emperor. 
 Austria withdrew from the contest, and the Polish 
 provinces of Russia were in danger. Peace became 
 necessary to Catharine, and, too proud to sue for it 
 herself, the preliminaries were arranged with the courts 
 of London, Berlin, and the Hague, by Bernsdorf, the 
 Danish minister. A definitive treaty *was concluded 
 at Yassy (1792), by which Russia advanced her fron- 
 tier to the Dniester, and thus opened the Black Sea to 
 her Polish provinces. The Porte guaranteed to her 
 the kingdoms of Georgia and the adjacent countries, 
 promised that it would strive to do the same in the 
 Caucasus, confirmed the ancient rights and privileges 
 of the principal towns of Wallachia and Moldavia, and 
 declared the stipulations of previous treaties to be in 
 force. Thus had the firm attitude assumed by Eng- 
 land and Prussia, and their preparations for war, not 
 only obliged Austria to desist from prosecuting her 
 views on Turkey, but forced the Empress of Russia to 
 abandon the fruits of a contest that had cost her two 
 hundred thousand men, and her ally half that number. 
 A just appreciation of their own position, and an ac- 
 
 * It was on hearing of these preparations that Catharine haughtily said to 
 the British Ambassador, “ As your Court seems determined to drive me from 
 St. Petershurgh, I hope it will permit me to retire to Constantinople.” 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 PROJECT AGAINST INDIA. 
 
 39 
 
 curate knowledge of the affairs with which they had to 
 deal, would have led them to exact more rigorous terms 
 from Russia, who could not have resisted a determina- 
 tion on their part to adhere to their original proposi- 
 tion, which was a return to the state established by the 
 treaty of Kainardgi."^ Sweden alone had taken up 
 arms in behalf of Turkey ; but her power was neu- 
 tralized, after a few efforts, by the discontents which 
 divided her population, and connected a large part of 
 her most influential nobles with Russia. Gustavus had 
 found it necessary to abandon Turkey, and to conclude a 
 separate peace with the Empress, nearly two years 
 before the termination of the war in which the Porte 
 was engaged. The opposition of France had yielded 
 to the address of Potemkin. Spain had recovered from 
 her alarm lest Russia should seize an island in the 
 Mediterranean, and seemed to regard with indifference 
 her establishment on the Bosphorus, if indifference may 
 he presumed from her taking no steps to prevent it. 
 The preservation of Turkey was ultimately due to her 
 own courage in adversity, and to the final determina- 
 tion of England and Prussia to interfere in her behalf. 
 Their intentions were no sooner known than the con- 
 test was decided. 
 
 It was on this occasion that the idea of disturbing 
 the British empire in India was first suggested to the 
 cabinet of St. Petershurgh, as a check on the aggres- 
 sive power which the maritime superiority of England 
 enabled her to exert against Russia. The Prince 
 Nassau Siegen presented to Catharine a project for 
 marching an army through Bokhara and Cashmere to 
 Bengal, to drive the English out of India. The plan 
 had been drawn up by a Frenchman, and the first step 
 
 * This would have established the independence of the Krimca and the 
 Kuban, and deprived Russia of her valuable ports on the Euxine. 
 
40 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. III. 
 
 was to be a manifesto, declaring tbe intention of the 
 Empress to re-establish the Great Mogul on the throne 
 of India. This it was supposed would secure the con- 
 currence of intermediate states, and attract to the 
 standard of Russia all the discontented spirits in Hin- 
 dostan. The scheme, though derided by Potemkin, 
 was favourably received by the Empress, and has never 
 been forgotten in Russia. 
 
 Catharine withdrew her armies from Turkey to 
 employ them in Poland, and perpetrate the second 
 partition of that kingdom. It is foreign to the object 
 of these observations to enter into any detail of the 
 events which led to that catastrophe, and which are 
 sufficiently known even to the least curious readers of 
 history. An account of the intrigues which led to the 
 annexation of Courland to Russia would equally be out 
 of place ; and her subsequent proceedings in Turkey — 
 the acquisition of Bessarabia in 1812 — the convention 
 of Akerman — ^the share she has had in the rebellions 
 and the final separation of Greece — in the revolutions 
 of Servia, Egypt, and Syria — her position in Moldavia 
 and Wallachia, and on the mouths of the Danube — 
 the occupation of Sili stria — the treaties of Adrianople, 
 Unkiar Skellessi, and St. Petersburgh — the circum- 
 stances attending the last war and the first occupation 
 — have been so fully and ably illustrated, that not only 
 would it be hopeless to attempt adding to the light 
 which has already been cast on this interesting and 
 momentous portion of modern history, but, fortunately, 
 it is no longer necessary to bespeak attention to a 
 subject on which more public consideration has been 
 justly and wisely bestowed than on any other question 
 of foreign policy. Still, to complete the historical 
 sketch which it is the object of these observations to 
 present in a connected form, it is necessary briefly to 
 point out the most prominent features of the relations 
 
Chap. III. 
 
 HER AVOAVED OBJECTS. 
 
 41 
 
 between Russia and Turkey since the reign of 
 Catharine. 
 
 The object Russia has aimed at by her repeated 
 aggressions on Turkey, and by the more dangerous 
 means to which she has lately resorted, have from time 
 to time been avowed to Europe ever since the battle of 
 Pultava. Peter proposed to raise himself on the ruins 
 of Turkey — Catharine persuaded Austria, and called 
 upon France, to participate in the proposed dismember- 
 ment of Turkey, and the establishment of a Greek 
 empire at Constantinople, under her grandson, who 
 had been educated and even named with a view to this 
 result — Nicholas, more moderate, only demands the 
 exclusive protectorate of Turkey. Mankind will not 
 forget that Russia was the protector of Poland — the 
 protector of the Krimea — the protector of Courland — 
 the protector of Georgia, Imeretia, Mingrelia, the 
 Circassian and Caucasian tribes, — and will wonder 
 what new cause of offence Turkey can have given the 
 Emperor, that he should threaten her with the fatal 
 doom of Russian protection. 
 
42 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Ultimate policy of Russia in seeking to extend her frontier on the side of Per- 
 sia — Affairs of Persia — 'Accession of Paul — Annexation of Georgia — 
 Accession of Alexander — War with Persia — Connexion of Persia with 
 Great Britain and with France — Her influence in European politics — 
 Treaty of peace concluded at Goolistan between Persia and Russia. 
 
 It is difficult to imagine a stronger or better marked 
 boundary than that wbicb formed the frontier between 
 Russia and Persia. The Black Sea on the one band, 
 and the Caspian on the other, connected by the stu- 
 pendous chain of the Caucasus, seems to have been 
 designed by nature for the limit of some powerful 
 nation, for a barrier against some great power. The 
 views which induced the Russian government to seek 
 with unwearied perseverance a position beyond it, in 
 pursuance of which Peter I. incurred the cost and 
 hazard of his formidable expedition from Astrachan, 
 and braved the obloquy of all the perfidy that marked 
 his proceedings there and in Khiva ; which induced 
 Catharine to purchase the sovereignty of Greorgia and 
 Imeretia, at the price of large donations to many 
 chieftains, a considerable pension to Heraclius, and the 
 maintenance of troops to protect him ; and which led 
 her to attempt by the most questionable means to 
 secure a military footing on the southern shores of the 
 Caspian — the views which have made it an integral 
 part of the system of Russia to maintain and improve, 
 even at an immense sacrifice of blood and treasure, the 
 position she had obtained in the Caucasus and beyond 
 it, must have been directed to some ultimate object far 
 more important than the possession of provinces 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 AFFAIRS OF PERSIA. 
 
 43 
 
 which have hitherto been only costly appendages to 
 the empire. These acquisitions can be valued or 
 valuable only inasmuch as they afford facilities for 
 arriving at some great end which would, in her esti- 
 mation, remunerate her for all that might have been 
 expended in attaining it. On no other grounds would 
 her policy he intelligible. She has not been committed 
 by the unauthorised acts of deputed authorities, nor 
 betrayed into a position from which she could not 
 recede. Every step in advance has been the deliberate 
 act of her government — the mature result of long 
 preparation. For a hundred years have her successive 
 sovereigns per fas et nefas steadily pursued the same 
 object, varying the means, but never relinquishing the 
 purpose. 
 
 After the death of Kerreem Khan, King of Persia, a 
 protracted contest was carried on by the numerous 
 competitors for the vacant throne ; and it was not 
 until Aga-Mahommed Khan had triumphed over all 
 his antagonists, and cut off the last hopes of the royal 
 family of the Zunds, by the defeat and capture of the 
 chivalrous Lootf Alice Khan, that he found leisure to 
 turn his attention to Greorgia, and to punish the revolt 
 of his vassal. 
 
 In 1795 he assembled a considerable army at Tehran, 
 and, moving rapidly into Georgia, defeated Heraclius 
 near Teflis, and entered that city before General 
 Goodovitch, who commanded the Eussian troops in the 
 line of the Caucasus, could arrive to oppose him.'^ 
 
 His desire to intimidate the Georgians, by making a 
 fearful example of their capital, induced him to abandon 
 
 * The Government of Georgia had intimation of the advance of the Persians 
 early enough to have enabled it to bring the Russians, but so much did the 
 Prince and the people now dread the presence of their protectors, that tliey 
 preferred incurring all the hazards of the war, without their aid, to encounter- 
 ing the certain evil nf their presence. 
 
44 
 
 EUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 it to the rapine of his soldiers; while the religions 
 enthusiasm he had excited in his army, and the natural 
 ferocity of his troops, prepared them to take ample 
 advantage of the licence he had given. 
 
 The Empress Catharine II., shocked and irritated 
 by the vengeance which had fallen on Greorgia, in con- 
 sequence of its having transferred its allegiance to 
 Kussia, immediately declared war against Persia ; and, 
 in the following year. Count Valerian Zuboff, with a 
 large force, marched upon Derbend early in the 
 summer, took that fortress by assault, and received the 
 submission of Badkoo, Koobba, and Sheerwan, whose 
 governors he changed. In the autumn he renewed 
 his operations, wintered in Moghan, and had taken 
 Anzelee (the port of Grhilan), Lankeran, Ganja, and 
 the island of Saree, when Paul ascended the throne of 
 Kussia, and recalled the army. 
 
 Aga-Mahommed Khan was at this time employed in 
 Khorassan, and, on hearing of Zuboff’ s successes, hastily 
 returned to oppose him; but before he could reach 
 the scene of action, the Russians had already abandoned 
 almost all their conquers. ^ 
 
 Ibrahim Khulleel Khan, the chief of Karabaugh, 
 had hitherto succeeded in holding the fort of Sheesha 
 against Aga-Mahommed Khan; but the inhabitants, 
 wearied by the continued systematic plunder of their 
 country from year to year, at length rose against their 
 chief, and, compelling him to fly to Daghestan, delivered 
 up Sheesha into the hands of the Shah, who was 
 advancing with a powerful army to invade Georgia.’ 
 
 He had only been at Sheesha a few days when he 
 
 * The recall of the army under Zuhoff, which was effected by separate 
 instructions to the commander of each corps, without the transmission of any 
 orders on the subject to the Count, was one of those acts, dictated by personal 
 spleen, in which Paul indulged on his accession to the throne, and cannot be 
 considered an abandonment of the policy which had hitherto led Russia to 
 seek the extension of her limits on the side of Persia. 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 ANNEXATION OF GEORGIA. 
 
 45 
 
 was murdered by some of his menial domestics whom 
 he had threatened to put to death ; and the late Shah, 
 who succeeded him, was too much occupied in con- 
 solidating his power and establishing his authority, to 
 be able to pursue the bold policy of his predecessor. 
 
 In the year 1798 Heraclius died, in the eighty-fourth 
 year of his age, and fifty-second of his reign, and left 
 his crown to his son Goorgeen Khan. 
 
 The short reign of Goorgeen was disturbed by the 
 rebellion of his brother Alexander, who, with an army 
 of Lesguis, endeavoured to possess himself of the 
 kingdom. With the aid of the Russians he was, how- 
 ever, defeated and forced to fly ; but the mountaineers 
 continued their depredations from time to time, and 
 Alexander repeated his attempts, till at length, after 
 having wandered long a fugitive in the Caucasus, and 
 encountered a series of romantic adventures, he effected 
 his escape through Turkey into Persia. 
 
 With a view, as was said, to compose the differences 
 which had arisen in the kingdom, the Emperor Paul 
 (1800) published an ukase, incorporating^ Georgia 
 with the Russian empire. Catharine had guaranteed 
 the crown of Georgia to Heraclius and his heirs for 
 ever ; but that was an act of the Empress which an 
 ukase of the Emperor sufficed to annul. In the fol- 
 lowing year Goorgeen, who, unhappily for himself, 
 had been born with the proud spirit of a Georgian 
 prince, degraded in the sight of his countrymen by 
 the indignity with which he was treated, became an 
 object of contempt or pity to every Georgian and 
 having vainly sought to escape in dissipation from 
 the sorrows which he had not strength of mind enough 
 
 * It is strange that every kin''dom, principality, or trihe to which Rtissia 
 has extended her protection, should have furnished the same pretext for 
 appropriating it. Like cause and effect, the sequence is constant and in- 
 variable. 
 
46 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 to endure, despairing, and broken-hearted, died at 
 Teflis and about the same time Paul was put to 
 death at St. Petersburgh. 
 
 The Emperor Alexander, on his accession to the 
 throne, confirmed the ukase of his father, which an- 
 nexed Georgia to the Eussian empire, and sent 
 General Zizianoff, a Georgian by birth or extraction, 
 as Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief into 
 the provinces beyond the Caucasus. The nature of 
 Zizianoff’ s instructions may be inferred from the course 
 he pursued. He had no sooner arrived at Teflis than he 
 marched a force to Mingrelia, which submitted with- 
 out resistance, and was immediately occupied by Eus- 
 sian troops. The following year he undertook an 
 expedition against Ganj a, and captured that fortress by 
 assault. 
 
 Mahommed Khan Kajar, then (1804) Governor of 
 Erivan, having rebelled against his sovereign, and 
 finding that the Shah was advancing with a consider- 
 able force to reduce him to obedience, invited the 
 Eussian general to advance to his relief, promising to 
 deliver up the fortress^ or to receive into it a Eussian 
 garrison. At this time there was no war between 
 Eussia and Persia. Seven years had elapsed since 
 Futteh Alice Shah had succeeded his uncle, and during 
 the whole of that time he had not even made any 
 attempt to defend the provinces which Eussia had 
 successively wrested from him. His attention had 
 been so exclusively directed to other objects, that he 
 had hitherto totally neglected the Persian territories 
 beyond the Araxes ; and his first movement in that 
 
 * The widow of Goorgeen, a haughty woman, of a fierce and masculine 
 spirit, liaving made her presence at Tifiis disagreeable to the Russian govern- 
 ment, was ordered to be sent to St. Petersburgh. She refused to comply ; and 
 General Lasaraf having been sent to enforce obedience, and having, it is said, 
 seized her for the purpose of dragghig her from her house, she drew a dagger 
 and stabbed him. 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 WAR WITH PERSIA. 
 
 47 
 
 direction was for the purpose of reducing a contu- 
 macious servant, a man of his own tribe, who had long 
 been in the service of his family. Yet on the invita- 
 tion of this rebel against his sovereign and feudal 
 lord, tempted by the hope of profiting by his treachery, 
 did the Russian army, while there was yet no war 
 between the Governments, advance for the purpose of 
 seizing Erivan. Zizianoff had proceeded as far as the 
 Armenian convent of Etzmiadzin, within a few miles 
 of the fortress, when he encountered the Persian army 
 advancing to oppose him ; and an action was there 
 fought, in which the Persians were defeated and 
 forced to retire. He then invested Erivan, which 
 Mahommed Khan now refused to surrender ; but in 
 consequence of the deficiency of supplies, the continual 
 annoyance to which he was subjected from the de- 
 sultory, but harassing, attacks of the Persians, and 
 the increasing sickness of his troops, Zizianoff found 
 it necessary to raise the siege, and make a hurried 
 retreat, in which his army suffered extreme hardships. 
 
 This was the first general action in which the 
 Russian and Persian armies had come in contact, and 
 it commenced the war between those countries for the 
 possession of Georgia and the adjoining provinces. 
 
 After the retreat of the Russians, Mahommed Khan 
 surrendered on terms to the Shah, who removed him 
 from his government, and bestowed upon him a pen- 
 sion, which some years ago he still continued to enjoy. 
 
 In the spring of 1805 the indefatigable Zizianoff 
 reduced the province of Shekee. In July he marched 
 into Karabaugh, where he encountered little opposi- 
 tion ; and having placed a garrison in Sheesha, the 
 chief place of the province, proceeded in November 
 with- a corps of three thousand men to reduce Badkoo, 
 which had thrown off the protection of Russia. At 
 the gate of this place he was basely assassinated 
 
48 
 
 KUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 while attending a conference to which he had been 
 invited. 
 
 The war which had thus been commenced was con- 
 tinued with variable success till the year 1814; but 
 except the capture of Lankeran, in the province of 
 Talish, Russia was too deeply engaged in the affairs of 
 Europe to add much to her territorial acquisitions 
 on the side of Georgia, after the death of her first 
 Governor-General . 
 
 The modern connexion of Great Britain with Persia 
 may be said to have commenced with the mission of 
 the late Sir John Malcolm to Tehran (1800), and the 
 first fruits of the alliance were the commercial and 
 political treaties concluded by him the following year, 
 in which Persia engaged to attack the Affghans, 
 should they invade our possessions in India, which 
 they then threatened, and to exclude the French, with 
 whom we were at war, from the Gulf of Persia. But 
 this was a special mission ; no British minister was 
 left at the Court, and no attempt was made to preserve 
 the influence that had been acquired. England was 
 known to the Persian government only as. the possessor 
 of India, and the power and influence she exercised in 
 Europe remained unappreciated. 
 
 The Shah, finding himself unable to cope with 
 Russia, addressed a letter to Napoleon, then (1805) in 
 the zenith of his glory, desiring to form an alliance 
 with France. So little at that time was Persia known 
 in Europe, that the Court of Paris was even ignorant 
 whether the person who had addressed these letters 
 was entitled to the rank he assumed, and M. Jaubert 
 was sent to Tehran to ascertain the condition of the 
 country and the quality of the individual. On his 
 return, a person named Mirza Reza, a man of no note, 
 but the only individual of education and intelligence 
 who could be induced to undertake the journey, was 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 FRENCH EMBASSY TO THE SHAH. 
 
 49 
 
 deputed by the Persian government on a mission to 
 Napoleon, whom he accompanied to Tilsit, and with 
 I whom he concluded a treaty which was ratified at 
 Fenkenstein in May, 1807. 
 
 At the same time Mahommed Nehbee Khan was 
 sent as envoy to the British Government in India, to 
 claim its assistance against Russia ; hut his mission 
 was unsuccessful, and Persia, losing all hope of support 
 from her old ally, had no alternative but to throw 
 herself into the arms of France. 
 
 The possessions of Great Britain in India had be- 
 come so important, that it was believed her power in 
 Europe might be affected by an attack on her eastern 
 dominions ; and Napoleon therefore, turning his atten- 
 tion to Asia, gladly seized the opportunity afforded 
 him to establish a connexion with Persia, which he 
 justly considered a necessary preliminary to any de- 
 signs he might entertain against India. Of such con- 
 sequence did this object appear to him, and to those 
 with whom he consulted, that the embassy to the 
 East was at one time destined for the ablest of his 
 brothers but ultimately General Gardanne was 
 entrusted with the embassy to the Court of the Shah, 
 and it is but justice to him and to the gentlemen who 
 accompanied him, to say, that in circumstances of great 
 embarrassment and difficulty they extorted the respect 
 even of those who then were their enemies. 
 
 The failure of the application which had been made 
 to India for assistance, the fame of Napoleon, the 
 readiness with which he had entered on the alliance, 
 and the promises he made, combined to secure to the 
 General a distinguished reception. Officers who had 
 accompanied the embassy for that purpose were em- 
 ployed to introduce, for the first time, European dis- 
 
 Lucien Bonaparte. 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 cipline into the Persian army. French engineers 
 built the first regular fortifications that had ever been 
 raised in Persia, and there, as everywhere else, dis- 
 played the military genius, and the personal intelli- 
 gence and zeal, for which the French nation has in all 
 times been distinguished. 
 
 A brilliant embassy was sent from Tehran to Paris, 
 charged with costly and appropriate gifts. The Per- 
 sian ambassador presented to the Emperor two sabres 
 which had been worn, the one by Timour (Tamerlane), 
 the other by Nadir Shah, declaring, on the part of his 
 master, that he resigned them into the hands of him 
 who was most worthy to possess them. 
 
 The success which attended G-eneral Grardanne’s mis- 
 sion forced the British Government in Europe and in 
 Asia to take measures for counteracting the views of 
 Napoleon ; and from the commencement of this com- 
 petition between France and England for ascendancy 
 in the councils of the Shah, may be dated the political 
 connexion of Persia with Europe. 
 
 From this time Persia became inseparably connected 
 with European policy, and, though the circumstances 
 which first caused her to be involved in it have ceased 
 to exist, others have arisen which must continue to 
 operate as powerfully, and much more steadily, to draw 
 her more and more within the range of the calculations 
 of European cabinets. It is vain to attempt to confine 
 her influence to Asia. The line has been passed that 
 separated her from Europe, and as long as Britain 
 retains India, and Russia her present military force, 
 so long must the integrity and independence of Persia 
 be an object of vital importance to the one, and a 
 formidable impediment to the full exercise of the 
 aggressive power of the other. 
 
 Sir John Malcolm, whose reputation had been esta- 
 blished by his previous mission, was selected by the 
 
i Chap. IV. 
 
 SIR HARFORD JONES’S EMBASSY. 
 
 51 
 
 Government of India to retrieve the position which 
 had been lost at the Conrt of Tehran ; hut such was 
 the influence which the French embassy had acquired, 
 that, with all the high talents and profuse liberality 
 which distinguished the personal character of Sir John 
 Malcolm, and all the regard which he had previously 
 conciliated from the Shah and the nation, he was 
 unable to procure access to the Court ; and after ex- 
 hausting every diplomatic means of success, he returned 
 to India for the purpose of collecting an army to en- 
 force the views of his Government. 
 
 Meanwhile Sir Harford Jones had been entrusted 
 with a mission from the court of London to that of 
 Tehran ; and the superior weight of a mission from the 
 Crown, his own talents and address, and the influence 
 of the personal friends he had made when on a former 
 occasion he had visited the country on commercial 
 business — the apprehensions entertained by the Shah 
 of the threatened hostilities from India — and, more 
 than all, the inability of the French ambassador to 
 perform the promises his master had made, secured to 
 this mission a favourable reception, and ultimately 
 forced the French embassy to retire."^ 
 
 The expulsion of the French from Persia, while she 
 was still engaged in a war with Russia, put an end for 
 a time to all competition for the friendship of the 
 Shah ; and the success of the British mission laid the 
 foundation of an alliance between the crowns of Great 
 Britain and Persia, confirmed by a preliminary treaty, 
 the ratification of which was conveyed to England by 
 
 * General Gardanne was reproached by Napoleon for having left Persia 
 while it was still possible for him to have remained, though not at the Court 
 of the Shah ; but the influence which procured his removal from that Court 
 was daily gaining ground, and would have driven him out of the country, 
 whatever measures he might have resorted to. 
 
 E 2 
 
52 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 a Persian ambassador, the first who had been seen in 
 London for nearly two centuries."^ 
 
 On the return of Sir Harford Jones (1811), Sir 
 Gore Ouseley proceeded to Persia with the rank of 
 Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of England. 
 A definitive treaty was concluded on the basis of the 
 preliminary engagements, but on terms more advan- 
 tageous to Persia. British officers had replaced the 
 French in the armies of the Shah, and taught them to 
 combat, on several occasions with success, the battalions 
 of the Czar. In the mean time the memorable war 
 between France and Russia, which terminated in the 
 signal discomfiture of Napoleon, had commenced ; and 
 the amicable relations, which had been established 
 between Great Britain and Russia in consequence of 
 these two countries finding themselves engaged as 
 allies in the deliverance of Europe, led the British 
 ambassador in Persia to promote an arrangement of 
 the differences between the Courts of Tehran and St. 
 Petersburgh. The formal mediation of England was 
 rejected by Russia ; but the good offices of the ambas- 
 sador were employed, and a treaty of peace was at 
 length (1814) concluded at Goolistan in Karabaugh, 
 by which Persia ceded to Russia all her acquisitions 
 south of the Caucasus, and engaged not to maintain 
 ships of war on the Caspian. 
 
 The basis on which this treaty was negotiated was 
 that each party should retain the territory of which it 
 was in possession when hostilities ceased ; and Russia, 
 by this arrangement, from her having a garrison in 
 Lankeran, would have become entitled to a consider- 
 able portion of the khanat or lordship of Talish. But 
 
 In the reign of Shah Abbas a mission was sent to England at the instiga- 
 tion of the Shirleys, enterprising English gentlemen of family, who entered 
 the service of that monarch and enjoyed much of his confidence. 
 
Chap. IV. 
 
 HER DISHONESTY TOWARDS PERSIA. 
 
 53 
 
 as this district bordered on Ghilan, which the Rus- 
 sians had three times attacked, twice occupied, and 
 always evinced an extreme anxiety to possess, the Per- 
 sian Plenipotentiary declined to accept the basis unless 
 Talish should be excluded. General Ritescheff, then 
 Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief in Georgia, 
 and Plenipotentiary, objected, that his instructions made 
 the adoption of that basis a sine qua non, but solemnly 
 pledged himself, if the Persian ambassador would 
 accept it, to procure from his Court the restitution of 
 Talish as an act of grace from the Emperor ; and 
 deliberately held out the hope that other provinces 
 also would be restored. The British ambassador, cog- 
 nizant of these transactions, and satisfied of the sin- 
 cerity of Ritescheff, felt himself justified in confirming 
 the confidence of the Persians, and undertaking that 
 the good offices of his Government should be exerted 
 at the Court of St. Petersburgh to procure an adjust- 
 ment of the stipulation respecting the boundary, which 
 might fulfil not only the positive promises of General 
 Ritescheff, but the larger hopes he had held out. 
 
 The Persian government, accustomed to place the 
 most implicit reliance on the honour of Europeans, and 
 not ignorant of the liberal assistance which England 
 had extended to Russia in the hour of her humiliation 
 and distress, never for a moment doubted either the 
 faith of Ritescheff or the gratitude of Alexander. 
 
 The ambassador who was sent to St. Petersburgh 
 with the ratified treaty was instructed to arrange with 
 the Russian Government the evacuation of Talish, and 
 to avail himself of the good offices of the British am- 
 bassador at that court in his negotiations for the retro- 
 cession of the other portions of territory ceded by the 
 treaty, for which the Russian Plenipotentiary had 
 induced the Shah and his ministers to hope. Lord 
 Cathcart, then at the court of Russia, was authorised 
 
54 
 
 KUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. IV. 
 
 by his government to aid the negotiation ; but all his 
 good offices, urged with the whole weight of his public 
 and personal influence, and all the solicitations of the 
 Persian embassy, were unable to procure from the Em- 
 peror the relinquishment of one foot of ground', and the 
 final answer was, that General Yermoloff, then ap- 
 pointed ambassador to Persia, and Governor-General 
 and Commander-in-Chief in Georgia, would discuss the 
 matter with the Persian ministers on his arrival at 
 Tehran. When General Yermoloff arrived in Persia, 
 he v/ould restore nothing ; and thus all the acquisitions 
 of Russia remained in her possession. 
 
V. 
 
 ACQUISITIOX FROM PERSIA. 
 
 55 
 
 CHAPTER V 
 
 Acquisitions from Persia — Submission of Northern Khans to Russia — 
 Oppressive government of her dependencies — State of Southern Caucasian 
 provinces — War in the mountains — Question of boundary between 
 Russia and Persia — Seizure of Grokcheh — Accession of Nicholas — Re- 
 commencement of war. 
 
 The restoration of peace between Russia and Persia 
 bad been effected at an enormous sacrifice to the latter. 
 The establishment of Russian dominion south of the 
 Caucasus was an evil to the governments of Turkey 
 and Persia, for which no present advantages could 
 have compensated ; and it was accompanied not by 
 immediate benefits, but by a dismemberment of the 
 Persian empire. By the treaty of Goolistan Persia 
 had ceded, and Russia had acquired, Georgia, Ime- 
 retia, Mingrelia, Derbend, Badkoo, and all Persian 
 Daghistan, Sheerwan, Shekkee, Ganja, Karabaugh, 
 and parts of Moghan and Talish. Of these, the first 
 three were inhabited chiefly by Christians of the 
 Georgian and Armenian churches. Karabaugh was 
 partly Christian and partly Mahommedan ; but the 
 population of the others was chiefly, and of some 
 almost exclusively, Mahommedan. Each of these latter 
 divisions had been held by a chief, whose dignity was 
 hereditary in his family, and whose relations to the 
 superior government and to the population subjected 
 to his authority resembled, in many respects, that of 
 a feudal baron in Europe. He possessed a jurisdiction 
 nearly absolute in his own khanat or barony, main- 
 tained a certain number of troops for the defence of 
 his country, paid a fixed revenue to the crown^ fur- 
 
56 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST, 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 nished a stated number of borse or foot, or both, to 
 serve the sovereign in bis wars, and himself attended 
 when he was summoned. On the demise of a chief, 
 his heir, if he happened to be absent from the court 
 where he usually resided, repaired to the capital, and 
 received his investiture from the monarch. The direct 
 line of succession was sometimes disturbed by family 
 dissensions, local usurpations, intrigues at court, or by 
 foreign conquest, as when the Turks invaded Persia, 
 but the family was rarely altogether displaced ; and 
 in cases of rebellion or less determined resistance to 
 authority, by which the chief became obnoxious to the 
 government, some member of the same house replaced 
 him. Under this system, acts of insubordination on 
 the part of the more powerful or more distant chiefs 
 were frequent ; and when the Persian government was 
 weak, or the country divided by contending factions, 
 these Khans rarely neglected the opportunity afforded 
 them to assert a temporary independence, which they 
 never had the power to maintain. This longing after 
 independence, which an overweening idea of their own 
 importance, fostered by the exercise of unlimited autho- 
 rity at home, tended to encourage, and which every 
 inconvenience attending obedience to the government 
 was calculated to strengthen, led them to regard the 
 weakness of the Shah as their own strength, and to 
 find in the aggressions, or even in the vicinity, of hostile 
 foreign powers, means of diminishing their dependence, 
 and of forcing the Shah to conciliate by forbearance 
 and liberality the men on whose fidelity he chiefly 
 depended for the protection of his dominions. 
 
 Russia largely profited by this state of things. In 
 the confusion which followed the death of Nadir Shah, 
 the Khans of the northern provinces had been left un- 
 disturbed, and enjoyed an actual independence. When 
 Aga Maliommed Khan had established his authority 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 SUBMISSION OF NORTHERN KHANS. 
 
 57 
 
 in the other portions of the kingdom, he turned his 
 attention to Georgia and the adjoining country, and 
 systematically proceeded to reduce them to obedience. 
 The interference of Russia in the affairs of Georgia 
 had raised up a formidable opponent to the Shah, and 
 many of the chiefs, hoping to secure their independ- 
 ence by inviting her to support them against the 
 power they then most feared, vainly imagined that 
 they could rid themselves of the Russians when they 
 should have succeeded hy their means in emancipat- 
 ing themselves from the control of Persia. Like all 
 Asiatics, they readily incurred every hazard of a dis- 
 tant evil, to rid themselves of a present annoyance, 
 and they shared the fate of almost all people who seek 
 foreign aid against a domestic enemy. They saw too 
 late the error they had committed ; and deprived, by 
 the very independence they had coveted, of every 
 bond of union or mutual confidence, instead of pre- 
 senting a combined resistance, and a compact mass of 
 opposition, they fell one hy one an easy and almost 
 unresisting prey to the power whose views and 
 means of coercion they had so inaccurately estimated, 
 and from whose bonds they could never again hope to 
 escape. 
 
 These chiefs, having submitted, 'were for some time 
 treated with consideration by their new superiors. 
 They retained as much of their hereditary influence 
 and authority as was likely to prove beneficial to the 
 government, or even perhaps to their followers ; they 
 enjoyed a revenue sufficient to maintain them respect- 
 ably, if not splendidly, and Russian military rank, and 
 decorations of Christian orders, were liberally be- 
 stowed upon them. But after the new government 
 was firmly established the system gradually changed 
 — they were now subjected to the mortification of 
 finding their power undermined by the Russian officers, 
 
58 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 who offended their dignity, and not nnfreqnently in- 
 sulted their persons — intrigues were resorted to, and 
 plots concerted, perhaps without the knowledge of the 
 government, to drive some to rebellion, and induce 
 others to fly from the punishments denounced against 
 them for imaginary crimes,^ till at length all the 
 Mahommedan chiefs were driven from their posses- 
 sions to seek shelter in Persia. 
 
 Still the peasantry had, perhaps, lost little by the 
 change ; and, under a more just and judicious govern- 
 ment, the absence of the chiefs might have been made 
 productive of benefit to the lower classes : even the 
 difference of religious belief, prejudice, and observance, 
 mxight have been overlooked in the enjoyment of supe- 
 rior worldly advantages. But Russia, with all her 
 boasted religious toleration, is a bigoted superior, and 
 with all her pretensions to moderation in her govern- 
 ment, is a most harsh mistress. Her civil servants, of 
 the lower grades at least, are generally corrupt and 
 ignorant, because they are drawn from classes of 
 society in which they are not likely to acquire en- 
 lightened views or elevated principles — their autho- 
 rised emoluments are slender, their power to do evil is 
 often great, and the temptations too often irresistible. 
 
 * The history of one of these transactions will serve as a specimen. “ Meh- 
 dee Koolee Khan, hereditary chief of Karahaugh, retained the possessions of 
 his father ; and as the only means of securing to himself the quiet enjoyment 
 of them during his life, he adopted General Madatotf (the Russian commander 
 of the province), and declared him to be his heir, to the prejudice of his 
 brother and other relations ; but the Khan continued to live longer than, from 
 his irregular habits and bad constitution, had been anticipated, and a plot 
 was accordingly devised for getting rid of him. A feud had for some time 
 existed between Mehdee Koolee Khan and Jaffer Koolee Khan, another noble 
 of Karabaugh. The latter, while travelling at night, was fired upon by some 
 men concealed in a thicket by the roadside, and wounded in the hand. Mehdee 
 Koolee Khan was charged with an attempt to make away with Jafier Koolee, 
 and though he protested his innocence, and offered his aid in apprehending the 
 rufiians, his mind, naturally weak, was so successfully worked upon by his 
 disinterested heir, that hy his advice he fled into Persia. Circumstances have 
 since occurred which seem fully to establish Mehdee Koolee Khan’s inno- 
 cence.” 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 GOVERNMENT OF HER PROVINCES. 
 
 59 
 
 The civil service is considered degrading, and all re- 
 spect is reserved for the military. On the other hand, 
 the officers in the army of Georgia, excepting those 
 of the higher ranks, are for the most part persons of 
 mean birth and no education — for to serve in that 
 army is considered a punishment to men of any pre- 
 tensions — and they are proportionally obdurate, inso- 
 lent, and overbearing. With subordinate officers of 
 so unpromising a character, what government can be 
 popular or well administered ? What people, under a 
 government administered by such agents, can be secure 
 or contented ? 
 
 The nominal revenue levied from the country has 
 not been exorbitant, but the mode of exacting it has 
 always been oppressive. The peasant who pays a 
 portion of his rent to the government in grain may be, 
 and often is, called upon to transport it at his own cost 
 to a distant magazine, where there happens at the 
 moment to be a deficiency, and is left for several days 
 in attendance, maintaining himself and the beasts of 
 burthen that he has brought with him, at a ruinous 
 expense, till it may please the storekeeper to receive 
 his contribution ; and during his absence from home, 
 his agricultural labours are necessarily arrested or 
 impeded. The passage of troops in war, or for the 
 relief of corps, may impose upon him the necessity, at 
 whatever season it may be, however ruinous to his 
 farm, of assisting with his cattle in the transport of 
 baggage or stores. Soldiers of a different creed are 
 billeted in his house, and the seclusion of his family is 
 violated. Services which the government has not 
 required are pretended, for the purpose of inducing 
 him to purchase exemption. He cannot move from 
 one village to another without a passport, which he 
 cannot obtain without hours of attendance or a fee, and 
 wherever he moves he is met by a rude soldiery, whose 
 
60 
 
 EUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 personal habits and indecent manners are offensive to 
 all his sensibilities, while his person is never secure 
 from their insults. 
 
 The chiefs had been removed, hut the inferior nobles 
 were still unprovided for. Their power and influence 
 necessarily fell on the accession of a new authority, 
 with which theirs was incompatible ; their revenues 
 were dissipated, and they had no means of recruiting 
 them ; their pride was continually wounded by the 
 arrogance and assumed superiority of the Russian 
 officers, and they saw themselves sinking, without a 
 hope of redemption, into the mass of the common 
 people. It is true that the Russian service was open 
 to the young, and some availed themselves of this 
 gracious provision ; hut the consequence of these men 
 was conflned to their native soil, and lived only in the 
 attachment of their dependents. To enter the Russian 
 army as a cadet was to abandon these, to identify 
 themselves with an obnoxious race, to lay aside their 
 national habits, sometimes even their religious senti- 
 ments, and to mix with the other officers on terms 
 inconsistent with the preservation of their peculiar 
 tenets. Even the Greorgian and Armenian Christians 
 had reason to complain of the rigour with which the 
 Russian authorities exacted a strict compliance with 
 Russian habits ; and were mortified to find that, in 
 adhering to their national customs in respect to the 
 dress and conduct of their wives and daughters, they 
 gave umbrage to their superiors ; that to make them- 
 selves acceptable to the government, it was necessary 
 to deck their females in the frippery of Moscow milli- 
 ners, and have them taught to waltz with the Russian 
 officers. 
 
 The defects in the civil administration might possibly, 
 however, have been tolerated, and the rising genera- 
 tion, knowing no better times, and goaded by no re- 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 INSULTS TO THE MAHOMMEDANS. 
 
 61 
 
 collections of past splendour or exliausted influence, 
 might have grown up in habitual submission to the 
 authority which had been offensive to their fathers, 
 hut there was another evil of greater magnitude, or 
 which at least was more galling. In most of the 
 provinces the Mahommedans had been the rulers and 
 the Christians their subjects. When the power of 
 Eussia was consolidated, the Christians naturally became 
 the favoured people, and domineered over their former 
 masters with senseless insolence, scoffed at their reli- 
 gious rites, and were even known to interrupt their 
 most sacred ceremonies. The Mussulman saw a mosque 
 .converted into a stable and another into a tavern, and 
 !was taunted by the Armenians with the premeditated 
 insult they had offered to his faith. 
 
 The moollahs had lost much of their importance, 
 and with it their revenues had declined. The form of 
 government was opposed to their interests, and they 
 became opposed to the government. No effective 
 measures were adopted to soothe or to restrain them, 
 and, as the only means they possessed of recovering 
 their power or preserving what remained to them, 
 they endeavoured to rekindle religious feelings in their 
 flocks. In doing so, it was impossible to avoid casting 
 kome degree of odium on the government, which they 
 i considered infidel, and consequently infamous. The 
 i shame of submitting to the yoke of unbelieving 
 foreigners became a favourite theme for declamation. 
 Every outrage, and even every incidental disregard of 
 Mahommedan feeling or prejudice, was represented to 
 he a part of a systematic attack on their faith, and 
 there is reason to believe that the conduct of the 
 Russian officers, and of the troops under their com- 
 mand, nay, even of the government itself, was not 
 always well calculated to controvert such an interpre- 
 tation of their designs. The pilgrims from those 
 
62 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 countries who resorted to the tombs at Kerbelaee and 
 Nujjif carried thither exaggerated accounts of the evils 
 and dangers to which the disciples of Islam were ex- 
 posed under the Russian yoke, and roused the fears of 
 the spiritual chief of the Sheeahs, The almost total 
 extirpation of Mahommedanism from the Krimea 
 became a familiar illustration of their fears, and an 
 evidence that they were well founded. 
 
 While this was the state of the provinces south of 
 the Caucasus, war was from time to time kindled in the 
 mountains, and every war was to the Mahommedan 
 mountaineers a religious contest. Hostilities were 
 carried on by both parties with unmitigated barbarity. 
 If a Russian soldier wandered from his lines, he was 
 assassinated and his body mangled or mutilated — small ‘ 
 parties were overwhelmed and cut to pieces. The ' 
 Russian General,"^ hoping to appal the insurgents, j 
 retaliated by the indiscriminate slaughter of every 
 man, woman, and child in the villages whose inha- ? 
 bitants were suspected of the crime. Religious enthu- ; 
 siasts, who had preached “ war in the name of the ‘j 
 faith,” when taken prisoners, were cut open or hung 
 up by the feet and left to die. But these barbarities 
 inflamed instead of quenching the spirit of resistance I 
 in the mountaineers, while they excited the disgust of 
 all classes, and the sympathy of the whole body of ^ 
 Mahommedans. Individuals devoted themselves to 
 certain destruction if they could but revenge their 
 slaughtered brethren, and the Russian General, Les- 
 sanowitch, was assassinated, with several officers of his 
 staff, in the midst of his guards, by a devotee from the 
 mountains, who, having effected his purpose, seemed 
 to glory in the honour of martyrdom. The Russian 
 parties, on penetrating into the mountains, found them- 
 
 * Yormoloir. 
 
Chap. V. KUSSIAN-PERSIAN FRONTIER. 63 
 
 selves successfully opposed in the defiles even by the 
 (women of the Chechenses, and the fortified posts on 
 jthe line of the Caucasus were occasionally surprised 
 land their garrisons destroyed by that tribe or the 
 -iKabardan Circassians. The road from Stavaropol to 
 iTeflis, the principal line of communication, was not 
 (passable without artillery, and that from Bakoo to 
 jKizlar open only to an army. The borders of the 
 Black Sea, from the frontiers of Mingrelia to the 
 Cimmerian Bosphorus, were in revolt, and the western 
 Circassians had never laid down their arms. Kizlar, 
 at the mouth of the Terik, was sacked by the Lesguis, 
 and the vineyards of Kakhetia, on the southern face of 
 ifche Caucasus, were not secure from their depredations. 
 (Such, twenty-five years after the incorporation of 
 ; Georgia with that empire, was the success of the 
 Russian system in ‘‘ composing the differences'’ which 
 distracted and devastated the Caucasus and the neigh- 
 bouring provinces. 
 
 The treaty of Goolistan had not defined the line of 
 frontier between Persia and Russia so distinctly as to 
 leave no room for cavil, and the appointment of com- 
 missioners to effect the final demarcation was delayed, 
 3n various pretexts, till the fresh impressions of what 
 [was really meant by the less definite terms of the 
 treaty had become faint and imperfect. When com- 
 jnissioners, therefore, were at length appointed, num- 
 perless disputes arose, and the government of Georgia 
 joressed their claims to insignificant patches of land as 
 irgently as if the existence of their national power 
 [ lad depended on possessing them. 
 
 These disputes gave rise to angry discussions con- 
 ducted on the one side with the bitterness of wounded 
 ioride, and on the other with the insolence of conscious 
 bower. Various lines of frontier were successively 
 oroposed by one party, and rejected by the other. 
 
 I 
 
64 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap, V. 
 
 Commissioners met and parted, without having ad- l 
 vanced one step towards the adjustment of the points 
 in dispute ; and agents were sent by the Prince Royal 
 to Teflis, and instructions transmitted to the Russian 
 charge d’affaires at Tahreez, without any progress 
 being made towards the accomplishment of this object. 
 
 At length all appeared to be arranged, and a pro- 
 posal made by the Russian charge d’affaires was ac- 
 cepted by the Prince Royal, who was charged with 
 the affairs of the frontier. But the Russian agent had 
 exceeded his instructions, and General Yermoloff re- 
 fused to ratify the engagements which M. Mozarovich 
 had contracted. 
 
 Again all cause of difference was supposed to have 
 been removed, and a formal engagement was entered 
 into by an agent of the Prince Royal at Teflis, but this 
 the Shah refused to sanction. : 
 
 In the summer of 1825 M. Mozarovich repaired to^ 
 the Shah’s camp, for the purpose of endeavouring to' 
 obtain his Majesty’s ratification of the terms agreed, 
 upon between Futteh Allee Khan and General Yer- 
 moloff, at Teflis; but his Majesty refused his consent, 
 to the arrangement. In the autumn of the same year( 
 M. Mozarovich left Persia ; and the government of! 
 Georgia, acting on what they called the treaty of, 
 Futteh Allee Khan, which they had previously endea-; 
 voured in vain to induce the Shah to ratify, occupied 
 with a military force the lands which would have 
 become theirs had this treaty taken effect. 
 
 One of these portions* of land was an uninhabited 
 strip called Gokcheh, which borders on the lake of 
 Gokcheh or Sevan, and which had been in the undis- 
 puted possession of Persia ever since the conclusion of 
 the peace. Russian picquets had been placed there 
 some years before, to prevent the desertion of the 
 wandering tribes who pastured their flocks in summer 
 
Chap. Y. 
 
 SEIZURE OF GOKCIIEH. 
 
 65 
 
 in its vicinity, and in winter had been regularly with- 
 drawn. To the remonstrance of the Prince Poyal 
 against the military occupation of this part of the Per- 
 sian territory, Greneral Yermololf had replied by ad- 
 mitting the justice of the Prince’s remarks, hut excused 
 himself on the plea that the measure he had adopted 
 was mutually advantageous ; and concluded by offer- 
 ing to withdraw the detachment, if his Royal Highness 
 should continue to think it necessary. 
 
 Yet, after all this, Russia, on the strength of an 
 unratified engagement, concluded by the agent of a 
 deputed authority, took permanent possession of this 
 very piece of ground, and retained it in the face of 
 every remonstrance which reason and justice could 
 suggest. 
 
 As soon as the occupation of Gokcheh was known 
 to the court of Tehran, a respectable envoy was sent 
 to Teflis to remonstrate against the measure, and to 
 propose that the Russian detachment should be with- 
 drawn — at least, until time should he given for an 
 appeal to the justice of the emperor. This, too, was 
 refused. The envoy demanded permission to proceed 
 to St. Petersburgh, but could not obtain it ; and, in 
 answer to the letters which the Shah had written to 
 the Governor-General of Georgia, he was informed 
 that Gokcheh would be given up by Russia, if the 
 lands of Kapan were immediately evacuated by Persia. 
 
 These lands of Kapan had been, from the conclusion 
 of the peace, in the possession of Persia ; hut within a 
 few years a claim, supported by some weighty argu- 
 ments, had been set up by Russia, and it remained 
 one of those points which it would have been the duty 
 of commissioners to decide upon. The claims of Persia 
 were at least as well supported as those of Russia ; 
 and some of the Russian official maps had marked 
 Kapan as belonging to Persia. It was therefore an 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 obvious injustice to seize an undisputed possession of 
 Persia, and demand, as the price of its evacuation, the 
 abandonment of claims, which were probably just, to 
 another portion of territory. 
 
 At this time the death of the Emperor Alexander 
 was announced, and the confusion which was caused 
 by the annunciation of Constantine as his successor, 
 and the subsequent abdication of the throne in favour 
 of Nicholas, suspended the discussions. 
 
 As soon as the power of Nicholas was known to be 
 established, Persia prepared to send an embassy to St. 
 Petersburgh to congratulate the new Emperor on his 
 succession, and to conclude with him the definite settle- 
 ment of the frontier. But before arrangements could 
 be made to this effect, it was announced that Prince ^ 
 Menchikoff was on his way to the court of Persia, to ; 
 intimate the succession of Nicholas to the throne, and i 
 to remove the causes of difference which had arisen 
 between the governments of Georgia and Persia. 
 
 The court of Tehran had begun to believe that 
 Eussia was firm in her purpose to act with a total dis- 
 regard to justice, and to consider only her own conve- ; 
 nience and advantage in the settlement of the frontier.! 
 All its recent representations had been treated witli‘‘ 
 neglect, or replied to in an arrogant and insulting tone 
 by the government of Georgia. Opprobrious terms ’i; 
 had been applied to the Prince Royal, in letters to his j 
 servants, and everything seemed to indicate a deter- 
 mination on the part of General Yermoloff, if not of 
 the Emperor, to drive Persia to extremity. At the . 
 same time it was whispered that the tranquillity of the 
 Russian empire had been disturbed ; that a civil war 
 was carried on in St. Petersburgh ; and that the whole 
 tribes of the Caucasus had risen in a mass to assert 
 their independence. 
 
 It was known that the misrule of the Russian autho- 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE MOOLLAHS. 
 
 67 
 
 rities in Georgia, and their wanton interference with 
 the religious prejudices of their Mahommedan subjects, 
 had produced a feeling of serious discontent. Proposals 
 had even been made to Persia by the heads of the 
 tribes and chiefs of districts to co-operate with her in 
 a war against Russia. Letters had been written by 
 the Mahommedan population of all the Russian pro- 
 vinces bordering on Persia to the head of their religion, 
 imploring his interference in their behalf; and he had 
 come from the sanctuary of Kerbelai, expressly to urge 
 the Shah to take up arms in defence of his insulted 
 religion. The whole ecclesiastics of Persia joined their 
 leader, and the mosques were filled with persons of all 
 classes, lending a willing ear to the inflammatory 
 orations of their Moollahs, while the Shah was threat- 
 ened with the curses of the Faithful, and even with 
 everlasting perdition, if he failed to take up arms in 
 the holy cause. 
 
 In the midst of this ferment Prince Menchikoff 
 arrived in the royal camp. He was treated with 
 honour, and even with distinction, and a calm and 
 temperate negotiation was opened, with a sincere 
 desire on the part of the Shah to see it terminate in 
 an amicable adjustment of all the matters in dispute. 
 Sanguine hopes were entertained that everything would 
 be satisfactorily arranged ; and if there were some who 
 for private ends wished to hurry Persia into a war, 
 there were many of the most influential of her coun- 
 cillors who anxiously desired to avoid it. The King 
 himself was of this number ; and though he had been 
 induced to give a solemn pledge to the Moollahs, that, 
 if Gokcheh was not restored, he would agree to make 
 war upon Russia, because he would then be justified in 
 doing so, still this pledge, which had been exacted from 
 him by the influence of the Moollahs, on his inability 
 to withstand their demands, was given under a moral 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 conviction that the envoy of the Emperor would rather 
 relinquish a worthless spot to which his Government 
 had no just claim, than allow the dispute to be decided 
 by the sword. 
 
 But in answer to all demands for the evacuation of 
 Gokcheh, the Russian envoy replied that he had no 
 instructions regarding it, and was not empowered to 
 agree to its evacuation. It was then proposed that it 
 should remain unoccupied by either party, until a 
 reference could be made to the Emperor. This he was 
 equally unable to comply with, and he put an end to 
 the discussion by repeating that his instructions ex- 
 tended to nothing beyond some trilling modification 
 of the unfortunate unratified treaty of Futteh Allee 
 Khan. 
 
 Those who had been clamorous for war now called 
 upon the Shah to redeem his pledge or forfeit his hopes 
 of heaven. The Mahommedans of some of the Rus- 
 sian provinces were already in arms, and even the 
 Christians of at least one of these had made overtures 
 to Persia. The troops had been excited to enthusiasm 
 by the Moollahs, and the war was commenced. 
 
 Even after the forces marched to the frontier, had 
 Prince Menchikoff been empowered to evacuate Gok- 
 cheh, they would still have been countermanded, and 
 the war would not have taken place. 
 
 In the late war nothing had occurred which could 
 induce Persia to hope that she could hold her ground 
 in the field against so powerful an antagonist as 
 Russia ; and though her troops had, on several occa- 
 sions, displayed considerable valour, and shown that 
 they had profited by the discipline they had received 
 from French and British officers, yet the rapid loss of 
 so many valuable provinces, and the failure of every 
 attempt to make any permanent impression on the 
 Russian power in Georgia, liad taught her the necessity 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 WAR RENEWED. 
 
 69 
 
 of conciliating as an ally a nation which she had found 
 herself unable to withstand as an enemy. 
 
 Under these circumstances it was obvious that Persia 
 was not likely again to seek a war with a power which, 
 under the most unfavourable circumstances, had been 
 able to seize and keep possession of her most fertile 
 and valuable provinces, and that it was more probable 
 that she should show a too ready and obsequious ac- 
 quiescence in the views of Russia, than that she should 
 feel a desire to renew a contest from which she had 
 suffered so severely. 
 
 Russia seemed to have adopted this opinion, and to 
 have made it her policy to push herself by imper- 
 ceptible advances into the exercise of an habitual 
 influence over the councils of the Prince Royal, trust- 
 ing that her aid might be necessary to establish him on 
 the throne ; and that in this event she would be left 
 in the uncontrolled exercise of an absolute authority in 
 his government. But the harsh, intemperate, and 
 unjust conduct of the government of Georgia to that 
 province and to Persia, had driven both to desperation, 
 and Russia owed it to her character for justice and 
 moderation (if she desired to establish such a character) 
 to investigate calmly and impartially the occurrences 
 on her southern frontier, and, if she found them un- 
 worthy, to discountenance and disavow them. On the 
 contrary, however, all redress was denied, and when 
 the Emperor was appealed to he had no ear for com- 
 plaints. His envoy arrived, and declared that he had 
 no instructions on the most important point at issue 
 between them, and which had been a subject of angry 
 altercation for above a year. The distant representa- 
 tives of a government, it is true, are almost always 
 more jealous and intemperate than the government 
 itself; and, entering into discussions with all the 
 warmth and virulence of personal feelings, and with 
 
70 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. V. 
 
 all the pride of power, they are continually goading 
 and harassing the weaker neighbours with whom they 
 may have occasion to communicate. But here the in- 
 justice was so obvious, the aggression so palpable, the 
 negotiations had endured so long, and the representa- 
 tions of the suffering party had been so urgent, that it 
 is impossible to suppose the Imperial government 
 ignorant of the facts ; and if it was not ignorant, it 
 cannot be acquitted of participation in the hostile views 
 of the Governor-General of Georgia. 
 
 The Russian envoy retired from the Court, and, as 
 some military movements were in progress on the fron- 
 tier when he arrived in its vicinity, he was detained 
 for some time at Erivan, that he might not convey to 
 his countrymen intelligence of the march and distribu- 
 tion of troops which he had seen. No other indignity 
 was offered him, and as soon as intimation of his deten- 
 tion by the frontier authorities reached the Court, 
 orders were issued to permit him to proceed. But the 
 manifestos of Russia, and the columns of her Gazettes, 
 were filled with denunciations of the aggressions of 
 Persia, and of her violations of the law of nations. 
 The sympathies of mankind were appealed to in favour 
 of Russia, and, as the Persians had no Gazettes, these 
 statements went forth to the world uncontradicted. 
 The war with Persia occurred at a moment singularly 
 convenient and favourable to Russia. She was engaged 
 in no other hostilities. The turbulent spirits in the 
 ranks of her army, who had disputed the streets of St. 
 Petershurgh with the Emperor, and whose guilt it was 
 not possible or convenient to ascertain or to punish, 
 there found a field on which to exhaust their ardour. 
 The irritated nation found a new object of attention to 
 divert it from brooding over its own domestic evils ; 
 those whose loyalty was doubtful found an o|)portunity 
 of re-establishing their reputation ; the new reign com- 
 
Chap. V. 
 
 HER PROSPECTS IN THE WAR. 
 
 71 
 
 menced with new victories and new acqnisitions ; the 
 contemplated rupture with the Porte having for the 
 moment been postponed, future success was rendered 
 more certain, by humbling beforehand the only Asiatic 
 power whose common interests and common dangers 
 might have led it to make common cause with Turkey, 
 and the coffers of the Shah contained enough to defray 
 the expense of the contest. 
 
72 
 
 KUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 ,1 
 
 Chap. VI. 1 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 War between Russia and Turkey — Interposition of Napoleon — Bad faith of 
 Alexander — Congress of Vienna — Greek rebellion fomented by Russia 
 — Treaty of London — Battle of Navarino — Treaty of Turcomanchai — 
 Encroachments of Russia on Persia — Renewal of war with Turkey — 
 Treaty of Adrianople — Separation of Greece — Projects of future con- 
 quest — Rebellion of Mahommed Ali — Treaty of Unkiar Skellessi — 
 Russia’s “ protecting ” policy — Danger to British commerce by Russian 
 aggrandisement. 
 
 The revolution in France, the death of Catharine, the 
 eccentricities and incapacity of Paul, the fatal catas- 
 trophe which terminated his reign, and the ambition 
 and military successes of Napoleon, relieved Turkey . 
 for a time from the aggressions at least, if not from ; 
 the intrigues, of Russia : hut in 1806 the increasing < 
 influence of Russia in Moldavia, Wallachia, and Servia, , 
 the unreserved manner in which she exerted that ' 
 influence to the injury of the Porte, ‘the pretensions ; 
 she asserted to a right of interference in the internal ’ 
 affairs of these provinces, which she had never ceased ; 
 to put forward on every favourable occasion since the { 
 rebellion of Cantemir in 1711, first enabled her to | 
 establish a connexion with their inhabitants ; the per- j 
 tinacity with which she continued, in opposition to the j 
 will of the Porte, to raise recruits for her forces in the 
 Ionian Islands, from the Turkish territories on the 
 neighbouring coast, and the intercourse she in this 
 manner maintained with those districts, to the injury 
 of their tranquillity and the interests of the Sultan, • 
 induced the Turkish government, at the instigation, 
 or, at least, in accordance with the views of France, to 
 declare war against Russia, who had taken up arms in 
 defence of Prussia, then overrun by Napoleon. 
 
 The British Government, desirous to set free the , 
 
 i 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 WAR WITH TURKEY. 
 
 73 
 
 Russian troops engaged in the contest with Turkey, 
 and thus to enable the Emperor Alexander to augment 
 the forces opposed to the French in the north, endea- 
 voured to impose, by force of arms, upon the Porte, a 
 disadvantageous peace, but failed in that object. The 
 naval attempt on Constantinople and the military ex- 
 pedition to Egypt (1806-7) were amongst the least 
 creditable operations of the war, but they were under- 
 taken solely in performance of our engagements with 
 Russia. 
 
 Yet the Emperor Alexander had no sooner concluded 
 the secret articles of the treaty of Tilsit with Napoleon, 
 than he accused Great Britain of having violated her 
 engagements, and made this pretended violation a pre- 
 text for issuing a hostile and insulting declaration 
 against England. But Napoleon, by the battle of 
 Friedland, had humbled, and by the treaty of Tilsit 
 had bribed Russia, who then indemnified herself for the 
 loss she had sustained in attempting to defend Prussia, 
 by appropriating to herself a portion of the Swedish 
 territories. Nevertheless Napoleon, while imposing 
 upon Alexander a participation in his hostility against 
 England, was too well aware of the importance of 
 Turkey and of the accession of strength which further 
 acquisitions in that quarter would bring to Russia, not 
 to interfere for the protection of the Porte. The treaty, 
 which made Russia his ally and the enemy of Great 
 Britain, stipulated the instant evacuation of Moldavia 
 and Wallachia by the Russian troops. 
 
 This war, like all those in which she had previously 
 been engaged with Russia since the days of Peter I., 
 had been disastrous to Turkey. Her fortresses had 
 been taken, her provinces overrun, her fleet destroyed. 
 Servia had taken an active part in the hostilities 
 against the Sultan, and the turbulent spirit of the 
 Janissaries, breaking out into revolt, had shaken the 
 
74 
 
 RUSSIA THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. YI. 
 
 foundation of the empire. Still Turkey had never 
 ceased to combat with courage, though not with suc- 
 cess, and displayed an obstinacy of resistance against 
 victorious enemies, and a power of cohesion in the midst 
 of domestic commotions, such as perhaps no other state 
 under similar circumstances has ever exhibited. Never- 
 theless the interposition of Napoleon in her behalf 
 probably saved her on this occasion from the incor- 
 poration of the provinces beyond the Danube with the 
 Russian empire, as the threatened intervention of 
 England and Prussia had protected her from greater 
 evils in the previous war. 
 
 The peace which Napoleon obtained for Turkey at 
 Tilsit was of short duration. In 1808 hostilities 
 recommenced, and after several years of active opera- 
 tions, in which all the military advantage was ulti- ; 
 mately on the side of Russia, that power found it 
 necessary, in consequence of the invasion of her terri- / 
 tories by Napoleon in 1812, to conclude a treaty of ’ 
 peace at Bucharest ; by which, however, she advanced 
 her frontier to the Pruth, secured the navigation of 
 the Danube to her merchant-ships, and obtained for : 
 her ships of war the right of ascending that river as ( 
 high as the mouth of the Pruth, — procured an amnesty I 
 for the Servians who had taken part with her in the ^ 
 war, — stipulated for the demolition of the fortresses ; 
 recently erected by the Turks in Servia, — and engaged 
 the Porte to mediate a peace between Russia and 
 Persia. The Emperor, on his part, agreed to sur- 
 render Anapa, and certain other fortified places on the 
 Asiatic coast of the Black Sea, which had been cap- 
 tured during the war ; but the stipulation was not 
 fulfilled, and the bad faith displayed in evading it 
 became one of the causes of dissension which in the 
 end led to another contest. 
 
 Thus, after an expensive and bloody contest, which 
 
ijHAP. vr. 
 
 CONGRESS OF VIENNA. 
 
 75 
 
 •^he had herself provoked, Russia was a second time 
 leprived of the most valuable fruits of her victories in 
 jilurkey by the interference of Napoleon. Bessarabia 
 livas the only territory she acquired, hut the peace en- 
 ihled her to march, at a critical moment, 80,000 men 
 ; Tom the hanks of the Danube to oppose the French 
 .n the north. 
 
 i The last three wars between Russia and Turkey had 
 joeen terminated by the intervention, amicable or 
 |;aostile, in behalf of the latter, of one or more of the 
 [European powers, and the necessity of preserving the 
 [independence of Turkey as an element of the balance 
 of power in Europe had been received as a maxim in 
 [politics which no one pretended to dispute, and which 
 the leading cabinets had shown their determination to 
 maintain. 
 
 i Europe, weary of the wars she had so long been 
 waging, and sighing for repose, sought, by the Con- 
 l^ress of Vienna, to establish on a permanent footing 
 [the relations of her various Grovernments, to restore 
 the ancient limits of some nations, to re-establish the 
 independence of others, and to unite all in an alliance 
 with a view to permanent tranquillity, which was the 
 first desire of all. France had been the common 
 3nemy, and hostility to her, or rather to her ruler, 
 had been the bond which united the other nations. 
 To strip her of the acquisitions she had made by 
 aggressions on her neighbours and by an abuse of her 
 strength, was considered indispensable, not in pru- 
 dence only, but in justice ; but the justice of the victors 
 did not extend to a restitution of their own unjust 
 acquisitions, nor to the re-establishment of the inde- 
 pendent kingdoms they had themselves overthrown and 
 divided. France was divested of her conquests, and 
 England restored foreign colonies in both hemispheres, 
 ibut Russia restored nothing, — Finland, Poland, and 
 
76 
 
 HUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 all her conquests in Turkey and Persia, were confirmed 
 to her, or remained annexed to her crown, and the 
 proposition to re-unite the broken fragments of the 
 Polish kingdom was met by a declaration from the par- ! 
 titioning powers that a million of men were ready to 
 oppose it. Turkey took no part in these negotiations, 
 and gained no advantage in the arrangements ; but 
 the desire for peace was universal, and Russia required 
 some years to recruit after the exhausting triumph she 
 had achieved. So great was the wholesome desire to 
 preserve peace which continued to, pervade the councils 
 of every cabinet in Europe, that no one power could 
 have taken up arms without finding itself opposed by 
 the moral influence, if not by the forces, of the Eu- 
 ropean community ; and Turkey, though no party to 
 the alliance which had charged itself with preserving 
 tranquillity, yet profited by the moral feeling which ’ 
 would have condemned the first infraction of peace as ; 
 a crime. Nations were invited to submit their differ- ' 
 ences to the decision of the conservators of repose, and 
 congresses from time to time assembled in dijBferent 
 parts of Europe to adjust the various questions that ; 
 might have arisen between nations, and amicably to j 
 terminate their disputes. I 
 
 Though no international war had disturbed the ^ 
 repose of Europe, intestine commotions interrupted 
 the internal tranquillity of more than one of the coun- 
 tries in the south. Spain attempted a revolution, 
 which was suppressed by the armies of France. Por- 
 tugal was occupied by England as a counterpoise to 
 the French power in the Peninsula. Revolutions in 
 Italy were put down, not without foreign interference ; 
 and a civil war in Greece engaged the Ottoman em. 
 pire in a protracted contest. 
 
 Russia had on several occasions fomented rebellions 
 in Greece, and in the other Christian provinces of 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 HER CONDUCT TOWARDS TURKEY. 
 
 77 
 
 Turkey, for the advancement of her own objects. She 
 had at all times evinced a desire to preserve her inter- 
 course with the G-reeks, and on this occasion the first 
 movement was produced by officers in her service, who 
 issued from her territories to organize a rebellion in 
 Turkey. Her government had been the most active 
 in organizing the alliance intended to preserve the 
 peace of Europe, then necessary to her. After having 
 facilitated, if not excited, the revolt in Grreece, she 
 affected to act up to the principles she professed, and 
 offered to aid the Porte in suppressing the rebellion 
 which that cabinet attributed exclusively to her 
 agency. The proposition was at once rejected by the 
 Sultan, and the Russian ambassador at Constantinople 
 resorted to every means to bring about a rupture with 
 Turkey, because she persevered in her attempts to 
 suppress the rebellion which Russia had offered her 
 aid to put down. 
 
 Russia was not content with inflicting on the Turkish 
 government the greatest indignities, and suspending 
 her diplomatic relations with the Porte. Russian 
 agents inflamed the petty differences between Persia 
 and Turkey, induced the Prince Royal, in opposition 
 to the wishes of the Shah and the advice of Great 
 Britain, to invade the Ottoman dominions, and at- 
 tempted to justify to the father the disobedience of the 
 son. The anxiety of Russia to force Turkey into a 
 war had been sufficiently proved by these and other 
 transactions, hut the desire for peace was still dominant 
 in Europe, and the Congress of Yerona formally ac- 
 knowledged the right of the Sultan to exclude all 
 foreign intervention between himself and his subjects, 
 whether Christian or Mahommedan. This decision of 
 the congress, whose opinions Russia should have been 
 the last to dispute, was officially announced to the 
 Porte by the British ambassador, and the question 
 
78 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 appeared to be decided. But the growing sympathy 
 of the Christian population of Europe with the over- 
 matched Greeks seemed capable of counterpoising the 
 pacific resolutions of their governments, and had al- 
 ready excluded Turkey from all share in their regard 
 and all chance of being judged with equity. Russia 
 saw the advantage which the popular excitement in 
 favour of the Christians and against the Mahommedans 
 could not fail to give her, in respect to the Govern- 
 ments which were opposed to her views ; and there 
 remained but the alternative of interdicting, by a 
 threat of hostilities, the intervention in behalf of the 
 revolutionists in Greece, which she seemed determined 
 to resort to ; or to curb her ambition by associating 
 with her, in the negotiations by which it was proposed ■ 
 to restore peace in the Levant, other powers, which, ; 
 acting in concert with her for the advancement of the 
 object she avowed, might confine her interference • 
 solely to the accomplishment of that object. England 
 and France invited the Emperor Nicholas, who had : 
 recently mounted the throne, to unite with them in 
 restoring the tranquillity of Greece. The protocol ^ 
 signed at St. Petersburgh restrained the three powers 1 
 to a friendly mediation between the Sultan and his ‘ 
 rebellious subjects. The Sultan declined to accept the 
 proffered mediation, and the three powers, founding ' 
 their right to interfere on the interruption to which 
 the commerce of the Mediterranean was subjected by 
 the piracies of the Greeks, concluded a treaty at 
 London, on the 6th of July, 1827, by which they mu- 
 tually engaged to enforce, by hostilities, if necessary, 
 the adjustment of the differences between the Porte 
 and the Greeks, on terms to be prescribed to both 
 parties. This arrangement still reserved to the Sultan 
 the suzerainete of Greece, and a yearly tribute from 
 that country. j 
 
CHAr. VI. 
 
 TREATY OF LONDON. 
 
 79 
 
 But Eussia liad her own separate grounds of dis- 
 cussion with Turkey, and demanded the performance 
 of certain stipulations of the Treaty of Bucharest, with 
 reference to the internal government of the Christian 
 provinces of Turkey in the north-east; while the 
 Porte, on the other hand, called upon the Emperor to 
 surrender the fortresses on the Black Sea, which, by 
 the same treaty, he had engaged to deliver up, hut 
 which, for fourteen years, had been retained in viola- 
 tion of these engagements. The Porte appeared to be 
 obstinate, and Eussia, preparing for war, presented her 
 ultimatum, which was unexpectedly accepted. Pleni- 
 potentiaries met at Akerman, in Bessarabia, and a con- 
 vention, proposed by Eussia, was accepted by Turkey, 
 on the express understanding that Eussia should re- 
 nounce all interference^ in the affairs of Greece. To 
 these conditions Eussia acceded, only a few months 
 after she had signed the Treaty of London, which 
 bound her to interfere in those affairs, even by force 
 of arms, if necessary. 
 
 The ambassadors of the three Powers, in communi- 
 cating to the Porte the stipulations of the Treaty of 
 London, intimated the necessity under which they 
 would he placed, if the Turkish Government should 
 persevere in rejecting their mediation, “ of recurring to 
 such measures as they should judge most efficacious for 
 putting an end to a state of things which was become 
 incompatible even with the true interests of the Sub- 
 lime Porte, with the security of commerce in general, 
 and with the perfect tranquillity of Europe.” 
 
 Turkey regarded that note as amounting to a decla- 
 ration of war, if she declined to accept an alternative 
 which she considered unjust and injurious. The Sultan 
 
 * The Turkish Government has publicly asserted this fact, referring to the 
 ])rotocols for its verification, and the truth of the assertion has not been pub- 
 licly denied. 
 
80 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. YI. 
 
 immediately prepared for defence : he collected an army 
 at Constantinople, strengthened the batteries of the 
 Bosphorus and Dardanelles, reinforced the garrison of 
 Tenedos, and diligently occupied himself in improving 
 the discipline of his troops. Repeated attempts were 
 made by the ambassadors of the Powers most friendly 
 to the Porte to induce it to give way, but it firmly or 
 obstinately maintained its resolution to sanction no 
 foreign intervention in the internal affairs of the em- 
 pire. Yet it is obvious that it expected to be attacked 
 by the Allied Powers : the preparations it was making, 
 and the language it held, leave no doubt on this sub- 
 ject. On the 10th September the Reis Effendi, in 
 answer to questions from the British Dragoman in- 
 tended to elicit the intentions of his Government, 
 replied, God and my right, — such is the motto of 
 England, — what other motto ought we to choose, v)hen 
 you intend to attack usV 
 
 The intelligence of the battle of Navarino was fol- 
 lowed by information of an attack made by the Greeks 
 on the island of Scyros. The Porte demanded satisfac- 
 tion for the loss it had sustained, and for the violence 
 done to its honour ; and at the same time persisted in 
 rejecting the intervention of the Allied Powers in the 
 affairs of Greece, declaring that, until its demands 
 should be satisfied, it could hold no intercourse with 
 their ambassadors. These functionaries, therefore, at 
 length (December 1827) withdreAv from Constantinople, 
 and the Sultan was left to infer that he was already at 
 war with England, France, and Russia. 
 
 The measures by which Russia proposed to give 
 effect to the Treaty of London showed the results she 
 wished to obtain from it. She proposed “ to occupy 
 Moldavia and ’VYallachia in the name of the three 
 Powers,” and even to march an army into Turkey, for 
 the purpose of ‘‘ dictating peace under the walls of the 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 TREATY OF TURCOMAXCIIAI . 
 
 81 
 
 seraglio.” Having failed to obtain the consent of tbe 
 other Powers to these violent measures, or to engage 
 them in avowed hostilities with the Porte, she declared 
 that “ in the manner of executing that act (the Treaty 
 of London) she will consult only her own interests and 
 convenience but this declaration she was oliliged to 
 retract. 
 
 In September of the same year the Emperor ordered 
 a fresh levy of recruits, amounting to one in every five 
 hundred inhabitants (for the first time including the 
 Jews in the conscription), and thus prepared for the 
 war he contemplated. 
 
 But Russia, feeling that her position in Asia would 
 be in the last degree critical, if the contest with Turkey 
 should have commenced before that in which she had 
 engaged with Persia should have terminated, was 
 desirous of bringing to a conclusion the war with that 
 country ; and the success of her arms, in the autumn of 
 1827, enabled her to dictate terms to the Shah. 
 
 The war had originated in a violation of the Persian 
 : territory by the Governor-General of Georgia, and 
 ' disputes about the frontier line, which never had been 
 I accurately defined on all points, and which, for twelve 
 i years, had been a subject of discussion, the possession 
 i of the districts on the right or southern bank of the 
 Araxes being one of the disputed claims. 
 
 In the negotiations which led to the Treaty of Tur- 
 comanchai, by which this war was terminated (February 
 1828), Russia, while she disclaimed all desire of con- 
 quest, and repelled, as injurious, every imputation of 
 an ambitious desire to aggrandize her territory, which 
 she said was already as extensive as she could desire, 
 declared that her anxiety to prevent any future colli- 
 sion with Persia compelled her to establish a frontier 
 line so well defined as to leave no room for doubt or 
 discussion hereafter ; and as this could be found only 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 on the Arras (Araxes), she had no alternative bnt to 
 adopt the line of that river. 
 
 Persia, besides paying the whole expenses of the 
 war, was therefore called upon to cede the important 
 and wealthy provinces of Erivan and Nnkhchivan, 
 including the fortresses of Erivan and Abhasahad, 
 because it was necessary to the future tranquillity of 
 the two empires that their common frontier should he 
 defined by the Arras. The sacrifice to Persia was im- 
 mense, hut she was in no condition to renew the war ; 
 and she consoled herself with the belief that this 
 arrangement, while it took from her possessions in- 
 finitely more valuable, would at least give her hack 
 Talish and Moghan, from which the Eussians had 
 been driven by the revolt of the inhabitants in the 
 commencement of the war, and which they had not 
 been able to re-occupy. But this was not consistent 
 with the views of Eussia ; and though these districts 
 were of no real value to her, and even caused her a 
 considerable yearly expenditure, she refused to relin- 
 quish her claim to them — treated with contempt every 
 allusion to the promise of General Eitescheff — and, 
 when reminded that she had herself required the 
 cession by Persia of Erivan and Nukhchivan for the 
 sole object of establishing the Arras as the frontier 
 line, and was now violating the principle she had laid 
 down, her only answer was a threat to break off the 
 negotiations, and recommence hostilities. Persia had 
 no alternative, and submitted. 
 
 The object of Eussia in securing this position is 
 sufficiently obvious. The Arras is fordable, at short 
 intervals, from the vicinity of Julfa (near the great 
 road between Erivan and Tahreez) to a ford called 
 Yeddee Bolook ; hut below that point it is never ford- 
 able. By retaining Talish and Moghan she has secured 
 to herself possessions beyond the Arras, extending 
 
Chap. VJ. 
 
 HER ENCROACHMENTS IN PERSIA. 
 
 83 
 
 southward to the frontier of Grhilan, from the point 
 where the river ceases to be fordable to its mouth on 
 the Caspian Sea, and has thus laid open one of the 
 most valuable parts of Persia to an attack at any 
 season of the year, and placed herself in a position 
 from which she can occupy Ghilan with most facility. 
 That she retains her views on this rich province is 
 sufficiently proved by the fact that she threatened, 
 only two years ago (1834), to occupy it as a security 
 for the payment of five hundred thousand tomans 
 (250,000/.) of indemnity still due to her by Persia. 
 
 The possession of Talish and Moghan cannot be 
 pretended to be of any real value to Russia beyond 
 the facility it affords for future aggressions ; and that 
 in this point of view it is of the greatest im]3ortance is 
 demonstrated by the fact that, from the natural strength 
 of the country, and the hostile spirit of the inhabitants, 
 she was unable to re-establish her authority there, after 
 the conclusion of peace, without the aid of the Persian 
 government. 
 
 In the province of Nukhchivan ceded to Russia, and 
 on the left bank of the i\.raxes, is the fortress of Ab- 
 basabad, constructed by a French engineer in the 
 service of the late Abbas Mirza. Russia, not content 
 with the fortress, demanded possession of an unfinished 
 work intended for a tHe du pont, on the opposite bank, 
 which she represented as a part of the fortress, though 
 no bridge had ever been constructed ; and having ob- 
 tained this unfinished and untenable outwork, founded 
 on the concession another demand. The intended tete 
 du pont to an imaginary bridge required an esplanade, 
 and a segment of a circle, with a radius of two miles, 
 was assigned to her for this purpose. 
 
 This second position beyond the Araxes opens to 
 her an entrance into Persia on the other flank of the 
 frontier, and at the nearest point of that frontier to 
 
 G 2 
 
84 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 the fortress of Khoe, the most important of all that 
 now remain to Persia. It commands the only avail- 
 able line of communication between Persia and Turkey, 
 the only road by which their commerce can pass, and 
 consequently that by which the British trade with 
 Persia is carried on. Its importance has not escaped 
 the observation of Russia ; she selected it as the place 
 which she was to hold in pledge for the payment of 
 the last instalment of the indemnity which was neces- 
 sary to procure the final evacuation of the Persian 
 territories by the Russian troops. She therefore held 
 it during her war with Turkey in 1828, and felt its 
 value in separating from one another the Persian 
 and Ottoman dominions ; but on the payment of the 
 stipulated sum she was reluctantly compelled to sur- 
 render it. 
 
 By the treaty of Turcomanchai, Persia was again 
 bound to maintain no navy on the Caspian ; this sti- 
 pulation was now made to rest on the prescriptive 
 right of Russia, on the exclusive privilege of having 
 a navy on that sea, which the treaty declares she had 
 enjoyed ‘‘ ah antiquoT — This, however, was an antiquity 
 of only thirteen years, for she acquired the exclusive 
 right by the treaty of Groolistan, which was concluded 
 in 1814. 
 
 Meanwhile Turkey, believing herself to be in im- 
 mediate danger of an attack from the three Powers 
 which had signed the Treaty of London, continued 
 her preparations for war, and Russia, on the other 
 hand, having triumphantly terminated her contest 
 with Persia, and received about two millions sterling 
 in gold and silver from the Shah, did not conceal her 
 intention to come to a rupture with the Porte. She 
 had vainly endeavoured to engage her allies in avowed 
 hostilities with the Ottoman empire, and they had 
 forced her to abandon the intention she had announced 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 HEU DESIGIS^S ON TURKEY. 
 
 85 
 
 to act independently of them. At Yerona she had 
 consented to regard the Greek question as one which 
 belonged exclusively to the internal affairs of Turkey, 
 and in which no foreign power had a right to inter- 
 fere. She had proceeded to the last extremities of 
 arrogance and insolence, in the hope of provoking the 
 Sultan to resent the indignities she heaped upon him. 
 She had changed her views and her tactics, and 
 assumed every possible shape, and, having failed in 
 every endeavour to accomplish her object, she deter- 
 mined, after the termination of the war with Persia, 
 to produce a war with Turkey at whatever price. Her 
 intentions had long been obvious, but the motive was 
 not then appreciated. It has now been revealed. It 
 was neither a sympathy with her co-religionists in 
 Greece, whom she had so often excited to revolt, and 
 so often abandoned to their fate ; neither was it a 
 sudden glow of liberality which had made her ena- 
 moured of popular liberty, and had rendered her 
 the friend and prop of liberal institutions. It was a 
 steady and undeviating perseverance in the policy of 
 Peter to raise himself on the ruins of Turkey. The 
 reforms of the Sultan had been successful beyond the 
 hopes of his friends or the fears of his enemies, and 
 Russia became alarmed lest her prey should escape 
 her ; lest the internal amelioration of a neighbouring 
 kingdom, and the sympathy which that amelioration 
 had excited in Europe, should in time make it dan- 
 gerous for Russia to attack Turkey, and impossible for 
 her to subdue it. 
 
 The rashness of the Sultan, who, after the battle of 
 Navarino, the departure of the ambassadors, and the 
 preparations of Russia, did not doubt that he was at 
 war with that power, furnished her with the pretext 
 for which she panted. The Porte, surrounded by 
 enemies, addressed a letter to the Pashas of the pro- 
 
86 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 vinces, appealing to the patriotism of the Turks, and 
 calling upon them to arm in defence of their country 
 and religion. At the same time it informed them, not 
 that it had been deceived by Russia, which was the 
 truth, but that it had deceived Russia, and signed the 
 Convention of Akerman for the purpose of gaining 
 time. 
 
 As soon, however, as the Porte had any reason to 
 suppose that a war could be avoided, it addressed the 
 Russian cabinet through the Reis Effendi, endeavouring 
 to explain away the offensive part of the letter, and 
 expressing a desire to renew friendly relations with 
 the Czar. But the opportunity had long been sought, 
 and now that it was found, his Imperial Majesty was 
 not disposed to throw it away. The answer to the 
 Turkish functionary’s conciliatory address was trans- 
 mitted to his Government along with the declara- 
 tion of war ; and Count Nesselrode, in that letter 
 to the Reis Effendi, clearly restricts the causes of 
 quarrel to acts subsequent to the departure of the 
 ambassadors from Constantinople : for it declares the 
 friendly intentions and feelings of Russia up to that time. 
 But subsequently to the departure of the ambassadors, 
 the proceedings of the Turkish government towards 
 Russia and her subjects, although pressing more 
 severely on Russian interests, were in no respect dif- 
 ferent in form from those adopted towards the other 
 powers and their subjects. Russia had therefore no 
 separate ground of complaint, except the declaration 
 of the Porte contained in the letter to the Pashas, that 
 it had concluded the Convention of Akerman only to 
 gain time ; a declaration which the Turkish govern- 
 ment evinced a distinct inclination to retract ; and 
 which, if even it had been unexplained, was not more 
 inexcusable than the mental reservation of Russia in 
 concluding the same convention on the express con- 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 TREATY OF ADRIANOPLE. 
 
 87 
 
 dition that she should not interfere in the Greek ques- 
 tion, — an engagement which she contracted without 
 any intention to fulfil it, whereas the Porte had adopted 
 that convention sincerely, and in good faith, though it 
 afterwards falsely accused itself of an insincerity it 
 had not felt. 
 
 Another ground of complaint against Turkey was, 
 that she had endeavoured to impede or prevent the 
 conclusion of peace between Russia and Persia. This 
 charge, which is supported by no evidence, was cer- 
 tainly not one which could in justice he urged by a 
 Government that had a few years before instigated 
 these same Persians to attack Turkey while she was at 
 peace with Russia. 
 
 But it is useless to discuss the question ; the real 
 motive of Russia for seeking a war with Turkey has 
 been exposed by herself in a manner that leaves no 
 room for doubt, and makes argument worthless. 
 
 This war, the most disastrous in its consequences in 
 which Turkey had yet been engaged, was terminated 
 by the treaty of Adrianople. The Emperor Nicholas, 
 in deference to the jealousy of Europe, had publicly 
 disclaimed all intention to aggrandize his dominions ; 
 and yet by this treaty he acquired Anapa and Poty, 
 with a considerable extent of coast on the Black Sea, 
 a portion of the Pashalic of Akhilska, with the two 
 fortresses of Akhilska and Akhilkillak,^ and the virtual 
 possession of the islands formed by the mouths of the 
 Danube ; stipulated for the destruction of the Turkish 
 fortress of Georgiova, and the abandonment by Turkey 
 of the right bank of the St. George’s branch of the Da- 
 nube to the distance of several miles from the river ; at- 
 tempted a virtual separation of Moldavia and Wallachia 
 from Turkey by sanitary regulations intended to connect 
 
 * Otherwise written Akhaltzik, and Akhcdhaliki. 
 
88 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 them with Russia ; stipulated that the Porte should con- 
 firm the internal regulations for the government of these 
 provinces which Russia had established while she occu- 
 pied them ; removed, partly by force, and partly by the 
 influence of the priesthood, many thousand families of 
 Armenians from the Turkish provinces in Asia to his 
 own territories, as he had already moved nearly an 
 equal number from Persia, — leaving whole districts 
 depopulated, and sacrificing, by the fatigues and pri- 
 vations of the compulsory march, the aged and infirm, 
 the weak and the helpless. 
 
 He established for his own subjects in Turkey an 
 exemption from all responsibility to the national au- 
 thorities, and burdened the Porte with an immense 
 debt under the name of indemnity for the expenses of 
 the war and for commercial losses, and finally retained 
 Moldavia, Wallachia, and Silistria in pledge for the 
 payment of a sum which Turkey could not hope in 
 many years to liquidate. Having by this treaty im- 
 posed upon Turkey the acceptance of the protocol of 
 the 22nd of March, which secured to her the suzerainete 
 of Grreece, and a yearly tribute from that country, 
 Russia used all her influence to procure the indepen- 
 dence of Grreece, and the violation by herself and her 
 allies of the agreement which she had made an in- 
 tegral part of the treaty of Adrianople. 
 
 Greece was finally separated from Turkey, and 
 erected into an independent state ; of which Count 
 Capo dTstria, who had been a Russian minister, was 
 named president. 
 
 In the course of her hostilities with Turkey in Asia, 
 Russia had developed new and extensive projects of 
 future conquest. The Turkish Pashalic of Bagdad 
 had for many years been in the hands of a body of 
 Georgians, who, like the Mamelukes in Egypt, had 
 usurped almost the whole power of the government. 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 PROJECTS OF FUTURE CONQUEST. 
 
 89 
 
 and left the Porte no alternative but to sanction and 
 legitimize the authority which some one of the number 
 from time to time had usurped. The Pasha of Bagdad, 
 when the Russians invaded Turkish Armenia, was a 
 Georgian of the name of Baud or David, a man of 
 much energy and ambition, who aimed at establishing 
 his own independence. A brother of the Pasha, who 
 had continued to reside in his native country, and was 
 now therefore a Russian subject, carried on a petty 
 trade between Teflis and Bagdad, and became the 
 medium of communication between his masters and his 
 brother. Almost all the offices of trust in the Pashalic 
 were held by Georgians, and they all had connexions 
 in their native country, — many of their nearest relatives 
 were in the Russian service. The influence of the 
 government of Georgia in Bagdad began to be felt, and 
 when General Paskevitch found himself at Erzeroom, 
 on the banks of a branch of the Euphrates, and not 
 far from the stream of the Tigris, he conceived the 
 project of descending these rivers, and occupying the 
 modern capital of Assyria and Mesopotamia. But the 
 successes of General Diebitch on the Balkan had placed 
 Russia in so advantageous a position, with means so 
 inadequate to maintain it, that it was considered impru- 
 dent to hazard a failure on the side of Asia, and the 
 Emperor therefore abandoned the enterprise for a time. 
 
 No opportunity was lost to form connexions with 
 the chiefs of Koordistan ; but these wild mountaineers, 
 though they sometimes yielded to the influence which 
 then was dominant, exhibited on some occasions a 
 fidelity to their sovereign, and a manly spirit and 
 intelligence which did them infinite honour. Tymour, 
 Pasha of Yan, on the approach of the Russians, sent a 
 message to the Prince Royal of Persia, offering to 
 deliver up his Pashalic into His Royal Highness’s 
 hands, if he would engage to protect it from the 
 
90 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 Russians, and surrender it to the Porte at the termina- [ 
 tion of the war. ’ 
 
 Thus Russia, by a long series of hostilities and I 
 intrigues, had not only conquered a large extent ofj 
 the European and Asiatic territories of Turkey, but 
 brought about the actual separation of G-reece, and 
 attempted the virtual separation of Servia, Moldavia, 
 and Wallachia from the Ottoman empire, — had con- 
 templated the occupation of Bagdad, and extended her 
 secret connexions to that Pashalic and to the mountains 
 of Koordistan. 
 
 She had no sooner been relieved by the treaty of 
 Adrianople from the war in Turkey, than she concerted 
 measures with the Persian government for the reduc-- 
 tion of the principality of Khiva, on the eastern coast- 
 of the Caspian Sea, and had collected troops at Oreii-j 
 bourg for this purpose, when the revolution in Poland 
 made it necessary to march them in another direction. J 
 
 The struggle in Poland, and the popular movements 
 in Europe, for a time diverted her attention from the: 
 East, but they were followed by a revolution in a 
 portion of the Ottoman dominions, which recalled her 
 armies to Turkey. The Pasha of Egypt had rebelled^ 
 and overrun Syria and part of Asia Minor ; the throne' 
 of the Ottomans was shaken, and the Sultan was forcedv 
 to seek foreign aid against his victorious vassal ; Russia' 
 not only offered her assistance, but repeatedly and 
 urgently pressed the Sultan to accept it. He had too 
 much reason, however, to doubt her good faith, and he 
 preferred applying for succour to England and France. 
 But the unwise penuriousness of our policy had reduced 
 our fleet to a scale inadequate to the protection of the 
 national interests at any time, and still less in the midst 
 of the troubles and commotions with which we were 
 then surrounded. One portion of our meagre navy 
 was employed in Portugal, another on the coast of 
 
':iiAP. VI. 
 
 KEBELLION OF MAHOMED ALT. 
 
 91 
 
 Holland, and when the existence of Turkey was at 
 stake we had only a few frigates in the Mediterranean. 
 France was almost equally powerless, and the Sultan 
 urged his suit in vain to Governments which had not 
 the means of granting it. Left without any other 
 alternative, he accepted the proffered aid of Russia, 
 and a fleet and army, prepared with almost incredible 
 speed, found themselves for the first time in the 
 Bosphorus. Determined that Constantinople, the 
 Dardanelles, and the Bosphorus should be the prey of 
 no other spoiler, Russia announced her determination 
 to defend them ; but, far from taking care of the 
 strength or future security of the sovereign to whom 
 she extended her protection, she left to the other 
 Powers, who now found themselves forced to interpose, 
 the task of prescribing limits to the victorious Pasha 
 of Egypt, and of imposing upon him terms which he 
 considered injurious ; and while she forbade him to 
 seize the portion she considered her own, she left him 
 at liberty to appropriate as much of the rest as his 
 power would enable him to retain. When the danger 
 was removed, her fleets and armies retired, and a 
 manifesto of the Emperor proclaimed to Europe and 
 Asia the singular moderation and magnanimity which 
 had induced him to refrain from seizing the capital of 
 a friendly sovereign who had sought his aid, and who 
 would have found in every nation in Europe an ally 
 to resent the treachery, had it been attempted ! 
 
 But in procuring the signature of the treaty of 
 Unkiar Skellessi, Russia extorted the price of her 
 assistance and forbearance. It was a defensive alliance, 
 by which Turkey was hound to afford material aid to 
 Russia in the event of her being attacked, and Russia 
 undertook to protect Turkey against any enemy who 
 might attack her. 
 
92 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 By a secret, or rather an additional article, Turkey^i 
 in lieu of military assistance to Russia, undertook to 
 close the Dardanelles against foreign ships of war. 
 
 All the maritime nations of Europe had acknow-, 
 ledged or admitted the right of Turkey to exclude 
 foreign ships of war from the Dardanelles and the 
 Bosphorus ; and this right had been admitted on the 
 understanding that it applied equally to all, and that 
 it was necessary to the security of Turkey, which all 
 had an interest in preserving. But the effect of this 
 treaty, as far as regards the navigation of the Dar- 
 danelles, was to transfer to Russia the right of demand- 
 ing the exclusion of ships of war from that channel, — 
 for Turkey had no longer a right to admit them when 
 Russia might he at war with any naval power. 
 
 On the other hand, the alliance being mutually 
 defensive, Russia would involve Turkey in any war in 
 which she might herself be engaged ; and as this neces-i 
 sarily implies co-operation, Turkey could not refuse to 
 open her channels to the fleets of the ally with whom 
 she would by treaty be hound to co-operate for what 
 would be their common object. • 
 
 The maritime nations of Europe were quite prepared) 
 o leave in the hands of Turkey the control of thd 
 navigation of her own channels, but they did not con-* 
 template or admit the acquisition by Russia of a right 
 to usurp that power ; and it is obviously not fitting 
 that she should possess it. 
 
 But there is another point of view in which this 
 treaty is not less important. The process by which 
 Russia has effected the subjugation of almost all the 
 countries she has conquered since the reign of Peter I. 
 has been to take them under her protection, then to 
 foment internal dissensions, and at last to annex them 
 to her own empire, under pretence of putting an end 
 
HAP. VI. 
 
 RUSSIAN “ PROTECTION.” 
 
 93 
 
 0 disturbances she bad herself created or permitted. 
 ?he treaty of Unkiar Skellessi constituted Russia the 
 drtual protector of Turkey. 
 
 Notwithstanding the opposition of other powers, 
 tussia has steadily and successfully pressed forward 
 owards the ultimate subversion of the Ottoman empire, 
 nd the possession of Constantinople, the Dardanelles, 
 nd the Bosphorus. She has conquered from it exten- 
 ive provinces ; has endeavoured to detach from it the 
 valuable principalities of Wallachia, Moldavia, and 
 ?ervia ; and has promoted the abstraction of Egypt 
 .nd Syria from the Sultan’s authority. But still the 
 wo powers stood opposed to each other, and, so long as 
 hey stood so opposed, every step towards the subjuga- 
 ion of the weaker wa« necessarily an act of violence. 
 Continual aggressions cannot be made without a sacri- 
 ice of character ; they attract attention, and afford 
 )ther nations an opportunity to interfere. There is a 
 )oint, however, in the progress of subjugation at which 
 •esistance ceases and protection begins ; a point beyond 
 vhich force and violence are no longer necessary, and 
 vhere the absence of collision presents no occasion for 
 hird parties to interpose. To a power which has to 
 Iread opposition in its career of conquest, the step 
 vhich enables it to pass this point is the most important 
 n the whole series, and Russia, from frequent expe- 
 ience, well knew its value. There were two ways in 
 vhich she might effect her purpose ; a perseverance in 
 lostility would have afforded the other powers an oppor- 
 tunity to interpose, of which they had often availed 
 themselves with effect, because Turkey would still have 
 3een with them ; a more insidious and effectual mode 
 r)f subjugation is that which, by placing the Porte 
 mder the protection of Russia, and enabling her to 
 brce it into collision with all her enemies, and its own 
 Tiends, would put its resources at her disposal and 
 
94 
 
 EUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 exclude all interposition of other powers, because al] 
 collision would be avoided. This was the result tbal 
 Russia sought to obtain from the treaty of Unkiai 
 Skellessi. This was the price she demanded for bei 
 magnanimous and disinterested aid ; and, confident tbal 
 she bad effected her object, she withdrew in triumpl 
 from what she believed to be the bloodless conquest o; 
 an empire. 
 
 But the jealousy of Europe was at length awakened 
 the treaty bad transpired, and England and Franc( 
 protested against the fraud. Russia, while maintaining 
 the haughty and imperious bearing which she assumei 
 when she cannot justify her acts, still felt that the jus 
 resentment of other powers must be appeased by somt 
 real or apparent sacrifice ; and having sufficiently, fo] 
 her present purpose, detached Moldavia and Wallacbk 
 from the Porte, offered to withdraw her troops frori 
 these provinces, having previously stipulated that th! 
 troops of Turkey should never again enter them, an( 
 that no Mahommedan should reside therein. In con 
 sideration of additional cessions of territory in Asia 
 demanded for the purpose of obtaining a line of demar 
 cation between the two empires in the East, such a( 
 may prevent every species of dispute and discussion,| 
 and completely put an end to the depredations whic) 
 the neighbouring tribes have been in the habit of con} 
 mitting,” — that is, a line of demarcation which wouL 
 give Russia the command of the passes, — for thes 
 considerations his Imperial Majesty consented to re 
 n ounce his claim to one-third of the indemnity (o 
 nearly one million sterling) which he had promised t 
 relinquish when the treaty of Unkiar Skellessi wa 
 negotiated, without then requiring additional cession 
 
 * This was precisely the same language she had held to Persia. S< 
 page 81 . 
 
Chap. VI. BRITISH COMMEKCE ENDANGERED. 95 
 
 /of territory. The remainder of the indemnity was to 
 he paid in smaller instalments ; and Silistria, which 
 Russia held in pledge for the whole amount, to remain 
 therefore so much longer in her hands. Russia thus 
 occupies positions beyond the Araxes in Persia, and 
 beyond the Danube in Turkey ; has claims for indem- 
 nities in both ; has the exclusive possession of the 
 Caspian, and the command of the Black Sea ; controls 
 the mouths of the Kur on the one, and of the Danube 
 on the other ; and desires to be the protector of the 
 Sultan, and to guarantee the throne to the heir of the 
 Shah, — for the obvious or avowed purpose of subju- 
 Igating both empires. 
 
 i While the position occupied by Russia in European 
 [Turkey menaces Constantinople and the Dardanelles, 
 [the attitude she has assumed in Asiatic Turkey menaces 
 /Armenia ; she has acquired possession of the mountain- 
 ! passes that separate that province from Georgia, and of 
 I the fortresses that defended the Turkish frontier. By 
 i every movement she threatens to interrupt the only 
 line of communication by which British manufactures 
 to the value of one million and a half sterling are 
 yearly carried through Turkey into Persia. She has 
 already advanced to within nine miles of this road, 
 and to about ninety from Trebizond, the port from 
 : which it leads. The course which she would pursue, 
 were either to be under her control, may be inferred 
 f from her commercial system generally ; from the fact 
 jl that she is our rival in the market of Persia, and that 
 she has put a stop to the transit trade through Georgia, 
 It because it interfered with her exclusive commerce on 
 ! the Caspian. 
 
 i Yet the Persian trade is but a small portion of what 
 would be lost to England were Russia in possession of 
 j the Dardanelles. 
 
96 
 
 IIUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 The interests we have at stake are numberless, and 
 we acknowledge their importance by declaring that 
 we shall preserve the independence of Turkey. But 
 to enable us to preserve that independence, the value j 
 of which we acknowledge, we must not only obtain ' 
 securities from the only European power by which it i 
 is threatened, but must contribute, as far as in us lies, 
 to the amelioration of the internal condition of Turkey 
 and to the augmentation of her strength and resources. 
 Peace in Europe can be preserved only so long as \ 
 Turkey is preserved. If the Ottoman empire should 
 indeed crumble to pieces,” as some have supposed it j 
 is crumbling, the distribution of the fragments would j 
 not be effected without bloodshed. The only chance j! 
 of maintaining peace is to maintain the integrity of | 
 Turkey. Those who would persuade us that she is 
 crumbling to pieces ” form a very different estimate ' 
 of the consequences and effects of recent changes in 
 her system from that which has been formed by those ^ 
 who have observed her most nearly, and who have the 
 greatest interest in discovering that her days are j 
 already numbered. While in England Turkey is sup- : 
 posed to be mouldering in decay, Eussia found in her ( 
 growing strength a motive for attacking her. It was,' 
 because the strength of Turkey was unknown, and her ' 
 means unappreciated, that the revolt of the Pasha of 
 Egypt was so long unopposed by the powers most 
 interested in her preservation : and it was only by 
 facilitating the reunion of the parts dissevered by that 
 virtual dismemberment that the effects of so great a | 
 misfortune could be remedied. Everything that tends 
 to weaken Turkey is favourable to Eussia and in- 
 jurious to the rest of Europe. The erection of Egypt 
 and Syria into a hostile power is the greatest blow I 
 the Ottoman empire has yet received ; it was one I 
 
I 
 
 i 
 
 I, 
 
 jCiiAr. VI. INDEPENDENCE OF EGYPT AND GREECE. 97 
 
 which was aimed at it by Russia in 1772, and which 
 was rendered ineffectual only by the arrogance of 
 Alexis Orloff, who demanded that the Ali Pasha of 
 that day should acknowledge himself to be a subject of 
 the Empress Catharine. What, from this cause alone, 
 Russia failed to effect in those times, was accomplished 
 in 1833 ; and no one seemed to remember that it had 
 for. more than half a century been one of her projects. 
 
 The Pasha of Egypt was a dependant of the Sultan, 
 not an independent sovereign. What povfer in Europe 
 had an interest in promoting his disobedience, or in 
 facilitating his aggressions ? Surely no one of those 
 who desire the integrity, the independence, and the 
 strength of Turkey ; for those purposes his obedience 
 to his sovereign should be enforced, and his power to 
 weaken the empire, which it is the interest of Europe 
 to preserve, should be controlled. If Mahomed Ali, 
 whether by concert with Russia, or solely in pursuit 
 of his own objects, is rendering the Ottoman empire 
 less capable of defending itself against Russia, he is 
 jdoing that which is inconsistent with the future tram 
 Iq^uillity of the world ; and if his efforts should be so 
 Ifar successful as to render Turkey incapable of being 
 defended, he is the enemy not of Turkey alone but of 
 all Europe. 
 
 ^ Greece has obtained an independent existence, and 
 has been politically separated from Turkey ; but their 
 interests can never be separated, and to Greece the 
 independence of Turkey must long be a necessary con- 
 lition of her own freedom. Their commercial relations 
 are beneficial to both, and can best be improved by 
 mutually promoting the internal tranquillity and 
 friendly intercourse by which the interests of each 
 would be advanced. Every arrangement that may 
 tend to produce facility of intercourse and freedom of 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VI. 
 
 commerce between them must be mutually advan- I 
 tageous. Turkey must feel that resentment would be ' 
 vain, and could only tend to increase the evil of which 
 she complains ; while Greece, having had experience 
 of other systems, has learned that the wrongs with I 
 which she had to charge Turkey were neither so fla- j 
 grant nor so peculiar as she once believed them to be. | 
 To soften the asperities of irritated feelings on both I 
 sides, and sow the seeds of concord and kindness be- 
 tween them, is the duty of all who desire the pros- 
 perity of either. 
 
 To examine the commercial arrangements by which 
 the nations interested in the preservation of Turkey 
 may promote the well-being of her population, and 
 facilitate the improvements which her sovereign has 
 already begun to introduce, would be beyond the ' 
 limits assigned to these observations ; but it is to be 
 hoped that these matters, and all the commercial ij 
 bearings of our relations with Turkey, will receive 
 from some competent person the development their 
 importance deserves. ; 
 
 In examining every question of foreign commerce,- 
 as it relates to this country, we must keep in mind| 
 that it is not the profit of the merchant which to the 
 people of England is the most important considera- j 
 tion, but the amount of their labour which can be , 
 disposed of at a remunerating price, or, in other ! 
 words, the number of hands that can be employed, i 
 and mouths that can be fed, in England. The profit i 
 of the merchant is altogether a secondary considera- 1 
 tion ; but where it is large, there we may be sure the 
 consumption will increase. To provide full and con- ; 
 stant occupation for the operative classes is the first j 
 object. It is because restrictive duties in foreign | 
 countries limit the quantity consumed by raising the ' 
 
Chap. VI. 
 
 OUR COMMERCIAL INTERESTS. 
 
 99 
 
 price to the consumer, rather than because they affect 
 the profits of the merchant, that they operate injuri- 
 ously to England ; and it is the labouring classes of 
 our population who are most interested in preserving 
 the commercial system of Asia, which is free from 
 restrictions, and in preventing the substitution in its 
 room of the most restrictive system in Europe."* 
 
 * A comparative statement of the number of men in England who derive 
 their subsistence from the sale of the produce of their labour in Russia and 
 Turkey would be a valuable statistical document. 
 
100 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VII. 
 
 CHAPTER VIE 
 
 Policy of Russia in regard to Persia and Turkey — Interest of Great Britain 
 in their preservation — Question of a Russian invasion of British India — 
 Effects of British power over Russian commerce — Our duty to India — 
 Importance of protecting Persia. 
 
 The avidity with which Russia had sought, and the 
 pertinacity with which she has clung to every acquisi- 
 tion of territory, even when it could he maintained 
 only at the cost of large pecuniary sacrifices, shows 
 that she values these acquisitions with reference to 
 some other consideration than the mere intrinsic worth 
 of the property acquired, — that she regarded them as 
 a means, not as an end ; and the position she has 
 secured to herself, by her treaties with Persia and 
 Turkey, affords unequivocal indication of a preparation 
 for future encroachments. 
 
 Her whole history, and the posture in which she 
 actually stands, contradict any professions of indif- 
 ference to conquest and aggrandizement that she may 
 venture to put forth. 
 
 It is not by actual conquest only that Russia may 
 overthrow the independence of Persia and Turkey, 
 and convert the resources of both countries to her own 
 use. To overturn the existing Governments, and esta- 
 blish, by force of arms, her own direct rule, would 
 involve a protracted struggle, and demand frequent 
 and continued exertions of physical power. This 
 would become a drain on her own resources, and would 
 go far to exhaust those of the conquered country, 
 before her authority could be fully established ; at the 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 KUSSIAN POLICY PROSPECTIVE. 
 
 101 
 
 same time, it could hardly fail to excite the alarm of 
 other Governments, and perhaps arouse them to active 
 opposition. She has therefore pursued a wiser course. 
 
 She has confined herself to a system of successive 
 encroachments, no one of which has been of sufficient 
 importance to interrupt her friendly relations with the 
 great powers of Europe ; or to appear, when con- 
 sidered alone, a sacrifice fatal to the power that made 
 it ; and she has founded, upon her acknowledged 
 superiority in physical means, and upon the success of 
 her arms and intrigues, an influence which is pro- 
 gressively increasing in the councils of the nations she 
 has humbled. 
 
 It is, therefore, her policy to maintain the existing 
 Governments, but to prevent them from acquiring 
 strength ; and to press her influence upon their weak- 
 ness, till it becomes authoritative and paramount. 
 She seeks to govern the nations through their natural 
 rulers, till the time shall have arrived for annexing 
 them more formally to her own dominions. No vio- 
 lence is thus called for — no collision need take place ; 
 and if there is no collision^ there is no opportunity for other 
 powers to interpose. No apparent change will be made 
 in the institutions to which the people have been 
 accustomed ; and the resources of the countries, un- 
 broken and undisturbed, will be more completely at her 
 ^disposal than if the forcible conquest of the kingdoms 
 had already been effected. This is no speculative 
 opinion. It is the precise course by which she became 
 possessed of other countries ; it is the course she has 
 pursued almost to the verge of consummation in Turkey 
 — it is the course she has adopted in Persia. There, 
 as in Turkey, her system is to solve every question, 
 political or commercial, not with reference to its own 
 merits, or to justice, hut by an appeal to the clemency 
 of the Emperor, or the threat of his displeasure. The 
 
102 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VII. 
 
 domineering spirit of Russia is evinced in every dis- 
 cussion, small or great, in which she has a part, and 
 the humiliation of the Mahommedan governments is 
 studiously exhibited to their subjects. 
 
 Whether it be then from the character of her go- 
 vernment, or from the force of circumstances, or from 
 the pursuit of an understood and definite object, the 
 fact undoubtedly is, that Russia has been, and con- 
 tinues to he, progressively advancing towards the sub- 
 jugation of Persia and Turkey, and that those countries, 
 if left to themselves, have neither the physical strength 
 to repel her aggressions, nor, from a want of that 
 strength, the moral courage to resist her influence. 
 
 Russia must therefore be met by some opposition 
 beyond what they can offer — must feel that she is in 
 contact on this ground with powers of a different de- 
 scription, and that her further advance will be more 
 difficult and dangerous than it has been ; or both 
 Persia and Turkey will ultimately he at her disposal. 
 
 The interest which Great Britain has in the pre- 
 servation of Persia is more immediately with reference 
 to her Indian empire, and her interest in Turkey is 
 more immediately connected with the state of Europe ; 
 hut the influence of each on the other is such, that the 
 sacrifice of either would almost necessarily involve the 
 fall of both. The resources of Persia in the hands of 
 Russia would suffice to neutralise the whole remaining 
 power of the Sultan in Asia ; and the control of the 
 resources of Turkey by Russia, would lay Persia pros- 
 trate without a blow. The whole interest we have in 
 both is therefore ultimately at stake in each, and that 
 double interest taken in all its bearings, political and 
 commercial, in Europe and in Asia, is perhaps as im- 
 portant as any we have to defend beyond the limits of 
 these islands. 
 
 It is not necessary here to enter on an examination 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 OUR TRADE WITH PERSIA. 
 
 103 
 
 of the consequences that would result to England from 
 the subjugation of Turkey by Russia, — the repeated de- 
 clarations of the sovereign of England, that he will 
 watch over the preservation of her independence, suffi- 
 ciently prove the importance attached to it ; but it may 
 be right to say a few words respecting Persia. 
 
 We have a commercial interest of large and increas- 
 ing importance at stake in Persia, where Russia is our 
 rival for the supply of the market. For the last two 
 years the annual amount of British manufactures im- 
 ported into Persia has exceeded the value of one and 
 a half million sterling, and during the last year it has 
 approached very nearly two millions. This trade has 
 grown up without even the protection of a treaty, be- 
 cause it was free from all hurthensome restrictions, but, 
 as it has increased, the trade of Russia has declined ; 
 and if Russia should acquire the power to control it, 
 our commerce with Persia could not long be maintained. 
 
 The invasion of India by the army of Russia, setting 
 out from her present frontier to force a passage to 
 the Indus, and overtun our empire by a “ coup de 
 main,” may be assumed to be impracticable, or at least 
 to demand so large an expenditure, and so vast a pre- 
 paration, as to put the attempt beyond all probability. 
 But the difficulties of the enterprise arise chiefly from 
 the distance which intervenes between her frontier 
 and ours, the facility with which we could multiply 
 impediments on so long and difficult a line, and our 
 power to throw troops into India by sea, in a shorter 
 time than Russia could march them by land. Every 
 approach of Russia towards the south is therefore an 
 approach towards removing these difficulties ; and as 
 soon as the resources of Persia shall have been placed 
 at her disposal, and Herat shall thereby have become 
 her southern frontier, there will no longer be any in- 
 superable impediment to the invasion of India. 
 
104 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chav. VII. 
 
 Fifty thousand Persian infantry, composed of what 
 are perhaps the finest materials in the world for ser- 
 vice in those countries, and disciplined by Eussian 
 officers, with about fifty guns of Persian artillery, in 
 a high state of efficiency, and an almost unlimited 
 number of irregular horse, could be put in motion by 
 Eussia, in any direction, within twelve months after 
 the resources of the kingdom were at her disposal ; 
 and the acquisition of such an influence as would 
 enable her, in the event of a war with England, to 
 induce Persia to take part with her against us, would 
 at once give her a complete control of the military 
 resources of that country. 
 
 From the moment that she occupies this position, 
 it will become necessary so to augment our army in 
 India, especially the European part of it, as to be 
 prepared for the contingencies that may arise out of 
 her proximity. This would be a large addition to our 
 national expenditure, which would become permanent ; 
 because, if Eussia were at Herat, we could no longer 
 send out troops by sea as quickly as she could march 
 them by land. 
 
 Independent of these military considerations, there 
 are others no less important. From her present fron- 
 tier, Eussia not only cannot invade India, but she 
 cannot exert in that country her disturbing influence, 
 which is confined to Persia and Affghanistan, and does 
 not penetrate beyond them ; but, were she established 
 at Herat, the influence she would exert in India, even 
 in time of peace, would be such as to render the 
 government of that country much more delicate and 
 difficult than it now is. Those who best know India, 
 not merely the presidencies but the provinces, will 
 comprehend the change that would be effected in our 
 position there, by the presence, within such a distance 
 as to make a collision probable, of any power equal to 
 
! 
 
 ! 
 
 I 
 
 ICiiAP. Vir. BRITISH INFLUENCE IN RUSSIA. 105 
 
 oTir own.'* Rebellions would become more frequent 
 and more formidable. The revenue would in many 
 places be collected with difficulty, and in some the full 
 amount would not be paid. The minds of all men 
 would be unsettled, and every disturbance in the north- 
 western provinces, every movement on the Indus or 
 beyond it, would assume a new character, froih the 
 connexion it would or might have with the new and 
 powerful neighbour, to whom all the disaffected would 
 have recourse. If our financial embarrassments in 
 India are even now a source of abundant anxiety, 
 what would be our situation when our revenue would 
 be diminished and our expenditure increased by some 
 millions annually ? 
 
 Independently, therefore, of the danger of actual 
 invasion, the advance of Russia as far as Herat, that 
 is, the entire command of the resources of Persia, 
 would disturb the whole system of the government 
 in India, even were she to act towards us with more 
 forbearance and good faith than she has hitherto 
 shown, and send fewer secret agents into India than 
 she has hitherto sent. 
 
 The power which Great Britain has to destroy the 
 : commerce of Russia, and with it the wealth of her 
 nobility and the tranquillity of her government, ena- 
 bled England to force Russia into an opposition to 
 France, which the Emperor Alexander was desirous to 
 avoid. The clamours of his nobles, who found their 
 revenues annihilated by the obstruction of their com- 
 merce with England, and the remembrance of the 
 fate his father had incurred by persevering in the 
 course on which he had agreed to enter, forced him to 
 
 i * The spirit that manifested itself in India during the Burmese war, when 
 : the result of the contest was supposed to he doubtful, will sufficiently illus- 
 trate what has been stated. But it must be remembered that this was only a 
 question of the success or failure of an expedition. 
 
106 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Chap. VII. 
 
 yield, though the concession exposed him to the ven- 
 geance of Napoleon. 
 
 This same power continues to be one of the most 
 efficient checks on the ambition of Russia, and there- 
 fore one of the most valuable of the protective means 
 which Great Britain holds for the common benefit of 
 weaker nations. The strength of Russia, exclusively 
 military, cannot he brought to hear upon us directly, 
 and the control which the command of her commerce 
 enables us to exercise is therefore without any direct 
 counterpoise. But as soon as her military power can 
 he brought to hear upon India, she will have esta- 
 blished an efficient countercheck upon England which 
 will place her relations with this country on a more ad- , 
 vantageous footing than that on which they now stand. 
 
 It has been said that the loss of India would be no : 
 very serious evil to Great Britain, and that we are, * 
 therefore, not called upon to make any great exertion 
 to preserve it ; but supposing for a moment that the ' 
 premises were capable of being demonstrated, the in- 
 ference would not he just. We have conquered India, 
 and, as a necessary consequence of that conquest, have : 
 taken upon ourselves the government of the country, ( 
 and supplanted almost all the native instruments of| 
 government that we found there ; by doing so we 
 have incurred the responsibility of protecting those ■ 
 who have submitted to our rule from external violence 
 as well as from internal discord. This is a sacred 
 duty, and we are bound by every moral obligation 
 that connects a government with its subjects to neg- 
 lect no honourable means of enabling ourselves to 
 discharge it. Were we to abandon India, we would 
 not leave her as we found her. Were we to evacuate 
 the country to-morrow, it would not only be placed in 
 circumstances much more unfavourable than those in 
 which we found it, but it would be left in a condition 
 
i^HAP. VII. IMPORTANCE OF PERSIAN INDEPENDENCE. 107 
 
 nore deplorable than ever a country was left in the 
 ^orld. And if it could be proved, which it cannot, 
 hat the possession of India is of no value to England, 
 he moral obligation to defend it, until it can be made 
 capable of governing itself, would still remain entire. 
 
 If then the advance of Eussia to the southern pro- 
 vinces of Persia (or, in other words, the acquisition of 
 
 complete control of the resources of that country) 
 hreatens to disturb the internal tranquillity of India 
 — to deprive the people of that country of security and 
 oeace, even if it should not expose them to another 
 3onquest, would it not be a dereliction of our duty 
 towards them to permit, if we can prevent it ? 
 
 The independence of Persia is the only apparent 
 obstacle to the occupation of a position by Eussia 
 which would enable her to destroy in Asia the power 
 of the Sultan, already shaken in Europe — to annihilate 
 our commerce in Central Asia — to force us to diminish 
 our revenues and largely to augment our expenditure 
 in India, where our finances are even now embarrassed 
 —to disturb the whole system of Grovernment in that 
 country during peace, to threaten it with invasion in 
 war — and to oppose to our maritime and commercial 
 superiority her power to shake our empire in the East. 
 
 Great Britain has, therefore, a manifest interest in 
 protecting the independence of Persia ; an interest of 
 such magnitude and importance that she cannot permit 
 it to be endangered without exposing India to evils 
 from which every Government is bound, if possible, to 
 protect its subjects, and without subjecting herself to a 
 diminution of her influence in Europe, as well as of 
 her power in Asia.* 
 
 * It has been said that we ought to desire rather than fear the extension of 
 Russia ; that extension implies attenuation, which is but another name for 
 weakness —that the possession of Persia and Turkey would therefore hut 
 hasten her downfall. 
 
 Does history afford any example of the sudden or speedy dissolution of an 
 
108 KUSSIA IN THE EAST. Chap. VH.I 
 
 Every one wlio knows Persia, and the position inj 
 which she has been placed, will admit that her inde- 1 
 pendent existence has been protracted np to the present i 
 time only by the countenance and support that Great ; 
 Britain has afforded her ; but the progress that Eussia j 
 has made, notwithstanding that support, in advanciug 
 her frontier and increasing her influence, proves that 
 it has never been fully adequate to the purpose for i 
 which it was intended, and that a more efficient system 
 is required to preserve what remains. 
 
 Persia, placed in immediate contact with a power 
 whose superior strength she has been forced to ac- 
 knowledge, and having England for her only efficient 
 ally, has to choose whether she will prepare to con- 
 ciliate Eussia by such concessions, whatever may be; 
 their nature and amount, as may be necessary to main-: 
 tain a good understanding with her overbearing neigh- 
 bour ; or whether she will resist the demands of Eussiai | 
 when they are unjust and injurious, in the hope that 
 the influence and aid of her ally may be able to pre- 
 serve her independence. But she cannot venture to 
 adopt this latter course unless she knows what she haS' 
 to expect from her ally. If she has nothing to expect j 
 from England, she must necessarily come to the con- 
 clusion that any attempt to resist would be hopeless,; 
 and she will prepare to concede, from that hour, every- 
 thing that Eussia may desire. All the members of her 
 government will thenceforward endeavour to make 
 
 empire from this cause ? The fall of the great empires hastily erected by 
 military leaders, such as Alexander in ancient and Nadir in modern times, 
 was but a division of the spoil when he who maintained the discipline of the 
 camp had been removed, and has no connexion with the present question. 
 But it is said the extension of the Roman empire caused its fall : it would be 
 easy to show that such is not the fact ; but supposing that the assertion were 
 correct, let us ask how many centuries this cause took to produce the result. 
 Are we prepared to wait as long for the dissolution of Russia, and to abide all 
 the intermediate consequences of her aggrandizement ? 
 
Chap. VII. 
 
 OUR POLICY AS TO PERSIA. 
 
 109 
 
 themselves acceptable to those whose influence must be 
 all-powerful. 
 
 If the present rulers of Persia were disposed to look 
 only to their personal interests, without any regard to 
 the present feelings or future circumstances of the 
 nation, there can be little doubt that it might be made 
 worth their while to abandon all idea of resisting 
 Russia. It is only a sense of the duty they owe to the 
 nation and their religion, and a feeling of patriotism, 
 that has hitherto prevented them from pursuing this 
 course ; and if there be no calculable chance of suc- 
 cessful resistance, it may be questioned whether that 
 sense of duty and those feelings may not permit them 
 rather to make advantageous terms while they yet 
 may with the power which is ultimately (as they would 
 then believe) to rule over them, than to protract a 
 hopeless struggle for independence. 
 
 It would not be prudent, therefore, to rely too long 
 on the patriotism of the rulers of Persia, however 
 honourable may have been the love of independence 
 they have hitherto shown. For should they lose all 
 hope of support from England, — should they be per- 
 suaded that they have nothing to expect from us beyond 
 friendly intercourse or friendly advice, — should they 
 feel a conviction that in no circumstances can they 
 depend on the support of England against Russia, an 
 approximation to Russia would be the probable conse- 
 quence. Persia values alliance with England as a 
 protection against Russia. When it ceases to be so, it 
 is of no political value to her. 
 
( 110 ) 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 A REFERENCE to the map will show that Russia ha 
 advanced her frontier in every direction ; and even th' 
 Caspian Sea, which appeared to present an impedimen 
 to her progress, she has turned to advantage by appro 
 priating it to herself. It will he seen that the plain 
 of Tartary have excited her cupidity, while the civilise( 
 states of Europe and Asia have been dismembered t< 
 augment her dominions. It will he seen that the acqui 
 sitions she has made from Sweden are greater thai 
 what remains of that ancient kingdom ; that her acqui 
 sitions from Poland are as large as the whole Austria! 
 empire ; that the territory she has wrested from Turke;) 
 in Europe is equal to the dominions of Prussia, exclu 
 sive of her Rhenish provinces ; and that her acquisi 
 tions from Turkey in Asia are equal in extent to al( 
 the smaller states of Germany, the Rhenish provincel 
 of Prussia, Belgium, and Holland taken together ; tha 
 the country she has conquered from Persia is about th< 
 size of England ; that her acquisitions in Tartary havi 
 an area equal to Turkey in Europe, Greece, Italy, anc 
 Spain ; and that the territory she has acquired withii 
 the last sixty-four years (since 1772) is greater in ex 
 tent and importance than the whole empire she had ir 
 Europe before that time. 
 
 These are facts which rest on no doubtful evidence 
 yet they are such as may well startle every thinking 
 man who has not previously reflected upon them, anc 
 such as no one who desires to reason on the presen' 
 state of Europe or Asia ought to disregard. 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 Ill 
 
 Every portion of these vast acquisitions, except per- 
 haps that in Tartary, has been obtained in opposition 
 to the views, the wishes, and the interests of England. 
 The dismemberment of Sweden, the partition of Poland, 
 the conquest of the Turkish provinces, and of those 
 dissevered from Persia, have all been injurious to 
 British interests ; and though some of them found 
 favour for a time, and for a price given, at Vienna and 
 Berlin, even the kingdoms that have shared her spo- 
 liations can now regard them with no other feeling 
 than alarm. 
 
 The power and resources of Russia lie in the coun- 
 tries to the west of the Volga, not in the wilds of 
 Siberia ; and her empire in Europe has been nearly 
 doubled in little more than half a century. In sixty- 
 four years she has advanced her frontier eight hundred 
 and fifty miles towards Vienna, Berlin, Dresden, Mu- 
 nich, and Paris ; she has approached four hundred and 
 fifty miles nearer to Constantinople ; she has possessed 
 herself of the capital of Poland, and has advanced to 
 within a few miles of the capital of Sweden,* from 
 which, when Peter the First mounted the throne, her 
 frontier was distant three hundred miles. Since that 
 time she has stretched herself forward about one thou- 
 sand miles towards India, and the same distance towards 
 the capital of Persia. The regiment that is now sta- 
 tioned at her furthest frontier post on the western 
 shore of the Caspian has as great a distance to march 
 back to Moscow as onward to Attock on the Indus, 
 and is actually further from St. Petersburgh than from 
 Lahore, the capital of the Punjab. The battalions of 
 the Russian Imperial Guard that invaded Persia found, 
 at the termination of the war, that they were as near 
 
 * Eussia is now (1836) fortifying the island of Aland, within a few miles 
 of Stockholm ; and forces Polish prisoners, who are there working in chains, 
 to rivet the fetters of Sweden. 
 
112 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 
 to Herat as to the hanks of the Don ; that they had 
 already accomplished half the distance from their 
 capital to Delhi ; and that therefore, from their camp 
 in Persia, they had as great a distance to march hack 
 to St. Petershnrgh as onward to the capital of Hin- 
 dostan. Meanwhile the ‘ Moscow Gazette ’ threatens 
 to dictate at Calcutta the next peace with England, 
 and Russia never ceases to urge the Persian Govern- 
 ment to accept from it, free of all cost, officers to dis- 
 cipline its troops, and arms and artillery for its soldiers, 
 at the same time that her own battalions are ready to 
 march into Persia whenever the Shah, to whom their i 
 services are freely offered, can he induced to require 
 their assistance. 
 
 Thus, while she accuses the more popular govern- ' 
 ments of Europe of a desire to subvert existing institu- i 
 tions, Russia is herself undermining every throne 
 within her reach ; that of Poland she has pulled down. ? 
 Since the battle of Narva she has never ceased, by ; 
 intrigues and by force, to distract and encroach upon ' 
 Sweden ; since the battle of Pultava she has conti- ' 
 nually sought the subversion of Turkey ; since the ^ 
 peace of Neustadt she has perseveringly pursued her | 
 conquests in Persia. Her intrigues in Germany, and 
 her ambitious projects, are a source of continual alarm J 
 to Austria. France was threatened with invasion, in 
 order to force upon it a government it had rejected*- 
 Greece is taught to believe that its tranquillity can he 
 secured only when it shall he a Russian province ; 
 Prussia purchases forbearance by acquiescence in the 
 views and even the caprices of the Emperor ; hostile 
 restrictions are directed against the commerce of Eng- 
 land, and her empire in the East is openly threatened 
 with attack. In the wilds of Tartary, on the east and 
 on the west of the Caspian, on the north and on the 
 south of the Black Sea, in the centre of Europe, on the 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 113 
 
 ilaltic, — everywhere we find her a successful and per- 
 severing aggressor. With a larger extent of territory 
 han ever before was subject to one crown, she thirsts 
 nsatiably for more, and studiously directs all energies, 
 lot to the means of improvement, but to further acqui- 
 iition. 
 
 When the sovereigns of Europe twice demanded and 
 wice enforced the abdication of the throne of France 
 )y Napoleon, on what ground did they justify the 
 right they exercised to change the dynasty of France? 
 Was it not that they considered it necessary to their 
 t)wn security? Did they not declare that the sove- 
 kignty of Napoleon was incompatible with the tran- 
 pillity of Europe, — that the whole history of his life 
 lad proved him to be incapable of restraining his am- 
 
 I )ition, or of permitting other nations to rest in peace, 
 ind that therefore they could place no reliance on any 
 )rotestations of moderation and forbearance he might 
 nake ? Were his views more grasping, his ambition 
 nore unbounded, his arts more subtle, his aggressions 
 ||nore unprovoked, or his acquisitions more extensive, 
 ban those of Russia ? Or would the evil have been 
 diminished if it had been perpetuated in a race of mo- 
 tiarchs, instead of being dependent on the life of one 
 I nan ? 
 
 ! The right of interference in the affairs of inde- 
 loendent states is founded on this single principle, that, 
 IS self-preservation is the first duty, so it supersedes 
 ill other obligations. The just application of the 
 iDrinciple, no doubt, requires that danger should be 
 jhown, not to the minor interests merely, but to the 
 vital interests of the state which appeals to it. But 
 j^uestions between nations are questions of moral 
 equity, not of recognised law, for there are no judges 
 )f the law but the parties themselves, and no tribunal 
 io which they can appeal. Such evidence of danger, 
 
 I 
 
114 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 therefore, as must bring conviction to every unbiassed 
 mind is all that nations can ever demand. If, then, 
 the acquisition by Russia of a control over the power • 
 and resources of Turkey and Persia (and the one im- . 
 plies the other) would be dangerous to the existence 1 1 
 of Austria, to the commerce and Indian possessions of | 
 England, — if it would endanger the tranquillity of the | 
 southern states of Europe, especially of France, and j 
 give to Russia a preponderance which would put in 
 imminent peril the independence of more than one i 
 nation, the liberties of more than one people — there 
 can he no doubt that the Powers of Europe have a 
 right to take all practicable measures to prevent the 
 occurrence of so great an evil to themselves ; and that, ; 
 having before them evidence that Russia does in truth 
 contemplate the accomplishment of so dangerous a-, 
 project, they have an undoubted right to oppose not ; 
 only its consummation, but also every measure that'; 
 may palpably tend towards such a result. One of the j 
 chief elements of every process of induction by which ! 
 we endeavour to satisfy ourselves of the motives or j 
 intentions of an individual or of a body of men, is<j 
 previous history and character. If we find that a I 
 government has for more than a century steadily pur-, 
 sued an important object through many successive', 
 reigns, and has sacrificed about a million of its sub-' 
 jects and an enormous amount of money in efforts to 
 aitain that object — if, year after year, we find it re-t 
 newing these efforts, and accumulating means to effect! 
 its purpose — if we find it steadily advancing towards | 
 the same end, and resorting to the same means, it is 
 impossible to doubt that it continues to entertain tliej 
 same views ; and, if it disavows them, it should show, j 
 by acts, and not by words only, that its policy is| 
 changed. Such is the position of Russia in relation to I 
 all her neighbours. i 
 
CONCLUSION. 
 
 115 
 
 But, it may be said, the danger that would attend 
 3he successful execution of these designs is doubtful, 
 riie readiest mode of solving that doubt would be to 
 inquire what course the nations of Europe, and Eng- 
 land in particular, would pursue if Russia were to 
 take possession of Constantinople. Austria talked of 
 opposing it with two hundred thousand men. Eng- 
 land and France do not pretend that they would for a 
 moment submit to it. If these Powers, then, have 
 predetermined that they will take up arms to remedy 
 the evil, should it arise, they admit the magnitude of 
 an evil which would justify a recourse to such a 
 remedy, and are therefore bound to oppose every act 
 which must obviously tend to produce it. The conse- 
 quence will be the same whether the result be brought 
 about by force of arms or by intrigue, and it is as 
 necessary to oppose the one as the other. 
 
 If Russia should refuse to afford them the guarantees 
 for the future, which the course of her policy and a 
 regard to their own security entitle them to demand, 
 it will be obvious that she has not only determined to 
 persevere in her designs, but that she is utterly re- 
 gardless of the peace of Europe, which she affects to 
 have a sincere desire to maintain. If the other powers 
 display a sensitive jealousy of all her proceedings, she 
 must remember that her own acts and the position she 
 occupies justify such sentiments. If her protestations 
 of moderation should be received with distrust, she 
 must feel that the use she has made of them has al- 
 ready destroyed their value, and that acts, not words, 
 must henceforward be the only admissible evidence of 
 her views. The only nation in Europe that attempts 
 to aggrandize itself at the expense of its neighbours 
 is Russia. The only state whose preponderance and 
 ambition threaten to disturb the general tranquillity 
 is Russia. The only power that seeks to put down an 
 
 I 2 
 
116 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 existing government is Eussia. All nations except | 
 Eussia wish to maintain the independence of other ^ 
 countries — to preserve things as they are, and to build ; 
 up rather than pull down — Eussia alone threatens to | 
 overturn thrones, to subvert empires, and subdue na- 
 tions hitherto independent. It is for her, therefore, to 
 secure the tranquillity of the world, by retiring from 
 the menacing position she has occupied, and thus to 
 afford the guarantees for that confidence in her future 
 intentions which will permit Europe to repose in 
 safety. But the positions she now occupies both in 
 Persia and in Turkey are so many pledges of her 
 determination to pursue the policy from which she has 
 not deviated for a hundred years. 
 
 No other power in Europe has any interest in ; 
 Turkey or Persia, except to preserve their indepen- ' 
 dence, and to promote their prosperity and welfare, i 
 None of them dream of preparing in either of these 
 countries the means of aggression : they only seek to 
 prevent or repel the aggressions of Eussia. If she 
 will do nothing to give us security for the future, : 
 and only renews her protestations of innocence and( 
 moderation, she must expect us to take such measures * 
 as we may judge most efficacious to impede and arrest ■ 
 the course she has so perseveringly pursued. ; 
 
 The integrity and independence of Turkey and of 
 Persia are inseparably connected : the one cannot be 
 maintained without the other, and both are necessary ; 
 to the peace of Europe. Any attempt to subvert or I 
 dismember either of these Mahommedan kingdoms is, I 
 therefore, a blow struck at the peace and well-being I 
 of Christendom, — an unequivocal act of hostility to I 
 the nations of western and central Europe. | 
 
Supp. Chap. T. 
 
 ( 117 ) 
 
 CONTINUATION. 
 
 SUPPLEMENTAL.— CHAPTER I. 
 
 Russian intrigues in Persia and AfFghanistan — The Shah’s expedition against 
 Herat — Russian duplicity — Interference of Great Britain — Constant 
 hostility of Russia towards British interests — Her designs upon India — 
 Her treacherous conduct— Proceedings of Mahomed Ali — Treaties of Lon- 
 don — Reforms in Turkey — Infamous policy of Russia in Bulgaria. 
 
 It is proposed in these additional chapters to exa- 
 mine the proceedings of Eussia in the East, from 
 the spring of 1836, when the foregoing observations 
 were first published, to the present time, November, 
 1853 ; and while proceeding with that examination, to 
 refer occasionally to the views announced in the pre- 
 ceding pages. 
 
 It was stated (p. 103 et seq,) that Eussia sought to 
 acquire such an influence, or such a position, in the 
 countries bordering upon India, as might afford her 
 the means of disturbing the British Empire in the 
 East. What was then a matter of inference, has since 
 become a matter of history. As early as 1835 her 
 minister in Persia had commenced with that view a 
 series of intrigues, both at the Court of the Shah, 
 and in Afifghanistan. They were conducted with 
 great precautions to ensure secrecy, but they were 
 discovered and exposed. The most important step 
 in the series, that in fact on which the success of the 
 scheme mainly depended, was taken in Persia. Ma- 
 hommed Shah had succeeded to the throne in 1834, 
 having previously been named heir apparent ; and 
 
118 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. Supr. 
 
 being opposed by more than one of bis uncles, bad | 
 overcome tbeir opposition by tbe aid of British officers 
 and British money. But be bad scarcely established 
 his authority, when he resolved to attempt the con- ! 
 quest of Herat. The British Government had uni- 
 formly dissuaded Persia from seeking foreign con- 
 quests, or engaging in hostilities with any foreign 
 power. While Great Britain desired to give security 
 to Persia, for the purpose of strengthening the de- 
 fences of India, she had at all times endeavoured to 
 prevent the Shah from converting into means of 
 aggression the elements of strength with which she 
 supplied him for his own defence. She had endea- 
 voured to dissuade him from hostilities with Turkey in j 
 1822, and with Russia in 1826, although upon the latter :| 
 occasion the provocation justified an appeal to arms ; '! 
 and she had succeeded in preventing an expedition ' 
 against Herat in 1832. Russia had pursued an oppo- . 
 site course : she had instigated Persia to invade Turkey ; 
 in 1822, and not only encouraged the projected expe- 
 dition against Herat in 1832, but supplied an officer of 
 engineers (the Baron Ache) to accompany it. When ' 
 Mahommed Shah, in the winter of 1835-6, announced * 
 his intention to march against Herat in the spring, 
 Mr. Ellis (now Sir Henry Ellis), then ambassador at ; 
 the Court of the Shah, used all his influence to deter ' 
 His Majesty from that enterprise, but discovered that 
 his Russian colleague had expressed himself in very 
 strong terms respecting the expediency of the Shah 
 losing no time in undertaking the expedition against : 
 Herat, and had assigned as a reason for the immediate 
 urgency of his doing so, the probability of the British i 
 Government discouraging the attempt.” This was on I 
 the 8th January, 1836. On the 15th of the same i 
 month he writes to the Secretary of State : I feel j 
 
 quite assured that the British Government cannot ; 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 EXPEDITION AGAINST HERAT. 
 
 119 
 
 permit the extension of the Persian monarchy in the 
 direction of AfiPghanistan, with a due regard to the 
 tranquillity of India ; that extension will at once bring 
 Eussian influence to the very threshold of our empire ; 
 and as Persia will not or dare not place herself in 
 a condition of close alliance with Great Britain, our 
 policy must he to consider her no longer an outwork 
 for the defence of India, but as the first parallel from 
 whence an attack may be commenced or threatened.” 
 
 Mr. Ellis offered his mediation for the adjustment 
 of the differences between the Shah and Prince Kam- 
 ran of Herat ; but that proposal, after being accepted 
 by the Persian government, was ultimately rejected. 
 Meanwhile, an envoy from Kandahar arrived at the 
 Persian capital. He expatiated on the readiness of 
 the Affghans, with the exception of Herat, to come 
 under feudal submission to the Shah ; and on the 
 facility with which his Persian Majesty might, with 
 their assistance, like Nadir Shah, push his conquests 
 to Delhi.” 
 
 In July, 1836, matters were still further advanced, 
 and Mr. Ellis intimates to Lord Palmerston that ‘‘ his 
 Majesty has been encouraged, and, I have been recently 
 informed, has been promised positive assistance in this 
 design by the Eussians, who well know that the con- 
 quest of Herat and Kandahar by the Persians is, in 
 fact, an advance for them towards India, if not for the 
 purpose of actual invasion, certainly for that of intrigue 
 and disorganization.” 
 
 At length the Shah marched for Herat, accompanied 
 by the Eussian minister. The British mission de- 
 clined to accompany the army, and the British officers 
 then employed with it were withdrawn on the express 
 ground that the expedition was undertaken in opposi- 
 tion to the views of the British Government. 
 
 For the purpose of securing his line of communica- 
 
120 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 tions, it was said tlie Shah considered it necessary to 
 attack the Turcoman tribes which inhabit the plains 
 at the south-eastern extremity of the Caspian, whose 
 chief offence appeared to have been the resistance 
 they had offered to the Russians on that coast. Id 
 those uncultivated plains, and opposed by an active and 
 warlike people, the Persian army suffered great pri- 
 vations, and, reduced to a deplorable condition, re- 
 turned towards Persia in the month of October. The 
 only person in the camp who opposed this retrograde 
 movement was Count Simonich, the Russian minister, 
 who urged the Shah to advance against Herat. In 
 the mean time, Mr. McNeill had replaced Mr. Ellis at 
 the Court of Tehran, and on his representations the 
 British Government remonstrated with the Court of 
 St. Petersburgh on the conduct of Count Simonich in 
 Persia. Lord Durham was then ambassador at the 
 Court of the Czar, and his Lordship’s answer, dated the 
 24th February, 1837, is in the following terms : — 
 
 In conformity with your Lordship’s instructions, 
 I spoke to Count Nesselrode on the subject of the 
 conduct of the Russian minister in Persia. His Ex- 
 cellency stated that, if Count Simonich had acted 
 in the manner stated by Mr. McNeill, he had done 
 that which was in direct opposition to his instructions. 
 The Count had been distinctly ordered to dissuade the 
 Shah from prosecuting the present war at any time 
 and in any circumstances. His Excellency said that 
 he was convinced that our minister had been mis- 
 informed, and that Count Simonich had never given 
 any such advice to the Shah as that which was attri- 
 buted to him. Count Nesselrode further stated that 
 he entirely agreed with the English Government as 
 to the folly and impolicy of the course pursued by 
 the Persian monarch.” 
 
 We have seen that Count Simonich had continued 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 RUSSIAN DUPLICITY. 
 
 121 
 
 for an entire year to nrge by every argument he could 
 employ, and even by direct promises of support and 
 assistance, the very course which fbunt Nesselrode 
 declares to have been “ in direct opposition to his in- 
 structions,” as well as foolish and impolitic. 
 
 In the spring of 1837 the Shah again began to 
 collect an army for the purpose of attacking Herat ; 
 but before the preparations had been much advanced, 
 an envoy from Prince Kaniran arrived at Tehran to 
 adjust the differences between the two Courts, and 
 offered every concession that Persia had demanded 
 short of relinquishing the indejjendence of Herat. 
 The envoy of Karnran had put himself into com- 
 munication with the British envoy, who was also 
 invited by the Persian government to take part in the 
 negotiation. But it soon became apparent that the 
 object of the Persian government was the sovereignty 
 of Herat, Kandahar, and Cabool ; and it was dis- 
 tinctly intimated that no conditions which would not 
 satisfy these pretensions would be accepted by the 
 Persian government. ^ 
 
 On the 23rd July the Shah again marched against 
 Herat, and on the same day Count Sinionich appears 
 to have addressed to his government a dispatch, in 
 which he stated that he had endeavoured to dissuade 
 his Persian Majesty from engaging in that enterprise, 
 and added, — If his Majesty was not able to convince 
 me of the necessity of making war upon Karnran, he 
 at least proved that he was immoveable in his resolu- 
 tion.” On the 8th of September this dispatch was 
 communicated to Mr. Milbanke, the British minister 
 at St. Petersburgh, for the purpose of conveying to 
 the British Gfovernment a renewed assurance that the 
 Cabinet of St. Petersburgh and the Eussian represen- 
 tative in Persia were acting in concert with the British 
 Government. Yet a few days before this communi- 
 
122 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 cation was made to the British representative, the 
 Russian Government had dispatched a secret emissary 
 to Cahool and Kandahar, furnished with letters from the 
 Emperor to the chiefs of those principalities, authorised 
 to promise them pecuniary assistance from Russia, and 
 instructed to promote their acknowledgment of the 
 sovereignty of the Shah of Persia, on condition that 
 his Majesty should capture Herat, and annex it to 
 Kandahar. This secret agent of the Czar, Captain 
 Yicovich, aide-de-camp of the general commanding at 
 Orenburg, arrived in the Shah’s camp, which had not 
 yet performed half the distance to Herat, on the 10th 
 of October, and from thence set out on the 13th to 
 execute the task assigned him in Affghanistan. This 
 imperial agent ‘‘ had everywhere announced that he ; 
 was sent to intimate the arrival at Asterahad of a i 
 large Russian force, destined to co-operate with the , 
 Shah’s army against Herat.” He was furnished by ^ 
 the Shah with funds, with letters for the Affghan 
 chiefs, and with an escort. At Kandahar he found a 
 British agent, Mr. Leech, and, at Cahool, Captain ; 
 (afterwards Sir Alexander) Burnes. His proceedings at { 
 both places were hut a series of intrigues hostile to ! 
 Great Britain, and tending to promote the views of ' 
 the Shah, which the Court of St. Petershurgh assured j 
 the British Government of their anxious desire to 
 discourage. In consequence of these intrigues, and 
 their influence on the Affghan chiefs, the British 
 agents were recalled, perhaps somewhat hastily, from 
 Cahool and Kandahar, and a treaty was concluded by 
 the mediation and under the guarantee of the Russian 
 minister between Kohundil Khan of Kandahar, and 
 the Shall of Persia, by which the former agreed to 
 become subject to Persia, and the latter undertook to 
 defend Kandahar against any enemy who might attack 
 it. The Russian minister undertook to see these stipu- 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 SIEGE OF HEKAT. 
 
 123 
 
 lations fulfilled, and, if necessary, to compel the Persian 
 Grovernment, by force of arms, to fulfil its engagements. 
 Arrangements were entered into by which the Russian 
 frontier on the side of Khiva, which was to be con- 
 quered, and the Persian frontier on the side of Herat, 
 which was also to be conquered, were to be defined. 
 Russia promised to relinquish a claim against Persia 
 for 250,000/., to be applied to the prosecution of the 
 war against Herat. The Russian minister took the 
 command of the Persian troops in the trenches before 
 Herat, and directed the siege and assault of the fortress, 
 and a regiment of Russian deserters, the surrender of 
 which had been demanded from Persia before the army 
 had marched from Tehran, but which had been per- 
 mitted to accompany it, actually took part in the siege 
 and assault of Herat, after it had been formally sur- 
 rendered to the Russian minister, and had ceased to be 
 in the service of the Shah. 
 
 But the assault was repulsed. A British force ap- 
 peared in the Persian Gulf, and the Shah, on the 
 demand of the British Minister, coupled with a threat 
 of hostilities if that demand was not complied with, 
 raised the siege of Herat, and returned to his capital. 
 
 The Russian Government hastened to extricate itself, 
 as it best could, from the disgraceful position in which 
 it was placed by the detection and exposure of its 
 proceedings and the failure of its schemes. The acts 
 of its agents were disavowed : those agents themselves 
 were recalled and disgraced. Captain Yicovich, shortly 
 after his return to St. Petersburgh, disappeared, and 
 was said to have destroyed himself; and the most 
 solemn assurances were given to the British Govern- 
 ment that the Court of St. Petersburgh would not 
 again interfere in the affairs of Affghanistan. 
 
 Here then, on the one hand, were the Russian 
 minister at the Court of Persia, and the Russian 
 
124 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 agents in the countries towards India, pursuing for 
 three successive years a course unequivocally hostile 
 to G-reat Britain — pushing on Persia, and aiding her 
 to break down the defences of India ; negotiating and 
 guaranteeing treaties hostile to British interests, which 
 bound Russia, in certain events, to employ her military 
 forces in those countries ; adjusting the future line of 
 frontier between Russia and the possessions which, by 
 her assistance, Persia was to acquire in Affghanistan ; 
 and all this for the avowed purpose of opening the 
 road to India. That such was the purpose is clearly 
 stated by the envoy of Dost Mahommed Khan. In a 
 letter from him, addressed to that chief and received 
 at Cabool about the middle of November, 1837, is the 
 following passage : — ; 
 
 “ The Russian Ambassador, who is always with the ■' 
 Shah, has sent you a letter, which I enclose. The , 
 substance of his verbal messages to you is, that if the | 
 Shah does everything you want, so much the better ; 
 and if not, the Russian Grovernment will furnish you 
 (the Ameer) with everything wanting. 
 
 The object of the Russian Elchee, by his message, ; 
 is to have a road to the English (India), and for this ; 
 they are very anxious. He is waiting for your answer, 
 and I am sure he will serve you. The letter you sent 
 through Aga Mahomed Kashee pleased the Shah very 
 much, and he (Mahomed Hossein) will soon return to 
 you.” 
 
 On the other hand, throughout the whole course of 
 these proceedings, the Russian Government continued 
 to give the most positive assurances that it was acting 
 in entire concert with the British Government in 
 Persia ; that it disapproved of the Shah’s expedition 
 to Herat ; and that it was endeavouring to dissuade 
 him from undertaking it at any time or in any circum- 
 stances. 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 DESIGNS UPON INDIA. 
 
 125 
 
 Are we to believe that a Russian minister, at a 
 foreign Court, and a host of inferior agents, may con- 
 tinue for several successive years, in direct opposition 
 to their instructions, and after the attention of their 
 government has been directed to their conduct, to 
 carry on with impunity, in the name of their govern- 
 ment, measures the most hostile to an allied state ? — or, 
 are we to accuse Russia of bad faith ? If we assert the 
 good faith of the Emperor and his cabinet, we must 
 deny his authority in his own empire. If we attribute 
 to him authority, we must deny his good faith. But 
 whichever of these alternatives we may choose to adopt, 
 the inference is equally inevitable, that from the pro- 
 fessions or assurances of the Russian government we can 
 derive no security. 
 
 So far as the whole influence of her name, aided by 
 a considerable expenditure of money, by the active 
 military assistance of her officers, by liberal promises of 
 support, and by formal engagements, could be em- 
 ployed to excite all the nations and tribes which occupy 
 the country intervening between her frontier and ours 
 to combine in opposing the views and the interests of 
 England, and ultimately to contemplate an attack on 
 the British empire in India — that influence and those 
 means were as effectually wielded by her agents as if 
 she had been prepared to adopt their acts as her own, 
 and to avow instead of repudiating them. 
 
 It has been stated (p. 4) that in 1717 Peter I. 
 made a treacherous attempt to seize the principality 
 of Khiva to the east of the Caspian Sea ; and (p. 90) 
 that immediately after the treaty of Adrianople troops 
 were collected at Orenbourg for the invasion of Khiva, 
 and were prevented from proceeding on that expedi- 
 tion by the revolution in Poland. It has also been in- 
 cidentally mentioned, that, in the course of the arrange- 
 ments between the Shah and the Russian minister 
 
126 
 
 RUSSIA m THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 during the siege of Herat in 1838, the conquest of 
 Khiva by Russia, and the adjustment of the frontiers 
 of Russia and Persia in the countries lying between 
 the Caspian and Herat, was a part of the scheme that 
 was contemplated and discussed. In 1839 a Russian 
 army, of from 10,000 to 15,000 men, which had been 
 collected at Orenhourg under the command of Greneral 
 Peroffski, in anticipation of the Shah’s success at Herat, 
 actually invaded Khiva. But the difficulty of procur- 
 ing water in those arid steppes during the summer and 
 autumn had induced the General to select the winter 
 season, when there is snow upon the ground. The 
 expedition was disastrous : the inclemency of the 
 weather, and the fearful drifts of snow, which were 
 driven by the tempests across those open plains, were 
 such as it was found impossible to contend with. The 
 army, after losing a large proportion of its numbers, 
 retraced its steps with great difficulty to Orenhourg, 
 where it arrived in the most miserable plight. 
 
 The conquest of Khiva by Russia, which was an- 
 nounced by Count Simonich to the Shah in 1838, was 
 part of the general scheme for the advance of Russian 
 power and influence towards India : although the other 
 parts of the plan had failed, and the acts of the agents 
 engaged in carrying it out had been disavowed, that 
 portion which it was still in the power of Russia to 
 prosecute was not relinquished without an effort to 
 accomplish it. 
 
 Let us contemplate for a moment the position that 
 Russia would have occupied if the scheme had suc- 
 ceeded, and that part of it which related to Affghan- 
 istan undoubtedly would have succeeded until over- 
 turned by force of arms if Herat had fallen. By 
 the concerted action of Russia and Persia, the sove- 
 reignty of the Shah would have been established in 
 Kandahar and Cabool as well as at Herat under the 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 RUSSIAN TREACHERY. 
 
 127 
 
 guarantee of Russia ; Khiva would have become a Rus- 
 sian province, extending along the course of the Oxus 
 probably to the northern slopes of the Hindoo Koosh 
 — the British and Russian empires in Asia would then 
 have been in contact. 
 
 Regarded merely with reference to its military hear- 
 ings, there might not be anything very alarming in that 
 contiguity, hut it must he kept in mind that there would 
 have been an essential difference between the relative 
 positions of the two parties. The chief object of Russia 
 would be disorganization, which she has so often 
 systematically promoted ; and in a settled government, 
 such as India, the injury to be inflicted by that system 
 is infinitely greater than could be retaliated by similar 
 means upon the provinces she would have acquired in 
 Khiva or upon her ally of Persia. In those countries 
 there never has been that established organization 
 which is necessary to the prosperity or even to the 
 maintenance of the British Government in India. Con- 
 tention and disorder would amply serve her purpose ; 
 nothing but. tranquillity and order would serve ours. 
 
 Let it not be forgotten that it was in the midst, not 
 of peace only and general professions of amity, hut of 
 special and repeated assurances of cordial co-operation 
 with the British Government in Persia, that this 
 flagrant attempt was secretly made to acquire, by 
 hostile intrigues, a position and influence in the coun- 
 tries bordering upon India, that would have enabled 
 her to disturb, if not to threaten, the British Empire 
 in the East, an attack upon which was stated to he the 
 ultimate object of all these discreditable proceedings. 
 
 Great Britain has in India an empire which she 
 holds by a tenure so peculiar, that she is prudently 
 jealous of the establishment, in its immediate vicinity, 
 of any foreign European influence. She has therefore 
 sought, by forming alliances with some of the neigh- 
 
128 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 bouring nations, not only to protect India from actual 
 invasion, but also to exclude from it the rival influ- 
 ence of other states. Independent of the necessity for 
 adopting these precautionary measures, which arose 
 out of the very nature of our power in India, there 
 were circumstances in the position, the previous policy 
 and views of Russia, and in the character of her 
 government, which pointed her out as the country 
 from which danger was to be apprehended, and against 
 the effects of whose intrigues and violence it was there- 
 fore especially necessary to adopt every prudent and 
 practicable means of defence. 
 
 Still the distance which separated her frontier from 
 ours was so considerable ; the difficulty of marching 
 an army sufficiently numerous to endanger our pos- 
 session of India was conceived to be so great ; the 
 assurances of friendly feeling towards England which 
 Russia renewed from time to time were so strong ; the 
 protestations of the absence of all ambitious views — 
 of all desire for territorial aggrandizement, or even 
 for exclusive influence in the East, were so solemn — 
 and Lord Durham was so fully satisfied of the per- 
 fect sincerity of all her professions — that this country 
 was lulled into a feeling of security, from which the 
 voice of the few who did not participate in these sen- 
 timents was unable to rouse it. Russia had heard it 
 said that we had entered into recognizances of a 
 thousand millions to keep the peace. She heard a 
 party, whose weight she greatly overrated, opposing 
 every augmentation of our army or navy, and even 
 questioning the value of India and of our Colonies ; — 
 and thinking that she had discovered that the temper 
 of the nation was docile and its spirit dormant, her 
 government and her agents cast aside all apprehension 
 of the only danger which would have deterred them. 
 Yet it was not until civil war in Canada promised to 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 HOSTILE FEELING IN EUROPE. 
 
 129 
 
 direct the disposable military resources of England to 
 the opposite extremity of her empire, that the intrigues 
 of the Russian agents in the direction of India took 
 such a shape that it was impossible to doubt either 
 the nature of their plans or the tendency of their pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 When Russia withdrew her forces from Constanti- 
 nople in 1833, she claimed’ admiration for the dis- 
 interested friendship and the magnanimity she had 
 displayed. But she had used the presence of her fleet 
 and army as a means of procuring surreptitiously the 
 treaty of Unkiar Skellessi, which placed Turkey under 
 her exclusive protection, and gave her the virtual 
 command of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles (see pp. 
 91-93). The discovery of that clandestine transac- 
 tion had produced strong feelings of distrust and re- 
 sentment in all the Cabinets of Europe, and England 
 and France protested against it. The exposure of the 
 hostile intrigues directed against the tranquillity of 
 British India for three successive years, during which 
 she had never ceased to give the British Government 
 special assurances of friendship and co-operation, had 
 increased those feelings, and seemed to prove that no 
 reliance could be placed on her professions. Her re- 
 putation was damaged, and it became necessary to 
 repair it. 
 
 The proceedings of Mahomed Ali in Syria threatened 
 the permanent dismemberment of the Ottoman empire, 
 if not the destruction of the Sultan’s power. The 
 Turkish forces had repeatedly been defeated — the 
 Turkish fleet had been treacherously delivered over to 
 the Viceroy of Egypt — Ibrahim Pasha had overrun 
 Syria, had invaded Mesopotamia, established Mahomed 
 Ali’s authority in Arabia, and threatened to advance 
 upon Constantinople. In the midst of these disasters 
 Sultan Mahmoud had died, and, when the youthful 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp.' 
 
 Abdul Medjid ascended the throne, it appeared that 
 unless assisted by his allies he would be forced to 
 submit to such conditions as his rebellious vassal might 
 impose. The great powers deemed it necessary to put 
 an end to the troubles in the Levant, which interrupted 
 commerce and endangered the peace of Europe ; and 
 the negociations which ensued afforded Russia the 
 occasion she sought to retrace some of her steps, and 
 to regain the confidence she had forfeited. 
 
 The energy which Mahomed Ali had displayed in 
 his government, the success of his arms, the extent of 
 his military and naval resources — 196,000 men under 
 arms, of which 155,000 were disciplined troops, and 
 twenty-one ships of the line, with nine large frigates — , 
 led some even of the statesmen of Europe to speculate; 
 on the possible regeneration of the Ottoman Empire in' 
 his hands, or at least on the establishment of a separate 
 Mahommedan kingdom, which might serve as a sub-! 
 stitute for the power of the Sultan, supposed to be 
 hopelessly prostrated. But Great Britain, having more 
 confidence in the moral force wielded by the Sultan,; 
 and regarding the power of Mahomed Ali as destitute' 
 of all the moral elements of stability, believed, if the<‘ 
 present difficulties could be overcome, that Turkey; 
 would yet maintain and strengthen the position assigned; 
 to her in the balance of power in Europe. She re- 
 garded the revolt and the successes of the Pasha of 
 Egypt as dangerous to that balance, and, desiring to 
 maintain the integrity and the independence of Turkey, 
 proposed to reduce the Pasha to obedience, and re-es- 
 tablish the Sultan’s authority in that portion of his 
 dominions in which his rebellious vassal had usurped 
 the government. 
 
 France desired to preserve the Ottoman empire, and 
 was prepared, in concert with the other powers, toj 
 defend Constantinople and the throne of the Sultan^ 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 THE EGYPTIAN QUESTION. 
 
 131 
 
 against any attack that might be made upon either by 
 Mahomed Ali. She joined with the other four great 
 powers in presenting to the Porte on the 27th of July, 
 1839, a collective note, which assured the Sultan of 
 their protection ; and Baron Roussin, the French am- 
 bassador, was instructed to present to the Turkish 
 Grovernment a note, in which the Sultan was requested, 
 if he invited to Constantinople the naval or military 
 forces of any other power, to permit the French fleet 
 to pass the Dardanelles. But the Pasha of Egypt had 
 been more intimately connected with France than with 
 any other European nation, and the statesmen then at 
 the head of the French government had formed an ex- 
 aggerated estimate of his power, while at the same time 
 their distrust of Russia was greater and more openly 
 announced than that of any other cabinet. They were 
 of opinion that Mahomed Ali could successfully resist 
 any means of coercion that G-reat Britain and Austria 
 could bring to bear upon him, and believed that, if 
 coercive measures were resorted to, it would inevitably 
 lead to the employment of a Russian military force in 
 Asia Minor and Syria, which they would regard as a 
 greater evil even to the Sultan, than the hereditary 
 possession of Egypt and Syria by Mahomed Ali and 
 his descendants. 
 
 Russia, looking with no favour on the cordiality of 
 the relations then growing up between France and 
 England, and finding herself pledged by the treaty of 
 Unkiar Skellessi to protect Turkey, eagerly accepted 
 the proposition of the British Government, and sent 
 her ablest and most accomplished diplomatist, Baron 
 Brunnow, to this country to effect a cordial reconcilia- 
 tion between the courts, founded upon the coincidence 
 of their views and objects in the Levant. The baron 
 offered the virtual renunciation of the treaty of Unkiar 
 Skellessi, on the condition that the great powers would 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 unite to protect the Sultan, and to enforce the accept- 
 ance by Mahomed Ali of such an arrangement as 
 might be agreed upon in concert with the Sultan. 
 The views of Great Britain had been too clearly and 
 unequivocally announced, and were founded upon con- 
 victions too firmly established, to admit of her receding 
 from the course she had been the first to propose, and 
 she still hoped to overcome the objections of the French 
 Government to concur in it. But Russia appears to 
 have discovered, that, independent of the reasons 
 assigned by France for disapproving of coercive mea- 
 sures, there were domestic considerations that would 
 prevent her Government from accepting the proposals 
 of England, and she knew, at the same time, that 
 Austria and Prussia were ready to accept them ; she 
 therefore contemplated not only her own reconciliation 
 with Great Britain, but the probable isolation of 
 France. This latter result the British Government 
 made every effort to avoid, and in the hope of ultimate 
 success postponed the conclusion of the proposed con- 
 vention till it was no longer possible to delay it. More 
 than once in the course of the negociations, which 
 were continued for many months, it was hoped that 
 the objections of the French Government had been 
 overcome ; but these hopes were not realised. 
 
 Both the French and the British Governments were 
 desirous to set aside the treaty of Unkiar Skellessi, 
 against which they had both protested as soon as its 
 existence was discovered, and both therefore appre- 
 ciated the advantage to be gained by accepting that 
 part of the Russian proposition. But France, drawing 
 closer her connexion with Mahomed Ali, and believing 
 that any attempt to coerce him must bring a Russian 
 army into Syria, could not overcome her repugnance 
 to any course that she considered likely to lead to that 
 result. Great Britain, on the other hand, estimating 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 BARON BRUNNOW’S MISSION. 
 
 133 
 
 more accurately, as the result proved, the nature of the 
 Pasha’s position, and perceiving its weakness, was not 
 deterred by apprehensions which she did not share. 
 Baron Brunnow found no difficulty in placing his 
 master in entire accordance upon this question with 
 the British Government, whose proposition for the 
 pacification of the Levant had in fact been adopted at 
 St. Petersburgh. But when the part to he assigned to 
 each in the co-operation they were to undertake came 
 to be discussed, the Russian envoy proposed that, if 
 armed intervention should be necessary, the defence of 
 Constantinople and the Bosphorus should he assigned to 
 Russia alone. Lord Palmerston required that in such 
 an event the Dardanelles should be opened to the 
 fleets of the co-operating powers, when the Bosphorus 
 was opened to the Russian forces. But this was a 
 demand which the baron was not authorised to concede, 
 and which he referred to St. Petersburgh. In the mean 
 time he urged the necessity of instant recourse to 
 active measures, leaving the question about the Dardanelles 
 to he settled^ if and when it should arise. He even urged 
 the British Government to take some active measures 
 against the Pasha, without awaiting the conclusion of 
 any formal agreement with the other powers. But 
 the British minister rejected both proposals, and made 
 the acquiescence of Russia in his demand as to the 
 Dardanelles a sine qua non. The Court of St. Peters- 
 burgh could not have rejected that demand without 
 renewing the distrust which it was so anxious to re- 
 move, and after a little consideration it gave way ; hut 
 only on the condition that a point should he determined 
 in the Sea of Marmora^ beyond which the ships of war 
 permitted to pass the Dardanelles should not he at liberty 
 to advance towards Constantinople and the Bosphorus. 
 She felt the jealousy of a lover, and could not with 
 complacency permit any one else to approach the 
 
134 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 object of her affections. This puerile demand was 
 obviously untenable, and is worth recording only as an 
 indication of character and sentiment. 
 
 The proposed convention was concluded at London 
 on the 15th of July, 1840, between Gfreat Britain, 
 Austria, Prussia, Eussia, and Turkey. The four powers, 
 
 “ animated by the desire of maintaining the integrity and 
 independence of the Ottoman empire as a security for the 
 peace of Europe^' engaged to unite their efforts in order 
 to determine Mahomed Ali to conform to the arrange- 
 ment agreed upon. If he should refuse, they were “ to 
 take, at the request of the Sultan, measures concerted 
 and settled between them in order to carry that ar- 
 rangement into effect.” If after refusing the arrange- 
 ment he should direct forces against Constantinople, 
 they agreed to send their forces for its defence, “ upon ' 
 the express demand of the Sultan the forces so sent 
 to remain as long as the Sultan required their presence, 
 and to withdraw simultaneously to the Black Sea 
 and the Mediterranean respectively, when his Highness 
 shall deem their presence no longer necessary.” 
 
 They recognised the ancient rule of the Ottoman ' 
 empire, in virtue of which it has at all times been pro- 
 hibited for ships of war of foreign powers to enter the ; 
 straits of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus,” and ' 
 engaged to respect it. The Sultan undertook “ to main- 
 tain this principle invariably established as the ancient 
 rule of the empire ; and, as long as the Porte is at peace, 
 to admit no foreign ship of war into the straits of the 
 Bosphorus and the Dardanelles.” 
 
 Thus was the treaty, surreptitiously exacted from the 
 Porte at Unkiar Skellessi in 1833, tacitly set aside in 
 1840, the command of the Bosphorus and the Dar- 
 danelles restored to Turkey on its ancient footing, and 
 the guardianship of the four powers substituted for the 
 exclusive protection of Russia. 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 CONVENTION OF 1840. 
 
 135 
 
 No such concession had previously been made by 
 Russia in favour of Turkey, unless under the pressure 
 of difficulties, or from apprehension of danger ; hut she 
 accomplished her avowed object, for she regained the 
 confidence of England, and of the other powers except 
 France ; and that power she succeeded in isolating, so 
 far as the affairs of the Levant were concerned. 
 
 The surrender of the great fortress of Acre to 
 Admiral Stopford in a few hours, and the success of 
 the naval and military operations in Syria conducted 
 by Commodore Napier, accomplished in a few weeks 
 the - objects contemplated by the treaty of London, 
 demonstrated the real weakness of Mahomed Ali and 
 the moral force of the Sultan, and re-established that 
 sovereign’s authority on a firm basis, without affording 
 any occasion for the active intervention of Russia. 
 
 The aid afforded to Turkey on that occasion saved 
 the Ottoman empire, if not from utter ruin, certainly 
 from anarchy and hopeless prostration. Russia, whose 
 object it had been, and still is, to raise herself upon the 
 ruins of Turkey, and to obtain exclusive possession of 
 the Black Sea, the Dardanelles, and the Bosphorus, had 
 contributed, and actually desired in all sincerity, to 
 save Turkey from Mahomed Ali. Whatever view she 
 might have taken of his rebellion, while it only weak- 
 ened hut did not threaten to overthrow the Sultan, it 
 could not suit her views to see a Mahommedan power, 
 which she regarded as intimately connected with 
 France and hostile to herself, preparing to overturn or 
 supplant the government which she had undertaken to 
 protect. She foresaw the danger of having to contend 
 with the forces of Mahomed Ali, backed by the far 
 more formidable power of France. She had coveted, 
 and by means not the most creditable had obtained, the 
 position of sole protector of Turkey, but as soon as the 
 office threatened to become hazardous and burdensome 
 
136 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 I 
 
 she hastened to share it with her allies, and to make a 
 merit of the concession. She knew how easy it would 
 be to stir up the Mahommedan population against the 
 hereditary enemy of their race, even when she appeared 
 in the guise of protector of the Sultan, and that to 
 undertake single-handed the defence of Turkey, as by 
 treaty she had engaged to do, might have involved her 
 in disgrace. She therefore prudently relinquished the 
 exclusive pretensions she had set up ; hut she did not 
 therefore relinquish her hereditary policy. There can 
 he little doubt, however, that in the commencement at 
 least of these negociations on the affairs of the Levant 
 she assumed a solidity in the power of Mahomed Ali 
 which it did not possess, and a prostration of the power 
 of Turkey which had not yet been effected, and which 
 did not ensue. Indeed England appears to have been 
 the only one of the powers of Europe who justly ap- 
 preciated the relative positions of the two parties, who 
 detected the unsoundness of the foundation on which 
 Mahomed Ali had raised what appeared to be a formid- 
 able power, or discerned the stability of that on which 
 the Sultan’s authority rested. ‘‘ The house of the one 
 was built upon the sands of Egypt, that of the other 
 was founded on the rocks of Roumelia.” To this more 
 accurate knowledge, and to the firmness and prudence 
 of the British minister, who led on the other powers 
 ultimately to accept it as the foundation of their plans, 
 does western Europe owe the present strength of 
 Turkey, and the resistance she is able to offer to the 
 lawless ambition that nothing hut force can restrain. 
 
 France had not been a party to the convention of 
 July, 1840. She stood aloof, disdaining to seek or to 
 accept participation in a measure which she attributed 
 to the influence of Eussia, who had given her just cause 
 of offence. The Court of St. Petershurgh, the consistent 
 advocate and champion of what it considers legitimate 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 CONVENTION OF 1841. 
 
 137 
 
 despotism, and the avowed enemy of every manifesta- 
 tion of the popular will, had viewed with alarm the 
 revolution of 1830, and never ceased to treat with 
 disrespect the prince whom the French people had 
 called to their throne. Russia had not only shown her 
 resentment at the change of dynasty, hut had contem- 
 plated interposing by intrigues, and even by force of 
 arms, to compel that great nation to submit to the 
 monarch it had rejected, and to desert the sovereign it 
 had chosen. Great Britain, mindful of her own history, 
 had at once accepted the change which France had 
 accomplished in her domestic arrangements ; and 
 believing that the cordial alliance of these two powers 
 is necessary to the progress or perhaps to the defence 
 of civilisation, and is demanded not less by the dictates 
 of prudence than by a regard for the welfare of man- 
 kind, saw with regret the isolation of France on the 
 Eastern question. The British Government therefore 
 earnestly desired to remove the impediments which for 
 the moment prevented the co-operation of allies upon 
 whose good understanding the safety of all that is 
 worth preserving or fostering in Europe mainly de- 
 pends. On the 13th of July, 1841, that desirable object 
 was happily accomplished. Another convention was 
 then signed in London, ostensibly respecting the 
 Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, but the effect of which 
 was again to associate France with Great Britain and 
 the other powers for the defence of the Ottoman 
 empire. The chief danger to that empire, as all the 
 world felt and knew, arose from the unscrupulous 
 ambition of Russia, and its safety could hardly have 
 been ensured until the greatest of the military powers 
 had formally announced its intentions. 
 
 The treaty of July, 1840, had declared the desire by 
 which the high contracting parties were animated to 
 maintain the integrity and independence of the Ottoman 
 
138 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 empire. The treaty of July, 1841, announced that the 
 sovereigns of Great Britain, Austria, France, Prussia, 
 and Russia, “ being persuaded that their union and 
 their agreement offer to Europe the most certain pledge 
 for the preservation of the general peace, the constant 
 object of their solicitude ; and their Majesties being 
 desirous of testifying this agreement, by giving to the 
 Sultan a manifest proof of the respect which they 
 entertain for his sovereign rights, as well as their 
 desire to see consolidated the repose of his empire ; 
 their said Majesties have resolved,” &c. 
 
 The five powers which concluded that convention 
 with the Porte thus bound themselves to respect the 
 sovereign rights of the Sultan, and to promote the 
 consolidation of the repose of his empire. Any act by 
 which one of them should thenceforth attempt to trench 
 upon those rights, or to disturb that repose, would be a 
 manifest breach of faith, not only towards Turkey, but 
 also towards the other powers which were parties to 
 that treaty, unless indeed it should be established that 
 Turkey had committed some act of such a nature as 
 would cancel the engagement. 
 
 Turkey had suffered much, but she had also gained a 
 great deal of valuable knowledge. The shock which 
 she had received awoke her rudely but effectually from 
 the dream of internal security into which she had fallen. 
 The effective support of the great powers gave her 
 confidence to proceed with her reforms. The increased 
 intercourse with Europe which her danger led her to 
 cultivate enlightened and enlarged the views of many 
 of her ablest men. Her Mahommedan subjects, averse 
 to change, felt and acknowledged the insufficiency of 
 the ancient system, and, having been saved from 
 Mahommedan enemies by the intervention of Christian 
 friends, were prepared for the more liberal toleration 
 which the Government desired to establish. Her armies 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 TURKISH REFORMS. 
 
 139 
 
 had been defeated in almost every encounter by the 
 disciplined troops of Egypt, and all classes began to 
 believe that there must be virtue in a system that could 
 enable the Fellahs to beat the Turks. The regular 
 army at length became a national institution, of which 
 the nation began to be proud. The exigencies of her 
 position had made it necessary to conciliate all classes 
 of her subjects by more careful attention to the equality 
 and justice of the administration ; and the prejudices 
 that impeded the introduction of a better system having 
 given way before the necessities of the government 
 and the danger of the times, the Sultan and his advisers 
 were enabled to proceed without obstruction in a pru- 
 dent and progressive course of amelioration. The 
 result has been that, of the despotic governments of 
 Europe, perhaps there is not one in which the civil 
 and fiscal administrations are more just, or less oppres- 
 sive or vexatious, than in Turkey. With these amelio- 
 rations in her government, the loyalty of her population 
 has become warmer, and even her Christian subjects 
 are now aware that their condition would not be 
 improved, but deteriorated, by exchanging the govern- 
 ment of Turkey for that of any of her neighbours. As 
 these changes have advanced steadily but slowly, for 
 nothing moves rapidly in Turkey, the resources of the 
 country have been gradually developed, and its com- 
 merce has extended from year to year. Seminaries of 
 instruction in literature, science, and arts have been 
 established, and the learning of Europe has been made 
 accessible to many by the study of foreign languages. 
 A body of military officers of respectable acquirements, 
 and capable of being compared in that respect with 
 those of some nations of higher pretensions, have been 
 trained in the military schools ; in short, it may not be 
 too much to say that the progress of Turkey in all that 
 
140 
 
 KUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 indicates advancement in the art of governing well is 
 such as several of the Christian nations of Europe I 
 cannot pretend to boast of, and would do well to imitate. 
 
 That steady progress has been effected in the face of 
 difficulties systematically aggravated and multiplied 
 by the intrigues and active though secret hostility of 
 Russia. True to her principles, she sends her disor- 
 ganising propaganda before her to prepare the way 
 wherever she proposes to plant her foot. The presence 
 of her secret agents announces her approach, as the 
 stealthy jackal precedes the lion, or the pilot-fish indi- 
 cates the movements of the shark. 
 
 Bulgaria, stretching along the southern banks of the ' 
 Danube, from above Widdin to the Euxine, for nearly 
 four hundred miles, and with a sea -coast of nearly two ■ 
 hundred, occupies an area of about thirty thousand 
 square miles. The range of the Balkan, which forms its ^ 
 southern boundary, sends down towards the Danube 
 numerous parallel ranges of hills, diminishing in height 
 as they descend, till they sink into slight undulations 
 in the plains. Between these ranges lie a succession 
 of beautiful valleys of great fertility, each watered by i 
 its own stream, and widening till it expands into the' 
 great alluvial plain that occupies the basin of the 
 Danube. The uplands and sides of these valleys are ' 
 clothed or sprinkled with wood — on the slopes hang 
 orchards and vineyards, and mulberry groves for the 
 silkworm — the lower grounds wave with corn. The 
 choicest flowers of our gardens are scattered profusely 
 over hill and dale — the hum of bees is incessant, for 
 every house has its hives. Herds of buffaloes and 
 cattle, and of sheep with wool little inferior to the 
 merino of Spain, and of horses, highly esteemed in those 
 countries of horsemen, cover the pastures. This rich 
 and beautiful country is inhabited by about two millions 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 STATE OF BULGARIA. 
 
 141 
 
 of Bulgarians, Sclavonians, and Turks, of whom more 
 than one half are Mahommedans. Besides its corn and 
 wine, its wool and silk, wax and honey, cattle,, sheep, 
 and horses, tallow, hides, and timber, all of which it 
 exports to a large or a considerable amount, it has iron- 
 mines of great value, which have for centuries been 
 successfully worked, and manufactures of iron and of 
 leather, which supply the neighbouring countries. In 
 the principal town, Sophia, the clang of the hammer is 
 incessant. The peasant population, industrious, cleanly, 
 and prosperous, is better dressed, better housed, and in 
 easier circumstances than the agricultural population of 
 most of the other countries in Europe. Unquestionably 
 there is not anywhere, except in Turkey, a Sclavonic 
 peasant population of nearly equal amount that in 
 these respects can bear comparison with the peasants 
 of Bulgaria, which has been subject to the Turks for 
 five hundred years. In Russia there is nowhere a body 
 of peasants, bond or free, Greek, Latin, or Lutheran, 
 who in their most ambitious dreams could have ima- 
 gined, far less aspired to, the material welfare of the 
 Bulgarian. 
 
 But Russia has already commenced her demoralising 
 system in that country. An English gentleman, of the 
 highest intelligence and honour, visited Bulgaria a year 
 or two ago, for the purpose of inquiring into the causes 
 and circumstances of a contest between the Christians 
 and the Mahommedans in the districts near Widdin. 
 He found that it had been produced by the active 
 intrigues of secret foreign agency, exciting the Chris- 
 tians to revolt, and at the same time inflaming the 
 anger of the Mahommedans, and urging them on to acts 
 of violence. He sums up his account as follows : — ■ 
 
 “ The alleged revolution is thus concluded, and the 
 attitude of the Turkish Government is really worthy of 
 
142 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 remark, not only as offering a striking contrast to 
 the conduct of those powers which have endeavoured 
 to embroil its affairs, but also as furnishing a profitable 
 lesson of forbearance and tact to other cabinets of 
 Europe, which have been similarly situated and have 
 acted differently. Here there are neither executions 
 nor even arrests, and the only persons prosecuted are 
 those who were employed by the Grovernment ; provi- 
 sions are supplied to the families of the victims among 
 the supposed enemies of the Sultan, and steps are being 
 taken for the purpose of restoring their plundered pro- 
 perty. The insurgents are informed, that if they have 
 any grievances or complaints to lay before the Govern- 
 ment they will be listened to with attention and 
 promptly taken into consideration ; and a deputation of ; 
 five being selected from among them, every facility is 
 afforded by the Pasha for their immediately proceeding; 
 to Constantinople, with the view of explaining their 
 position and conduct. 
 
 ‘‘ Such is the modern system of Turkey, and such 
 the ancient policy of Eussia. Let justice be done; 
 between them.” — The moderation of the Turkish; 
 Government under these harassing circumstances, the' 
 absence of all revengeful feelings after them, and thej 
 perfect impartiality displayed in the manner of treating' 
 the two classes of subjects (Christians and Mahom- 
 medans) in collision, make it a matter of merited congra- 
 tulation that its issue should be so favourable ; while 
 the Austro-Eussian intrigue, which has not even; 
 obtained the sanction of success, as many bad actions | 
 have, and which has failed partly because it was anj 
 anachronism, and partly because Turkey cannot now 
 be shorn of her provinces by such manoeuvres as she 
 was formerly, has procured for its authors nothing 
 else than the ridicule of enlightened politicians by its! 
 
Chap. I. 
 
 HER INTRIGUES IN BULGARIA. 
 
 143 
 
 failure, and the abhorrence of all upright minds by 
 its detection.” 
 
 But these abortive attempts to excite mutual hatred 
 and contention between the Christians and Mahom- 
 medans of Bulgaria are not the most dangerous means 
 of demoralising the population to which Russia has re- 
 course. She employs her ecclesiastics in an organized 
 scheme to poison the minds of the rising genera- 
 tion, and has taken advantage of the religious tole- 
 ration of Turkey to convert the schools for religious 
 instruction into seminaries for inculcating treason. 
 “ It is by education, ” says the gentleman above 
 quoted, that this deep-laid scheme is in a course of 
 active execution ; no less than twenty-one schools have 
 been instituted of late in the different towns (of Bul- 
 garia) for this purpose ; the teachers have all come 
 from Kiew in Russia. Hatred to the Sultan, and 
 attachment to the Czar, are assiduously taught; and 
 their catechism in the Sclavonian tongue, which was 
 translated to me, is more political than religious, while 
 it openly alludes to the incorporation of Bulgaria in 
 the Russian empire. Besides this, the propaganda of 
 the Pan-Sclavonian Hetairia, and the agency of other 
 political interests opposed to those of Turkey, are effici- 
 ently represented by skilful apostles in Bulgaria.” 
 
 This is the protection which Russia demands that 
 the Sultan shall give her a right to exercise over the 
 Greek Church in Turkey ! — this is the status quo which 
 Russia requires the Sultan to engage himself by a 
 treaty with her to maintain ! It is while she is thus 
 polluting the minds of that population, and making 
 religious instruction the instrument of her perfidy, that 
 she has the effrontery to complain of the injustice of 
 suspecting that her acquisition of the right to protect 
 11,000,000 of the Christian subjects of the Sultan 
 
144 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 can in any degree interfere with his sovereign rights, 
 or the security and tranquillity of the Ottoman em- 
 pire. The catechism taught in these Bulgarian 
 schools is probably similar in its general character to 
 that taught in the schools of Poland by order of the 
 Russian Government."^ With a knowledge of these 
 facts — and many more of a similar character are esta- 
 blished by unquestionable evidence — knowing, too, the 
 whole course of Russia’s proceedings towards Turkey 
 for more than sixty years, and the ascertained and even 
 avowed objects of her policy, it is clearly impossible 
 that any honest man could advise the Sultan to con- 
 cede the demand that has been made upon him by the 
 Czar, unless he is prepared to recommend absolute and 
 ignominious submission. To speak in the same breath 
 of maintaining the integrity and the independence of 
 Turkey, and conceding that demand, would be simply 
 dishonest. 
 
 * Extracts from the new Catechism prepared for the use of schools and 
 churches in the Polish provinces of Russia — literally translated : — 
 
 “ Qu. 1. How is the authority of the emperor to be considered in reference 
 to the spirit of Christianity ? 
 
 “ Ans. As proceeding immediately from God. 
 
 “ Qu. 17. What are the supernaturally revealed motives for this worship 
 (of the emperor) ? 
 
 “ Ans. The supernaturally revealed motives are, that the emperor is the 
 vicegerent and minister of God to execute the Divine commands ; and conse- 
 quently disobedience to the emperor is identified with disobedience to God 
 himself ; that God will reward us in the world to come for the worship and 
 obedience we render the emperor, and punish us severely to all eternity should 
 we disobey or neglect to worship him. Moreover God commands us to love 
 and obey from the inmost recesses of the heart every authority, and parti- 
 cularly the emperor, not from worldly considerations, "but from apprehensions 
 of the final judgment.” 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 ( 145 ) 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Occupation by Kussia of Wallachia and Moldavia — Her attempts to destroy 
 their commerce — Her invasion of Finland — Kemonstrance of the King 
 of Sweden — Interference of Russia in Servia — Her unfounded claim to 
 be Protector of the Greek religion in Turkey — Treaty of Kainarji — 
 Russia’s hypocritical inculcation of good faith — The “ Holy Places ” — 
 Count Nesselrode’s reasoning — Probable motive of the desire of Russia to 
 • fetter the hands of the Sultan with reference to his Christian subjects — 
 “ Pan-Sclavism ” — Mischiefs arising from the encroachments of Russia — 
 Duty of the Western Powers. 
 
 The Turkish principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, 
 which Russia has now occupied for the eighth time, 
 have long excited her cupidity, and there is no form of 
 violence, fraud, or corruption that she has not resorted 
 to for the purpose of procuring their separation from 
 Turkey and their incorporation with her own dominions ; 
 but hitherto the jealousy of other powers has prevented 
 the consummation of her design. These countries, 
 remarkable for their fertility, occupy an area of from 
 forty-five to fifty thousand square miles, and contain a 
 population of nearly two millions. In all ages they 
 have had a large surplus of agricultural produce to 
 dispose of, and were the granaries of the legions of 
 Trajan as they have been of the Russian armies. Dur- 
 ing the last eighty-five years they have been occupied 
 for more than thirty by Muscovite myrmidons, and 
 have been the battle-field of the Russian and the Turk 
 in not less than twenty campaigns. Since they have 
 enjoyed comparative exemption from the evils of war, 
 the produce has continued to increase, and the trade, 
 especially with England, to extend. The first English 
 ship took in a cargo of corn at Galatz in 1834 ; from 
 two hundred and fifty to three hundred now find cargoes 
 annually at that port and Brailow, and, together with 
 
 L 
 
146 
 
 RUSSIA m THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 the foreign vessels engaged in the trade, bring to this 
 country about five hundred thousand quarters of grain, 
 besides other produce. About two hundred thousand 
 quarters more find their way to Great Britain through 
 indirect channels. The whole of our imports from 
 those countries are paid for in British manufactures, 
 and the trade has been extending every year. The total 
 export of grain from Wallachia and Moldavia amounts 
 to nearly five millions of quarters, and may be largely 
 augmented, for agriculture is there in the rudest state. 
 The progressive increase of produce and commerce in 
 the principalities within the last twenty years is a re- 
 markable illustration of the difficulty of destroying a 
 profitable trade. Before the trade with the principalities 
 was opened, the only countries exporting corn from 
 the Black Sea were the Russian provinces ; but when 
 the Danube came to be frequented by our ships and 
 those of other nations, the rapidity with which pro- ' 
 duction increased was wonderful, amounting on an . 
 average to not less than from six to seven hundred , 
 thousand quarters a year for export, besides the greater . 
 consumption which always accompanies increased pro- •' 
 duction and a thriving trade. Russia saw that the | 
 Principalities were becoming her rivals, and, more [ 
 formidable still, were making rapid strides in civiliza- ^ 
 tion, which, if not arrested, would speedily make them > 
 no longer disposed to submit to her more barbarous 
 domination. She had established by treaty a line of 
 quarantines to separate Wallachia and Moldavia from 
 Turkey, and she had obtained the exclusive control of 
 the only navigable mouth of the Danube. The influ- 
 ence of her agents was paramount with the local govern- 
 ment, and the quarantine establishments were under 
 her immediate control. The vexatious and illegal use 
 of these means was freely resorted to for the purpose 
 of throwing imj^ediments in the way of the trade ; but 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 WALLACHIA AND MOLDAVIA. 
 
 147 
 
 still it continued to increase. At length she resolved 
 to allow the bar at the mouth of the river, on which, 
 by very simple means, the Turks had always main- 
 tained a depth of about sixteen feet, to accumulate till 
 now there is barely nine feet. Yet even this expedient 
 has hitherto been unsuccessful. The trade has not yet 
 been arrested, though it has no doubt been prevented 
 from increasing as it otherwise would have increased. 
 The price of the produce must be reduced as the cost 
 of transporting it to the place of its consumption is 
 augmented, and the estimated loss to the principalities 
 from the outlay entailed by the impediments thus 
 opposed to their commerce by Russia is above seven 
 hundred thousand pounds a year. 
 
 The consequence of these measures has been that, 
 notwithstanding the influence of a corrupted priest- 
 hood, and community of religious belief, Russia has 
 become unpopular in the principalities in proportion 
 as her system has become known and appreciated. 
 But, having failed to gain favour with the people, she 
 has had recourse to other means of making them desire 
 to be incorporated in her empire ; she subjects them 
 to all manner of vexations and demands because they 
 are still the subjects of Turkey — hangs or shoots them, 
 or sends them to Siberia as traitors, if they act as loyal 
 subjects of the Sultan — and tells them that they cannot 
 enjoy security or repose till they are the subjects of 
 the Czar. What an outcry would be raised by Russia 
 if similar atrocities had been committed by the Turks ! 
 The sympathy of all Christendom would have been 
 claimed for their brethren persecuted by Mahommedan 
 savages, and their vengeance invoked on the perpe- 
 trators of unexampled crimes. Ought the sympathy 
 to be less or the vengeance more tardy because the 
 criminal is a Christian ? 
 
 The proclamation issued by General Gorchakoff, on 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 the invasion of the principalities some months ago, 
 seemed to promise fair enough treatment for the inha- 
 bitants of Moldavia and Wallachia, but it hears an 
 ominous resemblance to that which was issued by 
 General Buxhowden in 1808, when the Russian troops 
 entered Finland for the purpose of annexing it to 
 Russia. He says to the people of Finland, “It is with 
 the greatest regret that his Majesty the Emperor of 
 Russia, &c., sees himself forced to send into your 
 
 country the troops under my orders But his 
 
 Majesty the King of Sweden is very far from desiring 
 to unite with his Imperial Majesty in the pacific efforts 
 by which the Emperor seeks to re-establish the tran- 
 quillity of Europe, so long disturbed, which cannot be , 
 hoped for without the happy alliance of the two most , 
 powerful empires in the world. On the contrary, the . 
 King of Sweden, separating himself more and more ' 
 from these two states, draws closer his connexion with < 
 the common enemy.” (Great Britain.) “ These mo- 
 tives, as well as the regard which his Imperial Majesty 
 owes to the safety of his own states, oblige him to place j 
 your country under his protection^ and to take possession j 
 of it, in order to procure, by these means, a sufficient ( 
 guarantee in case his Swedish Majesty should persevere ‘ 
 in the resolution not to accept the equitable conditions 
 
 of peace that have been proposed to him It is ; 
 
 his Imperial Majesty’s pleasure that all the affairs of 
 the country should have their ordinary course in con- 
 formity with your laws, statutes, and customs, which 
 will remain in force so long as his Imperial Majesty’s 
 troops shall be obliged to occupy the country. The | 
 civil and military functionaries are confirmed in their I 
 respective employments ; always excepting those who i 
 may use their authority to mislead the people, and i 
 induce them to take measures contrary to their in-| 
 terests. All that is necessary for the maintenance and j 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 THE KING OF SWEDEN’S LETTER. 
 
 149 
 
 food of the troops shall be paid in ready money on the 
 spot. All provisions shall be paid for according to an 
 amicable agreement between our commissaries and 
 those of the country.” 
 
 The letter which the King of Sweden addressed to 
 the Emperor of Russia some months later is a curious 
 comment on this beneficent proclamation : — 
 
 “ Honour and humanity require me to make strong 
 representations against the innumerable horrors and 
 the vexations which the Russian troops have permitted 
 themselves in Swedish Finland. The blood of the in- 
 nocent victims calls for vengeance upon those who 
 
 authorised such cruelties Can it he made a 
 
 crime in my Finnish subjects not to have wished to 
 let themselves be seduced by promises which are as 
 fallacious as the principles on which they are founded 
 are erroneous ? Is it worthy of a Sovereign to make 
 it in them a crime ? I conjure your Imperial Majesty 
 to put an end to the calamities and the horrors of a war 
 which ought to call down on your person and your 
 empire the malediction of Divine Providence.” 
 
 It would not be prudent, with this experience of 
 Russian proclamations, to assume that Prince Gor- 
 chakoff’s does not mean the same thing as General Bux- 
 howden’s, which it so much resembles. Finland became 
 a province of the Russian empire before the close of 
 the year in the commencement of which that procla- 
 mation was issued. But has Austria, has Europe, well 
 considered the consequences of permitting Russia to 
 annex Wallachia and Moldavia to her empire ? Do 
 they endeavour to persuade themselves that it would 
 he merely the loss of a province or two, which have 
 added little to the resources or the strength of Turkey, 
 and have been a fertile cause of disagreement between 
 her and Russia — that the Danube will make a well- 
 defined and convenient boundary — and that all causes 
 
150 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 of future dissension will be removed ? All cause of 
 dissension would indeed be removed, for all resistance 
 would cease ; Bulgaria and Servia would become wbat 
 Wallachia and Moldavia have been, and Turkey, de- 
 serted by her allies, would then indeed be prostrate. 
 Her own resources have been proved by the result 
 of every war with Russia during the last century — 
 and they have not been few — to be inadequate to the 
 defence of her possessions ; every campaign has gone 
 against her — every treaty of peace has diminished her 
 territory, her influence, and her power. She has not 
 yet lost courage, for she is signally brave, and she has 
 been led to expect, and has sometimes experienced, the 
 support of powerful allies. But if England and France 
 combined, after encouraging her to resist unjust de- 
 mands, should now recede before Russia, the question • 
 of supremacy in Europe will have been decided, ’ 
 not in the estimation of Turkey only, but of every ' 
 other power. Resistance will cease, not in Turkey ^ 
 only, but everywhere ; for the inference will be . 
 inevitable that France and England are either unable . 
 or unwilling to maintain the independence of Europe, ■ 
 and that in either case there remains no hope of suc-| 
 cessful resistance. { 
 
 Meanwhile, the continued occupation of those prin-^- 
 cipalities by a hostile army is wasting the resources of* 
 Turkey, laying the foundation of future financial and 
 other difficulties, impeding commerce and civilization, 
 and effectually working out the ends of that power whose 
 present object it is to cripple the Ottoman Empire, 
 and reduce it to subserviency if not to submission. 
 
 Servia, with an area of about 12,000 square 
 miles, and a population of nearly 400,000, is one of 
 the Turkish provinces that were instigated by Russia 
 to revolt, and for which she obtained an amnesty 
 and certain privileges in 1774. About thirty years 
 
I Chap. II. 
 
 EVENTS IN SERVIA. 
 
 151 
 
 later a revolt, headed by a Servian officer of the 
 Austrian army, and secretly supported by Russia, 
 then at peace with the Porte, united the whole Servian 
 people in an attempt to assert their independence and 
 expel the Turks. The country is strong and defensible, 
 and as unfavourable for the military operations of large 
 bodies of troops as it is well suited for desultory and 
 partisan warfare. The Turks, from time to time en- 
 gaged in war, or in differences that threatened war, 
 with Russia, made little progress in reducing the Ser- 
 vians, who were supported by foreign aid. At Yassy 
 (1792), at Bucharest (1812), at Akerman (1826), and 
 finally at Adrianople (1829), Russia had renewed the 
 stipulations in favour of Servia ; and in 1829-30 and 
 1833 the Sultan issued firmans securing the privi- 
 leges which he had undertaken to grant, but with 
 express reservation of his own sovereign rights. In 
 pursuance of the arrangement then agreed upon with 
 the Servian deputies, Miloch Ohrenowitz was elected 
 Prince of Servia, and the internal administration, civil 
 and ecclesiastical, was intrusted to him and to the 
 Servian people, on condition that the ecclesiastics 
 should he subject to the authority of the Patriarch 
 and Synod of Constantinople. Mahommedans were 
 forbid to reside in the country, except in Belgrade 
 and the other fortresses which were still to be garri- 
 soned by the Turks ; and all taxes and dues were 
 consolidated into one sum, to he paid into the Turkish 
 treasury half-yearly. 
 
 Miloch, having obtained the privileges which he 
 considered necessary for his country, and finding the 
 Turkish government disposed to carry them out in a 
 spirit of good faith, was not so subservient to Russia as 
 had been anticipated, hut, on the contrary, drew closer 
 his connexion with the Porte, and, having acquired the 
 confidence of the Sultan by the vigour and fidelity of 
 
152 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 his administration, concerted with the Turkish minis- 
 ters the means of more effectually excluding Russian 
 influence and attaching the Servians to the Sultan. 
 In 1838 a firman, addressed to Miloch, settled the 
 future government of Servia on a liberal footing. 
 The amount of tribute was fixed — the ofiice of kneis 
 or prince was declared to he hereditary in the family 
 of Miloch — a council of seventeen notables and eccle- 
 siastics, to he selected by the prince, and to hold the 
 ofiice during life, was instituted — courts of justice were 
 established, from seats in which the civil and military 
 officers of the government were excluded — punishment 
 without previous conviction by a competent tribunal 
 abolished — all arbitrary exactions declared illegal — 
 freedom of trade secured, and responsibility of the 
 administrative officers to the council enforced — no 
 person, not a Servian by birth or by legal naturaliza- 
 tion, to hold ofiice in the government — no taxes to be 
 imposed, or laws adopted, without the consent of the 
 council, or which should be oppressive to the people, 
 or trench upon the sovereign rights of the Sultan. 
 It was also provided that all forced labour, even for 
 the service of the government, should cease, and that 
 persons required to construct or repair public works, 
 should receive suitable wages — every Servian was 
 declared to be free and exempt from all molestation 
 unless by proceedings according to law. Authority 
 was given to erect hospitals, schools, and printing- 
 houses, and to establish a post-office ; and Servian mer- 
 chants were enabled to proceed on their business, and 
 to reside in any part of the Ottoman dominions, on 
 production of a Servian passport, without being re- 
 quired to pay any fees or dues to the Turkish authori- 
 ties. In short, the internal administration of Servia 
 was established on a more liberal footing than was at 
 all acceptable to Russia ; and the Servians then felt 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 EVENTS IN SERVIA. 
 
 153 
 
 that the further influence of that power in their affairs 
 would be exerted rather to restrict than to extend the 
 liberty which the Sultan had accorded to their country. 
 Under these institutions the country made rapid pro- 
 gress in material prosperity and in civilization. But 
 the influence exercised by the popular element, which 
 had learned its own strength and value, was displeas- 
 ing to some of the Boyards. Miloch, who had risen 
 from the ranks of the people in troublous times by his 
 intellectual superiority, was not acceptable to all, and 
 the malcontents found ready sympathy and assistance 
 from foreign friends. A Russian party was formed, 
 and the prince was deposed and forced to retire into 
 Austria. His successor, having been elected, and in- 
 vested by the Sultan, was not, after a short time, in- 
 clined to be more subservient to foreign influence than 
 Miloch had been ; but that influence has never ceased 
 to be exerted in the country for the purpose of render- 
 ing the position of the prince insecure whenever he 
 showed symptoms of a desire to be loyal to the Sultan 
 and to escape from foreign interference. 
 
 The great majority of the Servians are patriotic and 
 desirous to exclude all extraneous intervention in their 
 affairs. They are content with their present position 
 and connexion with Turkey, which strengthens without 
 annoying them ; but there is a formidable party of 
 the Boyards, who hope, by foreign aid, to depress the 
 popular influence, and to re-establish the aristocracy 
 in the dominant position it enjoys amongst the Servian 
 subjects of Austria. 
 
 The deposed Prince of Servia, now probably suffi- 
 ciently pliant, is brought to the borders of the country 
 with a view to alarm the present prince, and bend 
 him to the will of those who threaten to let loose his 
 rival. In these circumstances the government of 
 Servia have declared the neutrality of the country, 
 
154 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 a course which is not in accordance with their relations 
 to the Sultan, but which Austria, desirous only to keep 
 the contest away from her own frontier, has sought to 
 promote. If there is reason to believe that Servia will 
 act faithfully on the resolution she has announced, to 
 resist the entrance of any armed force into the country, 
 it may be prudent that the Porte should permit her 
 vassal to maintain that attitude, though it is unques- 
 tionably inconsistent with the duty that Servia owes 
 to her sovereign. The position of Servia on the flank 
 of the Turkish line of defence in Bulgaria is one of 
 great military consequence, and to secure Turkey from 
 attack on that side is to render her an important ser- 
 vice. 
 
 Eussia asserts that the treaty of Kainarji, and those 
 which confirm it, have conferred upon her a right of; 
 watching over the efficacious protection of the Greek ' 
 religion in Turkey. Count Nesselrode, in his note of. 
 the 20th of June (0. S.), says, — ‘‘It seems to be un-I 
 known, or left out of view, that Eussia at present 
 virtually enjoys, by position and treaty, an ancient right 
 of watching over the effectual protection of its religion : 
 in the East ; and the maintenance of this ancient right, [ 
 which it will not abandon, is represented as implying! 
 the new pretension of a protectorate, at once religious < 
 and political, the bearing and consequences of which ; 
 for the future are greatly exaggerated. 
 
 “It is to this misunderstanding that the crisis of the 
 moment is due. 
 
 “ The tendency and consequences of our pretended 
 new political protectorate have no existence. We 
 only demand for our co-religionists in the East the 
 strict status quo — the preservation of the privileges 
 which they have possessed, ah antiquo, under the segis of 
 their sovereign. 
 
 “We will not deny that from this may result for Eussia 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 COUNT Nesselrode’s note. 
 
 155 
 
 wliat may justly be denominated a religious patronage ; 
 this is what we hdiYQ always exercised in the East. But 
 if hitherto the independence and sovereignty of Turkey 
 have been able to exist together with this patronage, 
 why should either the one or the other suffer in the 
 future from the moment when our pretensions are 
 reduced to what is at bottom a mere confirmation ?” 
 
 The right to interfere between the Sultan and his 
 subjects, which Russia claims, can be founded only upon 
 treaty. Position alone can give her no such right ; 
 neither can she have any right, irrespective of treaties, 
 to constitute herself the guardian of privileges granted 
 ah antiquo by the Sultans to their subjects while Russia 
 was still tributary to the Tartars.* It is important, 
 therefore, to ascertain with precision the nature and 
 extent of the rights conferred upon her by treaty. 
 These rights, whatever they may be, are derived from 
 
 * Mahommed II., after a siege of fifty-three days, took Constantinople by 
 assault on the 29th of May, 1453. On the 1st of June he declared himself 
 the protector of the Christians, who, according to the barbarous practice of 
 the age, would otherwise have been in servitude to their conquerors. He 
 immediately issued a proclamation inviting the fugitives to return to their 
 homes and their occupations, and assuring them of safety, liberty, and the 
 free exercise of their religion. At the same time he proceeded to the inves- 
 titure of a patriarch of the Greek Church, the office being vacant by the death 
 of the former patriarch, and ordered that in the election and investiture the 
 forms and ceremonies of the Byzantine Court should be observed. The 
 assembled clergy and laity elected George Scholarius, also called Genadius, 
 with the same rites as had been observed before the conquest. The patri- 
 archs had received their investiture from the hands of the Emperors, and 
 Genadius received his from the hands of the Sultan. Mahommed invited 
 the Patriarch to a sumptuous repast, and gave him a magnificent reception. 
 When he was about to depart the Sultan delivered into his hands the jewelled 
 crosier, the symbol of his ecclesiastical office, and said — “ Be the Patriarch, 
 and may Heaven protect you ! Rely upon my friendship in all circumstances, 
 and enjoy all the rights and all the privileges enjoyed by your predecessors.” 
 The Sultan then conducted the Patriarch to the gate of the palace, caused him 
 to be mounted on a horse richly caparisoned, which was presented to him, 
 and directed the Viziers and Pashas who were in attendance to conduct him 
 to the Synod and thence to the palace allotted for his residence. The churches 
 of Constantinople were divided between the Christians and the Mahomniedans, 
 and the limits assigned to the two classes of the population distinctly marked. 
 
 In this manner, just four hundred years ago, was the Greek Church placed 
 under the special protection of the Sultans, and so it has remained. 
 
 The Russians continued to be tributary to the Tartars during a part of the 
 reign of Ivan HI., who mounted the ducal throne of Muscovy in 1462. 
 
156 
 
 KUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 the treaty of Kainarji, the stipulations of which are 
 confirmed by subsequent treaties. The articles in that 
 treaty which have reference to religious matters are 
 the 7th, 8th, and 14th. 
 
 Art. 7. — “ The Sublime Porte promises to protect 
 the Christian religion and the churches belonging to 
 it ; and it also permits the ministers of the Imperial 
 Court of Russia to make, on all occasions, representa- 
 tions, as well in respect to the new church at Constan- 
 tinople (which is spoken of in Article 14) as of those 
 which belong to it, promising to take them into con- 
 sideration as coming from a person in the confidence 
 of a neighbouring and sincerely friendly power.” 
 
 Art. 8. — “It will be permitted to the subjects of the 
 Russian Empire to visit the city of Jerusalem and the 
 Holy Places ; and there shall not be exacted from them, 
 neither at Jerusalem nor elsewhere, any karacz^ contri- 
 butions, duty (droit), or other imposition.” 
 
 Art. 14. — “ After the example of the other powers, 
 it is permitted to the High Court of Russia, besides 
 the chapel erected in the house of the Embassy, to 
 construct, in a quarter of Gralata named Beg Oglou, a 
 public church of the Greek religion, which shall always 
 be under the protection of the ministers of that Empire, 
 and held free from all interruption and annoyance.” 
 
 Here there is a distinct promise, on the part of the 
 Sultan, that he will protect the Christian religion and 
 the Christian churches in Turkey ; and any failure to 
 fulfil that promise would form a just ground of com- 
 plaint and reclamation on the part of Russia. In that 
 sense therefore, but in no other, Russia has a right 
 to watch over the protection, hy the Porte, of the Chris- 
 tian religion, and the churches belonging to it. But 
 the Emperor Nicholas claims a great deal more. He 
 seems to have founded upon the 14th Article, which 
 lias reference only to the establishment of a single 
 
Chap. II, 
 
 TREATY OF KAINARJI. 
 
 157 
 
 churcli of the Greek rite in the suburb of Galata, 
 under the protection of the Russian minister, a claim 
 to extend that protection to every subject of the Porte 
 who conforms to that rite. The permission to esta- 
 blish that church in Galata is expressly founded upon 
 the example of other powers, which had, besides the 
 private chapels in their embassies, churches where the 
 service was conducted according to their respective 
 religious rites, under the protection of their ministers. 
 There was a necessity for this : all the embassies are 
 entitled, by conventions and special agreements, to 
 afford protection to persons of various classes not con- 
 sidered subjects of the Sultan. These individuals and 
 families, in most cases either natives of other countries 
 or descendants of persons from different parts of 
 Europe, who had settled at Constantinople under 
 foreign protection, are considered and treated as 
 foreigners, even though they may have been born in 
 Turkey ; and, as foreigners, are subject to the jurisdic- 
 tion of the embassy and consulate under whose pro- 
 tection they reside. Disputes between them are settled, 
 not by the Turkish tribunals, but in the court of the 
 consul, who is armed for this purpose with judicial 
 authority. It was necessary that those persons should 
 have churches in which they could assemble for reli- 
 gious service according to their respective rites ; and 
 those churches, as well as the clergy who officiated and 
 the worship conducted in them, were placed under the 
 special protection of the different embassies, for the 
 purpose of guarding them from the intrusion of lawless 
 persons of a different faith, and the interruption or 
 disturbance of the worship there conducted. 
 
 The diplomatic relations of Russia with the Porte in 
 1774, the date of the treaty of Kainarji, were com- 
 paratively recent ; and it was by that treaty that she 
 first obtained permission to erect a church for the 
 
158 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 Greek rite — such as other powers had been permitted 
 to erect for other rites — and to place it and the worship 
 conducted in it under the protection of the Russian 
 minister. This was not an unreasonable demand, for, 
 although there were many churches of the Greek rite 
 in Constantinople and its suburbs, they belonged to 
 the original Eastern Church, which continues to ac- 
 knowledge the supreme authority, in spiritual and 
 ecclesiastical matters, of the Patriarch and Synod of 
 Constantinople, and which regards as schismatic the 
 Russian-Greek Church, of which the Czar Peter I. 
 assumed for himself and his successors the patriarchate 
 and control. But, upon a concession so unimportant, and 
 which merely placed Russia on the same footing as the 
 other powers had long been, to found a pretension to 
 extend a similar protection to eleven or twelve millions ; 
 of the Sultan’s subjects is to attempt a most formidable : 
 usurpation. , 
 
 The treaty of Kainarji however, as has been stated, ' 
 gives Russia a right to watch over the manner in 
 which Turkey performs her promise to protect the ’ 
 Christian religion and its churches. But Russia has; 
 not yet adduced any instance of failure to fulfil that( 
 promise. Count Nesselrode, indeed, appears desirous; 
 to insinuate that Turkey has failed in this respect.^ 
 He says that ‘‘it is necessary that Turkey should act ; 
 towards us in a manner to enable us to co-exist with 
 HER. She must respect her treaties with us, and the 
 consequences that flow from them ; she must avoid acts of 
 l)ad faith, secret persecutions, perpetual vexations prac- 
 tised towards our religion, which would create an in- 
 tolerable situation for us, and one which would compel 
 us to trust for a remedy to blind chance.” It will he 
 observed that, while the Russian Minister for Foreign 
 Affairs, writing in the name of his government, clearly 
 conveys the impression that Turkey has been guilty of i 
 
IjCHAP. II. RUSSIAN ‘‘ GOOD FAITH.” 159 
 
 •the objectionable proceedings enumerated, be not only 
 does not refer to any instance, but does not even ven- 
 ture to assert the fact. In any case Turkey is not the 
 only power that is bound to respect her treaties and 
 avoid acts of bad faith, nor is Russia the only one that 
 I has to complain of the difficulty of co-existing with its 
 neighbours. The manner in which she fulfils her 
 I engagement to “cease from all enmity and difference,” 
 i and to “ maintain perpetual peace, friendship, and 
 ■good intelligence ” with Turkey, has already been very 
 imperfectly illustrated. The kind of faith with which 
 she has acted is shown by the revolts she has insti- 
 i gated and sustained in so many Turkish provinces, 
 
 I while she was at peace with the Sultan and professing 
 the warmest friendship. The good faith of Russia is 
 That which she exhibits in not less than twenty-one 
 I schools of Bulgaria, where Russians from Kiew — the 
 Mecca of the Muscovites — teach the children, who are 
 i all Turkish subjects, hatred of the Sultan as a part of 
 their religious instruction, and submission to the Czar 
 as necessary to their eternal salvation. These are 
 ! perhaps included in the “ consequences that flow 
 jfrom her treaties” which Count Nesselrode requires 
 I that Turkey should respect ; and the secret persecutions 
 ; and vexations, which he insinuates that the Porte has 
 been guilty of, are no doubt attempts on the part of 
 the Turks to put a stop to this desecration of Christian 
 : instruction by Russia. If she had already acquired the 
 . right of protection which she demands, it is plain that, 
 in self-defence, the Porte would have been compelled to 
 put an end to such«an abuse of it, even by force. But 
 [there is no foundation in the treaties between Russia 
 'and Turkey for any such right, beyond the promise 
 i that the Sultan will protect the Christian religion and 
 its churches in Turkey. The interference which Russia 
 has hitherto exercised in these matters has been a mere 
 
160 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 usurpation, founded not upon right, but upon a defiance 
 of all right, often secretly exercised, and always in a 
 spirit so faithless and so hostile to Turkey, as can leave 
 no doubt of the use that would be made of the right if 
 it were acquired. 
 
 The question of the “ Holy Places ” need not be dis- 
 cussed. It was speedily adjusted to the satisfaction of 
 all concerned, by an amount of concession, in respect 
 to the points connected with those places, so trifling as 
 to be hardly appreciable. The custody of the key — 
 the restoration of the Cross abstracted by the Greeks 
 from the Latin church at Bethlehem in 1847 — and the 
 right of access to the church, &c. — appear all to have 
 remained as nearly as possible where Prince Menchi- 
 koff found them. So little required to be done, that 
 one has difficulty in believing that there was any real 
 or substantial ground of complaint which could not 
 as well have been arranged by the resident Russian; 
 minister ; yet the question of the Holy Places was the 
 ostensible reason of Prince Menchikoff’s embassy, and 
 the only one that was made known by the Czar to his 
 allies. Whatever may have been the cause of umbrage' 
 to Russia in respect to those places. Prince MenchikofiJ 
 obtained prompt and ample reparation and satisfaction 
 Turkey submitted to the humiliation of dismissing her; 
 Minister for Foreign Affairs on the demand of the 
 Russian ambassador, and the whole matter was adjusted 
 in such a manner that his Excellency acknowledged 
 that, in respect to the questions connected with those 
 places, he was satisfied. The real ground of offence may 
 probably have been that Turkey had ventured to enter 
 into an arrangement with France without the consent 
 of the Czar, and this was abundantly atoned for by 
 the removal of the minister who had been guilty of 
 that indiscretion. Upon the questions of the Holy 
 Places, Russia had been in contact not with Turkey 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 COUNT Nesselrode’s reasoning. 
 
 161 
 
 only, but also with France, and it was not until the 
 questions which might have brought her face to face 
 with that power had been settled, that the real object 
 of this great diplomatic demonstration transpired. 
 What the true motive of so remarkable a course as 
 Russia has pursued in Turkey since the month of May 
 last may have been, is still unavowed. But whatever 
 may have been the motive, there can be no doubt that 
 the object was to bring under the protection and 
 spiritual domination of the Czar the Christian popula- 
 tion of Turkey ; and that this would be inconsistent 
 with the sovereign rights of the Sultan and the inde- 
 pendence of Turkey, both of which Russia had engaged 
 to respect, hardly admits of argument. 
 
 Count Nesselrode’s reasoning in the last of the sen- 
 tences above quoted is curious ; and amounts to this — 
 that although the interference, founded upon usurpa- 
 tion, which Russia has hitherto exercised in the affairs 
 of the Christian subjects of Turkey has deprived the 
 Sultan of the sovereignty of Greece, and of all efficient 
 support from Wallachia, Moldavia, and Servia, and is 
 employed for the purpose of destroying his authority 
 in Bulgaria, still, because it has not yet entirely sub- 
 verted the independence of the Ottoman empire, it is 
 illogical to say that the extension of the same inter- 
 ference, under the sanction of a treaty, to the whole 
 eleven millions of Greek Christians in Turkey, would 
 be fatal to the independence of the Porte. To most 
 men it would appear to be a very legitimate inference, 
 that the poison which, administered occasionally in 
 smaller doses, has deprived the patient of one of his 
 limbs and paralyzed a great part of his body, would, if 
 administered in much larger and more frequent doses, 
 speedily terminate his existence. 
 
 What Russia really demands, and what she inter- 
 preted the Vienna note as conceding to her, is, first, 
 
 M 
 
162 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 that all persons adhering to any division of the Ortho- 
 dox* Greek Church shall he placed under her religious 
 protection ; and, secondly, that they shall enjoy all the 
 advantages conceded to any foreign Christians in Tur- 
 key who are under the religious protection of a foreign 
 embassy. This appears plainly enough from Prince 
 Menchikoff’s communications to the Turkish ministers, 
 from the Eussian interpretation of the Vienna note, 
 and from the rejection by Eussia of the Turkish amend- 
 ments. The note contained the following words : — 
 
 “ His Majesty the Sultan will remain faithful to the 
 letter and the spirit of the stipulations of the treaties of 
 Koutchouh Kainarji and of Adrianople relative to the pro- 
 tection of the Christian worship,'' The Porte proposed 
 to substitute for the words in italics — the treaty of 
 Koutchouk Kainarji, confirmed by that of Adrianople, ; 
 relative to the protection by the Porte of the Christian ' 
 worship.” 
 
 The effect of this emendation is important. Eussia, ! 
 founding on the extravagant and forced interpretation 
 of the 14th article of the treaty of Kainarji already 
 explained, pretended to have a right to take under her ^ 
 own protection the whole of the Greek subjects of the 
 Porte ; and the terms of the Vienna note left her still 
 at liberty to assert that pretension. The Turkish 
 reading sets it aside, and reverts to the 7th article of > 
 the treaty, by which the Sultan had engaged to pro- 
 tect the Christian religion and its churches, and declares 
 his resolution to fulfil that engagement — the only one 
 which Eussia was entitled to found upon in the question 
 at issue. 
 
 The original note would have made the Sultan 
 engage “to allow the Greek worship to participate, 
 in a spirit of high justice, in the advantages conceded 
 
 * Called Orthodox to distinguish it from that portion of the Greek Church j 
 which acknowledges the sni)remacy of the Pope. ' 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 THE GREEK CHURCH IN TURKEY. 
 
 163 
 
 to other Christians hy convention or fecial agreement ^ 
 The Porte proposed to substitute for the words in 
 italics, ‘‘ accorded, or that may he accorded, to other 
 Christian communities^ Ottoman subjects.'' 
 
 The effect of this amendment was to preclude Russia 
 from demanding for the Greek subjects of the Sultan 
 all the advantages conceded by convention or agree- 
 ment to foreign Christians in Turkey, which the terms 
 of the Yienna note would have left her at liberty to 
 require. 
 
 The diplomatists who prepared the Yienna note 
 were obliged to admit that these Turkish amendments 
 were not opposed to the views with which the note 
 had been prepared ; but, on the contrary, expressed 
 them more perfectly and precisely than the original 
 version. The only amendments proposed hy Turkey 
 that affected the nature of the engagement to be 
 entered into were the two that have been stated. In 
 the rest there was nothing that could well be objected 
 to by Russia ; but in the terms of the original note 
 there was a passage calculated, though of course far 
 from being intended, both to displease Turkey and to 
 give an erroneous impression of the historical facts. 
 The immunities and the privileges of the Greek 
 Church in the Ottoman empire, such as they now are, 
 have not been obtained by the intervention of Russia ; 
 nor does it appear that she ever interested herself to 
 obtain from the Porte new privileges or immunities 
 for that Church throughout the empire. Her influence 
 has been directed to a totally different object — to make 
 the Turkish government odious in the eyes of its 
 Christian subjects, and to make them look to her for 
 protection^ — ^ito make them believe that they could 
 obtain security only under her shield, and that they 
 could not, therefore, be secure until her power became 
 dominant. She has, it is true, been instrumental in 
 
164 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 obtaining special privileges for Wallacbia, Moldavia, 
 and Servia, for the purpose of detaching them from 
 Turkey and connecting them with herself; but even 
 in those cases her constant care has been to secure a 
 right and an occasion to interpose between the Sultan 
 and his subjects. 
 
 Count Nesselrode is very desirous to make it appear 
 that Russia is demanding nothing new — only a con- 
 firmation of the status quo. But he assumes the status 
 quo to be what it is not ; and it is undeniable that the 
 demand that the Sultan should engage himself to 
 Russia, not merely to protect the Christian worship in 
 his dominions, but to maintain certain particular privi- 
 leges and immunities granted to his own subjects, not 
 at her instance, but “ab antique,” and by the free 
 and spontaneous goodwill and wisdom of his prede- 
 cessors and himself, is something quite new. Were the 
 Sultan to agree to such an arrangement, it would no 
 longer be in his power even to extend those privileges 
 without first obtaining the consent of Russia. No 
 change, however slight or however beneficial, affecting 
 the religious and ecclesiastical privileges and immu- 
 nities of eleven millions of his subjects, could be carried 
 out by the Sultan, even on their petition, without first 
 obtaining the permission of the Czar. Yet it is pre- 
 tended that this would in no degree trench upon the 
 sovereign rights of the Sultan, or put in peril his 
 independence. 
 
 The Sultan has not evinced any disposition to treat 
 his Christian subjects with less favour than heretofore ; 
 on the contrary, he has been gaining their confidence 
 by the justice and the liberality of his government. 
 Can it be that this is the real cause of the desire to tie 
 up his hands, and to put it out of his power hence- 
 forward to confer upon them any advantages for which 
 Russia would not claim and obtain the chief part of 
 
Chap. II. 
 
 PROBABLE OBJECT OF RUSSIA. 
 
 165 
 
 ithe credit? Does the desire to secure to herself the 
 protectorate she is endeavouring to enforce by violence 
 really arise from an apprehension that it may no 
 longer be required ? Has she discovered that in Bul- 
 I garia and elsewhere it is becoming more difficult than 
 formerly she found it to set the people against their 
 sovereign ? Has she observed any indications that the 
 Christian population of Turkey have begun to question 
 whether they might not lose rather than gain by a 
 change of masters ? Does she fear that if she does not 
 get that population into her hands now they may 
 escape her altogether ? The truth appears to be, that 
 the Emperor of Russia, the head of the Greek Church 
 in his own country, contemplates becoming the head 
 of the whole Orthodox Greek Church, and exercising, 
 as such, a spiritual and ecclesiastical jurisdiction similar 
 to that formerly exercised by the popes, and success- 
 fully resisted, because it was found to be inconsistent 
 with the rights of the sovereigns and the independence 
 of the nations. There is, however, this material dif- 
 ference, that, whereas the jurisdiction claimed by the 
 Latin popes could be enforced only by spiritual means, 
 the jurisdiction of the Imperial Greek Pope would be 
 enforced by several hundred thousand bayonets. 
 
 To attain to such a position may well excite the 
 ambition of an emperor, and is undoubtedly worth 
 contending for. In modern times there has not been 
 presented to any sovereign an object of ambition com- 
 parable to this — a new Greek empire, under an 
 autocrat uniting both temporal and spiritual supremacy 
 over more than one-half of Europe, and extending far 
 into Asia. What nation is there that could withstand 
 such a power, if once established ? So far from won- 
 dering that the Emperor of Russia contemplates raising 
 himself to such an elevation, the only cause for wonder 
 is, that he should be expected to relinquish it, unless 
 by compulsion. 
 
166 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST^ 
 
 Supp, 
 
 The population of Turkey in Europe, of the king- 
 dom and islands of Grreece, and of the south-western 
 provinces of Austria, is chiefly or exclusively of the 
 Greek Church, and is precisely in that stage of civi- 
 lization when its material resources may be rapidly 
 developed, while its spiritual subjection may still be 
 secured. But Eussia is not only the head and sole great 
 power of the Greek Church — she is also the head and 
 sole power of the Sclavonic race, which occupies the 
 countries lying beyond her western frontier, from the 
 Baltic to the Hadriatic Sea. More than half the popu- 
 lation of Austria is Sclavonic ; and Pan-Sclavism,” 
 which has been industriously propagated in all those 
 countries, contemplates the reunion of the whole race iu 
 one great Sclavonic empire. It was the influence she 
 exercised in these two capacities of sole great power oi 
 the Greek Church and of the Sclavonic race that had 
 already paralyzed Austria, long before the revolution^ 
 of 1848 had forced her to accept Russian aid. It ha^ 
 been the same influence that has excited revolts of the 
 Christian population in Turkey, ensuring to Eussia an 
 amount of military success otherwise unattainable, and 
 which have led to the total separation of Greece and 
 the partial separation of the three principalities. The 
 Sclavonic population in the countries beyond heii j 
 western border are in a low state of civilization, sub-ij 
 jects of despotic sovereigns, and governed by people 
 of another race — in Germany, by the Teuton ; in the 1 
 Ottoman empire, by the Turk. Her military power is 
 dominant near her own frontier, and is there regarded 
 as irresistible ; her influence is, therefore, silently ex- 
 tending without violence. The only danger she had to i 
 encounter on that ground was from the Poles and the ! 
 Magyars, and both have for the present been over- 
 come. Austria is in danger of sinking into depend- 
 ence, and Turkey is in danger of being reduced to 
 
RUSSIAN PERJURY. 
 
 167 
 
 f Chap. II. 
 
 submission. Europe, not foreseeing the hazards to 
 , which it would one day be exposed, permitted Poland 
 i to be dismembered, and the only barrier against the 
 : aggressions, the Sclavonic influence, or the overbearing 
 I pressure of Russia upon Germany was broken down. 
 
 ! Let us not commit the same error in regard to Turkey ; 
 and let us never forget that what we have to guard 
 against is, not only military conquest, but any pro- 
 ceeding that threatens to trench upon her independence 
 I or to diminish her means of defence. 
 
 If any one should be inclined to regard these views 
 i as mere speculations, let him examine the history of 
 I Russia — let him at least look at the map prefixed to 
 I these pages — observe the margin of deep green that 
 ' marks her acquisitions during the last sixty years, and 
 I say how far into the heart of Europe it will extend 
 sixty years hence if her progress is not arrested by the 
 I Western Powers. Is any one disposed to confide in 
 I her moderation and good faith ? — let him look at Turkey 
 I invaded in 1853 by a hostile army, in contempt of the 
 I public law and unanimous opinion of Europe — the sub- 
 i version of her independence attempted by a sovereign 
 who had recorded before the world his desire to main- 
 1 tain it — the sovereign rights of the Sultan assailed by 
 ' a potentate who had publicly pledged himself to respect 
 I them — the repose of the Ottoman Empire disturbed by 
 1 the unprovoked aggression of one of the powers which 
 j had solemnly promised to promote its consolidation — 
 
 I the peace of Europe broken by a monarch who had 
 formally declared that its preservation was the con- 
 stant object of his solicitude — statements the most 
 i unfounded put forth in hopeless attempts to excuse so 
 ’ revolting a violation of good faith — and manifestoes, 
 
 I which all Europe knows to be mendacious, bearing the 
 signature of a Christian sovereign, the Head of a Chris- 
 I tian Church. 
 
168 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 If the object of the Emperor be to obtain spiritual 
 and ecclesiastical dominion over the whole Orthodox 
 Greek Church for himself and his successors — and on 
 no other ground does his recent conduct appear to be 
 explicable — there is no probability that he will relin- 
 quish an object of such magnitude while there remains 
 a prospect of success ; no present sacrifice would be of 
 much weight in deterring him from the prosecution 
 of that which, if attained, would, with all its almost 
 inevitable consequences, be a greater acquisition than 
 the greatest and most successful of his predecessors 
 have ever made. The problem of the future fate of 
 the Ottoman Empire in Europe would then be solved 
 by the Christian population that inhabits it in concert 
 with their spiritual chief. While Turkey can maintain 
 the independence of the Patriarch and Synod of Con- 
 stantinople, who is the head of the Greek Church in i 
 the Ottoman Empire, the object of the Czar cannot be 
 accomplished ; and there are not wanting indications i 
 that the spiritual chief of the Greeks in Turkey begins 
 to see the danger to which his authority is exposed. 
 But if we allow the Sultan to be despoiled of his rights, 
 and deprived of the power to protect the independence * 
 of the ecclesiastical authorities, preserved and main-, 
 tained by his predecessors since the conquest of Con- 
 stantinople by the Ottomans, it will be too late to ; 
 speak of the integrity and independence of Turkey 
 or the sovereign rights of the Sultan ; the spiritual 
 dominion of the Czar will be extended over all Turkey | 
 in Europe, Greece, and part of Austria, and will ' 
 assuredly draw temporal dominion after it. Who will | 
 venture to maintain that Germany, or Italy, or France i 
 could, in such a condition of things, be truly indepen- 
 dent ? The influence of such a power would predomi- 
 nate in every cabinet, and affect the decision of every 
 question. Her support would ever3rwhere sustain the 
 
I Chap. II. 
 
 WAR THE ALTERNATIVE. 
 
 169 
 
 I partisans of her system, and enable them to triumph 
 sover their opponents. The unacknowledged weight 
 I of her influence^ and dread of her power, would gra- 
 j dually modify the institutions of Europe, and silence 
 ' every voice that was raised against her. Have we 
 ^ not already had sufficient indication, in Germany and 
 ■ elsewhere on the Continent, of the support she affords 
 I to her partisans in foreign states, and the success with 
 I which she has thwarted and injured those who were 
 i hostile to her views and her system ? It is while the 
 I resources of the Ottoman Empire are still entire, not 
 j after they have been shattered in a single-handed combat 
 I with too powerful an antagonist, that the mischief can 
 |i be prevented. Hitherto the allies of Turkey have given 
 i| her no material assistance, and Russia, having hurled 
 
 I defiance in the face of Europe, maintains her aggres- 
 sive position, and treats with arrogant disdain the 
 efforts of the Western Powers to preserve peace. 
 
 ^ It is no doubt a dreadful alternative to contemplate 
 'I war, and all the evil complications that may result 
 j from it ; but France and England must have been 
 I prepared for that alternative, which has all along been 
 a possible one, or they would not have taken up the 
 j gauntlet that was thrown down. 
 
 j At the same time it may be feared that the modera- 
 tion of their tone, their avowed desire and their anxi- 
 ous and renewed endeavours to preserve the blessings 
 1 of peace to Europe, may have led Russia to speculate 
 I upon the probability of their not, after all, resorting 
 ; to what they so much deprecate. Accustomed to 
 j adopt a domineering and overbearing tone, she cannot 
 I appreciate a different deportment. Meanwhile she 
 \ prepares for war, and has gained the time required for 
 1 preparation without abating one jot of her pretensions, 
 f The mere fact that she has assumed, and hitherto 
 1 maintained, such an attitude, magnifies the impression 
 
 N 
 
170 
 
 RUSSIA IN THE EAST. 
 
 Supp. 
 
 of her power, and gives additional weight to her influ- 
 ence. The occupation of Wallachiaand Moldavia, and 
 the expenditure entailed upon the Porte, are a great 
 gain to her, whose primary object it is to weaken and 
 harass the Ottoman Empire into subserviency. 
 
 But at least we have the satisfaction of feeling 
 assured that every effort consistent with the dignity 
 of the country has been made to preserve peace, till 
 now the apprehension excited in the public mind by 
 the prospect of war is beginning to give place to the 
 still more painful apprehension lest the dignity of the 
 nation should not be adequately maintained. 
 
 If Russia is resolved to try her strength, with France 
 and England and Turkey combined against her, she 
 will develop great resources and maintain an obstinate 
 struggle. Let us hope that our tardiness to accept the 
 combat is but an indication that we foresee its magni- 
 tude ; and that the two great Western Powers, warned 
 as it were by a mighty voice from the tomb against 
 
 a little war,” are prepared, if negociation has failed, 
 at once to put forth all their strength — to hit hard — 
 and to strike home. 
 
 THE END. 
 
 IvONDOX : PRINTED BY WIEEIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET, 
 AND CHARING CROSS. 
 

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 THIRD EDITION, 
 
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 With a Map by John Arrowsmith. 
 
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14 
 
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PUBLISHED BY MR. MURRAY. 19 
 
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28 
 
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